Пълен протокол на разискванията

Четвъртък, 13 декември 2007 г. - Страсбург

1. Откриване на заседанието

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. LUIGI COCILOVO
Vicepresidente

(La seduta è aperta alle 9.00)

  Richard Corbett (PSE). – Mr President, on a point of order, I rise to inquire about the potential use of Rule 147 of our Rules of Procedure, following the disgraceful events of yesterday where some of our colleagues behaved, frankly, like hooligans. I would urge the President and the Conference of Presidents to look into this – to take their time and do it properly, but this, surely, is an instance where the imposition of penalties as foreseen under Rule 147 should be, at least, considered.

We revised this rule last year to distinguish very clearly between protests that are measured, that are visual but do not disrupt the sitting, and those sorts of behaviour which actually disrupt the parliamentary sitting. Yesterday, speakers – including our guest, the Prime Minister of Portugal – were shouted down so that they could not be heard. That is no way to behave in a pluralist, democratic parliament where we thrive on proper debate, not shouting people down.

I would urge the President to look into this and, perhaps at the January sitting, announce what penalties he intends to impose: at the very least a reprimand, as foreseen, but perhaps some of the more vigorous penalties that are provided for in our Rules of Procedure.

  Presidente. On. Corbett, al di là delle opinioni personali che convergono sulla sua sensibilità e sulla sua opinione, sicuramente, ai sensi dell'articolo 147, di questo problema sarà investito l'Ufficio di presidenza e, sono certo, che il Presidente darà seguito conformemente alle previsioni dello stesso articolo 147.

  Joseph Daul (PPE-DE). – Monsieur le Président, sur ce sujet, je souscris tout à fait à ce que nous a dit Richard Corbett. Je voudrais simplement ajouter que j'étais là, ce matin, à la séance, pour écouter les excuses du président de groupe, M. Bonde, pour ce qui s'est passé hier vis-à-vis des huissiers.

Ce qui est inacceptable, c'est qu'on attaque, avec des mots ou des phrases, je ne dirais même pas trop forts, mais franchement dégueulasses - excusez-moi du terme, mais j'utilise le même langage -, le personnel de notre Parlement, qui n'a fait que son devoir comme le lui demandaient le Président et la Présidence.

Je vois qu'il n'y a pas d'excuses officielles, donc nous devrons prendre les mesures qui s'imposent pour défendre le personnel du Parlement. Voilà pourquoi je suis là ce matin.

  Presidente. Grazie on. Daul, concludo le richieste di intervento su questo punto, che è una questione regolamentare, dando la parola all'on. Beazley.

  Christopher Beazley (PPE-DE). – Mr President, I shall be very brief. I just wanted to agree wholeheartedly with both Mr Corbett and my group chairman, Mr Daul. What happened yesterday was utterly inexcusable. However, I would caution, perhaps, that the Conference of Presidents remembers the – perhaps wise – advice of Mr Cohn-Bendit not to give these people the prominence they seek through their quite unacceptable behaviour.

I was wondering whether, perhaps, the services of Parliament might investigate whether additional facilities for Parliament’s crèche might be found, so that those suffering from what apparently is described as ‘offensive Faragia’ syndrome – the symptoms of which are feeling far out and outrageous; it can, in its extreme form, become contagious – but for those who feel obliged to go to this crèche, and I propose Mr Farage as its custodian, the only known therapy is for them to march up and down with a placard with single words on it and shout at each other at the top of their voice. When the fever subsides, they may rest and rejoin the grown-ups. So, I wish those who held up those absurd posters yesterday and those who behaved appallingly a merry Christmas; if they have time over the yuletide to reflect on their behaviour, they might even think what they would like to do when they grow up.

  Presidente. Teniamo conto anche del suo suggerimento, anche se personalmente ho qualche difficoltà a immaginare questi colleghi all'asilo, perché, vista la propensione violenta manifestata da alcuni, potremmo correre il rischio di una "strage degli innocenti". Ci muoveremo esattamente secondo quanto previsto dall'articolo 147 del regolamento e sicuramente si procederà in coerenza con lo stesso.

2. Действия, предприети вследствие резолюции на Парламента: вж. протокола

3. 10 години от Отавската конвенция за забрана на противопехотните мини (внесени предложения за резолюция): вж. протокола

4. Текстил (разискване)

  Presidente. L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione su:

– l'interrogazione orale alla Commissione sulla scadenza del cosiddetto "memorandum d'intesa" tra l'UE e la Cina riguardante l'importazione di determinati prodotti del tessile e dell'abbigliamento, di Pedro Guerreiro, Jacky Hénin, Roberto Musacchio, Marco Rizzo, Ilda Figueiredo, Helmuth Markov, a nome del gruppo GUE/NGL (O-0077/2007 - B6-0388/2007);

– l'interrogazione orale alla Commissione sui prodotti tessili, Gianluca Susta, Ignasi Guardans Cambó e Johan Van Hecke, a nome del gruppo ALDE, Robert Sturdy, Tokia Saïfi, Georgios Papastamkos e Vasco Graça Moura, a nome del gruppo PPE-DE, Erika Mann, Glyn Ford, Kader Arif e Elisa Ferreira, a nome del gruppo PSE, Cristiana Muscardini e Eugenijus Maldeikis, a nome del gruppo UEN, Caroline Lucas e Alain Lipietz, a nome del gruppo Verts/ALE (O-0074/2007 - B6-0383/2007).

  Patrizia Toia (ALDE), Autore supplente. Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, intervengo anche a nome del collega Gianluca Susta, primo firmatario dell'interrogazione, oggi assente per sopraggiunti importanti impegni in Italia. Ancora una volta, il Parlamento vuole affrontare la complessa situazione dell'industria tessile, chiedendo alla Commissione interventi più decisi e adeguati.

Il settore impiega in Europa milioni di lavoratori, rappresenta un fatturato significativo in molti paesi e fa dell'Europa il secondo grande esportatore al mondo, dando dunque un rilevantissimo contributo all'export europeo. E' un settore che è sbagliato, a mio avviso, considerare maturo, perché può in molti casi avere opportunità di modernizzazione attraverso innovazioni tecnologiche, ricerca per nuovi materiali e ha un forte legame con quegli ambiti della moda, dello styling e quelle altre specializzazioni che in molti paesi europei hanno delle vere e proprie eccellenze riconosciute in tutto il mondo.

Naturalmente, ciò comporta un forte sostegno al settore attraverso politiche industriali che lo mettano in grado davvero di affrontare la competitività mondiale. Questi sono anche i suggerimenti del gruppo di alto livello, a suo tempo insediato e per il quale chiediamo alla Commissione quali sono stati esattamente i seguiti e le attuazioni. Nell'immediato, i problemi urgenti riguardano le misure da affrontare per la fatidica data dell'inizio 2008.

Cito solo tre problemi: la necessità di controlli attentissimi, ma come intende la Commissione attuare il sistema di sorveglianza perché ci siano forti garanzie; come affrontare il rischio di triangolazioni e dunque il problema del doppio controllo delle licenze? Insomma, per tutti gli strumenti, ottimi sulla carta, il problema è il come saranno però realizzati. Infine, la garanzia dell'autenticità dei prodotti e quindi la necessità di proseguire la lotta alla contraffazione, alla pirateria, alle prassi commerciali sleali e auspichiamo che il Consiglio – oggi è assente – ma noi auspichiamo che il Consiglio adotti il regolamento del "made in" che è veramente necessario e sarebbe una vera misura di garanzia.

