Rapporti verbatim tad-dibattiti

L-Erbgħa, 16 ta' Novembru 2005 - Strasburgu

3. Is-sitwazzjoni fl-Iraq wara r-referendum dwar il-kostituzzjoni

  Le Président. – L'ordre du jour appelle les déclarations du Conseil et de la Commission sur la situation en Irak après le référendum sur la constitution.

  Lord Bach, President-in-Office of the Council. Mr President, this debate comes at a critical stage in Iraq’s political transition. When this Parliament last discussed Iraq with the Commission and Council in July, Iraq’s political leaders were in the process of negotiating a new constitution. One month ago, Iraqis voted to approve that constitution which would, for the first time ever, provide them with guarantees on their freedom, security and human rights. The constitutional referendum marks a further step by the Iraqi people on the road to democracy, freedom and peace.

In one month’s time they will vote again, this time to elect a new government that will need quickly to tackle important tasks such as planning and delivering much-needed services that will provide hope for a brighter and better future for millions of Iraqis.

Last month’s referendum was remarkable in many ways. Along with January’s elections, it provided Iraqis with their first real taste of democracy. They participated, for the first time, in political decisions that will affect their own, and their country’s, future. It was humbling, particularly for those of us who come from countries which often take our freedoms and democracy for granted, to see the courage and determination of those who exercised their democratic rights and took part in the voting, braving difficult conditions and the threat of violence.

European Union support for the constitutional referendum had a significant impact. The Commissioner will in a moment no doubt detail the valuable assistance which the Commission provided to the process in support of the Independent Electoral Commission for Iraq and of the UN.

The United Nations has played, and continues to play, a key and outstanding supporting role in the constitutional review and election processes. The United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq played a vital role in assisting the Iraqi Electoral Commission under the most difficult of circumstances.

The decision to approve the Constitution paved the way for December’s general election. This should represent another major step in the political transition that will eventually lead to Iraq assuming its full role in the international community. Iraq is, of course, still some way from achieving that aspiration. Although a large majority of voters voted in favour of the constitution, the results of the referendum show there are still substantial divisions to be overcome between Iraq’s ethnic communities. A review of the constitution will take place early in the new government’s tenure. This offers an important opportunity for Iraqis to forge a broader consensus on the future of their country, and will assist the creation of an inclusive political system.

Iraq’s political leaders will need to resolve key issues, including federalism, dealing with its political past, and the management of natural resources. Dissatisfaction also threatens the election process. It feeds the sense of frustration and disenfranchisement that some communities feel. It also breeds the sympathy which extremists and terrorists use to justify maintaining the cycle of violence and the insurgency. It is imperative, therefore, that Iraq’s political, ethnic and religious leaders do all they can to address these issues. We hope that the new parliament and government is as representative and as inclusive as possible.

Turning now to international assistance to Iraq’s process of political transition, the EU and the wider international community have already provided significant and valuable support. I look forward to the Commissioner describing the Commission’s invaluable and ongoing assistance.

I would like to mention an important step taken towards closer partnership between the EU and Iraq through the signature of the Joint EU-Iraq Political Declaration on 21 September. This paves the way for regular political dialogue with Iraq on issues of mutual interest, such as promotion of good governance, protection of human rights and conflict prevention and resolution. During that visit, the Iraqi Government stressed how much it values the EU’s assistance, particularly in supporting the constitutional and electoral processes and work to improve capacity in the rule of law sector, including through the EUJUST LEX mission.

Many neighbouring countries and other regional players are making concerted efforts to engage constructively. In particular we welcome the Arab League’s suggestion to work with Iraq in holding a National Dialogue Conference early next year. A preparatory meeting is due to take place in Cairo in a few days’ time, on 19 November. This meeting has the potential to lay the foundations for post-election international engagement and support for the new government.

The Council has strongly urged regional states, in particular Syria, to support the political process in Iraq. This includes cooperating with Iraq to prevent cross-border transit and support for terrorists and insurgents.

As we approach this landmark election we should consider what implications the formation of a new and long-term Iraqi Government might hold for our engagement with Iraq. Our first objective must be to continue to provide support for the election process. The Iraq Government has specifically requested this. The EU will provide support to the election monitoring process, including through supporting the work of domestic election observers. I know that some of you were present in Iraq for the January elections. I hope that it will again be possible for Members of this Parliament to show their support for Iraq’s aspiring parliamentarians in December.

I have already said that the review of the constitution during the early part of the new government’s tenure will be key. The EU stands ready to support actively these important efforts, and is well placed to provide expert advice and technical assistance.

In the longer term, we also need to continue support for the vital rule of law sector and consider its enhancement. The EU is playing a leading role by becoming a supporting donor of the rule of law sector working group, which aims to coordinate donor and government activity in this sector.

The EU’s rule of law mission for Iraq, EUJUST LEX, is due to reach the end of its mandate at the end of June 2006. The Iraqi Government has asked for the programme to be extended and expanded to include wider training of judicial, police and prison officers. The Council is considering how to respond.

Strengthening respect for human rights is also key. Iraq has asked for help in developing its capacity to implement human rights principles and to accede to key human rights conventions. The European Union is uniquely placed to provide this support and advice, and the EU stands ready to offer further support in this area.

