Index 
Stenograma dezbaterilor
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Joi, 15 noiembrie 2007 - Strasbourg Ediţie revizuită
1. Deschiderea şedinţei
 2. Către un răspuns al UE la situaţiile de fragilitate
 3. Bilanţul realităţii sociale (dezbatere)
 4. Comunicarea poziţiilor comune ale Parlamentului: a se vedea procesul-verbal
 5. Timpul afectat votului
  5.1. Statutul şi finanţarea partidelor politice la nivel european (vot)
  5.2. Statisticile trimestriale privind locurile de muncă vacante în Comunitate (vot)
  5.3. Aplicarea aqcuis-ului Schengen în Republica Cehă, Estonia, Letonia, Lituania, Ungaria, Malta, Polonia, Slovenia şi Slovacia (vot)
  5.4. Redresarea stocurilor de ton roşu din Oceanul Atlantic de Est şi din Marea Mediterană (vot)
  5.5. Interesul european: reuşita în era globalizării (vot)
  5.6. Aplicarea Directivei 2004/38/CE privind dreptul la liberă circulaţie şi şedere pe teritoriul statelor membre pentru cetăţenii Uniunii şi membrii familiilor acestora (vot)
  5.7. Aplicarea dispoziţiilor acquis-ului Schengen (vot)
  5.8. Situaţia din Pakistan (vot)
  5.9. Conferinţa de la Bali privind schimbările climatice (vot)
  5.10. Consolidarea politicii europene de vecinătate (vot)
  5.11. Relaţii economice şi comerciale cu Ucraina (vot)
  5.12. Către un răspuns al UE la situaţiile de fragilitate (vot)
  5.13. Bilanţul realităţii sociale (vot)
 6. Explicaţii privind votul
 7. Corectările voturilor şi intenţiile de vot: a se vedea procesul-verbal
 8. Aprobarea procesului-verbal al şedinţei precedente: a se vedea procesul-verbal
 9. Dezbateri asupra cazurilor de încălcare a drepturilor omului, a democraţiei şi a statului de drept
  9.1. Comunităţi creştine (dezbatere)
  9.2. Uzbekistan (dezbatere)
  9.3. Somalia (dezbatere)
 10. Timpul afectat votului
  10.1. Comunităţi creştine (vot)
  10.2. Uzbekistan (vot)
  10.3. Somalia (vot)
 11. Corectările voturilor şi intenţiile de vot: a se vedea procesul-verbal
 12. Depunere de documente: consultaţi procesul-verbal
 13. Decizii privind anumite documente: a se vedea procesul-verbal
 14. Declaraţii scrise înscrise în registru (articolul 116 din Regulamentul de procedură): a se vedea procesul-verbal
 15. Transmiterea textelor adoptate în cursul prezentei şedinţe: a se vedea procesul-verbal
 16. Calendarul următoarelor şedinţe: a se vedea procesul-verbal
 17. Întreruperea sesiunii
 ANEXĂ


  

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. LUISA MORGANTINI
Vicepresidente

 
1. Deschiderea şedinţei
  

(La seduta è aperta alle 10.00)

 

2. Către un răspuns al UE la situaţiile de fragilitate
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  Presidente. L'ordine del giorno reca la dichiarazione della Commissione su "Verso una risposta dell'UE alle situazioni di fragilità: l'intervento in circostanze difficili per lo sviluppo sostenibile, la stabilità e la pace".

 
  
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  Vladimír Špidla, membre de la Commission. Madame la Présidente, honorables députés, Mesdames et Messieurs, depuis juillet 2007, la Commission et la Présidence portugaise de l'Union européenne ont étroitement travaillé ensemble pour lancer le processus d'élaboration d'une réponse plus stratégique et efficace de l'Union européenne face à des situations de fragilité dans les pays partenaires.

Ce processus devra être poursuivi dans le cadre des futures présidences. L'objectif n'est pas d'étiqueter ou de classifier des pays, mais d'adapter leurs instruments et leurs réponses à des situations spécifiques. Dans ces situations de fragilité, des obstacles majeurs à la réduction de la pauvreté existent. Les capacités institutionnelles y sont très limitées, avec des États qui ne sont pas en mesure d'assumer les fonctions régaliennes ou les conséquences des désastres naturels ou des conflits violents ou encore le manque de volonté politique du gouvernement à l'égard des objectifs de développement. Dans des cas extrêmes, ces situations peuvent entraîner des conséquences au-delà des frontières des pays et affecter la stabilité régionale, voire la sécurité globale.

L'idée de la fragilité n'est pas nouvelle, même si le débat international est relativement récent. Les donneurs, les pays partenaires et la société civile sont depuis longtemps conscients du besoin d'être plus efficaces dans des situations particulièrement peu favorables pour atteindre des objectifs de développement durable.

Chaque situation est complexe et différente et nécessite une réponse adaptée, mettant en jeu à la fois l'action diplomatique, l'aide humanitaire, la coopération au développement et les interventions dans le domaine de la sécurité et de la gestion des crises.

L'efficacité de la réponse de l'Union européenne nécessite un engagement sur le long terme, mais aussi la définition d'objectifs clairs lors de l'engagement dans un pays fragile. Le fil conducteur restera le développement des capacités et la sécurité humaine, dans une perspective de développement durable, et la réduction de la pauvreté.

Toutefois, il conviendra d'éviter que l'appui aux situations de fragilité se fasse au détriment des pays performants. Les engagements de renforcement de l'aide reviennent ainsi au premier plan. La Commission européenne a présenté une communication proposant une approche pragmatique pour que l'Union européenne s'engage plus efficacement dans les environnements difficiles pour le développement durable, la stabilité et la paix.

Cette communication a été transmise à toutes les institutions de l'Union européenne. Le Conseil "Affaires générales" des 19 et 20 novembre prochain va adopter les conclusions dans ce domaine. Il invitera la Commission à élaborer un plan de travail concret pour la mise en œuvre des recommandations et des actions prioritaires présentées dans la communication dont l'objectif est d'aborder la situation de fragilité plus efficacement, en appuyant les efforts entrepris par les pays partenaires pour créer ou restaurer les conditions nécessaires pour leur développement durable.

L'année 2008 va être consacrée à la préparation de cette approche stratégique de l'Union européenne aux situations de fragilité. Ce processus nécessite la participation active de l'ensemble des institutions de l'Union européenne et de tous les acteurs au service du développement au sein de l'Union européenne et dans les pays partenaires.

La contribution du Parlement européen à cet exercice revêt un grand intérêt pour la Commission, qui l'invite à associer activement à ce débat qui devrait permettre d'étayer une stratégie globale de réponse aux situations de fragilité et de contribuer ainsi à la création des conditions adéquates pour le développement durable, la stabilité, la paix et la gouvernance démocratique.

 
  
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  Nirj Deva, on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. – Madam President, it is always very useful to be able to debate such an important issue in front of a heaving Chamber of colleagues who are agog to hear what Parliament has to say on this very important matter. I am also very grateful to the Commissioner for having laid down the ground rules and his views on how we tackle this issue.

Fragility is a condition that has many, many parents. The first of course is the process of decolonisation when the colonial powers drew arbitrary lines on maps, which cut across all sorts of internal stable civil society functions and split countries into two or three or four, irrespective of their tribes or religious factions and so on. That induced a certain amount of instability.

Then there is a natural form of instability that fragile nations now experience: countries which are prone to floods; small island states that are open to only a single economy product. There are countries which are geographically unable to sustain themselves because of the way God has blessed them with very few attributes, countries which have desertification, starting to produce mass migrations of people.

There are 26 so-called fragile states in the world as we speak and the most vulnerable people in the world are facing catastrophic consequences, not through their own fault in some cases, but sometimes through bad governance, sometimes through internal conflict, sometimes through civil wars, sometimes through genocidal dictators as we found, not many years ago, in Sierra Leone and Liberia.

Now you can change a fragile state from being a fragile state to a post-fragile sustainable country, as we see happening in front of our eyes in Sierra Leone. But this requires effort; it requires commitment; it requires a long-term commitment, as the Commissioner said, to that country’s economic growth. It requires a commitment of nation-building, an expression which I use advisedly in this Chamber because the concept of nation-building is something that my country, the United Kingdom, has long experience of, as have France and Spain and some other European countries. But it is wholly and utterly away from the knowledge of other emerging superpowers who have not, to put it bluntly, a clue how to punch their way out of a paper bag in terms of nation-building.

We need to be able to connect ourselves with the body of historic knowledge that is reposited in the consciousness of European nations, to help other nations who are taking a lead around the world in the process of nation-building. Had we done that, and had Prime Minister Blair done that, I think the situation in Iraq, for example, would have been completely different.

Is Iraq a fragile state? Yes it is, because it is unstable; the governance is not secure; there are insecurity problems. There are other countries in Africa which are very fragile – the Sudan, Somalia, small islands – as I said earlier all these require coming together with a body of knowledge that we already have and therefore I am very pleased indeed to be opening this debate this morning.

 
  
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  President. Thank you very much, Mr Deva. I am afraid you forget one factor in instability. When you arrive in those countries instability starts again.

 
  
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  Alain Hutchinson, au nom du groupe PSE. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire Špidla, chers collègues, je souhaite tout d'abord me réjouir de cette communication effectivement teintée – vous l'avez dit, Monsieur le Commissaire – d'un réel pragmatisme de la Commission, et qui nous permet aujourd'hui de débattre d'un problème qui préoccupe non seulement les citoyens des pays du Sud partenaires de l'Union, mais également nos concitoyens qui, souvent, se posent légitimement la question de l'efficacité de l'aide que l'Union européenne apporte en matière de développement.

Dans ce cas précisément, le message essentiel de notre résolution tient en une phrase et devrait remporter l'assentiment de tous et de toutes, au-delà des clivages politiques. Il s'agit de proposer la mise en place d'un système de coopération simplifié qui permette à la Commission et aux États membres de fournir plus rapidement qu'aujourd'hui une aide qu'ils ont promise à des États partenaires qui connaissent une crise particulièrement grave – je ne m'y attarderai pas puisque notre collègue Deva vient d'expliquer cela longuement –, une aide sans laquelle d'ailleurs les populations de ces États voient chaque jour diminuer encore leur chance de survie. Une fois que cette aide a été approuvée, ce qui n'est déjà pas une mince affaire, la complexité et la longueur des procédures actuelles de délivrance de l'aide européenne peuvent conduire à des situations encore plus dramatiques et directement dommageables aux populations bénéficiaires.

Prenez l'exemple du Burundi, un petit pays dans lequel j'ai présidé la mission parlementaire d'observation des dernières élections, il y a deux ans, et dans lequel j'aurai le plaisir de retourner dans quelques jours. L'Union européenne y a effectué un travail très important et remarquable de soutien au processus électoral et de démocratisation des institutions, après plus de dix ans de conflits sanglants. Une fois mis en place, les institutions et le nouveau pouvoir démocratiquement élu ont été très vite confrontés à la réalité et aux besoins à satisfaire, en priorité des populations, que ce soit en matière de santé, d'éducation, d'agriculture.

Des projets concrets dans ces différents secteurs ne manquent pas, mais pour qu'ils voient le jour, l'aide européenne est tout à fait déterminante. Elle est non seulement déterminante pour satisfaire les besoins urgents des populations, mais aussi pour permettre aux pouvoirs publics encore fragiles d'entamer un processus de reconstruction sans lequel le risque est grand de voir le pays sombrer à nouveau très vite dans le chaos. Deux ans plus tard, Monsieur le Commissaire, l'aide budgétaire annoncée par l'Union n'est toujours pas arrivée sur place.

Ce qui vaut pour la région des Grands Lacs vaut également pour d'autres régions du monde. C'est la raison pour laquelle, Madame la Présidente, sous réserve de définir clairement les conditions qu'ils doivent remplir pour pouvoir y prétendre, tous les États du monde qui connaissent une situation de fragilité grave, avec lesquels l'Union européenne coopère devraient pouvoir compter sur un système d'exception qui garantisse une intervention rapide et efficace.

 
  
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  Ryszard Czarnecki, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Cieszę się, że mogę przemawiać po tak znakomitych ekspertach i fachowcach, którzy zajmują się tym tematem od lat, zresztą zaliczam do tych osób również panią przewodniczącą.

Chciałbym zwrócić uwagę na problem poszerzania się kręgu państw uznawanych za niestabilne. W ciągu sześciu lat ilość tych państw niemal podwoiła się z 14 do 26, a więc jest to bardzo realny problem, który jest coraz większym wyzwaniem dla Unii Europejskiej.

Chciałbym też podkreślić, że ponad połowa tych państw niestabilnych znajduje się w Afryce Subsaharyjskiej, co pokazuje konieczność zwrócenia przez nas szczególnej uwagi na ten region Afryki, ten region świata.

Myślę też, że trzeba bardzo wyraźnie powiedzieć o konieczności budowy autorytetu rządów w tych krajach. Unia Afrykańska słusznie zwraca uwagę, że problem odbudowy to jest także kwestia polityczna, może bardziej niż techniczna. W związku z tym kwestie mechanizmów demokracji, mechanizmów transparencji, są kwestiami podstawowymi.

Całkowicie zgadzam się z moim przedmówcą panem Hutchinsonem, który mówił o konieczności uproszczenia procedur tak, aby nasza pomoc była szybsza i bardziej realna.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda, en nombre del Grupo Verts/ALE. – Señora Presidenta, realmente, yo también celebro que este tema sea tratado en esta Cámara porque, aunque es cierto que normativamente no existe una definición exhaustiva de lo que es un Estado frágil, sí tenemos muchos casos que, de forma empírica, se encuentran en dicha categoría —esta tarde mismo hablamos, por ejemplo, entre otros, del caso de Somalia.

Así pues, esta resolución nos permite abordar algunos de los problemas más graves que dichos contextos deben afrontar. Por ejemplo, el hecho de que dicha fragilidad se fundamenta, muchas veces, en una situación de extrema pobreza que suele conllevar una situación de colapso institucional y de inseguridad a todos los niveles.

Por otro lado, es también crucial partir del principio de que la fragilidad de dichos Estados supone un reto para el desarrollo y hace urgente que definamos una agenda coherente basada en el principio humanitario del do no harm. El primer principio, no hacer daño, lección importante a extraer de los recientes hechos, de los episodios recientes relativos a la actitud de El Arca de Zoé, en Chad.

En cuanto a la acción exterior, particularmente la europea, en dicho tipo de contextos, ésta debe basarse en la implementación de programas en el terreno, los cuales deben ser flexibles y adaptables a las necesidades cambiantes del mismo y elaborados en base a una estrategia planificada a corto, medio y largo plazo —demasiado a menudo nos quedamos en medidas, quizás necesarias a corto plazo, pero que pierden de vista, fundamentalmente, las consecuencias a medio y largo plazo.

Y, por último, no quiero dejar de mencionar la importancia de establecer un doble mecanismo de contabilidad, especialmente que incluya la obligación por parte de los países receptores, lógicamente, de rendir cuentas a aquellos que han concedido los recursos, los fondos, las donaciones, pero también a las propias poblaciones a las cuales deben y tienen que proteger y garantizar la supervivencia. Y son los donantes los que tienen que garantizar también que van a hacer esa rendición de cuentas a esas poblaciones.

 
  
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  Pedro Guerreiro, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Senhora Presidente, sem dúvida que é urgente mais e melhor ajuda humanitária num mundo cada vez mais desigual e injusto onde é galopante a concentração da riqueza nuns poucos à custa da exploração e da miséria de milhões. Sem dúvida que é urgente mais e melhor cooperação para o desenvolvimento num mundo confrontado com uma nova corrida aos armamentos e pela crescente militarização das relações internacionais, liderada pelos Estados Unidos e seus aliados. Por isso mesmo, encaramos com grande preocupação as tentativas de subordinar a ajuda ao desenvolvimento a estratégias de segurança, promovendo-se a sua instrumentalização para a concretização de objectivos, mais ou menos dissimulados, de ingerência, de depredação de recursos e de neocolonialismo.

Na análise da situação internacional não se deverão omitir ou desvalorizar as causas externas fomentando e agudizando contradições quantas vezes estão na raiz dos problemas. Bastaria a lista, mais do que subjectiva, dos denominados Estados frágeis elaborada pelo Banco Mundial para que esta fosse uma evidência. Quantas situações de ingerência e de agressão externa esta não reflecte?

Sim, é urgente uma agenda de cooperação e desenvolvimento que dê resposta às mais elementares necessidades de milhões de seres humanos, baseada no respeito da soberania e independência nacionais e na solução pacífica dos conflitos internacionais, uma agenda que impulsione a desmilitarização das relações internacionais, que promova relações económicas equitativas e justas e a anulação da dívida externa já mais que paga, uma agenda que combata as políticas que estão na causa das profundas injustiças e desigualdades e que construa um mundo mais justo, mais pacífico, mais solidário e mais humano.

 
  
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  Ana Maria Gomes, em nome do Grupo PSE. – Em Estados em situações de fragilidade sobressai a interligação entre governação, desenvolvimento e segurança. É essencial que a UE determine prioridades estratégicas nas relações com esses Estados, norteando-se pelo conceito abrangente de segurança humana.

Não basta apoiar instituições governamentais, é fundamental investir no fortalecimento do escrutínio parlamentar, no reforço dos media livres e plurais, na independência dos sistemas judiciais e na capacitação da sociedade civil como prioridade para o empoderamento das mulheres, grupos vulneráveis e minorias. Isso requer empenhamento consequente da UE.

A Somália de hoje ilustra tragicamente o alheamento europeu. Isso requer também que causas de fragilidade que instigam a conflito violento, mais agravando a incapacidade do Estado, má governação, extrema pobreza, ou violações de direitos humanos, por exemplo, sejam encaradas no diálogo bilateral e, muitas vezes, Conselho, Comissão e Estados-Membros demitem-se de o fazer. As causas da fragilidade devem ser tidas em conta na definição das estratégias e na globalização dos instrumentos financeiros da UE. A ajuda ao desenvolvimento deve centrar-se nas pessoas e só contemplar suporte financeiro directo aos governos quando haja provas de empenho na resolução de conflitos, na construção do Estado de direito democrático e na melhoria da governação e da segurança humana das populações.

Por fim, e esta é lamentavelmente a vertente omitida na Comunicação da Comissão e na resolução que vamos votar, é essencial que a UE invista mais, a par de programas de DDR e SSR, no controlo global das transferências de armas ligeiras, já que estas alimentam conflitos armados que perpetuam a fragilidade de muitos Estados.

 
  
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  Vladimír Špidla, člen Komise. Dámy a pánové, děkuji za sice krátkou, ale velmi obsažnou debatu. Dovolte, abych ji shrnul následujícím způsobem. Z debaty vyplynulo, že celkový postoj, celková koncepce Komise, celková hlavní myšlenka sdělení nachází podporu Parlamentu. V debatě se samozřejmě objevily některé dílčí otázky, které lze v dalších debatách vzít v úvahu, např. pohyb lehkých palných zbraní a mnoho dalších myšlenek, které podle mého názoru výrazně obohacují celkový koncept.

 
  
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  Presidente. Comunico di aver ricevuto una proposta di risoluzione(1) a norma dell'articolo 103, paragrafo 2, del regolamento.

La discussione è chiusa.

La votazione si svolgerà giovedì alle 12.00.

 
  

(1)Vedasi processo verbale


3. Bilanţul realităţii sociale (dezbatere)
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  Presidente. L'ordine del giorno reca la relazione di Elizabeth Lynne, a nome della commissione per l'occupazione e gli affari sociali, sull'inventario della realtà sociale (2007/2104(INI)) (A6-0400/2007).

 
  
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  Elizabeth Lynne (ALDE), rapporteur. – Madam President, I wish to begin by thanking the shadow rapporteurs. That a report of this scale has received no plenary amendments shows this is truly a report from the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs, and one we can all be proud of. I would also like to thank the Commission for its close cooperation and the Portuguese Presidency for making social policy a priority for its Presidency.

We face a huge challenge in Europe. That challenge is one of fairness. It is about lost potential, the inability to live a life free from the charity of others, and a life free from discrimination, poverty and social exclusion.

Our objective is clear: we want to expand opportunities so that nobody, whatever their background or circumstances, is left behind. The vision of Europe must be freedom and opportunity for all, increasing opportunities and incentives to work, whilst strengthening the safety net for those who are unable to work.

In 2007 the facts are chilling: 72 million European citizens continue to live in poverty; 8 % of all people in the European Union now suffer from in-work poverty. Those are truly shocking statistics. But what do they actually mean? They mean that one in six citizens is now living below the poverty line – one in six! Many people would not believe that could be possible in 2007. Fifty years after the Treaty of Rome, after 50 years of economic growth, 10 % of people belong to households where nobody has a job! By any measure, poverty remains one of the greatest social problems challenging Europe, and reducing social exclusion must be at the heart of our policies.

In some areas we are succeeding, but we must be frank: in the majority we are not. The gap between the rich and the poor in many EU Member States is increasing. The elimination of income-related poverty must remain a priority for Member States but, for the one in six who live in financial poverty, there are many more who are excluded from society for other reasons. We have to recognise that for many families – for many individuals even – there are problems more complicated than simply low income. Barriers to opportunity are complex. More than anything else, early intervention is crucial. Prevention, of course, is better than cure.

In the UK, we know that the daughter of a teenage mother is three times as likely to become a teenage mother herself; we know that sons with a convicted father are over four times more at risk of being convicted of a crime than those without a convicted father. Yet, in many areas, there is no need to reinvent the wheel. We must look at how other EU countries deal with these issues and learn from them. We must share best practice more effectively. Finland, for instance, has introduced a holistic sustainable approach that has been incredibly effective in reducing the number of people who are homeless. Denmark, meanwhile, is implementing new policies that improve the quality of life of long-term rough-sleepers, rather than having the sole aim of integrating those individuals into mainstream society. In Belgium, people who have experienced poverty are working with social workers to help them better understand the needs of poor people.

It is not always unemployment that causes poverty: in-work poverty is a problem as well. That is why I have called for an exchange of best practice on the provision of a decent working minimum wage throughout the Member States. At least five EU Member States do not even have one. Equally, we must push all Member States to adopt a minimum living income for all.

Member States must do more to prevent exploitation of vulnerable workers as well; to make sure that disabled and older people have a way into employment; to prevent trafficking; to safeguard the rights of asylum-seekers; to ensure equal access to healthcare and community services for all; to destigmatise people with mental health problems; and to promote a more constructive approach to drugs and alcohol.

These are but a few of the issues this report has addressed. Europe’s vision must be freedom and opportunity for all. That is why it is so important to look at setting up mechanisms at a European level so that the exchange of best practice becomes a reality.

 
  
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  Vladimír Špidla, člen Komise. Vážená paní předsedající, vážené poslankyně, vážení poslanci, nejprve bych rád blahopřál zpravodajce paní Lynneové k vypracování velmi zajímavé a ucelené zprávy. Jsem potěšen, že se Evropský parlament rozhodl zabývat velmi širokým souborem sociálních otázek obsažených v této zprávě, otázek, které naléhavě vyžadují řešení. Tato zpráva je významným příspěvkem k průběžnému hodnocení sociální reality.

Tento dokument přichází v době, kdy Komise i členské státy zkoumají možnost posílení sociální dimenze Lisabonské strategie. Musíme reagovat na obavy našich občanů, přičemž jsme si vědomi toho, že sociální spravedlnost je jedním z jejich klíčových problémů. Průzkumy veřejného mínění ukazují, že Evropská unie by měla hrát klíčovou roli při podporování integrovanějších a soudržnějších společností.

Jak řekl včera ráno během prioritní diskuse o globalizaci pan předseda Barroso, Evropská unie učinila poměrně významný pokrok při plnění lisabonských cílů. Vznikají nová pracovní místa. Jen v minulém roce bylo vytvořeno 3,5 milionu nových pracovních míst. Míra nezaměstnanosti klesla na úroveň kolem 7 %. Je to stále příliš vysoké číslo, avšak nejnižší za posledních deset let. Hospodářský růst byl uspokojivý navzdory finanční nestabilitě v poslední době.

Spokojenost však není na místě. Provádění Lisabonské strategie je nerovnoměrné a ne všech cílů se dosud podařilo dosáhnout. 12 milionů lidí je stále bez práce; a často se jedná o mladé lidi nebo dlouhodobě nezaměstnané se špatnými vyhlídkami na profesní růst nebo společenský vzestup. 8 % evropských pracujících zůstává ohroženo chudobou, přestože mají práci. 78 milionů Evropanů je ohroženo chudobou a každý pátý občan Evropské unie bydlí v nevyhovujících podmínkách.

Stručně řečeno, je třeba udělat více pro to, aby byly splněny naše společné sociální cíle. Nyní, když jsme svědky pozitivních výsledků strategie Evropské unie v oblasti růstu a zaměstnanosti, nastává vhodný okamžik začít se zabývat sociálními cíli.

Vítám, že je ve zprávě zmíněna nezbytná politická vůle a odhodlání zabývat se otázkou chudoby a vyloučení. Také vnímám naléhavost spojenou s řešením problému dětské chudoby, bojem proti diskriminaci a podporou rozmanitosti. To samozřejmě znamená sledovat transpozici příslušných právních předpisů do vnitrostátního práva a v případě potřeby i zahájení řízení pro porušení práva proti členským státům, u nichž bylo zjištěno porušení právních předpisů Evropské unie.

V rámci zprávy byly také prošetřeny překážky, které brání lidem v jejich začlenění do společnosti a účasti na trhu práce. Souhlasím, že musíme zkombinovat podpůrná opatření s vhodnými ochrannými sítěmi, které mají zajistit, aby nikdo nebyl opomenut.

Tento přístup se odráží v nedávném sdělení Komise o aktivním začleňování. Toto sdělení určuje tři klíčové pilíře vyváženého a strategického přístupu k aktivnímu začleňování:

– přístup k integrovaným trhům práce;

– zlepšený přístup ke službám;

– odpovídající podpora příjmů.

Zmíněné sdělení také zahajuje druhou fázi konzultací této problematiky se sociálními partnery o prohlubování spolupráce Evropské unie v oblasti aktivního začleňování.

Následně po této konzultaci Komise hodlá navrhnout společné zásady aktivního začleňování v podobě doporučení Komise, jehož přijetí je plánováno na druhou polovinu roku 2008. V dalším sdělení, které má být přijato během několika následujících týdnů, představí Komise také nová opatření na podporu aktivního začleňování osob se zdravotním postižením.

Komise je vděčná Evropskému parlamentu za jeho trvalé úsilí o potírání diskriminace. Jak bylo oznámeno v legislativním a pracovním programu na rok 2008, Komise v roce 2008 předloží návrhy na vyřešení současné mezery v ochraně podle článku 13 Smlouvy. Návrh, který by měl být přijat do příštího léta, bude stavět na dlouhodobém dialogu s Evropským parlamentem, na zkušenostech s Evropským rokem rovných příležitostí pro všechny v roce 2007 a na rozsáhlé veřejné konzultaci.

Evropská unie učinila významný pokrok při dosahování rovného postavení žen a mužů, přičemž Evropský parlament byl důležitým partnerem. Je však nutné, abychom i nadále pokračovali v posilování rovného postavení žen a mužů. Je to základní právo, ale i nezbytná podmínka pro dosažení cílů Evropy v oblasti růstu, zaměstnanosti a sociální soudržnosti. Proto zvláště vítám pozornost, která byla ve zprávě věnována rovnému postavení žen a mužů.

Od Amsterodamské smlouvy učinila Unie pokrok v otázce zohlednění rovného postavení žen a mužů ve všech oblastech a od roku 2003 také v oblasti poskytování rovných příležitostí pro zdravotně postižené. V obou oblastech je však třeba udělat ještě mnoho práce. Skutečnost, že přetrvává diskriminace na základě více než jednoho diskriminačního důvodu, je silným argumentem pro pokračující důraz na poskytování rovných příležitostí ve všech oblastech. Tímto tématem se bude zabývat sdělení Komise plánované na rok 2008, které bude vycházet z poučení, jež přinesl Evropský rok 2007.

Dámy a pánové, sociální realita Evropské unie se samozřejmě mění tak, jak se vyvíjí naše společnosti, jak se mění celkový globální koncept. Přesto jsem přesvědčen o tom, že základní koncepce, tj. rovnováha mezi ekonomikou, sociálními a ekologickými aspekty, zůstává v plné platnosti. Je tedy na nás, abychom stále hledali nové přístupy, které nám umožní překonat problémy, které ještě přetrvávají.

 
  
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  Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE-DE), Spravodajca Výboru pre životné prostredie, verejné zdravie a bezpečnosť potravín požiadaného o stanovisko. – Monitorovanie sociálnej situácie a sociálnych politík v členských krajinách je bezpochyby potrebné na identifikovanie problémov a výziev, ktorým Únia čelí, avšak ešte dôležitejšie sú akcie, ktoré podnikneme na ich odstránenie.

Z pohľadu verejného zdravia by sme mali upriamiť pozornosť na tie problémy, s ktorými sa obyvatelia Únie stretávajú pri poskytovaní služieb zdravotnej starostlivosti. V dôsledku demografického vývoja a predlžovania priemernej dĺžky života musíme rozvíjať také stratégie verejného zdravia, ktoré prispejú k skvalitneniu života Európanov a ktoré budú zamerané hlavne na prevenciu chorôb a účinný boj proti nim. Zároveň by mali zohľadniť potrebu kvalitnej, dostupnej a spoľahlivej starostlivosti o zdravie všetkých vrstiev obyvateľstva bez ohľadu na ich sociálne postavenie, vek či krajinu, v ktorej žijú.

Osobitnú pozornosť by sme mali venovať skupinám najviac znevýhodnených osôb, akými sú osoby s telesným či mentálnym postihnutím, ľudia pokročilého veku alebo deti. S ohľadom na neustále rastúce náklady zdravotníctva členských štátov by mali tieto prijať účinné opatrenia, akými sú cielené informačné kampane, používanie generických liekov, využívanie nových technológií, opatrenia vzájomnej pomoci na miestnej úrovni alebo väčšia solidarita generácií a rodín. Členské štáty v spolupráci s Komisiou by sa mali ďalej snažiť rozvíjať politiky a podporovať európske iniciatívy v oblasti v boji proti fajčeniu, alkoholizmu či obezite, ktoré rozhodne napomôžu zvýšiť kvalitu života našich spoluobčanov.

Záverom, v neposlednom rade by sme sa mali zamerať na správne uplatňovanie už existujúcich právnych predpisov v oblastiach, ktoré súvisia s verejným zdravím. Členské štáty spolu s Komisiou by mali zabezpečovať dodržiavanie európskej legislatívy v oblasti kvality vody, ovzdušia a pôdy, znižovanie hlučnosti, ako aj uplatňovanie nariadenia o chemických látkach a výrobkoch REACH.

 
  
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  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), relatora de parecer da Comissão dos Direitos da Mulher e da Igualdade de Oportunidades. – A Comissão dos Direitos da Mulher e da Igualdade dos Géneros sublinha neste parecer que a pobreza e a exclusão social têm um carácter pluridimensional destacando-se, no entanto, a situação económica das famílias, as condições de habitação, o acesso à educação, à saúde e aos cuidados continuados.

Realça que as mulheres e as crianças são as principais vítimas da pobreza e exclusão social e salienta que esse risco se agrava quando se trata de imigrantes, idosas, deficientes e membros de famílias monoparentais. Regista também que, em média, 15% dos alunos abandonam prematuramente o sistema de ensino, mas em alguns países, como Portugal, essa taxa atinge cerca de 40%, o que é motivo de preocupação com a educação e a formação das raparigas.

Insiste na importância de manter serviços públicos de qualidade, um forte sistema de segurança social público e universal e elevados níveis de protecção social e emprego de qualidade e com direitos, pelo que se impõe dar prioridade a políticas que apostem nos direitos das mulheres e não a políticas que subordinem tudo à concorrência, garantindo a integração de uma clara perspectiva de género na formulação e aplicação dessas políticas públicas; exorta, por último a Comissão e os Estados-Membros a darem prioridade máxima à inclusão social e aos direitos das mulheres, alterando as respectivas políticas em conformidade, incluindo a política de repartição de rendimentos.

 
  
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  Edit Bauer, a PPE-DE képviselőcsoport nevében. – Köszönöm szépen, elnök asszony, biztos úr, kedves kollégák. Lynne asszony jelentése, amihez szívből gratulálok, nyilván nem mondja és nem is mondhatja ki az utolsó szót a szociális inklúzió, a szociális politika átalakításának kérdésében.

Gyakran hajlamosak vagyunk úgy gondolni, hogy az európai szociális modell időtlen, de szemmel láthatóan nemcsak a globalizáció, hanem a gazdaság, a társadalmi elvárások, a demográfiai kihívás, az értékek változása mentén a szociális politikának is változnia kell, hisz megfelelő válaszokat kell találnunk azokra a kihívásokra, amelyekkel szembesülünk. Ezért is üdvözlendő a Bizottság kezdeményezése, hogy valamiféle leltár készüljön azokról a szociális gondokról, melyek Európa lakosságát nyomasztják.

Nyilvánvaló, hogy a csaknem 500 millió uniós állampolgár nem egy homogén tömeg. Annak ellenére, hogy a régi tagországok közti jövedelemkülönbségek csökkennek, a gazdag és szegény régiók közti különbségek mégis növekvő tendenciát mutatnak. Az EU tíz új tagországa lakosainak 2/3-a olyan szegény régiókban él, ahol a jövedelmi szint a régi tagországok átlagjövedelmének a fele vagy annál kevesebb. Ennél is rosszabb a helyzet Bulgáriában és Romániában, ahol az átlagjövedelem nem éri el a régi tagországok az egy főre eső jövedelmének 1/3-át sem.

Nem lehet vita tárgya, hogy a szegénység leküzdéséhez többet kell tudnunk arról, milyenek is a szegénység különböző megjelenési formái. Ehhez azonban új szegénységi mutatók kellenek, hiszen ez idáig csak a relatív szegénység kockázatáról vannak átfogó adataink.

Ezért rendkívüli érdeklődéssel várjuk a Bizottság közleményét erre vonatkozólag. A jelentés az elszegényedés új kockázataira is felhívja a figyelmet. Keveset tudunk például arról, milyen veszélyes méreteket ölt a lakosság eladósodása. A 15 régi tagország közül 12-ben a lakosság eladósodása egy főre számítva meghaladja a 16 000 eurót, ami a családok éves átlagjövedelmének 90%-át teszi ki.

Egyetlen utolsó mondatot engedjen meg még, elnök asszony. A jelentés rámutat ismét a gyerekszegénység leküzdésének a fontosságára, és ezt rendkívül fontosnak tartjuk.

 
  
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  Richard Falbr, za skupinu PSE. – Vážená paní předsedající, vážený pane komisaři, v prvé řadě chci poděkovat Elizabeth Lynne za velmi dobrou zprávu a za dobrou spolupráci. Důvodů sociálního vyloučení je celá řada a byla by velká škoda, kdyby se s touto zprávou dále nepracovalo. Ve svém vystoupení chci zdůraznit význam veřejných služeb, které přispívají k odstraňování chudoby a vyloučení. Jejich privatizace povede k jejich zdražení a menší dostupnosti. Mrzí mě, že se nepodařilo prosadit stanovisko odsuzující ty státy, které zavádějí nízké rovné daně, a tím znemožňují shromáždit dostatek peněz k zajišťování sociálních funkcí státu. Bylo by jistě užitečné, aby se členské státy v rámci výměny informací o osvědčených postupech seznamovaly s tím, co se povedlo. Uvítal bych ovšem také, aby se vyměňovaly informace o postupech, které se nevyplatily, případně vymstily. Vím, že taková praxe neexistuje, ale bylo by jistě užitečné, aby sociální partneři a nevládní organizace dohlédli na to, aby se tak dělo.

Základním předpokladem nutným proto, aby se v mnohdy nedokonalých sociálních sítích neocitali další a další občané členských zemí, je zajištění dostatečného počtu slušně placených pracovních míst. Není možné tolerovat skutečnost, že někteří pracující lidé jsou často závislí na sociální podpoře. Proto je nutné usilovat o stanovení důstojné minimální mzdy ve všech členských zemích, a to buď podle tradice zákonem nebo kolektivní smlouvou. Velmi významnou se stává snaha o reformy důchodového zabezpečení. Při krocích, které mají vést k tomu, aby zejména základní pilíř – státní důchodové pojištění – byl zachován, by měly všechny členské státy respektovat příslušné úmluvy Mezinárodní organizace práce, které ratifikovaly. Zvlášť důležité je zapojování zdravotně postižených do pracovního procesu, proto je nutné hodnotit kriticky i počínání těch vlád, které různé pobídky vedoucí ke zvyšování počtu pracovních míst pro zdravotně postižené občany odstraňují. Za všechny můžu uvést Českou republiku.

 
  
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  Ona Juknevičienė, ALDE frakcijos vardu. – Sveikinu kolegę Lyz Lynn, parengusią ataskaitą ir pasiekusią politinį kompromisą dėl vieningo politinių grupių požiūrio į Bendrijos socialinę tikrovę.

Tiesa, kad valstybių narių vyriausybės yra tiesiogiai atsakingos už skurdo mažinimą. Jos pačios privalo surasti priemones, kad žmonės turėtų darbą, kad vaikai lankytų mokyklas, kad labiausiai skurstantys gautų socialinę paramą.

Tačiau Bendrijos vaidmuo, sprendžiant nelygybės ir skurdo klausimus yra ne mažiau reikšmingas. Tai, kad 78 mln. Europos piliečių tebeskursta, o socialinis atotrūkis tarp vargšų ir turtuolių didėja, yra rimčiausias signalas imtis veiksmų tiek nacionaliniu, tiek Europos lygiu.

Daugelyje valstybių narių yra užtikrinamos minimalios pajamos. Deja, pasitaiko, kad darbdaviai nesilaiko šių reikalavimų, pažeidžia įstatymus. Ne kartą minėjau, kaip su tokiais pažeidimais susiduria lietuviai dirbantys svetur. Tokio darbdavių elgesio negalime toleruoti.

Sveikinu, kad Valstybės narės atsiliepė į Vadovų Tarybos raginimą sumažinti vaikų skurdą. Tačiau jos, deja, nepasakė, kokių imsis veiksmų, kad vaikų skurdas išnyktų. Ypač pažeidžiami yra neįgalūs ir vyresnio amžiaus asmenys. Turime jiems užtikrinti bent minimalias ilgalaikės priežiūros paslaugas už prieinamą kainą. Tam skirtos Socialinio fondo lėšos. Gaila, bet mano šalyje jos lieka nepanaudotos.

Pritariu pranešėjos pozicijai, kad būtina keistis pažangiąja patirtimi ir vadovautis sėkmingais socialinės apsaugos pavyzdžiais. Privalu pasimokyti, perimti patirtį iš tų valstybių, kurios efektyviai panaudojo Bendrijos lėšas. Mieli kolegos, siekiant piliečių pasitikėjimo Europa, jos institucijomis, mes turime išspręsti skaudžiausius jiems klausimus.

Prancūzijos prezidentas N.Sarkozy, kalbėdamas šioje salėje pasakė, kad prancūzai mano, jog Europa jais nesirūpina ir nesuteikia socialinės apsaugos. Prancūzijoje žmonės balsavo ne prieš konstituciją, jie nepritarė Europai, kurioje jaučiasi nesaugūs.

Komisija žada parengti ataskaitą, kurioje pateiks socialinės tikrovės apžvalgą, išnagrinės socialines tendencijas. Labai tikiuosi, kad ataskaitoje pagrindinis dėmesys bus skirtas veiksmų programai. Programai, kuri pasiūlys, kaip sumažinti ar net visiškai panaikinti piliečių skurdą Europoje. Tuomet galėsime tikėtis jų paramos ir jaustis, kad dirbame savo žmonėms.

 
  
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  Sepp Kusstatscher, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Wir haben hier eine Menge von Ideen zur Sozialpolitik vorliegen. Danke, Frau Lynne! Da die Sozialpolitik aber kein so starkes Gewicht in der EU hat wie die Wirtschaftspolitik, ist dieser Bericht auch nicht so sehr eine Bestandsaufnahme in der EU – wie der Titel sagt –, sondern mehr eine Auflistung von Forderungen nach sozialpolitischen Maßnahmen in den Mitgliedsstaaten.

Zwei Anmerkungen: Die sozialpolitischen Kompetenzen liegen bei den Mitgliedstaaten. Wir auf europäischer Ebene dürfen bloß Empfehlungen aussprechen. Europa ist deshalb in einer Schieflage, weil die Wirtschaft harmonisiert ist, nicht jedoch die sozialen Belange. Seit Lissabon 2000 ist Europa nicht gerechter geworden – im Gegenteil: die Armut nimmt zu. Um die Armut wirklich zu bekämpfen und allen EU-Bürgern ein Leben in Würde und Gerechtigkeit zu ermöglichen, brauchen wir nicht nur Wirtschaft, Markt und Wettbewerb, wir brauchen einen sozialen, gerechten, ökologischen Binnenmarkt für alle Menschen.

Zweitens: Es wird vielfach nur geredet, nicht gehandelt. Die Probleme sind bekannt. Wir brauchen nicht so sehr Studien und Analysen. Jetzt muss endlich gehandelt werden. Es genügt nicht, 2010 als europäisches Jahr zur Bekämpfung der Armut und der sozialen Ausgrenzung auszurufen. Wir brauchen eine wirksame Anti-Armutsagenda, wir brauchen Daten, damit alle Menschen – auch jene ohne Arbeit – genug Grundeinkommen haben und ein Leben in Würde führen können. Es geht um Gerechtigkeit und Menschenrecht für alle!

 
  
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  Eva-Britt Svensson, för GUE/NGL-gruppen. – Fru talman, fru Lind! Det här är en bra kartläggning av den bristande sociala trygghet som allt för många av medborgarna i medlemsländerna tvingas leva i. Kartläggningen visar också sambanden mellan fattigdom, trångboddhet, social utslagning och ökad ohälsa och kortare livslängd.

Kartläggningen tar upp betydelsen av rätt till bostad, arbete, social trygghet och kvinnors rättigheter och funktionshindrades rättigheter. Det visar också på att spelmissbruk, alkoholkonsumtion, droger och rökning ökar den sociala utslagningen. Alltså konstaterar man att medlemsstaterna måste ta itu med de här problemen.

Så långt är allt bra, men verkligheten blir väldigt ofta en annan. Det här blir ofta bara vackra ord eftersom EU med olika direktiv och förordningar, med hänvisning till inre marknadens regler och konkurrensregler, ofta hindrar medlemsstaterna att lösa problemen.

Dessutom subventionerar man vinproducenter och tobaksodling. Den fria rörligheten för varor hindrar till exempel Sverige att behålla en restriktiv solidarisk alkoholpolitik, som är väldigt viktig. Sverige har spelmonopol för att begränsa spelandet, men då hotar EU med domstolen. Samma dubbelspel finns när det gäller texten om lagstiftning om vilseledande reklam och reklambudskap till barn, då EU:s andra hand beslutar om tv-direktiv med produktplacering och reklam till barn.

Det går att förändra den sociala verkligheten, men då måste folkhälsoskäl och miljöskäl vara viktigare än inre marknadens konkurrensregler, och social välfärd och trygghet vara viktigare än avreglering av privatiseringar.

GUE/NGL röstar för betänkandet och vi kommer att fortsätta att göra allt för att förbättra den sociala tryggheten för medborgarna.

 
  
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  Kathy Sinnott, on behalf of the IND/DEM Group . – Madam President, when I initially heard about the process of social reality stocktaking, I was delighted that someone wanted to hold a real discussion on the state of society.

Unfortunately, upon reading the documents from the Commission, I was disappointed to find that the stocktaking process was not looking at social reality but at economic indicators.

I am not convinced that economic indicators are a reliable measure of social reality. If they were, the improved economic status of Ireland over the last decades should be matched by improvements in social cohesion, rather than the rise in serious crime, addiction, suicide, alienation, family dysfunction, exclusion and loneliness that we actually see.

We would not just ask if a person is employed; we would ask if they are valued, connected and nourished physically, emotionally, intellectually and spiritually, and we would check whether the respect for this person extended to every person, regardless of age, size, ability, colour or any other characteristic.

To properly take stock of social reality, we would also look at the sustainability of the natural habitat of the human person: the family. With this in mind, we would not just look at the gap between rich and poor, but the gap left by family breakdown and social isolation.

To understand social reality, we must start with the reality of the human person that makes up society. I will give you just one example, and I hope it will illustrate the contradictory results we get if we look at the money and if we look at the man or woman. We all agree that women should have the right to work and find equality when they do. But when we exert economic pressure on women who would like to stay at home with a young baby to work rather than care for the child and push them into the workforce, we register a very high rate of employment and assume that this means a healthier social reality. However, if we look at the baby, hardwired for immediate maternal input, and see the loss he or she suffers, which scientists tell us will be neurological and lifelong, then we have to question whether this high employment really translates as an indicator of a healthy social reality.

The irony of short-term thinking, of focusing exclusively on the economics of a society, is that it is the welfare of the people and the family at a human level that ultimately has the greatest impact on the economics.

Look at the cost of a troubled people to the exchequer. Think of the cost of crime, drugs, dropping out, etc. Economic growth can be gobbled up by the growth of social problems. The word ‘economics’ comes from the Greek for management of the home. Economics should serve all people, helping them to be at home in their communities, at home in themselves.

If we get this right, we will have a very healthy social reality of which to take stock in the future.

 
  
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  Frank Vanhecke (NI). – Voorzitter, het verslag met de toch wat cryptische titel "Balans van de sociale realiteit" is in de Commissie sociale zaken zo goed als unaniem goedgekeurd, er was maar één tegenstem, en dat mag eigenlijk ook niet verbazen. De 97 aanbevelingen die het omvat, zijn immers even zo veel oproepen om alles en iedereen bij te staan: de armen, de vrouwen, de mannen, de jongeren, de ouderen, de werklozen, de werkenden met een klein loon, de mindervaliden, de gediscrimineerden, de zieken, de gezonden van vandaag die morgen ziek kunnen worden en ga zo maar door.

Met enige ironie zou ik kunnen zeggen dat de enige bevolkingsgroep die in dit verslag vergeten werd, de mensen zoals ikzelf zijn: heteroseksuele blanke mannen van middelbare leeftijd en van rechtse politiek gezindheid.

Maar zonder ironie zeg ik dat er geen mens in dit Parlement is die het er niet mee eens is dat de zwakkeren in onze samenleving recht op bescherming hebben en dat een beschaafde maatschappij mag afgerekend worden op de graad van sociale bescherming voor mensen die het om objectieve redenen moeilijk hebben om op een normale wijze in de samenleving actief te zijn. Men moet dus bij wijze van spreken een slecht mens zijn om deze catalogus van goede voornemens en de sociale Sinterklaaspolitiek in dit verslag niet bij te treden.

Toch zal ik het voorliggende verslag niet goedkeuren. Er zijn namelijk in de opsomming van aanbevelingen een aantal zaken waar ik mij niet achter kan scharen, in het bijzonder met betrekking tot het immigratiebeleid, integratie en diversiteit, en er is ook de afwezigheid van essentiële bescherming van een gezinsbeleid, maar de hoofdreden waarom ik dit niet kan goedkeuren is veel essentiëler. Het sociaal beleid en alles wat onder de noemer van sociale zekerheid gevat kan worden, is per uitstek een domein van de lidstaten en binnen die lidstaten soms van de deelstaten en dus niet van de Europese Unie.

Indien hier iemand in deze assemblee over een machine beschikt om geld en middelen te produceren uit de lucht, tenzij dat bestaat, moeten de maatregelen voor sociale bescherming nog altijd gefinancierd worden met belastinggeld. Dat betekent dat er keuzes gemaakt moeten worden en dat men jammer genoeg niet altijd voor alles en iedereen Sinterklaas kan zijn.

Er moeten essentiële beslissingen worden genomen die zeer ingrijpend zijn voor een hele maatschappij en die beslissingen moeten worden genomen op een zo laag mogelijk niveau, zo dicht mogelijk bij de burgers en niet in de ivoren torens van Brussel, van Luxemburg of van Straatsburg.

In mijn eigen land bijvoorbeeld ervaren wij dat Vlamingen en Walen fundamenteel verschillende keuzes maken bijvoorbeeld op het gebied van gezondheidszorg of de aanpak van werkloosheid. Onze Vlaamse en Waalse maatschappijen zijn verschillend, onze politieke en economische wereld is verschillend en dus kiezen wij voor een andere aanpak en andere prioriteiten. Als dat vandaag binnen België reeds het geval is, hoezeer is het dan mutatis mutandis niet het geval voor de zeer verschillende lidstaten van de Europese Unie, pakweg Groot-Brittannië en Roemenië?