Problema della protezione dei consumatori anche sotto il profilo della sicurezza e della salute. Dobbiamo applicare ai prodotti importati le stesse misure che noi attuiamo per i prodotti di garanzia e della sicurezza della salute per la fabbricazione dei prodotti all'interno del nostro mercato europeo.

Infine, c'è un problema – e chiediamo questo alla Commissione – di disponibilità. Se all'inizio del 2008 ci fossero ancora boom di importazioni, ci fossero ancora, diciamo, picchi, come si sono verificati in passato, chiediamo che ci sia una vera disponibilità ad affrontare anche nuovi strumenti ed eventualmente anche nuove misure e clausole di salvaguardia.

  Tokia Saïfi (PPE-DE), auteur. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, il y a deux ans, suite à la levée des quotas, le secteur du textile connaissait un véritable big bang. Pour tenter de remédier à cette crise, vous prôniez, Monsieur le Commissaire européen, des mesures transitoires mais palliatives, avec l'ambition de contrôler et de limiter les importations de certains textiles chinois. Dans quelques jours, ces garde-fous n'existeront plus et les échanges commerciaux textiles seront soumis à la surveillance d'un regard croisé Union européenne-Chine, que j'espère attentif et vigilant.

En effet, aujourd'hui, notre inquiétude repose sur la façon dont sera mis en place ce système de surveillance conjointe. Quels sont les gages dont nous disposons pour nous assurer que ce double contrôle sera adéquat et efficace? Le textile est un secteur qui a été de tout temps mondialiste tant en termes de production que de consommation, mais qui a fait les frais d'une certaine mondialisation.

Or, cette mondialisation peut s'anticiper et se réguler. Pour cela, il faut avoir la volonté politique de créer un cadre compétitif pour nos industries textiles européennes. Nous devons progresser vers des conditions d'accès au marché équitables et réciproques. Nous devons continuer à utiliser sans crainte les instruments de défense commerciale dont l'Union européenne dispose, car être protecteur n'est pas être protectionniste. Nous devons faire de la lutte contre la contrefaçon notre priorité. L'Europe de demain n'aura plus d'industrie si on ne défend pas ses droits de propriété intellectuelle et son savoir-faire. Une application des mêmes règles du jeu par tous et pour tous est la seule manière d'offrir à toutes les parties concernées un scénario gagnant-gagnant.

Je fais donc le vœu pour 2008, Monsieur Mandelson, que nous puissions envisager ensemble et dans un climat plus serein l'avenir prometteur du secteur "textiles".

  Kader Arif (PSE), auteur. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, à quelques semaines de la fin des négociations du Protocole d'accord prévoyant des restrictions sur les importations de textiles chinois, il est indispensable que le Parlement européen adopte une position forte sur l'avenir de son secteur textile, dont les structures et les modes d'organisation sont menacés par une mise en concurrence brutale avec la Chine.

La résolution conjointe que nous proposons aujourd'hui demande un engagement clair de la part de la Commission européenne et des États membres, et ce sur plusieurs points.

Tout d'abord, pour que les entreprises et les travailleurs du secteur, qui doivent faire face à des risques de restructuration importante, soient pleinement accompagnés par des mesures sociales adéquates et par l'octroi de fonds européens à l'appui de la modernisation de leurs structures de production.

Ensuite, nous devons nous attacher à renforcer la compétitivité du secteur européen du textile dans le cadre plus global d'une politique européenne industrielle forte et ambitieuse. Cet objectif ne pourra être atteint tant que les paroles ne se traduiront pas par des actes et tant que nous n'investirons pas massivement dans la recherche et le développement.

Par ailleurs, face à la concurrence déloyale de certains de nos concurrents, qui fondent leurs avantages comparatifs sur du dumping social ou environnemental voire les deux, l'Europe a besoin d'instruments de défense commerciale efficaces. Cette meilleure efficacité ne sera pas atteinte par une réforme précipitée, qui affaiblirait les moyens de protection de l'Union, mais par une utilisation plus transparente et plus prévisible des instruments existants.

Enfin, l'Europe doit faire du partenariat euro-méditerranéen le socle d'une zone de production intégrée tirant parti de la proximité des pays méditerranéens pour être plus compétitive sur le marché international du textile. Le développement des pays méditerranéens avec lesquels nous souhaitons créer un partenariat renforcé dépend en effet de notre capacité à leur proposer des engagements concrets, sur des politiques et des secteurs d'activités d'intérêt commun.

  Cristiana Muscardini (UEN), Autore. – Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, a pochi giorni dalla fatidica scadenza del 31 dicembre 2007, quando il sistema delle quote sui tessili dalla Cina sarà definitivamente abolito, crescono le preoccupazioni dell'industria europea.

La Cina è entrata da tempo nell'Organizzazione mondiale del commercio e ne ha tratto molti benefici, a cominciare dal divieto di reintrodurre le quote sulle sue esportazioni tessili. A fronte di tali vantaggi avrebbe dovuto corrispondere a degli adempimenti definiti e sanciti nell'ambito dell'Organizzazione mondiale del commercio. Non ci sembra che questo sia accaduto, a discapito di una concorrenza internazionale che è ancora lontana dall'essere equa e con regole uguali per tutti.

Non mi riferisco a quei vantaggi comparativi di natura sociale ed ambientale che ancora purtroppo sfuggono ad un inquadramento giuridico nei negoziati commerciali multilaterali e che un giorno, spero molto presto, dovranno riconciliarsi invece nel quadro di un commercio che possa definirsi veramente equo. Mi riferisco oggi alle regole che presiedono a una lotta seria alle contraffazioni, agli standard di sicurezza di molti prodotti, dai giocattoli alle medicine, all'accesso per le nostre imprese in un mercato come quello cinese che non è il solo dove ancora esistono, per il tessile, ma anche per altri settori, barriere tariffarie e soprattutto non tariffarie che rendono difficoltoso all'industria europea e alle piccole e medie imprese del settore l'ingresso nel mercato cinese.

Di fronte a situazioni di questo tipo negli scambi internazionali non bisogna avere paura ad utilizzare, se ne ricorrono i presupposti legali ed economici, quegli strumenti legittimi esistenti e che gli accordi internazionali multilaterali hanno posto a tutela e salvaguardia dell'industria tessile, proprio per bilanciare i possibili effetti negativi della caduta delle quote. Mi riferisco alla funzione e all'efficienza dell'alto gruppo di sorveglianza del mercato del tessile che avrà il compito di monitorare l'andamento del mercato in Europa attraverso il sistema del doppio controllo delle licenze all'export e all'import, un modo che dovrebbe permettere di individuare triangolazioni commerciali e dare indicazioni sul flusso di importazioni.

Poi però, bisogna avere il coraggio e la forza di attivare la clausola di salvaguardia in base alle regole del WTO e ripristinare le quote, almeno temporaneamente, se si creassero pregiudizi seri per la nostra industria a causa di flussi abnormi di importazione. Penso all'utilizzo costante degli strumenti di difesa commerciale come l'antidumping e l'antisovvenzione e, più in generale, al mantenimento di un canale di confronto costantemente aperto tra la Cina e l'Unione europea.

La nostra industria tessile non teme la concorrenza, ma va messa in condizioni di poterla affrontare. Di conseguenza, occorre agire su due piani diversi, da un lato l'importanza di favorire quel processo di modernizzazione e di ristrutturazione che rende più competitivo il settore con ammortizzatori sociali per far fronte ai possibili contraccolpi, dall'altro la necessità di garantire al settore di giocare ad armi pari e con regole uguali per tutti.

Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, anche per questo noi invitiamo la Commissione e il Consiglio a dare un avvio più forte e più incisivo per l'identificazione dell'origine del prodotto.

  Caroline Lucas (Verts/ALE), author. – Mr President, I should like to emphasise that the Greens are very aware that the consequences of a totally liberalised textile and apparel market for EU-based producers is still a very pressing issue, particularly for certain production zones within the EU in which the industry is highly concentrated. Several hundreds of thousands of jobs have been lost since the beginning of 2005, albeit fewer than some of the worst predictions.

The Greens have from the start flagged our concern about the impact of competition on European producers. I think we need to monitor the situation carefully and be ready to apply import restrictions if import surges in the next year overwhelm the capacity of EU-based apparel industries to adapt, as well, of course, as channelling research and development resources to that sector.

However, we need to be aware that the problem is very much harder for certain poor countries in the South, like Bangladesh and the Philippines, which have been induced by the World Bank and other donors to invest heavily in exporting clothing and apparel products and now find themselves with shrinking export opportunities, a continuous debt burden, no financial means for adjustment of the sector, and misery – especially for millions of women who work for almost nothing in nightshifts in order to undercut the cheapest offer on the market with an even cheaper one.

It is, in fact, that latter perspective that emphasises that in certain sectors, where too many producers produce too many products, some kind of management tools to control supply are necessary and in the interests of the majority. That is why I urge colleagues to support the amendment that the Greens and Socialists have filed together, which reads: ‘Calls on the Commission to evaluate the usefulness of supply-side management tools for the clothing sector, in order to level off global competition and prevent a lowest-common-denominator approach to social and environmental standards.’

A completely liberalised market in sectors characterised by overproduction capacities brings misery to all but a few. In that respect I think we should use the example of the apparel industry to press for new thinking about the way in which policy ought to regulate markets for the benefit of all. The reintroduction of some kind of quotas should be considered in this evaluation of supply-side management tools.

Another option mentioned in the joint resolution which deserves a more comprehensive evaluation is the creation of a Euromed production zone of the clothing and apparel industry. Indeed, that option not only points towards the improvement of opportunities for development in the southern Mediterranean rim states, but also gives opportunities to the southern European textile and apparel producers who would profit from shorter transportation times to EU markets. It is one of the good examples of how a Euromed economic zone could be sensitively managed without dragging the whole of the Mediterranean region in all-out liberalisation through a free trade agreement. From my Group’s perspective, we regard this proposal as an option in its own right that should be fostered independently of the contested 2010 Euromed free-trade-agreement project, which, according to the sustainability impact assessments done by DG Trade in the Commission, would involve a significant number of quite negative social and environmental consequences.

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), Autor. – Valorizamos a realização deste debate para o qual o meu grupo parlamentar muito contribuiu. Trata-se de um debate que queremos que contribua para defender o emprego e a actividade do sector têxtil e do vestuário, um sector que é estratégico para a União Europeia e que tanto tem sido desprotegido e menosprezado.

Quanto às perguntas à Comissão, nada mais temos a acrescentar, elas estão colocadas. Relativamente à proposta de resolução comum, que deverá ser hoje adoptada pelo Parlamento Europeu, gostaríamos de sublinhar que, embora contenha um conjunto de pontos que, a serem concretizados, poderão defender e valorizar o sector do têxtil e do vestuário na União Europeia, outros tem que merecem as nossas reservas.

Apenas três exemplos: o denominado fundo de ajustamento à globalização não deverá ser utilizado como almofada momentânea para os inaceitáveis custos sociais e económicos do encerramento e da deslocalização de empresas, com a consequente destruição de postos de trabalho. Ou seja, há que intervir nas causas e não nos efeitos. Há que inverter as actuais políticas de liberalização e disponibilizar meios financeiros que contribuam de forma efectiva para a defesa do emprego, para a modernização do sector e para promover, igualmente, a implantação de outros sectores industriais, incluindo ligados ao têxtil e ao vestuário que permitam a diversificação industrial das regiões onde este se concentra actualmente.

Pouco sentido terá incitar também a União Europeia a encorajar outros a rever as suas políticas monetárias se esta não reavaliar primeiro e, criticamente, a política de euro forte e o seu impacto nas exportações de alguns países da União Europeia. Tão pouco fará sentido apelar a medidas de defesa comercial relativamente à China, quando ao mesmo tempo se apoia o estabelecimento de uma zona de livre comércio euromediterrânica.

Não caberá nesta intervenção recapitular as nossas propostas quanto ao têxtil e o vestuário na União Europeia. Elas estão expressas na nossa proposta de resolução. No entanto, gostaríamos de referir algumas das propostas de alteração que apresentámos à resolução comum.

Propostas que visam colmatar a inexistência de qualquer referência às graves consequências da liberalização do têxtil e do vestuário ao nível mundial, com o encerramento e a deslocalização de numerosas empresas, em particular para o Norte de África e a Ásia, deixando atrás de si um rasto de desemprego e de grave crise socioeconómica, que frisam que o denominado "mecanismo de vigilância", de duplo controlo, só fará sentido se assegurar, efectivamente, que não volta a ocorrer a situação de 2005, salientando que são necessárias novas medidas de salvaguarda de modo a manter e a promover o emprego e a actividade do sector na União Europeia. Propostas que sublinham que alguns países adoptaram medidas de salvaguarda até final de 2008, não se compreendendo porque é que a União Europeia também não o fez.

Propostas que expressam preocupação relativamente às intenções da Comissão no sentido de rever os instrumentos de defesa comercial, segundo, consideramos nós, os interesses das empresas que deslocalizam a sua produção para países onde são menores os baixos salários e praticados baixos critérios sociais e ambientais. Propostas que propõem a criação de um programa comunitário para apoiar o têxtil e o vestuário particularmente dirigido às regiões mais desfavorecidas, actualmente dependentes deste sector e ao apoio às pequenas e médias empresas. Propostas que insistem na necessidade da criação de um quadro regulamentar para penalizar as deslocalizações, condicionando a concessão de ajudas públicas às empresas, a compromissos de longo prazo em termos de desenvolvimento regional e emprego, incluindo a restituição das ajudas em caso de incumprimento. Propostas, por fim, que solicitam o reforço do poder dos representantes dos trabalhadores no Conselho de Administração das empresas e na tomada de decisões de gestão de carácter estrutural. Propostas que esperamos tenham o apoio do Parlamento Europeu.

  Peter Mandelson, Member of the Commission. Mr President, as Members of this House know, back in 2005 the EU and China agreed a memorandum of understanding that included a two-and-a-half-year transition arrangement designed to give some extra breathing space to EU textile producers following the liberalisation of global trade in textiles and clothing.

The arrangement capped growth each year for 10 particularly sensitive textile and clothing products. These caps expire on 31 December 2007, although the memorandum itself remains valid until the end of 2008, and it commits industry and government on both sides to work for a stable transition to free trade in textiles.

It was always my intention to hold China to that responsibility. The Commission negotiated with China a double-checking surveillance system for 2008 that will cover eight textile-product categories with particular sensitivities.

What this means is that China will issue an export licence for all exports and, in parallel, the EU licensing offices in the Member States will issue an import licence. It is a familiar system, and manufacturers, importers and retailers have all welcomed it. Its value lies in allowing us to monitor textile import patterns and, because imports have to be licensed before they leave the dock in China, it allows us to see likely developments in advance.