Both the EU and Iraq hope to broaden and enhance their partnership further, as the political process goes forward, through the establishment of contractual political dialogue and other appropriate contractual relations.

Let me say once again that as Iraq approaches this milestone in its political transition, now is the time for the international community to provide its full support to the Iraqi people. The European Union, along with others in the international community are, and should continue to be – as in so many other developing and recovering countries – at the forefront of reconstruction and development. I look forward to discussing this with Parliament and hearing honourable Members’ views.

(Applause)

  Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Member of the Commission. Mr President, it is almost exactly four months since we first discussed Iraq, as Lord Bach has said. I remember saying then that for the Iraqis the hard work was only beginning. I truly meant it.

Today, the Iraqis have a constitution. They will soon elect a constitutional government. But today Iraqis are also aware of substantial divisions that still need to be overcome in the country. They are now facing two very critical challenges: on the one hand, ensuring inclusive electoral consultations in December and, on the other hand, after doing that, carrying out a comprehensive review of the constitution, which has to be more inclusive.

We stood by the Iraqis during the constitutional process and will also do so during the preparation of the election process and the elections. By providing another EUR 20 million in support, the Commission was the sole supporter of the United Nations and the UN-led constitutional support project. We feel part of a process that allowed the Iraqis to have their say on the constitution by casting their ballots on the referendum day.

With regard to the elections, you surely remember how hopeful I was in July that we could also dispatch an electoral observation mission. But today we must accept the evidence that the security conditions do not allow it. This does not, however, prevent us from assisting in other equally effective ways. We are providing EUR 30 million to the UN electoral support project. While I speak, several European electoral experts are working side-by-side with the Independent Electoral Commission for Iraq and with the UN to ensure proper preparation of the elections and also to set up a transparent domestic monitoring system.

But the road leading to democracy and peace in Iraq does not end with elections. Inevitably, it crosses the path of regional cooperation. Iraq, its neighbours and the other states in the region are called upon to play a key role by strengthening good neighbourly relations and by cooperating to improve regional security. I am very happy to say that the Secretary-General of the Arab League, Mr Amre Moussa, has also gone there now and that there will be a conference next year, together with the Arabs, in order to enhance this relationship that has been hampered in the last few years.

Iraq will be a federal Iraq. Functional central institutions will be set up to support the state structure that the Iraqis themselves have chosen. To that end, suitable legislative and institutional frameworks need to be established. Viable solutions will have to be identified rapidly to ensure continued progress towards stability and democracy.

Inclusiveness is absolutely the only way forward. We shall also consider how best we, the European Union, can help the building-up of institutions that favour an inclusive approach. We shall also encourage the efforts of the Arab League and others in the region – such as Jordan, for instance – to promote inclusiveness and national reconciliation. I am convinced that the recent visit of Kofi Annan has had a positive effect in advancing that understanding among different parties.

The political process and stability in Iraq is important for all of us and for its neighbours. The recent events in Jordan very clearly remind us of the importance of succeeding in this inclusive approach, which is crucial for the whole political stabilisation of the region. For the Iraqi citizens, it is very important that they really have the feeling of freedom and can exercise their freedom. In this regard, we shall not forget that most Iraqis are still struggling for their children to go to school, for their hospitals to be opened in order to fight the most ordinary diseases, for access to water, jobs – the basics – and for their livelihood. It is an unsustainable situation for any people in any country, and therefore also for the people of Iraq. Their needs will continue to be at the core of our assistance to Iraq in 2006.

I should like to elaborate on what we have been doing. We have supported the political process. In addition, we, together with the United States, have co-hosted a very important conference – the Iraq International Conference – in Brussels on 22 June. That was instrumental in mobilising international support from over 80 countries and organisations for the Iraqi transitional government and for the institutions for the transitional period before the December elections. We have also always assisted in reconstruction: we delivered an assistance package of EUR 580 million through the International Reconstruction Fund for Iraq. We have always tried to work towards meeting the basic needs of the population such as water, sanitation, healthcare and job creation. We are also working together with two ministries – the energy and trade ministries – on institution-building.

For the future, we want to support the political process for the election. We also want to set up joint working groups in areas of common interest such as trade and energy. We want to support the WTO accession request, initiate negotiations for an EU-Iraq agreement on trade and cooperation and progress on the opening of the Commission delegation in Baghdad in 2006.

The Union has much to offer beyond supporting the reconstruction process. We want to be a meaningful partner for Iraq. The Iraqis are looking forward to that. We shall meet their expectations.

  Γιώργος Δημητρακόπουλος, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας PPE-DE. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε προεδρεύοντα του Συμβουλίου, κυρία Επίτροπε, μετά τις πολύ ενδιαφέρουσες παρεμβάσεις σας θα ήθελα να κάνω τις εξής παρατηρήσεις:

Η πρώτη παρατήρηση αφορά την τελευταία φράση της Επιτρόπου. Πράγματι, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχει να παίξει ακόμα πολύ σημαντικό ρόλο πέρα από την ανοικοδόμηση. Και το ζήτημά μας είναι πώς θα διαμορφώσουμε αυτήν την πολύ ενδιαφέρουσα ιδέα σε συγκεκριμένη πολιτική.