Mocht dit verslag enkel een catalogus van goede voornemens zijn, tot daar aan toe, maar het is al jaren de bedoeling van de Europese instellingen om het domein van het sociaal beleid naar zich toe te trekken en dat is geen goede zaak.

 
  
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  Gabriele Stauner (PPE-DE). – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Im Gegensatz zu einigen meiner unmittelbaren Vorredner finde ich, dass man der Kommission zu den dieser Diskussion zugrunde liegenden Mitteilungen nur gratulieren kann. Sie sind nicht nur eine Fundgrube bei der Suche nach sozialen Fakten und Daten in den Mitgliedstaaten, sondern meines Erachtens auch ein deutliches Zeichen dafür, dass die EU und die Kommission es ernst meinen mit einer eigenständigen Sozialpolitik.

Denn wenn man sich zu einem europäischen Sozialmodell bekennt, das wir nicht nur als Tradition und historische Errungenschaft preisen wollen, sondern für die Zukunft zu einem Markenzeichen des vereinten Europas machen wollen, dann ist eine Bestandsaufnahme zur sozialen Wirklichkeit Grundvoraussetzung. Nicht zuletzt infolge der Erweiterungsrunden von 2004 und 2007 müssen wir endgültig von der Betrachtungsweise Abstand nehmen, dass die europäische Sozialpolitik ein Anhängsel des Binnenmarktes ist.

Ganz so selbstverständlich ist dies aber nicht, denn in vielen Bereichen ist das wirtschaftspolitische Übergewicht bei Kommissionsvorschlägen leider unübersehbar. Ich erinnere in diesem Zusammenhang gerade an das Grünbuch für Arbeitsrecht und die Flexicurity-Debatte. Ersteres hat die Kommission seit gestern ad acta gelegt, was ich nur wärmstens begrüßen kann, und für die Flexicurity-Vorschläge, die sich gegen mühsam erkämpfte Rechte der Arbeitnehmer im Arbeitsverhältnis richten, wäre das auch zu empfehlen.

Alle in diesem Bericht – vielen Dank an die Kollegin Lynne – angesprochenen Punkte sind hochaktuell. Ich denke nur an die Mindestlohndebatte in meinem Land und an die Lohnforderungen, unterstützt von den heutigen Streiks im französischen und deutschen Eisenbahnverkehr. Zur Lohnpolitik stellen wir zu Recht fest: Ein Vollzeitarbeitsplatz muss seinen Mann bzw. seine Frau ernähren. Alles andere entspricht nicht der christlichen Verantwortung der Unternehmer für ihre Beschäftigten. Arbeit muss sich lohnen, das muss der Grundsatz sein.

Was mir immer sehr leid tut, ist die Kinderarmut, die ich selbst in meinem Heimatland zu beklagen habe. Ich denke, hierauf müssen wir ein verstärktes Augenmerk legen, das darf es nicht geben. Eigentlich würde ich mir wünschen, dass es durch schnelle Bemühungen in den Mitgliedstaaten überflüssig wird, dass wir das Jahr 2010 zu einem Jahr der Armut und der sozialen Ausgrenzung in Europa erklären müssen.

 
  
  

PRESIDE: MIGUEL ANGEL MARTÍNEZ MARTÍNEZ
Vicepresidente

 
  
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  Jan Andersson (PSE). – Herr talman, herr kommissionär! Jag vill också börja med att tacka fru Lind för ett utmärkt arbete och ett utmärkt betänkande. Jag var själv inbjuden till konferensen på Azorerna där vi tillsammans, kommissionen och parlamentet, hade en dialog med det civila samhället kring de här frågorna.

Jag vill också berömma kommissionen för att man tar de här frågorna på allvar genom sitt nya meddelande om social utestängning och genom att man lägger fram en rekommendation nästa år som lyfter upp de här frågorna. För det är precis som herr Špidla säger: Läget är ganska bra i Europa generellt sett med ökad tillväxt och flera arbetstillfällen. Men när vi ser detta så ökar samtidigt klyftorna. Klyftorna ökar och fattigdomen ökar. Det finns stora skillnader mellan medlemsländerna. I en del länder är skillnaderna oerhört stora, och då pratar jag inte om nya och gamla medlemsländer – det finns nya medlemsländer med små klyftor och det finns gamla medlemsländer med stora klyftor. Detta måste vi ta oss an.

Jag tycker strategin från kommissionen med tre pelare är ganska bra. När det gäller arbete räcker det inte med arbete, för det finns också dåliga arbeten som det inte går att försörja sig på och som inte ger inflytande. Det måste vara bra arbeten som ger ordentliga löner. Vi i utskottet tittade på situationen när det gäller minimiinkomster och såg stora skillnader mellan medlemsländerna. Där behöver vi ett erfarenhetsutbyte för att hitta bästa praxis. Sen gäller det de offentliga tjänsterna, som alla måste få tillgång till: sociala tjänster, bostäder, hälso- och sjukvård och så vidare. Metoderna är den öppna samordningsmetoden och den ska vi stärka.

Jag vill också nämna innan jag slutar mitt anförande att vi i dag kommer att rösta om parlamentets inställning till bland annat de kommande integrerade riktlinjerna. Också i de integrerade riktlinjerna måste vi föra in den sociala dimensionen så att vi binder ihop tillväxtfrågor och sysselsättningsfrågor med en social dimension, så att vi inte ser de här frågorna isolerade från varandra utan som en helhet.

 
  
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  Siiri Oviir (ALDE). – Austatud president, head kolleegid, tänan proua Lynne'i väga olulise teema tõstatamise eest. Tervitatav on raporti eesmärk erinevate osaliste tähelepanu äratamisel, arutlemaks selle üle, mida kujutab endast Euroopa sotsiaalne tegelikkus. Teema on lai ja seetõttu saan peatuda vaid paaril sõlmpunktil.

Nizza kohtumisel 2000. aastal võtsid liikmesriigid endale kohustuse näidata olulist ja mõõdetavat vaesuse ja sotsiaalse tõrjutuse vähenemist 2010. aastaks. Paraku ei ole eelnimetatud eesmärgi poole liikumine olnud piisavalt edukas.

Avatud Euroopa, mis põhineb vabal liikumisel ja vabal kaubandusel, on aidanud kaasa majanduse edendamisele, millest omakorda peaks ju sõltuma inimese heaolu ja parem elukvaliteet. Siiski on viimaste aastate jooksul saanud selgeks, et paljude eurooplaste jaoks on küsitav, kas globaliseerumise, liberaliseerimise ja suurema konkurentsi innustamise netomõju lisab midagi nende heaolule.

Täna, 21. sajandil, on vaesuse ja sotsiaalse tõrjutuse tase Euroopas hirmutavalt kõrge. Härra Špidla ütles just äsja, et ligi kahekümnel protsendil, aga see tähendab igal viiendal inimesel meie elanikkonnast, on oht sattuda vaesusesse. Kõigis liikmesriikides eksisteerivad sotsiaalteenused ja sotsiaaltoetused, kuid ikkagi ka pärast nende saamist elab iga kuues vaesuses.

Kas me oleme endalt küsinud, miks see nii on ja seda liidus, mis ei ole kokku pandud sunniviisiliselt. Miks nüüd, 62 aastat peale sõja lõppu ja 50 aastat peale liidu loomist, ei ole me suutnud tagada inimeste põhiõigust? Küsin: kas edukas majandus on eesmärk iseeneses või peaks see olema vahend inimeste heaolu suurendamisel?

Edasi: sotsiaalabi andmisel on liikmesriikidel kohustus tagada minimaalset äraelamist võimaldav tugi; anda sellist abi, mis ka eesmärki täidab. Me ei vaja direktiivide formaalset ülevõtmist ega nende paljusust – sellega petame vaid iseend. Siit tõusetub küsimus: kas Euroopa Liidu institutsioonide tasandil tagatakse vastuvõetud dokumentide kohane täitmine ja seda ka siis, kui küsimuse all on nõndanimetatud "pehmed valdkonnad"?

Me ei saa Euroopas keskenduda ainult majandustulemustele ja konkurentsile, vaid ka suurema sotsiaalse ühtekuuluvuse loomisele ja jätkusuutlikkuse sotsiaalsele mõõtmele. Ja kui me oleme vastu võtnud vastava otsuse, siis peame hea seisma ka selle eest, et see ka rakendataks. Seda ootavad meilt meie kodanikud.

 
  
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  Ewa Tomaszewska (UEN). – Panie Przewodniczący! Rozwojowi gospodarczemu, tak pożądanemu przez nas wszystkich, towarzyszy niestety wzrost rozwarstwienia dochodowego, który osłabia spójność społeczną i tworzy poważne zadania wobec grup słabszych, dotkniętych bezrobociem, uzyskujących niskie dochody z pracy, mających trudniejszy dostęp do edukacji i ochrony zdrowia.

Zadania przyjęte na spotkaniu Rady w Nicei są realizowane w niewystarczającym stopniu. Nadal istnieją grupy ludności o dochodach poniżej minimum egzystencji. Brak samodzielności ekonomicznej powoduje także naruszenie poczucia godności. Powszechny zakaz dyskryminacji, gwarancja równych szans, przede wszystkim dla osób niepełnosprawnych, są oczywiste i konieczne, ale oznaczają wzrost wydatków na cele społeczne. Narody nasze starzeją się, co stwarza obawy o wydolność finansową systemów ubezpieczeń emerytalnych.

Gratuluję pani Lynne wspaniałego sprawozdania, zwracającego uwagę na wymienione uprzednio oraz inne poważne problemy społeczne w naszych krajach i metody ich rozwiązywania. Zdecydowanie popieram ten projekt.

Jednak chciałabym zwrócić uwagę na sprzeczność w podejściu Unii Europejskiej do problemów społecznych i ekonomicznych. Presja na ograniczanie wydatków na cele socjalne nie pozwala na rozwiązywanie licznych problemów społecznych. Przykładem może tu być reforma systemu emerytalnego w Polsce.

 
  
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  Carlo Fatuzzo (PPE-DE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, non solo mi congratulo con la onorevole Elizabeth Lynne per la sua relazione, anche perché ho saputo che nel fare questo inventario di tutto quello che non funziona nel sociale in Europa, ne ha trovate così tante di cose che non funzionano che i funzionari del Parlamento sono stati costretti a trascinarla via dalla sua scrivania per essere qui questa mattina e non aveva ancora finito.

Perché è vero che c'è tanta povertà in Europa, ma perché mi sono ricordato entrando qui e vedendo il mio collega di banco Fernando Fernández di quello che lui disse a Puebla nel Messico – alcuni anni fa in cui mi trovai con lui in una conferenza sulla povertà in tutto il mondo – e lui disse: la colpa della povertà, la più importante colpa della povertà è colpa del malgoverno che c'è in tutto il mondo. Quindi i responsabili della povertà, numero uno e i primi, sono i governi, i malgoverni nazionali, non noi Unione europea: e quindi sia questa una chiamata alla responsabilità dei governi nazionali che tanto pretendono e tanto chiedono all'Europa, ma poco fanno specialmente dove c'è bisogno di fare.

E ho incontrato anche l'amico von Wogau venendo in Aula, che mi ha chiesto: ma è vero che in Italia le pensioni di chi muore, lascia una vedova o resta totalmente inabile sono di 50 euro al mese per tutta la vita? Si, Presidente, ho dovuto dirgli che purtroppo è vero! E' per questo motivo, unico rappresentante dei pensionati eletto per questo in questo Parlamento europeo, dico sì al salario minimo per chi ha la fortuna di lavorare, dico sì a una pensione minima in Europa per tutti coloro che sono anziani pensionati e dico sì anche a chi disoccupato, senza lavoro, senza pensione ha diritto di avere anche lui un reddito minimo.

 
  
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  Karin Jöns (PSE). – Herr Kommissar, liebe Liz! Herzlichen Dank für die Initiativen, sowohl der Kommission als auch Dir, Liz, für den ganz ausgezeichneten Bericht. Wer Armut bekämpfen will — der Kollege Fatuzzo hat es ja schon gesagt —, muss wirklich stärker den Fokus auch auf die ältere Bevölkerung richten. Wir müssen dem demographischen Wandel Rechnung tragen und trotz ständig steigender Kosten im Gesundheitswesen doch auch sicherstellen, dass es in Zukunft ebenso möglich ist, in Würde alt zu werden. Auch alte Menschen haben ein Recht auf eine umfassende und qualitätsgesicherte Gesundheitsversorgung und Pflege, unabhängig von Wohnort und Einkommen.

Wir brauchen dringend einen gezielten Erfahrungsaustausch unter den Mitgliedstaaten darüber, wie eine qualitativ hochwertige Pflege am besten organisiert und gesichert werden kann, und wie diese bezahlbar angeboten werden kann. Dabei haben wir besonders dem Problem von immer mehr Menschen mit Demenzerkrankungen Rechnung zu tragen. Hierfür aber brauchen wir solide Daten. Deshalb auch die Aufforderung an die Kommission, uns diese Daten möglichst rasch zu liefern.

In einem sozialen Europa müssen alle Patienten den gleichen Zugang zu evidenzbasierten Medikamenten und Medizinprodukten haben. Es kann nicht angehen, dass ein und dasselbe Antibiotikum z. B. in Belgien 3 Euro und in Deutschland 34 Euro kostet. Deshalb bin ich froh, dass wir Kommission und Mitgliedstaaten mit diesem Bericht auffordern, in einem intensiven Dialog mit uns, der Pharmaindustrie und Patientengruppen ausgewogene Leitlinien für mehr Transparenz zu entwickeln, wenn es um Wirksamkeit und Preise von Medikamenten geht. Auch das ist ein Beitrag zur Senkung der Kosten im Gesundheitswesen für uns alle.

 
  
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  Μαρία Παναγιωτοπούλου-Κασσιώτου (PPE-DE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, σας συγχαίρω και εγώ για τις δύο ανακοινώσεις σας και εύχομαι να συνεχίσετε τις εποικοδομητικές προτάσεις σας.

Η συνάδελφος Lynne με κοινωνική ευαισθησία, αλλά και όλοι οι συνάδελφοι με τις τροπολογίες μας, ασχοληθήκαμε με όλους τους άξονες δράσεων της ανοικτής μεθόδου συντονισμού που περιέχονται στα εθνικά σχέδια δράσης. Ο απολογισμός της κοινωνικής πραγματικότητας θα πρέπει να δίνει κατευθύνσεις στην κοινωνική πολιτική των κρατών μελών και να λαμβάνει υπόψη ότι σήμερα η Ευρώπη αντιμετωπίζει σοβαρά δημογραφικά προβλήματα που επηρεάζουν άμεσα την κοινωνική συνοχή και τη διαγενεακή αλληλεγγύη.

Η οικογένεια συνεχίζει να μην λαμβάνεται υπόψη από τα κράτη ως προς την υποστήριξη που θα έπρεπε να έχει, παρόλο που αποτελεί τη βάση της κοινωνίας. Η φτώχεια των οικογενειών, όχι μόνο των μονογονεϊκών αλλά και των πολυτέκνων, αυξάνεται λόγω έλλειψης όχι μόνο εισοδήματος, αλλά κοινωνικής στήριξης και ίσης μεταχείρισης στον φορολογικό κυρίως τομέα.

Οι συνθήκες διαβίωσης των οικογενειών επηρεάζουν άμεσα και τα παιδιά, ιδιαίτερα στις πιο ευάλωτες κατηγορίες. Εντείνεται η άνιση πρόσβασή τους στους πόρους και στις ευκαιρίες, με αποτέλεσμα να περιορίζεται τόσο η προσωπική τους εξέλιξη όσο και η μελλοντική οικονομική ανάπτυξη και η συνοχή της Ευρώπης. Δεν θα μπορούσε η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, για κάθε παιδί που γεννιέται σ’ αυτήν να του εξασφαλίζει ένα εισόδημα για τη διαβίωση και την ανάπτυξή του, που θα είναι ανάλογο με το κατά κεφαλήν εισόδημα του κάθε κράτους μέλους;

Η πολιτική για την προώθηση της κοινωνικής συνοχής πρέπει να βασίζεται στη συμμετοχή στην αγορά εργασίας, αλλά να συμβάλλει και στην κοινωνική ενσωμάτωση των μη ενεργών ατόμων, καθώς και αυτών που προσφέρουν άτυπες υπηρεσίες εντός της οικογένειας. Για το λόγο αυτό, καλούνται τα κράτη μέλη -κυρίως- να διερευνήσουν τρόπους αναγνώρισης των άτυπων προσόντων που αποκτήθηκαν κατά την παροχή υπηρεσιών φροντίδας σε παιδιά και εξαρτημένα άτομα, ως προηγούμενη κατάρτιση και προϋπηρεσία, ώστε να διευκολύνεται η ένταξή τους στην αγορά εργασίας και η παροχή συνταξιοδοτικών και ασφαλιστικών δικαιωμάτων.

Η διαγενεακή αλληλεγγύη πρέπει να διατηρείται μέσω της αξιοποίησης των γνώσεων και των εμπειριών των ηλικιωμένων ατόμων, της διάδοσης και της χρήσης των από τις νέες γενιές. Τα κράτη μέλη καλούνται να προωθούν συστήματα αλληλοεξυπηρέτησης μεταξύ των γενεών και να επενδύουν σε συστήματα εθελοντισμού, είτε εκπαιδευτικού, είτε πολιτιστικού, είτε επιχειρηματικού χαρακτήρα.

Αυτό θα επιτευχθεί μέσω της δημιουργίας κατάλληλων υποδομών και της ενημέρωσης για την αύξηση της δυνατότητας συμμετοχής των ηλικιωμένων σε τέτοιες δραστηριότητες, ώστε να μην περιθωριοποιούνται και πέφτουν θύματα κοινωνικού αποκλεισμού.

 
  
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  Alejandro Cercas (PSE). – Señor Presidente, señora Lynne, señor Comisario, muchas gracias por habernos ofrecido esta comunicación y este documento, que nos van a permitir, sin duda, avanzar en el conocimiento de los cambios, las tendencias y la agenda que necesitamos para el futuro.

Pero no debemos equivocarnos. Tenemos muchos documentos, tenemos muchos análisis, tenemos muchos debates y tenemos muchas palabras. Pero aquí, como en las enfermedades, no sólo es necesario el diagnóstico, es necesaria también la terapia.

Y, verdaderamente, como usted ha dicho, señor Comisario, necesitamos una terapia europea —la Unión, sus instituciones, sus mecanismos— para poder dar respuesta a los problemas de hoy y de mañana, teniendo en cuenta que o lo hacemos a nivel de la Unión o no habrá posibilidad de hacerlo sólo a nivel de los Estados miembros.

Algunos Estados miembros que están avanzando rápidamente, como el mío, empezamos a vernos amenazados por políticas que tratan de frenar o que tratan, desde otros Estados miembros, de establecer competencias desleales con las ofertas y el cambio social que se realiza en nuestros países. Tenga en cuenta, señor Comisario, que ya empieza a cundir la sensación de que la política social europea, que en los años sesenta o setenta —como me dice hoy en una carta un sindicalista español— tenía como objeto armonizar en el progreso; que en los ochenta y noventa se recluía en un aseguramiento de prescripciones mínimas, ahora empieza a deslizarse hacia una política social en la que hay una competencia a la baja entre los Estados miembros.

Señor Comisario, entre los riesgos que tenemos para el futuro no solamente están el envejecimiento o la globalización, sino que es sobre todo el virus de la insolidaridad y del nacionalismo agresivo y xenófobo y antieuropeo el que amenaza las conquistas sociales de Europa de hoy y del futuro.

 
  
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  Agnes Schierhuber (PPE-DE). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, meine sehr geehrten Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich möchte mich dem Dank an unsere Berichterstatterin, Frau Lynne, sehr herzlich anschließen. Sozialschutz und soziale Eingliederung hilft bei der Bekämpfung von Armut und Ausgrenzung, auch in der Gesundheitsvorsorge und vielem anderen mehr, und gehört zu den wichtigsten Herausforderungen für die Zukunft.

Der Begriff Mindesteinkommen wird in meinem Mitgliedstaat oft unterschiedlich diskutiert. Ich unterstütze aber voll den Ansatz von Frau Stauner im Hinblick auf Arbeitsplatz, Vollarbeitszeit und Einkommen. Durch die starke Verankerung der Sozialpartnerschaft in Österreich haben wir eine große Chance, und dadurch wird immer auch versucht, im Einvernehmen mit allen Beteiligten eine Lösung zu finden. Dadurch kommt es auch seltener zu Streiks als in anderen EU-Staaten, wo Streiks häufig zur Tagesordnung gehören.

Gerade deshalb ist eine Regelung auf EU-Ebene sehr genau zu betrachten. Durch die unterschiedlichen nationalen Sozialsysteme müssen wir bei einer Vereinheitlichung sehr überlegt vorgehen.

Es muss uns ein Anliegen sein, allen Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmern sozialen Schutz zu bieten und ihnen auch die soziale Eingliederung zu ermöglichen. Dabei muss es auch möglich sein, dass im Rahmen der Subsidiarität die Mitgliedstaaten natürlich auch höhere Standards haben sollten, müssten, können.

 
  
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  Proinsias De Rossa (PSE). – Mr President, the social reality of Europe is that poverty is rife. Seventy-two million men, women and children are below the poverty line, many are homeless and many disabled or confined to their homes because of lack of services. Many people are trapped in poverty by inflexible welfare rules.

I am afraid that communications and guidelines will not solve these issues. While I do not underestimate the difficulties faced by Commissioner Špidla, we need to establish legal obligations on Member States to achieve the necessary changes.

Working people are seeing their pensions devalued and their job security undermined, and many fear the race to the bottom. The problem is that inequality is built into many Member States’ economic models. For many of them, including Ireland, the attitude is ‘Let us create the wealth. Then we will sort out the social problems’. This is to ignore the reality that social inequalities are a brake on economic progress and that we cannot have long-term sustainable prosperity for everyone if we treat social policy as an afterthought and fail to avail of the wasted talent of 72 million people, not to mention the human misery that hides behind that statistic.

 
  
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  Tomáš Zatloukal (PPE-DE). – Vážený pane předsedající, vážený pane komisaři, dámy a pánové, v evropských společnostech dochází k dramatickým změnám. Tyto změny se týkají charakteru práce, moderního rodinného života, postavení žen ve společnosti a sociální mobility, mění se její hodnoty, společnosti se stávají stále více multikulturní. Současný rozvoj rozšířil obzory lidí a možnosti volby způsobu života.

Členské státy Evropské unie patří k nejbohatším zemím na světě, zároveň se však objevují nové formy chudoby a nerovnosti. Desítky milionů evropských občanů žijí v současnosti v chudobě. Sociální začlenění a sociální ochrana jsou základními hodnotami Evropské unie, na níž má každý člověk nezadatelné právo. Členské státy však musí přisuzovat větší váhu boji proti dětské chudobě. Jestliže nebudou provedena významná zlepšení zapojení dětí ze znevýhodněných sociálních skupin již do předškolního vzdělávání, potom nedojde ke snížení počtu předčasných odpadlíků ze škol, neuspějeme se zvýšením horního stupně středoškolských absolventů, a tím nabytí klíčových kompetencí. Rostoucí počet obyvatel bude čelit riziku sociálního vyloučení, nezaměstnanosti a dalším společensky nežádoucím jevům velmi nákladným pro ně, pro ekonomiku i společnost.

Také boj proti nezaměstnanosti mladých lidí zůstává z tohoto hlediska důležitým úkolem. V odborném vzdělávání je nutné u některých programů odstranit překážky tak, aby jejich nabídka mohla být flexibilnější a efektivnější, zohledňovala poptávku na trhu práce. Zvýšíme tím zejména příležitosti uplatnění pro znevýhodněné osoby. Posílení sociální soudržnosti a odstranění chudoby a sociálního vyloučení se musí stát pro Evropskou unii a její členské státy politickou prioritou.

 
  
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  Richard Howitt (PSE). – Mr President, I welcome this debate and report on social reality and, though we must of course welcome stocktaking and exchanges of best practice and the open method of coordination, the reality that we have to understand is that these devices have not yet stopped: women having 24 % less pay compared to men in Germany; nearly one in three children living in poverty in Poland; and wealth inequality in my own country, the United Kingdom, at a 40-year high.

I do think that European social funding and national programmes like the New Deal in the UK are essential active labour market measures to tackle the real barriers which prevent groups in our society from progressing from worklessness to work and that work is still one of the best devices for us to combat poverty.

I do thank Commissioner Špidla for putting a firm commitment in the Commission’s work programme for new legislation on Article 13 discrimination, which I have long discussed with him. I and this Parliament look forward to working with him on the detail, not least in the Presidency conference next week.

But all of us – he and us together – must guard against this talk on stocktaking delaying the new social agenda in Europe, or deregulation in one area actually leading to increases in inequality and injustice, not combating these evils.

Trade unionists, social NGOs and of course disabled people, with whom I have worked for more than 20 years, are sceptical about what we are doing for social Europe. We have to listen to their concerns and we have to respond to them.

 
  
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  Vladimír Špidla, člen Komise. Vážený pane předsedající, debata byla mimořádně rozsáhlá a mimořádně hluboká. Myslím si, že by bylo velmi obtížné detailně reagovat na jednotlivá vystoupení. Dovolte mi, abych se tedy pokusil reagovat určitým způsobem souhrnně.

Zaprvé myslím, že z debaty je naprosto zřejmé, že myšlenka zhodnocení sociální reality nalezla svoji podporu v rámci Parlamentu, a jakkoliv souhlasím s panem poslancem Cercasem, že diagnóza není terapie, tak bez diagnózy není možná terapie. Naše společnost se mění a najít odpovídající nové postupy či reformovat postupy staré je po mém soudu nezbytné a k tomu, abychom tak udělali účinně, je potřeba znát celkovou situaci.

Myslím si, že dalším společným znakem debaty je, že jistěže existuje sociální realita, která má svojí určitou dynamiku, ale existují také naše hodnoty, obecná evropská koncepce evropského sociálního modelu, jejíž součástí je sociální začlenění a sociální ochrana a aktivita obecně. Není tudíž přijatelné v rámci tohoto modelu našeho způsobu myšlení a jednání hledět na věci a zůstat pasivní. Vždy je možné se pokusit o aktivní politiku a aktivní intervenci.

Třetí myšlenka, kterou bych chtěl zdůraznit, je ta, že nepochybně tak jako ve většině politik i ve většině evropských rozhodnutí existuje princip subsidiarity, který říká, že každý se má zabývat těmi součástmi politiky, kde lze nejlépe a nejefektivněji daný problém řešit. To znamená v sociální politice je pozice členských států nezpochybnitelná. Na druhé straně z debaty také vyplývá velmi zřetelně, že dosáhnout cíle jenom na úrovni členských států bez uplatnění evropské úrovně je nemožné. A proto je na nás, abychom hledali co nejvýhodnější a nejúčinnější synergii v této oblasti.

Myslím si také, že se v debatě objevila obava, kterou svým způsobem také sdílím, že v určitém okamžiku lze zaznamenat jisté riziko, že prostřednictvím nerovnosti a nekompatibility sociálních politik v jednotlivých členských státech může docházet k soutěži, která by směřovala ke snižování sociálních standardů. Evropská komise ve své politice nechce pro tuto možnost otevřít cestu a naším základním konceptem je kompatibilizace jednotlivých evropských sociálních politik tak, abychom zajistili soutěž a vývoj směrem vzhůru, směrem k pokroku, který má vždycky sociální dimenzi.

Dámy a pánové, myslím si, že z debaty také zřetelně vyplývá, že nelze koncipovat sociální politiku, ekonomickou a hospodářskou politiku v pozici buď–a nebo. Existuje pouze varianta nejen–ale i, to znamená varianta společného vývoje obou těchto politik v rovnováze a nikoli možnost nadřadit jednu nad druhou. Obvykle je tendence nadřazovat ekonomickou politiku. Ale myslím si, že z debaty je naprosto zřejmé, že toto není přístup Evropského parlamentu.

Dámy a pánové ve svých příspěvcích jste se dotkli celé řady jednotlivých dílčích problémů, velmi hluboce například problému zdravotnictví, ať na úrovni přístupnosti farmak nebo na úrovni celkové organizace. Debatovali jste o důsledcích demografického stárnutí a o významu služeb ve veřejném zájmu. Jsem rád, že ve strategických dokumentech Evropské komise jsou všechny tyto pohledy zaznamenány a naším úsilím je je integrovat do celkové a souhrnné strategie.

Dámy a pánové, dovolte mi ještě na závěr, abych poděkoval paní poslankyni Lynneové, protože zpráva kterou zpracovala, kterou teď projednává Evropský parlament, je nepochybně důležitým prvkem onoho celkového úsilí o pokrok v rámci Evropské unie.

 
  
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  El Presidente. Gracias, señor Comisario. Yo también, desde la Presidencia, quiero felicitar a la señora Lynne por un informe que ha tenido un amplísimo impacto entre la sociedad civil.

Yo soy testigo de excepción de cómo las caravanas de la juventud contra la pobreza y por la inclusión, que recorrieron toda Europa, tenían el documento de la señora Lynne e iban de ciudad en ciudad, de capital en capital europea, honrando al Parlamento Europeo gracias al trabajo de nuestra colega.

Se cierra el debate.

La votación tendrá lugar a las 12.00 horas.

(La sesión, suspendida a las 11.35 horas, se reanuda a las 12.00 horas)

 
  
  

VORSITZ: HANS-GERT PÖTTERING
Präsident

 
  
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  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra (PPE-DE). – Señor Presidente, querría pedirle, de acuerdo con la señora Mann, que no puede estar hoy con nosotros en el Hemiciclo, y con otros colegas, que transmita la solidaridad de los ciudadanos de la Unión a los que nuestro Parlamento representa con las víctimas de la tormenta tropical, luego transformada en huracán Noel, que ha asolado Haití, la República Dominicana, Jamaica, Cuba, Barbados y otros puntos del Caribe dejando un reguero de destrucción, de enfermedad y de muerte.

Y también, señor Presidente, con las víctimas de las inundaciones de los Estados mexicanos de Oaxaca, Chiapas y también, sobre todo, de Tabasco. Y le quería pedir, señor Presidente, que no sólo transmita nuestra solidaridad sino que inste a la acción a la Comisión Europea para que movilice los instrumentos de los que dispone al objeto de paliar esta situación y estos daños, que siempre afectan a las regiones más desfavorecidas.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege Salafranca. Was das Parlament angeht, werden wir so verfahren und im Übrigen der Kommission Ihre Überlegungen mitteilen.

 

4. Comunicarea poziţiilor comune ale Parlamentului: a se vedea procesul-verbal

5. Timpul afectat votului
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  Der Präsident. Als nächster Punkt folgt die Abstimmungsstunde.

(Abstimmungsergebnisse und sonstige Einzelheiten der Abstimmung: siehe Protokoll)

 

5.1. Statutul şi finanţarea partidelor politice la nivel european (vot)
  

- Bericht: Leinen (A6-0412/2007)

- Vor der Abstimmung:

 
  
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  Jo Leinen (PSE), Berichterstatter. – Herr Präsident! Der Rat hat am letzten Freitag die wesentlichen Inhalte dieser Verordnung für die Finanzierung europäischer Parteien und europäischer Stiftungen akzeptiert. Heute Morgen hat dazu ein Trilog mit Kommission und Rat stattgefunden, und wir haben eine Einigung über die noch offenen Fragen erreicht. Es gibt deshalb wirklich die Chance, dieses Projekt in erster Lesung zu verabschieden und die Voraussetzungen für eine bessere Finanzierung bereits für 2008 zu schaffen.

Ich schlage deshalb vor, dass wir die Abstimmung auf das nächste Plenum, am 29. November, in Brüssel verschieben.

 
  
  

(Das Parlament erklärt sich mit diesem Vorschlag einverstanden.)

 

5.2. Statisticile trimestriale privind locurile de muncă vacante în Comunitate (vot)
  

– Bericht: Athanasiu (A6-0335/2007)

 

5.3. Aplicarea aqcuis-ului Schengen în Republica Cehă, Estonia, Letonia, Lituania, Ungaria, Malta, Polonia, Slovenia şi Slovacia (vot)
  

– Bericht: Coelho (A6-0441/2007)

 

5.4. Redresarea stocurilor de ton roşu din Oceanul Atlantic de Est şi din Marea Mediterană (vot)
  

Bericht: Braghetto (A6-0408/2007)

 

5.5. Interesul european: reuşita în era globalizării (vot)
  

– Gemeinsamer Entschließungsantrag: B6-0435/2007

– Vor der Abstimmung über den Titel vor Ziffer 1:

 
  
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  Margarita Starkevičiūtė, on behalf of the ALDE group. – I would like to suggest changing the heading of the first part to read: ‘External Lisbon dimension’. That is to say, to change ‘External policies’ to ‘External Lisbon dimension’.

 
  
  

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird übernommen.)

– Vor der Abstimmung über Ziffer 5:

 
  
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  Hartmut Nassauer (PPE-DE). – Herr Präsident! Nachdem zu Ziffer 5 ein angekündigter mündlicher Änderungsantrag zurückgezogen worden ist, möchte die EVP-Fraktion, anders als in ihren Listen ausgezeichnet, mit Nein stimmen.

 
  
  

Vor der Abstimmung über Ziffer 14:

 
  
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  Udo Bullmann (PSE). – Herr Präsident! Es gibt Kolleginnen und Kollegen, die mit dem mittleren Teil – er beginnt mit: points out that one usw. bis domestic demand ein Problem haben. In Übereinstimmung mit dem Kollegen Caspary von der PPE-Fraktion schlage ich deswegen vor, hier die Worte in some Member States einzufügen und zwar nach European economy, und ich hoffe, dass die Probleme mit dem mittleren Teil damit zu beseitigen sind. So, glaube ich, könnte auch der ALDE-Fraktion geholfen werden.

 
  
  

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird übernommen.)

– Vor der Abstimmung über Ziffer 30:

 
  
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  Daniel Caspary (PPE-DE). – Herr Präsident! Es gibt keinen Widerspruch, den Text zu verschieben, aber ich bitte trotzdem darum, dass wir über den Text abstimmen lassen. Wenn der Text die Zustimmung des Hauses findet, gehört er an die andere Stelle, aber es könnte ja sein, dass er keine Zustimmung findet, deswegen bitte ich darum, über den Originaltext abstimmen zu lassen.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Es wurde kein Antrag auf getrennte Abstimmung gestellt.

– Nach der Schlussabstimmung:

 
  
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  Jan Andersson (PSE). – Herr talman. Nu har parlamentet röstat för att de integrerade riktlinjerna ska uppdateras och förändras. Det handlar till exempel om den sociala dimensionen. Hittills har kommissionen inte velat lyssna på det.

Jag skulle vilja höra herr Špidlas kommentarer till det beslut som parlamentet nu har tagit och om han inom kommissionen kommer att driva frågan om uppdaterade och förändrade integrerade riktlinjer.

 
  
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  Vladimír Špidla, člen Komise. Přirozeně že stanovisko, které odhlasoval Parlament, je stanovisko, které má odpovídající váhu, a Komise jej nutně musí vzít v úvahu při další přípravě dokumentů, takže z tohoto hlediska hlasování Parlamentu má váhu, která mu v každém případě přísluší, a otázka integrovaných linií byla základní otázkou pro debatu, kterou jsme s Parlamentem vedli.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. Wir interpretieren „gewisses Gewicht“ als „großes Gewicht“ und empfehlen der Kommission, sich unserer Meinung anzuschließen.

 

5.6. Aplicarea Directivei 2004/38/CE privind dreptul la liberă circulaţie şi şedere pe teritoriul statelor membre pentru cetăţenii Uniunii şi membrii familiilor acestora (vot)
  

Gemeinsamer Entschließungsantrag: B6-0462/2007

– Vor der Abstimmung:

 
  
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  Joseph Daul, au nom du groupe PPE-DE. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, je rappelle au règlement – articles 19 et 166. Avant que notre Parlement se prononce sur la résolution commune de certains groupes sur la libre circulation, je tiens à condamner de la façon la plus ferme, au nom de mon groupe, l'attaque personnelle contenue dans son article 13 contre le vice-président de la Commission, Franco Frattini.

Je veux dénoncer une manoeuvre politique indigne, de la part des socialistes italiens, relayée par certains collègues, qui n'est pas à la hauteur des enjeux. Plus grave encore, cette déformation de mauvaise foi des propos de M. Frattini, que notre Institution doit rejeter, ne nous permettra pas de nous prononcer de façon sereine.

Si notre groupe devait, du fait de cette manœuvre, voter contre cette résolution, cela ne diminuerait en rien notre soutien à tous les Roumains et autres ressortissants communautaires qui respectent la loi et leur pays d'accueil.

L'Europe est fondée sur l'État de droit, comme nous le réaffirmons dans la résolution signée par mon groupe à l'initiative commune de nos collègues italiens et roumains. La question de la libre circulation n'est pas seulement une affaire nationale, mais européenne. Elle n'est pas une affaire de règlements de comptes politiques, mais une question de valeurs, mes chers amis.

(Applaudissements)

 
  
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  Martin Schulz, im Namen der PSE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Wir hatten eine ausführliche Debatte hier in diesem Hause, an der Kommissar Frattini teilgenommen hat. Herr Frattini hat bei den Ausführungen, die er selbst gemacht hat, und bei der Erwiderung auf die Redebeiträge der verschiedenen Kolleginnen und Kollegen in sehr moderater Form reagiert. Die Entschließung kritisiert lediglich einen Punkt, nämlich den, dass Kommissar Frattini nachweislich in einem konkreten Punkt des europäischen Rechts der Öffentlichkeit eine nicht richtige Auskunft gegeben hat.

Dass unsere Entschließung das korrigiert und ferner klarstellt, dass der für den Rechtsschutz der Bürgerinnen und Bürger Europas zuständige Kommissar in einer essentiellen bürgerrechtlichen Frage eine falsche Äußerung in der Öffentlichkeit macht, ist die Pflicht dieses Parlaments und hat nichts mit irgendwelchen Verschwörungstheorien zu tun. Wir wissen allerdings sehr wohl, Herr Kollege Daul, dass Sie ein bedauernswerter Kollege sind, denn Sie haben diese Erklärung ja unter dem Druck der Forza Italia abgegeben, das ist alles was dazu zu sagen ist.

(Beifall von links)

 
  
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  Der Präsident. Wir wollen hier jetzt keine Debatte führen!

 
  
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  Monica Frassoni, a nome del gruppo Verts/ALE. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, penso che questa dichiarazione del presidente Daul si commenti da sola, questo Parlamento si esprimerà con una maggioranza e ha tutti i diritti di criticare o stigmatizzare i Commissari. E' un diritto sovrano di questa Assemblea!

Se abbiamo fatto quello che è stato fatto è perché il Commissario Frattini ha fatto un'interpretazione del diritto comunitario sbagliata e anche se queste urla selvagge mi impediscono di parlare, io voglio ripetere che noi agiamo qui come deputati europei verso un Commissario europeo e continueremo a farlo!

(Applausi a sinistra)

 
  
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  Der Präsident. Ich bitte darum, dass wir die Sache nicht mit so großer Emotion behandeln.

 
  
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  Graham Watson, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, I wish to speak briefly on a point of order. Independently of any party political debate, it is highly unwise of Commissioners to get involved in party political matters in their own countries or in anybody else’s country. I think it is not unreasonable that this House should remind the Commission of its duties in this regard.

(Applause from the left)

 
  
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  Der Präsident. Ich habe jetzt noch drei Wortmeldungen, und dann schließen wir diese kurze Debatte.

 
  
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  Francis Wurtz, au nom du groupe GUE/NGL. – Monsieur le Président, je pense qu'il est inutile d'ajouter beaucoup de choses à ce qu'ont dit Monica Frassoni, Graham Watson, Martin Schulz. Je souhaiterais simplement dire ceci: il serait sage, lorsqu'un commissaire quel qu'il soit, voit ses propos remis en cause par quatre groupes qui ne font pas partie de la même moitié de l'hémicycle, qu'il réfléchisse à ce qu'il ne faut plus refaire s'il veut avoir la confiance du Parlement.

(Applaudissements)

 
  
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  Antonio Tajani (PPE-DE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ai sensi degli articoli 151 e 19 del regolamento, le chiedo di valutare la ricevibilità del paragrafo 13, che contiene un immotivato ed infondato attacco personale al Vicepresidente della Commissione. Si tratta di un testo che se approvato, dopo le dichiarazioni del portavoce del Presidente della Commissione in difesa di Frattini, provocherebbe un disdicevole contrasto tra Parlamento e Commissioni per motivi di politica interna. Le chiedo pertanto di mettere in votazione il testo della risoluzione senza il paragrafo 13 e contemporaneamente chiedo agli autori di ritirare il testo attraverso un emendamento orale.

 
  
  

– Vor der Abstimmung über Ziffer 1:

 
  
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  Roberta Angelilli (UEN). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, vorrei aggiungere il seguente emendamento orale: esprime il proprio dolore per l'assassinio della signora Reggiani avvenuto a Roma il 31 ottobre scorso e presenta sentite condoglianze ai suoi familiari.

 
  
  

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird übernommen.)

– Vor der Abstimmung über Ziffer 13:

 
  
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  Roberta Angelilli, a nome del gruppo UEN. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, vorrei aggiungere il seguente emendamento: considera la scolarizzazione e la lotta alla dispersione scolastica all'interno delle comunità Rom uno degli strumenti fondamentali per combattere esclusione sociale, sfruttamento e criminalità.

 
  
  

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird nicht übernommen.)

– Vor der Abstimmung über Erwägung F:

 
  
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  Roberta Angelilli (UEN). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, considerando l'importanza delle condizioni stabilite dagli articoli 5, 6, 7 e 8 della direttiva 38, relativi al diritto di ingresso e di soggiorno.

 
  
  

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird nicht übernommen.)

 

5.7. Aplicarea dispoziţiilor acquis-ului Schengen (vot)
  

Entschließungsantrag: B6-0448/2007

 

5.8. Situaţia din Pakistan (vot)
  

Gemeinsamer Entschließungsantrag: B6-0472/2007

– Vor der Abstimmung über Ziffer 1:

 
  
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  Robert Evans, on behalf of the PSE Group. – Mr President, as Chairman of the Delegation for relations with the countries of South Asia, I led negotiations on this compromise text. I recognise that it is a sensitive issue and it is important that we all recognise the situation in Pakistan. I think the whole House will want to send a strong, unified message to General Musharraf.

In the spirit of compromise and, I hope, to win the support of the whole House, I would like to propose the following oral amendment. In recital A, we refer to President Musharraf ‘suspending the Constitution and the rule of law and replacing them with martial law’. I would like to propose that we say that he has replaced them ‘by the state of emergency, de facto martial law’. Then, in line with the suggestions made by other colleagues, in three other places, paragraphs 1, 10 and 11, we should replace ‘martial law’ with ‘the state of emergency’. I hope that will command the full support of the House.

 
  
  

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird übernommen.)

 

5.9. Conferinţa de la Bali privind schimbările climatice (vot)
  

Entschließungsantrag: B6-0432/2007

– Vor der Abstimmung:

 
  
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  Satu Hassi (Verts/ALE). – Arvoisa puhemies, olisin vain huomauttanut, että tämän päätöslauselman suomenkielisessä tekstissä yksi tärkeä kohta on käännetty väärin. 1 kohdassa, joka koskee Balin neuvottelumandaattia, suomenkielisessä tekstissä on ymmärretty väärin, että tämä päätöslauselma käsittelisi EU:n sisäistä neuvottelumandaattia ennen Balin kokousta. Tosiasiassa tällä Balin mandaatilla tarkoitetaan sitä, että Balin kokouksessa ilmastosopimuksen ratifioineet maat pyrkivät saavuttamaan neuvottelumandaatin, jolla luodaan mahdollisuudet saada aikaan seuraava ilmastosopimus. Eli suomenkielisessä versiossa 1 kohdassa sanat "sopimaan tätä kokousta varten tarvittavasta neuvottelumandaatista" tulisi kuulua "tässä kokouksessa sopimukseen neuvottelumandaatista".

 
  
  

– Nach der Abstimmung:

 
  
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  Gay Mitchell (PPE-DE). – Mr President, I should be recorded as voting against Amendment 7. I am afraid the wrong light came on when I pressed the button. It should have been a vote against. This does not change the result of the vote, but it is a sensitive issue for me. I would therefore ask that my vote be recorded as a vote against.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. Das wird so berücksichtigt.

 

5.10. Consolidarea politicii europene de vecinătate (vot)
  

Bericht: Raimon Obiols i Germà, Charles Tannock (A6-0414/2007)

- Vor der Abstimmung über Ziffer 14/2:

 
  
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  Hélène Flautre (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, excusez-moi, je veux préciser que l'exclusion du terme "accords de réadmission" ne concerne que la première phrase du paragraphe 14, pour enlever toute ambiguïté sur l'interprétation du vote.

 
  
  

Vor der Abstimmung über Änderungsantrag 3:

 
  
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  Charles Tannock (PPE-DE), rapporteur. – Mr President, I would like to add for paragraph 19a the following wording: ‘underlines the need to involve and work together with the EEA countries (Iceland, Norway, Liechtenstein) and Switzerland and to make full use of their experience of working with the European Union’.

 
  
  

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird übernommen.)

– Vor der Abstimmung über Ziffer 42:

 
  
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  Charles Tannock (PPE-DE), rapporteur. – Mr President, this is just to confirm that the oral amendment is to delete the paragraph, so that should be taken first, before Amendment 13, which means that the order of voting in the list needs to be changed.

 
  
  

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird übernommen.)

 

5.11. Relaţii economice şi comerciale cu Ucraina (vot)
  

Bericht: Zaleski (A6-0396/2007)

– Vor der Abstimmung:

 
  
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  Zbigniew Zaleski (PPE-DE), Berichterstatter. – Herr Präsident! Bevor es zur Abstimmung kommt, möchte ich mich gemeinsam mit den Kollegen vom Ausschuss für internationalen Handel für die erfolgreiche Arbeit bedanken, die uns jetzt durch den Wegfall von Änderungsanträgen Zeit sparen lässt.

Dieser Bericht soll ein deutliches Signal an die neue Regierung und an das Parlament in der Ukraine sein, dass von unserer Seite alles Notwendige getan wurde, damit die Verhandlungen für die Freihandelszone geführt werden können. Wir sind vertrauensvolle Partner in diesem Dialog. Wenn ein Repräsentant aus der Ukraine anwesend ist, so kann er oder sie bitte dem nationalen Parlament die Nachricht überbringen, dass das Europäische Parlament empfiehlt, über den Antrag zur Aufnahme der Ukraine in die WTO ohne Verzögerung abzustimmen und ihn anzunehmen, sobald in Genf darüber entschieden ist.

Zum gegenseitigen Nutzen sowohl für die EU als auch für die Ukraine bitte ich Sie nun alle, diesen Bericht zu unterstützen. Vielen Dank.

(Beifall)

 
  
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  Der Präsident. Herr Kollege Zaleski! Wenn es mir zustehen würde, Sie zu beglückwünschen, wie gut Sie sich in meiner eigenen Sprache ausdrücken können, dann würde ich das tun.

 

5.12. Către un răspuns al UE la situaţiile de fragilitate (vot)
  

– Entschließungsantrag: B6-0476/2007

 

5.13. Bilanţul realităţii sociale (vot)
  

– Bericht: Lynne (A6-0400/2007)

– Vor der Abstimmung über Ziffer 9:

 
  
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  Elizabeth Lynne (ALDE), rapporteur. – I propose that the word ‘women’ be changed to ‘individuals’ in paragraph 9.

 
  
  

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird übernommen.)

 
  
  

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. MARIO MAURO
Vicepresidente

 

6. Explicaţii privind votul
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  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca le dichiarazioni di voto.

 
  
  

- Informe: Jo Leinen (A6-0412/2007)

 
  
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  Bogusław Liberadzki (PSE), na piśmie. Sprawozdawca Jo Leinen właściwie zaznacza, że najważniejszą innowacją wniosku Komisji jest umożliwienie wspierania z budżetu Wspólnoty nie tylko europejskich partii politycznych, lecz również związanych z nimi fundacji politycznych na poziomie europejskim.

Zgadzam się, że proponowane rozporządzenie poprawi stabilność finansową europejskich partii politycznych i finansowanie ich kampanii politycznej w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2009 roku.