I am the first to acknowledge the fact that the textile and clothing industry is going through a long period of structural change. This started long before the dismantling of quotas. Successful European companies are not taking the mass producers head on but are investing in technology and in quality. We remain – it is always worth saying it – the second biggest textile exporter in the world. We have more fashion and quality brands than the rest of the world put together. It is a sign of the European textile producers’ confidence and resilience that they have not called for quotas to be further extended. They have argued that their competitiveness depends more now on effective action on counterfeiting and market access in China.

It goes without saying that I intend to throw the entire weight of our trade policy behind these two problems. On market access, we will be seeking new access for textile goods in the Doha Round and in all our new FTAs. We have also set up a specific working group for textiles as part of the renewed market access strategy. Europe is well poised to exploit huge new markets for consumer goods in the emerging economies and we will not simply be sitting back and hoping that these trends go our way.

Counterfeiting is, if anything, an even greater problem. Protecting trademarks and design rights is absolutely central to the textile industry and I raise these issues with the Chinese in every single meeting I have with them.

We have done some useful collaborative work with the Chinese customs service and trade fair organisers, and the Chinese patent office. But, on balance, China remains a huge problem for intellectual property rights holders. The counterfeit markets are cleared out one day and the traders creep back in the next. As I have said in the past, we have not ruled out the prospect of using the WTO if the situation does not improve. Ms Toia mentioned the ‘Made in’ proposal to assist textiles: I made this proposal, I presented it to the Commission, it was agreed by the Commission but it has not been agreed, I am afraid, by the majority of Member States. In view of this, I cannot press the proposal further or do more than I have done.

Last month, at the EU-China summit in Beijing, I was very careful to pass on some frank messages, and they apply in the textile sector as much as anywhere. The EU-China trade relationship has been transformed in the last two decades. Both sides have benefited from it immensely but it has become badly imbalanced. While China dominates our import markets, our businesses are losing out in China because of counterfeiting and market-access barriers amounting to EUR 55 million a day in lost business opportunities. Our spiralling trade deficit reflects both these things.

This is not because of a lack of competitiveness by European producers. We have a surplus in goods trade with the rest of the world and, where we are allowed to compete freely, we are a match for anyone. This is not the case in China. Instead of a level playing field, it is seriously tilted against us. We face trade and investment restrictions, rampant counterfeiting and regulatory barriers in virtually every sector. China’s WTO obligations six years after it became a member are still too often unmet.

I see the textiles problems as emblematic of the broader problems we face in China. We are China’s largest client for clothing and textiles. We have respected China’s comparative advantage in labour and production costs. We are focusing on our own comparative advantages. We are moving up the value chain in what we produce. We expect the same sort of equal opportunity and fair treatment in China’s market that Chinese producers receive in ours.

At the recent summit, the Premier of China, Wen Jiabao, appeared to hear and understand our strong concern and offered to create a high-level strategic mechanism with the EU to focus on rebalancing our trade deficit with China.

I welcome this, with one obvious caveat: it is not one more dialogue or one more roadmap we need, it is action – on the ground, in the markets, in the courts, where it matters to European exporters. And action not just by the Ministry of Commerce but across the board by the regulating agencies and ministries which restrict market access and law enforcement in all parts of China’s economy. The openness of Europe’s own markets to China will not be politically sustainable if this action does not occur.

I talk of textiles and clothing products, but also all sectors where Europe has export interests. The practical delivery of real change by the new high-level trade deficit mechanism, which I and my trade counterpart are charged with designing and launching, will be the definitive test of China’s sincerity. I hope their sincerity matches our own in wishing to resolve the issues before us without resorting to avoidable confrontation.

  Robert Sturdy, on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. – Mr President, I should like to say to the Commissioner that I find myself almost speechless for once. Congratulations! I think it is exactly what this House wanted to hear and I certainly hope he continues with the points that he has raised today in his negotiations with China. It is encouraging, and it looks to me as though he has a total and utter grasp of the situation. He would not expect me to say that, but I am saying it because I think he has done exactly what is wanted.

I would just say one thing, or two or three things, very briefly. Yesterday, I heard in this House one of the best speeches that I have ever heard any head of state give, and that was by the King of Jordan. One of the things that he mentioned was the situation with Euromed, which has a specific relevance to textiles and, of course, is very important for the stability of the whole European/Mediterranean region. Perhaps the Commissioner could just add his comments on that, because it is coming up for negotiations. I think it is particularly important, particularly as we have Turkey on one side and Morocco on the other; all would be particularly affected by our relationships with China.

Secondly, as one who does not believe in trade defence instruments and believes more in a free market, but in a free and fair market where competition is equal, I am pleased to hear that he is following those lines.

Thirdly, what exactly will happen after the Commission’s double checking finishes – I believe the Commissioner said at the end of 2008 – bearing in mind the United States has just put in place very strict import conditions? Will this mean more products coming on to the European market than we already have?

Finally, Commissioner, may I take this opportunity of wishing yourself, Renate and the rest of your staff a very happy Christmas and a prosperous New Year.

  Harald Ettl, im Namen der PSE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Was wird das Jahr 2008 der Textilindustrie in der Europäischen Union bringen? Sicher nichts Gutes. China entwickelte sich zur aggressivsten Textilmacht der Welt, und allein 2006 wurden 50 bis 60% der Textilhochtechnologie im Ringspinn-, Weberei- und Texturiermaschinenbereich für China gekauft. Die Kapazitäten stehen nun bereit.

Europäische Händler und Weiterverarbeiter ordern nicht mehr, sondern warten auf bessere Angebote aus China. Weiter Insolvenzen stehen bevor. Die europäische Fokussierung auf den Handel wird uns noch größere Probleme auch in anderen Bereichen schaffen, nicht nur im Textilbereich.

Das Mengenangebot bei uns wird natürlich steigen. Die textile Vielfalt aber wird reduziert werden. Wenn die Anfrage noch Sinn haben soll, dann den, dass die weitere Restrukturierung der Industrie in der Europäischen Union flankiert und besser sozial abgefedert werden muss. Nur einige wenige Nischenerzeuger werden übrig bleiben.

Diese Entwicklung hat aber auch eine zusätzliche Dimension. In China sind die Arbeits- und Lohnbedingungen für Textil-, Bekleidungs- und Lederarbeiterinnen nach wie vor katastrophal. Europäische Händler und Investoren drücken auch in China zusätzlich auf die Preise. Neben allen Wettbewerbsvorteilen in China wird durch starke europäische Mithilfe der verbliebenen europäischen Textilindustrie die Existenz erschwert. Schnelles Geld machen geht immer auf Kosten der Kleinsten.

Als Gewerkschafter würde ich mir wünschen, dass die Sportwirtschaft, die Olympia in China inszeniert, einen Blick darauf wirft, wie es den Arbeitnehmerinnen dort geht. Heute schon sterben täglich 350 bis 400 Menschen in Chinas Textilfabriken. Bis zu 100 erleiden täglich Verstümmelungen an den Händen. Neun von zehn chinesischen Herstellern missachten internationale Arbeitsnormen und Arbeitsnormen der chinesischen Gesetze!

Aber bei uns im Handel gehen die Geschäfte gut. Ich sage Ihnen als Gewerkschafter, als Vizepräsident der Internationalen Textil-, Bekleidungs- und Lederarbeitervereinigung: Es ist zu spät, aber nicht zu spät für soziale Maßnahmen bei uns.