Η δεύτερη παρατήρηση αφορά την ψήφιση του Συντάγματος. Θα συμφωνήσω κι εγώ στο ότι η ψήφιση του Συντάγματος, παρά το γεγονός ότι μία σημαντική ομάδα δεν ανταποκρίθηκε, είναι ένα σημαντικό γεγονός. Ένα σημαντικό γεγονός, που όμως αφήνει ακόμη ανοικτά ορισμένα πολύ σημαντικά προβλήματα. Όπως για παράδειγμα, το θέμα και ο ρόλος της θρησκείας, το ομοσπονδιακό μοντέλο, η εθνική ταυτότητα και η πρόσβαση στους φυσικούς πόρους και ιδιαίτερα στο πετρέλαιο.

Η τρίτη παρατήρηση αφορά τις εκλογές. Πράγματι, οι εκλογές είναι πάρα πολύ σημαντικές. Ιδιαίτερα μάλιστα αφού το νέο Κοινοβούλιο θα ασχοληθεί -όπως το αναφέρει το Σύνταγμα- όχι μόνο με την αναθεώρηση του Συντάγματος, αλλά με τον τρόπο εφαρμογής ορισμένων διατάξεών του.

Η τέταρτη παρατήρηση αφορά ένα ζήτημα το οποίο, δυστυχώς ακόμα, παρά τις προσπάθειες, παρά τη διαδικασία εκδημοκρατικοποίησης, παραμένει ανοικτό. Είναι το ζήτημα της ασφάλειας. Εγώ δεν θέλω ξανανοίξω μια συζήτηση που έχει γίνει και στο Κοινοβούλιο και στο Συμβούλιο και σε κάθε χώρα μέλος. Θέλω όμως να πω το εξής: Υπάρχουν πάρα πολλές έρευνες -πολλές έχουν δημοσιευθεί, κύριε Προεδρεύοντα του Συμβουλίου, και σε εφημερίδες της χώρας σας- οι οποίες θέτουν ζήτημα σε ό,τι αφορά τη συνεχιζόμενη παραμονή των ξένων στρατιωτικών δυνάμεων στο Ιράκ. Εγώ θα επαναφέρω εδώ, και με το σημείο αυτό τελειώνω, την πρόταση που συζητήσαμε στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο: ήρθε νομίζω η στιγμή για την αντικατάσταση των ξένων στρατιωτικών δυνάμεων που βρίσκονται στο Ιράκ με μία ειρηνευτική δύναμη των Ηνωμένων Εθνών.

  Véronique De Keyser, au nom du groupe PSE. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, je voudrais d'abord vous féliciter et vous apporter tout le soutien du Parlement pour les efforts que vous consentez aujourd'hui afin que l'Union européenne pèse dans la reconstruction de l'Irak. Mais permettez-moi de revenir sur un point désagréable.

Peu avant le déclenchement de la guerre en Irak, le général Morillon mettait en garde le Parlement européen en disant "il n'y a pas de guerre propre". On pouvait espérer cependant qu'une guerre de libération soit moins sale que les autres. Il n'en est rien! Après les images terribles de l'invasion et le scandale de la prison d'Abou Graïb, il y a aujourd'hui la question controversée des bombes au phosphore blanc qui auraient été employées au siège de Falloudja, ville rebelle, ville martyre aussi.

Notre histoire nous a appris qu'aucune paix ne se bâtissait dans un pays sur l'occultation des atrocités qui s'y sont commises. Il y a là un nécessaire travail d'enquête et recherche de la vérité. La démocratie formelle qui tente de s'installer en Irak et les relations avec ce pays que nous tentons de reconstruire se heurtent à cette évidence: "pas de démocratie sans vérité"!

Saddam Hussein va être jugé pour les crimes qu'il a commis et, probablement, pour l'utilisation d'armes chimiques contre les Kurdes en 1991. Ce n'est que justice. La vérité sur le siège de Falloudja, sur ses martyrs calcinés, sur les responsabilités quant à l'utilisation d'armes prohibées par la Convention de Genève de 1980, font partie aussi de ce que nous devons apporter aux Irakiens en plus de notre aide matérielle. Nous allons les aider à former leur justice, c'est ce qu'on appelle du capacity building. Mais pouvons-nous réellement réussir dans cette entreprise si nous ne leur donnons pas aussi le sentiment que la justice, et spécialement la justice internationale, existent? Je vous demande donc, Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, d'exiger des forces coalisées qu'une enquête soit menée en toute indépendance et que justice soit rendue.

Nous avons demandé en son temps un Tribunal pénal international pour Saddam Hussein. Le crime contre l'humanité que constituerait, éventuellement, l'emploi d'armes chimiques à Falloudja, le mériterait amplement. Mais si nous pensons dans cette Assemblée que tout cela n'est qu'une utopie, quel message d'espoir pouvons-nous apporter aujourd'hui au peuple irakien?