 
  
  

- Informe: Carlos Coelho (A6-0441/2007)

 
  
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  Zita Pleštinská (PPE-DE). – Ešte pred rokom hrozilo, že termín rozšírenia schengenského priestoru bude odsunutý až do roku 2009. Som rada, že sme všetci zmobilizovali svoje sily a našli sme konštruktívne riešenie, aby sa voľný pohyb osôb bez pasových kontrol stal realitou.

Z tohto dôvodu vítam správu Carlosa Coelho potvrdzujúcu vstup 9 nových členských štátov do schengenského priestoru. Voľný pohyb osôb bez pasových kontrol považujem za výrazný úspech európskej integrácie, preto som túto správu s radosťou v hlasovaní podporila. Pristúpenie nových členských krajín vrátane Slovenska do schengenského priestoru je jasným signálom pre európskych občanov, že železná opona, ktorú vybodovali komunistické totalitné režimy medzi západnou a východnou Európou, sa po 21. decembri 2007 navždy stane minulosťou.

Hlasovanie o tejto správe je pre mňa historickou udalosťou, nakoľko sa uskutočňuje v týždni, keď si 17. novembra Slovenská a Česká republika pripomenú 18. výročie pádu totalitného režimu, ktorý zabraňoval občanom cestovanie v Európe. Verím, že tento vianočný darček poteší všetkých európskych občanov.

 
  
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  Frank Vanhecke (NI). – Voorzitter, ik heb vooral het verslag-Coelho niet goedgekeurd, omdat ik de talrijke pijnpunten van het opengrenzenbeleid van het Schengenakkoord wil aanstippen. Het systeem van Schengen staat of valt immers met een strenge, waterdichte controle aan de buitengrenzen enerzijds, en die is er voor alle duidelijkheid niet, en daarnaast met een strenge aanpak van criminaliteit in alle lidstaten, die in alle lidstaten wordt gecoördineerd, en die is er slechts veel te beperkt. Tenslotte moet er in alle Schengenlanden ook een streng immigratiebeleid zijn, wat dus compleet haaks staat op bijvoorbeeld de massale regularisatiegolven die we de voorbije jaren in nogal wat lidstaten hebben gehad.

In die omstandigheden kan ik als mens en als politicus niet juichen, omdat ik aan de binnengrenzen niet meer gecontroleerd word, aangezien criminelen en illegalen ook niet meer worden gecontroleerd en dat is nefast voor onze samenleving.

 
  
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  Oldřich Vlasák (PPE-DE). – Vážený pane předsedo, dovolte mi vyjádřit se ke zprávě pana poslance Carlose Coelha týkající se návrhu rozhodnutí Rady o plné aplikaci schengenského aquis na devět členských zemí, které vstoupily do Evropské unie v roce 2004. Osobně totiž toto rozhodnutí považuji za naprosto klíčové. Vstup našich zemí včetně mé domovské České republiky není v žádném případě možné odkládat. Všechny dosavadní analýzy totiž objektivně konstatují celkovou kvalitní připravenost všech na rozšíření schengenského prostoru. Díky nesmírnému úsilí dotyčných členských států, řady odborníků účastnících se hodnotících inspekcí, policistů, právníků, úředníků a dalších lidí jsou dnes členské státy dostatečně připraveny uspokojivým způsobem uplatňovat ustanovení schengenského aquis. Předpokládám proto, že podporu výše uvedenému rozhodnutí vyjádří také Rada pro spravedlnost a vnitřní věci ve dnech 6.–7. prosince tohoto roku. Symbolický význam zrušení hranic, který naši občané se vstupem do schengenského prostoru spojují, je zcela nadčasový a lze ho přirovnávat jen k pádu železné opony před necelými dvaceti lety.

 
  
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  Zuzana Roithová (PPE-DE). – Milí kolegové, chci se podělit o sváteční pocit, když jsem dnes spolu s vámi hlasovala – nehledě na technické selhání – o zprávě, která potvrdila připravenost nových zemí včetně České republiky na vstup do schengenského prostoru již v roce 2008. Oceňuji nasazení a vstřícnost, s nimiž se členské státy a Komise věnovaly intenzivním technickým jednáním, která podmiňují rozšíření prostoru. Velký schengenský prostor bude nepochybně náročnější na vnitřní bezpečnost v Evropě, ale na straně druhé, a to chci teď zdůraznit, představuje konečně završení a naplnění práva občanů na volný pohyb ve skutečně jednotném prostoru. Příští rok bude Evropa celistvá jako nikdy v historii. Železná opona je definitivně mrtvá. Dekuji vám za to.

 
  
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  Sylwester Chruszcz (NI). – Panie Przewodniczący! Przystąpienie Polski do strefy Schengen niesie ze sobą nie tylko potencjalne korzyści związane z wygodą przekraczania granic, ale również zagrożenia.

Negatywnym zjawiskiem, którego Polska doświadcza już od wielu lat, jest utrudnienie wjazdu do naszego kraju obywatelom ze wschodnich krajów sąsiednich, w tym Polakom mieszkającym na Białorusi i na Ukrainie. Brak kontroli granicznych może doprowadzić do wielu negatywnych zjawisk związanych z przestępczością i nielegalną imigracją. Niepokoją również działania zmierzające do zlikwidowania narodowej kontroli granicznej w państwach członkowskich na rzecz paneuropejskich, unijnych służb granicznych. Dlatego wstrzymałem się od głosu w tej kwestii.

 
  
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  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Como há muito defendemos, consideramos que as áreas da Justiça e dos Assuntos Internos são competências centrais dos Estados, designadamente do Estado português. Por isso rejeitamos a sua progressiva transferência para as instituições supranacionais da UE, num processo que justifica cada novo "avanço" partindo do "avanço" anterior.

Tal é o caso da criação do denominado "Espaço de Schengen" e do seu acervo, que serve de catalizador para a comunitarização das políticas ou medidas ligadas ao controlo de fronteiras - de vistos, de asilo ou de imigração - ou de mecanismos ao nível policial e judicial.

Tanto mais quando esta "comunitarização" se faz num quadro em que as grandes potências da UE, concertando-se, asseguram no processo de decisão a possibilidade da defesa e da salvaguarda dos seus interesses, o que não acontece com Portugal.

Como temos afirmado, uma coisa é a necessária e indispensável cooperação internacional e europeia entre Estados soberanos e iguais em direitos relativamente a este conjunto de matérias, outra é a inaceitável entrega de componentes essenciais para a salvaguarda da soberania nacional e da democracia a instituições supranacionais dominadas pelas grandes potências da UE para a criação da "Europa fortaleza".

Daí o nosso voto.

 
  
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  Luca Romagnoli (NI), per iscritto. Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, voto contro questa relazione in quanto, come già altre volte ampiamente espresso, anche recentemente, durante i miei interventi all'interno di questa Aula sono fermamente contrario all'accordo di Schengen. Lo sono, ulteriormente, quando poi questo accordo diventa lo strumento per veicolare la circolazione di immigrazione clandestina e pericolosi movimenti da un capo all'altro dell'Unione.

Le frontiere di questi Paesi che si vuole far entrare a par parte dell'acquis di Schengen rappresentano un facile veicolo per delinquenti. L'incontrollata immigrazione da parte di soggetti provenienti dalla galassia della ex repubblica comunista sovietica e dal Medio Oriente beneficerebbe di un ulteriore strumento di ingresso. Senza considerare il grave disordine sociale che la libera circolazione dei cittadini per gli Stati dell'Unione indiscutibilmente causa all'Italia e agli altri paesi.

 
  
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  Lars Wohlin (PPE-DE), skriftlig. Schengensamarbetet måste stå öppet för alla medlemsländer som vill ansluta sig och delta i samarbetet. Däremot är det oerhört viktigt att alla länder som deltar i samarbetet uppfyller alla krav redan vid inträdet eftersom samarbetet innebär en gemensam yttre gräns. Finns det brister i ett land har Sverige ingen möjlighet att kontrollera gränsskyddet. De granskningar som gjorts visar att det finns problem som måste åtgärdas och det rimliga skulle vara att avvakta med inträdet tills alla krav uppfyllts.

 
  
  

- Informe: Iles Braghetto (A6-0408/2007)

 
  
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  Jan Andersson, Göran Färm och Inger Segelström (PSE), skriftlig. Undertecknade svenska socialdemokratiska ledamöter i Europaparlamentet vill i och med denna röstförklaring förtydliga hur vi röstat i ärendet (A6-0408/2007) Braghetto.

Vi tycker att det är väldigt viktigt att inrätta en återhämtningsplan för tonfisk. Tonfisken har sedan länge varit utrotningshotad efter ett allt för stort uttag av tonfisk. På sikt riskerar detta att skada hela ekosystemet i de aktuella fiskevattnen. Vi tycker dock att kommissionens resolution inte är fullt tillräckligt och röstade därför emot denna.

Vi röstade för utskottens ändringsförslag 4 och 6. Två ändringsförslag som innebär att två enligt oss tveksamma undantag för tonfiskfisket stryks.

Vi stödde också ändringsförslag 13 som hade inneburit att vi skulle anta en återhämtningsplan värd namnet. Förslaget gick betydligt längre än det ursprungliga förslaget, något som vi helt och fullt ställer oss bakom. Tillståndet för tonfiskebeståndet är fortfarande allvarligt låg och Europeiska unionen måste ta ett större ansvar för återhämtningen av tonfiskebeståndet.

 
  
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  Gérard Deprez (ALDE), par écrit. – Je souhaite expliciter mon vote sur le rapport relatif au plan de reconstitution des stocks de thon rouge dans l'océan Atlantique oriental et la Méditerranée.

Vu l'état réellement critique des stocks de thon rouge, l'Union, par la voie de ce règlement, réagit: réduction progressive des quotas de capture, limitation des périodes de pêche, ou encore renforcement des contrôles visant à empêcher la pêche illégale. Je soutiens ces propositions.

Un certain pessimisme m'habite cependant.

D'abord, parce que des scientifiques annoncent déjà que les dispositions de ce règlement sont insuffisantes pour assurer la reconstitution des stocks. Selon eux, il y aurait lieu de fixer des quotas allant bien au-delà des taux de capture annuels fixés par la CICTA (Commission internationale pour la conservation des thonidés de l'Atlantique). J'ai tendance à les croire, et j'ai donc apporté mon soutien à l'amendement 13 déposé par les Verts.

Ensuite, vu la présence en Méditerranée de flottes de pays tiers tels que la Libye, la Turquie, la Tunisie, le Japon ou la Chine, non membres de la CICTA, il est clair que le règlement à l'examen n'y produira ses effets que si ces pays adhèrent aux dispositions qu'il prévoit, ce qui n'est pas gagné.

 
  
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  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. O estabelecimento de um plano plurianual de recuperação do atum rabilho ao nível da UE é a tradução prática de uma das medidas adoptadas pela Comissão Internacional para a Conservação dos Tunídeos do Atlântico.

O plano prevê, entre outros aspectos, a redução progressiva do contingente de captura, períodos de imobilização da frota, o aumento dos tamanhos mínimos e um programa de observação a bordo dos navios e nos postos de aquacultura.

A recomendação adoptada prevê igualmente que durante os períodos de imobilização técnica temporária da frota sejam concedidas compensações financeiras aos pescadores. Tal compensação deverá ter como objectivo garantir a salvaguarda da frota e do emprego no sector.

Consideramos ainda importante a melhoria do controlo, actualizando periodicamente a quantidade capturada pelas diversas embarcações, de forma a evitar que as quotas atribuídas sejam ultrapassadas por alguns países em detrimento de outros, como acontece actualmente. Recorde-se que a pesca ao atum rabilho foi encerrada de Setembro a Dezembro porque se suspeitava que as quotas já tinham sido ultrapassadas por alguns países, como se veio a verificar.

Por fim, lamentamos que tenha sido rejeitada uma nossa proposta que sublinhava que a pequena pesca costeira e artesanal, além de empregar milhares de pessoas, permite uma exploração sustentável dos recursos haliêuticos.

 
  
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  David Martin (PSE), in writing. I voted in favour of this proposal for a Council regulation, which sets out a plan for the recovery of bluefin tuna stocks in the Eastern Atlantic and the Mediterranean. Under the proposal, fishers will be compensated for losses caused by closed seasons and quota reductions designed to allow the stock to recover. It recommends no derogations on seasons or minimum sizes. Firm action is needed to make sure this fish stock is not depleted beyond repair.

 
  
  

- Risoluzione: L'interesse europeo (B6-0435/2007)

 
  
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  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Votámos contra esta resolução que retoma os aspectos essenciais das políticas neoliberais no plano comunitário e procura incentivar a sua aplicação no plano mundial.

É uma resolução que aceita a flexigurança como um conceito a desenvolver e a ser integrado nos Planos Nacionais de Reforma de cada Estado-Membro, que tenta branquear as reais implicações e objectivos inerentes à Estratégia de Lisboa e às suas orientações para as políticas económicas e de emprego, designadamente as liberalizações e privatizações que lhe andam associadas.

Não podemos aceitar uma resolução que saúda a intenção de desenvolver uma dimensão externa à Estratégia de Lisboa, designadamente a promoção da liberalização dos mercados à escala mundial, acentuando o seu carácter neoliberal e de ingerência face às orientações económicas de países terceiros.

Na comunicação da Comissão Europeia sobre a sua contribuição para a reunião de Outubro dos Chefes de Estado e de Governo é afirmado que o relançamento da Estratégia de Lisboa para o crescimento e emprego foi coroado de êxito, mas dever-se-ia acrescentar "para os grandes grupos económicos e financeiros nacionais e internacionais" que têm visto os seus lucros crescer exponencialmente, ao contrário dos trabalhadores confrontados com reduções dos seus direitos.

 
  
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  Timothy Kirkhope (PPE-DE), in writing. I and my British Conservative colleagues believe firmly in the Member States of the European Union pursuing policies that will enhance Europe's competitive position in the globalised economy. We believe that Europe should pursue the Lisbon Agenda vigorously by securing a deal in the world trade talks, pushing for further deregulation to free industry and business to compete in world markets, driving forward liberalisation in the internal market, implementing effectively the Services Directive and adhering to a sound competition policy. All of this must be underpinned by an unshakeable commitment to free trade and open markets. Some of these elements are present in this motion and we welcome that.

Sadly, however, we believe that overall this joint motion is a huge missed opportunity. It should have set down the basic principles of an EU approach to globalisation as outlined above, but does not do so. There are elements in this motion which would take Europe in a direction which would undermine the ability of the EU to compete successfully in the globalised economy.

 
  
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  Marie-Noëlle Lienemann (PSE), par écrit. – Cette résolution aurait dû être l'occasion d'affirmer quelques urgences et de préciser ce que le Parlement européen attend concrètement des institutions de l'Union européenne pour assurer une relance de la croissance, un progrès social partagé dans nos 27 pays, ainsi que le développement des PVD.

Rien de tout cela, et l'éternelle ritournelle sur la mondialisation heureuse! Rien sur un contrepoids démocratique à la BCE imposant une politique monétaire favorable à l'industrie et à l'emploi. Rien sur une stratégie pour contrecarrer la perméabilité de l'UE aux hedge funds et aux fonds souverains. Rien sur la préférence communautaire et l'imposition stricte de normes sociales (BIT) ou environnementales. Rien sur l'aide au développement indispensable pour le co-développement!

Comment s'étonner de la faible croissance de l'Europe, des problèmes sociaux et de la défiance des peuples!

 
  
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  David Martin (PSE), in writing. I voted for this composite resolution which responded to the Commission paper ‘The European interest: succeeding in the age of globalisation’. The resolution highlights a number of ways the Union can take advantage of the opportunities globalisation allows: promoting a level playing field in competition and trade issues; improving EU policymaking so it is more joined up; and emphasising the need for the social dimension of the EU to be reinforced.

 
  
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  Peter Skinner (PSE), in writing. I welcome this resolution which draws attention to a series of interrelated issues – social rights through to financial regulations and the impact of how, as a result of expanding markets, the citizen can make sense of them. There is a balance to be had between liberal market conditions and issues of the needs of developing countries and it is absolutely necessary that we continue to debate this issue time and time again.

 
  
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  Bart Staes (Verts/ALE), schriftelijk. Europa zal er niet in slagen de toenemende armoede en de opwarming van de aarde – dé grote uitdagingen van de globalisering – tegen te gaan, als ze voortdurend de liberalisering voorop stelt. Het is net de vrijhandel die deze problemen creëert. De globalisering wekt de illusie dat het algemene welvaartspeil in de wereld stilaan verhoogt, maar tegelijk stel ik vast dat de kloof tussen arm en rijk in de lidstaten gestaag groeit. Liberalisering is bovendien de oorzaak van de grote milieuramp waar we naartoe gaan, als niet gauw doortastende en afdwingbare maatregelen worden genomen tegen de opwarming van de aarde.

Het is onverantwoord crimineel geen krachtdadiger beleid op dit gebied te voeren. Investeren in een energie-efficiënte economie en tewerkstelling in die richting creëren is nochtans een beloftevol verhaal. Het principe van ‘de vervuiler betaalt’ wordt te veel genegeerd. Als groen parlementslid mis ik deze insteek.

Als Europa een eengemaakte markt wil zijn waar mensen, goederen, diensten en kapitaal zich vrij verplaatsen, dan mag Europa ook wel hoge sociale en milieunormen bepalen die bescherming bieden en een voorbeeld zijn voor de rest van de wereld.

De voorgestelde tekst blijft vaag en oppervlakkig en typeert eens te meer het beleid van de Commissie.

 
  
  

- Risoluzione: Applicazione della direttiva 2004/38/CE (B6-0462/2007)

 
  
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  Mario Borghezio (UEN). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sarebbe veramente ipocrita se l'Aula, dopo aver votato a stragrande maggioranza l'emendamento orale dell'onorevole Angelilli, che ricorda e porta le condoglianze e la solidarietà del Parlamento europeo alla famiglia, – ricordo – di una vittima così, direi, immotivata, così grave dei fenomeni di criminalità avvenuta nel nostro Paese, poi non prendesse una posizione chiara per prevenire questi atti, questa vera e propria mattanza di persone oneste che avviene a causa della mancanza di controlli.

Nessuno vuole, ospita nel nostro paese, in Italia, sentimenti di xenofobia, specialmente verso gli appartenenti a un popolo come quello rumeno che, come ci ricordava un'editoriale del quotidiano L'Avvenire, ci ha dato uomini di cultura come Mircea Eliade, come Ionesco, come Cioran. Una grande civiltà che noi sentiamo vicina e che ci è cugina. Altro è la questione dell'invasione di criminali e in particolare l'emergenza Rom, nei cui confronti ci vuole un'azione di prevenzione e di controllo alle frontiere, adottando i rilievi fotodattiloscopici, impronte digitali per prevenire e per sapere chi entra nel nostro paese con quali intenzioni se possibile e per, soprattutto, stabilire una data certa.

Perché se non vogliamo fare delle grida manzoniane in Europa, quando diciamo che dopo i tre mesi si devono fare i controlli, bisogna sapere la data certa dell'entrata e questo, come ha ammesso nell'Aula della Camera dei deputati il ministro Amato, oggi non si fa.

 
  
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  Robert Evans (PSE). – Mr President, I voted in favour of this resolution because I recognise that the free movement of persons is a fundamental principle of the European Union and one which must be respected and defended by all Member States.

Furthermore, I think we are right to emphasise yet again that the EU was actually founded on measures to combat all forms of racism and xenophobia and indeed all forms of discrimination. Equally, we should all in this House recognise that the Roma people of Europe are perhaps the most discriminated against, in some countries to totally unacceptable levels. We should understand that the assimilation, social integration and protection of the Roma minority are objectives that this European Union has yet to achieve. I think that this is an aim that we should all work for, along with the spirit of free movement.

 
  
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  Carlo Fatuzzo (PPE-DE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ho votato contro la risoluzione sulla libera circolazione nell'Unione europea presentata dai gruppi di centrosinistra – spiegherò subito il perché – dopo avere dichiarato che sono assolutamente e totalmente favorevole alla proposta dell'onorevole Mario Mantovani di bloccare per tre anni l'ingresso di extracomunitari, ripeto di extracomunitari, nell'Unione europea e quindi anche in Italia, e per quanto riguarda i comunitari sono favorevolissimo al diritto di libera circolazione di lavoratori, cittadini, turisti purché non sia un permesso di licenza di uccidere.

Non è possibile che, come è avvenuto negli ultimi giorni in Italia, una signora di 45 anni è deceduta mentre ritornava a casa dopo il lavoro e un medico a pochi giorni dalla pensione sia stato ucciso nel corso di un tentativo di furto nella sua casa a Milano. Questa non è libera circolazione!

 
  
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  Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE-DE). – Am votat în favoarea rezoluţiei referitoare la libertatea de mişcare depusă de Grupurile PSE, ALDE, Verts şi GUE/NGL, deşi atinge doar parţial scopul pentru care eu cred că trebuia elaborată această rezoluţie.

Consider că textul rezoluţiei trebuia să constituie un suport şi mai clar al cetăţenilor europeni rezidenţi în alte state decât statul de origine, implicit al cetăţenilor români rezidenţi în Italia şi care respectă legile italiene.

Textul votat nu condamnă atitudinile xenofobe faţă de cetăţenii români şi nu face referire la amplificarea tensiunii între comunitatea română din Italia şi poporul italian, determinată şi de aplicarea improprie a decretului Consiliului de Miniştri italian şi de declaraţiile unor politicieni italieni.

De asemenea, consider că, aşa cum este menţionat în rezoluţia comună PPE-DE şi UEN, aplicarea eficientă a dispoziţiilor legale de către autorităţile italiene ar fi putut preveni această situaţie.

Cer atât Comisiei Europene, cât şi autorităţilor italiene, să ia în considerare şi prevederile rezoluţiei comune a Grupurilor PPE-DE şi UEN, necuprinse în textul adoptat astăzi.

 
  
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  Frank Vanhecke (NI). – Voorzitter, het wordt eigenlijk zotter en zotter. Nu acht dit Parlement het met een meerderheid zowaar nodig om het Italiaanse volk en de Italiaanse regering eigenlijk te beschuldigen van xenofobie. Daarenboven wordt in de resolutie gesteld dat de aanpak door de Italiaanse regering van het probleem met de criminaliteit van massaal aanwezige Roemeense zigeuners heeft bijgedragen tot het oplopen van spanningen. Italië heeft het dus eigenlijk allemaal aan zichzelf te wijten en had maar moeten deelnemen aan de programma's van het Europees Sociaal Fonds ter integratie van Roma-mensen.

Laat me hier toch duidelijk zeggen dat het Italiaanse volk en de Italiaanse regering het recht hebben om zichzelf te verdedigen en dat wat gebeurd is, vooral aantoont dat de richtlijn onaangepast is en dat de uitzetting vergemakkelijkt moet worden van criminelen – ik leg daar de nadruk op –, niet van brave mensen die werken om in hun kosten te voorzien, maar uitzettingen van criminelen moeten vergemakkelijkt worden, in plaats van bemoeilijkt.

 
  
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  David Martin (PSE), in writing. - I voted in favour of this joint resolution, which notes that the right of free movement is a fundamental one accorded to all EU citizens. Member States have an obligation to look after the citizens of other Member States living in their territories, and to ensure dignity and respect for the rights of all citizens of the Union, no matter where they are living.

 
  
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  Luca Romagnoli (NI), per iscritto. Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sono fermamente contrario a queste proposte di risoluzione e voglio esprimere fermamente il mio parere contrario. Il tutto è nato da un provvedimento del governo italiano, tuttavia tardivo e poco risolutore, che si è accorto della situazione di emergenza in Italia, purtroppo solo dopo terribili episodi di cronaca che hanno visto come responsabili cittadini dell'Unione.

Le disposizioni della direttiva 2004/38/CE sono chiare, quando stabiliscono che "Ciascun cittadino dell'UE ha diritto di soggiornare [...] nel territorio di uno Stato membro a condizione [...] di disporre, per se stesso e per i propri familiari, di risorse economiche sufficienti, affinché non divenga un onere a carico dell’assistenza sociale dello Stato membro ospitante".

Tali proposte di risoluzione, pertanto, mi sembrano inutili e pretestuose. I trattati impongono la libera circolazione dei cittadini all'interno dell'UE e nessuno vuole fare discriminazioni in base allo Stato di provenienza. Tuttavia nel momento in cui cittadini dell'Unione commettono gravissimi ed esecrabili episodi di violenza in un altro Stato o non possono dimostrare il motivo del loro soggiorno, come stabilisce la direttiva, è nell'interesse dell'intera Unione che vengano rispediti nel loro Paese di origine.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (PSE), în scris. Am votat pentru rezoluţia iniţiată de PSE împreună cu alte grupuri politice privind libera circulaţie, deoarece consider că este extrem de important ca prin situaţia creată în Italia să nu se creeze un precedent periculos punând sub semnul întrebării însăşi respectarea principiilor fundamentale ale Uniunii Europene.

Am considerat că această situaţie trebuie rezolvată de urgenţă pentru a nu permite ca cetăţenii Uniunii Europene să fie discriminaţi, indiferent de naţionalitatea lor.

Măsurile propuse de rezoluţie vor proteja toţi cetăţenii europeni de abuzuri. UE are nevoie de toţi cetăţenii săi, iar românii trebuie să simtă solidaritatea popoarelor europene pentru că sunt mii de români care muncesc în străinătate şi sunt apreciaţi pentru hărnicie, cinste şi corectitudine.

Carta Uniunii care va fi anexată Tratatului de Reformă enumeră drepturile fundamentale ale cetăţenilor europeni: demnitate, libertate, egalitate, solidaritate, cetăţenie, justiţie. UE garantează democraţia, statul de drept, drepturile omului, precum şi protecţia minorităţilor. În acest context, măsurile propuse de rezoluţie vor ajuta şi la o mai bună integrare a comunităţii rome.

 
  
  

- Risoluzione: Applicazione delle disposizioni dell'acquis di Schengen (B6-0448/2007)

 
  
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  Zita Pleštinská (PPE-DE). – Podobne ako navrhovatelia uznesenia, dovoľte aj mne vysloviť uznanie a poďakovanie portugalskej vláde za predloženie návrhu o dočasnom technickom riešení Schengenského informačného systému „one 4 all“, ktoré novým členským štátom umožní pripojiť sa do Schengenského informačného systému už v roku 2007 predtým, ako Komisia zavedie nový Schengenský informačný systém II.

Vďaka patrí aj novým členským štátom, ktoré vstupujú do schengenského priestoru za ich úsilie, ktoré vynaložili pre splnenie všetkých schengenských požiadaviek v tak krátkom čase. Rozšírenie schengenského priestoru po 21. decembri 2007 o novú deviatku je zaslúženým výsledkom aj našich poslaneckých aktivít zacielených na dodržiavanie pôvodne plánovaného termínu, ktoré sme podnikli na pôde Európskeho parlamentu. Z tohto dôvodu som hlasovala za tento návrh uznesenia.

 
  
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  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. O nosso voto negativo desta resolução prende-se com a nossa posição de princípio face à comunitarização da Justiça e dos Assuntos Internos, área que integra o núcleo central da soberania dos Estados. Comunitarização da Justiça e dos Assuntos Internos que, com o Tratado dito "Reformador" se procura transformar em política comum.

Comunitarização - ou seja, perda de soberania nacional - tanto mais grave quando se promove num contexto caracterizado por políticas e medidas comunitárias que secundarizam perigosamente os direitos, as liberdades e as garantias dos cidadãos que constituem avanços civilizacionais e conquistas democráticas fundamentais.

Veja-se a política restritiva de asilo e as crescentes dificuldades com que se confrontam os requerentes de asilo para verem assegurados os seus direitos e garantias. Veja-se a política de imigração com o seu cariz securitário, a sua criminalização dos imigrantes não regularizados, os seus desumanos "centros de detenção" e medidas de repatriamento, o seu carácter discriminatório, explorador e depredador de recursos humanos de países terceiros. Veja-se a crescente criação do instrumento de informação e de armazenamento de dados cada vez mais vastos - incluindo os dados biométricos - ao qual têm acesso um conjunto de entidades mais amplo, incluindo de países terceiros, de que é exemplo o acesso aos dados de passageiros aéreos por parte de entidades dos EUA.

 
  
  

- Risoluzione: Situazione in Pakistan (B6-0472/2007)

 
  
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  Hélène Goudin och Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. Det aktuella politiska klimatet i Pakistan är förvisso kritiskt, sedan presidenten utlyst undantagstillstånd och tydliga brott mot mänskliga rättigheter begåtts, genom frihetsberövande, våld mot fredliga demonstranter och tystade media. Detta är vi bestämt emot, men vi vänder oss också mot att EU-parlamentet genom denna resolution gör ännu ett försök att låta EU ta över de självständiga medlemsländernas utrikespolitik.

FN är det enda organ som har kompetens och befogenhet att å medlemmarnas vägnar använda påtryckningar i det globala samfundet. Det är mycket angeläget att återupprätta stabilitet och fred och återställa respekt för de mänskliga rättigheterna i Pakistan, men detta är inte en uppgift som EU skall ta ifrån medlemsländerna.

 
  
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  Peter Skinner (PSE), in writing. I agree the state of emergency declared (de facto martial law) should be ended and the state of civil law reimplemented with immediate effect and voted for this.

For many of us who are observers of Pakistani politics, it is depressing to see how badly affected the Pakistani communities without our constituencies feel.

A return to a democratic procedure is essential for credibility and the due process of Pakistani politics.

 
  
  

- Risoluzione: Conferenza di Bali sul cambiamento climatico (B6-0432/2007)

 
  
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  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE-DE). – Arvoisa puhemies, ryhmämme piti tarkistusta ydinvoiman roolin tunnustamisesta ilmastokokouksen julkilausumassamme olennaisena osana tätä päätöslauselmaa. Siksi ilmaisemme tyytyväisyytemme siitä, että parlamentti totesi tämän hyväksymällä tarkistuksen 7. Emme ole kannassamme yksin. YK:n ilmastopaneeli IPCC totesi niin ikään ydinvoiman merkittävän roolin vähäpäästöisenä energiamuotona. Ja on ehkä syytä muistuttaa, että tämä talo teki historiallisen päätöksen Reulin mietinnön yhteydessä äänin 509 puolesta. Euroopan parlamentti tunnusti ydinenergian tällä hetkellä EU:n merkittävimmäksi hiilidioksidipäästöiltään vähäiseksi energialähteeksi ja korosti samoin sen roolia ilmastonmuutoksen torjunnan kannalta.

Sen sijaan ryhmämme ei kannattanut päätöslauselman 25 kohtaa, koska se mielestämme tarpeettomasti liitti tai rinnasti rauhanomaisen ydinvoiman ydinaseiden leviämiseen ja terrorismin uhkaan. Meidän on muistettava, että ilmakehällä ei ole moraalisia sensoreita. Se ei vierasta yhtä energiamuotoa tai sympatiseeraa toista energiamuotoa ideologisista syistä. Vain päästöttömyydellä on merkitystä, ja nyt päästöt eivät ole tervetulleita. Joka tapauksessa ilmaisen tyytyväisyytemme siitä, että tämä talo antoi selkeän viestin ilmastonmuutoskokousta varten ja tunnusti ilmastonmuutoksen uhkan vakavuuden.

 
  
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  Karin Scheele (PSE). – Herr Präsident! Meine Delegation, die österreichischen Sozialdemokraten, haben sich bei dem Bericht über die Bali-Konferenz der Stimme enthalten, genau aus dem Grund, den auch Frau Korhola angesprochen hat. Wir unterstützen die anderen politischen Botschaften dieses Berichts. Der Bericht ist sehr gut. Meine Delegation kann es nicht unterstützen, das Signal zu senden, dass Kernkraft ein wesentliches Element in der Bekämpfung des Klimawandels ist. Ich meine auch, dass es den Ländern und den Kontinenten selbst überlassen bleiben sollte, welche Strategie sie fahren.

Ich möchte noch einmal die Unterstützung für alle Elemente dieses Berichts durch meine Delegation unterstreichen, auch dass Kernkraftprojekte vom clean development mechanism ausgeschlossen sind. Aber dieses politische Signal der Kernkraft wollten wir nicht mittragen. Deswegen haben wir uns der Stimme enthalten. Um zu zeigen, dass wir mit den anderen Teilen des insgesamt guten Berichts einverstanden sind, haben wir nicht dagegen gestimmt.

 
  
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  Bairbre de Brún, Jens Holm and Eva-Britt Svensson (GUE/NGL), in writing. We support the resolution dealing with the upcoming Bali conference. The resolution expresses several important points. Among other things it clarifies the significant amount of emissions which are emitted from the livestock sector. It also emphasises the importance of relevant support to developing countries in their prevention and mitigation work to limit the negative effects of climate change. However, we do not support the proposal that nuclear energy should be seen as a tool which is necessary to prevent climate change.

 
  
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  Edite Estrela (PSE), por escrito. Votei favoravelmente a proposta de resolução do Parlamento Europeu sobre a limitação das alterações climáticas globais a 2º Celsius - trajectória até 2020 e para além desta data (COP 13 e COP/MOP3). Tendo em conta que as alterações climáticas constituem um dos maiores desafios das sociedades actuais, considero fundamental que a União Europeia reitere o seu papel de liderança na Conferência de Bali e que um futuro acordo global sobre o clima, após 2012, seja alcançado.

 
  
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  Elisa Ferreira (PSE), por escrito. A alteração 7 rompe todo o espírito de compromisso que presidiu à negociação do texto final. O facto de ter sido aprovada introduz uma alteração fundamental num texto que deveria preservar um largo consenso parlamentar relativamente aos desafios de Bali.

Assim, no espírito desse objectivo global e embora, enquanto relatora-sombra, tenha transmitido indicação de voto positivo ao Partido Socialista, a título individual vi-me forçada a abster-me na votação final, em protesto contra dois aspectos: a introdução no texto da referida alteração 7, que apoia a energia nuclear; a rejeição do método empregue pelo PPE face ao espírito de compromisso que presidiu à negociação do texto.

 
  
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  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. É um facto que se estão a constatar alterações climáticas não naturais, resultantes de muitos factores, mas, particularmente, do carácter predador das políticas neoliberais, muito marcadas e aceleradas, a exigir medidas eficazes de ajustamento das sociedades humanas a novas condições de vida.

As alterações climáticas previstas em diversos cenários cientificamente credíveis e fundamentados poderão não ser lentas e progressivas, dependendo das medidas que entretanto forem tomadas.

Por isso, é urgente aprofundar medidas no plano global e de uma forma transversal para evitar problemas mais graves no futuro e, mesmo, o multiplicar de tragédias humanas e ambientais.

Mas também insistimos que é necessária uma ruptura com as políticas neoliberais, no plano europeu e mundial, sem o que as grandes potências e as multinacionais continuarão a impor os seus interesses lucrativos, quer na exploração dos recursos naturais, quer no comércio internacional, incluindo de emissões de gases com efeito estufa, o que terá efeitos muito negativos para o desenvolvimento humano equilibrado.

 
  
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  Hélène Goudin och Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. Miljöproblem är gränsöverskridande och därför utgör FN:s klimatkonferenser en viktig diplomatisk arena för förändringar på global nivå. I den aktuella resolutionen vill EU samla medlemsländerna under gemensam fana för att driva konferensförhandlingarna i vad EU anser vara den rätta riktningen.

Att stävja klimatförändringar är ett gott mål om något, men det är beklagligt att global miljöpolitik i EU:s händer trampar över i gränslandet till utrikespolitik, samtidigt som man dikterar för tredjeländer såväl som för medlemsländer hur deras nationella klimatpolitik bör se ut. Junilistan anser att varje land ska ha en egen röst vid klimatkonferensen och vi har därmed valt att rösta nej till denna resolution.

 
  
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  David Martin (PSE), in writing. I voted for this resolution from the Climate Change Committee setting out the EU’s proposed negotiating position for the start of talks on the future of global climate change cooperation post-2012. It sets out a sound and progressive EU position to drive reductions in global greenhouse gas emissions, taking note of the social impact of climate change, the EU’s desired intention to restrict global warming to 2°C or less, and the vital need for global buy-in to the system.

 
  
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  Mairead McGuinness (PPE-DE), in writing. On behalf of the Fine Gael Delegation (EPP-ED):

Fine Gael Members voted in favour of this motion for a resolution, as we believe it is important to have the European Parliament’s view on climate change stated in advance of the Bali Conference. However, we voted against Amendment 7, as we are traditionally opposed to nuclear power.

 
  
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  Peter Skinner (PSE), in writing. I would like to thank the rapporteurs on this issue which brings into focus the issues surrounding one of the most important problems of our time.

Caps on emissions with targets to reductions alongside alternative non-carbon based energy production are not accepted by some jurisdictions in the way the EU has agreed. But this Conference can go a long way to unite and coordinate international action.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (PSE), în scris. Rezoluţia privind limitarea schimbărilor climatice la 2 grade Celsius este un document extrem de important pentru viitorul nostru al tuturor şi, de aceea, am votat pentru adoptarea sa.

Schimbările climatice reprezintă o provocare majoră ce are consecinţe catastrofale asupra mediului şi asupra comunităţilor umane.

Avem de a face cu o problemă căreia trebuie să ne adresăm cu măsuri pe termen scurt, mediu şi lung. Schimbările climatice au deja efecte dezastruoase asupra agriculturii, asupra sistemelor hidrologice, pădurilor, faunei şi florei. Ţări precum Grecia, România, Bulgaria, Spania şi Portugalia s-au confruntat cu perioade de secetă, dar şi cu inundaţii.

UE trebuie să-şi reafirme rolul de conducător în privinţa reducerii schimbărilor climatice. Este nevoie ca mecanismele financiare disponibile pentru protecţia resurselor de apă, pentru evitarea despăduririlor, pentru promovarea tehnologiilor nepoluante să fie mărite şi accesate de statele membre.

Trebuie să lăsăm libertatea fiecărui stat membru să îşi definească propriul mix energetic pentru a-şi asigura resursele energetice. În acelaşi timp, statele membre care produc energie nucleară trebuie să asigure securitatea acestor instalaţii şi, mai ales, o gestionare corespunzătoare a deşeurilor. Fondurile de cercetare care să conducă la diminuarea cantităţii de deşeuri şi la o securitate sporită a instalaţiilor sunt necesare.

 
  
  

- Informe: Raimon Obiols i Germà, Charles Tannock (A6-0414/2007)

 
  
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  Frank Vanhecke (NI). – Voorzitter, ik wil zeker geen afbreuk doen aan het zeer degelijke werk van onze beide collega's rapporteurs van dit verslag over het Europees nabuurschapsbeleid, maar ik wil toch vaststellen dat dit verslag een hiaat vertoont, doordat erin is nagelaten te wijzen op de immense uitdaging van de immigratie uit het zuiden, waarbij naar mijn mening ook de Noord-Afrikaanse landen zelf een enorme verantwoordelijkheid dragen.

Ik had in dit verslag graag een pleidooi gezien voor een gezamenlijk beleid van de landen van de Europese Unie met de landen van Noord-Afrika ter bestrijding van illegale immigratie, waarbij de Noord-Afrikaanse landen zelf ten volle voor hun verantwoordelijkheid zouden worden geplaatst en goede nabuurschapsbetrekkingen en financiële en materiële steun vanuit de Europese landen afhankelijk zouden worden gemaakt van een goodwill, van een gezamenlijke aanpak van deze enorme uitdaging.

Dit ontbreekt in dit verslag. Het is volgens mij fundamenteel en daarom heb ik mij onthouden.

 
  
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  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Na sequência da decisão de dar novos e significativos passos na integração capitalista europeia - nomeadamente ao nível do denominado "papel da UE no mundo" -, que têm tradução no projecto "constitucional" em marcha - agora ressuscitado no Tratado "Reformador" -, e nas actuais políticas da UE, a maioria do PE aprova um relatório - de leitura obrigatória... - sobre "o reforço da Política Europeia de Vizinhança" (PEV) da UE.

Se dúvidas existem quanto aos reais propósitos e ambições da UE relativamente à PEV facilmente serão clarificadas pela leitura deste relatório. Trata-se de um autêntico programa de ingerência e de domínio em toda a área do Mediterrâneo, Médio Oriente, Ásia Central e Europa de Leste. Um programa que aponta como objectivos: "estimular o empenho dos governos dos países parceiros da PEV em reformas políticas e económicas"; a sua assimilação das "políticas comuns" da UE; o seu "alinhamento com a política externa da UE"; e o "estabelecimento de uma zona de comércio livre".

O relatório defende ainda "mais acções conjuntas entre a UE e os EUA" para "a promoção da democracia, a melhoria da segurança energética e o reforço da segurança regional na vizinhança da UE", ponto tão elucidativo que foi mitigado na votação em plenária.

Mas o melhor será lê-lo...

 
  
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  Janusz Lewandowski (PPE-DE), na piśmie. Polityka sąsiedztwa nabiera nowego znaczenia w dobie, gdy dalsze rozszerzanie Unii Europejskiej wychodzi z mody. Ma ona inny charakter w obszarze Morza Śródziemnego aniżeli w rejonie Europy Wschodniej, gdzie wiele krajów wyzwolonych z sowieckiej strefy wpływów otwarcie deklaruje chęć przystąpienia do europejskiej wspólnoty. W tym przypadku, co dobrze rozumieją Polacy, Węgrzy czy Litwini, wszelkie zastępcze formy współpracy nie zadawalają ambicji narodowych. Mają też mniejszy wpływ na pożądany kierunek ewolucji politycznej i gospodarczej w tych krajach. W mniejszym stopniu motywują do umacniania procedur demokratycznego państwa prawa i rynkowych zasad ekonomii oraz autentycznego poszanowania praw obywatelskich.

Patrząc z perspektywy kraju granicznego Unii Europejskiej, jakim jest Polska, uzasadniona wydaje się maksymalna otwartość na aspiracje krajów położonych za naszą wschodnia granicą. Ma to oczywisty związek z tworzeniem strefy stabilizacji wokół Unii Europejskiej i ograniczeniem pola działania demagogii, o którą łatwo w młodych demokracjach.

Uzasadniony jest także wysiłek budżetowy, oparty o nowy instrument ENPI (zastępujący programy TACIS i MEDA), wspomagający pożądane procesy w naszym otoczeniu. Jak dotąd, obszar Europy Wschodniej był słabiej dofinansowany, aniżeli obszar śródziemnomorski. Im większa Unia Europejska, tym większa nasza odpowiedzialność za Stary Kontynent.

 
  
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  Αθανάσιος Παφίλης (GUE/NGL), γραπτώς. – H Έκθεση για την Ευρωπαϊκή Πολιτική Γειτονίας της ΕΕ συνοψίζει τις μορφές και μεθόδους των ιμπεριαλιστικών επεμβάσεων στις γειτονικές χώρες. Εντάσσεται στη συνολική ιμπεριαλιστική στρατηγική της Ε.Ε. σ' ολόκληρο τον κόσμο. Η Έκθεση χρησιμοποιεί, όπως συνήθως, τις "δημοκρατικές μεταρρυθμίσεις και τον "εκδημοκρατισμό" στις γειτονικές χώρες, ως το καταλληλότερο πρόσχημα για την άσκηση εκβιασμών και πιέσεων στις κυβερνήσεις που δεν ευθυγραμμίζονται με την πολιτική της, για τη στήριξη και χρηματοδότηση της δράσης των ποικιλώνυμων "οργανώσεων της κοινωνίας των πολιτών", ώστε να αναπτύσσουν τον υπονομευτικό ρόλο τους στο εσωτερικό των χωρών αυτών και να προωθούν τα επεμβατικά σχέδια της Ε.Ε.

Το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο καλεί τις γειτονικές χώρες να συμβάλλουν στην αντιμεταναστευτική πολιτική της Ε.Ε., με ένταση των κατασταλτικών μέσων σε βάρος των μεταναστών. Να συνεργαστούν στενά με όλους τους κατασταλτικούς μηχανισμούς της (Ευρωαστυνομία, Οργανισμός Φύλαξης Εξωτερικών Συνόρων -FRONTEX-) εντάσσοντάς τους στους σχεδιασμούς της Ε.Ε. για τον περιορισμό των δημοκρατικών ελευθεριών, το χτύπημα των λαϊκών κινημάτων, με το πρόσχημα της καταπολέμησης της τρομοκρατίας. Καλεί απροκάλυπτα σε "κοινές δράσεις με τις ΗΠΑ για την προαγωγή κοινών στόχων", δηλαδή τις κοινές ιμπεριαλιστικές επεμβάσεις και το μοίρασμα της λείας.

Συμφέρον των λαών είναι να αντιταχθούν και να ανατρέψουν τους ιμπεριαλιστικούς σχεδιασμούς ΕΕ και ΗΠΑ στην περιοχή, να δυναμώσουν την πάλη τους για την εθνική τους ανεξαρτησία και τη λαϊκή κυριαρχία.

 
  
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  Pierre Schapira (PSE), par écrit. – Le renforcement de la politique européenne de voisinage (PEV), tel que détaillé dans ce rapport, doit passer par un approfondissement de la coopération entre les deux rives de la Méditerranée, via un dialogue accru entre les États, les autorités locales et les représentants de la société civile. Il est également indispensable de rappeler que la PEV doit respecter l'orientation fixée par la politique de développement de l'Union européenne. En effet, la quasi-totalité des pays du sud et de l'est de la Méditerranée sont des pays en développement selon la liste officielle établie par le Comité d'aide au développement de l'OCDE. À ce titre, la réalisation des objectifs du Millénaire pour le développement doit être une priorité de l'action de l'Union dans la région.

 
  
  

- Informe: Zbigniew Zaleski (A6-0396/2007)

 
  
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  Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE-DE). – Som za prehĺbenie vzťahov s Ukrajinou a podporujem ďalší štruktúrovaný dialóg s týmto našim bezprostredným východným susedom.

Ukrajina prejavila v ostatných voľbách veľkú rozhodnosť k demokratickým zmenám. Rozhodla sa pokračovať v takej koalícii, ktorá je jasne proeurópska, moderná a progresívna. Navyše Ukrajina, a to si treba uvedomiť, je obrovská krajina so zaujímavým ekonomickým potenciálom a tiež serióznym partnerom v ekonomických vzťahoch. Je načase uzatvoriť s Ukrajinou zmluvu o ekonomickej spolupráci, o zóne voľného obchodu. Musíme reflektovať skutočnosť, že Ukrajina vstúpi do Svetovej obchodnej organizácie WTO.

Jednoznačne chcem podporiť zabezpečenie spoľahlivých tranzitných energetických systémov medzi Ukrajinou a EÚ. Veľmi sa prihováram nielen za spoluprácu v oblasti poľnohospodárstva a životného prostredia, avšak najväčší dôraz chcem položiť na spoluprácu v oblasti vedy a vzdelávania, ako aj posilnenia rozmeru znalostnej ekonomiky.

 
  
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  Zita Pleštinská (PPE-DE). – Ukrajina je strategicky významným susedom Európskej únie a tvorí prirodzený most spájajúci Európsku úniu s Ruskom a strednou Áziou. Je to veľká krajina, ktorá oranžovou revolúciou naštartovala svoju cestu k demokracii a stala sa kľúčovým partnerom Európskej únie v politike susedstva.

S Ukrajinou musíme lepšie spolupracovať ako doteraz a všetko urobiť preto, aby sme diplomaticky a politicky podporili vstup Ukrajiny do WTO. Rokovania o zóne voľného obchodu by sa mali začať čo najskôr, aby bolo možné v krátkom čase uzatvoriť ambicióznu dohodu. Všetci si uvedomujeme zložitosť situácie na Ukrajine, ktorá je veľmi mladou a krehkou demokraciou. Dnes sa táto krajina nachádza pred strategickým rozhodnutím pre Rusko alebo pre Európsku úniu?

Preto vyvážená kvalitná správa spravodajcu Zbigniewa Zaleskeho prichádza v čase, keď Ukrajina potrebuje dostať jasnú európsku perspektívu. Vítam túto správu a vyjadrila som jej v hlasovaní svoju jednoznačnú podporu. Verím, že po uskutočnených predčasných parlamentných voľbách sa podarí vytvoriť takú vládu, ktorá ešte viac priblíži Ukrajinu do nášho spoločného európskeho domu.

 
  
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  Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE-DE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Intencją Unii Europejskiej powinno być budowanie silniejszych i coraz bliższych relacji z Ukrainą. Przyjęte właśnie sprawozdanie posła Zaleskiego zawiera wiele wskazówek, jak to zrealizować.

Ukraina powinna być naszym strategicznym partnerem. Nie tylko ze względu na swoje szczególne położenie geograficzne i wielkość, ale zwłaszcza na rolę, jaką pełni w regionie w stosunkach z Rosją i państwami Azji Środkowej. W interesie Unii leży zatem dalsze wzmocnienie i rozwój więzi gospodarczych i politycznych z tym krajem.