  Ignasi Guardans Cambó, en nombre del Grupo ALDE. – Señor Presidente, creo que las intervenciones que se están oyendo van todas en la misma línea. En pocos debates, recientemente, hemos oído a gente de distintos puntos de la Cámara representando sensibilidades políticas distintas y todos batiendo exactamente el mismo clavo, todos golpeando exactamente en la misma dirección.

Sostenemos la libertad de comercio, sin ninguna duda, y la sostenemos como un principio muy claro. Por tanto, no se trata de crear barreras: se trata de garantizar que las reglas del juego son las mismas para todos y asumir que la competencia desleal por parte de China, tanto por la vía de la imposición de restricciones al acceso al mercado como por la vía de violaciones gravísimas y permanentes y sistemáticas de la propiedad intelectual e industrial; o las faltas de control en la importación; o la cuestión de la diferencia de cambio —que obviamente no afecta sólo al textil sino a tantos otros ámbitos de nuestra relacion comercial—; u otras medidas por parte de China, ponen en una situación gravísima y muy delicada a una industria que sigue existiendo y que sigue defendiéndose por sobrevivir y que no pide protección, como ha dicho muy bien el Comisario Mandelson en su intervención —por la que por cierto le felicito—, no pide barreras; pide reglas de juego iguales para todos, pide poder jugar en igualdad de condiciones.

Efectivamente, la situación cambia del todo a partir de fin de año, y la Comisión no puede estar comprobando esto, observándolo como si fuera un fenómeno meteorológico, sino que tiene una gran cantidad de armas, de instrumentos a su disposición —empezando por el control en las importaciones— para garantizar que efectivamente las reglas del juego son iguales y la utilización de los mecanismos de defensa que tiene a su disposición.

  Ryszard Czarnecki, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Panie Przewodniczący! Komisarz Mandelson, jak brytyjski dżentelmen, chce grać w szachy, tyle że jego przeciwnik, partner chiński, tak naprawdę chce grać w zupełnie inną grę, której reguły są kompletnie inne.

My oczywiście możemy tutaj mówić o monitorowaniu, o kontroli importu z Chin, ale nie zapominajmy o czymś, co nazywa się reeksport. Reeksport, czyli że Chiny wysyłają do krajów na przykład afrykańskich pewne rzeczy, które potem do nas przychodzą jako wyroby afrykańskie, a tak naprawdę są to wyroby z chińskich fabryk tam zlokalizowanych lub wręcz produkowane w Chinach.

Chciałbym podkreślić, o czym tu mówiono za mało, kwestię sztucznego zaniżania wartości chińskiego pieniądza. To oczywiście ułatwia eksport do Europy. Jest to poważne zagrożenie.

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de IND/DEM-Fractie. – Voorzitter, een opmerking vooraf: ik wil commissaris Mandelson hartelijk danken voor zijn heldere betoog. Ik had er al uitvoerig kennis van genomen in de Europese pers.

Dan mijn bijdrage: in dit debat staat de toekomst van de textielsector in Europa centraal in het licht van de economische opkomst van China. Keer op keer blijkt de Unie niet in staat om op adequate wijze op de ontwikkeling van China in te spelen. De oorzaak hiervan is het onvermogen van de Unie een eenduidig handelsbeleid te ontwikkelen. De Europese Unie is verdeeld in een noordelijk en een zuidelijk kamp, of het nu quota voor textielproducten betreft of de hervorming van de handelsdefensie-instrumenten.

Het is daarom hoog tijd dat de lidstaten verder leren zien dan hun eigen belangen alleen. Een eerste stap daarvoor is de erkenning door het noordelijke kamp dat de bescherming van de eigen industrie tegen piraterij en illegale staatssteun geen protectionisme is, en dat voor die bescherming een adequaat instrumentarium nodig is. Het zuidelijke kamp moet inzien dat de opkomst van China consequenties heeft.

De Unie mag zich niet langer laten verrassen, zoals in 2005 gebeurd is na afloop van het Multivezelakkoord. De industrieën in Europa moeten tijdig op zoek gaan naar nichemarkten. De mogelijkheden voor herintroductie van quota zijn immers beperkt tot het einde van 2008.

  Luca Romagnoli (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, nell'imminente scadenza del memorandum d'intesa tra Unione europea e Cina, mi sembra si colgano con evidenza nelle interrogazioni presentate le giuste inquietudini dell'industria e degli addetti al settore alla luce dell'impatto che vi ha comunque avuto e ha l'importazione – sarebbe meglio dire la dilagante invasione – dei prodotti cinesi negli Stati europei.

Più volte, io ho avuto modo di sottolineare – e la mia voce non è stata in proposito isolata – che la vera concorrenza e la competitività nel mercato interno, ancor più che in quello esterno, delle nostre produzioni si assicura non solo e non tanto con il sistema delle quote, ma essenzialmente difendendo il settore dalla concorrenza sleale. Sleale, perché si fonda su condizioni di costo e di produzione immensamente inferiori. Il valore aggiunto delle produzioni cinesi a tale costo è sproporzionato grazie ai noti fattori incongruenti di produzione rispetto a quelli che vigono nel nostro civilissimo continente.

Come si può pensare di competere con produzioni realizzate con costi infinitivamente più bassi e che anche in termini di qualità comparata potremmo dire sono ormai pressoché in equilibrio con molti prodotti europei? Credo che la possibilità sia essenzialmente una, l'unica per ristabilire un po' di quella che voglio definire giustizia commerciale e sostenibile concorrenza: un sistema di sorveglianza sulle importazioni della Cina deve basarsi, a mio giudizio, sull'accertamento di condizioni di produzione non troppo lontane da quello che supportano le nostre industrie. Non si può pretendere che i costi del lavoro siano gli stessi? Bene, si deve pretendere che i prodotti siano certamente realizzati senza l'utilizzo di manodopera infantile o in condizioni vergognose o paraschiavistiche e ancora che siano realizzate senza arrecare disastrosi danni all'ambiente oltre che alle non sufficientemente verificate dannosità, sicurezza per i consumatori e qualità certificata.

Una politica diversa andrebbe anche applicata alle industrie europee che delocalizzano e svolgono una concorrenza sleale rispetto alle industrie che continuano a produrre i nostri Stati, magari attraverso misure fiscali che riequilibrano il vantaggio rispetto alle imprese che non delocalizzano.

Concludo: anche le condizioni di distribuzione in Europa dovrebbero essere meglio monitorate, visto quello che sicuramente accade almeno in Italia, ove si maschera la distribuzione al dettaglio quella che invece è commercializzazione all'ingrosso.

  Γεώργιος Παπαστάμκος (PPE-DE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, ως Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, καλούμεθα να ανασυντάξουμε -έστω και τώρα- τη στρατηγική μας ως προς το σημαντικό κλάδο της κλωστοϋφαντουργίας και της ένδυσης.

Οι κατευθύνσεις μιας συνολικής ευρωπαϊκής στρατηγικής θα μπορούσαν να σχηματοποιηθούν ως ακολούθως: πρώτον, να διασφαλίσουμε τη βελτιωμένη πρόσβαση των ευρωπαϊκών προϊόντων στις ξένες αγορές, μέσω της μέγιστης δυνατής σύγκλισης σε παγκόσμια κλίμακα των δασμών σε χαμηλά επίπεδα και την εξάλειψη των μη δασμολογικών φραγμών.

Δεύτερον, να επιτύχουμε την αποτελεσματική εφαρμογή των κανόνων προέλευσης στις εισαγωγές.