  Graham Watson, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, when Saddam Hussein ran Iraq it was well described as a mass grave below ground and a torture chamber above. Yet after two years and eight months of war, the deaths of countless Iraqis and over 2 000 coalition troops, it is clear that life in Iraq is little better than before. Baghdad was statistically the world’s worst place to live even before the security situation deteriorated. How much worse now that civilian casualties run at more than 60 a day and insurgent attacks have almost trebled in 18 months. It is difficult to know whether the persistent presence of coalition troops under these conditions is a help or a hindrance in the restoration of normality.

I fear I detect an air of complacency in the Council’s statement today and surprising optimism from the Commission. There have been notable successes on the road to democracy. Iraqis now have their own constitution; they have their own security forces, and in December they will have a democratically elected government. There are even signs that Sunni Arabs are moving into politics and preparing to contest the election, such as the formation last week of the National Public Democratic Movement in the province of Anbar.

Nonetheless, Europeans have a number of serious concerns. There are signs of widening instability in the region. Evidence of gross human rights violations, including torture and the systematic use of arbitrary arrest, has badly damaged the coalition’s standing. That has helped recruit many to the insurgents’ cause.

I have three specific concerns. First, the Pentagon’s acknowledgement a few hours ago that the US used phosphorous incendiary devices in Fallujah. The European Union must demand a UN inquiry into the use of these banned weapons.

Second, yesterday’s revelation in sections of the media that of the more than 35 000 Iraqi civilians detained by the coalition, only 5% have ever been brought to trial and many have been denied legal counsel. What kind of example are we setting?

Third, the European Union Member States need a clear exit strategy. If we want to stop violent insurgents continuing to gain at the expense of moderate Iraqis, what is needed – and what the Blair-Bush alliance has always lacked – is a clear end-game.

Europeans disagreed on the rationale for going into Iraq. We must not be divided on the conditions for leaving. We must talk to the Arab League, the Iraqi authorities and other Middle Eastern governments with a view to establishing the terms and timing of our departure that will leave Iraq a more stable and secure place.

President Talabani has already made it clear that the Iraqi people are, and I quote, ‘looking forward to the day when we can say goodbye to the forces of the coalition’. Europe must work towards that goal.

  Angelika Beer, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Auch meine Fraktion wird die Maßnahmen, die hier von Rat und Kommission vorgestellt worden sind, unterstützen, um den Irakern eine Chance auf eine friedliche und demokratische Zukunft zu geben.

Ich möchte aber einen Satz von Lord Bach gezielt ansprechen. Lord Bach hat gesagt: „Wir als Europäer wollen eine Vorreiterrolle in der Frage Demokratie und Menschenrechte im Irak übernehmen.“ Lord Bach, wir müssen dann aber auch den Mut und die Kraft haben, dafür zu sorgen und uns dafür einzusetzen, dass unsere Nato-Partner internationales Recht nicht immer wieder verletzen, und müssen diesbezüglich eine Zusicherung geben.

Was ist die Lehre aus Abu Ghraib und aus Guantánamo? Die Häftlinge in Guantánamo haben bis heute kein Recht, keinen Rechtsschutz. Die Zustände sind dramatisch. Können wir dann wirklich erschüttert sein über die Tatsache, dass auch irakische Verantwortliche Geheimgefängnisse errichten? Wo ist das demokratische Beispiel der internationalen Gemeinschaft und der EU? Es ist doch nur noch zynisch, wenn von Rumsfeld eine neue Verordnung über Foltervorschriften erlassen wird, in der steht, dass zukünftig Hunde nicht mehr als Mittel der Folter und des Verhörs eingesetzt werden dürfen. Von der Achtung der Genfer Konvention ist nicht die Rede. Das sind die Punkte, zu denen ich Erklärungen erwarte.

Wissen Sie, was weißer Phosphor ist? Wissen Sie, wie weißer Phosphor wirkt, der von den Amerikanern – wie inzwischen zugegeben –, in Falluja eingesetzt wurde? Es ist eine Brandstiftung, es ist eine Feuerlegung gegen Menschen, und es gibt kein Mittel, auch kein Wasser, um diesen Brand wieder zu löschen. Das ist eine Vernichtung, die gegen Völkerrecht verstößt. Diese Mittel sind eingesetzt worden.

Lord Bach, wenn Sie hier neuneinhalb Minuten lang die positiven Seiten ausführen, so werden Sie doch keine Überzeugungskraft haben, solange Sie nicht fordern, dass sich die EU, der Rat – gerade unter britischer Führung – dafür einsetzen, dass die Amerikaner endlich die internationale Konvention unterzeichnen, damit wir international wieder Glaubwürdigkeit erlangen. Sonst werden all die Instrumente, die wir mit ganzer Kraft unterstützen möchten, nicht wirken. Deshalb fordere ich Sie auf: Sorgen Sie dafür, dass nicht nur untersucht wird, sondern dass die Amerikaner die internationale Konvention, die den Einsatz von weißem Phosphor völkerrechtlich eindeutig verbietet, unterzeichnen. Sonst werden wir keinen Frieden im Irak aktiv unterstützen können.

  Erik Meijer, namens de GUE/NGL-Fractie. – Voorzitter, jarenlang is door Europa en Amerika niets ondernomen tegen de verschrikkelijke dictatuur in Irak, want Irak leverde olie. In plaats van op tijd het binnenlandse verzet te steunen is uiteindelijk een interventie van buitenaf doorgezet met onware argumenten en buiten de goedkeuring van de Verenigde Naties om. Dit gewelddadige en eenzijdige doorzetten van de opvattingen en de belangen van een grootmacht provoceert delen van de Sji'itische meerderheid om uit afkeer van de westerse bezetters te kiezen voor een theocratische dictatuur naar het model van Iran.