Wszyscy mamy świadomość, jak wiele jeszcze pracy czeka społeczeństwo ukraińskie w drodze do osiągnięcia zachodnich standardów w gospodarce, poziomie życia i sprawach socjalnych oraz umocnieniu systemu demokratycznego w państwie. Unia powinna udzielić pomocy w realizacji tych celów, między innymi poprzez zawarcie umowy o wolnym handlu z Ukrainą i wspieranie jej przystąpienia do WTO. Przyczyni się to do umocnienia gospodarki rynkowej, demokracji i państwa obywatelskiego, co przybliży do członkostwa w Unii.

Zbliżenie Unii i Ukrainy jest procesem długim, niełatwym, przebiegającym ponadto na wielu płaszczyznach, ale jest procesem koniecznym. Aby doszło do tego zbliżenia, Ukraina musi kontynuować rozpoczęte reformy gospodarcze i społeczne, utrzymać swój proeuropejski kierunek polityki, umacniać demokrację. Unia zaś ze swej strony musi wysłać wyraźny sygnał o perspektywie członkostwa Ukrainy w Unii.

 
  
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  Hélène Goudin och Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. Junilistan är varmt för ökad handel samt fördjupade ekonomiska relationer med Ukraina. En sådan utveckling skulle gynna båda aktörerna på både kort och lång sikt. Dock så går det att skönja att det bakomliggande syftet med detta betänkande inte enbart är att utveckla de ekonomiska relationerna utan även att bedriva utrikespolitik från EU:s sida. Tonen i betänkandet är påtagligt befallande och de förslag till samarbete som ges framställs nästan uteslutande enbart på EU:s villkor och med EU:s egna intressen i förgrunden. Därför har Junilistan valt att rösta emot detta betänkande.

 
  
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  David Martin (PSE), in writing. I voted in favour of this report, for which I was the Socialist Group shadow. It notes the areas where the EU and Ukraine should strengthen their relationship, discusses a free trade area with the Ukraine, energy supplies, and relations with Russia. I would like to see a stronger and deeper relationship between the EU and the Ukraine, and trade and economic relations are a vital part of that.

 
  
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  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. As relações da UE com a Ucrânia enquadram-se na Política Europeia de Vizinhança que, como sublinha o relatório, visa apoiar o desenvolvimento da economia de mercado nos países vizinhos da UE, isto é, do capitalismo.

O relatório aponta como objectivo a assinatura de um acordo de comércio livre (ACL), ou seja, a integração da Ucrânia no "mercado único da UE" pela sua "adopção gradual... do acervo comunitário".

Assim o relatório:

- "Solicita à Ucrânia" que "dê maior atenção à liberalização dos mercados, assegurando a conclusão eficaz do processo de privatizações", o "desmantelamento dos monopólios" (deverá ler-se, empresas públicas) e a "independência" do seu banco central;

- Encoraja "a convergência normativa nos sectores da agricultura, da indústria e dos serviços", através da sua "conformidade com as normas comunitárias";- E, face à adesão condicional da Ucrânia ao “espaço económico único” com a Rússia e outras repúblicas da antiga União Soviética, "recorda que algumas disposições incluídas no acordo..., se integralmente aplicadas, poderão estar em conflito com a conclusão de um ACL operacional com a UE". Acordo com a Rússia que, pasme-se, como o relator afirma, "impediria mesmo a Ucrânia de ter qualquer forma real de soberania económica e restringiria fortemente a independência do país".

Mais palavras para quê...

 
  
  

- Risoluzione: Verso una risposta dell'UE alle situazioni di fragilità (B6-0476/2007)

 
  
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  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Consideramos muito preocupantes e profundamente negativas algumas das evoluções que "formarão, de certa maneira, a doutrina humanitária da UE no futuro", consubstanciadas em iniciativas como a denominada "resposta da UE a situações de fragilidade nos países em desenvolvimento" ou o "consenso europeu para o desenvolvimento", fundamentalmente dirigidas aos países de África, mas também das Caraíbas e Pacífico.

Da análise destas iniciativas sobrevém a questão central da integração do "desenvolvimento" como uma das dimensões, ao nível externo, para a concretização dos objectivos estratégicos das grandes potências da UE (PESC/PESD), o que é o mesmo que dizer, a assunção do "desenvolvimento" como instrumento de ingerência e domínio numa estratégia que, significativamente, não exclui a "intervenção militar coerciva".

Daí todo um programa e uma panóplia de instrumentos que, em nossa opinião, amalgamam e mistificam as "fronteiras" entre "ajuda" e ingerência, por exemplo, em questões tão fundamentais como a "construção do Estado".

Sem dúvida que é necessária e urgente a solidariedade para com muitos países que herdam situações desastrosas do colonialismo e que são vítimas de décadas de ingerência, mas tal solidariedade deverá - para efectivamente o ser -, basear-se no respeito dos princípios da soberania e da independência nacionais e numa efectiva e genuína política de cooperação e ajuda para o desenvolvimento.

 
  
  

- Informe: Elizabeth Lynne (A6-0400/2007)

 
  
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  Carlo Fatuzzo (PPE-DE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, con grande piacere dichiaro che ho votato a favore della proposta dell'onorevole Elizabeth Lynne di lottare contro la povertà che c'è in Europa.

A questa, come vede, affollatissima Aula del Parlamento europeo a Strasburgo, devo però denunciare il fatto che in Italia vi sono delle discriminazioni nei confronti degli anziani pensionati, che li fanno vivere in povertà se diventano inabili dopo i 65 anni di età, mentre concede loro un'indennità economica importante se diventano inabili prima dei 65 anni di età.

E allora Presidente, poiché il 12 dicembre 2007 prossimo, a Bruxelles verrà firmata la nuova forma di trattato che prevede forma giuridica alla Carta dei diritti fondamentali, chiedo che venga il 12 dicembre aperta una procedura d'infrazione contro l'Italia perché viola il diritto degli anziani di essere considerati tali e quali tutti gli altri cittadini di età diversa da quella anziana.

 
  
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  Jan Andersson, Göran Färm och Inger Segelström (PSE), skriftlig. Vi svenska socialdemokrater röstade för betänkandet. Det är viktigt att kampen mot fattigdom och social utslagning intensiveras i Europa. Vi vill dock förtydliga vårt ställningstagande. I punkt 32 talar man om ett inrättande av en anständig minimilön på medlemsstatsnivå. I betänkandet står det tydligt att detta skall göras med arbetsmarknadens parter där så är tillämpligt. Vi anser därför att den kollektivavtalsmodell vi har valt i Norden täcks av skrivningen.

 
  
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  Charlotte Cederschiöld, Christofer Fjellner och Anna Ibrisagic (PPE-DE), skriftlig. Moderaterna är positivt inställda till stora delar av betänkandet om kartläggning av den sociala verkligheten 2007. Vad gäller många av förslagen, rörande t.ex. arbetskraftsinvandring och ökade möjligheter att kombinera förvärvsarbete och familj, har vi varit mycket drivande i den nationella politiken.

Moderaterna har dock valt att rösta emot betänkandet eftersom flera av förslagen överträder subsidiaritetsprincipens gränser. Vi anser t.ex. inte att Europaparlamentet skall ägna sig åt behandlingsprogram vid kriminalvårdsanstalter eller åt behandling av spelberoende. Europaparlamentet bör heller inte ha åsikter om i vilken regi medlemsländerna väljer att bedriva sin hälso- och sjukvård, och vi ställer oss negativa till påståendet att en avreglering skulle försämra kvalitén på vården. Arbetsmarknadspolitiska åtgärder såsom införande av minimilöner bör även det lämnas till beslut på nationell nivå.

 
  
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  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Votámos favoravelmente este relatório na medida em que regista dados importantes sobre a situação social: 78 milhões de cidadãos europeus continuam a viver em condições de pobreza, 8% da população da UE são trabalhadores pobres e o fosso entre ricos e pobres está a aumentar em muitos Estados-Membros da União Europeia.

Também inclui algumas recomendações positivas, como a necessidade de fixação de um salário mínimo decente, a defesa do subsídio de desemprego, os apoios às pessoas com deficiência, embora não vá ao cerne das causas da situação social e não defenda a ruptura com as políticas neoliberais, como propomos.

Por isso, é parco nas exigências que faz quanto às mudanças políticas que se impõem. Lamentavelmente só incluiu parcialmente as propostas do meu parecer aprovado na Comissão dos Direitos da Mulher e da Igualdade dos Géneros, de que destaco o apelo às instituições comunitárias e aos Estados-Membros a darem prioridade máxima à inclusão social e aos direitos das mulheres, alterando as respectivas políticas em conformidade, incluindo a política de repartição de rendimentos.

 
  
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  Timothy Kirkhope (PPE-DE), in writing. I and my British Conservative colleagues believe that social policy should be for Member States to decide. We are anxious that European competences should not be extended in this sphere and that countries should not be pressured to adopt policies that could be unhelpful to their well-being in economic and social terms. We also believe that the 'European social model' is a barrier to economic and social development.

There are issues in this report which we support, such as helping people out of poverty, assisting people back into work, support for disabled people and care for the elderly. Policies in these and other social matters are best delivered by Member States, taking account of national circumstances. We believe fundamentally that strong economies are the best route to obtaining social progress in societies.

 
  
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  Carl Lang (NI), par écrit. – Ce rapport sur le bilan de la réalité sociale en Europe affiche dès le départ le tableau noir de son état économique et social réel. C'est un aveu d'impuissance au sein d'un océan d'absurdités européistes pondu par les cerbères de la pensée unique ultralibérale et mondialiste.

Depuis l'an 2000, toutes les mesures contre le chômage, la pauvreté et l'exclusion n'ont servi à rien. Pire, alors que l'Union européenne appelle à plus d'immigration économique et à la protection de son soi-disant modèle social, le rapport rappelle que 78 millions d'européens vivent dans la pauvreté.

On oublie de mentionner ce qui existe aussi autour de l'enfer de la pauvreté qui n'est pas seulement économique. Elle est psychologique pour des millions d'européens culturellement et socialement déracinés sur leur propre sol et qui voient leur travail disparaître à l'étranger du fait des délocalisations. Elle est enfin physique quand la violence et l'insécurité, pour une grande partie générées par des populations immigrées frustrées par leur impossible intégration, aggrave l'ensemble de la situation.

La solution n'est donc pas de reconnaître le système schizophrénique européen ultralibéral et métissé, mais de le remettre en cause pour proposer une Europe des identités retrouvées qui applique la protection et la préférence communautaire pour les européens d'abord!

 
  
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  Bogusław Liberadzki (PSE), na piśmie. Zgadzam się, że integracja społeczna i zabezpieczenie społeczne należą do podstawowych wartości Unii Europejskiej i są prawem podstawowym wszystkich obywateli.

Sprawozdanie właściwie podkreśla potrzebę uwzględnienia różnorodności etnicznej oraz wyznaniowej w prawodawstwie unijnym, aby wszyscy ludzie byli chronieni przed przemocą i dyskryminacją.

Zgadzam się również z formułą, że dostęp do towarów i usług powinien być prawem każdego obywatela UE.

 
  
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  José Albino Silva Peneda (PPE-DE), por escrito. A política social é, em larga medida, competência dos Estados-Membros pelo que sou apologista da promoção do método aberto de coordenação bem como da partilha das melhores práticas com vista à luta contra a exclusão social.

Os sistemas de segurança social devem assentar em princípios que motivem os seus beneficiários para a procura de oportunidades de emprego e que não favoreçam um incentivo perverso a qualquer forma de inactividade.

O baixo nível educativo da população e as elevadas taxas de abandono escolar precoce merecem uma reflexão aprofundada já que são os indivíduos menos qualificados os mais vulneráveis a processos de exclusão social.

Esta situação é particularmente preocupante no meu país, Portugal, onde em 2005, mais de 39% da população jovem (entre 18 e 24 anos) tinha completado apenas o ensino secundário inicial.

Há que inverter esta tendência e dotar os cidadãos das competências necessárias para um ingresso bem sucedido no mercado de trabalho.

Porque esta proposta vai de encontro a este conjunto de ideias votei a favor da mesma.

 
  
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  Andrzej Jan Szejna (PSE), na piśmie. Głosuję za przyjęciem sprawozdania pani poseł Elizabeth Lynne w sprawie oceny realiów społecznych.

Pani Poseł bardzo trafnie zauważyła, że odnowiona strategia lizbońska skupia się nie tylko na wynikach gospodarczych i konkurencyjności, ale także na dążeniu do większej spójności społecznej oraz społecznym wymiarze zrównoważonego rozwoju. Integracja społeczna i zabezpieczenie społeczne to podstawowe wartości Unii Europejskiej. Są prawem podstawowym przysługującym wszystkim ludziom, niezależnie od ich pochodzenia etnicznego, wieku, płci, stopnia niepełnosprawności, orientacji seksualnej i wyznania.

Niestety nadal część społeczeństwa Unii Europejskiej żyje w ubóstwie. Państwa członkowskie proponują różne formy ochrony przed ubóstwem i wykluczeniem społecznym. Dlatego uważam, że powinno się pogłębiać współpracę oraz wymianę najlepszych wzorców między krajami członkowskimi w tym zakresie.

Ponadto należy zwrócić uwagę na problem bezrobocia wśród młodzieży oraz na walkę z ubóstwem dzieci, gdyż dzieci z biednych rodzin mają mniejsze szanse na zdobycie pracy w przyszłości.

 
  
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  Lars Wohlin (PPE-DE), skriftlig. Det finns många lovvärda skrivningar om anti-diskriminering och vikten av likabehandling i detta betänkande som förtjänar att uppmärksammas. Dessvärre innehåller den även extremt långtgående skrivningar om bl a införande av minimilöner. Sverige är emot politiskt bestämda minimilöner. Alldeles oavsett vad man tycker är rimlig socialpolitik måste EU acceptera att medlemsländer väljer olika lösningar. Detta får inte bli ännu ett exempel på där EU går in och detaljreglerar inom ett område som helt och fullt ut måste ligga på medlemslandsnivå.

EU-länderna befinner sig dessutom på enormt skilda utvecklingsnivåer, att införa minimilöner förhindrar de fattigaste länderna att komma ikapp.

 

7. Corectările voturilor şi intenţiile de vot: a se vedea procesul-verbal
  

(La seduta, sospesa alle 13.20, è ripresa alle 15.00)

 
  
  

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΡΟΔΗ ΚΡΑΤΣΑ-ΤΣΑΓΚΑΡΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ
Αντιπρόεδρος

 

8. Aprobarea procesului-verbal al şedinţei precedente: a se vedea procesul-verbal

9. Dezbateri asupra cazurilor de încălcare a drepturilor omului, a democraţiei şi a statului de drept

9.1. Comunităţi creştine (dezbatere)
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  Πρόεδρος. – Η ημερήσια διάταξη προβλέπει τη συζήτηση επί επτά προτάσεων ψηφίσματος(1) σχετικά με τις Χριστιανικές Κοινότητες στη Μέση Ανατολή.

 
  
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  Mario Mauro (PPE-DE), Autore. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la libertà religiosa costituisce un oggettivo fattore di riconoscimento per il rispetto dei diritti dell'uomo. Le violenze subite dai cristiani nel mondo rappresentano infatti una ferita e una sfida contemporanea alla dignità della persona.

Intendevo presentare questo progetto di risoluzione già alla scorsa plenaria di ottobre, ma il coordinamento dei gruppi politici mi ha chiesto di posticipare la risoluzione alla plenaria di novembre, per poterci dare il tempo di preparare un testo più dettagliato e circondato da un più ampio consenso. Nel testo che voteremo questo pomeriggio, frutto di un compromesso con socialisti, liberali, Unione per l'Europa delle nazioni, e Indipendenza e democrazia, sono rimasti i caratteri salienti del progetto iniziale di risoluzione.

Abbiamo inoltre potuto inserire riferimenti concreti a violenze e soprusi perpetrati nel corso di quest'ultimo anno non solo in Medio Oriente, ma anche in altre parti del mondo nei confronti delle comunità cristiane. Si tratta di fatti prevalentemente riferibili a Iraq, Egitto, Pakistan, Turchia, Cina, Vietnam e proprio il fitto lavoro di coordinamento svolto in questi ultimi giorni e il conseguente ritrovamento di numerosi episodi avvenuti fuori dal Medio Oriente, ci ha condotto a trovare un titolo nuovo, più consono, che recita in questo modo: "gravi episodi che compromettono l'esistenza delle comunità cristiane e di altre comunità religiose".

Sicuramente il testo non è comprensivo di tutte le violenze contro i cristiani, penso ad esempio all'Eritrea, penso al Nord Corea. Ma, cari colleghi, vi prego di apprezzarne il messaggio politico, rivolto anche a quei paesi e a quegli episodi che non sono stati citati. Proprio il lavoro di coordinamento con gli altri gruppi mi ha permesso fin dall'inizio di chiarire che l'intenzione di questa risoluzione non è assolutamente di rinfocolare il conflitto di civiltà. L'Europa è sempre in prima fila nella difesa dei diritti delle minoranze e non può continuare a ignorare il crescente danno che viene recato a tanti cristiani.

Oggi, cari colleghi, il nostro Parlamento potrà esprimersi su una tematica urgente e importante, per la difesa della vita e della libertà religiosa e non solo dei cristiani, ma di milioni di persone di qualsiasi fede. Chiedo quindi...

(Il Presidente ritira la parola all'oratore)

 
  
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  Glyn Ford (PSE), author. – Madam President, I speak on behalf of the Socialist Group to give our total support to this joint motion for a resolution on religious persecution.

In one minute I can only touch on some elements of that resolution, and want to focus on the plight of the indigenous Christian community in Iraq, which at one time represented almost 10 % of the population. As someone who supports and is supported by the Save the Assyrians campaign, I have to say that this Parliament is wont to rest on compromising consensus, which sometimes results in a levelling and a loss of meaning.

That is true of this resolution. Recital K deplores the situation of Assyrian villages in Turkish border areas. Why? Because the Turkish Government is actually shelling Assyrian villages, claiming that they contain PKK militants, which seems to be an unlikely situation. In recital S it also refers to the situation in Syria, to where tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of refugees have fled from Jordan and Iraq, but the border is now being closed.

What is needed is help and assistance.

 
  
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  Adam Bielan (UEN), autor. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Przede wszystkim pragnę wyrazić swoje zadowolenie i podziękować innym współautorom rezolucji dotykającej tak istotnego problemu, jakim są wydarzenia dotyczące społeczności chrześcijan w niektórych państwach na Bliskim Wschodzie, jak również w skali światowej.

Jednocześnie, jako osoba podpisana pod tekstem tej rezolucji, chciałbym podkreślić, że zagwarantowanie wolności religii jest pierwszym krokiem do zapewnienia podstawowych praw człowieka, a przypadki prześladowania chrześcijan, mające miejsce na świecie, stanowią elementarny przykład pogwałcenia tych praw.

Ponadto, biorąc pod uwagę fakt, iż obserwujemy brak reakcji w tej kwestii zarówno ze strony władz, instytucji, jak i ruchów politycznych na świecie, chciałbym jeszcze raz zaakcentować znaczenie omawianej rezolucji w obronie praw chrześcijan i podkreślić, że grupa Unia na rzecz Europy Narodów w pełni ją popiera.

 
  
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  Hélène Flautre (Verts/ALE), auteur. – Madame la Présidente, je n'ose pas imaginer la tête des collègues du PPE s'ils apprenaient l'adoption d'une résolution sur les communautés musulmanes en Europe par les pays du Golfe ou par l'ANASE. Elle serait reçue comme un mauvais coup, un signal d'agressivité, une intrusion inadmissible de l'autorité religieuse d'une entité tierce dans les relations entre nos États et les minorités religieuses. Ne fais pas à autrui ce que tu ne voudrais pas que l'on te fasse, c'est aussi un précepte chrétien.

Sérieusement, une telle résolution serait-elle perçue comme un appel à la tolérance et au dialogue interculturel et religieux? Certainement pas! Notre Union, si fière de ses valeurs, serait bien inspirée de faire preuve, sur ces questions ultrasensibles, d'un minimum de discernement et de respect des conventions internationales.

Pour aborder les violations des droits des personnes appartenant à une minorité religieuse, pour condamner le meurtre de chrétiens ou les entraves à l'exercice libre du culte, nous avions le choix entre deux attitudes également fondées. La première consiste à nous adresser à un pays, au nom de ses engagements internationaux et des accords qui nous lient, et lui demander d'enquêter, de poursuivre les responsables, de faire respecter les droits des minorités religieuses, c'est ce que nous faisons ici régulièrement.

La deuxième attitude, c'est celle adoptée par les Nations unies, par la voie d'une résolution déposée par douze pays et par tous ceux de l'Union concernant l'élimination de toutes les formes d'intolérance et de discrimination basées sur la religion, les croyances, la liberté de pensée et de conscience car, dans le droit international – et c'est précieux –, l'une et l'autre sont liées. Le droit individuel à la croyance, à la religion, à la pensée et à la conscience sont interdépendants.

Qu'allons-nous faire aujourd'hui si nous adoptons ce texte inacceptable que vous proposez? Nous allons ignorer le travail mené par nos États membres au sein des Nations unies en retenant une approche différente qui risque d'encourager certains pays à instrumentaliser les questions religieuses dans leurs relations internationales. Nous allons nous inscrire en faux contre l'approche équilibrée préconisée, par exemple, par Mme Jahangir, rapporteure spéciale des Nations unies, aujourd'hui en résidence surveillée au Pakistan, et nous allons, en fin de compte, également fragiliser les minorités religieuses, y compris chrétiennes, dans le monde.

Encore une fois, de concert avec les experts qui travaillent sur la liberté de religion, comme Christian Solidarity Worldwide, par exemple, j'affirme qu'avec cette résolution, nous ne faisons qu'augmenter le danger pour ceux-là mêmes que nous voulons protéger

 
  
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  Bastiaan Belder (IND/DEM), Auteur. – Mevrouw de Voorzitter, waarde collega's, als grondrechten ons werkelijk ter harte gaan, dan raakt ons de precaire positie van christelijke gemeenschappen in het Midden-Oosten. De voorliggende resolutie spoort alle Europese instellingen daartoe aan.

Een recent delegatiebezoek van ons Parlement gaf meer zicht op het dagelijks leven van Libanese christenen. Zij vrezen in een soort tweederangspositie terecht te komen, net als hun geloofsgenoten in vrijwel alle landen van de regio.

Zij worden rechtstreeks verplicht tot de keuze tussen persoonlijke veiligheid en persoonlijke waardigheid, geloofsovertuiging. De Libanese christenen van dit ogenblik willen beiden behouden.

Intussen raakt het daadwerkelijke politieke geweld van de laatste jaren de christenen in het land van de ceder heel direct. In de woorden van een zegsman in Libanon nog deze week: "Hoewel dit niet in de eerste plaats tegen christenen is gericht, is de meerderheid van de vermoorde politici van christelijken huize en hetzelfde geldt voor de journalisten die het doelwit van aanslagen zijn geworden. Dit intimideert de christelijke bevolking in Libanon."

 
  
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  Marios Matsakis (ALDE), author. – Madam President, for thousands of years man’s presence on earth has been subjected to the perils of lethal forces outwith his powers of defence or understanding. Such forces range from disastrous natural phenomena to incomprehensible somatic and mental illnesses. Man’s powerless status has been made easier to cope with through his belief in a superpower entity he called ‘God’. Different human groups developed a different understanding and a different approach to God.

The result has been the creation of a large number of religions. Such religions are, of course, man-made and not God-made and therefore suffer from several weaknesses. Such weaknesses include fanaticism, dogmatism and failure to accept other people’s right to believe differently. These weaknesses differ in number and in intensity amongst different religions and unfortunately they have often been exploited by extremist religious leaders and unscrupulous politicians.

This has led to religious wars and to the committing of despicable crimes against human beings in the name of religion. Both Christianity and Islam, two of mankind’s main religions, have not been exempt from these sad inflictions and history is full of shameful examples to illustrate the point. Of course, with the passage of time, most religions became more mature and more humanistic and this is certainly true with Christianity. But this change has not happened with some other religions, unfortunately.

This is why in some countries, mainly Islamic countries, Christians are being persecuted, sometimes with extreme criminal vigour and sometimes with the consent of political groups and even governments. This is indeed a very sad state of affairs, which involves a range of countries or regions worldwide – some of them have already been mentioned in this Chamber today – but it is more specific in the Middle East.

With this resolution we hope to bring attention to the persecution of Christians in these countries and hopefully to help in making sure that the authorities, both political and religious, in such countries fully understand that such aggressive behaviour is neither compatible with the principles of respect for human rights nor with the true teachings of a caring religion.

Thank you Madam President, as you can see I still have 20 seconds to spare!

 
  
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  Erik Meijer (GUE/NGL), Auteur. – Voorzitter, de christelijke gemeenschappen in het Midden-Oosten stammen uit de beginjaren van het christendom. Ze zijn ouder dan het christendom in Europa en ouder dan de islam in het Midden-Oosten.

Desondanks worden ze tegenwoordig vaak gezien als een vreemd element in deze nu overwegend islamitische omgeving. Dat is niet alleen een gevolg van godsdienstige onverdraagzaamheid binnen delen van de islam. De schuld ligt ook binnen Europa.

Drie keer in de geschiedenis hebben Europa en het christendom in die omgeving afkeer en haat opgeroepen, eerst door de kruistochten in de late middeleeuwen, waarbij bezettingslegers die niet alleen voor christenen, maar ook voor joden en moslims heilige plaatsen onder Europese controle brachten. De tweede keer volgde na de instorting van het Ottomaanse rijk aan het begin van de vorige eeuw, toen Egypte, Soedan, Jordanië en Irak onder Britse koloniale controle kwamen en Syrië en Libanon onder Franse koloniale controle.

Op dit ogenblik zitten we in de derde fase. De vanuit Europa ingenomen standpunten met betrekking tot Israël, Palestina en Irak roepen in het Midden-Oosten grote weerstand op. Men verdenkt Europa ervan om vooral te letten op de eigen energiebevoorrading, op beveiliging van de eigen transportroutes en op het voortrekken van etnische of religieuze minderheden die Europa het meest welgezind zijn.

Een gevolg daarvan kan zijn dat de christelijke minderheden zich in het Midden-Oosten niet duurzaam kunnen handhaven en gedoemd zijn om naar Europa te vluchten. Ruimte voor christenen en joden binnen het Midden-Oosten is een betere oplossing, zoals wij in Europa ruimte moeten geven aan onze islamitische minderheid.

 
  
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  Bernd Posselt, im Namen der PPE-DE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Die Kollegin Flautre redet – mit Verlaub gesagt – Unsinn. Muslime setzen sich massiv für muslimische Minderheiten ein. Wir setzen uns für muslimische und andere religiöse Minderheiten ein. Aber leider ist es eine Tatsache: Wenn wir uns nicht für Christen einsetzen, dann tut dies niemand.

Die Islamische oder die Arabische Liga hat sich niemals für die Rechte von Christen eingesetzt, so wie wir uns für die Rechte von Muslimen eingesetzt haben. Deshalb ist es höchste Zeit, dass wir dieses Thema auf die Tagesordnung setzen. Es ist ein Akt der Gerechtigkeit, wobei ich ganz klar sagen muss: Das Problem ist nicht der Islam. Die Christen im Nahen Osten haben 1200 Jahre lang unter islamischer Herrschaft überlebt. Sie sind in unserer angeblich so fortschrittlichen Zeit massiv gefährdet – noch dazu im Irak, unter westlicher Besatzung.

Wir müssen unsere eigene Verantwortung wahrnehmen, um ihnen ein Überleben in Freiheit und in Würde zu ermöglichen. Die Masse der Religionsverfolgung findet im kommunistischen China, im pseudo-christlichen nationalistischen Russland, in kommunistischen Diktaturen statt – auch in islamistischen Regimen, wobei der Islamismus für mich nur eine perverse Diktatur und Ideologie des Zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts ist. Hier sind wir Europäer in der Pflicht, und die werden wir wahrnehmen!

(Beifall)

 
  
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  Paulo Casaca, em nome do Grupo PSE. – Senhora Presidente, felicitações para os autores desta moção conjunta. Eu gostaria de dizer que é justo lembrar que, antes da perseguição aos cristãos, tivemos a perseguição, por exemplo, aos judeus, que tivemos e continuamos a ter perseguição aos Yazidis aos Mandianos, os próprios muçulmanos, ou xiitas ou sunitas, no Iraque.

Não é de forma alguma nem justo nem proporcional comparar o que se passa no Iraque com o que se passa na Europa. É de facto necessário lembrar que aqueles que são perseguidos no Iraque infelizmente não estão a ter, na Europa, a protecção a que teriam direito, cristãos ou não cristãos. Há casos absolutamente inacreditáveis de ausência de qualquer sensibilidade por parte da nossa União Europeia em relação aos perseguidos iraquianos. Permitam-me só que termine lembrando, sem prejuízo para todos os outros, o Padre Ragheed Ganni e toda a congregação da Igreja do Divino Espírito Santo de Mossul, que foi talvez o crime mais monstruoso que decorreu durante este ano.

 
  
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  Marcin Libicki, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Panie Przewodnicząca! Mówimy tutaj dzisiaj o okrutnych prześladowaniach chrześcijan, szczególnie na Bliskim Wschodzie. Aczkolwiek pamiętajmy, że chrześcijanie są prześladowani na całym świecie, i nie zgadzam się z tym, co powiedział pan Casaca, że prześladowanych jest bardzo wiele mniejszości religijnych.

Proszę o podanie przykładów, gdzie prześladuje się na dużą skalę, nie mówię o przypadkowym zabiciu, nagannym, jakiegoś innowiercy, ale gdzie prześladuje się jakąkolwiek inną religię tak, jak prześladuje się chrześcijan? Zgadzam się całkowicie z panem Posseltem, zgadzam się z wieloma innymi wypowiedziami, gdzie przytaczano dziesiątki przykładów prześladowania chrześcijan, a nie, tak jak twierdzi pan Casaca, wielu innych. To jest nieprawda. Prześladuje się chrześcijan przede wszystkim i głównie.

Słyszeliśmy tutaj wczoraj wystąpienie prezydenta Sarkozy. Prezydent Sarkozy mówił o konieczności obrony identyczności Europy. Jakaż to nasza identyczność? Kto nas będzie bronił, jeżeli my sami nie obronimy siebie i źródeł naszych identyczności? Właśnie chrześcijanie na Bliskim Wschodzie są świadectwem naszej europejskiej identyczności. Oni tam są od 2000 lat i musimy ich bronić, żeby mogli pozostać tam nadal.

 
  
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  Giusto Catania, a nome del gruppo GUE/NGL. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io credo che oggi con questa proposta di risoluzione stiamo facendo un passo importante perché questo Parlamento deve sempre condannare atti ed episodi che mettono a repentaglio la vita di uomini e donne a causa del proprio credo, della propria opinione politica o religiosa.

La libertà religiosa è un valore e noi lo dobbiamo sottolineare, e se è vero che in alcuni contesti i cristiani rischiano la persecuzione e la criminalizzazione, per questa ragione questo Parlamento li deve tutelare e difendere, così come allo stesso modo questo Parlamento ha sempre difeso e tutelato i cittadini musulmani che sono stati discriminati in Occidente. Noi pensiamo che tutte le religioni debbano svolgere un ruolo positivo, un ruolo di pace per favorire il rispetto della diversità e per questo motivo dobbiamo condannare con forza qualsiasi forma di integralismo religioso che spesso contribuisce allo scontro di civiltà e per questa ragione credo che quello che fa questo Parlamento deve andare sempre nella direzione dell'ascolto e della promozione del dialogo interreligioso.

Ci sono alcuni esempi importanti che dimostrano come è possibile costruire un'opzione in cui le religioni si possano ascoltare e costruire insieme percorsi di condivisione. Mi preme anche ricordare il sacrificio di alcuni cattolici, di alcuni cristiani, che hanno combattuto per la libertà dei poveri, dei popoli e per il riscatto sociale. Per questa ragione il nostro gruppo vota a favore di questa risoluzione anche ricordando preti come Peppino Diana o come Pino Puglisi che sono morti per lottare contro la criminalità organizzata e mafiosa.

 
  
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  Kathy Sinnott, on behalf of the IND/DEM Group. – Madam President, I welcome this joint motion for a resolution, since I regard it as vital that we protect Christian minorities in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. It is important that we protect all religious communities from persecution. I regard it as appalling that people have to face constraints in their daily routine, in what they can do and where they can go, in their ability to own property and to get an education or a job, as well as threats on their life, because of their Christian affiliation.

The freedom of religious observance is a fundamental human right and thus it is essential that governments ensure that even the religious minorities in their countries can practise their beliefs free from any restraint, that is to say without there being a threat to their life or anything else.

Muslims must realise that they must promote the principle of religious freedom and tolerance, the same freedom and tolerance for their adherence that they enjoy and expect to enjoy in our countries, many of which have large Christian populations.

 
  
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  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE-DE). – Arvoisa puhemies, annan suuren arvon kollega Mauron aloitteelle. Joka päivä rauhaa rakastavat kristityt joutuvat sekä systemaattisen sorron uhreiksi että sijaiskärsijöiksi kriiseissä, joihin eivät ole osallisia. Tämä on täysin tuomittavaa ja välttämätöntä nostaa esille. Jotta kristittyjen asemaa voitaisiin todella parantaa, on kuitenkin tärkeää ymmärtää ongelma osana laajempaa kokonaisuutta. Kristittyjen lisäksi vaikeuksissa ovat monissa maissa myös muslimit, buddhalaiset, hindut, juutalaiset, sikhit, ahmadit. Lista on pitkä.

Uskonnonvapaus on avain ihmisoikeuksia ja kansalaisvapauksia kunnioittavaan yhteiskuntaan. Se on eräänlainen metaoikeus, jonka toteutuminen on käytännössä muiden ihmisoikeuksien olemassaolon edellytys ja joka kuvastaa koko yhteiskunnan kuntoa. Jos yhteiskunta alkaa sairastaa, se näkyy ensimmäisenä juuri rajoituksina uskonnonvapaudessa ja uskonnollisten vähemmistöjen asemassa. Tästä syystä meidän on ilmaistava vahva tuki YK:n yleiskokouksen päätöslauselmalle uskonnonvapaudesta.

On huomion arvoista, että monissa maissa, kuten Pakistanissa ja Indonesiassa, uskonnolliset yhteisöt ponnistelevat yhteisvoimin uskonnonvapauden ja vähemmistöjen suojan puolesta. Itse uskonto voi siis olla myös ratkaisu. Pluralistinen dialogi johtaa aina jännitteiden vähenemiseen, uskonnonvapauden ja koko yhteiskunnan hyvään.

 
  
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  Ana Maria Gomes (PSE). – As perseguições a que estão sujeitas minorias religiosas em muitos países obrigam a reflectir sobre a fragilidade de conquistas civilizacionais que tendemos a tomar por adquiridas. A liberdade religiosa é um pilar essencial e indivisível dos direitos humanos universais. Apesar da intenção louvável esta resolução está incompleta.

O PE deve pronunciar-se não sob perseguições às minorias cristãs em particular, mas antes sobre todas as formas de intolerância e de discriminação com base na fé ou religião que, de facto, afectam todas as comunidades religiosas. A islamofobia e o anti-semitismo que grassam na Europa e por esse mundo fora justificam também o nosso alarme. Centramo-nos quase exclusivamente na discriminação contra cristãos, podemos dar azo a interpretações erradas. Por isso, importa sublinhar que o PE apoia totalmente a resolução sobre a eliminação de todas as formas de intolerância e de discriminação baseadas na religião ou crença apresentadas por Estados-Membros da UE na Assembleia-Geral da ONU.

 
  
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  Mieczysław Edmund Janowski (UEN). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Bliski Wschód ma także swe chrześcijańskie korzenie. Tamtejsi chrześcijanie niezależnie od różnic między sobą potrafili wielokrotnie dać świadectwo temu, że umieją żyć obok muzułmanów, żydów czy wyznawców innych religii w pokoju i wzajemnym poszanowaniu.

Jednak ostatnio obserwujemy działania wyznawców islamu, które sprowadzają się do praktycznej realizacji fałszywej tezy, że bycie antychrześcijańskim wykazuje, jak dobrym jest ktoś muzułmaninem. Przypomniał o tym niedawno libański dziennikarz Hazem Saghied. Liczne i często drastyczne przypadki łamania praw ludzi, którzy jedynie z racji swojego chrześcijańskiego wyznania traktowani są jak obywatele podrzędnej kategorii, dowodzą łamania fundamentalnej zasady wolności człowieka, wolności do wyznawania religii.

Należy zapytać: Co my w Unii Europejskiej, otwartej, szanującej prawa muzułmańskich współobywateli, możemy zrobić dla chrześcijan, którzy nie mają nawet skromnej części podobnych praw w tych krajach? Gdzie jest jakakolwiek wzajemność? Nie widać jej ani w morderstwach na tle religijnym, ani w rozległej dyskryminacji, ani w niewyrażaniu zgody na budowanie świątyń chrześcijańskich, ani w rujnowaniu zabytków kultury chrześcijańskiej.

Cały świat potrzebuje pokoju, ludzie potrzebują wolności, także religijnej.

 
  
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  Bogusław Sonik (PPE-DE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Obecna sytuacja polityczna na Bliskim Wschodzie powoduje, że chrześcijanie zamieszkujący ten region czują się coraz bardziej zagrożeni. Jednym z powodów jest wzrost wpływu fundamentalistów islamskich, którzy obarczają ich winą za wszelkie niepowodzenia, jakich doznają społeczności regionu. Z racji pokrewieństwa wiary ze społecznościami Zachodu oskarżani są również o okcydentalizację tradycyjnych struktur społecznych, o której tak niechętnie mówi się na Bliskim Wschodzie.

Swoje niezadowolenie fundamentaliści wyrażają między innymi przez organizowanie demonstracji antyzachodnich, na których niszczą symbole związane z chrześcijaństwem, sklepy prowadzone przez chrześcijan, w skrajnych zaś przypadkach dopuszczają się morderstw. Bierność rządów powoduje to, że coraz więcej rodzin chrześcijańskich decyduje się na emigrację.

W rezolucji zarysowano szereg problemów, z jakimi spotykają się społeczności chrześcijańskie na Bliskim Wschodzie. Nie są to jednak wszystkie przykłady, dlatego uważam, że Parlament Europejski powinien przygotować obszerne sprawozdanie poświęcone sytuacji chrześcijan na Bliskim Wschodzie lub ogólnie sytuacji wyznań religijnych. Powinniśmy się również zastanowić nad tym, jak prowadzić dialog międzycywilizacyjny tak, aby skutecznie włączyć w niego społeczności chrześcijańskie i muzułmańskie regiony.

 
  
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  Jerzy Buzek (PPE-DE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Gratuluję panu Mario Mauro. Dla mnie rezolucja ta nie budzi żadnych wątpliwości. Popieram ją w całości. Problem jest tylko w tym, czy jesteśmy skuteczni, czy będziemy skuteczni i czy to coś zmieni. Mamy trzy sposoby działania.

Pierwszy sposób to jest nacisk dyplomatyczny. Właśnie to stosujemy. Ale trzeba uruchomić również europejskie rządy. Każdy dyplomata musi o tym pamiętać. Działania takie musimy uruchomić w rozmowach dwustronnych i wielostronnych. Tylko zmasowany nacisk dyplomatyczny da tu dobry rezultat.

Drugi sposób to sankcje gospodarcze. Wiem z doświadczenia mojego własnego kraju 20, 30 lat temu, co oznaczały sankcje gospodarcze wobec komunistycznego rządu w Warszawie - dobrze dobrane tak, aby nie szkodzić obywatelom. To także musimy stosować.

I wreszcie staranna analiza naszych działań, bo raz jest lepiej w krajach na Bliskim Wschodzie i w innych miejscach świata, a raz gorzej. To także zależy od naszych, czasami niezbyt zbornych i rozważnych działań. Chodzi o interwencję, o wydarzenia kulturalne, chodzi także o wypowiedzi dyplomatów. Nie chcemy się kryć z naszymi przekonaniami. Wprost przeciwnie - chcemy je jasno pokazywać. Ale musimy również działać nie tylko stanowczo, ale i roztropnie.

 
  
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  Danuta Hübner, Member of the Commission. Madam President, the Commission is aware of and strongly condemns discrimination on the grounds of religion and belief. Our policy is to fight all types of discrimination, and we do it in bilateral relations and multilateral forums such as the UN.

At the UN General Assembly, the EU has taken the approach of tabling its customary resolution on the elimination of all forms of intolerance and discrimination based on religion or belief. Last year, the consensus on the text of the resolution gathered a record 99 co-sponsors.

Together with the Member States, we are paying very close attention to the human rights and democracy situation in partner countries. We raise those issues in political dialogue meetings via demarches and public statements, reminding partners of their commitments under international law prohibiting discrimination on any grounds.

The EU is actively seeking to advance the cause of human rights protection under the Neighbourhood Policy. The European Neighbourhood Policy action plans cover a wide range of issues in this regard. The individual meetings of the Subcommittee on Human Rights with Jordan, Israel, Morocco, Lebanon and Tunisia have already reviewed the progress made in the implementation of the ENP action plans’ commitments on human rights and fundamental freedoms. The first meeting of the Human Rights Subcommittee with Egypt is scheduled for later this month.

In parallel with bilateral contacts with governments and support for political reforms, we are supporting non-governmental organisations worldwide that are active in protecting and promoting human rights. We believe that human rights defenders play an indispensable role in society.

We find it equally important to maintain and further increase freedom of religion in Europe. The EU can show and share good practices.

 
  
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  Πρόεδρος. – Ο κύριος Casaca έχει ζητήσει να παρέμβει για προσωπικό θέμα, σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 145 του Κανονισμού.

 
  
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  Paulo Casaca (PSE). – Senhora Presidente, com efeito peço desculpa se efectivamente as minhas palavras não foram suficientemente claras. A minha solidariedade com as comunidades cristãs perseguidas em todo o Médio Oriente, especialmente no Iraque, é total e sem qualquer restrição. Apenas lembrei, e faço questão de fornecer ao Sr. Deputado tudo aquilo que entender necessário, que essa perseguição infelizmente não se restringe à comunidade cristã, que a comunidade yazidi, a comunidade mandiana, os próprios xiitas ou sunitas, fora das suas comunidades maioritárias, têm sido alvo de terríveis perseguições nesse país, e isto é um facto que ninguém pode ignorar. É apenas isto que eu quis realçar e prontifico-me a dar toda a documentação que o Sr. deputado entender.

 
  
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  Πρόεδρος. – Κύριε Casaca, έχετε υπερβεί τα όρια της παρέμβασης επί προσωπικού ζητήματος.

Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί μετά το πέρας των συζητήσεων.

 
  

(1)Βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά.


9.2. Uzbekistan (dezbatere)
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  Πρόεδρος. – Το επόμενο σημείο είναι η συζήτηση έξι προτάσεων ψηφίσματος σχετικά με το Ουζμπεκιστάν(1)

 
  
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  Katrin Saks (PSE). – Austatud president, head kolleegid, tuletaksin hakatuseks meelde, mida ütles mõned päevad tagasi siinsamas saalis Prantsusmaa president Nicolas Sarkozy: kõik need, kes pole kinni pidanud meie väärtustest, on vaid eelistanud kokkuleppeid, on lõpptulemusena ilma jäänud kõigest. Usbekistani ja laiemalt kogu Kesk-Aasia puhul on oht, et arvestades regiooni energiaressurssi, hakkavad üksikute riikide huvid domineerima meie ühisväärtuste üle. Kahjuks seda näitab ka selle reolutsiooni ümber toimuv suutmatus kokku leppida Rahvapartei ja UENi toetuses nõukogu otsusele, mis peatas viisakeelu Usbeki liidritele kuueks kuuks ilma, et oleks toimunud tõsist pööret inimõiguste olukorras.

See resolutsioon ongi inimõiguste väga kriitilisest olukorrast Usbekistanis. Seal riigis aga valitseb siiamaani arusaam – ja seda kuulsin ma oma kõrvaga – et inimõigused on selles riigis siseasi. Me ei saa sellise lähenemisviisiga leppida ja ma kutsun üles teid toetama resolutsiooni esimest, kriitilisemat varianti.

 
  
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  Elisabeth Jeggle (PPE-DE), Verfasserin. – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, verehrte Damen und Herren! Als demokratische Institution dürfen wir es nicht zulassen, dass Menschenrechte mit Füßen getreten werden, nirgendwo auf der Welt. Genau so wenig können wir es aber hinnehmen, wenn in unserem eigenen Hause die diplomatischen Beziehungen und die interparlamentarische Zusammenarbeit zwischen der EU und Usbekistan leichtfertig aufs Spiel gesetzt werden. Wenn ich die vorgelegten Entschließungen der Sozialisten, der Liberalen und Linken betrachte, kommt dies einem diplomatischen Kahlschlag gleich.

In der letzten Entschließung des Parlaments vom Oktober 2006 haben wir uns für eine konstruktive und dialogorientierte Lösung eingesetzt. Heute aber wird nicht der Dialog gesucht, sondern eine Tür zugeschlagen. Ich kann dies im Namen meiner Fraktion nicht verantworten. Insofern bitte ich Sie, die Entschließungen der Sozialisten, Liberalen und Linken abzulehnen.

Für unsere Entschließung zusammen mit der UEN-Fraktion gibt es folgende Punkte: Die politische Lage in Usbekistan ist keineswegs zufrieden stellend. Die Menschenrechtslage ist nach wie vor in vielen Aspekten besorgniserregend. Es gibt aber trotz allem Fortschritte. So hat z. B. am 8. und 9. Mai dieses Jahres in Taschkent eine erste Runde des Menschenrechtsdialogs zwischen der Europäischen Union und Usbekistan stattgefunden. Eine Entschließung des Europäischen Parlaments muss die momentane Lage beleuchten, und nur darauf kann sich diese Entschließung stützen.

 
  
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  Adam Bielan (UEN), autor. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Chciałbym na wstępie podziękować współautorom rezolucji. Jednocześnie, biorąc pod uwagę wytyczne Wspólnoty dotyczące obrony praw człowieka, przyjęte w 2004 r., chciałbym położyć nacisk na konieczność poprawy stosunków między Unią Europejską a Uzbekistanem. Pragnę jednak podkreślić, że relacje te winny opierać się na zasadach demokracji, praworządności i poszanowania praw człowieka, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem tych ostatnich.

Co więcej, odnosząc się do decyzji zawieszenia na okres sześciu miesięcy niektórych sankcji nałożonych na Uzbekistan, popieram inicjatywę obserwacji postępów czynionych w kwestii poszanowania praw człowieka w tym kraju. Odmowna decyzja uznania przez Ministerstwo Sprawiedliwości w Uzbekistanie biura monitorującego te prawa jest dowodem na to, iż należy angażować dalsze wysiłki w tej dziedzinie.

Jako wiceprzewodniczący Parlamentu odpowiedzialny za politykę sąsiedztwa między innymi z Uzbekistanem apeluję do instytucji międzynarodowych, a w szczególności do władz Uzbekistanu, o podjęcie działań wspomagających i prowadzących do rozwoju społeczeństwa obywatelskiego.

 
  
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  Hélène Flautre (Verts/ALE), auteur. – Madame la Présidente, l'objectif de cette résolution est simple: il s'agit de dire la vérité. C'est ce que nous demandent le peuple ouzbek et les défenseurs des droits de l'homme.

L'urgence, quant à elle, est fondée sur les assassinats de journalistes et dissidents qui sont survenus ces derniers mois, et sur les conclusions du Conseil du 15 octobre, abusivement présentées comme une victoire diplomatique par le président Karimov. Le fait majeur, c'est que les sanctions ont été reconduites pour douze mois parce qu'aucune investigation n'a été menée sur le massacre d'Andijan et que les réunions d'experts à ce sujet n'ont rien donné.

En ce qui concerne la levée pour six mois de l'interdiction de visas, nous sommes d'accord pour que les interdictions de visas soient automatiquement reconduites si les excellents critères qui ont été mis en place, les visites des rapporteurs spéciaux des Nations unies, par exemple, ne sont pas remplis dans les six mois.

Nous critiquons, par contre, les conclusions sur les progrès soi-disant observés dans le domaine des droits de l'homme. Par exemple, l'abolition de la peine de mort n'est toujours pas intervenue dans les faits, et le dialogue UE-Ouzbékistan sur les droits de l'homme est en suspens.

