Verbatim report of proceedings

Thursday, 16 March 2006 - Strasbourg

16.1. Human rights in Moldova and in Transnistria in particular (debate)

  President. The next item is the debate on six motions for resolutions on human rights in Moldova and in Transnistria in particular⁽¹⁾.

  Marios Matsakis (ALDE), author. – Mr President, despite an international outcry, Transnistria, which illegally declared independence from the Moldovan Republic 12 years ago after an armed conflict involving Russian military support, continues to exist, along with the deep-rooted corruption within its undemocratic authoritarian regime. The situation is of great concern, not just because of the violation of the human rights of the citizens of this region, but also because it continues to be a source of conflict and instability between Moldova and Ukraine. A border crisis could easily escalate, with unforeseen consequences.

It is of the utmost importance that, through the exhibition of goodwill, common sense and a desire for peace and reform, all parties directly involved in the Transnistrian dispute – namely Moldova, the Transnistrian region of Moldova, Ukraine and Russia – refrain from any action that may cause the deterioration of the already heated situation and proceed immediately to fully engage themselves in honest negotiations in order to speedily reach an amicable solution to the problem.

  Bogusław Sonik (PPE-DE), author. – (PL) Mr President, the political situation in Moldova is an example of how political declarations fail to tally with either the opportunities available to implement them or the goodwill to do so.

In 1999 Russia undertook to withdraw its troops stationed on Moldovan territory in Transnistria by the end of 2002. As yet, however, Russia has failed to acknowledge the sovereignty and constitutional integrity of that country’s territory by withdrawing them. Transnistria is one of the most industrialised areas of Moldova. The continuing existence of a self-proclaimed political entity stands in the way of any chance of the country’s economic situation returning to normal, or of the country being able to start the necessary preparations for any kind of talks with the European Union, whether about membership or even just about association.

Russian policy strives to use all possible means to retain its superpower influence in Central and Eastern Europe, which it regards as its natural sphere of influence. The Transnistrian regime, supported by the former Red Army, is a blatant example of disregard for people, citizens and their rights. Corrupt troops carry on large-scale illegal arms trading there, along with many other criminal activities. The Russian Government’s promises to withdraw its army have yet again proved to be a political ploy made without any respect for political partners, including the Member States of the European Union. It is a ploy aimed at allaying public opinion.

My question is as follows. How do we intend to formulate a European defence policy if we are unable to force our partners to abide by such clear obligations in respect of areas so close to us? Where can we show the power of persuasion of the 25 EU Member States if not in urgent matters like this one, which is key from the point of view of our own safety?

If we want any of our declarations on defence policy to have any meaning at all, we need to prove ourselves equal to the task in specific cases such as this one, and to demonstrate our will to ensure that every partner, no matter how powerful, observes his undertakings.

  Erik Meijer (GUE/NGL), author. – (NL) Mr President, whilst the diverse political forces in Moldova are keen to join the European Union, that country is not a candidate country and is unlikely to become one in the foreseeable future. Today, we voted on the enlargement strategy as proposed in the Brok report. If we, on that basis, restrict access to newcomers, the only chance Moldova has of joining is by circuitous means, according to the model of German reunification from 1990.

This would mean that, in due course, Moldova would have to relinquish its independence to return to Romania, from which it broke away in 1940. A solution of this kind was also mooted straight after the break-up of the Soviet Union, but Romania appeared not attractive enough at the time to implement this plan in the short term.

This may change if Romania’s EU membership proves to be a runaway success and if Moldova realises that as a neighbouring country, it is much worse off. A reunification of this kind has never met with the support of the Slavic-speaking minority, though, who are mainly to be found in the east of the country and would much rather maintain the old ties with Ukraine and Russia. A solution may not present itself for the factual separation of the eastern fringe, the long and thin region of Transnistria situated along the border with Ukraine, until Ukraine joins the European Union. In the mean time – which can be some time – we should look to find peaceful solutions, cooperation and democratic changes within Transnistria, which is still being ruled with an iron fist.

My group has highlighted this in its own draft resolution. We regret that the joint resolution mentions a weakening of the Transnistrian Government, rather than its reform. For the rest, we can endorse the compromise document because, on the one hand, it does not incite violence against Transnistria and, on the other, this resolution does not seek to isolate Moldova by way of punishment for the strong position which the Communist Party has been accorded in that country by its voters.