Positief is dat het inmiddels mogelijk is gebleken om een eind te maken aan de situatie waarin het Koerdische noorden en het Sji'itische zuiden onderdrukte wingewesten waren van het middengebied rond Bagdad. Door middel van federalisme beschermt de nieuwe grondwet die achtergestelde gebieden tegen onderdrukking en uitbuiting en dat is in het voordeel van 80% van de bevolking. Een democratie in de nieuwe deelstaten heeft alleen kans van slagen als er snel een eind komt aan de buitenlandse militaire aanwezigheid en aan de overheersing door buitenlandse bedrijven.

Blijven betekent een nieuwe provocatie die verzet blijft oproepen. Op welke termijn komt er een eind aan de militaire aanwezigheid van de lidstaten van de Europese Unie en wat draagt de Europese Unie bij aan het vervangen van het falende Amerikaanse bedrijf Halliburton dat de nutsvoorzieningen níet kan herstellen, door steun voor binnenlandse Iraakse oplossingen.

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de IND/DEM-Fractie. – Voorzitter, dit jaar, 2005, zal de geschiedenis ingaan als het jaar van de meest vrije verkiezingen in Irak tot dusverre. Vergelijk deze drievoudige stembusgang eens met de nationale ervaring onder het Ba'ath-regime gedurende 35 jaar. Eerst 12 jaar helemaal geen verkiezingen en daarna slechts schijnvertoningen. Wat een contrast en wat een politieke vooruitgang! Daarover horen we in dit huis niets.

Zeker, de interne en externe bedreiging van de wederopbouw van het Tweestromenland duurt onverminderd voort. De toekomst van een federaal Irak oogt derhalve zeer fragiel. En dat raakt evengoed Europa, zo verzekerde mij een prominent Iraaks politicus begin deze week. Overwinnen de destructieve krachten, dan blijft ons continent allesbehalve buiten schot.

Raad en Commissie, wat kan de Europese Unie in deze precaire situatie voor de Iraakse staat en bevolking concreet uitrichten? Ten eerste, forse druk uitoefenen op Bagdads buren om het terroristische vuur over de grens niet aan te wakkeren. Ten tweede het fundament van de democratische rechtsstaat te helpen leggen aan de boorden van de Tigris. "Wij moeten en willen leren van de Europeanen", zei mijn Iraakse vriend hoopvol. Laten wij die hoop vooral niet beschamen!

  Alessandro Battilocchio (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, parlo a nome del nuovo PSI. L'Iraq sta faticosamente, ma con determinazione, rialzando la testa dopo la sanguinosa e per molti aspetti folle dittatura di Saddam Hussein e dopo gli eventi di questi anni, che hanno senza dubbio aperto la strada al cambiamento, ma hanno anche causato ferite profonde al popolo iracheno.

Il passo successivo, sempre sotto l'egida della Comunità internazionale, dovrebbe essere quello di un coinvolgimento progressivo di tutti gli Stati arabi della regione nell'intero processo di democratizzazione e di lotta al terrorismo. Lo straordinario successo di partecipazione nella recente tornata elettorale è un evento storico, ma è nostro preciso dovere continuare a stare a fianco degli iracheni e delle autorità libere che stanno amministrando il paese. Dobbiamo aiutare concretamente i tanti giovani che, con grande coraggio e spesso rischiando personalmente, vogliono lottare per fare dell'Iraq un paese finalmente libero, democratico e giusto.

  Antonio Tajani (PPE-DE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le elezioni, il referendum e il nuovo voto previsto per il 15 dicembre dimostrano che in Iraq, dopo decenni di sanguinosa dittatura, sta nascendo una vera democrazia.

Ciò rappresenta un successo per il popolo iracheno che, con la sua partecipazione al voto, ha dimostrato di voler dare un forte contributo alla costruzione della pace in Medio Oriente. A costo di grandi sacrifici e di centinaia di vittime innocenti, i sostenitori della democrazia stanno sconfiggendo la piccola minoranza che, in nome del fondamentalismo, pratica il terrorismo. Tuttavia, l'obiettivo finale non è stato ancora raggiunto e c'è ancora molto da fare per sconfiggere Al Quaeda e i suoi alleati e per dare una stabilità definitiva all'Iraq.

L'Unione europea, anche se in ritardo e dopo aver superato molte divisioni, ha iniziato a dare un contributo importante. Condivido le parole pronunciate dal rappresentante del Consiglio e dal Commissario signora Ferrero-Waldner. Tuttavia, dovremo fare ancora di più per quel popolo, naturalmente insieme all'ONU che, con la risoluzione 1546, ha permesso a trentacinque paesi di dare un contributo importante alla nascita di questa nuova democrazia. Si tratta di un contributo economico, come quello raccolto dal Fondo per la democrazia istituito presso le Nazioni Unite, ma anche di un contributo politico e militare.