Enfin, dans cette résolution, nous condamnons l'assassinat de plusieurs journalistes indépendants ou dissidents, et demandons à ce que des enquêtes impartiales et sérieuses soient menées.

Je m'inquiète des intentions du PPE et de l'UEN. Ils proposent d'aller plus loin que tous les États membres en interprétant les conclusions du Conseil non seulement comme une suspension des interdictions de visas, mais carrément comme une levée des visas. Leur paragraphe 3 indique que l'inefficacité des sanctions est un encouragement au régime ouzbek, ce qui n'a intellectuellement et politiquement aucune logique. Le texte ne nomme même pas les treize défenseurs des droits de l'homme dont le Président Pöttering a demandé par courrier la libération immédiate.

Enfin, dernier point, le paragraphe 9 évoque la situation difficile de Human Rights Watch. C'est bien, mais cette organisation a fait clairement savoir qu'elle ne souhaitait pas être mentionnée dans une résolution techniquement fausse et aussi assassine pour les défenseurs des droits de l'homme que pour le peuple ouzbek et qui, in fine, chacun le comprend, servirait d'instrument de propagande au dictateur Karimov.

Par conséquent, je demande aux députés du PPE et de l'UEN de partager le sérieux qu'il convient d'adopter sur ce sujet et à l'égard du peuple ouzbek, et de soutenir notre proposition de résolution qui ne dit rien de plus que la vérité sur la situation des droits de l'homme en Ouzbékistan.

 
  
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  Marios Matsakis (ALDE), author. – Madam President, the persistence since 1989 of the tyrannical governing regime of Uzbekistan under Mr Karimov is a cancerous infliction on democracy. Mr Karimov’s regime is responsible for the implementation of a policy of terror and corruption in his country, with the victims being, of course, mainly the people of Uzbekistan. These people are subjected to arbitrary arrest and detention, to torture and ill-treatment and, while there have been numerous demands for democratic reform, both by the international community and the EU, Mr Karimov carries on taking no notice whatsoever.

This reminds me of another individual who is governing his country in a similarly totalitarian manner and takes no notice of those who call for democratic reforms to be implemented. I am talking about King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, a country where women have no right to vote, and even no right to drive a car, and where serious human rights abuses are part of everyday life.

In this respect, sadly, some EU governments are guilty of double standards: they attack Mr Karimov ferociously – and quite rightly so – but are very gentle indeed with King Abdullah. In fact, recently King Abdullah was given an extravagant welcome on state visits to Britain and Italy.

The main difference between Uzbekistan and Saudi Arabia is money – lots of it – and as long as King Abdullah spends his billions in Britain and Italy, his involvement in gross violations of human rights and democratic institutions in his country can be conveniently overlooked. That, I suppose, is why, when I suggested that the situation in Saudi Arabia be discussed here today, it was turned down ceremoniously by almost all the groups. Perhaps more sensitivity might be shown next time, I hope.

 
  
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  Erik Meijer (GUE/NGL), Auteur. – Voorzitter, Oezbekistan is toe aan een radicale verandering. De aanzet daartoe is op 13 mei 2005 met grof geweld tegen demonstranten verhinderd, waarbij honderden doden zijn gevallen. Sindsdien is de buitenwereld opvallend lang stil gebleven. Na ons eerdere urgentiedebat op 27 oktober 2005 is aanvankelijk weinig gebeurd.

Toch is na het instorten van de Sovjetunie niet alleen in beter bekende staten zoals Oekraïne, Georgië of Belarus een autoritair regime aan de macht gekomen, maar vooral ook in Turkmenistan en Oezbekistan. Niet de democratie had daar gewonnen, maar een groepje mensen dat ervaring opdeed in het oude staatsapparaat en de veiligheidsdiensten.

Die mensen hadden geen enkele andere doelstelling dan zelf aan de macht te blijven. Zij maakten de staatsbedrijven tot hun privé-eigendom, misvormden verkiezingsresultaten, gaven opposities zo min mogelijk ruimte, hinderden vrije organisaties, beperkten de pers en gebruikten zo nodig geweld tegen hun volk. In Oezbekistan duurt die toestand helaas nog steeds voort.

Tot nu toe werd de houding van Europa ten opzichte van Oezbekistan te veel bepaald door economische en militaire belangen. Het leek erop dat de dictatuur in Oezbekistan mag blijven bestaan, omdat die zich nuttig heeft gemaakt voor de militaire interventie in Afghanistan. Zo'n houding zou de Europese pretenties op het gebied van mensenrechten en democratie volstrekt ongeloofwaardig maken. Europa mag de rechten en vrijheden van de Oezbeken niet ondergeschikt maken aan andere overwegingen.

 
  
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  Karin Scheele, im Namen der PSE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Unter der deutschen Ratspräsidentschaft wurden auf explizites Einwirken der deutschen Bundesregierung die Sanktionen gegen Usbekistan gelockert unter der Bedingung, dass die Regierung Karimow die Menschenrechtslage im Land verbessern sollte. In usbekischen Gefängnissen wird weiterhin gefoltert, die Menschenrechtslage in Usbekistan hat sich um Nichts verbessert. Das berichten uns internationale Organisationen, die dramatische Angriffe auf die Zivilgesellschaft beobachten. Nicht nur Menschenrechtsorganisationen, auch Frauenorganisationen, Informationszentren und viele andere Organisationen sind davon betroffen. Menschenrechtsaktivisten werden zu langjährigen Strafen verurteilt, zahlreiche Aktivisten mussten fliehen, auch Journalisten.

Wir dürfen die Sanktionen nicht aufweichen, wir dürfen die Sanktionen nicht aufheben! Wir sehen einmal mehr, dass wir auch hier in diesem Parlament unterschiedliche Diskurse über Menschenrechte hören, wenn es um Zugang zu Rohstoffen geht, im Gegensatz dazu, wenn das nicht im Spiel ist. Wir müssen ein klares Signal senden, dass wir das nicht akzeptieren!

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda, en nombre del Grupo Verts/ALE. – Señora Presidenta, quisiera también aprovechar este debate para alertar a la Cámara y llamar la atención de esta Cámara sobre un grupo, un colectivo, especialmente perseguido en Uzbekistán, pero no sólo en Uzbekistán, sino también en Turkmenistán. Se trata fundamentalmente de la población LGBT.

Los gays ylas lesbianas normalmente se encuentran también doblemente perseguidos, por su condición de activistas, muchas veces, pero también por su condición de gays y lesbianas. Entre dos y cinco años de cárcel les esperan a muchas de esas personas que reconocen públicamente formar parte o que son denunciadas por formar parte de este colectivo.

Creo que dentro de este contexto es posible que, cuando hablamos de los derechos humanos en general, normalmente tengamos en cuenta todos los derechos humanos, pero muchas veces nos olvidamos también de este colectivo particular, que tiene unas necesidades específicas y que además intentó en la última reunión de la OSCE, que tuvo lugar en Madrid, presentar esas reivindicaciones ante la oposición incomprensible de muchos de los gobiernos.

Creo que es algo que deberíamos recordar y que, en todo caso, en el futuro debate sobre las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y Asia Central deberíamos recuperar.

 
  
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  Józef Pinior (PSE). – Madam President, first of all, I am really worried about the PPE-DE Group’s attitude concerning the human rights situation in Uzbekistan. We should not be taken in by the hypocritical efforts to achieve respectability undertaken by the Uzbek Government with the aim of giving the impression of democratic progress and improving relations with the European Union.

No, Uzbekistan has not progressed in the last two years. The government has still not authorised an independent investigation into the killings in Andijan. Human rights are still mocked and torture is still used, according to the UN report. Political opponents still do not have the right to express themselves freely. The press is still at the command of the government. We denounce that, and we also question the government on two murders, those of a theatre director and a journalist, both known to have criticised the Uzbek Government.

We must not support the subterfuge of the self-re-election of President Karimov on 23 December and we must remain very cautious and attentive regarding the Uzbek political situation, even if some national interests within the European Union suffer because of it. Human rights must never give way to economic relations in the European Union.

 
  
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  Danuta Hübner, Member of the Commission. Madam President, the recently adopted new strategy for Central Asia reflects the commitment of the European Union to enhanced long-term engagement and cooperation with the region. The EU and Central Asian countries, including Uzbekistan, have agreed to make human rights, the rule of law, good governance and democratisation key elements of the strategy.

We intend to step up support for the protection of human rights and the creation and development of an independent judiciary, thus making a sustainable contribution to the consolidation of the rule of law and respect for international human rights standards in Central Asia.

EU-Uzbekistan relations have to be put in this context, where encouragement to take positive steps to improve human rights and democratisation are the basis of dialogue and cooperation. Our relations with Uzbekistan have gone through a difficult phase over the last few years, notably since the events in Andijan in May 2005, and we remain seriously concerned about the human rights situation.

It is our firm belief that we stand a better chance of encouraging progress in the human rights situation in Uzbekistan by engagement rather than isolation. Isolation has not worked. We welcome the gradual re-engagement that has taken place over the past year, since the EU-Uzbekistan Cooperation Council agreed to establish a regular human rights dialogue, the first round of which was in May this year. Two rounds of expert-level talks have also taken place on the Andijan events. We are also planning a dialogue with Uzbek civil society on freedom of the media, which should take place in Tashkent early next year. We also welcome Uzbekistan’s introduction of habeas corpus and the abolition of the death penalty, which should come into effect in January 2008.

At the last meeting of the General Affairs Council, the EU Member States agreed on the renewal of restrictive measures but, at the same time, agreed on the conditional suspension of the visa ban. The Council urged Uzbekistan to fully implement its international obligations relating to human rights and, in particular, to allow unimpeded access by relevant international bodies to prisoners, to engage effectively with UN special rapporteurs, to let all NGOs operate without constraint in Uzbekistan and to release human rights defenders from detention and cease harassing them.

The Council stated that the lifting of the visa restrictions would be reviewed after six months, to assess whether Uzbekistan had made progress in meeting these conditions. The Uzbek authorities agreed to continue the discussion on human rights issues in the context of the EU-Uzbekistan Cooperation Committee early next year.

Uzbekistan has also shown itself open to discussing with the Commission ways to further enhance Community assistance in supporting the reform of its political institutions, such as the parliament, and the reform of the judiciary, all of which we will discuss further in the Cooperation Committee. The fact that the EU’s restrictive measures remain in place clearly signals both to the Uzbeks and the broader public our concerns about the situation in Uzbekistan.

Uzbekistan has a long way to go in the area of human rights and we will continue to stress to the Uzbek side, in line with the Council conclusions, that we expect to see concrete progress in the human rights situation on the ground.

Human rights will continue to be an important and difficult issue in our relations with Uzbekistan, but the Commission believes that engagement is the best way to promote positive developments.

 
  
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  Πρόεδρος. – Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί μετά το πέρας των συζητήσεων.

(Δήλωση συντομευμένη κατ'εφαρμογή του άρθρου 142 του Κανονισμού)

 
  
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  Véronique Mathieu (PPE-DE), par écrit. – Quand l'Europe s'affirme, les libertés progressent.

L'Union européenne doit absolument poursuivre la politique engagée en 2005 après la répression aveugle et totalement impunie d'Andijan, qui aurait fait selon l'OSCE et Human Rights Watch entre 500 et 1000 morts. Les nombreux défis à venir (énergie, terrorisme, libertés) imposent à l'Europe de se mobiliser plus que jamais à sa périphérie. Sa mission la plus essentielle est d'agir pour les droits de l'Homme et de conditionner toute relation sereine avec l'Ouzbékistan au progrès des libertés fondamentales. L'Union ne peut ignorer la réalité d'un Etat de droit chimérique et l'odieux assassinat en septembre dernier du metteur en scène Mark Weil, réputé pour son opposition au régime de Tachkent. Récemment, le parlement ouzbèke a fait quelques pas vers l'abolition de la peine de mort et la justice civile. Bien que ces décisions soient encore très insuffisantes, la fermeté de l'Union européenne n'a pas été vaine et contredit les principes d'une real politik inacceptable et dangereuse. Il faut aller encore plus loin pour aboutir à la démocratie et à la stabilité politique. Mais nous avons enfin commencé à espérer. A cet immense pays qu'est l'Ouzbékistan de ne pas ruiner cet espoir en construisant avec l'Europe un véritable partenariat.

 
  

(1)Βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά.


9.3. Somalia (dezbatere)
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  Πρόεδρος. – Το επόμενο σημείο είναι η συζήτηση έξι προτάσεων ψηφίσματος σχετικά με τη Σομαλία(1)

 
  
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  John Bowis (PPE-DE), author. – Madam President, for many generations people from Somaliland and Somalia have been coming to my constituency of London. They have a long tradition of working in the British Merchant Navy and sending monies back home. During my time in the British Parliament, I was Co-Chairman of the British-Somali All-Party Group. Sometimes we took up problems and sometimes we took up personal issues and so forth. There were many of these. The Somalis were wonderful people but were not served by particularly wonderful leaders.

Now things have gone from bad to worse. We now have a failed state. We have a situation where the country has some of the worst health statistics in the world. Its people face violence every day and continually rising child and maternal mortality rates. They are being caught in the crossfire between Ethiopian and government troops and the court militias. That is why this issue is on the agenda today. We can see how awful it is to live in Somalia today. We can see the glaring necessity to get humanitarian aid there, and yet we cannot get it there. We can see the need for peacekeeping forces, and we welcome what the African Union has promised, but we do not welcome what it is actually providing. It is nothing like what has been promised.

At the moment all we have there is Ugandan troops. Until the promised figure of 8 000 troops is reached, the Ethiopians will not leave. We have to see how we can get people talking – talking across borders, talking across some of our traditional prejudices – because, if people do not talk, there will be no stability, and if there is no stability then there is no future for that country. If there is no future, then more people will die. We will not be responsible, but we will have played no part in preventing that happening.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), Autor. – Señora Presidenta, yo también quiero, lógicamente, señalar la importancia de esta resolución, especialmente en el contexto del debate que teníamos esta mañana. Hablábamos precisamente de cómo afrontar la situación de los Estados frágiles. Somalia no es solamente un Estado frágil, es que directamente es un Estado fallido.

Pero aquí no podemos olvidar —y lo decía ahora el señor Bowis—, no podemos olvidar que el enorme nivel de violencia que en estos momentos existe en ese país tiene un combustible fundamental, indispensable, que es la entrada continuada de armas, fundamentalmente de armas ligeras y de munición, que vienen de otros países de la región y, en muchos casos, directamente de países occidentales, entre ellos también la Unión Europea.

Por lo tanto, no podemos obviar que, además de reaccionar ante las consecuencias actuales inmediatas de lo que está ocurriendo en Somalia, tenemos también una responsabilidad por esta situación, y cuando hablamos de la obligación y de la responsabilidad de proteger, que es lo que acostumbramos a hacer en ese tipo de debates, tenemos que asumir también nuestra propia responsabilidad preventiva, por ejemplo, controlando las exportaciones de armas.

 
  
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  Ana Maria Gomes (PSE), Autora. – Ontem em Mogadixo ouviam-se incitamentos ao ataque contra forças da União Africana, tal é a dimensão da tragédia e descontrolo que afundam a Somália e incendeiam todo o Corno de África. É urgente que a UE pressione todas as partes do conflito a comprometeram-se num processo inclusivo de reconciliação nacional, capaz de abordar as questões políticas que estão na origem da crise. O chamado governo de transição não passa de ficção, se continuar a nada fazer para proteger a população civil e facilitar a assistência humanitária.

A Somália está afogada em armas mais do que nunca, segundo relatório recente da ONU. É indispensável travar e responsabilizar países e agentes que violam o embargo de armas imposto em 1992. Finalmente, é urgente o reforço da força de paz da União Africana e a saída das tropas etíopes ocupantes. Importa reconhecer que a intervenção etíope, instigada pela Administração Bush, com a cumplicidade passiva da União Europeia, não trouxe paz, nem governo, nem sequer ajudou a combater o terrorismo na Somália. Só trouxe mais desgraça, miséria e morte aos povos de toda a região.

 
  
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  Marcin Libicki (UEN), autor. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Mówimy tutaj dzisiaj o tragedii, która miała miejsce w Somalii. Na ogół mówi się, że są 3 środki interwencji w takiej sprawie: nacisk dyplomatyczny, embargo gospodarcze i ewentualna interwencja zbrojna. Ale nie mówimy o czwartej sprawie – o tym, że kraje Unii Europejskiej powinny przede wszystkim uniemożliwić własnemu pseudobiznesowi korumpowanie kacyków w różnych krajach postkolonialnych, którzy potem biorą się do wojen domowych, często w niegodziwych interesach prowadzonych właśnie przez pseudobiznes.

I druga rzecz o tym, o czym mówił pan Romeva i Rueda i o czym mówiła pani Gomes, przecież ta broń, w tych krajach używana, również w Somalii, jest produkowana i eksportowana z krajów tzw. demokratycznych, z krajów gospodarczo rozwiniętych. Państwa tej części świata powinny właśnie wpłynąć na swoich producentów broni i na swoich pseudobiznesmenów, żeby nie byli oni inspiratorami i pomocnikami w najgorszych nieszczęściach, które mają dzisiaj miejsce na świecie.

 
  
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  Marios Matsakis (ALDE), author. – Madam President, Somalia has been the subject of European Parliament and UN resolutions in the past. Unfortunately, the situation there has not improved and the prolonged destructive civil war has carried on unabated. The resulting tragic human suffering continues, with hundreds of thousands of poverty-stricken refugees, thousands of malnourished and dying children, and the reported emergence in the region of contagious diseases like cholera and hepatitis. That country is in a desperate situation, where anarchy and the law of the jungle prevail.

In this joint motion for a resolution, as in previous ones, we make a series of useful suggestions, such as the cessation of all foreign military intervention in Somalia – mainly from Ethiopia and Eritrea – and full implementation of the arms embargo against Somalia, which, although imposed 15 years ago, is sadly still to become truly effective.

We also make a call for protection of freedom of the press by strongly condemning the Somali Government’s systematic harassment of the media and its shameful failure to investigate the killing of journalists whose reporting was deemed to be critical of the government.

We make these calls conscious of the fact that the chances of them being listened to are very slim indeed. Still, we must persevere in the hope that perhaps common sense and a humanistic attitude will at last prevail and that the Somali people eventually will see more peaceful and prosperous days.

 
  
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  Erik Meijer (GUE/NGL), Auteur. – Voorzitter, sinds 1991bestaat de staat Somalië in de praktijk niet meer, althans voor zover het grondgebied van de voormalige Italiaanse kolonie is bedoeld. Alleen in het noorden, de voormalige Britse kolonie Somaliland, bestaat een vorm van staatsgezag, maar dat gezag wordt internationaal niet erkend.

De plaats van de staat is ingenomen door een aantal krijgsheren die afwisselend onderling strijd voeren en samenwerken. Het leger van buurland Ethiopië heeft zich opgeworpen als hun gezamenlijke beschermer. Daarentegen is de Unie van islamitische rechtbanken hun gezamenlijke tegenstander, die Somalië wil herenigen op grondslag van traditionele islamitische regels en zonder die krijgsheren.

Alle tot nu toe ondernomen pogingen om een algemeen aanvaard eenheidsbestuur in te stellen en Somalië weer als staat te laten functioneren, hebben gefaald. De Commissie heeft aan de in 2004 opgerichte federale overgangsinstellingen financiële steun verleend. Dat leek op dat moment verdedigbaar, maar heeft geleid tot het verwijt dat de Europese Unie partij kiest in een gewapend conflict en daarbij samenwerkt met Ethiopië tegen de krachten die het liefst een streng islamitisch regime aan de macht zouden zien.

Een dergelijk Europees beleid, hoe goed ook bedoeld, kan niet succesvol zijn zonder de steun van de inwoners van Somalië. Daarom is het goed dat in de resolutie die straks in stemming komt, wordt opgeroepen tot beëindiging van buitenlandse militaire interventies en tot dialoog en verzoening in het binnenland.

 
  
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  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg, w imieniu grupy PSE. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Somalia od upadku reżimu Siada Barrego w 1991 r. nie ma sprawnie funkcjonującego rządu. Sytuację wewnętrzną charakteryzują chaos i anarchia. Efektem konfliktu pomiędzy powstańcami Unii Trybunałów Islamskich a wojskami rządu tymczasowego było wysiedlenie 850 tysięcy osób oraz wielu zabitych.

Sytuacja w kraju jest dramatyczna. W regionie szerzy się cholera, ponad 1,5 miliona ludzi pilnie potrzebuje pomocy medycznej, dziesiątki tysięcy dzieci cierpią z niedożywienia. Istnieje realne ryzyko, iż konflikt ten może przyczynić się do destabilizacji w całym regionie. Tym bardziej martwi fakt, iż z obiecanych 8 tysięcy żołnierzy Unii Afrykańskiej tylko 1600 zostało jak dotąd włączonych do działań rozjemczych.

W związku z tym Unia Afrykańska, Stany Zjednoczone, Unia Europejska i ONZ powinny zwiększyć pomoc humanitarną i logistyczną dla Somalijczyków, a także zintensyfikować wysiłki dyplomatyczne na rzecz przyspieszenia procesu pokojowego i stworzenia stabilnego rządu w drodze wolnych wyborów w 2009 r.

 
  
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  Leopold Józef Rutowicz, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Panie Przewodnicząca! Somalia leży na Półwyspie Somalijskim, zwanym Rogiem Afryki, i jest państwem etnicznie i religijnie jednolitym. Somalijczycy stanowią tam 97%, a wyznawcy Islamu prawie 100%.

Posiadając zasoby naturalne miała warunki do rozwoju gospodarki i godnego życia obywateli w powstałej w 1960 roku Republice Somalii. Niestety, zamach stanu, wojna domowa, zmiany orientacji politycznej, podziały plemienne, włączenie się powiązanej z talibami Unii Trybunałów Islamskich do walki o władzę, stworzyły piekło na ziemi dla ludności Somalii.

Jak pomóc tym ludziom? Rozwiązanie kwestii Somalii leży w gestii ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej. W interesie Afryki Unia Afrykańska powinna zwiększyć działania polityczne i militarne w celu ochrony ludzi i stworzenia warunków dla bezwzględnie potrzebnej pomocy humanitarnej świadczonej przez ONZ i Unię Europejską. W sytuacji Somalii debata nad łamaniem praw człowieka, które mają charakter masowy w tym kraju, nic nie zmieni. Potrzebne są czyny, które byłyby wspomagane przez Unię Europejską.

 
  
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  Danuta Hübner, Member of the Commission. Madam President, I fully agree with Mr Bowis that, as long as people talk, there is always hope. We consider it very timely to have this wake-up call on Somalia today, since the situation currently poses a significant threat to peace and security, not only in the region but also beyond. It also causes immense suffering for the people of Somalia.

As you know, the Union has taken a lead role in the Somali peace process and the establishment of the transitional federal institutions. We have always strived for a political solution involving all Somali parties, and Commissioner Louis Michel carried out a last-ditch peace mission to rescue the peace process prior to the Ethiopian intervention in December 2006 and has been instrumental in linking EU support to the African Union peace mission to Somalia and to the launch of a genuine National Reconciliation Congress.

We have an unfolding humanitarian disaster and a diminishing humanitarian space in Somalia, including a crackdown on the independent media and journalists, who are dying in targeted killings. The current levels of humanitarian distress in south and central Somalia have reached alarming proportions. An estimated 1.5 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance, including more than 730 000 internally displaced persons, of whom one-third are estimated to be at extreme risk. An estimated 173 000 Mogadishu residents fled the violence in the past two weeks alone.

I also wish to inform you that, in response to the current humanitarian crisis, the Commission’s Humanitarian Aid Office, ECHO, is working with implementing partners to support 1.5 million people, providing the local population, internally displaced people and host communities with access to water, sanitation, nutrition, drugs and support for livestock and livelihoods. This year, it has allocated the highest ever budget for assistance to Somalia, amounting to EUR 20 million.

We are also very concerned about the evolving security situation in Mogadishu and other regions in south-central Somalia. Insurgency operations appear to be expanding and all parties have significantly increased their military capabilities in the past weeks. The EU is committed to following a multi-pronged approach that entails supporting a comprehensive security strategy, including a ceasefire process and a full deployment of the African Union Mission in Somalia that would facilitate Ethiopian withdrawal, and encouraging the nomination of a representative and effective Prime Minister and government while engaging and providing reassurances to the opposition, to facilitate their involvement during the remainder of the transitional period leading up to elections in 2009.The EU will also urge all parties to respect basic human rights and international humanitarian law.

Finally, we need to take into account the regional dimensions of the crisis and engage with Ethiopia and Eritrea, which are fighting a proxy war in Somalia, which risks provoking their own border conflict. The Commission has nominated an EC Special Envoy for Somalia and is driving forward proposals for EU action at the General Affairs and External Relations Council. It remains committed to working closely with the European Parliament to stem violence and to find a political solution to this crisis.

 
  
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  Πρόεδρος. – Το λόγο έχει ο κύριος Ματσάκης επί διαδικαστικού.

 
  
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  Marios Matsakis (ALDE). – Madam President, on a point of order before we proceed with the vote, I note once again that there is no Council representation in this Chamber. This is now becoming almost a permanent situation, and perhaps something needs to be done about it.

 
  
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  Πρόεδρος. – Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί μετά το πέρας των συζητήσεων.

Γραπτές δηλώσεις (άρθρο 142)

 
  
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  Glyn Ford (PSE). – The situation in Somalia is a reflection of a collapsed state and failed economy. There has been no functioning government since the overthrow of the Said Barre regime in 1991 which led to anarchy, inter-clan fighting and banditry.

The recent fighting between the Union of Islamic Courts and allied Ethiopian and Transitional Federal Government troops has displaced at least 100 000 people and famine threatens. Yet the worsening security situation in Mogadishu has prevented international NGOs from coping with this unfolding humanitarian catastrophe.

I welcome the efforts by the African Union to assemble a peacekeeping force to help with national reconciliation, but only 20% of the promised 8 000 have actually been deployed. The African Union must honour its commitments. However, the European Union must in parallel increase its efforts to provide political, financial and logistic support.

The international community, including the EU, must step up the provision of humanitarian aid to the displaced people. The ultimate solution, however, to restoring Somalia to a functioning state requires the International Somalia Contact Group, including the African Union, the UN, the EU and the US, to engage with actors inside Somalia to support the implementation of the Transitional Federal Charter and Institutions.

 
  

(1)Βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά.


10. Timpul afectat votului
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  Πρόεδρος. – Η ημερήσια διάταξη προβλέπει την Ώρα των Ψηφοφοριών.

(Για τα αποτελέσματα και λοιπές πληροφορίες επί των ψηφοφοριών: βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά)

 

10.1. Comunităţi creştine (vot)
  

Κοινή πρόταση ψηφίσματος Β6-0449/2007

 

10.2. Uzbekistan (vot)
  

Κοινή πρόταση ψηφίσματος Β6-0451/2007

Μετά την ψηφοφορία στην πρώτη πρόταση ψηφίσματος.

 
  
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  Evgeni Kirilov (PSE). – Madam President, I could not vote in time. Please put my vote in favour.

 

10.3. Somalia (vot)
  

Κοινή πρόταση ψηφίσματος Β6-0454/2007

 

11. Corectările voturilor şi intenţiile de vot: a se vedea procesul-verbal

12. Depunere de documente: consultaţi procesul-verbal

13. Decizii privind anumite documente: a se vedea procesul-verbal

14. Declaraţii scrise înscrise în registru (articolul 116 din Regulamentul de procedură): a se vedea procesul-verbal

15. Transmiterea textelor adoptate în cursul prezentei şedinţe: a se vedea procesul-verbal

16. Calendarul următoarelor şedinţe: a se vedea procesul-verbal

17. Întreruperea sesiunii
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  Πρόεδρος – Κηρύσσω τη διακοπή της συνόδου του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου.

(Η συνεδρίαση λήγει στις 4.20 μ.μ.)

 

ANEXĂ
QUESTIONS TO COUNCIL (The Presidency-in-Office of the Council of the European Union bears sole responsibility for these answers)
Question no 8 by Colm Burke (H-0794/07)
 Subject: Reform agenda in Turkey post elections
 

The recent election result in Turkey gave the new Government of Turkey a strong mandate for political and economic reforms. How is the Council supporting the Turkish Government through the political and economic challenges that lie ahead in order to ensure that Turkey increases the momentum of reform?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

As eleições parlamentares turcas contaram com uma elevada participação do eleitorado, sendo a composição do novo Parlamento mais representativa da população turca que a do anterior e com uma maioria absoluta para o governo do Primeiro Ministro Erdogan. Como o Senhor Deputado o afirma, o governo dispõe agora de uma legitimidade renovada e de um mandato bem definido que o deve capacitar para avançar firmemente com o processo de reformas.

A União Europeia tem aproveitado – e continuará a aproveitar – todas as oportunidades, em particular no quadro das várias reuniões do diálogo político, para chamar a atenção da parte turca para as expectativas da UE de que o novo governo dê um impulso às reformas, após a desaceleração observada nas mesmas no ano passado e no período pré-eleitoral. Neste contexto, salientamos a intenção da maioria parlamentar de elaborar uma nova Constituição, processo que seguiremos atentamente.

O progresso do processo de reformas, tanto relativamente à adopção de nova legislação como à sua implementação, é essencial para o avanço das negociações de adesão, e a União continua disposta a assistir a Turquia nesta senda. Há muito trabalho pela frente, em particular no que respeita aos critérios políticos. Temos salientado a necessidade de progressos significativos em áreas como a liberdade de expressão, a liberdade religiosa e as relações civilo-militares. Obviamente, também observamos com profunda preocupação a situação no Sudeste do país; condenamos firmemente todos os actos de terrorismo, e sublinhamos a necessidade do respeito continuado pelo primado do direito e da preservação da estabilidade regional.

Para além disso, continuamos a encorajar a Turquia a avançar na normalização das relações com a República de Chipre e apelamos à implementação plena do Protocolo Adicional ao Acordo de Ancara, tal como referido na Declaração da UE de 21 de Setembro de 2005, em ligação com as conclusões do Conselho de 11 de Dezembro de 2006. Instamos também a Turquia a intensificar os seus esforços no sentido de assegurar o pleno e inequívoco cumprimento do seu compromisso no sentido de manter relações de boa vizinhança, e ainda do seu compromisso de dar resolução a quaisquer litígios fronteiriços pendentes em conformidade com o princípio da resolução pacífica de litígios e de acordo com a Carta das Nações Unidas, incluindo, se necessário, a jurisdição do Tribunal Internacional de Justiça.

No campo económico, esperamos que a Turquia continue na senda dum crescimento económico sustentado, prosseguindo, simultaneamente, a implementação do programa de reformas estruturais.

Concluindo, gostaria de recordar que a União elaborou uma estratégia de pré-adesão que proporciona à Turquia o enquadramento para a sua preparação para a adesão. O Acordo de Associação é um importante instrumento para a cooperação entre as duas partes. A Parceria de Adesão, a ser revista dentro em breve, estabelece as prioridades para o trabalho ulterior, servindo também de referência para a adaptação da assistência da UE às necessidades específicas do país candidato. Relativamente à assistência financeira, ao abrigo do novo instrumento financeiro IPA, os montantes anuais médios destinados à Turquia deverão aumentar de 497 milhões de euros em 2007 para 653 milhões de euros em 2010.

Para além disso, as próprias negociações de adesão são o mais valioso e poderoso instrumento para dinamizar as reformas.

 

Question no 9 by Mairead McGuinness (H-0795/07)
 Subject: Liberalisation of postal services in the EU
 

The full liberalisation of postal services was agreed during a meeting of the Council on 1 October. It was decided the opening of postal services in the European Union should be achieved by 31 December 2010 at the latest. Could the Council make a statement on this issue?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

Como a Senhora Deputada muito bem assinalou, o Conselho, na sua sessão de 1 de Outubro de 2007, chegou a acordo político sobre a proposta de directiva do Parlamento Europeu e do Conselho que altera a Directiva 97/67/CE no respeitante à plena realização do mercado interno dos serviços postais da Comunidade, que será aprovada mediante processo de co-decisão e com consequente plena participação do Parlamento.

Um dos elementos-chave do acordo é o prazo final de 31 de Dezembro de 2010 para a aplicação da directiva de alteração. Neste contexto, assinala-se que determinados Estados-Membros (enumerados no novo artigo 3.º) poderão prorrogá-lo o mais tardar até 31 de Dezembro de 2012, sob condição de notificação prévia à Comissão. Outros são nomeadamente os esclarecimentos e ajustamentos importantes introduzidos nas definições pertinentes, as garantias de prestação do serviço universal, incluindo o seu financiamento e o regime de autorização.

Além disso, o acordo reflecte alterações à proposta da Comissão através da inclusão de um número considerável de alterações propostas no parecer do Parlamento Europeu em primeira leitura.

O texto do referido acordo político encontra-se em fase de ultimação jurídico-linguística com vista à aprovação da posição comum do Conselho numa próxima sessão.

O Conselho manifesta a sua plena satisfação pela excelente cooperação e pela visão comum até agora conseguidas com o Parlamento Europeu sobre tão importante matéria.

 

Question no 10 by Avril Doyle (H-0797/07)
 Subject: EU nationals repatriation fund
 

Could the Council investigate the possibility of a fund being established for EU citizens to cover the costs of repatriation in the case of death when the family is shown not to be in a financial position to do so?

In Ireland, the recent growth in the population of citizens from other Member States has highlighted the financial problems that some families may face in repatriating the body of a relation after death in another Member State. In many cases, local communities raise funds to cover the costs. What happens when this is not the case? Could a 'repatriation fund' to deal with such cases be established?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

A questão levantada pela Senhora Deputada é interessante e reflecte um aspecto do tema, mais vasto, “repatriamento de corpos entre Estados” que actualmente é regido pelo Acordo de Estrasburgo de 1973, ao qual apenas uma parte dos Estados membros aderiu e que impõe normas rigorosas no que respeita à transladação dos corpos. Este tema foi abordado no Livro Verde da Comissão sobre a protecção consular dos nacionais da União Europeia, mas apenas em relação à transladação de corpos provenientes de Estados fora da União Europeia.

A questão do repatriamento de corpos é matéria da competência dos Estados membros que têm diversas posições nesta matéria, sendo que a maioria, senão todos, não têm a obrigação, nem a possibilidade legal de proceder ao repatriamento de corpos dos seus nacionais. Assim, a Presidência considera não ser provável que, a curto ou a médio prazo, se tome uma decisão sobre estas questões, nomeadamente a criação de um fundo para uma despesa que pelo menos a maioria dos Estados Membros considera ser da responsabilidade dos particulares.

 

Question no 11 by Jim Higgins (H-0799/07)
 Subject: Prevention of cardiovascular disease
 

As the Council will no doubt be aware, CVD causes the death of 1.9 million citizens in the EU per annum, and given that the key to reducing the deaths from CVD is a plan implemented along political, social and economic lines, could the Council outline what action it is taking to ensure the prevention of cardiovascular disease?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

O Conselho confere relevo à prevenção das DCV (doenças cardiovasculares) ao tratar questões de saúde específicas que influem na prevalência das DCV:

– Nutrição e actividade física: em 2005 o Conselho aprovou as Conclusões relativas à promoção de estilos de vida saudáveis e à prevenção da diabetes tipo 2; além destas, o Conselho aprovou na sua sessão de 31 de Maio de 2007 as Conclusões relativas à promoção da saúde mediante a nutrição e a actividade física e tem presentemente em fase de elaboração um novo conjunto de conclusões relativas à entrada em aplicação da estratégia da UE em matéria de nutrição, excesso de peso e obesidade e questões de saúde correlativas. O Grupo de Alto Nível criado para a implementação da estratégia debaterá com carácter de prioridade a redução do teor de sal nos produtos alimentares como importante factor determinante das DCV.

– Tabagismo: o Conselho procedeu na sua sessão de 31 de Maio de 2007 a uma troca de opiniões sobre as opções estratégicas para uma política "por uma Europa sem fumo". A redução do tabagismo activo e passivo pode conduzir a grandes progressos em matéria de saúde cardiovascular.

– Álcool: o Conselho aprovou em Novembro de 2006 as suas Conclusões sobre a Estratégia da UE para minimizar os efeitos nocivos do álcool. O consumo excessivo de álcool e os efeitos nocivos dele decorrentes constituem um dos temas prioritários do programa de 18 meses das Presidências Alemã, Portuguesa e Eslovena.

De salientar ainda a Carta Europeia para a Saúde do Coração, documento elaborado pelo European Heart Network e a Sociedade Europeia de Cardiologia com o apoio da Comissão Europeia e da OMS, tendo como objectivo reduzir substancialmente o peso das doenças cardiovasculares na UE e na Região Europa da OMS, bem como diminuir as desigualdades entre países nesta área.

Estas acções contribuem para a redução dos principais factores de risco de contracção de DCV definidos pelo Parlamento Europeu na sua Resolução de Julho de 2007 e destacam a importância da prevenção através de um estilo de vida saudável.

 

Question no 12 by David Martin (H-0803/07)
 Subject: Resolution on EPAs during the ACP JPA in Kigali
 

In light of the concerns from civil society and ACP countries over the December deadline for the conclusion of the Economic Partnership Agreements, what plans does the Council have to negotiate with their African colleagues during the next Joint Parliamentary Assembly of the ACP countries to be held in Kigali on 17-23 November?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

A responsabilidade pela negociação de acordos de parceria económica, por parte da UE, é da competência da Comissão, com base nas Directrizes aprovadas pelo Conselho em Junho de 2002. As negociações realizam-se normalmente a nível regional. Ao nível de todos os países ACP, o Conselho de Ministros ACP-CE é responsável pela aprovação das orientações políticas e pela tomada das decisões necessárias à implementação das disposições do Acordo de Parceria de Cotonu (alínea b) do n.º 2 do artigo 15.º), incluindo as relacionadas com os APE. Neste contexto, o Conselho ACP-CE de 25 de Maio de 2007 subscreveu, nomeadamente, o reexame das negociações relativas ao EPA, conforme previsto no n.º 4 do artigo 37.º do Acordo de Parceria de Cotonu.

A Assembleia Parlamentar Paritária ACP-UE não é um fórum formal de negociação para os APE, desempenhando um papel mais lato e extremamente importante no sistema de Cotonu. Nos termos do n.º 2 do artigo 17.º do Acordo de Parceria de Cotonu, o seu papel, como órgão de consulta consiste nomeadamente em promover os processos democráticos através do diálogo e da consulta e debater questões relacionadas com o desenvolvimento da Parceria ACP-CE.

O Conselho da UE está fortemente empenhado em proporcionar orientações políticas, por parte da UE, ao processo relativo ao APE. Neste contexto, o Conselho aprovou Conclusões em Abril de 2006 e Maio de 2007 que salientam o seu empenhamento em relação aos APE como instrumentos de desenvolvimento, que contribuem para a erradicação da pobreza nos Estados ACP.

 

Pregunta nº 13 formulada por Cristobal Montoro Romero (H-0806/07):
 Asunto: Tipo de cambio
 

La Unión Europea es el principal exportador e importador de bienes del mundo, el principal exportador de servicios y la segunda fuente y receptora de inversión directa, por tanto, es uno de los mayores beneficiarios de la economía global y tiene una gran responsabilidad a la hora de afrontar los desafíos globales. Uno de ellos, la apreciación del euro frente a las principales monedas del resto del mundo, es consecuencia de los desequilibrios de la economía mundial y del bajo crecimiento económico de la Unión Europea derivado de la falta de demanda interna en la Unión.

¿Entiende el Consejo que la Unión Europea no tiene ninguna responsabilidad respecto a la apreciación del euro y que toda ella se deriva de la actuación de los otros bloques comerciales, China o EE.UU?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

Com muito bem salienta o Senhor Deputado, a União Europeia é um líder económico mundial em vários aspectos, em termos de comércio de bens e de serviços, assim como em matéria de investimento interno e externo. Mas permita-me discordar da sua avaliação relativa ao crescimento económico e à procura interna na União: a confirmarem-se as previsões da Comissão Europeia disponíveis, o PIB crescerá acima do potencial tanto em 2007 como em 2008, e a procura interna apresentará no corrente ano um crescimento ainda mais forte (e superior ao dos Estados Unidos).

A União Europeia toma, na verdade, muito a sério as suas responsabilidades na resolução dos desequilíbrios da economia mundial, esperando igualmente que o mesmo aconteça com os seus parceiros mundiais. A UE tem estado a realizar as reformas económicas definidas na Agenda de Lisboa para um período de sete anos, com vista à resolução de um grande número de questões relacionadas quer com a procura interna, quer com o programa geral em matéria de competitividade na economia mundial. As reformas coroadas de êxito introduzidas pelos Estados-Membros no contexto da Agenda de Lisboa estão actualmente a produzir resultados e a economia da UE encontra-se numa posição forte para fazer face ao actual período de incerteza económica mundial. Todavia, não somos complacentes: os nossos esforços de reformas estruturais devem e continuarão a ser prosseguidos, em conformidade com as prioridades da Agenda de Lisboa.

No que se refere à questão específica da taxa de câmbio do euro, posso informar o Senhor Deputado de que o Conselho não debateu a evolução das taxas de câmbio, no que diz respeito ao euro ou às moedas dos Estados-Membros que não possuem o euro como moeda nacional.

Contudo, posso informar que o Eurogroupo, na reunião de 8 de Outubro, aprovou e decidiu tornar pública uma declaração relativa às questões cambiais , tendo relembrado que "a zona Euro está a desempenhar o seu papel com vista a uma redução ordenada dos desequilíbrios mediante a implementação de reformas estruturais e contribuindo para um crescimento mais equilibrado."

A situação económica e a evolução das taxas de câmbio foram igualmente debatidas na reunião dos Ministros das Finanças do G7, que se realizou em Washington a 19 de Outubro. A declaração conjunta dos Ministros das Finanças do G7 incluiu o seguinte parágrafo: "Reiteramos que as taxas de câmbio devem reflectir os fundamentos económicos. Os movimentos excessivamente voláteis e desordenados das taxas de câmbio são prejudiciais ao crescimento económico. Continuamos a acompanhar com muita atenção os mercados de câmbio e a cooperar conforme apropriado. Congratulamo-nos com a decisão da China de aumentar a flexibilidade da sua moeda, mas tendo em conta os excedentes da sua balança de transacções correntes e a inflação interna, salientamos a necessidade de a China autorizar uma apreciação acelerada da sua taxa de câmbio efectiva."

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 14 του κ. Δημητρίου Παπαδημούλη (H-0811/07)
 Θέμα: Ενδεχόμενη επέμβαση του τουρκικού στρατού στο Βόρειο Ιράκ
 

Ο πρωθυπουργός της Τουρκίας, κ. Ερντογάν, σε δηλώσεις του, στις 10.10.2007, ανέφερε ότι σύντομα θα παρουσιάσει στην τουρκική Εθνοσυνέλευση ψήφισμα με το οποίο θα ζητάει την άδεια για ανάληψη στρατιωτικής δράσης στο Βόρειο Ιράκ.

Δεδομένου ότι ήδη ο Ύπατος Εκπρόσωπος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης για την Εξωτερική Πολιτική και Ασφάλεια, κ. Σολάνα, με δηλώσεις του τοποθετήθηκε επί του θέματος αναφέροντας ότι: «Οποιαδήποτε πιθανότητα να περιπλακεί ακόμη περισσότερο η κατάσταση της ασφάλειας στο Ιράκ δεν είναι ευπρόσδεκτη κι αυτό είναι το μήνυμα που διαβιβάζουμε στους τούρκους φίλους μας», ποιες οι άμεσες ενέργειες του Συμβουλίου ώστε να αποτραπεί ενδεχόμενη στρατιωτική επέμβαση του τουρκικού στρατού στο Βόρειο Ιράκ; Ποιες οι επιπτώσεις μιας τέτοιας ενέργειας στην ενταξιακή πορεία της Τουρκίας στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση;

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

Estamos a acompanhar a situação muito atentamente e mantemos um estreito contacto com as autoridades turcas. A Presidência condenou firmemente os recentes actos terroristas no Sudeste da Turquia e exprimiu, neste contexto, a nossa solidariedade com o povo turco. A comunidade internacional e, em especial, todos os principais intervenientes na região, devem apoiar os esforços da Turquia no sentido de proteger a sua população e de lutar contra o terrorismo, respeitando simultaneamente os direitos humanos, as liberdades fundamentais e o Estado de direito, preservando a paz e a estabilidade internacionais e regionais e abstendo-se de empreender qualquer acção desproporcionada de carácter militar. Cabe referir ainda que a Presidência participou na Conferência Ministerial de Países Vizinhos do Iraque, que teve lugar em Istambul em 2-3 Novembro, na qual os participantes manifestaram o seu apreço pelos esforços envidados pelo Governo do Iraque no combate ao terrorismo, incluindo os esforços no sentido de evitar que o território iraquiano seja usado como base para ataques terroristas contra países vizinhos do Iraque e recordaram os acordos bilaterais celebrados entre o Iraque e os seus países vizinhos no âmbito do combate contra o terrorismo. É da máxima importância que o diálogo e a cooperação entre os Governos da Turquia e do Iraque sejam reforçados a fim de tentar resolver este problema.

Enquanto país candidato que negoceia a adesão à UE – e em conformidade com o Quadro de Negociação – a Turquia deve comprometer-se a manter relações de boa vizinhança e respeitar a ordem jurídica internacional.

Neste contexto, posso assegurar-lhe, Senhor Deputado, que continuaremos a seguir de muito perto a situação e a advogar uma solução baseada na cooperação entre a Turquia e o Iraque.

 

Question no 15 by Chris Davies (H-0815/07)
 Subject: Scrutiny of implementation of EU legislation during the Portuguese Presidency
 

Will the Presidency-in-Office state whether it has arranged for the issue of inadequate implementation of EU legislation by Member States to be placed on the agenda of any meetings of the Council of Ministers scheduled to take place during the current Presidency?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

Actualmente, a Presidência Portuguesa não tenciona debater esta questão no Conselho.

Recorde-se que a Comissão, na sua qualidade de "guardiã dos Tratados", vela pela aplicação do direito comunitário nos Estados-Membros. A Comissão apresenta duas vezes por ano um relatório intitulado "Painel de Avaliação do Mercado Interno" sobre a aplicação da legislação nos diferentes países da União. O décimo sexto Painel de Avaliação foi publicado em 5 de Julho de 2007.

A Presidência não dispõe de informações sobre a data de publicação pela Comissão do próximo painel de avaliação.

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 16 του κ. Νικόλαου Βακάλη (H-0822/07)
 Θέμα: Μέτρα για τη μείωση εκπομπών των αυτοκινήτων στις πόλεις
 

Με δεδομένη τη μεγάλη συζήτηση που εδώ και πολύ καιρό γίνεται γύρω από το θέμα της ατμοσφαιρικής ρύπανσης στο κέντρο των μεγάλων ευρωπαϊκών πόλεων και του πώς αυτή συνδέεται με την κυκλοφορία των οχημάτων, θα ήθελα να με ενημερώσει το Συμβούλιο για την πορεία υιοθέτησης της Οδηγίας σχετικά με τη φορολογία των επιβατικών αυτοκινήτων (COM(2005)0261), σύμφωνα με την οποία η φορολογία των οχημάτων συνδέεται με τις εκπομπές διοξειδίου του άνθρακα.

Μετά και από το σχετικό ψήφισμα του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου στις 5 Σεπτεμβρίου 2006, ποιος είναι ο λόγος που η υιοθέτηση της εν λόγω Οδηγίας καθυστέρησε για περισσότερο από ένα έτος; Σκοπεύει η Προεδρία να προχωρήσει τις διαδικασίες υιοθέτησής της;

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

A Presidência Portuguesa tem defendido a posição de que a contribuição da política fiscal para reforçar a sustentabilidade ambiental deve ser melhorada. Por conseguinte, a Presidência está a lançar um debate sobre todas as iniciativas susceptíveis de contribuir para os esforços desenvolvidos para lutar contra as alterações climáticas e alcançar os objectivos da UE em matéria de redução global das emissões de gases com efeito de estufa, reconhecendo o impacto positivo que as medidas fiscais podem ter sobre a poluição e o comportamento dos consumidores.

Neste contexto, a Presidência Portuguesa deu grande impulso à discussão da proposta de Directiva relativa à tributação aplicável aos veículos automóveis ligeiros de passageiros [COM(2005)0261], no seio do Grupo de Questões Fiscais, tendo apresentado um texto de compromisso dando maior flexibilidade aos Estados-Membros, designadamente na escolha do critério de performance ambiental que deve servir de base à diferenciação de tributação (n.º de gramas de CO2 por quilómetro, consumo de combustível ou outro elemento que contribua para a redução de emissões). A Presidência Portuguesa promoveu um debate de orientação sobre esta matéria no Conselho (ECOFIN) de dia 13 de Novembro, visando uma possível adopção da proposta de directiva até ao final do seu mandato.