  Elisabeth Schroedter (Verts/ALE), author. – (DE) Mr President, I can tell from the speeches that many who are working on Eastern Europe are aware of the situation in Belarus, which is getting worse every day.

As Mrs Ferrero-Waldner is present, I will also again point out that the way she behaved towards Parliament in this matter was extremely unfortunate and a considerable violation of the rights of European parliamentarians themselves. We are aware of the correspondence with Mr Klich, but that is no way to behave! I have been involved in policy towards the country of Belarus for 12 years and I can only say that in that time the Commission has never behaved as she did. I just wanted to say that straight away because she is present.

In contrast, while the Republic of Moldova is ruled by a communist party, it is interested in a rapprochement with the EU and is, at least as I see it, an active partner in the neighbourhood policy. The problem is a completely different one: it lies east of the River Nister. There are still Russian troops there, outside Russian territory, 15 years after the break-up of the Soviet Union.

That is precisely the problem: the stationing of Russian troops and the violation of the integrity of the Republic of Moldova, that is the conflict we are talking about. It is not an ethnic conflict. I therefore believe the problems can only be solved by very tough talking between the EU and Russia, with an ultimatum for the complete withdrawal of the troops. That is also in Europe’s interest because it is the only way the border can be completely controlled. The regime that is living on those troops in Transnistria can then become a democratic part of Moldova instead.

The poverty in the country has greatly encouraged the trafficking of women, and that is another reason why it should also become part of the neighbourhood policy towards Moldova.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg (PSE) , author. – (PL) Mr President, the dictatorship of the self-appointed authorities in Transnistria, characterised by severe repression and ideological backwardness, has aroused great concern in Europe.

While Moldova has already taken significant steps on the path towards democracy and respect for civil liberties, Transnistria continues to violate fundamental human rights. Brutal arrests, inhuman detention conditions and a lack of freedom of speech or assembly are facts of everyday life in this region, and cannot be tolerated in today’s Europe. Transnistria is well known for ignoring the rulings of the international community. Eighteen months have passed since the International Court of Human Rights issued its judgment in the case of Ilascu and other opposition figures, but not one of them has yet been released.

An important step towards resolving the conflict with Moldova is Russia’s withdrawal of troops from the self-proclaimed Republic of Transnistria, in line with the resolutions of the OSCE summit in Istanbul in 1999. To date, Moscow has violated its undertakings by continuing to give economic and political support to the local dictatorship and its repressive regime.

At the same time as welcoming Moldova’s efforts as regards institutional reforms and respect for the rights of national minorities, including the Romanian minority, as a real step towards democratic dialogue with the European Union, we are at the same time aware of information about rampant corruption and illegal trafficking in women and children. The Moldovan authorities must continue their efforts to establish a stable and independent judiciary, as well as political pluralism in their country. For its part, the European Union must take decisive steps to resolve the issue of Transnistria, and increased dialogue between the EU and Moldova can help to resolve this long-standing conflict and to stabilise the situation in this region of Europe.

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė, on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. – Mr President, I wish to begin by thanking our colleagues who initiated this very important debate and resolution on the situation in Moldova, and Transnistria in particular.

The Transnistrian conflict, frozen since 1992, was recently described as a front line in EU-Russia relations. Following long discussions and major preparatory work, last December the EU finally launched a new mission – the EU Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine – thus contributing to both countries’ joint action to fight against smuggling and black-market trade in the region.

Surprise, surprise! This very balanced move led Russia to put its 1100 troops – so-called peacekeepers – in Transnistria on alert last week. The illegal regime of Transnistria, which is not recognised by any democracy in the world, broke off the 5+2 talks.

We should express our concern about the human rights situation in Transnistria, where people do not have the right to hold democratic elections, where harassment, repression and intimidation of the independent media, human rights defenders, NGOs and opponents to the self-proclaimed regime is common practice. In addition, we should express our support for the Moldovan and Ukrainian authorities working to stabilise the situation in the region and free it from corruption, smuggling, etc.