Τρίτον, να στηρίξουμε ουσιωδώς, μέσω του Ταμείου Προσαρμογής στην Παγκοσμιοποίηση, τις θιγόμενες από την απελευθέρωση μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις. Χρήσιμη θεωρώ επίσης τη δημιουργία κοινοτικού προγράμματος για τη στήριξη του κλάδου, ιδιαίτερα στις πλέον μειονεκτικές περιοχές της Ένωσης.

Τέταρτον, να εξασφαλίσουμε την αποτελεσματική αντιμετώπιση των φαινομένων της πειρατείας και της παραχάραξης, δεδομένου ότι ο κλάδος της κλωστοϋφαντουργίας και της ένδυσης καταλαμβάνει άνω του 50% των καταγεγραμμένων υποθέσεων.

Πέμπτον, να διατηρήσουμε και να ενισχύσουμε τα μέσα εμπορικής άμυνας, τα οποία είναι απολύτως απαραίτητα για την αντιμετώπιση αθέμιτων πρακτικών που νοθεύουν τον ανταγωνισμό.

Έκτον, να εγγυηθούμε την υπαγωγή των εισαγόμενων στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση προϊόντων σε ταυτόσημους κανόνες ασφάλειας και προστασίας του καταναλωτή.

Εν σχέσει προς την Κίνα, εκφράζουμε την ανησυχία μας για την εφαρμογή του συστήματος διπλού ελέγχου, αντί της παράτασης των ποσοτικών περιορισμών στις δέκα κατηγορίες προϊόντων. Σε κάθε περίπτωση ζητούμε από την Επιτροπή, από εσάς δηλαδή Επίτροπε, κύριε Mandelson, την αυστηρή και αποτελεσματική εφαρμογή αυτού του συστήματος. Εξάλλου, υπενθυμίζω το ultimum remedium των μέτρων διασφάλισης τα οποία δικαιούται να ενεργοποιήσει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

Τελειώνοντας, κύριε Πρόεδρε, απελευθέρωση του παγκόσμιου εμπορικού συστήματος δεν σημαίνει ανοχή στον αθέμιτο ανταγωνισμό σε παράνομες εμπορικές τακτικές και, εν τέλει, στην απορρύθμιση του οικονομικού και κοινωνικού μοντέλου.

  Joan Calabuig Rull (PSE). – Señor Presidente, permítame felicitarle, señor Comisario, por su firmeza y por el acuerdo alcanzado el pasado mes de octubre con China en relación con el sistema de doble control de las exportaciones textiles a la Unión Europea.

Ante la supresión del sistema de cuotas que concluye este año, el compromiso servirá para garantizar —o debe servir, al menos— que la transición hacia un mercado libre a lo largo de 2008 se haga adecuadamente. Ello es esencial para las empresas manufactureras europeas, que ya han tenido que afrontar enormes desafíos como otros intervinientes han señalado. La industria y las autoridades tendrán que trabajar conjuntamente para seguir de cerca la evolución de los flujos comerciales con China y prevenir la repetición de la situación que se dio en el año 2005.

Lamentamos, sin embargo, que las categorías objeto del acuerdo de junio de 2005 sólo incluyan ocho de los diez productos que están sujetos a limitaciones hasta el 31 de diciembre de este año y, a este respecto, quisiera que me aclarara cuál va a ser la estrategia de la Comisión para el seguimiento de las dos categorías de productos que han quedado excluidas del sistema de doble control acordado, es decir, los tejidos de algodón y la ropa de mesa y cocina.

Pero, sin duda, además de este acuerdo, será necesario seguir actuando en otros frentes para garantizar que la industria europea pueda competir en condiciones de justicia y reciprocidad, por ejemplo, avanzando en la indicación de la marca de origen —aunque existan las dificultades que usted ha señalado— o promoviendo en la negociación de los acuerdos comerciales condiciones laborales, sociales y medioambientales.

Todas las instituciones y las empresas han de insistir en la I+D, utilizando las amplias posibilidades que nos da el Séptimo Programa Marco, y hemos de adelantarnos a los cambios y, a la vez, tener en cuenta los efectos de las reestructuraciones adoptando las medidas sociales necesarias para apoyar a los trabajadores.

Por último, querría saludar el acuerdo alcanzado con ocasión de la Décima Cumbre Unión Europea-China, que usted ha citado, y por el cual se creará un grupo de trabajo de alto nivel para abordar temas clave como el déficit comercial, las dificultades de acceso al mercado chino y los derechos de propiedad intelectual.

Éste es otro paso en la buena dirección para mejorar nuestras relaciones con China y promover un contexto ventajoso para ambas partes.

  Johan Van Hecke (ALDE). – Voorzitter, collega's, heeft de Europese textielindustrie nog een toekomst? Het antwoord ligt in belangrijke mate bij de Europese Commissie. Vorige maand heeft commissaris Mandelson in Beijing de gebrekkige productveiligheid, de enorme toevloed van namaakproducten en de dumping van Chinese exportgoederen scherp aan de kaak gesteld. Volkomen terecht heeft hij gedreigd met een klacht bij de WTO. Dagelijks importeert Europa voor een half miljard goederen uit China, en acht op de tien onderschepte namaakproducten zijn van dat land afkomstig.

Maar naast namaak kreunt de Europese textielsector vandaag ook onder de lage dollarkoers. De zwakke dollar hypothekeert niet alleen onze export, maar geeft landen die de dollar als valutamunt blijven gebruiken, een artificieel voordeel. Toevallig situeren die landen zich vooral in Azië, en, minder toevallig, houdt China vast aan de dollar. Voor de textielsector, waar gewerkt wordt met grote volumes en lage winstmarges, is dit onhoudbaar.

Onze industrie kan en mag niet het slachtoffer worden van een sterke Europese munt. Vandaar de noodzaak om meer en meer de euro te gebruiken in onze handelsrelaties. Dat was, dacht ik, toch een van de redenen waarom we vijf jaar geleden onze gemeenschappelijke munt hebben ingevoerd.

  Vasco Graça Moura (PPE-DE). – A globalização tem como consequência no espaço europeu que as empresas produtoras perdem e as empresas que exportam tecnologia ganham. Tudo isto tem reflexos evidentes na coesão interna. No caso da indústria têxtil, a dimensão de pequena e média empresa de muito do tecido empresarial do sector é uma desvantagem no mercado que representa 6% de todo o comércio mundial e um volume de negócio estimado em 566 mil milhões de euros. E muitas regiões produtoras sofrem as consequências dos processos de reestruturação económica, tornando difícil a sustentabilidade do sector.

A produção europeia vê-se forçada a competir com a de países que desvalorizam artificialmente a moeda, não respeitam as regras de protecção ambiental nem suportam os custos dela, violam com frequência os direitos de propriedade intelectual e, o que é ainda mais grave, no plano sócio-laboral, além de terem custos salariais muito mais baixos, não aplicam medidas de protecção dos trabalhadores tão rigorosas quanto as europeias. Isto torna ainda mais premente serem respeitadas as regras da OMC e que a Comissão seja capaz de monitorizar as importações, não permitindo, como já sucedeu, que se passe artificialmente uma esponja sobre os excessos que na prática se verificaram com a China em relação à entrada de produtos têxteis.