 

Question no 17 by Brian Crowley (H-0823/07)
 Subject: Combating youth and long-term unemployment in Europe
 

Could the Council make a statement outlining what new and innovative initiatives it has pursued this year at a European level so as to help combat youth and long-term unemployment in Europe?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

Os Estados-Membros são responsáveis, em primeira instância, pela concepção e aplicação das suas políticas de emprego. Contudo, o Conselho tem várias responsabilidades em matéria de emprego e tem prosseguido no corrente ano a revisão das políticas de emprego dos Estados-Membros (1), sublinhando, através das orientações para o emprego, a importância de combater o desemprego juvenil, bem como o desemprego de longa duração nos Estados-Membros.

Ao abrigo do artigo 130.º do Tratado, o Conselho criou o Comité do Emprego, órgão consultivo que procedeu em Outubro de 2007 à análise das políticas de emprego dos Estados-Membros – na chamada "análise de Cambridge" –, consagrando especial atenção à juventude.

Também durante o corrente ano, a União pôde já utilizar um novo instrumento – o Fundo Europeu de Ajustamento à Globalização – para combater o desemprego de longa duração em situações de despedimentos em massa. Como o Senhor Deputado sabe, o Parlamento e o Conselho acordaram neste instrumento no final do ano transacto.

 
 

(1) Através do Relatório Conjunto sobre o Emprego, aprovado em Fevereiro de 2007.

 

Question no 18 by Eoin Ryan (H-0825/07)
 Subject: EU aid to Sierra Leone
 

In light of the very peaceful and fair Presidential and Government elections in Sierra Leone this year, will the Council review upwards the level of funding that the EU is giving the people of Sierra Leone so as to help rebuild this country, which has been ravaged by war and which according to the United Nations is the second poorest country in the world?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

Uma vez anunciados os resultados definitivos das eleições na Serra Leoa em 17 de Setembro, a Presidência felicitou, em nome da UE, o novo Presidente Ernest Bai Koroma. O Conselho aguarda com expectativa um diálogo político reforçado com o novo Governo.

O forte empenhamento na democracia demonstrado pelo povo da Serra Leoa durante todo o processo eleitoral é digno de louvor. As instituições fundamentais da Serra Leoa, e em especial a CNE (Comissão Nacional de Eleições), tiveram um importante papel para o êxito do processo eleitoral.

A ajuda da UE à Serra Leoa é canalizada essencialmente através do Fundo Europeu de Desenvolvimento (FED). O montante atribuído à Serra Leoa ao abrigo do 10.º FED para a ajuda programável ascende a EUR 242 milhões (contra EUR 220 milhões ao abrigo do 9.º FED), acrescido de 26,4M€ para ajuda não programável (situações imprevistas). Este montante pode ser revisto na revisão intercalar, em função nomeadamente dos resultados registados pelo país em relação aos compromissos assumidos pelos seus dirigentes. Esta nova característica da cooperação da UE ao abrigo do FED tornará efectivamente possível a prestação de apoio adequado aos países mais empenhados em reformar a sua governação. Esperamos que os novos dirigentes da Serra Leoa contribuam para dar um novo ímpeto ao desenvolvimento do país e possam beneficiar de um acréscimo de apoio.

A UE e vários dos seus Estados-Membros dispensam também um generoso apoio ao Tribunal Especial para a Serra Leoa. Respondendo aos recentes apelos do Tribunal Especial sobre a necessidade de cobertura para o seu financiamento em 2008, as instâncias preparatórias do Conselho debateram recentemente o apoio adicional que lhe poderá ser concedido, tendo daí resultado novos compromissos para o orçamento para 2008.

 

Question no 19 by Liam Aylward (H-0827/07)
 Subject: Combating climate change
 

Can the Council state what concrete administrative and political structures are being put in place between EU governments and the American Government so that we can all work together in a common manner so as to bring forward the necessary and specific measures to arrest climate change?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

A UE decidiu enviar um sinal forte à comunidade internacional referindo a sua determinação na luta contra as alterações climáticas e assumindo firme compromisso de dar início às negociações de um acordo global pós-Quioto para o período após 2012.

As alterações climáticas têm feito sistematicamente parte da agenda diplomática da UE e, no ano passado, estiveram em destaque em várias cimeiras e reuniões entre a UE e países terceiros, incluindo os EUA.

A última Cimeira UE-EUA em 30 de Abril de 2007 aprovou uma declaração conjunta sobre a segurança energética e as alterações climáticas que sublinha o interesse mútuo em garantir fornecimentos de energia seguros, abordáveis e limpos e em tratar a questão das alterações climáticas com o objectivo último de estabilizar as concentrações de gases com efeito de estufa.

A UE e os EUA realizaram em Helsínquia em 24-25 de Outubro de 2006 um Diálogo de Alto Nível sobre Alterações Climáticas, Energias Limpas e Desenvolvimento Sustentável a fim de tomar como base as iniciativas existentes e de fazer avançar o Plano de Acção de Gleneagles do G8. A terceira reunião ministerial do Diálogo de Gleneagles sobre Alterações Climáticas, Energias Limpas e Desenvolvimento Sustentável realizou-se em Berlim de 9-11 de Setembro de 2007 e contou com a participação de representantes de 20 países, incluindo os EUA, com importantes necessidades energéticas a fim de discutir ideias inovadoras para desenvolver uma perspectiva integrada da política energética e das alterações climáticas.

O processo do G8 sobre o clima iniciado em Gleneagles teve um importante resultado este ano em Heiligendamm : o reconhecimento por todas as partes no G8 de que o processo da ONU sobre o clima é a instância adequada para negociar uma acção global sobre alterações climáticas. Ainda no âmbito do G 8, vale a pena referir a Reunião Especial de Sherpas (conselheiros técnicos) sobre Alterações Climáticas (Berlim, 16 de Outubro de 2007).

Outro acontecimento que proporcionou igualmente uma oportunidade de dar andamento aos trabalhos no domínio da cooperação em reuniões bilaterais UE-EUA foi o Evento de Alto Nível sobre Alterações Climáticas promovido pelo Secretário Geral das Nações Unidas (Nova Iorque, 24 de Setembro de 2007).

 

Question no 20 by Seán Ó Neachtain (H-0829/07)
 Subject: The 7th EU Research and Development Framework Programme
 

Can the Council give an assurance that peripheral and regional areas in Europe will benefit from funding initiatives under the operation of the 7th Research and Development Framework Programme between now and the year 2013?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

O Sétimo Programa-Quadro de IDT baseia-se no pressuposto de que as regiões se contam entre os intervenientes mais importantes da política de inovação e investigação.

Ao abrigo do Programa Específico "Capacidades" são afectados especificamente EUR 126 milhões à iniciativa "Regiões do Conhecimento", além de mais EUR 340 milhões afectados à iniciativa "Desenvolvimento do Potencial de Investigação", orientada especificamente para as regiões de convergência e ultraperiféricas da União Europeia.

É suposto que as iniciativas acima mencionadas (orientadas para as regiões) decorram ao longo de todo o Programa Quadro. Estando prevista uma avaliação intercalar do 7ºPQ a realizar durante a sua vigência, poderá daí decorrer, eventualmente, algum impacte sobre alguns aspectos do programa. Todavia, é de prever que as iniciativas mais especificamente dirigidas às regiões devam prosseguir.

De salientar, ainda, que, ao abrigo do Programa específico "Cooperação", os projectos tipo "ERANet" merecem ser mencionados no que respeita à dimensão regional, visto que uma das prioridades do correspondente mecanismo consiste em apoiar a criação de redes entre programas públicos de C&T de base regional (e nacional).

Por conseguinte, as regiões de uma forma geral (e as periféricas, em particular) na Europa deverão beneficiar de inciativas de financiamento ao abrigo do Sétimo Programa-Quadro de Investigação e Desenvolvimento Tecnológico até 2013.

Adicionalmente, é suposto que possam ser acrescidas as sinergias entre o Programa Quadro de IDT e os programas associados aos Fundos Estruturais dirigidos às regiões europeias, nomeadamente através da capacitação das entidades das mesmas para participação no PQ e na maior endogeneoização dos resultados da participação em projectos deste Programa pelas regiões europeias.

 

Question no 21 by Marcin Libicki (H-0832/07)
 Subject: Right to the people of Balochistan
 

Pakistan has championed the cause of Kashmiri self-determination. Does the Council believe that Pakistan needs to give the same right to the people of Balochistan and the tribal regions of Pakistan instead of indulging in the use of armed force to suppress its own people?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

O Conselho nunca adoptou qualquer posição sobre a questão da auto-determinação do povo do Baluchistão.

 

Vraag nr. 23 van Johan Van Hecke (H-0834/07)
 Betreft: Gedwongen verhuizing van 1,5 miljoen Chinezen voor de Olympische Spelen
 

Yang Chunlin, een Chinese actievoerder voor landrechten, is in een Chinese gevangenis gemarteld. Volgens zijn zus Yang Chunping zat de activist dagenlang in de gevangenis in één positie vastgeketend en werd hij gedwongen om de uitwerpselen van andere gevangen op te ruimen. De aanleiding van zijn arrestatie was een petitie die de man opzette tegen de Olympische Spelen. Hij verzamelde meer dan tienduizend handtekeningen, voornamelijk van onteigende boeren, onder het motto 'Wij willen geen Olympische Spelen maar mensenrechten'. Illegale landonteigening is in China schering en inslag. Anderhalf miljoen mensen zouden uit hun huizen zijn verjaagd om plaats te maken voor nieuwe sportcomplexen.

Er werd lang gedacht dat het houden van de Olympische Spelen in China een positieve invloed zou hebben omdat dit evenement een mogelijkheid is om China meer bloot te stellen aan externe invloeden. Nu leeft echter de idee dat een boycot van de Olympische Spelen nog enige machtsmiddel is dat Europa heeft om China onder druk te zetten. Overweegt de Raad de Spelen te boycotten om China duidelijk te maken dat grove schendingen van de mensenrechten ontoelaatbaar zijn?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

De acordo com as directrizes da UE sobre os defensores de direitos humanos, os Chefes de Missão da UE em Pequim estão a acompanhar de perto a situação dos defensores de direitos humanos, nomeadamente a de Yang Chunlin, e o Conselho levanta regularmente, através de diversos canais, junto das autoridades chinesas casos individuais que suscitam preocupação.

Uma lista de casos individuais foi igualmente entregue às autoridades chinesas antes do último diálogo que se realizou em Pequim em 17 de Outubro. Nessa reunião, a UE manifestou a sua preocupação com o assédio e a prisão contínuas de que são alvos os defensores de direitos humanos. A UE lamentou a crescente vigilância e o controlo dos média, incluindo a Internet, e defendeu a liberdade de expressão. Levantou igualmente a questão da tortura. A exemplo do que sucedeu em diálogos anteriores, a UE apelou à China para que ratifique o Pacto Internacional sobre os Direitos Civis e Políticos, assinado por este país há nove anos e que consagra e protege os direitos dos cidadãos, protegento-os de abusos.

No seu diálogo em matéria de direitos humanos com a China, a UE levanta regularmente muitas das reivindicações enumeradas na carta aberta intitulada "Queremos direitos humanos e não Jogos Olímpicos" para a qual Yang Chulin fazia campanha. Durante a última ronda, os assuntos abordados incluíam nomeadamente as seguintes questões: conceder aos jornalistas nacionais o mesmo acesso e independência que aos jornalistas estrangeiros, proteger os direitos dos trabalhadores chineses em estaleiros de construção e pôr termo à discriminação dos trabalhadores migrantes. O Conselho está igualmente preocupado com a saída e as deslocações forçadas em resultado do desenvolvimento urbano relacionado ou não com os Jogos Olímpicos.

Em suma, o Conselho concorda com o Senhor Deputado de que a situação dos direitos humanos na China continua a ser motivo de preocupação. Todavia, registaram-se progressos modestos nalgumas áreas, por exemplo a redução do número de execuções na sequência da revisão de penas de morte pelo Tribunal Popular Supremo, a diminuição das restrições impostas aos média estrangeiros desde 1 de Janeiro de 2007 e a promulgação da nova lei de contratação laboral.

O Conselho considera, por conseguinte, que vale a pena continuar o diálogo sobre estes assuntos com a China, mesmo se os resultados nem sempre são quantificáveis após cada ronda de conversações, concretizando-se apenas gradualmente.

No tocante aos direitos humanos e aos Jogos Olímpicos, a China assumiu uma série de compromissos neste domínio no âmbito da sua candidatura para acolher os Jogos Olímpicos em 2008. Por conseguinte, o Conselho acompanhará de perto a situação e continuará a levantar as questões que suscitam preocupação. Quanto a um eventual boicote dos jogos, não compete ao Conselho da UE tomar uma decisão (visto tratar-se de uma questão a decidir por cada Estado-Membro do IOC).

 

Klausimas Nr. 24, pateikė Justas Vincas Paleckis (H-0836/07)
 Tema: Dėl Reformų sutarties ratifikavimo
 

Spalio 18–19 d. ES Vadovų Tarybos susitikime buvo patvirtinta Reformų sutartis, kuri turi būti pasirašyta gruodžio 13 d. Lisabonoje. Priėmus susitarimą bus galima užbaigti šešerius metus užsitęsusias diskusijas dėl institucinės reformos ir pereiti prie svarbiausių ES uždavinių sprendimo. Tačiau kaip liudija ES Konstitucinės sutarties patyrimas, Reformų sutarties dar laukia sudėtingas ratifikacijos 27 valstybėse kelias. Sociologiniai tyrimai parodė, kad apie 60 procentų Konstitucinei sutarčiai nepritarusių piliečių Prancūzijoje savo nusiteikimą grindė ir tuo, kad Sutarties tekstas yra labai painus ir nesuprantamas. Konstitucinė sutartis, palyginti su Reformų sutartimi, buvo gerokai trumpesnė ir nesunkiai suprantama. Kyla abejonių, ar valstybės narės sugebės tinkamai išaiškinti savo piliečiams naujos sutarties turinį ir esmę.

Ar ES Taryba turi europinio lygio planų, kurie padėtų valstybėms narėms pristatyti sutarties tekstą ES piliečiams?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

Os processos de ratificação são da exclusiva responsabilidade nacional de cada Estado-Membro.

 

Zapytanie nr 25 skierowane przez Ryszard Czarnecki (H-0839/07)
 Przedmiot: Proces ratyfikacyjny Paktu o stabilizacji i stowarzyszeniu między UE a Albanią
 

Kiedy nastąpi zakończenie procesu ratyfikacyjnego Paktu o stabilizacji i stowarzyszeniu między Unią Europejską a Albanią, podpisanego w 2006 roku?

Dotychczas z 27 państw członkowskich ratyfikowało go tylko 10, z czego 6 to kraje „nowej Unii”: Polska, Węgry, Słowacja, Słowenia, Litwa i Łotwa, oraz 4 z tzw. „starej Unii”: Hiszpania, Irlandia, Szwecja i Luksemburg.

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

Os procedimentos jurídicos e parlamentares de ratificação deste tipo variam de Estado-Membro para Estado-Membro. Por conseguinte, o Conselho não pode prever antecipadamente quando serão finalizados os referidos procedimentos. Espera vivamente que continuem a ser feitos progressos no sentido da finalização nos próximos meses.

Quanto à situação actual, para além dos 10 Estados-Membros mencionados, mais dois outros ratificaram recentemente o Acordo de Estabilização e de Associação entre a UE e a Albânia (Reino Unido e Estónia).

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 27 της κ. Ρόδης Κράτσα-Τσαγκαροπούλου (H-0844/07)
 Θέμα: Μεταρρύθμιση των συνταξιοδοτικών συστημάτων στην Ευρώπη και εργαζόμενες γυναίκες
 

Στην Ελλάδα, όπως και σε άλλα κράτη μέλη, ξεκίνησε πρόσφατα δημόσιος διάλογος για τη μεταρρύθμιση του ασφαλιστικού συστήματος, καθώς και για ενδεχόμενη αναπροσαρμογή της "προστατευτικής" νομοθεσίας που ισχύει για τις γυναίκες. Εν όψει της διοργάνωσης σχετικού συνεδρίου για τη μεταρρύθμιση των συνταξιοδοτικών συστημάτων(1)στις 13 και 14 Νοεμβρίου στη Λισαβόνα, ερωτάται η Προεδρία: ποια είναι η εικόνα που έχει αποκομίσει από τις μέχρι τώρα συζητήσεις στο Συμβούλιο Απασχόλησης και Κοινωνικής Πολιτικής (EPSCO) για τα διαφορετικά συστήματα συνταξιοδότησης των γυναικών ανά κράτος μέλος; Ποια συνταξιοδοτικά μοντέλα θεωρεί πως έχουν φέρει τα καλύτερα αποτελέσματα για τις αμοιβές, την απασχολησιμότητα και την επαγγελματική σταδιοδρομία των γυναικών; Σκοπεύει να ζητήσει από την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή την εκπόνηση συγκριτικής μελέτης, ώστε να εντοπιστούν βέλτιστες πρακτικές για την αύξηση της γυναικείας απασχόλησης αλλά και τον εύρυθμο συνδυασμό οικογενειακής και επαγγελματικής ζωής;

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

Os Estados-Membros foram chamados a prestar informações sobre as recentes tendências dos seus regimes de pensões a título de contributo para o Relatório Conjunto da Comissão e do Conselho sobre Protecção Social e Inclusão Social, elaborado pelo Comité da Protecção Social para aprovação pelo Conselho e apresentação ao Conselho Europeu da Primavera. A Senhora Deputada encontrará algumas informações sobre a presente situação das reformas na Grécia na correspondente ficha analítica, constante da Adenda ao Relatório Conjunto relativo a 2007.(2)

As questões relativas à conciliação entre a vida profissional e familiar são uma das prioridades do Conselho, e aproveito para recordar que as preocupações expressas pela Senhora Deputada são exactamente as que foram abordadas na última Reunião informal dos Ministros responsáveis pela promoção da igualdade de género (4 de Outubro), que analisou em especial os seguintes temas: integração da dimensão do género em matéria de crescimento e emprego; a capacidade de inserção profissional e o espírito empresarial das mulheres; a conciliação entre a vida profissional, privada e familiar dos homens e das mulheres.

Também durante a Conferência “Conciliação entre a Vida Profissional, a Vida Pessoal e a Vida Familiar: Novos Desafios para os parceiros Sociais e as Políticas Públicas”, realizada em 12 de Julho foi destacada a importância estratégica da conciliação, nomeadamente no quadro do cumprimento dos objectivos de emprego definidos na Estratégia de Lisboa, em particular no que respeita à melhoria das condições de acesso das mulheres (igualdade de oportunidades, serviços sociais, horários flexíveis).

 
 

(1) "The paths of sustainability and the reform of pensions systems".
(2) "Relatório Conjunto sobre Protecção Social e Inclusão Social 2007 – Perfis dos países (SEC (2007) 272).

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 28 του κ. Αθανασίου Παφίλη (H-0846/07)
 Θέμα: Κρούσματα καρκίνου σε στρατιωτικούς που υπηρέτησαν στις δυνάμεις του ΝΑΤΟ σε Βοσνία, Κοσσυφοπέδιο και Αφγανιστάν
 

Πρόσφατα δημοσιεύματα στον ελληνικό τύπο αποκαλύπτουν 23 κρούσματα καρκίνου που παρουσιάστηκαν σε Έλληνες στρατιωτικούς που υπηρέτησαν στα στρατεύματα του ΝΑΤΟ σε Βοσνία, Κοσσυφοπέδιο και Αφγανιστάν μετά το 1996. Οι υποψίες για συσχέτιση των κρουσμάτων με την παραμονή σε μολυσμένες περιοχές από απεμπλουτισμένο ουράνιο εντείνονται, καθώς έχουν καταγραφεί 3 κρούσματα καρκίνου στο πεπτικό σύστημα, 2 στους όρχεις, 3 με λέμφωμα, ενώ για τους άλλους 15 δεν έχουν δοθεί στοιχεία. Αντίστοιχα κρούσματα καρκίνου έχουν εκδηλωθεί σε στρατιωτικούς και άλλων χωρών που έχουν στρατιωτικές αποστολές στις επίμαχες χώρες, όπως στην Ιταλία, όπου έχουν ήδη επίσημα επιβεβαιωθεί 225 κρούσματα και έχουν ήδη πεθάνει 37.

Πώς τοποθετείται το Συμβούλιο για τις ευθύνες της ΕΕ και του ΝΑΤΟ για τη χρήση απαγορευμένων όπλων στον πόλεμο κατά της Γιουγκοσλαβίας; Προτίθεται να αποζημιώσει τους στρατιώτες που μολύνθηκαν, καθώς και τον πληθυσμό;

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

As questões relacionadas com as operações militares da NATO não são da competência da União Europeia, que não dispõe de quaisquer dados sobre as questões invocadas pelo Senhor Deputado.

 

Pergunta nº 29 do Paulo Casaca (H-0848/07)
 Assunto: Doris Lessing e a ditadura iraniana
 

O Prémio Nobel da Literatura de 2007 afirmou ao jornal "El País" que ninguém se atreve a criticar a ditadura iraniana por causa dos interesses petrolíferos, mostrando uma perfeita percepção das motivações europeias na política de apaziguamento que a União Europeia prossegue com Teerão.

Não considera o Conselho que esta sua política de apaziguamento com Teerão está a ter graves consequências para os cidadãos iranianos e que põe em causa a paz no mundo?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

O Conselho condena a deterioração constante da situação dos direitos humanos no Irão. A Presidência da UE tem seguido atentamente esta situação e tem apelado ao Irão, repetidas vezes, através de diligências, tanto em Lisboa como em Teerão, e de declarações, para que este país garanta o cumprimento das suas obrigações internacionais em matéria de direitos humanos.

Desde o início da Presidência Portuguesa, a UE já emitiu várias declarações, nomeadamente sobre justiça juvenil, casos de pena capital e liberdade de expressão. e continuará a fazê-lo sempre que necessário e, em cumprimento das Guidelines da União Europeia sobre a Pena de Morte, sobre Tortura e sobre Defensores de Direitos Humanos.

Até ao momento já foram realizadas cinco diligências onde foram abordadas as nossas principais preocupações como o uso da pena de morte sem o cumprimento das regras mínimas internacionalmente definidas (execuções de menores, execuções por lapidação e execuções públicas); aumento das restrições ao direito de expressão, liberdade de imprensa e dos media; bem como perseguições a certas minorias e comunidades religiosas, nomeadamente os Baha’i; e perseguição aos defensores de direitos humanos.

Em consequência a UE co-patrocinou e está fortemente empenha na promoção da resolução, apresentada pelo Canadá, que está neste momento a ser debatida na 3ª Comissão da Assembleia-Geral das Nações Unidas.

 

Klausimas Nr. 30, pateikė Danutė Budreikaitė (H-0850/07)
 Tema: Dėl Villa Lituania likimo
 

Jau 16 metų, kai Lietuva atgavo nepriklausomybę nuo Sovietų Sąjungos. Tiek pat laiko Lietuvai negrąžinamas iki 1937 m. jai priklausęs ambasados pastatas Romoje, vadinamas Villa Lituania vardu. Nepaisydami Lietuvos ambasadoriaus Stasio Lozoraičio įteiktos notos, Italijos pareigūnai leido sovietams užimti Villa Lituania . Šiandien prie šio pastato plevėsuoja Rusijos vėliava.

Nors visą šį laiką Roma tvirtino, kad Lietuva neprarado teisių į Villa Lituania, dabar Italijos užsienio reikalų ministras Massimo D'Alema pareiškė, kad Lietuvai niekada nebus sugrąžinta jos nuosavybė. Lietuvai siūloma 1999 m. nuomotis Stozzi rūmus, esančius Romos pakraštyje. Tačiau tai neišsprendžia svarbiausios diplomatinės prieštaros – prarastos nuosavybės atkūrimo. Šiuo metu Villa Lituania vertė 20 milijonų eurų.

Kaip, Tarybos nuomone, Lietuva galėtų įgyvendinti savo teisėtus reikalavimus?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

O Conselho não debateu esta questão, uma vez que não se trata de assunto da sua competência.

 

Pergunta nº 31 do Pedro Guerreiro (H-0852/07)
 Assunto: Financiamento comunitário da futura política marítima europeia
 

A Comissão apresentou recentemente as suas propostas para uma futura "política marítima integrada" ao nível da UE. Considerando que uma qualquer iniciativa nesta área deve salvaguardar a competência dos Estados-Membros relativamente à gestão do seu território, designadamente das suas águas territoriais e zonas económicas exclusivas (ZEE), nas suas diferentes expressões, como a exploração dos recursos, os transportes, a investigação, a gestão de fronteiras e a segurança, o ordenamento do território, o ambiente ou as actividades económicas, como a pesca,

Como pretende o Conselho financiar esta política a cargo do orçamento comunitário, partindo do princípio que para novas prioridades devem ser previstos novos meios financeiros?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

Na sua comunicação sobre uma política marítima integrada para a União Europeia, aprovada em 10 de Outubro de 2007, a Comissão expõe as suas ideias sobre uma abordagem política global dos assuntos marítimos e anuncia as iniciativas e acções que tenciona apresentar no futuro, a fim de dar forma a uma política marítima integrada para a União Europeia.

Espera-se que o Conselho Europeu, sua sessão de Dezembro de 2007, comente a comunicação da Comissão e as ideias aí expostas.

O Conselho aguarda com expectativa quaisquer propostas relacionadas com a futura política marítima que a Comissão queira apresentar nos termos do seu direito de iniciativa, e analisá-las-á de acordo com os procedimentos aplicáveis e no pleno respeito das regras comunitárias. Se alguma proposta estabelecer o financiamento comunitário para as medidas nela propostas, o Conselho, em estreita cooperação com o Parlamento Europeu, analisará a questão nos termos das regras orçamentais aplicáveis.

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 32 της κ. Διαμάντως Μανωλάκου (H-0855/07)
 Θέμα: Επέμβαση στα εσωτερικά του Ουγγρικού Κομμουνιστικού Εργατικού Κόμματος
 

Με απόφασή του, το Δικαστήριο της Βουδαπέστης παρενέβη στα εσωτερικά του Ουγγρικού Κομμουνιστικού Εργατικού Κόμματος, φτάνοντας και στο σημείο να ακυρώσει το 21ο συνέδριό του. Το Προεδρείο του κόμματος κατήγγειλε τον πολιτικό χαρακτήρα της ετυμηγορίας, η οποία είναι πρωτοφανής στη νομική ιστορία των δύο τελευταίων δεκαετιών. Μετά την άρνηση της ηγεσίας του κόμματος να ανακαλέσει, όπως της ζητήθηκε, ο Πρόεδρος του Δικαστηρίου απήγγειλε κατηγορίες στον Πρόεδρο του κόμματος, Gyula Thurmer, και σε έξι μέλη του Προεδρείου για δημόσια δυσφήμιση, με το ενδεχόμενο να καταδικαστούν μέχρι και σε δύο χρόνια φυλάκισης. Η απόφαση αυτή παραβιάζει το Ουγγρικό Σύνταγμα, όσον αφορά την ελευθερία έκφρασης, και εντάσσεται σε μία σειρά άλλων αντικομμουνιστικών ενεργειών στην Ανατολική Ευρώπη.

Καταδικάζει το Συμβούλιο την απαράδεκτη στάση του Δικαστηρίου της Βουδαπέστης ενάντια στο Ουγγρικό Κομμουνιστικό Εργατικό Κόμμα;

Θεωρεί ότι οι κατηγορίες που του αποδίδονται αποτελούν σοβαρή ενέργεια παραβίασης πολιτικών και δημοκρατικών δικαιωμάτων και ελευθεριών και παράνομη επέμβαση στα εσωτερικά ενός καθ’ όλα νόμιμου κόμματος;

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

Não compete ao Conselho pronunciar-se sobre uma decisão judicial proferida por um tribunal de um Estado-Membro.

 

Anfrage Nr. 33 von Vural Öger (H-0859/07)
 Betrifft: Bilaterale Beziehungen zwischen der Türkei und Zypern
 

Im Hinblick auf die Normalisierung der bilateralen Beziehungen der Türkei zur Republik Zypern sind bisher keine Erfolge zu verzeichnen. Die finnische Ratspräsidentschaft 2006 setzte einen ihrer außenpolitischen Schwerpunkte auf die so genannte „Zypernproblematik“. Diese Problematik wurde aus der Agenda der portugiesischen Ratspräsidentschaft bisher ausgeklammert.

Was gedenkt die portugiesische Ratspräsidentschaft bis Ende 2007 einzuleiten, um den Status quo der Gespräche zu ändern?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

A questão da normalização das relações bilaterais entre a Turquia e a República de Chipre é acompanhada de perto e colocada a todos os níveis apropriados. A ratificação e subsequente implementação do Protocolo de adaptação do Acordo de Ancara à adesão dos dez novos Estados-Membros da UE constituem uma obrigação assumida pela Turquia que continua por cumprir. Esta questão tem merecido a maior atenção. Foi o que sucedeu recentemente aquando da última reunião da Tróica de Directores Políticos UE-Turquia, realizada em Lisboa a 18 de Setembro. A questão será igualmente abordada na próxima reunião da Tróica Ministerial UE-Turquia a realizar em Bruxelas em 20 de Novembro. Adicionalmente, O Conselho pede regularmente à Turquia que altere a sua política no que respeita à participação da República de Chipre em organizações e fóruns internacionais.

Além disso, o Conselho vai analisar a situação com base no relatório de progressos publicado no dia 6 de Novembro pela Comissão. Nos termos das conclusões do Conselho de 11 de Dezembro de 2006, o Conselho vai analisar as questões abrangidas pela Declaração da UE de 21 de Setembro de 2005. A implementação integral do Protocolo constitui igualmente uma prioridade a curto prazo nos termos da Parceria de Adesão, que será revista durante o ano corrente. O cumprimento pela Turquia das suas obrigações perante a UE e das prioridades da Parceria de Adesão condicionará o processo de negociações.

Relativamente à situação em Chipre, a União continua empenhada em contribuir para uma resolução do problema de Chipre no âmbito da ONU , abrangente, viável e em consonância com os princípios em que a UE está baseada. Nesse contexto, apoiamos uma rápida implementação do acordo alcançado em 8 de Julho de 2006 sob a égide da ONU e continuamos a aguardar com expectativa o início a breve trecho dos trabalhos dos comités técnicos e dos grupos de peritos sobre questões de fundo.

Posso assegurar-lhe, Senhor Deputado, que a Presidência e a União continuarão a apoiar todos os esforços desenvolvidos nessa perspectiva.

Refiro ainda que a União continua empenhada em contribuir para uma resolução do problema de Chipre no âmbito das Nações Unidas, abrangente, viável e em consonância com os princípios em que a UE está baseada. A Presidência continua a desenvolver diligências no sentido de se vir a alcançar um consenso para a plena aplicação das conclusões do CAGRE de Abril de 2004 e Janeiro de 2007.

 

Question no 34 by Robert Evans (H-0861/07)
 Subject: Flights to Northern Cyprus
 

Has the Council discussed allowing direct flights to Ercan Airport (the only international airport to service northern Cyprus), located close to the divided Cypriot capital Nicosia?

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

As operações de voo são regulamentadas a nível nacional pelas autoridades competentes dos Estados-Membros. A Comissão Europeia está encarregada de assegurar que essa regulamentação seja efectuada em conformidade com o direito comunitário, incluindo com as obrigações internacionais. Nestes termos, a matéria não é discutida no Conselho.

Posso acrescentar que o Governo da República de Chipre, exercendo o seu direito soberano de designar os aeroportos e portos legais de entrada e saída da República, classificou como ilegal, de acordo com o Direito Internacional (Convenção de Chicago), a exploração do aeroporto de Tymbou (Ercan), localizado na área da República de Chipre na qual o Governo da República de Chipre não exerce um controlo efectivo e que funciona, assim, sem a necessária autorização das autoridades competentes por este designadas.

Refiro ainda que a União continua empenhada em contribuir para uma resolução do problema de Chipre no âmbito das Nações Unidas, abrangente, viável e em consonância com os princípios em que a UE está baseada. A Presidência continua a desenvolver diligências no sentido de se vir a alcançar um consenso para a plena aplicação das conclusões do CAGRE de Abril de 2004 e Janeiro de 2007.

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 35 του κ. Γεωργίου Τούσσα (H-0863/07)
 Θέμα: Άμεση άρση του εμπάργκο ενάντια στην Κούβα
 

Ο Πρόεδρος των ΗΠΑ ανακοίνωσε νέα μέτρα ενάντια στην Κούβα, λίγες μέρες πριν από τη συνεδρίαση της Γενικής Συνέλευσης του ΟΗΕ - στις 30/10/2007- που θα συζητήσει σχέδιο ψηφίσματος και θα καταγγείλει τη συνεχιζόμενη πολιτική του οικονομικού, εμπορικού και χρηματοπιστωτικού αποκλεισμού των ΗΠΑ ενάντια στην Κούβα. Παράλληλα, πρόβαλε την εξασφάλιση οικονομικής και πολιτικής στήριξης για τη λεγόμενη «μετάβαση στη δημοκρατία» στην Κούβα, δηλαδή συμβολή στην ανατροπή της σοσιαλιστικής διακυβέρνησης της χώρας. Σε διεθνή ΜΜΕ διέρρευσε μάλιστα ότι θα λάβει και πρωτοβουλίες για τη δημιουργία διεθνούς «ταμείου ελευθερίας», για να βοηθήσει τους κουβανούς να ξανακτίσουν τη χώρα τους, παροχή άδειας σε ιδιωτικές ομάδες που να προωθούν την πρόσβαση στο διαδίκτυο σε κουβανούς φοιτητές και πρόσκληση στην κουβανική νεολαία να λάβει μέρος σε προγράμματα υποτροφιών.

Το Συμβούλιο συμφωνεί με την παγκόσμια απαίτηση υπερψήφισης απόφασης από τη Γενική Συνέλευση του ΟΗΕ για την άρση του εμπάργκο που έχουν επιβάλει οι ΗΠΑ ενάντια στη Κούβα; Καταδικάζει το Συμβούλιο την επανειλημμένη επέμβαση των ΗΠΑ στα εσωτερικά της Κούβας;

 
  
 

A presente resposta, que foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula o Conselho nem os Estados–Membros, não foi apresentada oralmente durante o período de perguntas dirigidas ao Conselho da sessão do Parlamento Europeu de Novembro de 2007, em Estrasburgo.

A UE considera que a questão é sobretudo do âmbito das relações bilaterais entre os EUA e Cuba. Todavia, tal como no passado, a UE votou a favor da 61.ª Resolução da Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas sobre a necessidade de pôr fim ao embargo económico, comercial e financeiro imposto a Cuba pelos EUA. Em 1996, o Conselho adoptou o Regulamento (CE) n.º 2271 relativo à protecção contra os efeitos da aplicação extra-territorial de legislação adoptada por um país terceiro e das medidas nela baseadas ou dela decorrentes e uma Acção Comum com base nos artigos J.3 e K.3 do TUE relativa a medidas de protecção contra os efeitos da aplicação extra-territorial de legislação adoptada por um país terceiro e das medidas nela baseadas ou dela decorrentes. A UE continua a defender a revogação da legislação Helms-Burton.

Além disso, as conclusões do Conselho sobre a política da UE em relação a Cuba, de 18 de Junho de 2007, declaram que "a UE reconhece o direito dos cidadãos cubanos a decidir autonomamente do seu futuro, e continua pronta a dar um contributo positivo para o futuro desenvolvimento de todos os sectores da sociedade cubana, nomeadamente através de instrumentos de cooperação para o desenvolvimento."

 

QUESTIONS TO THE COMMISSION
Question no 43 by Liam Aylward (H-0828/07)
 Subject: The EU peacekeeping mission to Chad
 

Could the Commission make a comprehensive statement outlining the progress that has been made to date in mobilising the 4 000 strong EU peacekeeping force to Chad, and could the Commission state how many European countries have committed to sending peacekeeping forces on this mission?

 
  
 

The planning process is still on-going, and the formal Force Generation process will start once the Concept of Operations is agreed by the Council, which according to the information available to the Commission is expected in the next weeks. The force generation process will take place under the responsibility of the Operation Commander. Informal indications regarding contributions to the peace keeping forces have been provided by some EU Member States, but they are not binding at this stage.

As the Joint Action comes under the European Security and Defence Policy, the Honourable Member may also wish to refer to the Council for further information.

 

Question no 44 by Seán Ó Neachtain (H-0830/07)
 Subject: Providing primary education in the Third World
 

Could the Commission make a statement outlining what programmes it is pursuing to provide primary education to children in Third World countries, and to state the financial level of this support and to explain how these programmes are administered in a general sense?

 
  
 

The Commission is contributing to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) of universal primary education, this through a mix of instruments. This is clearly upheld by the MDG focus of the European Consensus and the Africa Strategy.

In its bilateral cooperation, the European Commission currently supports developing countries' efforts in the field of education through over 400 bilateral and regional ongoing projects in almost 100 countries. In 2006, the EC allocated €517 million for the education component of its development policy and external assistance: 43% to basic education, 15% to secondary education, 24% to post secondary, and 18% specifically to institutional support.

In addition to support through projects, the Commission provides general budget support to 28 countries from the 9th European Development Fund. This instrument is important because it helps to pay for salaries and other running costs covered by the budgets of the governments of those countries. About 30% of the funds going to these 28 countries is planned to be provided in this way. The Commission gives crucial support to education through this instrument, which provides a strong financial incentive to implement sound policies in the social sectors since part of the disbursement of general budget support is linked to indicators that contribute to the achievements of the MDG.

In line with the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness and Harmonisation, the Commission intends to increase the share of its programmable bilateral development aid channelled through budget support –be it sector or general one– to 50% if possible.

A purely accounting approach to development aid based on sector allocations is not really complete. For example in Rwanda budget support is delivered by a coordinated group of donors engaged in a permanent sector dialogue with the authorities. The results are visible as public spending has successfully been reallocated to social sectors (while reducing military expenses). Between 1998 and 2004 social spending grew from 2.5% of Gross Domestic Product to 7.5%. Specific operations allowed school fees to be eliminated, with a corresponding upsurge in the primary enrolment ratio which rose to 93%.

As for the new programming cycle, an estimated €1.8 billion is programmed for education from the EC budget and the 10th European Development Fund (all regions). The Commission is improving the ways to link funding commitments to MDG progress. The MDG Contract is an enhanced form of General Budget Support with outcome indicators linked to education and other MDG relevant sectors. The aim is to have a longer term predictability where the support to education will not be undermined by the “stop and go” dynamics which have often characterised the disbursement of budget support.

Finally, the thematic programme "Investing in People" will also provide additional assistance to developing countries in cases where regular channels of financial support are not sufficient. Such additional support will be used to accelerate progress towards the core Education for All goal of Universal Primary School Completion (UPC) through a financial contribution to the Fast Track Initiative (FTI).

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 45 της κ. Ρόδης Κράτσα-Τσαγκαροπούλου (H-0845/07)
 Θέμα: Κοινοτική βοήθεια στην ανθρωπιστική κρίση στο Μιανμάρ
 

Πρόσφατα, σειρά από ΜΚΟ που δρουν στο Μιανμάρ προειδοποιούν για τη φτώχεια και την απειλή εξαθλίωσης του τοπικού πληθυσμού ως συνέπεια της αύξησης της τιμής του πετρελαίου, αλλά και της απουσίας κοινωνικών υπηρεσιών και περιορισμένων δημοσίων δαπανών για την υγεία και την εκπαίδευση. Επιπλέον, κρίνουν ότι τα διεθνή προγράμματα βοηθείας είναι αρκετά περιορισμένα και ανεπαρκή. Στις 15 και 16 Οκτωβρίου 2007, το Συμβούλιο Γενικών Υποθέσεων και Εξωτερικών Σχέσεων τόνισε την ανάγκη ουσιαστικών προγραμμάτων ανθρωπιστικής βοήθειας στο Μιανμάρ και δήλωσε ότι η ΕΕ είναι έτοιμη να αυξήσει τη βοήθεια, υπό την αίρεση της εκτίμησης της ανθρωπιστικής κατάστασης.

Ποιά είναι η ευρωπαϊκή δράση και παρουσία στη χώρα και η συνεργασία με τους τοπικούς πληθυσμούς και οργανισμούς καθώς και με διεθνείς οργανισμούς; Διαθέτει η Επιτροπή μία εκτίμηση της υπάρχουσας ανθρωπιστικής κατάστασης και των πιθανών συνεπειών του διεθνούς εμπάργκο; Σκοπεύει να λάβει περαιτέρω μέτρα και πρωτοβουλίες ανθρωπιστικές και διπλωματικές;

 
  
 

La Commission partage l'inquiétude des organisations humanitaires sur l'état général de vulnérabilité de la population birmane qui n'a fait que se dégrader au cours des dernières années. Face à cette évolution la Commission a répondu par une augmentation continue de son aide humanitaire ces dernières années. En 1997, moins de 4 millions € par an étaient consacrés à la crise birmane – cette couvre non seulement l'aide aux populations à l'intérieur du pays mais aussi l'aide aux réfugiés birmans parqués dans des camps dans les pays avoisinants. En 2007 les programmes en cours atteignent 15,5 millions €.

Les secteurs d'action prioritaires en Birmanie sont la protection, la santé de base, l'eau et l'assainissement, l'aide alimentaire et la nutrition pour les femmes enceintes et allaitantes et les enfants. Dans les camps de réfugiés en Thaïlande - ils sont environ 150.000 – l'appui de la Commission couvre les besoins de base: nourriture, soins de santé, accès à l'eau potable et assainissement. Ces actions sont mises en œuvre par les agences des Nations-Unies, le Comité International de la Croix-Rouge (CICR), et des organisations non-gouvernementales (ONGs) partenaires.

En outre, la Commission est en mesure d'informer l'honorable parlementaire qu'un nouvel appui au Programme Alimentaire Mondial (le PAM) de 1 million € vient juste d'être approuvé et ses services préparent actuellement un nouveau programme de 18 millions € couvrant la fin 2007 et l'année 2008, pour répondre aux besoins de protection, de santé de base, d'eau et d'assainissement des populations birmanes les plus vulnérables, notamment les minorités ethniques, ainsi que les besoins des réfugiés birmans en Thaïlande.

Cette aide humanitaire sera complétée par des interventions des lignes budgétaires en faveur des populations déracinées, qui prévoient 16 millions € pour les années 2007 à 2010 pour le Myanmar et la Thaïlande, ainsi que, dès 2008, par le nouvel instrument "Financement Thématique Sécurité Alimentaire" doté de 16 millions € pour le seul Myanmar.

Au-delà de l'aide humanitaire stricto sensu, la Commission a développé des programmes de lutte contre la pauvreté. Pour la première fois en 2007, un programme indicatif multi annuel (2007-2010) a été adopté en faveur des populations birmanes. Ce programme est doté de 32 millions € et permet d'appuyer les activités du "Three Disease Fund" qui vise à lutter contre les ravages au Myanmar de la tuberculose, de la malaria et du VIH/SIDA(1). L'autre secteur d'intervention du programme sera l'éducation de base, au travers du programme d'éducation pour tous de l'UNICEF(2).

En outre, la Commission a fait part à plusieurs reprises, publiquement et par le biais d'une diplomatie plus discrète, de ses inquiétudes au sujet de la réduction de l'espace humanitaire au Myanmar - comme par exemple l'impossibilité pour le CICR de conduire son mandat au Myanmar, et notamment de visiter les personnes détenues et de visiter les zones de conflit dans l'est. Les limitations imposées au travail et aux conditions d'accès des acteurs humanitaires présents au Myanmar constituent aussi des freins importants à l'augmentation des programmes d'aide.

La Commission peut assurer l'honorable parlementaire qu'elle continuera ce travail de persuasion auprès des autorités birmanes et poursuivra son aide humanitaire.

 
 

(1) Virus de l'immunodéficience humaine/Syndrome d'immunodéficience acquise
(2) Fonds des Nations Unies pour l'enfance

 

Question no 46 by Nirj Deva (H-0866/07)
 Subject: Health expenditure by developing countries and in EU financial aid
 

The Abuja Declaration of 27 April 2001 includes a commitment by African governments to allocate 15% of annual public expenditure to health, yet over six years later the vast majority of countries are investing a far smaller percentage of their budgets on health.

Given the critical importance of health in development, what is the Commission doing to encourage developing countries' governments to increase national investment in health systems and to meet the Parliament’s target of spending 20% of EU financial aid commitments on health and education?

 
  
 

In 2001 at the African Summit on HIV/AIDS(1), Tuberculosis and Other Related Infectious Diseases in Abuja, Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity pledged indeed to set a target of allocating at least 15% of their annual budget to the improvement of the health sector.

In his question the Honourable Member suggests that six years later, the vast majority of countries are investing a far smaller percentage of their budgets on health. However, the picture is not quite as black. The World Health Organisation Regional Committee for Africa reported in August 2007 that half of the countries of the region are now allocating between 10% and 15% of their national budget to health. Furthermore, ten countries of the Region have been able to raise their health spending to between 30 and 40 US dollars per capita.

The Commission supported the original Abuja Declaration and has continued to engage African governments – ministries of finance and health - through policy dialogue on various development issue including health and health expenditure. The Commission continues to pursue this dialogue but the decision about resource allocations must be made by the partner countries and cannot be made in Brussels.

Two weeks ago (24-26 October 2007) the Commission was involved in the first African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) States' Health Ministers' Meeting that took place in Brussels and where over 40 ministers of health discussed the challenges of ACP progress towards the health Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The issues of financing and management of health systems have been key areas of concern and discussion. The declaration from this meeting has recommitted once again to progress on the Abuja Declaration.

The policy dialogue with partner countries in Africa is underpinned by the work on aid effectiveness and aid predictability. The Commission has been the driving force behind the adoption of EU's new development policy, which reflects European ambition to make a decisive contribution to the achievement of MDGs through delivery of better coordinated Official Development Assistance in a less volatile and unpredictable manner.

Performance based budget support, which strengthens the overall ability of partner countries to develop and execute their development plans, is an important step in this respect. Under the 9th European Development Fund (EDF) two thirds of the countries which received budget support had performance targets linked to health sector financing improvements. Under the 10th EDF, some 40% of programmable aid, at national level, will be through budget support, part of which will be linked to outcomes and budgetary performance in health sector.

But even budget support, does not always allow for substantial fiscal space that countries need to have to finance high recurrent costs in health. Unless the Commission provides long-term, predictable and coordinated support, it will not be able to give partner countries sufficient opportunity to strengthen their health systems, ensure predictable numbers of health workers and deliver health programmes that are key for the achievement of health MDGs.

This is the reason why under the 10th EDF a new modality of budget support – the MDG Contract – will also be introduced which will provide longer term (six years) and more predictable aid, with a focus on results as a mean to improve effectiveness of budget support in accelerating progress towards the MDGs.

The 20% benchmark that the Honourable Member refers to is an undertaking by the Commission to dedicate by 2009, 20% of spending under the Development Cooperation Instrument to "basic and secondary education and basic health, through project, programme or budget support linked to these sectors, taking an average across all geographical areas under this instrument."

 
 

(1) Human immunodeficiency virus / Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome

 

Vraag nr. 50 van Frank Vanhecke (H-0808/07)
 Betreft: Turkije en het Europees Hof voor de rechten van de mens
 

In haar voortgangsrapport 2006 over Turkije stelde de Commissie dat de hervormingen die Turkije in 2004 en 2005 heeft doorgevoerd, positieve gevolgen hebben gehad voor wat betreft de uitvoering van arresten van het Europees Hof voor de rechten van de mens (EHRM). Anderzijds stelde de Commissie ook dat de Turkse wetgeving de heropening van een binnenlandse gerechtelijke procedure soms in de weg kan staan.

In het begin van oktober 2007 uitte de Parlementaire Vergadering van de Raad van Europa zware kritiek op o.a. Turkije vanwege zijn zeer gebrekkige samenwerking met het EHRM. Turkije wordt er met name van beschuldigd de toegang tot een rechtsgang voor het EHRM zeer moeilijk te maken. De Parlementaire Vergadering drong er op aan dat de betreffende overheden de aanklagers onder bescherming plaatsen.

Wat zijn de positieve gevolgen voor wat betreft de uitvoering van arresten van het Europees Hof? Welk gevolg geeft de Commissie aan de bevindingen en conclusies van de Parlementaire Vergadering?