I call on the Commission and the Council to support the Moldovan authorities in their democratic reform process and use all diplomatic means available to solve the Transnistria conflict.

  Józef Pinior, on behalf of the PSE Group. – (PL) Commissioner, the so-called Moldovan Republic of Transnistria, which covers one fifth of the territory of the independent state of Moldova and the majority of its industry, is being recognised as a state despite international opposition. I urge you to pay attention to the violations of human rights, media restrictions and the populist-authoritarian system in Transnistria, which flies the flag of the former Soviet Republic of Moldova.

Non-governmental organisations are having particular problems functioning in Transnistria. The new political initiative of President Igor Smirnov and the international youth corporation Proryv is modelled on Nashi, the pro-Putin youth movement in Russia. Proryv is an extreme populist organisation whose aim is not to allow democratic changes in Transnistria. Its ideology is based on a Soviet/Slavophile ideology of pro-Russian nationalism. Proryv is associated with the Transnistrian section of Vladimir Zhirinovsky’s Russian party, and collaborates closely with the Eurasian Russian movement.

The European Union must take a closer interest in the situation in Transnistria from the viewpoint of human rights and democratic development in this part of Europe.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (NI). – (PL) Mr President, today we have talked a great deal about Belarus, and I should like to speak out in defence of the country.

It is untrue that Belarus is the least democratic country in Europe. The leader of this black list is the so-called Moldovan Republic of Transnistria. Nobody in the world recognises this country other than Russia, a country which does not recognise human and civil rights. Evidence of this includes the political prisoners being held and the attacks on non-governmental organisations, which the press has described as parasites. This situation does not prevail in the Republic of Moldova either, but we welcome that country’s efforts to move towards full democracy and, in time, the European Union.

The conflict between Transnistria and Moldova is proceeding in the shadow of Russian interests. Russia appears to be stoking the flames of the conflict, and this aspect cannot be ignored. The Moldovan President, the Communist Mr Voronin, talks of the demilitarisation, democratisation and decriminalisation of Transnistria. For its part, the official newspaper of the regime of Transnistria’s President Smirnov is advocating the devoronisation of Moldova and calling for help to democratise the country, or in other words to rid the Republic of Moldova of the Communists and their leader. This may be laughable, but it stops being funny when human rights are violated and people are locked up in prison. That is when the joke turns sour.

  Bernd Posselt (PPE-DE). – (DE) Mr President, the only reason why the territory of present-day Moldova will not be joining the European Union next year or the year after is that the country was forcibly detached from Romania under the Hitler-Stalin pact. We should not forget that piece of history. It is a deeply European country and we must make intense efforts to bring about three things. Firstly, the dismantling of the criminal and militaristic structure in Transnistria by peaceful means. Thank God, Hitler was defeated and had to surrender his spoils. Stalin’s spoils were not released until 1991, and there are still forces in Moscow today that are keeping this dangerous structure alive.

The second major task is the democratisation of Moldova with the rule of law and minority rights, and the third major task we have is the fight against cross-border crime. I am very grateful here to our fellow Member Albert Deß as the representative of a border region of Upper Palatinate, who is vehement in urging us to fight, jointly as a European Union, against trafficking in drugs, human beings and arms, which originates with this criminal structure in Transnistria; that is in the interests of this beautiful country on the eastern edge of Central Europe, which needs to be integrated because otherwise it will fester like a wound between Romania, which is soon to be a Member State, and Ukraine, with which we have entered into a more intensive partnership since the orange revolution there. The process of democratisation in this region that is so important for our own destiny will only succeed if this militaristic, tyrannical structure finally makes way for a democracy based on the rule of law.

This is our duty as the European Parliament, and I am therefore grateful to Mr Sonik and others for getting this debate held. The European Parliament must send out clear signals here.

  Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Member of the Commission. Mr President, let me first answer a few of the political questions, then also say a word about Belarus. I will also be very happy to respond to Mrs Schroedter before talking about the real substance of today’s debate: human rights.

First, on the political issue, Moldova is a country in the European Neighbourhood Policy and we are trying, through that policy, to bring Moldova closer to the European Union and – I point this out to Mr Posselt – slowly democratise it, although a lot still has to be done. However, this is the way forward. For that purpose, it is also very important to cut the illegal trafficking of goods, people, arms, perhaps also drugs, and to cut criminal activities.