A Comissão deve adoptar todas as medidas de salvaguarda dos interesses da União, incluindo, se necessário, a imposição de cotas à China, possível até ao final de 2008, no quadro legal da OMC e, também, a exigência do respeito integral das regras de um jogo justo. Os produtores europeus carecem de incentivos à investigação e desenvolvimento e à qualificação da mão-de-obra, carecem de um bom acesso aos mercados externos e de um bloqueamento eficaz das contrafacções. A propriedade intelectual é fundamento da mais-valia do sector e deve ser defendida a todo o custo para encorajar uma produção de alto valor acrescentado. Enfim, Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, a segurança do consumidor não pode ser esquecida. Incumbe à Comissão impedir que qualquer produto nocivo para a segurança das nossas famílias entre em casa dos cidadãos.

  Σταύρος Αρναουτάκης (PSE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, στην Ευρώπη και ιδιαίτερα στην Ελλάδα ο κλάδος της κλωστοϋφαντουργίας αποτελείται κυρίως από μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις. Πολλές από τις επιχειρήσεις αυτές αναπτύσσονται στην περιφέρεια. Ως Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχουμε την υποχρέωση να εξασφαλίσουμε τη βιωσιμότητα του κλάδου εντός των συνόρων μας και να εγγυηθούμε την προστασία των επιχειρήσεών μας από τον αθέμιτο ανταγωνισμό και το παράνομο εμπόριο.

Ο ευρωπαϊκός κλάδος της κλωστοϋφαντουργίας πρέπει να γίνει πιο ανταγωνιστικός σε διεθνές επίπεδο. Χρειάζεται να υποστηρίξουμε μέτρα για τον εκσυγχρονισμό των επιχειρήσεών μας, την καινοτομία, την έρευνα και την ανάπτυξη. Βεβαίως, θα πρέπει να μας απασχολήσει σοβαρά το γεγονός ότι την 1η Ιανουαρίου 2008 εκπνέει η μεταβατική περίοδος σχετικά με τους περιορισμούς σε εισαγωγές κλωστοϋφαντουργικών προϊόντων από την Κίνα. Σε γενικότερο πλαίσιο όμως και χάριν των Eυρωπαίων καταναλωτών θα πρέπει εξίσου να διασφαλίσουμε την εφαρμογή δεσμευτικών κανόνων σχετικά με το σήμα ένδειξης προέλευσης στα κλωστοϋφαντουργικά προϊόντα, καθώς και την αποτελεσματική εφαρμογή του συστήματος επιτήρησης των εισαγωγών από τρίτες χώρες.

  Anne Laperrouze (ALDE). – Monsieur le Président, lorsque j'avais pris la parole dans cet hémicycle sur ce même sujet, en juillet 2005, j'avais dit que les enseignements que nous tirerions de la crise du textile nous aideraient à terme à maintenir et à développer d'autres secteurs de l'économie européenne. Je pense que nous avons avancé, mais peu. Nous en sommes toujours à demander plus de recherche et de développement et à demander que la Commission veille au respect de la propriété intellectuelle. Ce sont des facteurs déterminants mais non suffisants. J'en viens à penser qu'au lieu d'être un facteur d'accroissement des échanges et du développement économique, l'OMC et ses règles sont un frein. Les échanges sont évidemment source de croissance mais, pour ce faire, ils doivent aller dans les deux sens. Cette question du textile reflète en fait deux problèmes fondamentaux: l'absence de politique industrielle de l'Union et la question de l'intérêt européen.

En ce qui concerne l'intérêt européen, j'accueille avec satisfaction la communication de la Commission intitulée "L'intérêt européen: réussir le défi de la mondialisation" et publiée début octobre, dans laquelle on peut lire: "nos règles de base ne doivent pas compromettre notre capacité à protéger nos intérêts ni notre capacité à préserver les normes rigoureuses que nous appliquons aux produits pour assurer la protection de la santé, de la sécurité, de l'environnement et des consommateurs". Nous ne tolérerons pas que des pays tiers souhaitant opérer dans l'Union européenne contournent les règles appliquées sur le marché intérieur.

Monsieur le Commissaire, commençons par appliquer ces principes à l'industrie textile!

  Ivo Belet (PPE-DE). – Voorzitter, commissaris, bedankt voor uw duidelijke tussenkomst. Ik heb toch twee bemerkingen die ik u zou willen meegeven. De textielindustrie is niet alleen belangrijk voor Zuid-Europa, ook een land als België heeft nog een heel florissante textielindustrie, die vandaag nog altijd goed is voor 25.000 banen.

Als de quota voor de tien afgewerkte producten, commissaris, op 1 januari verdwijnen, dan dreigt dat niet alleen andermaal zware gevolgen te hebben voor de betrokken sectoren, maar ook voor de bedrijven stroomopwaarts. Neem de sector van de jeansbroeken bijvoorbeeld. Als die wordt overspoeld door Chinese producten, al dan niet tegen dumpingprijzen, dan worden ook de producenten van de jeansstoffen en van de garens rechtstreeks getroffen. De effecten zijn uiteraard dus veel breder vertakt dan op het eerste gezicht lijkt.

Een tweede bemerking, commissaris, in het zogenaamde monitoringsysteem is voorlopig alleen sprake van monitoring van de volumes van de geïmporteerde producten. Het zou veel efficiënter zijn om óók te controleren op basis van de prijzen, en wel a priori, ik bedoel op het ogenblik dat de vergunningen worden afgeleverd. Alleen zó is een echt proactieve en preventieve aanpak mogelijk.

En overigens zouden we, meneer Mandelson, ook graag van u vernemen wanneer de Commissie tot actie zal overgaan. Dat is nu een beetje confuus en mistig. Met andere woorden, vanaf welke groei van de import uit China, enerzijds, en vanaf welke prijsdaling van de geïmporteerde producten uit China, anderzijds, zult u daadwerkelijk tot actie overgaan? Het lijkt ons, commissaris, niet meer dan logisch dat we ook daarover vooraf duidelijkheid krijgen.

  Peter Mandelson, Member of the Commission. Mr President, I find myself in broad agreement with most of the sentiments that have been expressed during this debate. However, I would at the outset reject Mr Belder’s view that we do not have a common trade policy in the EU, and that the Member States are so divided that we cannot pursue a policy on, for example, textiles.

Our experience in textiles demonstrates only too clearly that we do, in fact, have a common trade policy, through which we have been able to bring together Member States with different emphases and different orientations, to weld together their views and to produce a common trade policy in textiles that has been consistently pursued. There may be differences on the use of trade defence instruments, but through the review and anticipated reform I want to build fresh consensus and solidarity amongst Member States on the use of those trade defence instruments, and notably on their greater use by SMEs, for which I want to bring forward proposals.

Some specific points have been made, for example about the double-checking surveillance which will be in operation in 2008. The Commission will monitor textile imports from China in as close to real time as possible. This includes double-checking surveillance and any other monitoring means at the Commission’s disposal, such as the TAXUD surveillance, which provides trade data on the basis of actual trade. In the face of a sudden surge of Chinese textiles, the Commission stands ready to use all the instruments at its disposal, should the situation so require.

However, I would stress that the 2005 deal was a once-and-for-all deal, and the Commission does not intend to make proposals for the extension of the levels agreed. As such, it is not opposed to more trade, and an increase could be expected. Should the upsurge, however, take such dimensions that action is justified, this will be based on existing requirements and criteria. We do rely on the co-responsibility of China for this smooth transition. China is well aware that it is not in its interests to repeat what happened in 2005. We also rely on the economic operators’ self-interest to avoid a recurrence of 2005. Textiles are now moving into the same category as any other product, so the usual instruments – including trade defence instruments – apply, with the usual standards.