Molti cittadini europei stanno partecipando alla missione di pace ed è a loro che dobbiamo essere grati per quanto hanno fatto e continuano a fare, offrendo anche la loro vita, al fine di dare un contributo fondamentale alla risurrezione dell'Iraq. Quei militari e quei civili, tra cui vi sono moltissimi italiani, hanno dato vita a migliaia di progetti per la realizzazione di infrastrutture nel settore dell'agricoltura, dei trasporti, dell'educazione e della cultura.

La strategia del successo sta portando a una riduzione dei contingenti militari, che lasceranno l'Iraq in accordo fra loro e con il governo legittimo di Baghdad. Oggi molti critici di questo intervento di pace si stanno ricredendo e si stanno rendendo conto dell'importanza della missione.

Signor Presidente, concludo ricordando che sarebbe tuttavia un errore pensare che la soluzione della crisi irachena sarà sufficiente per portare la pace in Medio Oriente. Dobbiamo risolvere, mediante un contributo importante dell'Unione europea, la crisi israelo-palestinese, creando sicurezza per Israele e uno Stato palestinese.

  Lilli Gruber (PSE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la democrazia non è un mero esercizio di stile, ma ha bisogno di radici che in Iraq non sono ancora state piantate. Guardiamo finalmente in faccia la realtà. I curdi sono andati a votare perché vedono profilarsi all'orizzonte l'indipendenza delle loro province, gli sciiti per rispettare l'ordine dei loro capi religiosi e i pochi sunniti per evitare di essere completamente dimenticati nel nuovo riassetto del paese.

Le condizioni primarie affinché la democrazia possa mettere radici sono la sicurezza la sicurezza economica, l'esistenza di un apparato statale funzionante e l'uguaglianza di tutti i cittadini davanti alla legge. La realtà è che il progetto di esportare la democrazia sulle ali dei cacciabombardieri è fallito e che l'occupazione militare del paese da parte di potenze occidentali impedisce oggi qualsiasi progresso solido e tangibile.

Dall'altro canto, l'Iraq è diventato un paese esportatore, e non soltanto di petrolio. Gli attentanti in Giordania lo hanno dimostrato: l'Iraq esporta oggi il suo terrorismo. I kamikaze che si sono fatti esplodere erano infatti iracheni. Una donna che doveva partecipare agli attentati, ma che è sopravvissuta, ha spiegato che la sua famiglia è stata decimata durante le offensive americane nel triangolo sunnita. Anch'io chiedo pertanto con forza un'inchiesta dell'ONU sull'uso, da parte delle forze americane, delle bombe proibite al fosforo bianco.

L'Iraq assomiglia quindi pericolosamente a un nuovo Afghanistan. Bush voleva combattere i terroristi in Afghanistan per non doverlo fare altrove, ma oggi i terroristi sono già altrove e ci chiediamo fino a dove arriveranno. L'Europa si trova quindi a dover affrontare due sfide, vale a dire l'ottusità di chi continua ad affermare che la campagna irachena è un successo e la determinazione omicida di chi dimostra ogni giorno che è invece un drammatico fallimento.

Per uscire da questo pantano non abbiamo bisogno né di propaganda né di storie rassicuranti, ma di lucidità e di uomini di Stato coraggiosi, capaci di riconoscere i loro errori e di disegnare una nuova strategia, una strategia di pace.

  James Hugh Allister (NI). – Mr President, sadly the anti-Americanism of some in Europe is so great that I sense that some even take a perverse satisfaction from the turmoil prevailing in Iraq. These same people, of course, are those who would have been quite content to allow Saddam’s tyranny to continue undisturbed.

Of course it was wrong of Blair and Bush to rely on and peddle false information to justify the invasion of Iraq, but the removal of Saddam was right and necessary. The situation as it is must now be faced. The core issue is to ensure the triumph of order over terror so that democratic stability may indeed be established.

A heavy price is being paid and I would wish to acknowledge the sacrifice of the American, British and other troops seeking to bring order to this strife-torn land. I regret that in their contributions neither the Council nor the Commission saw fit to make an acknowledgement of that sacrifice.

It must be said that it is typical of its grandstanding that the EU now wants to pontificate on the future of Iraq. It has little that is credible to contribute, for, when it mattered, the EU as an organisation and most EU Member States left the heavy lifting to others.

  Béatrice Patrie (PSE). – Monsieur le Président, chers Collègues, l'adoption d'une constitution provisoire par le peuple irakien est pour nous une avancée majeure. La forte participation des citoyens au processus électoral constitue un facteur d'optimisme pour la démocratie naissante. L'évolution du pays ouvre bien sûr la voie à un futur partenariat entre l'Irak et l'Union européenne, notamment dans le cadre de sa politique de voisinage et d'un Mashrek pacifié et, à cet égard, je remercie Mme Ferrero-Waldner pour les engagements pris au nom de la Commission.

Les enjeux de ce partenariat sont nombreux: stabilisation démocratique du pays, construction d'un État de droit réel et non plus formel, respect des libertés fondamentales et des droits des minorités, mais encore passage d'une économie de guerre à une économie de paix, d'une économie dirigée à une économie de marché, affectation des ressources pétrolières à la diversification en faveur de l'agriculture, de l'industrie, des services, et enfin reconstruction des systèmes d'éducation et de santé détruits par tant d'années de pouvoir autoritaire, d'embargo et de guerre.