 
  
 

The 2006 Progress Report on Turkey mentions indeed that reforms undertaken by Turkey in 2004 and 2005 have had positive consequences on the execution of judgements of the European Court of Human Rights.

These reforms include the amendments to the Turkish Constitution of May 2004 abolishing, among other things, the State Security Courts and giving precedence to approved international agreements over domestic law in the field of fundamental rights.

They also include the 2005 amendments to the Criminal Code and the Criminal Procedure Code regulating, for instance, the offences of torture, torment and ill-treatment. Under these amendments, torture in Turkey is defined more in line with international law. The Council of Europe Committee for the Prevention of Torture has praised Turkey's new legislative framework for being amongst the most comprehensive in Europe.

Through these reforms Turkey has provided remedies to a number of cases where the European Court of Human Rights has found Turkey responsible for violations of human rights. This has had positive effects as regards the implementation of the Courts' judgements.

The Commission follows up closely the work of all bodies of the Council of Europe including its Parliamentary Assembly and informs its positions through this cooperation.

The Commission will continue to follow up closely the situation on human rights in Turkey and to cooperate with all Council of Europe bodies.

 

Edit Herczog (H-0809/07) által feltett 51 sz. kérdés
 Tárgy: Energia-ellátásbiztonság a Balkán régióban
 

A Bulgária csatlakozásával kapcsolatos európai elvárások és döntések következtében villamosenergia-hiány fog fellépni a Balkán régióban. Különös tekintettel az uniós intézmények és a tagállamok egyöntetű elkötelezettségére az európai energia-ellátásbiztonság megóvása iránt, mit tesz, illetve mit javasol tenni a Bizottság az európai döntések miatt kialakult helyzet kezelésére, s a térségben várható ellátási zavarok megelőzésére, kivédésére, orvoslására?

 
  
 

Manifestly, the Honourable Member’s question relates to the consequences of the closure, at the end of 2006, of units 3 and 4 of the Kozloduy Nuclear Power Plant.

The Bulgarian government took the decision to close these units eight years ago, in 1999. This decision was based on the absolutely overriding consideration of nuclear safety, and is in line with Bulgaria's obligation under the Accession Treaty.

It was known that this would have consequences.

The EU has provided very substantial financial assistance not only for decommissioning, but also to mitigate the consequences of the closure. €550 million has been put in as grants, mainly via the Kozloduy Decommissioning Support Fund managed by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD). Half of this sum should finance projects leading to substantial energy savings, including the improvement of lignite-fired power plants such as Pernik. Moreover, there is a €212.5 million Euratom loan for the modernisation of units 5 and 6 of Kozloduy, which consequently operate at a higher utilisation rate of power capacity. According to conservative estimates provided by the EBRD, the combined effect of the energy savings the Commission is financing will exceed the loss of supply from Kozloduy units 3 and 4.

But the security of electricity supply also requires better interconnections between countries. This is primarily a matter of Transmission System Operators working together. In addition, in the Balkan region, there is a structural problem of underinvestment in generation capacity. Considering the importance of the needs it is necessary to attract private investment. For that reason, the Commission is strongly supporting the full implementation of the Energy Community Treaty providing a common legislative and regulatory framework in the region. Market integration and clear market rules are indeed a key precondition for investments in the region.

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 52 του κ. Ιωάννη Μάτση (H-0819/07)
 Θέμα: Στρατιωτικές επιχειρήσεις της Τουρκίας στο βόρειο Ιράκ
 

Η Τουρκία διενεργεί προ καιρού στρατιωτικές επιχειρήσεις στο βόρειο Ιράκ. Η Μεγάλη Τουρκική Εθνοσυνέλευση, με απόφασή της, άναψε το πράσινο φώς για την εισβολή τουρκικών στρατευμάτων στο βόρειο Ιράκ. Η χρήση όπλων και η παραβίαση συνόρων από ένα κράτος σε βάρος του άλλου αποτελεί παραβίαση του διεθνούς δικαίου και των αρχών της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.

Πώς αντέδρασε και προτίθεται να αντιδράσει η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή έναντι της Τουρκίας η οποία ήδη διενεργεί στρατιωτικές επιχειρήσεις στο βόρειο Ιράκ; Θα επηρεαστεί ή όχι αρνητικά η ενταξιακή της πορεία; Θα περιληφθούν οι στρατιωτικές τουρκικές επιχειρήσεις στο Ιράκ στην έκθεση αξιολόγησης της Επιτροπής;

 
  
 

The Commission condemns the violence perpetuated by the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in Turkish territory.

Since September 2007 such attacks have caused numerous victims among civilians and military personnel. The International Community, in particular all the main stakeholders in the region, must support Turkey's efforts to protect its population and fight terrorism, while respecting the rule of law, preserving the international and regional peace and stability and refraining from taking any disproportionate military action. Any endeavour in disregard of these values would be a success for the PKK's strategy of provocation and violence.

The Commission considers of utmost importance the strengthening of the dialogue and cooperation between the Governments of Turkey and Iraq to address this problem and calls on the Iraqi Government and the Kurdish Regional Government to ensure the respect for the Turkish border and guarantee that the Iraqi territory is not used for any violent actions against Turkey.

 

Zapytanie nr 53 skierowane przez Ryszard Czarnecki (H-0840/07)
 Przedmiot: Wejście Macedonii oraz Bośni i Hercegowiny w struktury UE
 

Kiedy możemy mówić o realnym terminie wejścia Macedonii oraz Bośni i Hercegowiny w struktury UE w kontekście postępów, jakie uczyniły te kraje w ostatnich latach?

 
  
 

The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, as Western Balkan states participating in the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP), have been given the perspective of eventual EU membership. Before joining the EU, the two countries will need to comply with the Copenhagen Criteria and the conditions established within the framework of the SAP.

In its 2005 Strategy Paper, the Commission outlined the consecutive steps for the Western Balkan countries on their way towards the EU. The Stabilisation and Association Agreements (SAAs) aiming to prepare the countries for the future EU membership mark an important point on this road. A satisfactory track record in implementing the SAA obligations will be an essential element for the EU to consider any membership application.

As regards the time frame of the integration process of the two countries with the EU, the European Council stated in December 2006 that the Union would refrain from setting any target dates for accession until the accession negotiations were close to completion.

The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia applied for membership in 2004 and was given status of the candidate country in December 2005. The Commission will be in a position to recommend the opening of accession negotiations once the country has met all the necessary conditions.

In particular, before accession negotiations can be opened, the country will need to achieve concrete progress in fulfilling the Copenhagen Criteria and in the effective implementation of the SAA. The political criteria must be met and significant progress towards meeting the economic criteria and the obligations of membership must have been achieved.

In the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the technical negotiations on the SAA were finalised in December 2006. In May 2007, the Member States endorsed the outcome of the negotiations, but reiterated that to conclude the SAA, Bosnia and Herzegovina will need to meet the four key conditions set out by the EU in October 2005: i) police reform; ii) full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY); iii) reform of public broadcasting; and vi) public administration reform. The progress made by Bosnia and Herzegovina up to date has not allowed for concluding the SAA. The conclusion of the SAA is a prerequisite for further approximation of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the EU.

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 54 της κ. Διαμάντως Μανωλάκου (H-0856/07)
 Θέμα: Συμφωνία Βρετανίας-Τουρκίας
 

Πρόσφατα  η Βρετανία υπέγραψε συμφωνία  με την Τουρκία με τίτλο «Στρατηγική Συμμαχία Τουρκίας-Ηνωμένου Βασιλείου 2007/2008», η οποία διέπεται καθαρά από διχοτομική λογική, αφού γίνεται αναφορά με συστηματικό τρόπο σε  πρόνοιες και λογικές που αναγνωρίζουν ως τετελεσμένη την κατοχή του 37% της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας από τον τουρκικό στρατό και παραβιάζουν κατάφωρα τα ψηφίσματα του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας του ΟΗΕ 541/83 της 18/11/1983 και 550/84 της 11/5/1984, τα οποία καταδικάζουν ως παράνομη και αποσχιστική οντότητα την «Τουρκική Δημοκρατία Βόρειας Κύπρου» και καλούν όλα τα κράτη να μην αναγνωρίσουν οποιοδήποτε άλλο κυπριακό κράτος εκτός της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας. Ταυτόχρονα, εκτιμάται από δημοσιεύματα ότι μέσα από αυτή τη συμφωνία η Κύπρος θυσιάζεται υπέρ των τουρκικών συμφερόντων και αποτελεί βρετανικό αντάλλαγμα στην Τουρκία για να μην εισβάλει στο Ιράκ.

Ποια είναι η θέση της Επιτροπής και πώς εκτιμά αυτή τη συμφωνία; Επίσης, εκτιμά ότι η συμφωνία αυτή παραβιάζει το διεθνές και κοινοτικό δίκαιο και δημιουργεί πρόβλημα μεταξύ κρατών μελών της ΕΕ;

 
  
 

First of all, the Commission would like to recall the well-known and longstanding position of the European Union which recognises only the Republic of Cyprus as a subject of international law. The self proclaimed "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus" is recognised neither by the European Union nor any of its Member States.

The Commission is not in a position to intervene or comment on agreements between Member States and third countries as long as they do not infringe with the acquis communautaire.

The Commission strongly believes that such issues highlight once again the urgent need for a comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus issue. It calls once again all parties involved to resume as soon as possible fully fledged negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations to reach such a comprehensive settlement.

 

Anfrage Nr. 55 von Vural Öger (H-0860/07)
 Betrifft: Erweiterungen und Informationsdefizit der europäischen Öffentlichkeit
 

Die europäischen Entscheidungsträger haben es bei Erweiterungsrunden oft versäumt, den Bürgern Europas die historische Tragweite und die Potenziale von neuen EU-Beitritten angemessen zu vermitteln. Nach der Osterweiterung waren es vielmehr Warnungen vor einer Überlastung der Arbeitsmärkte durch Arbeitsmigration aus den neuen Mitgliedstaaten, die die öffentlichen Debatten prägten. Was die Beitrittsperspektive für die Länder des Westbalkan angeht, wurden die Ziele der europäischen Erweiterung der Öffentlichkeit nicht vermittelt, was sich in einem eklatanten Informationsmangel und einer dramatisch sinkenden Zustimmung zur EU-Erweiterungspolitik ausdrückt. Was gedenkt die Kommission im Hinblick auf dieses Informationsdefizit zu tun?

 
  
 

The Commission regrets the negative attitude concerning the EU's Enlargement policy which seems to prevail in a number of Member States.

The Commission has repeatedly stressed the importance of better communication and the need to tackle myths with facts. It is essential to raise awareness about both, the challenges as well as benefits of Enlargement policy.

However, it is a fact that the Commission cannot on its own bring about a change of public perception, but that all institutions of the European Union have to play their part. Much more needs to be done in this respect by the Member States, themselves, be it at national, regional or local level.

The Commission is of course ready to support their efforts by making available factual information, and by creating synergies with the EU institutions and interested Member States. It has in this respect, increased its activities for which the following examples may offer an illustration:

­ On the occasion of the 3rd anniversary of the 2004 Enlargement, a number of specific web pages were published with illustrations of the positive impact of the last enlargement.

­ A brochure on Enlargement policy for the general public is about to be published in all official languages.

­ Organisation of a number of events involving in particular young people.

As regards the specific issue of free movement of workers from the new to old Member States (explicitly addressed in the question), the Commission has published a report on the issue.

Enlargement led to a gradual implementation of the free movement of workers within the EU. Those Member States which immediately opened their labour market to new ones benefited in various ways: migrants helped fill vacancies and jobs moved from the grey to the white sector. Building on this positive experience, a number of other Member States are moving towards the full free movement of workers. Fears of a tidal wave of labour migrants from the new Member States disturbing seriously the labour markets of old Member States have not materialized.

For 2008, projects informing on the impact of enlargement will be continued and complemented by communication activities aimed at providing a platform for networking between Civil Society actors in Member States and candidates and potential candidate countries.

Increasing public support for future enlargements to the countries in Southeast Europe will require a concerted effort. In the Commission's opinion, it will in particular be necessary to provide factual information about the considerable benefits of the 5th enlargement.

The Commission appeals to all actors to help provide information and support efforts to better communicate, not least does it welcome support from Members of the Parliament.

 

Fråga nr 59 från Inger Segelström (H-0810/07)
 Angående: Expertgruppen för frågor om människohandel
 

Expertgruppen för frågor om människohandel, som funnits sedan 2003, har en viktig uppgift att fylla i EU:s arbete mot människohandel. Kommissionen är nu enligt uppgift i färd med att utnämna nya medlemmar till gruppen. Gruppen har hittills bestått av samma medlemmar sedan inrättandet. Vilken tidsplan har kommissionen för utnämnandet av nya medlemmar och vilket förfarande avser kommissionen att tillämpa i denna process? Hur kan kommissionen garantera ett transparent utnämningsförfarande? Hur kommer de nationella experterna att utses och kommer alla länder att ha var sin representant i gruppen? Ska gruppens mandat fortsatt vara detsamma eller ändras? Hur avser kommissionen tillse att icke-statliga organisationer, som exempelvis kvinnoorganisationer, får en plats i gruppen?

 
  
 

The Commission shares the Honourable Member's view with regard to the important task of the Expert Group on Trafficking in Human Beings. Since its appointment, the current Expert Group has provided the Commission with opinions and views about many important subjects. In 2004 it issued its Report, which still constitutes a source of inspiration for further activities.

The Commission is now in the process of appointing a new Group of Experts, taking into account the necessary changes deriving from enlargement, and the need to ensure specific expertise especially in the field of labour exploitation. On 17 October 2007, the Commission adopted a Decision to set up a new Group of Experts on Trafficking in Human Beings(1).

The Group of Experts will be composed of 21 members, out of whom up to 11 members from administrations of the Member States, up to 5 members from inter-governmental, international and non-governmental organisations, up to 4 members from social partners and employers' associations, 1 member from Europol(2), up to 2 members from universities or other research institutes. The member from administrations of Member States will be appointed by the Commission on the proposal of Member States. The others will be appointed by the Commission from among those who have responded to the call for applications.

In order to ensure transparency, the call for application will be published in the Official Journal and on the website of the Directorate-General for Justice, Freedom and Security.

 
 

(1) 2007/675/EC: Commission Decision of 17 October 2007 setting up the Group of Experts on Trafficking in Human Beings, OJ L 277, 19.10.2007.
(2) European Police Office

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 60 της κ. Κατερίνας Μπατζελή (H-0814/07)
 Θέμα: Μελλοντική δράση της ΕΕ στον τομέα της παραβατικότητας ανηλίκων
 

Στις 21.6.2007 το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο υιοθέτησε ψήφισμα (P6_TA(2007)0283) σχετικά με το φαινόμενο της παραβατικότητας ανηλίκων, το οποίο ζητεί τη διαμόρφωση ενιαίας στρατηγικής σε κοινοτικό επίπεδο.

Η συμπερίληψη δράσεων αντιμετώπισης του φαινομένου και δικτύωσης των αρμόδιων αρχών σε κοινοτικά προγράμματα γενικότερου χαρακτήρα όπως στο ΔΑΦΝΗ ΙΙ ή στο πρόγραμμα "Πρόληψη και καταπολέμηση της εγκληματικότητας" αποτελεί μια πρόσκαιρη μόνο λύση, καθώς για την ουσιαστική αντιμετώπιση της ανησυχητικής αύξησης του φαινομένου σε όλη την ΕΕ απαιτείται ένα κοινοτικό πρόγραμμα εξειδικευμένο σε θέματα παραβατικότητας ανηλίκων.

Προτίθεται η Επιτροπή να προβεί σε σχεδιασμό ευρωπαϊκής στρατηγικής αντιμετώπισης του φαινομένου;

Ειδικότερα, σχεδιάζει η Επιτροπή την εκπόνηση μελέτης και τη δημοσίευση ανακοίνωσης με στόχο το σχεδιασμό κοινοτικού προγράμματος-πλαισίου που θα εστιάζει στους τρεις βασικούς πυλώνες της πρόληψης, της δικαστικής και εξωδικαστικής αντιμετώπισης και της κοινωνικής επανένταξης των δραστών, όπως προτείνει το ψήφισμα του Κοινοβουλίου;

Πώς κρίνει η Επιτροπή την τάση σε ορισμένα κράτη μέλη στροφής προς τις ποινές εγκλεισμού έναντι των εναλλακτικών ποινών παιδαγωγικού χαρακτήρα και κατά πόσο κρίνει σκόπιμη την προώθηση ορισμένων ελάχιστων και κοινών ευρωπαϊκών προτύπων και προσανατολισμών σε θέματα παραβατικότητας ανηλίκων;

 
  
 

La Commission a pris note des recommandations de la résolution adoptée par le Parlement le 21 juin 2007, sur la base du rapport de l'honorable parlementaire sur la délinquance juvénile.

Il est indubitable que tous les acteurs - principalement ceux de la société civile ainsi que les autorités locales et nationales - doivent accroître leurs efforts pour prévenir et combattre les causes susceptibles de mener les jeunes sur les voies de la délinquance et atténuer les effets de leur marginalisation sociale.

La Commission partage entièrement l'approche multidimensionnelle pour la prévention et la répression de la délinquance juvénile. Il est nécessaire de renforcer la coopération de tous les services publics et privés ayant des responsabilités dans le domaine de la formation, de l'éducation, de l'emploi ou bien de l'insertion sociale, en mettant l'accent sur les mesures préventives. La facilitation de l'échange d'information et de bonnes pratiques doit être une pierre angulaire de l'action de l'Union européenne, avec comme possible résultat, l'élaboration de modèles d'intervention ou des orientations minimales.

La Commission continue à soutenir la coopération entre différentes structures locales et nationales par le bais des instruments financiers poursuivant différents objectifs. Étant donné la nature horizontale des causes de la délinquance juvénile et de son traitement, il ne paraît pas opportun de développer un seul programme de soutien financier. La diversité de politiques publiques susceptibles de prévenir le phénomène de désocialisation et de marginalisation des jeunes induit différents types de soutien financier par la Communauté.

Une étude importante est actuellement menée sur la criminalité juvénile et des données statistiques vont être recueillies sur la justice pénale, selon les indicateurs élaborés de manière fiable et comparable. Le réseau européen de la prévention de la criminalité (REPC) est un outil appréciable de concertation et de coordination sur les développements à venir.

 

Question no 61 by Brian Crowley (H-0824/07)
 Subject: Combating drug importations via the west coast of Europe
 

Could the Commission make a statement outlining what progress is being made to combat drug importations being made along the western coast of Europe under the programme known as the Maritime Analysis Operations Centre (MAOC)?

 
  
 

The Maritime Analysis and Operation Centre – Narcotics (MAOC-N) is an intergovernmental military supported law enforcement initiative, set up by seven EU Member States (Spain, Portugal, France, Italy, Ireland, the Netherlands and the UK) aimed at tackling drug trafficking, namely cocaine, from Latin American countries to Europe, via the Western Africa Seaboard, by air and by sea. MAOC-N headquarters is located in Lisbon, Portugal, chosen as appropriate location where to coordinate counter-narcotics operations, given that the operational area is mainly focused on the Atlantic Ocean, with the possibility of extending it into the Western Mediterranean Sea.

MAOC-N has been operating de facto since 1 April 2007 and by means of a Treaty, which has been under ratification process since 30 September 2007. Since April 2007 MAOC-N has successfully coordinated, through the exchange of tactical information among the contracting parties, the execution of 27 operations and seized the total amount of 16,638 kg of illegal drugs, of which 13,038 kg seized by partner countries and 3,600 kg disrupted by operational activities.

 

Question no 62 by Eoin Ryan (H-0826/07)
 Subject: Combating the prevalent use of cocaine in Europe
 

Could the Commission make a statement outlining what are the present levels of cocaine use within the European Union and what programmes are being put in place in a co-ordinated manner at an EU level so as to combat cocaine abuse within the European Union?

 
  
 

The 2006 annual report on the state of the drug problem in the European Union published by the European Monitoring Centre on Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) indicates that cocaine has replaced synthetic drugs (ecstasy/amphetamines) as the second most used illicit drug after Cannabis. This can be explained by a stabilisation on decrease of synthetic drug use in most EU countries and to an increase of cocaine use in some. The use of cocaine varies considerably between Member States, and remains at low level in most.

All EU Member States carry out research and collect data on the prevalence and spread of cocaine use on regular basis. This data is collected in accordance with reliable and standardised monitoring methodologies and is processed, analysed and further processed by the EMCDDA so that an EU wide picture is created.

The EU Action Plan on Drugs 2005-2008 promotes the exchange of best practices and the improvement of the EU's knowledge infrastructure in the field of prevention. Most Member States run universal prevention programmes that combine information, education and communication targeted at the general public but also selective programmes that target specific groups (i.e. youth at risk, recreational settings, etc). Cooperation at EU level is supported by the Community Action Programme for Public Health and – as of this year 2007 – by the Drug Prevention and Information Programme.

 

Klausimas Nr. 63, pateikė Justas Vincas Paleckis (H-0837/07)
 Tema: Dėl Šengeno erdvės plėtros
 

Spalio pradžioje Lisabonoje posėdžiavę Europos Sąjungos (ES) šalių vidaus reikalų ministrai nusprendė siūlyti panaikinti asmenų ir transporto kontrolę prie ES valstybių narių vidaus sienų šių metų gruodžio 21–22 d. Tuo metu žiniasklaidoje pasirodė informacija apie neoficialų ES pranešimą, kuriame naujosios ES valstybės perspėjamos dėl sienų kontrolės trūkumų su ES kaimynėmis.

Kokia Komisijos nuomonė dėl kai kurių ES valstybių sausumos sienų kontrolės nesklandumų su kaimyninėmis šalimis Rusija, Ukraina, Baltarusija, Serbija ir Kroatija?

 
  
 

The process of the Schengen evaluation in the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia before the lifting of controls at internal borders has been accomplished. Although experts of the Commission participate in the evaluation visits, it should be underlined that this evaluation process is carried out under the responsibility of the Council.

The evaluation process of the state of preparations in the Member States concerned started in 2006. Since then, a number of visits to verify the correct application of the Schengen acquis at external borders (but also to consulates, police stations and data protection authorities) of the concerned Member States took place.

As a result of this two-year long process of evaluations and verifications, it has become evident that the Member States concerned have proved to be sufficiently prepared to apply the whole Schengen acquis. There are no remaining difficulties or problems with the control of the land borders with Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Serbia and Croatia.

Parliament is consulted on the draft Council decision confirming this positive evaluation and determining the date for the lifting of border controls at the borders with and between these new Member States.

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 64 του κ. Αθανασίου Παφίλη (H-0847/07)
 Θέμα: Νέα "βιομετρική" εποχή παρακολούθησης
 

Σύμφωνα με το τελικό σχέδιο της απόφασης-πλαίσιο των υπουργών Εσωτερικών και Δικαιοσύνης της Ε.Ε, νομιμοποιείται η νέα "βιομετρική" εποχή παρακολούθησης του φρονήματος και των πεποιθήσεων των πολιτών. Έτσι, ενισχύεται η ασυδοσία των μυστικών υπηρεσιών και γενικεύεται η επεξεργασία και ανταλλαγή ευαίσθητων προσωπικών πληροφοριών με κάθε ενδιαφερόμενο τρίτο, κράτος, διεθνή οργανισμό ή και ιδιωτική εταιρεία, ακόμα και "προληπτικά", με ανταλλαγή πληροφοριών υπόπτων προσώπων για τις ανάγκες πρόληψης και διερεύνησης αξιόποινων υποθέσεων ή εκτέλεσης ποινών. Οι πληροφορίες αυτές αφορούν την πολιτική και συνδικαλιστική δράση, αλλά επεκτείνονται και σε στοιχεία σχετικά ακόμα και με την υγεία τους, τα θρησκευτικά και φιλοσοφικά τους πιστεύω, την εθνική τους καταγωγή, ενώ ως πρόσχημα έχουν την πιθανή απειλή για τη δημόσια ασφάλεια ενός κράτους μέλους, αλλά και επιστημονικούς – στατιστικούς σκοπούς.

Ποια είναι η θέση της Επιτροπής για αυτή την απόφαση που παραβιάζει την προστασία των προσωπικών δεδομένων και τα δημοκρατικά δικαιώματα;

 
  
 

The Commission's proposal for a Council Framework Decision on the protection of personal data processed in the framework of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters has not yet been adopted by the Council.

The draft Council Framework Decision does not regulate the biometric monitoring of individual beliefs and convictions. Article 7 of the draft Council Framework Decision regulates the processing of special categories of data: sensitive personal data. Personal data reveiling racial or ethnic origin, political opinions, religous or philosophical beliefs or trade-union membership and data concerning health or sex life are considered as special categories of data. The processing of special categories of data shall be permitted only when this is strictly necessary and when domestic law provides adequate safeguards. The Commission is of the opinion that this does not contribute to more widespread processing and exchange of sensitive personal data. The European Data Protection Supervisor has signalled that he is satisfied with the current wording of Article 7.

The draft Council Framework Decision provides a clear set of rules on the processing of personal data between Member States. In addition, it clearly regulates the transfer or making available of personal data received from another Member State to a third State or international body. Finally, the Framework Decision regulates the transmission of personal data received from or made available by the competent authority of another Member State to private parties in Member States.

The draft Council Framework Decision does not allow onward processing of personal data to any interested party. The purposes allowing onward processing of personal data for the purpose of the prevention, investigation, detection or prosecution of criminal offences or the execution of criminal penalties are well set out in detail in the Framework Decision. Regarding the averting of a potential threat to public security, the draft Council Framework Decision does allow the onward processing of personal data in the interest of the prevention of an immediate and serious threat to public security insofar as this is not incompatible with the purpose for which the data were collected. The competent authorities are only authorised to process such data in accordance with the legal provisions applicable and the processing is necessary and proportionate to that purpose. As regards the processing of personal data for scientific and statistical purposes, the draft Council Framework Decision provides that the competent authorities may further process the transmitted data for historical, statistical or scientific purposes, provided that Member States provide appropriate safeguards, such as, for example, making the data anonymous.

To conclude, the Commission does not think that the draft Council Framework Decision infringes the protection of personal data or democratic rights. Since the Framework Decision only provides a minimum set of data protection requirements, the Commission is of the opinion that the evaluation of the national measures taken to ensure full compliance with the Framework Decision, which is foreseen in Article 27 of the draft Council Framework Decision should be used to examine whether the level of data protection could be increased.

 

Question no 65 by Barbara Kudrycka (H-0867/07)
 Subject: Hague Conference on International Private Law; Civil Law Conventions
 

The European Community has recently joined the Hague Conference on International Private Law. The Member States need Community authorisation to accede to a range of international civil-law arrangements. The European Commission has submitted a number of proposals to the Council for signature or ratification. In the case of some conventions, the decisions have been pending for several years. Some conventions are operational exclusively between those Member States that managed to ratify them prior to their accession to the Union.

Does the Commission consider it a good policy to refuse European citizens the benefits of modern conventions, frequently negotiated at the request of, and with active participation by, the Member States, as well as Commission, to distance Europe from global instruments of cooperation, and to delay such moves ad infinitum? Does the Commission consider Community accession to the Hague Conference compatible with the virtual standstill on accession to instruments developed by its members? Does the Commission believe that the EU can be viewed as a reliable partner by others in international negotiations if it is unable, for several years, to make up its mind and decide on a course of action? Is the Commission planning to take any steps to resolve this problem?

 
  
 

The Commission understands that the Honorouble Member is referring to international conventions the ratification of which is pending for reasons relating to the dispute between the United Kingdom and Spain over Gibraltar and does not refer to the accession to the Hague Convention on the Law Applicable to Certain Rights in Respect of Securities held with an Intermediary where the Council is substantially divided as to the desirability of a ratification, since the Parliament itself, in a resolution adopted on 14 December 2006, urged the Council not to sign this Convention until a comprehensive impact study had established that such accession would not create distortions in the internal market in financial services.

As already set out in reply to written question E-2576/07, the Commission fully shares the concern that that the differences between Spain and the United Kingdom over Gibraltar are currently blocking the accession of the Community to several important conventions, namely:

- 1996 Hague Convention on Jurisdiction, Applicable Law, Recognition, Enforcement and Co-operation in respect of Parental Responsibility and Measures for the Protection of Children (Hague Convention on child protection);

- 2001 Unidroit Cape Town Convention on international interests in mobile equipment and the Protocol thereto on Matters specific to Aircraft Equipment;

- 2002 International Maritime Organisation Protocol to the Athens Convention relating to the Transport of Passengers and their Luggage by Sea;

- 2003 United Nations Protocol on Civil liability for Damage and Compensation for Damage caused by Transboundary Effects of Industrial Accidents on Transboundary Waters;

- 2003 Council of Europe Convention on Contact with Children.

Since these Conventions fall, wholly or partly, under exclusive Community competence, Member States are not allowed to ratify them without having been authorised by the Community to do so. Consequently, the bilateral problem between Spain and the United Kingdom indeed prevents all other Member States from ratifying these Conventions.

As the list shows, this problem does not only concern conventions adopted in the framework of the Hague Conference on Private International Law but also other international organisations such as UNIDROIT and the Council of Europe.

The Commission has already undertaken considerable efforts to remedy that situation. Concerning, in particular, the Hague Convention on Child Protection, the Commission has written to the Member States concerned several times since 2005, urging them to unblock the situation which is becoming increasingly unacceptable for the other Member States keen on ratifying this valuable convention. The issue also was raised at a number of JHA(1) Councils directly with the Ministers concerned.

The Commission has been assured by the two Member States concerned that negotiations on this issue are ongoing and that a resolution of the problem is expected in the near future.

 
 

(1) Justice and Home Affairs

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 66 του κ. Σταύρου Αρναουτάκη (H-0868/07)
 Θέμα: Γενικό Πρόγραμμα Αλληλεγγύης και Διαχείρισης των μεταναστευτικών ροών
 

Όσον αφορά την εφαρμογή των νέων ταμείων που έχουν συσταθεί ως μέρος του Γενικού Προγράμματος Αλληλεγγύης και Διαχείρισης των μεταναστευτικών ροών (Ευρωπαϊκό Ταμείο Ένταξης Υπηκόων τρίτων χωρών, Ευρωπαϊκό Ταμείο Προσφύγων, Ταμείο Εξωτερικών Συνόρων και Ευρωπαϊκό Ταμείο Επιστροφής), σε ποιο στάδιο εφαρμογής βρισκόμαστε; Έχουν αποφασιστεί οι κατευθυντήριες γραμμές των ταμείων καθώς και οι κατανομές ανά χώρα; Προβλέπεται και σε ποιο βαθμό η εμπλοκή περιφερειακών και τοπικών φορέων, καθώς επίσης και η εμπλοκή μη κυβερνητικών οργανώσεων στο σχεδιασμό και την υλοποίηση των δράσεων το ταμείων;

 
  
 

The purpose of the Strategic Guidelines is to provide guidelines for programming the EU funds in the Member States. For the External Borders Fund and the European Integration Fund, the Strategic Guidelines were adopted by the Commission in August 2007(1). The Strategic Guidelines for the implementation of the European Return Fund and the European Refugee Fund are expected to be adopted in November 2007.

L'adoption des orientations stratégiques ne souffre pas d'un retard particulier. Les actes de base créant les Fonds n'ont été adoptés qu'au printemps 2007. Pour trois des Fonds, l'adoption de ces orientations se fait sur la base de la procédure de réglementation avec contrôle dont c'était d'ailleurs la première utilisation.

As far as the allocations to the Member States for each of the four Funds are concerned, the Commission transmitted to the Member States, in July 2007, the final allocations on the budget year 2007 and the provisional ones for the budget year 2008.

90% to 93% of the amounts of the Funds must be implemented under shared management. Therefore, it is now up to the Member States to involve regional and local bodies, as well as non governmental organisations in the process of elaboration and implementation of their multi-annual and annual programmes.

En effet, les décisions créant les Fonds prévoient explicitement que les Etats membres sont responsables de la sélection et la mise en œuvre des projets cofinancés, dans le respect des grands objectifs européens de programmation. C'est au niveau national et local que les besoins prioritaires spécifiques liés à la politique d'asile, d'intégration, de la gestion des retours et des frontières extérieures peuvent être le mieux défini.

As far as the shares of the Funds to be implemented directly by the Commission as "Community actions" are concerned, calls for proposals will be published on a regular basis. Non-Governmental Organisations and regional and local bodies can send applications especially for the Integration Fund, the European Refugee Fund and the Return Fund.

 
 

(1) Commission Decision of 27 August 2007 implementing Decision No 574/2007/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council as regards the adoption of strategic guidelines for 2007 to 2013, OJ L 233 of 5 September 2007, and Commission Decision of 21 August 2007 implementing Council Decision 2007435/EC as regards the adoption of strategic guidelines for 2007 to 2013 as notified to the Member States.

 

Question no 67 by Mairead McGuinness (H-0796/07)
 Subject: State of negotiation of EPAs with the ACP group of countries
 

Can the Commission outline how far the negotiations on the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA) with the ACP group of countries have progressed?

There is growing concern, particularly in certain African countries, that these new agreements will undermine the process of sustainable development which has underpinned all previous trade agreements. In addition, there is a perception that these agreements will disproportionately benefit the EU, at the expense of its trading partners in the ACP. Does the Commission believe that this is in the EU's long-term interests?

Is it likely that new EPAs with the ACP group of countries will enter into force on 1 January 2008, as planned? If not, does the Commission intend putting transitional measures in place until an agreement can be reached? If so, what type of transitional measures would the Commission consider putting in place?

 
 

Question no 68 by David Martin (H-0804/07)
 Subject: EPA deadline: safeguards for ACP countries
 

Next month is the deadline for the conclusion of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) which will replace the current system of trade preferences for ACP countries under the Cotonou Agreement. Civil society has campaigned strongly against concluding these agreements by the end of this year on the basis that many key aspects of the agreements have not yet been properly negotiated. In effect, the conclusion of these agreements would force some of the world's poorest countries to accept deep liberalisation of their vulnerable markets. In order that these agreements are fair, ACP countries need more time to negotiate and to be allowed to retain the flexibility to decide, plan and sequence their own trade reforms. If EPAs are concluded this year, it could mean the collapse of exports from the ACP countries to the EU. In turn ACP countries would then have to find new sources of revenue to finance their health and education systems.

What plans does the Commission have to safeguard ACP countries in the event that EPAs are not concluded by the end of the year?

 
 

Question no 69 by Elspeth Attwooll (H-0817/07)
 Subject: EPA Deadline: Safeguards for ACP countries
 

The current negotiations regarding Economic Partnership Agreements, which will replace the current trade system for ACP countries under the Cotonou Agreement, reach their deadline at the end of next month. The reason for civil society's campaign against the conclusion of these agreements by then is the fact that key aspects of the agreements have not yet been sufficiently discussed. With a too speedy conclusion to the negotiations, the already fragile markets of some of the world's poorest nations would have to suffer a liberalisation that could have seriously adverse effects on ACP exports to the EU, and considerable repercussions for the funding of their health and education systems. ACP countries therefore require more time to negotiate, maintaining flexibility to plan their own trade reforms. It is imperative that these negotiations remain fair.

If, however, the EPAs are not concluded by the end of the year, what does the Commission propose in order to protect the countries affected?

 
 

Question n° 70 de Alain Hutchinson (H-0858/07)
 Objet: Accords de partenariats économiques
 

Dans sa communication du 23 octobre 2007 sur les Accords de partenariats économiques, la Commission indique clairement qu'en l'absence de signature des APE, dans les délais impartis, par les régions qui négocient avec elle, la Commission serait prête à signer ces APE avec seulement certains pays. Jusqu'ici, la Commission avait pourtant beaucoup insisté pour que les APE soient négociés et conclus à un niveau régional, en soulignant que la signature de ces accords n'avait de sens que dans une perspective d'intégration régionale. En agissant ainsi, la Commission serait responsable des fortes tensions qui ne manqueraient pas de voir le jour entre pays d'une même région qui bénéficieraient dès lors d'un traitement différencié tout à fait contraire à l'objectif d'intégration régionale, selon qu'ils signent ou non de tels accords.

Comment la Commission a-t-elle l'intention d'empêcher que de tels accords portent directement préjudice aux pays qui ne les signeraient pas ? Comment la Commission peut-elle expliquer cette nouvelle position au regard de la priorité qu'elle a toujours donnée à l'intégration régionale pour justifier la signature des APE ?

 
  
 

Based on the Cotonou Agreement and its objectives of sustainable development, regional integration and enhanced participation of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries in the multilateral trading system, the EC has been conducting Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations with the ACP Group of States and ACP regions since 2002. These negotiations are now in their final phase ahead of the end of 2007 deadline when the current Cotonou preferences and the World Trade Organisation waiver protecting them expire. The 2007 joint ACP-EC review of EPA negotiations reaffirmed the parties' commitment to meeting the deadline.

The EC's objective remains to replace the current Cotonou trade regime by full, comprehensive EPAs covering issues relating to trade in goods as well as services, investment and trade-related areas important for ACP development with a view to establishing effective regional markets and special relationships between these regions and the EU. At the same time, progress across the EPA negotiations has been uneven. Where a full EPA cannot be completed on time, the parties have to capture those issues negotiated so far in an agreement with a good market access arrangement at its core and then move on to finalise negotiations in other areas in the early part of 2008. This will help avoid trade disruption without compromising the objective of negotiating comprehensive EPAs with a full development package.

Similarly, where only certain countries within a region wish to proceed with negotiations, the Commission is prepared to work on this basis, in order to reach agreements on market access as a step towards full EPAs. To maintain the momentum of ongoing regional integration plans any such agreement will be a stepping stone to a full EPA open to all countries of the region in question.

The Commission believes that at present there is no alternative to this pragmatic approach, set out in its Communication of 23 October 2007, and it will continue to pursue development objectives rather than EU offensive interests.

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 71 του κ. Γεωργίου Παπαστάμκου (H-0785/07)
 Θέμα: Ευρωπαϊκή στρατηγική ασφαλείας
 

Πώς αξιολογεί η Επιτροπή τη μέχρι τώρα αποτελεσματικότητα της σύζευξης των εσωτερικών και των εξωτερικών πτυχών ασφάλειας κατ' εφαρμογήν της ευρωπαϊκής στρατηγικής ασφάλειας (European Security Strategy); Ποια είναι τα θεσμικά ελλείμματα στην άσκηση της ευρωπαϊκής πολιτικής ασφάλειας, στην εσωτερική της προβολή, η οποία στηρίζεται σε διαφορετικούς καταστατικούς πυλώνες; Θεωρείται θεσμικά και λειτουργικά πλήρες το καθεστώς ασφάλειας, το οποίο στηρίζεται στη δια-γεφύρωση των πυλώνων (cross-pillar security regime) σε θέματα του ευρωπαϊκού χώρου ελευθερίας, ασφάλειας και δικαιοσύνης;

 
  
 

Comme indiqué dans la stratégie européenne de sécurité : « dans des frontières de plus en plus ouvertes, les aspects externes et internes de la sécurité sont indissolublement liés ». Parmi les menaces identifiées par la stratégie européenne de sécurité, l’intervention communautaire a couvert à la fois les aspects internes et externes notamment à travers la stratégie européenne anti-terroriste de 2005 sur le plan interne ainsi que par la coopération et l’assistance internationale avec des partenaires stratégiques dans les pays tiers. Pour ce qui concerne la lutte contre le crime organisé, l’Union européenne promeut la ratification des conventions internationales qui constituent le cadre de référence de notre assistance dans les pays tiers. Europol fournit des rapports annuels et des statistiques qui contribuent à améliorer l’information et la connaissance sur les domaines considérés.

L’efficacité de la mise en œuvre de la stratégie européenne de sécurité est plus forte lorsque instruments de l’Union et instruments communautaires concourent vers les mêmes objectifs. La Commission a œuvré dans ce sens en tenant également compte des aspects externes des politiques internes. Cet effort sera facilité dès l'entrée en vigueur du traité de Lisbonne, qui supprime l'actuelle division entre 1er et 3ème piliers, introduit le régime de codécision et accroît le rôle du Parlement.

Les actions relevant de la PESC(1) et de la PESD(2) continueront à prendre en compte les menaces dans la dimension externe en parallèle à l’action communautaire à l’extérieur de l’Union et aux mesures internes dans l’espace de justice, de liberté et de sécurité.

Plus généralement, la Commission pense que ses objectifs politiques internes et externes sont plus que jamais entremêlés, ce qui implique une vision renouvelée de la manière de projeter, promouvoir et protéger les intérêts et valeurs de l'Union, parmi lesquels bien entendu la sécurité de ses citoyens.

Tous nos instruments concourent à faire face aux défis mis en avant dans la stratégie européenne de sécurité: notre politique d'élargissement qui étend la paix, la stabilité, la prospérité, la démocratie et l'état de droit à travers l'Europe; notre politique de voisinage qui vise à bâtir avec les pays limitrophes et voisins des relations basées sur des intérêts et valeurs partagés; notre politique commerciale, notre politique de développement et humanitaire, tout comme notre action en matière de changement climatique, ou de sécurité énergétique.

Toute révision de la stratégie européenne de sécurité devrait prendre en compte ces nouveaux défis globaux et intégrer l'ensemble des réponses à y apporter au niveau européen, indépendamment des considérations institutionnelles, comme la Commission l'avait souligné en 2006 dans sa Communication "L'Europe dans le monde - Propositions concrètes visant à renforcer la cohérence, l'efficacité et la visibilité"(3).

 
 

(1) Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune
(2) Politique européenne de sécurité et de défense
(3) COM(2006) 278 du 8 Juin 2006

 

Question no 72 by Glenis Willmott (H-0787/07)
 Subject: Health and safety in third countries
 

I refer to the recent reports of a repeat tragedy in a Bangalore garment factory where an Indian worker who fell ill at work but had to wait hours for permission to leave died in hospital later that day. It resembled a previous incident which I am told occurred at the same factory just three months ago, in which a pregnant woman worker gave birth unassisted outside the factory gates after being denied assistance when she went into labour during her shift. I understand the baby died.

Can the Commission say whether it considers health and safety at work to be a fundamental right and can it say what action it is taking in dealings and agreements with third countries regarding the importance of good health and safety, in order to avoid a further repeat of these appalling and most tragic incidents?

 
  
 

The promotion of health and safety at work at international level is one of the main objectives of the recently-adopted Commission Strategy on health and safety at work(1). The strategy stresses the need to improve labour standards throughout the world. In this context, the EU intends to promote prevention in the area of health and safety at work through multilateral cooperation with the competent international bodies (ILO(2), WHO(3)) and bilateral activities as part of the Commission relations with third countries, and in particular emerging economies such as India.

 
 

(1) Communication from the Commission "Improving quality and productivity at work: Community strategy 2007-2012 on health and safety at work" COM (2007) 62 of 21 February 2007
(2) International Labour Organisation
(3) World Health Organisation

 

Question no 73 by Avril Doyle (H-0798/07)
 Subject: Equine identification legislation - recognition of horse passports
 

There are many problems at Member State level concerning the proper implementation of existing European directives on the identification of equidae. In some cases that have been brought to my attention, identification documents (passports) issued by the competent authority in one Member State are not recognised in another Member State, and in other cases passports are not even checked properly during transit between Member States.

Could the Commission comment on the need to improve implementation of the existing legislation and how this might be done?

 
  
 

Council Directive 90/426/EEC(1) lays down the rules for veterinary checks for equidae moved between Member States. When moving between Member States, an equine animal must not only be accompanied by its identification document (passport), but also by an official veterinary attestation or certificate, issued at the place of departure. However, in accordance with Article 6 of the Directive, certain Member States have granted each other derogations from these certification requirements.

Commission Decision 93/623/EEC(2) established the passport accompanying registered equidae during their movements. Commission Decision 2000/68/EC(3) amended 93/623/EEC and extended the provisions for equidae identification to equidae for breeding and production.

To ensure a more uniform application of Community legislation, the Commission has prepared a draft Regulation to replace these two Decisions. Once adopted, this new and directly applicable Commission Regulation will directly address the various stakeholders responsible for identifying equidae and ensure that equidae are identified, within a certain time after birth or imports, by a single lifetime passport that is linked to the animal by an electronic transponder.

 
 

(1) Council Directive 90/426/EEC of 26 June 1990 on animal health conditions governing the movement and import from third countries of equidae, OJ L 224, 18.8.1990
(2) 93/623/EEC: Commission Decision of 20 October 1993 establishing the identification document (passport) accompanying registered equidae, OJ L 298, 3.12.1993
(3) 2000/68/EC: Commission Decision of 22 December 1999 amending Commission Decision 93/623/EEC and establishing the identification of equidae for breeding and production (notified under document number C(1999) 5004), OJ L 23, 28.1.2000

 

Pregunta nº 74 formulada por Cristobal Montoro Romero (H-0807/07):
 Asunto: Propiedad de las empresas en los mercados de la electricidad y el gas
 

El Parlamento Europeo, según lo aprobado en su resolución P6_TA(2007)0326 de 10 de julio de 2007, opina que la propiedad pública en los mercados de la electricidad y el gas representa uno de los principales elementos de distorsión de la competencia en el ámbito de la UE y que el estímulo de la competencia en dichos mercados queda mermado cuando participan empresas públicas debido a que, en su mayor parte y por razón de su estatuto, presentan un menor grado de transparencia e información frente a potenciales inversores y dependen de decisiones políticas tomadas por los Gobiernos de los Estados miembros.

¿Qué medidas prevé la Comisión para incluir este principio en su política dentro de los límites que reconoce el Tratado sobre la propiedad de las empresas del sector? ¿Cree la Comisión que es posible seguir avanzando en la creación de un mercado único energético con la presencia de oligopolios o monopolios públicos que algunos gobiernos europeos estimulan?

 
  
 

As set out in the explanatory memorandum to the Commission's internal market proposals adopted on 19 September 2007, the package and, more specifically, the proposal for more effective unbundling apply in the same manner to publicly and privately owned companies. This means that irrespective of its public or private nature, no person or group of persons would be able alone or jointly to influence the composition of the boards, the voting or decision making of transmission system operators and at the same time the supply or production companies. This ensures that where supply or production activities are in public ownership, the independence of a publicly owned transmission system operator is still guaranteed; but these proposals do not require state owned companies to sell their network to a privately owned company. For instance, to comply with this requirement, any public entity or the State could transfer the rights (which provide the “influence”) to another publicly or privately owned legal person.

The important issue is that in all cases where unbundling is carried out, the Member State in question must demonstrate that in practice, the results are truly effective and that the companies operate entirely separate from one another, providing a real level-playing field across the whole of the EU. Moreover, the Commission's proposals oblige Member States to guarantee the independence of the regulatory authority by ensuring that the regulatory authority is legally distinct and functionally independent from any other public or private entity.

These provisions should ensure that irrespective of the ownership of transmission system operators or supply companies, all market players should be faced with the same level playing field and should receive an equal treatment from the regulatory authorities.

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 75 του κ. Μανώλη Μαυρομμάτη (H-0812/07)
 Θέμα: Απάτες σε τιμές αεροπορικών εισιτηρίων
 

Σύμφωνα με έρευνα που μέρος των στοιχείων της είδαν πρόσφατα το φως της δημοσιότητας, περίπου 433 αεροπορικές εταιρείες και τουριστικά γραφεία δεν ενημερώνουν σωστά και με πραγματικούς αριθμούς τις προσφορές χαμηλού κόστους, με αποτέλεσμα να παραπλανώνται οι πολίτες που καταφεύγουν στις ιστοσελίδες για τις προτεινόμενες τιμές εισιτηρίων. Όπως αποκαλύπτουν τα μέχρι σήμερα στοιχεία, το ήμισυ των αεροπορικών εταιρειών παραπλανούν το κοινό: 217 περίπου από αυτές, σε 14 κράτη μέλη και στη Νορβηγία, δεν τηρούν τους κοινοτικούς κανόνες, συμπεριλαμβανομένης της δέσμευσης κάθε χώρας να αναφέρει στις ιστοσελίδες στην επίσημη γλώσσα της χώρας και όχι μόνο στην αγγλική, όπως συμβαίνει τώρα, την πραγματική τιμή του εισιτηρίου καθώς και τις επιβαρύνσεις (φόροι αεροδρομίου κτλ).