I thank all those who have mentioned a border mission. The European Union has introduced a border mission very recently in Transnistria, between Moldova and Ukraine. We have to thank Ukrainian President Yushchenko who, when he came to power, really started this initiative and has taken it up together with President Voronin. With my colleagues the Foreign Ministers of Ukraine and Moldova, we have succeeded in putting this in place. I think it works quite well, by the way, under a Hungarian leader in this region. Its real objective, in my view, is to cut illegal trafficking. That is not always easy, but in the long run it will reach its goal.

You all spoke about the Transnistrian conflict and how we can resolve it. Indeed, the OSCE has been trying to do everything to help and the European Union is more and more involved too. By the way, we have achieved some progress because the Russians did in fact accept the ‘five plus two’ talks to which we, the European Union, together with the United States of America, have been invited as observers in order to find a settlement.

It is true that Russian troops have not yet been withdrawn, as had been foreseen at the OSCE in Istanbul, and this still has to take place. Of course, the question is, what will replace them? First, all things political have to continue, although, unfortunately as someone said, Transnistria did in fact walk out of the talks before. Therefore, a lot still remains to be done.

Now I come to Belarus and, with your permission, I will continue in German.

(DE) Mrs Schroedter, I believe to begin with I was completely misinterpreted here. The journalist who was sitting in our room at the press conference in Brussels asked me as Commissioner whether we as the European Commission were sending an EU election observation mission to Belarus. I said: ‘No, the observation is being done by the OSCE/ODIHR’. You know that is the case. I then added that the parliamentarians were not part of an official EU mission, because we do not have one. That was completely misinterpreted. Please accept that again as my explanation. I am glad you raised the matter because it has allowed me to clear it up.

I not only wrote a letter to Mr Klich yesterday, I also spoke to him; he understood completely. I have also already issued a statement today on Belarus, where I am of course following events in the run-up to the elections, in which I also said how much I regret that the parliamentarians were denied admission by refusing them visas; they are of course always welcome here, that goes without saying and you ought to know that, since I am so much in favour of EU observer missions and am doing something for them to actually strengthen them.

I am coming to my third point, which concerns today’s debate on the resolutions on breaches of human rights in Moldova.

The motion for a resolution draws attention to the failures of the judicial system to secure fair trials. I should note that in 2005 Moldova adopted three laws which significantly strengthened the independence of the judiciary. So far as the Pasat case – the case of the former Defence Minister – is concerned, the Commission has raised the problems surrounding this case several times. I am in direct contact with Mr Stratan, the Moldovan Foreign Minister. I have just written a letter to President Voronin on this issue, in order to have transparency and not to delay Mr Pasat’s appeal.

Democracy, the rule of law and human rights will feature very prominently at the forthcoming Cooperation Council meeting with Moldova.

Today’s debate puts special emphasis on human rights in Transnistria. However, as you all know, because of its status as a self-proclaimed independent republic, we have only limited insight concerning developments in Transnistria. However, it is clear that there are very significant problems. In summer 2004, for instance, the Transnistrian authorities forcibly closed six schools that taught the Moldovan language using the Latin script. We are pleased to see that negotiations between Moldovan and Transnistrian officials on the issue of these Latin-script schools restarted in February after a hiatus of seven months. The Commission will follow the development of these negotiations very carefully.

Let me say a few words about the Ilascu case, which remains a very serious example of the violation of human rights. Since Moldova is unable to intervene in Transnistria, we raise the issue with Russia whenever the opportunity arises. The last occasion was about two weeks ago in Vienna at the Troika of Foreign Ministers, when I met Foreign Minister Lavrov. The recent reports that Andrei Ivantoc, one of the two prisoners, has begun a hunger strike underline the need for the immediate release of both prisoners. We have to apply pressure to make that happen.

The Commission is working with all the partner countries, including Russia, Ukraine and Moldova, in order to achieve a withdrawal of the Russian troops, the demilitarisation of Transnistria, the democratisation of Moldova – including Transnistria – and the establishment of effective and legal control of Transnistria by Moldova proper.

  President. The debate is closed.

The vote will take place at 5 p.m.

(1) See Minutes.