Mais à ce partenariat, il y a quelques préalables. L'évolution encore incertaine de l'Irak mérite notre plus grande vigilance. Nous ne pouvons pas passer par pertes et profits l'emploi de bombes à phosphore blanc – si l'information se révèle exacte – par les Américains à Falloudja. Une enquête doit être menée. Le remplacement des forces étrangères par un dispositif de maintien de la paix placé sous l'égide des Nations unies figure parmi nos objectifs.

Les élections du mois de décembre doivent permettre aux Irakiens d'élire un gouvernement et un parlement à l'image des équilibres humains et politiques du pays. À cet égard, le cadre institutionnel fédéral semble particulièrement adapté. Faire reculer les intégrismes, combattre la thèse du prétendu choc des civilisations, construire cet ensemble du Mashrek fondé sur des valeurs partagées, tels sont les objectifs qui doivent être assignés à l'Union européenne.

  Józef Pinior (PSE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Od rozpoczęcia działań militarnych przeciwko reżimowi Saddama Husseina w Iraku zginęło ponad 2 000 żołnierzy amerykańskich a 15 000 zostało rannych. Brytyjska grupa badawcza Iraq Body Count szacuje na podstawie doniesień agencyjnych i prasowych straty po stronie irackiej na ponad 30 000 zabitych. Inne szacunki mówią o 100 000 ofiar.

Ratyfikacja konstytucji jest poważnym osiągnięciem w procesie odbudowy Iraku. 15 grudnia odbywają się wybory parlamentarne, w których zarejestrowało się 225 ugrupowań politycznych i koalicji. Do 31 grudnia br. parlament wybierze nowy rząd. Parlament pochodzący z demokratycznych wyborów, w którym sunnici będą posiadali swoją reprezentację, będzie mógł przez następne pół roku dokonać zmian w konstytucji.

Referendum konstytucyjne w Iraku podtrzymuje nadzieję na ugruntowywanie się na Bliskim Wschodzie i w Azji Centralnej zjawiska pogodzenia islamu z demokracją liberalną, które określa się jako demokrację muzułmańską. W Iraku kończy się okres rządów tymczasowych i następuje - w warunkach nieustannych akcji terrorystycznych, w sytuacji, która ciągle może doprowadzić do wybuchu wojny domowej - formowanie polityki demokratycznej.

  Παναγιώτης Μπεγλίτης (PSE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η διεθνής κοινότητα χαιρέτισε τα αποτελέσματα του δημοψηφίσματος ως ένα σημαντικό στάδιο στην πορεία για τον εκδημοκρατισμό του Ιράκ. Πράγματι έτσι είναι, αν παραμείνει κανείς προσκολλημένος στα ποσοστά συμμετοχής και στα αριθμητικά στοιχεία του αποτελέσματος. Φοβάμαι, όμως κύριε Πρόεδρε, ότι ο καθένας διαμορφώνει τη δική του εικονική πραγματικότητα για το Ιράκ. Δεν μπορούμε όμως να αγνοήσουμε την ίδια την πραγματικότητα διότι το σοβαρό κενό ασφαλείας συνεχίζει να υπάρχει. Αντί να αμβλύνονται προοδευτικά οι φυγόκεντρες τάσεις των εθνικών και θρησκευτικών κοινοτήτων, ενισχύονται και υπονομεύουν τον στόχο της εθνικής ενότητας, της ταυτότητας και της κυριαρχίας του Ιράκ.

Η πλειοψηφία των Σουνιτών βρίσκεται συνειδητά εκτός πολιτικών διαδικασιών. Η διαδικασία της πολιτικής ανασυγκρότησης οδηγεί στη δημιουργία ενός χαλαρού κράτους τριών, τουλάχιστον, ταχυτήτων. Από τη μια πλευρά χαιρετίζουμε την πορεία προς ένα δημοκρατικό Ιράκ, και από την άλλη εμπεδώνεται ένα θεοκρατικό σιϊτικό καθεστώς στον Νότο και μια οιονεί ανεξαρτησία των Κούρδων στον Βορρά.

Οι συνέπειες για την ειρήνη και τη σταθερότητα είναι προφανείς. Μέσα σ' αυτές τις συνθήκες προγραμματίζονται οι εκλογές για την ανάδειξη της νέας ιρακινής βουλής. Φοβάμαι όμως ότι οι ευχές και οι ελπίδες που εκφράστηκαν σήμερα εδώ δεν ανταποκρίνονται στη σκληρή πραγματικότητα της στρατιωτικής κατοχής και τα σοβαρά στρατηγικά λάθη που συνεχίζουν να κάνουν οι Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες.

Κύριε Πρόεδρε, ένα παλιό αραβικό ρητό λέει: "Καλύτερα 100 χρόνια τυραννίας παρά ένας χρόνος χάους". Και ενώ τη τυραννία του καθεστώτος Χουσεΐν ανατράπηκε, οι συνθήκες που δημιουργούνται καθημερινά σπρώχνουν το Ιράκ σε ένα μακροχρόνιο χάος.