Πότε προτίθεται η Επιτροπή να δημοσιοποιήσει τα αναλυτικά στοιχεία της έρευνας; Ποιες αεροπορικές εταιρείες παραβαίνουν τους κοινοτικούς κανόνες προστασίας του καταναλωτή; Τι μέτρα προτίθεται να πάρει; Είναι στους προσεχείς στόχους της είναι η σύνταξη νομοθετικής πρότασης που θα προστατεύει τους καταναλωτές από την απάτη και θα τους εξασφαλίζει αποζημίωση;

 
  
 

The Consumer Enforcement Network – which has been established by the Consumer Protection Cooperation Regulation(1) less than a year ago – has carried out end of September 2007 its first joint market surveillance exercise in the form of a "sweep" on air ticket selling sites. This is a new and powerful enforcement tool. This time 15 Member States and Norway participated in the exercise. The Commission intends to build on this pilot action and repeat such enforcement actions in the future.

Authorities checked the sites for compliance with European and national laws detecting those that were not fully compliant with requirements. These sites are now being further investigated by the authorities who will decide on the required follow-up measures. In cases of confirmed breaches of law, authorities will ensure that appropriate enforcement measures are taken.

The Commission understands the interest to share the results of this exercise widely. Since Member States are responsible to take enforcement actions, it is discussing with them what follow up should be given to the sweep, in particular regarding the detailed publication of findings.

The preliminary sweep results point to the fact that enhanced enforcement based on the present legislation may protect consumers from deceptive commercial practises. The level of protection will be raised further with the implementation of the Unfair Commercial Practices Directive(2). The Commission therefore intends to intensify enforcement of legislation in the future with the help of the Consumer Enforcement Network. Before any new legislative proposal is envisaged, the Commission should explore the potential of present instruments to their full capacity.

In particular, the Commission welcomes the current legislative discussion between Parliament and the Council on its proposal to revise the Air Transport Third Package(3). When this new regulation is adopted, price transparency will be improved by clarifying that the final price is to be understood as including all applicable fares, charges, surcharges, taxes and fees which are unavoidable and foreseeable at the time of publication All flights within the EU will be covered, as well as the flights of all companies departing from an EU airport.

 
 

(1) Regulation (EC) No 2006/2004 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 October 2004 on cooperation between national authorities responsible for the enforcement of consumer protection laws (the Regulation on consumer protection cooperation)
(2) Directive 2005/29/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 11 May 2005 concerning unfair business-to-consumer commercial practices in the internal market and amending Council Directive 84/450/EEC, Directives 97/7/EC, 98/27/EC and 2002/65/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council and Regulation (EC) No 2006/2004 of the European Parliament and of the Council (‘Unfair Commercial Practices Directive’)
(3) Proposal of a regulation of the European parliament and of the Council on common rules for the operation of air transport services in the Community (recast) (COM(2006)396).

 

Pregunta nº 76 formulada por Willy Meyer Pleite (H-0813/07):
 Asunto: Represión en Oaxaca (México)
 

En México 2004, el Sr. Ulises Ruiz Ortiz llegó a ser Gobernador de Oaxaca mediante fraude electoral. El Sr. Ruiz Ortiz es responsable de múltiples violaciones de derechos humanos ? tal y como ha denunciado Amnistía Internacional ? sobre la población indígena, sobre maestros en huelga por alimentos y mejoras laborales, y sobre quienes osen denunciar la represión a la que están sometidos.

La Corte Suprema de México, en junio 2007, resolvió que se investigara la violación de derechos humanos bajo el gobierno de Ruiz Ortiz.

¿Cómo piensa la Comisión hacer valer su influencia para insistir en la investigación de estas violaciones de derechos humanos?

Dado que esta situación viene sucediendo desde hace más de 3 años, y puesto que en el Acuerdo de Asociación entre UE y México se recoge una cláusula de respeto de los Derechos Humanos y el Estado de Derecho: ¿ha contemplado la Comisión la posibilidad de revisar el propio Acuerdo de Asociación?

 
  
 

L’Union européenne et la Commission sont particulièrement attentives à l’évolution de la situation à Oaxaca et ont suivi de près le déroulement des événements. La Commission a été ainsi régulièrement informée par sa Délégation sur place, par les organisations de la société civile et par les autorités mexicaines des événements d’Oaxaca.

La Commission, comme elle l’a fait depuis l’instauration et le renforcement depuis 2004 des échanges avec le Mexique dans le cadre du dialogue politique, soulève la question des droits de l’homme chaque fois qu’elle en a l’opportunité. Bien entendu, elle continuera à le faire, dans le cadre des prochains contacts à haut niveau prévus par l’Accord global, et continuera de porter une attention particulière à la situation à Oaxaca.

En parallèle avec nos différentes actions dans le cadre de l’Accord, la Délégation de l’UE au Mexique a assisté et accompagné Mme Erika Mann, membre du Parlement et Présidente de la Délégation européenne à la commission parlementaire mixte UE-Mexique, lors de la mission parlementaire à Oaxaca en septembre 2006. Mme Mann y a rencontré, parmi d’autres acteurs concernés, des représentants de l’Assemblée populaire des peuples d'Oaxaca (APPO).

D'autre part, la Commission se tient informée des rapports et observations de diverses organisations non-gouvernementales des droits de l’homme nationales ou internationales, y inclus le conflit à Oaxaca. La Commission organise aussi des rencontres avec ces organisations pour connaître les résultats de leurs recherches et analyses de la situation. Les parlementaires européens, membres de la Délégation interparlementaire UE-Mexique ont été associés à ces réunions. Ainsi, lors de la réunion de la Délégation interparlementaire au Mexique fin février 2007, la Délégation de la Commission au Mexique a organisé une session portant sur les droits de l’homme au cours de laquelle la problématique d’Oaxaca fut abordée.

Plus récemment, le Conseil de l’UE a demandé des informations sur la situation des droits de l´homme dans l'Etat d'Oaxaca. A cet effet, une mission formée par des représentants des ambassades d´Etats membres et de la Délégation de la Commission au Mexique a été organisée du 27 au 28 août 2007. Cette délégation a eu des rencontres avec le Président de la Commission étatique des droits de l´homme (CEDHO), organisations non-gouvernementales de droits de l´homme, le Président du Tribunal suprême de l'Etat, l'Avocat général de l'Etat, le Secrétaire du gouvernement, et le Sous-secrétaire des droits de l´homme de l'Etat d'Oaxaca. Un représentant du Secrétariat de la sécurité publique est aussi intervenu dans la réunion mensuelle des conseillers politiques de septembre 2007, où la situation à Oaxaca a été examinée.

Il convient de souligner que la Commission coopère activement avec le Haut Commissariat des Nations Unies sur le sujet des droits de l’homme au Mexique. Elle réalise deux projets de soutien aux droits de l’homme dont l’un porte sur la situation des autochtones dans le système pénitentiaire d’Oaxaca. Dans ce contexte, la question du conflit à Oaxaca est abordée lors des échanges entre le Haut Commissariat et la Commission et s’inscrit dans notre politique commune de défense des droits de l’homme.

 

Question no 77 by Chris Davies (H-0816/07)
 Subject: Scrutiny of implementation of EU legislation during the Portuguese Presidency
 

Will the Commission state whether it has requested that the issue of inadequate implementation of EU legislation by Member States be placed on the agenda of any meetings of the Council of Ministers scheduled to take place during the Portuguese Presidency?

 
  
 

The Commission has not yet requested that the issue of the inadequate implementation of EU legislation in the Member States be placed on the agenda of any meetings of the Council of Ministers held during Portuguese Presidency.

It should be recalled that the Commission has recently adopted a Communication on the application of Community law(1), which was submitted to the Institutions. The Commission is actively working on the implementation of the actions announced in its Communication. A group of national experts is being convened by the Commission to discuss the Communication during the Portuguese Presidency, with the possibility that some issues identified in the Communication will be put into an agenda for a formation of the Council meeting in 2008.

Moreover, a general debate could take place in one or other formation of the Council on other occasions, such as the presentation of an annual report on the implementation of a programme or an action plan.

Concerning in particular the Internal Market Scoreboard, the Commission presented its first report for 2007 last July 2007. A second report is foreseen for December 2007 and is expected to contribute to the debate with a view to the next Spring European Council in 2008.

In the Justice, Freedom and Security area, a yearly Scoreboard is also presented by the Commission since June 2005 that assesses in its second part the implementation of EU legislation in these matters at national level.

 
 

(1) COM(2007)502

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 78 του κ. Γεωργίου Γεωργίου (H-0818/07)
 Θέμα: Η τύχη της "Ολυμπιακής"
 

Στις Προγραμματικές Δηλώσεις της ελληνικής κυβέρνησης στη Βουλή των Ελλήνων, ελάχιστα ειπώθηκαν για την τύχη της "Ολυμπιακής" και καμία συγκεκριμένη κυβερνητική δέσμευση δεν υπήρξε για το μέλλον της. Η παρούσα ελληνική κυβέρνηση διανύει ήδη τον 4ο χρόνο της στην εξουσία και η τραγική κατάσταση που της κληροδότησε το ΠΑΣΟΚ αναφορικά με την "Ολυμπιακή" γίνεται ακόμη χειρότερη για μια από τις ιστορικές και ασφαλείς αεροπορικές εταιρείες του κόσμου.

Σε πιο ακριβώς σημείο βρίσκονται οι συζητήσεις μεταξύ της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής και της ελληνικής κυβέρνησης για το μέλλον της "Ολυμπιακής";

 
  
 

Depuis 1994, la Commission a adopté cinq décisions d'aides d'Etat concernant Olympic Airways. Les trois premières étaient des décisions "conditionnelles", autorisant des aides qui étaient supposées permettre de restructurer l'entreprise avant la fin des années 1990 à certaines conditions.

Ces décisions n'ont malheureusement pas été respectées, et la restructuration n'a pas abouti aux résultats escomptés. La Commission a donc dû adopter, en décembre 2002 puis en septembre 2005, deux décisions "négatives" constatant que la Grèce avait donné à Olympic Airways et à Olympic Airlines, des aides illégales et incompatibles avec le marché commun. La première de ces décisions a été substantiellement confirmée par le Tribunal de première instance des CE, sauf que pour quelques aspects mineurs. Il faut en outre mentionner que la Cour de justice a constaté que la Grèce n'a pas exécuté cette première décision. En raison de la non exécution de l'arrêt de la Cour constatant ce manquement, la Commission a introduit un recours au sens de l'article 228 du Traité CE.

Comme elle le fait depuis plusieurs années, la Commission européenne continue de discuter avec les autorités grecques afin de trouver une solution aux problèmes concernant l'exécution des décisions de 2002 et de 2005. L'objectif de la Commission est de garantir que le droit communautaire soit respecté, tant en ce qui concerne la mise en œuvre des décisions de 2002 et de 2005, que pour toute nouvelle mesure qui pourrait impliquer l'utilisation de fonds publics au bénéfice d'Olympic Airways/Airlines.

 

Anfrage Nr. 79 von Markus Pieper (H-0820/07)
 Betrifft: Konsequenzen aus dem Initiativbericht "Auswirkungen der künftigen Erweiterungen auf die Wirksamkeit der Kohäsionspolitik" (P6_TA(2007)0130)
 

Inwieweit hat die Kommission die Anregungen aus dem Initiativbericht des Europäischen Parlaments „Auswirkungen der künftigen Erweiterungen auf die Wirksamkeit der Kohäsionspolitik“ (P6_TA(2007)0130) aufgegriffen?

Welche Schlussfolgerungen wurden daraus gezogen?

Sind bereits konkrete Konzepte für das geforderte Stufenmodell erarbeitet, und ist diesbezüglich bereits eine Reform der Heranführungshilfe eingeleitet worden? Falls nicht, welchen Zeitplan hat die Kommission hierfür vorgesehen?

 
  
 

The Commission fully shares the two main starting points of the report: the importance and the success of Cohesion Policy in curbing disparities and thus in contributing to the EU's social, economic and territorial cohesion; and the fact that, as the result of recent enlargements, the range of such disparities are greater. The Commission is also very much aware of the pressure that globalisation poses on European economies in terms of relocations, demographic change, migration flows and other related issues. In response to these challenges, Cohesion Policy for 2007-2013 has been reformed and modernised while aligning it with the Lisbon and Gothenburg agenda.

The Commission also agrees that, if Croatia and the Western Balkans countries were to access the EU before the end of this programming period they could be accommodated into the current framework for Cohesion Policy without major disruption. The Honourable Member should note that eligibility rules for 2007-2013 for the EU-27 were fixed in 2006 and are being applied. As regards Turkey, the Commission agrees that a specific impact assessment needs to be conducted at the appropriate time from the point of view of its likely impact on EU Cohesion Policy. According to the Negotiating Framework, accessions negotiations with Turkey can only be concluded after the establishment of the Financial Framework for the period from 2014 together with possible consequential reforms.

The Commission will therefore assess, at the appropriate moment, the impact of all future enlargements on the EU Cohesion Policy and propose the corresponding modifications. Until this assessment has taken place, the Commission is not in a position to comment on any estimate of associated costs.

The Commission considers that a sufficient financial allocation is an essential pre-requisite for ensuring the success of the policy, in line with the Commission proposals for the 2007-2013 Financial Perspectives, and is very keen on taking on board proposals aiming at increasing the leverage effect of Cohesion Policy in the current Member States, like enhancing private capital participation or using innovative financial instruments beyond subsidies. However, at this point in time, the Commission is not in a position to comment on estimates of amounts needed for any specific policy in the future.

 

Otázka č. 80 od Milan Gaľa (H-0831/07)
 Vec: Zaradenie formaldehydu medzi karcinogény
 

V nasledujúcom období Európsky úrad pre chemikálie (European Chemicals Bureau) pripravuje vydanie novej klasifikácie chemických látok ATP 30. Vzhľadom na najnovšie výskumy prezentované Medzinárodnou agentúrou pre výskum rakoviny (International Agency for Research on Cancer) patrí chemická látka formaldehyd (CAS number: 50-00-0) medzi karcinogény. Očakávam, že Komisia pri implementácii schválenej chemickej legislatívy REACH vynaloží maximálne úsilie na zaradenie formaldehydu do kategórie karcinogénnych látok.

Zaujímalo by ma, či Komisia spolupracuje s European Chemicals Bureau pri tvorbe novej klasifikácie chemických látok ATP 30 a či sa usiluje zaradiť formaldehyd medzi karcinogény a tým ochrániť občanov pred touto nebezpečnou látkou?

 
  
 

Formaldehyde is classified as a Category 3 carcinogenic since 1996 when the 22nd Adaptation to Technical Progress(1) of Directive 67/548/EEC(2) on the classification, packaging and labelling of dangerous substances was adopted. Category 3 includes substances which cause concern for man owing to possible carcinogenic effects, but in respect of which the available information is not adequate for making a satisfactory assessment.

France, taking into account the recent decision of the International Agency for Research on Cancer, proposes to classify formaldehyde as Category 1 carcinogenic. Category 1 includes substances known to be carcinogenic to man. In fact, in September 2004, the International Agency for Research on Cancer concluded that formaldehyde is carcinogenic to humans and listed it in its Group 1. This is a higher classification than previous evaluations made by the International Agency for Research on Cancer.

The French proposal has been discussed in November 2005 by the Technical Committee of Classification & Labelling under Directive 67/548/EEC(3) on the classification, packaging and labelling of dangerous substances. The recommendations made by this Technical Committee are used by the Commission to elaborate a proposal for an Adaptation to Technical Progress to update the list of substances of the Directive on the classification, packaging and labelling of dangerous substances by comitology. These substances are included in Annex I.

However, due to ongoing research on the carcinogenicity of formaldehyde, in particular an update of an epidemiology study of the United States National Cancer Institute, it was decided to postpone any decision to a future meeting. The results of the updated study of the National Cancer Institute should be available shortly.

Therefore, as the Technical Committee of Classification & Labelling did not finalise its discussion on the carcinogenicity of formaldehyde, it was not possible to include it either in the draft proposal of the 30th Adaptation to Technical Progress voted in February 2007 or in the 31st Adaptation to Technical Progress, which will go through the comitology procedure by the end of 2007.

However, the French proposal will be dicussed again under the REACH(4) legislative framework by the Risk Assessment Committee, which should be established by June 2008. On the basis of the recomendation of this Risk Assessment Committee, the Commission could then elaborate a new proposal on the Adaptation to Technical Progress to modify the current classification of formaldehyde, if needed.

 
 

(1) Commission Directive 96/54/EC of 30 July 1996 adapting to technical progress for the twenty-second time Council Directive 67/548/EEC on the approximation of the laws, regulations and administrative provisions relating to the classification, packaging and labelling of dangerous substances, OJ L 248, 30.9.1996
(2) OJ 196, 16.8.1967
(3) OJ 196, 16.8.1967
(4) Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation and Restriction of Chemicals

 

Vraag nr. 81 van Johan Van Hecke (H-0835/07)
 Betreft: Piraterij in China blijft groot
 

Op internet veilingsites worden CD’s van Europese artiesten aangeboden die duidelijk van Chinese makelij zijn (er staan Chinese opschriften op) en onmiskenbaar illegaal zijn nagemaakt. Ondanks beloftes van de Chinese autoriteiten en ondanks een zogezegd aangescherpte verstrengde wetgeving blijven strengere controles op illegale namaak en piraterij kennelijk dode letter. Het gevolg is dat volgens de douanediensten meer dan 70% van alle illegaal nagemaakte producten, uit China afkomstig zijn.

Vooral de audiovisuele sector is hiervan het slachtoffer. Ergerlijk hierbij is dat niet alleen de grote bekende Amerikaanse artiesten het slachtoffer zijn van namaak in China, maar ook de minder bekende Europese artiesten. Zal de Europese Commissie het probleem van de piraterij nogmaals aankaarten bij de Chinese overheid? Is ze bereid sancties te overwegen, zoals ook de VS hebben gedaan met ondermeer een aantal klachten bij de WHO?

 
  
 

Effective protection and enforcement of intellectual property rights in China is an EU priority. The Commission is aware of piracy encountered by the audiovisual sector in China and regularly addresses this issue in its bilateral talks on intellectual property matters with the Chinese authorities. For example, this issue was on the agenda of the last EU-China Intellectual Property Working Group which took place in Beijing on 27 September 2007. The Chinese authorities have made efforts to tackle this issue but these efforts are insufficient. This issue will also be on the agenda of the EU-China Summit scheduled on 28 November 2007 in China.

The Commission has favoured dialogue and co-operation with China to tackle piracy. This co-operative approach has produced limited results. The Commission has made it clear to China that significant progress was needed. In this respect, the EU-China Summit will be crucial to measure China's determination to meet the EU concerns. If China continues to pay insufficient attention to EU concerns regarding intellectual property issues, the Commission will consider lodging a complaint with the World Trade Organisation.

 

Question no 82 by Linda McAvan (H-0838/07)
 Subject: Healthcare-associated infections
 

Given that an estimated three million EU citizens are being infected with healthcare-associated infections each year and that around 50 000 people die as a consequence, it is clear that an urgent response is required. Can the Commission state whether the planned publication of a recommendation on healthcare associated infections can be brought forward from autumn 2008?

 
  
 

As stated by the Honourable Member, healthcare-associated infections constitute an important burden of disease and mortality in European societies.

The Commission is currently reflecting on a draft proposal for a Council Recommendation on the prevention and control of healthcare-associated infections.

This proposal is being prepared with the help of an international group of experts and incorporates comments from:

­ the surveillance authorities of the Community network on communicable disease, and

­ those which were made by stakeholders in the course of a public consultation in December 2005 to January 2006.

The principal recommendations will be establishing or strengthening:

­ Control and preventive measures to support containment of infections

­ Infection prevention and control programmes in healthcare institutions,

­ Surveillance systems according to commonly agreed standards,

­ Education, training, research and information exchange.

In the 2008 Commission Legislative and Work Programme, the proposal is identified as a strategic initiative, underlining the importance the Commission attaches to this proposal.

The objective is to put the proposal to the Employment, Social Policy, Health and Consumer Affairs (EPSCO) Council during the French Presidency in 2008.

Given the time needed for the steps leading to adoption by the College and transmission to the Council, it is not realistic to bring the proposal forward half a year to the EPSCO Council during the Slovenian Presidency.

The Commission however wishes to assure the Honourable Member that it is determined to avoid any delay on this strategic initiative.

 

Question no 83 by Bill Newton Dunn (H-0841/07)
 Subject: Europe's ancient trees
 

Will the Commission allow the Natura 2000 designation to be extended to include sites with ancient trees, as already happens in Scandinavia, and will it review the species associated with ancient trees and schedule the most threatened under the Habitats Directive?

 
  
 

Directive 92/43/ECC of 21 May 1992 on the conservation of natural habitats and of wild fauna and flora(1) (Habitats Directive) has as its objective the protection of biodiversity throughout the EU and in particular the protection of key species and habitats of EU conservation concern that are listed in the Directive. The Directive includes many forest habitat types that specifically refer to characteristic tree species which are present and for which the designation of Natura 2000 sites is required. Furthermore, the protection of trees is also important for the conservation of species such as woodpeckers and beetles, which may be dependant on mature and old trees. Therefore, the Natura 2000 network may include ancient trees, where they contribute to the conservation objectives of these sites.

However, there is no specific reference to the inclusion of sites in Natura 2000 exclusively on the basis of the presence of small numbers of very old trees. While such trees may have an important ecological, cultural or historical importance they are not systematically considered to be the key determinants of overall biodiversity. For this reason, the Commission does not have any plans to amend the Directive to include consideration of ancient trees among the criteria for site designation. Member States are of course free to establish national measures for protecting such important living monuments.

 
 

(1) OJ L 206, 22.7.1992

 

Vraag nr. 84 van Ivo Belet (H-0842/07)
 Betreft: Maximumprijzen energie
 

De prijzen voor gas en elektriciteit blijven buitensporig stijgen, ondermeer ten gevolge van een gebrek aan concurrentie, met name in België. Dit zou de nationale regulatoren en de nationale autoriteiten ertoe kunnen aanzetten maximumprijzen op te leggen om op die manier de prijzen voor de eindgebruiker enigszins te drukken.

Gaat de Commissie ermee akkoord dat (eventueel tijdelijk) opgelegde maximumtarieven een verantwoord en doelmatig instrument zijn om het gebrek aan concurrentie op de energiemarkt op te vangen voor de consument?

 
  
 

The EU legal framework, in particular Articles 3(3) of the Electricity(1) and the Gas(2) Directive, allows price regulation in limited circumstances - namely, to ensure universal and public service obligations, i.e. the right for households and, if the Member State deems this appropriate, small enterprises, to be supplied with electricity of a specified quality within their territory at reasonable, easily and clearly comparable and transparent prices. However, such price regulations cannot impede the opening of the market.(3)

Indeed, in order for markets to work, it is essential that supply, production and investment decisions are made using the most relevant and undistorted information. Prices are the most important piece of that information.

Price ceilings outside the legitimate objective of ensuring universal service as set out in the Directives may pose a significant threat to the emergence of competitive energy markets. If price ceilings are set too low or, if costs increase while regulated prices remain unchanged, electricity and gas suppliers can easily be caught in a price squeeze in which retail prices no longer allow them to cover their costs. New entrants are essential for bringing competition into previously monopolised markets, and these new entrants are particularly vulnerable as they have to rely on energy wholesale markets for sourcing electricity and gas. This risk is not theoretical. It has already occurred in several Member States.

This is why the Commission has had to open several infringement proceedings against Member States who have introduced regulated prices or price caps beyond the legitimate universal service objective. The Commission has also had to launch proceedings under other legal instruments including the state aid rules.

It should be added that properly functioning markets and price signals are also a prerequisite for guiding investment decisions. Price caps may render a market unattractive for investment and stifle capacity increase as private operators can no longer recover their costs or, at least, cannot realise the returns possible in other markets. Investments, such as in generation capacity, are however important to secure the replacement of exisiting capacity. So properly functioning markets and price signals are not only important for realising an internal energy market, but are at least equally important to achieve other policy objectives, in particular, secure energy supplies, , reaching the Kyoto targets as agreed during the 2007 Spring European Council and targets for energy savings(4).

The Commission therefore considers that action needs to be focussed on the core issue, namely, measures improving competitive conditions. The Third Liberalisation Package presented by the Commssion on 19 September 2007 as well as the increased enforcement action under the EC competition rules reflect the high priority the Commission attaches to bringing about truly competitive energy markets.

 
 

(1) Directive 2003/55/EC of the Parliament and of the Council of 26 June 2003 concerning common rules for the internal market in electricity and repealing Directive 96/92/EC, OJ L 176, 15.7.2003
(2) Directive 2003/55/EC of the Parliament and of the Council of 26 June 2003 concerning common rules for the internal market in natural gas and repealing Directive 98/30/EC, OJ L 176, 15.7.2003
(3) See also section 2.6 "Issues relating to households and smaller commercial customers" in the January 2007 Commission Communication to the Council and the Parliament "Prospects for the Internal Gas and Electricity Markets" (COM (2006)841 final)).
(4) Artificially low energy prices lead to lower investments in energy saving as it reduces the revenues (the energy no longer in need to be purchased) such investments create.

 

Pergunta nº 85 do Paulo Casaca (H-0849/07)
 Assunto: Legislação europeia e produtos regionais
 

A existência real ou presumida de legislação europeia que proíbe o fabrico artesanal de produtos tradicionais como o queijo, enchidos e azeite, que obriga à proibição de colheres de pau ou de galheteiros nos restaurantes tem levantado a maior celeuma e constituído um dos mais importantes factores de desconforto dos cidadãos em relação à realidade europeia.

Não pode a Comissão tomar medidas para distinguir de forma clara e inequívoca qual o corpo legislativo que efectivamente tem carácter europeu e o que não tem, de modo a permitir que o cidadão perceba o que é a legislação europeia e o que não é legislação europeia?

 
  
 

The Commission considers that the food hygiene rules in fact introduce the necessary flexibility to ensure and support the continued existence of the diversity of European food production.

In addition, the Commission would like to emphasize that there is no European ban on small-scale manufacturing of traditional foodstuffs and for restaurants there is no European ban on wooden spoons or cruet-stands.

Regulation (EC) No 852/2004 and Regulation (EC) No 853/2004 are applicable in the area of food hygiene. However, in order to accommodate processing on the farm or in order to maintain the possibility of producing food with traditional characteristics and, moreover, to use traditional methods at any stage of production, processing or distribution of food, Member States may introduce national measures.

Useful tools, such as the Commission guidance documents on implementation of the Hygiene Regulations and national guides to good practice, have been developed and are available to assist Member States and food business operators to understand European legislation in the area of food hygiene.

From 2008 onwards, the Commission will organise training courses for the official inspectors in the Member States. These courses will also aim to inform them of the flexibility that is offered in the food hygiene legislation.

 

Klausimas Nr. 86, pateikė Danutė Budreikaitė (H-0851/07)
 Tema: Dėl projekto Via Baltica įgyvendinimo būklės
 

Ar Komisija galėtų pristatyti magistralės Via Baltica statybos projekto būklę ryšium su sustabdytais darbais tiesiant Augustavo aplinkkelį per Raspudos slėnį, įeinantį į Natura 2000 teritoriją?

 
  
 

As already indicated in the replies to previous oral questions on Via Baltica project (H-0157/07, H-0158/07 and H-0202/07), it is the Commission's duty, in accordance with Article 211 of the Treaty establishing the European Community, to ensure that the provisions of the Treaty and the measures taken by the institutions pursuant thereto are applied.

With regard to the Augustow by-pass, which is a part of the ´Via Baltica´ project, the Commission decided on 21 March 2007 to refer the case to the Court of Justice. The decision of the Commission of 21 March 2007 also provided for interim measures on the basis of Articles 242 and 243 of the Treaty. The construction of the Augustow by-pass would lead to the destruction of a unique ecosystem and annihilation of rare Rospuda marshlands. The project encroaches upon Special Protection Areas designated under Directive 79/409/EEC on the conservation of wild birds(1) ('the Birds Directive'), and sites proposed as Sites of Community Importance (pSCIs) under the Directive 92/43/EEC on the conservation of natural habitats and of wild fauna and flora(2) ('the Habitats Directive'), as well as sites intended to be proposed as pSCIs to the Commission.

Following the announcement by Polish authorities that works in Rospuda Valley would start on 1 August 2007, a request for interim measure was submitted to the Court on 27 July 2007. It must be noted that Poland confirmed later to the Court that the works in Rospuda Valley would not be initiated until the Court delivers its ruling. The Commission closely monitors the situation regarding the execution of the project. The information available shows that the works in Rospuda Valley have not been initiated.

 
 

(1) OJ L 103, 25.04.1979
(2) OJ L 206, 22.07.1992

 

Pergunta nº 87 do Pedro Guerreiro (H-0853/07)
 Assunto: Prossecução da liberalização do comércio do têxtil e do vestuário e suas consequências para o sector na União Europeia
 

Tendo em conta os recentes desenvolvimentos em torno da expiração do denominado "Memorando de entendimento" sobre as exportações de certos produtos têxteis e de vestuário da China para os países da União Europeia, a 31 de Dezembro deste ano, e a prossecução da liberalização total do comércio do têxtil e do vestuário,

Qual a avaliação que a Comissão faz das consequências da liberalização do comércio do têxtil e do vestuário para este sector estratégico na União Europeia, nomeadamente para a viabilidade económica das suas empresas (designadamente as PME) e em termos de emprego?

Qual a avaliação que a Comissão faz das consequências da liberalização do comércio do têxtil e do vestuário para os grandes importadores e distribuidores, designadamente quanto ao exponencial aumento das suas margens de lucro, pressionando a baixa de preços ao produtor, ao mesmo tempo que mantêm ou aumentam as suas margens relativamente aos consumidores?

 
  
 

After the expiry of the Agreement on Textile and Clothing (ATC) in 2005, to deal with the surging levels of textile imports from China, the Shanghai Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) provided for agreed levels for imports from China into the EU of ten product categories. The agreed levels apply to imports shipped from China by 31 December 2007. The MoU itself remains valid until the end of 2008.

That was a once and for all deal with China based on the provisions of their World Trade Organisation (WTO) entry and gave an extra breathing space to the EU industry to adapt to the new challenges posed by China as a major world player in the textile sector.

The Commission, fully aware that other countries have concluded MoUs with import limitations which will continue until the end of 2008 and that the textile sector needs a smooth transition towards full liberalization in 2008, has held discussions with China on the best way to achieve such transition. In this spirit the Commission and China have decided to put into place a joint monitoring mechanism for trade in eight textiles product categories for 2008 (cat 4 T-shirts, cat 5 pullovers, cat 6 trousers, cat 7 blouses, cat 20 bed linen, cat 26 dresses, cat 31 brassieres and cat 115 flax and ramie yarn). The surveillance covers the economically important categories and those with particular sensitivities. The two categories not covered are those where the utilization of the agreed levels has been and remains lowest in the period 2005 to 2007.

By this joint surveillance, China has de facto accepted that it shares with us the responsibility to ensure a smooth transition after the expiry at the end of this year of the MoU agreed levels.

Member States, the textile industry and the trade sector have welcomed this agreement as they all agreed that a repeat of the 2005 situation was in nobody's interest.

More generally, even if trade issues are very important with respect to the liberalisation of trade in textiles and clothing industry, this sector in EU is facing structural changes that go beyond trade issues.

In fact, structural adjustment process started years before the dismantling of quotas. This made clearer that the competitive advantages of EU textiles and clothing industry lies mainly in innovation, research, labour force skills and access to markets. In this industrial sector, the reinforcement of these competitiveness strengths represents a major contribution to our Lisbon strategy.

The textiles and clothing industry can maintain its strategic role in the EU economy. However, the sector could provide fewer but better jobs in future. There is therefore a need for initiatives related to innovation, research and skills as the main means for the increase of viability of the sector companies.

After the liberalisation of the textile sector in 2005, the Commission was interested in the liberalization impact on consumer prices and has commissioned a study on the subject.

The study showed clearly that consumers have benefited from the progressive liberalisation of textiles trade to a considerable extent. Across the EU, clothing prices fell by 16.2% relative to the overall price level over the ATC phase-out period. There is a direct link between the progressive liberalization under the ATC and the price reduction: in average, 60% of the drop in import prices has been passed through to consumers in terms of lower prices. Consumer price being a composite of service input prices and imported products prices the drop is less than perfect.

The study also found evidence of a partial capture of these benefits by the distribution chain, pointing out issues of dysfunction of the Internal Market and of competition in the distribution sector. Some Member States have experienced a great decrease in consumer prices (a 50% drop of clothing prices relative to the overall price level) while others have remained largely unchanged. This overall variation across Member States in terms of consumer price reductions is linked to the structure of national service sectors and in particular the retail sector.

The study is the beginning of a process whereby the Commission is considering the question of how to ensure a fair distribution of the benefits of trade opening and has to be seen in the wider context of our Global Europe strategy.

 

Question no 88 by Silvia Ciornei (H-0854/07)
 Subject: Emissions Trading Scheme after 2012
 

The Commission has announced a proposal for the Emissions Trading Scheme after 2012. EU-wide or national caps are discussed; certificates may be allocated by extended auctioning or with the help of benchmarking. The scheme has the potential strongly to influence the use of fuels in the EU and in the Member States, the security of EU energy supply and opportunities for investment, particularly in more efficient coal-fired power plants.

By what means does the Commission intend to ensure that the Member States’ decisions on the structure of their energy mix are respected? How could the Emissions Trading Scheme be designed to contribute to the continuous modernisation of coal-fired power plants, as well as to the construction of highly efficient power plants until Carbon Capture and Storage is on the market after 2020?

 
  
 

The Commission's proposal for the review of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme is still under preparation. Following the experience gathered during the first trading period of the Scheme, one of the aims of the review will be to achieve further harmonisation and increased predictability, in particular as regards the allocation of allowances to installations covered by the Scheme.

The structure of the energy mix remains a decision for Member States. The EU Emissions Trading Scheme only serves as an instrument to ensure that the price of carbon is taken into account in investment and production decisions. Investments in modern and more efficient power plants are thus incentivised under the Scheme, as such plants will have either spare allowances to sell, or will have to buy less allowances to cover their emissions.

 

Întrebarea nr. 89 a doamnei Roberta Alma Anastase (H-0857/07)
 Subiect: Măsurile prevăzute pentru protejarea drepturilor lingvistice, inclusiv ale românilor, şi promovarea multilingvismului în contextul Anului Dialogului Intercultural 2008
 

Anul 2008 a fost declarat "An al Dialogului Intercultural", iar diversitatea culturală şi toleranţa reprezintă valori fundamentale ale UE. În acelaşi timp, cazuri concrete de nerespectare a drepturilor minorităţilor naţionale şi mai ales a drepturilor lingvistice ale acestora sunt înregistrate atât în statele membre ale UE, cât şi în statele învecinate. Un exemplu flagrant îl constituie situaţia comunităţilor române, respectiv neglijarea drepturilor lingvistice în mai multe ţări europene, cu riscul deteriorării şi uitării limbii române, limbă oficială a UE.

Ţinând cont de atenţia acordată multilingvismului, începând cu ianuarie 2007, şi de declararea anului 2008 drept An al Dialogului Intercultural, cum intenţionează Comisia să promoveze acest dialog şi diversitatea culturală, şi să contribuie totodată la îmbunătăţirea şi consolidarea nivelului de protecţie a drepturilor lingvistice ale minorităţilor naţionale, inclusiv ale celor româneşti? Care vor fi instrumentele utilizate în această direcţie în cadrul politicii interne, dar şi externe a Uniunii Europene?

 
  
 

In its Communication "A new framework strategy for multilingualism"(1) adopted in 2005, the Commission reaffirms its commitment to multilingualism, underlining that respect for linguistic diversity is in fact a core value of the European Union. The Commission's multilingualism policy encourages the full expression of all languages, which have the same rights and an equal value.

The Action Plan "Promoting language learning and linguistic diversity" (2004-2006) was the first comprehensive policy statement on languages, setting out actions at European level to make further progress in this field. These actions address all languages present in the European Union, official languages as well as national, regional, minority and migrant languages.

Both the Action Plan and the Communication on Multilingualism stressed the need to consider linguistic aspects of other European policies and programmes, for example in the areas of culture, media and social inclusion. In order to define the contribution of multilingualism to the 2008 European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, the Commission set up a high level group of intellectuals that will produce its recommendations by the end of 2007.

One of the main objectives of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008 is to provide means for intercultural dialogue and dialogue between citizens to strengthen respect for cultural and linguistic diversity. Its preparation has led to the development of a wider strategy to promote intercultural dialogue, involving EU programmes and instruments, as well as mobilizing Member States and all interested parties. Third countries will also be involved.

The school curricula for language learning fall under the responsibility of the EU Member States. Regional and minority languages are protected by the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages. Member States of the Council of Europe are signatories to this Charter.

The promotion of language learning and linguistic diversity is an objective of the programme Lifelong Learning 2007-2013. In the past Community support to organisations for the promotion of regional and minority languages was limited to the European Bureau for Lesser Used Languages and the Mercator information network. Now the Lifelong Learning Programme has been opened to other such organisations. In 2008 the transversal activity for languages in the programme will give priority to projects that reinforce the acquisition of competence in languages in order to improve intercultural dialogue in Europe. It is open to practically all languages (official languages of Members States, regional, minority, migrant, "non-EU languages", etc.). Application for projects and organisations to support and promote Romanian also as a language of minority communities are eligible under this new programme.

 
 

(1) COM(2005) 596

 

Question no 90 by Robert Evans (H-0862/07)
 Subject: Human rights abuses in Sri Lanka
 

In light of the serious allegations of human rights abuses perpetrated by the Sri Lankan Government, is the Commission going to reconsider Sri Lanka's position as regards the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) Plus?

 
  
 

Under the current Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) Regulation(1) the GSP+ arrangement was granted, for the period from January 2006 to the end of 2008, to those countries that by the end of the year 2005 fulfilled the requirements stated in its Article 9.

Sri Lanka was one of the 15 countries that in 2005 fulfilled both vulnerability criteria and ratification of the Conventions of Annex III of the GSP Regulation.

In order to be able to continue to benefit from the GSP preferences under the next GSP Regulation, which will enter into force on the 1 January 2009, the beneficiaries will have to prove compliance with requirements of Article 9 of the GSP Regulation: vulnerability criteria, effective implementation of the international Conventions, and undertaking to maintain the ratification of the Conventions and their implementing legislation and measures.

The list of GSP + beneficiaries for the years 2009-2011 will be adopted in December 2008 after careful examination of compliance with the eligibility criteria stated in Article 9.

 
 

(1) Council Regulation 980/2005 – OJ L 169, 30 June 2005 and rectification OJ L 79, 20 March 2007.

 

Ερώτηση αρ. 91 του κ. Γεωργίου Τούσσα (H-0864/07)
 Θέμα: Αμφισβηήτηση του δικαιώματος των νέων γυναικών στη μητρότητα
 

Ενώ το φαινόμενο της υπογεννητικότητας είναι οξύ για τις λαϊκές οικογένειες στα περισσότερα κράτη μέλη, οι επιχειρηματικοί όμιλοι αμφισβητούν το δικαίωμα της μητρότητας των νέων γυναικών και γενικότερα τα δικαιώματα των εργαζομένων. Χαρακτηριστικό παράδειγμα είναι η παράνομη ενέργεια της κλωστοϋφαντουργίας «Βαρβαρέσος» στη Νάουσα, όπου με εσωτερικό έγγραφο ζητήθηκε από τους προϊσταμένους του εργοστασίου να υποδείξουν τις εργαζόμενες που «πρόκειται να αποκτήσουν παιδί μέσα στο 2007 ή στο 2008», γιατί η εταιρεία «Βαρβαρέσος», καθώς και άλλες οι επιχειρήσεις γενικότερα, προσπαθούν να απαλλαγούν από τις γονικές άδειες και επιδόματα κύησης και τοκετού, που έχουν κατακτήσει οι εργαζόμενοι με αγώνες. Το περιστατικό αυτό δεν είναι άσχετο από την πρόθεση της εταιρείας να κλείσει το ένα από τα τρία εργοστάσιά της, προχωρώντας άμεσα σε απολύσεις ή μετατροπή συμβάσεων, των οποίων τα πρώτα θύματα φαίνεται ότι θα είναι οι νέες γυναίκες και μητέρες. Το φαινόμενο αυτό είναι γενικευμένο και αξιοποιείται από τους επιχειρηματικούς ομίλους για τις προσλήψεις και τις απολύσεις εργαζομένων.

Καταδικάζει η Επιτροπή αυτές τις παράνομες ενέργειες των επιχειρηματικών ομίλων που παραβιάζουν ατομικά και συλλογικά δικαιώματα των γυναικών και γενικότερα των εργαζόμενων;

 
  
 

Article 10 of Directive 92/85/EEC(1) prohibits the dismissal of pregnant workers "during the period from the beginning of their pregnancy to the end of the maternity leave (…) save in exceptional cases not connected with their condition (…)."

Moreover, Directive 2002/73/EC(2) defines direct discrimination as "where one person is treated less favourably on grounds of sex than another is, has been or would be treated in a comparable situation" (Article 2) while Article 7 states that "less favourable treatment of a woman related to pregnancy or maternity leave within the meaning of Directive 92/85/EEC shall constitute discrimination within the meaning of this Directive".

Therefore, a practice consisting of singling out pregnant women to be dismissed would be in breach of Community law.

The Commission would emphasise that it is the role of the competent national authorities to ensure that Community law is applied by employers at national level. Member States must also ensure that means to obtain real and effective compensation or reparation is available for the persons injured as a result of discrimination.

 
 

(1) OJ L 348, 28.11.1992
(2) OJ L269, 5.10.2002

 

Question no 92 by Rumiana Jeleva (H-0865/07)
 Subject: Pollution of the Black Sea
 

The DABLAS Task Force was set up in November 2001 with the aim of providing a platform for cooperation on protection of the Danube and Black Sea. The efforts of the DABLAS Task Force are targeted towards the following beneficiary countries: Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey and Croatia. According to experts in the field, about 50% of the pollution of the Black Sea is caused by the Danube, but the river basins of the Dnieper and Dniester rivers, which flow directly into the sea, each cause about 20 per cent of the water contamination.

What measures are being taken by the Commission to prevent environmental pollution caused by the Dniester and Dnieper river basins and the other rivers flowing directly into the Black Sea, and will the DABLAS initiative be replicated to cover them?

 
  
 

The Danube Black Sea (DABLAS) initiative was launched following a 2001 Commission Communication(1) that highlighted the land based pollution problems faced by the Danube-Black Sea region and outlined the Commission approach to deal with it.

As tributaries to the Black Sea, the two rivers Dniester and Dnieper are already within the overall scope of the initiative, even though their river basins are not shared by any Member State of the EU.

The Communication underlined that the two relevant environmental conventions (Convention on Co-operation and Protection and Sustainable use of the Danube River and the Convention on the Protection of the Black Sea against Pollution or Black Sea Convention) should be the basis for regional cooperation. The Black Sea Convention has continued to be actively involved in DABLAS throughout its development.

The importance of the Black Sea Convention as the forum for regional environmental cooperation has also been acknowledged in the recent Black Sea Synergy Communication(2). Following this then Commission has been exploring the possibility for the European Community to become a Contracting Party to this Convention. This will require an amendment to the Convention to allow the possibility for regional economic integration organisations such as the European Community to become a Contracting Party.

Furthermore, the European Parliament and Council are currently negotiating the proposed Marine Strategy Directive, which will aim at ensuring good environmental status by 2021 in the seas surrounding the EU, including the Black Sea. To this end, the Directive will require an additional effort of cooperation at regional level to properly involve other concerned countries in its implementation, including for tackling land-based pollution. In this context, the Black Sea Convention appears a privileged forum upon which such cooperation could be built up in the region for the purpose of the Directive.

 
 

(1) Communication from the Commission "Environmental Co-operation in the Danube - Black Sea Region" COM(2001) 615
(2) Communication from the Commission "Black Sea Synergy - a new regional cooperation initiative" COM(2007) 160

 

Anfrage Nr. 93 von Jörg Leichtfried (H-0869/07)
 Betrifft: Tiertransporte
 

Unzählige Tiere müssen noch immer unsägliche Qualen in Tiertransporten auf europäischen Straßen durchleben. Zum Beispiel werden die Tränkungszeiten nicht eingehalten; auf der Fahrt verletzte Kälber müssen eingeschläfert werden. Die EU-Richtlinie gibt eine Höchsttransportdauer von 8 Stunden vor, jedoch dauerte ein Schaftransport von Spanien nach Griechenland 96 Stunden. Nun haben österreichische Tierschützer eine Internetplattform (www.gegentiertransporte.at) gegründet und bereits über 60.000 Unterstützungserklärungen gegen die Missstände gesammelt.

Wie können die bereits über 60.000 Unterschriften wirkungsvoll eingesetzt werden, damit sich das Parlament bzw. auch die Kommission und der Rat verstärkt mit den Missständen auf Tiertransporten auseinandersetzen? Wann kann ein Bericht der Kommission zum Thema Tiertransporte erwartet werden?

 
  
 

The Commission shares the views of the Honourable Member regarding the importance for EU institutions to take into account the concerns expressed by the EU citizens on animal welfare.

Among those issues the correct implementation of the Regulation on the protection of animals during transport is a top priority for the Commission.

But it is not an issue falling solely under the responsibilities of the Commission.

Member States have the full responsibility to find proper solutions to ensure rapidly adequate enforcement of the rules.

EU rules on animal transport foresee strict requirements for vehicles, drivers and loading/unloading conditions.

At the last October 2008 Council of Ministers of Agriculture the question of better enforcement of the EU animal transport legislation was discussed. Ministers called for stringent respect of EU legislation in all Member States.

Meanwhile the Commission vigilantly monitors enforcement of the Regulation on transport in Member States.

Both missions of Commission veterinary experts and complaints from Non-Governmental Organisations are highlighting that there is an urgent demand for coordinated actions. At the same time the Commission is aware that corrective actions to remedy shortcomings have been undertaken in certain Member States.

The Commission is always ready to initiate action against Member States which do not implement measures to enforce EU rules on animal welfare.

The use of navigation systems for long distance transport will improve controls and make targeted actions possible. The establishing of national contact points for animal transport and the creation of networks of competent authorities in Member States will facilitate the prevention of such episodes of mistreatment of animals. It is however not only a matter of sanctions and controls. Strong political will is necessary to reinforce the importance of animal welfare in the operators in the food chain.

Concerning the future Commission proposal on the revision of travelling times and space allowances, a specific impact assessment will be carried out in 2008. This impact assessment will in particular include a comprehensive study on the current state of play of the implementation of the above mention aspects of the legislation.

 

Question no 94 by Marusya Ivanova Lyubcheva (H-0870/07)
 Subject: Dissemination and advertising of products containing narcotic substances
 

Various publications recently announced the market release of a product labelled ‘C-Ice Swiss Cannabis Ice Tea’ in a number of countries across Europe. Launched first in Switzerland, the beverage is now available in Germany, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Romania and Bulgaria (non-exhaustive list). The producer explains that, to make it legal, the narcotic elements of the plant have been removed from the tea, and it is described as containing five per cent hemp flower syrup and a tiny (0.0015 per cent) quantity of THC (tetrahydrocannabinol). However, this is not clear to consumers. There is a great concern that selling the product is dangerous and will lead to ‘normalisation of cannabis as an image in young people’s minds’. It even seems to be marketed as a health drink.

Does the Commission consider such marketing strategies appropriate at a time when the use of alcohol, drugs and tobacco, especially among young people, is turning into a serious problem for society?

Does the Commission envisage specific measures with regard to influencing control over advertising and marketing practices that could promote positive connotations of products or substances known in any other form or quantity to be of an illegal or harmful nature?

 
  
 

A brand name or a name, under which a foodstuff is sold, that contains the word "Cannabis" is indeed of concern from a public health point of view.

Firstly, labelling, presentation and advertising of foodstuffs sold to the ultimate consumer is regulated by the general food labelling directive 2000/13/EC. The general rules prohibit the use of information that would mislead the consumer.

Secondly, cannabis is classed as an illicit drug in all Member States and is scheduled as such in the relevant United Nations Conventions. To market a product that even claims to contain this substance is inconsistent with the fight against drug trafficking and consumption in the EU which is a priority for all Member States and is based on a number of legislative instruments at EU level as well as on the EU Drugs Strategy 2005-2012 and the EU Action Plan on Drugs 2005-2008.

In addition to existing efforts under the EU's Public Health Programme, considerable funding is moreover being released this year under the EU's Specific programme on Drug Prevention and Information, designed to support the Member States in their efforts to counter drug consumption. The marketing of products by appealing to an attraction for those drugs therefore runs counter to anti drug policies pursued by all Member States. It is also the reason, why some Member States have prohibited the placing of concerned foodstuffs on their market on the basis of Article 30 of the EC Treaty, which can justify a ban on grounds of public morality as well as public health.

 
Aviz juridic - Politica de confidențialitate