  Lord Bach, President-in-Office of the Council. Mr President, I thank all those who have taken part in this debate. This is an issue that raises passions and strong views and we have heard them expressed around the Chamber this morning.

However, I hope we can agree on two aspects at least. Firstly, on how excellent and what a good thing it is that Saddam Hussein is no longer in power in Iraq. Secondly, we can agree that any human rights abuses that have been shown to have been committed since he fell from power should be investigated and dealt with in a proper and sensible way.

I am very grateful for what the Commissioner had to say and for the excellent work of the Commission. It is right to point out that the EU has contributed to the UN Office of Constitutional Support both financially and through the provision of experts. The Iraqi Government has requested that the EU provide election monitors and, whilst the full election observation mission would, as the Commissioner said, not be possible at the moment, the Council will look closely at what we can do to monitor and support the elections.

As far as human rights are concerned, the Council’s conclusions following the external relations meeting on 7 November emphasised the importance of full respect for human rights in Iraq. The Council underlined the EU’s strong opposition to the use of the death penalty. It noted with concern recent reports – including by the United Nations – of human rights violations by the Iraqi security forces and urged the Iraqi Government to address these allegations. The EU stands ready to offer further support.

At the same time, the Council welcomed the improvement in the human rights situation since the fall of Saddam Hussein and condemned, as we all should, the atrocities of terrorists since then.

The issue of coalition troops has been raised during the debate and it is certainly an important issue. However, honourable Members will forgive me if I mention what President Talabani, the Kurdish leader whose people suffered so appallingly under Saddam Hussein, said only last weekend: ‘Immediate withdrawal would be a catastrophe and lead to a kind of civil war. We will lose what we have done for liberating Iraq from the worst kind of dictatorship ... Instead of having a democratic, stable Iraq, we will have a civil war in Iraq, we will have troubles in Iraq and they will affect all the Middle East’. That seems to me an important statement by the President of Iraq at the present time.

The people of Iraq have demonstrated great commitment to democracy. They turned out in their millions and in the most difficult of circumstances to approve a new Constitution that will guide their country and protect their rights. If this momentum can be carried through to the December elections, then I believe Iraq could be on the verge of a major turning point and, with the election of a new government, Iraq enters a new phase.

The leaders of Iraq’s first constitutionally elected government will owe a huge debt of responsibility to its people. They will place their trust and their future in the hands of those leaders and those leaders must respect that trust. That means putting the nation’s interests above political and personal ambition or ethnic or religious interests. The new government has to be truly representative if it is to survive.

It also must waste no time in getting down to business. That means ensuring security, health, education, employment and, of course, human rights. Terrorism and insecurity remain the biggest obstacles to political progress and reconstruction.

We should not underestimate the challenges that lie ahead, and I do not think this Parliament does. There is still a lot to be done and huge dangers that we all know about still threaten these processes. This fledgling democracy will require support for some time to come. The international community has done a lot already and the EU has a proud record: it has joined with the UN and others in committing significant resources to supporting the political transition and reconstruction.

We all have valuable expertise and experience of democracy-building to share. The Iraqi Government has expressed its appreciation for the significant contribution of the EU and it has asked for more. We should not let Iraq down.

  Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Member of the Commission. Mr President, it is true that the European Union has been divided over Iraq in the past, but it is also true that we are now united in building a new Iraq, and that is the most important thing now. We cannot continue looking backwards. We have to build a stable Iraq now and, although Mr Watson is correct in saying I emphasised the positive things we have been doing, it is also absolutely clear that the underlying situation is very difficult. That is why I said we cannot send to Iraq an election observation mission which otherwise I would have provided. It is too dangerous for our people and they would not be able to do their job properly.

What would the alternative be? In fact we have no alternative other than to try to work together. Of course, the challenge is absolutely enormous, and I consider that the Iraqi Government and its people have shown great courage in this. What my colleague has just said is true. The outcome of the election was quite encouraging and really astonishing under these difficult circumstances. This shows that the average Iraqi wants stability and peace, but there is also a minority, a very strong minority, which is of course extremist and radical, that is trying to undermine all the efforts made by the international community and the Iraqi Government. I did not mean to be one-sided and perhaps I could have made myself clearer.

On the question of torture and recent events, we will have to see whether all the allegations are true. If they are, we must make it clear that human rights, just as Lord Bach has already said, are part of our very strong values and the ones we want to export to Iraq and to be taken into consideration there.

I learned today that the Prime Minister of Iraq has already said he would himself set up a committee to investigate all instances of torture perpetrated by Iraqis themselves. We can contribute to that through EUJUST LEX and by building up a police corps that does not torture, but which knows what the limits are and tries to help restore order. We are therefore in this for the long run and will have to remain in Iraq for a long time in order to restore stability to that country. This is something that is also very important for the region as a whole. Indeed, I am working with regard to the whole region as part of the broader Middle East initiative, and we will cooperate with the Americans on this issue too.

  Le Président. – Le débat est clos.

(La séance, suspendue à 10 heures dans l'attente de Margaret Beckett, Présidente en exercice du Conseil, est reprise à 10h10)

VORSITZ: DAGMAR ROTH-BEHRENDT
Vizepräsidentin