The issue of EU assistance for the textiles industry has been raised. Let me make two last points on this. At the EU level, the Commission has committed over EUR 70 million, for research and development under the sixth framework programme, to textile and clothing projects, while two innovation project proposals have acquired funding within the Europe Innova framework.

As far as the Globalisation Fund is concerned, it is as open to the textile sector as to other sectors. There have, so far, been eight formal applications for a contribution from the European Globalisation Fund, of which four concern textiles. None of these textile cases have yet been approved by the budgetary authority. They are all still being assessed by the Commission services.

Lastly, I turn to the issue of the Euro-Mediterranean, raised by Mr Sturdy. The Commission has set up a formal Euro-Mediterranean dialogue on the future of the textile and clothing industry, in order to define common strategies towards achieving better competitiveness of the industry in the Euro-Mediterranean zone. The objective of the dialogue is to bring Euro-Mediterranean countries and candidate countries together, in order to find common solutions for improving their competitiveness. I look forward to receiving proposals emerging from that dialogue.

  Presidente. Comunico di aver ricevuto sei proposte di risoluzione⁽¹⁾ a norma dell'articolo 108, paragrafo 5, del regolamento.

La discussione è chiusa.

La votazione si svolgerà oggi alle 11.30.

(1) Vedasi processo verbale

5. Търговски и икономически отношения с Корея (разискване)

  Presidente. L'ordine del giorno reca la relazione di David Martin, a nome della commissione per il commercio internazionale, sulle relazioni economiche e commerciali con la Corea (2007/2186(INI)) (A6-0463/2007).

  David Martin (PSE), rapporteur. Mr President, this report had to be put together rather quickly, because we anticipated – we even hoped – that the Free Trade Agreement between the European Union and Korea might be concluded by the end of this year. That is clearly not going to be the case but, nevertheless, we are pleased that Parliament is able to report today and we hope, through our report today, that we will be able to influence the Commission’s position.

To get to where we are today, some of my colleagues had to work extremely hard, and I would like to thank Christopher Ford from the Trade Committee and Emmanuelle Le Texier from the PSE Group, who worked above and beyond the normal call of duty to get this report prepared in time. I would also like to thank Commissioner Mandelson and his services for the good cooperation I have had from the Commission in producing this report, and also the Korean Ambassador, whose assistance enabled me to get an insight into the Korean position on these negotiations.

Historically, free trade agreements between the European Union and Asian countries have been trade-light, despite their name. I think this could be the exception to the rule. Korea has shown a willingness and an ability to negotiate a far-reaching and comprehensive bilateral trade agreement.

Korea is a significant player in the region in Asia. It is now a wealthy country, the 11th largest economy in the world. Its per capita income is comparable to Spain. It is an economy that is growing quickly, and trade between our two regions – between Korea and the European Union – reached EUR 60 billion last year. So it is a deal worth doing, and, if we can get it right, I think it is a win-win situation. The Korean manufacturing industry, for example, can win through access to European services, enabling Korean manufacturing to expand and to compete more favourably. We can win, through access to the Korean market for some of our key goods and services.

The timetable, as I mentioned, was originally set for conclusion by the end of this year. It now realistically looks like May next year will be the earliest negotiations can be concluded, but I am encouraged that, after five rounds of negotiations, talks seem to be getting down to the nitty gritty and seem to be getting serious. There are clearly still significant gaps between the European Union position on issues like country-of-origin labelling, technical standards for the automobile industry and on tariff concessions for goods. But the key point is that negotiations are now being conducted at a serious and detailed level.

My main concerns come in the field of, firstly, social and environmental standards. Even with this delay, the Korean agreement looks like being the first of the new generation of FTAs that we agree. As such, it can be a template for further FTAs, and I would like to see our ambitions in relation to environmental and social standards raised. I would like to ensure that there is a dispute settlement mechanism in the Agreement. I do not believe that we should settle for anything less than the United States have settled for, and they have got a dispute settlement mechanism in their report. I believe issues like ratification of key ILO conventions and the post-2012 application of any new climate change agreement cannot be left to mere gentlemen’s agreements or simply encouraging people to do things. We have to actually have some mechanism for settling disputes. I hope the Commission will look at this again.

I also want to argue that the Kaesong Industrial Complex should be looked at sympathetically in relation to such an agreement. I accept the Commission’s approach that, firstly, we have to get the Free Trade Agreement; but if we can get the FTA, before signature we should look at how we can assist South Korea in terms of encouraging North Korea to come into the real world. The Kaesong Industrial Complex, based in North Korea but run by South Korean companies, is a way of engaging North Korea with the rest of the world, and it is a process that we should be encouraging. I believe that, through our trade agreement, we can do much to assist South Korea in this process. It is not just a matter of interest for South Korea but it is a matter of interest for the world. It makes the world a safer place if North and South Korea can cooperate.

I believe this is an important free trade agreement. I believe it is one that both the EU and Korea can win if we get the right deal. I support the Commission’s view that we should not rush to a settlement, and that a good settlement is better late than a bad settlement that we get early. I hope, when Korea changes president at the beginning of next year, that the new president will instruct his administration to work tirelessly to reach this agreement before the summer.

  Peter Mandelson, Member of the Commission. Mr President, I welcome the excellent and speedy work done by the rapporteur, Mr Martin, and his colleagues and staff. Together they have produced a comprehensive and balanced report, which I commend.

Parliament’s endorsement of this motion for a resolution will send a clear signal of support for the Commission’s policy of seeking an ambitious and comprehensive free trade agreement (FTA) with South Korea, as part of the strategy laid out in the Global Europe Communication of October 2006. The choice of South Korea as partner for this generation of free trade agreements reflects the important economic and political potential of the country, but it is also an acknowledgement of the reality that important barriers exist and persist to stronger economic and trade ties between us.

The motion is timely: free trade negotiations with South Korea were launched in May 2007, and have progressed rapidly so far. We are ready to work for an early conclusion so long as the substance and quality of the outcome are right. That is our bottom line and it will remain so.

Our FTA with South Korea should be fully WTO-compatible. That goes without saying. We seek far-reaching liberalisation in trade in goods and services, as well as in investment. We are paying special attention to non-tariff barriers and to rules and regulations in key areas, such as intellectual property rights, competition and government procurement. I fully agree with the importance the report attaches to non-tariff barriers and to effective dispute settlement machinery in this and other aspects of the prospective agreement.

Studies have suggested that, in some sectors in Korea, non-tariff barriers are now more important than the tariffs themselves. Substantial improvements on these behind-the-border barriers to trade, creating real market access for EU exports to South Korea, will be absolutely key to conclusion of the FTA.

On a few of the specific concerns that have been raised, the question of Kaesong raises complex technical and political questions. We welcome the amendments proposed in this regard, because they highlight the complexity of the question, which will require careful consideration. The recognition and promotion of the social and environmental aspects of trade – sustainable development – will be an integral part of the free trade agreement with South Korea.

I agree that effective enforcement of standards is key to securing an ambitious and effective result on sustainable development in this agreement. However, a cooperative tone can achieve much more in this area than the appearance of coercion. We expect to cover a greater number of multilateral environmental agreements, and to include issues such as decent work and a stronger commitment to ILO core conventions, and expect to go beyond other recent agreements, such as those covered by the Korea-US FTA. We will also aim to involve the social partners and civil society in this cooperation.

The sustainability impact assessment has been launched. The main findings of draft reports in the different phases will be discussed with civil society. We have set up the SIA to ensure that there will be continuous and rapid feedback into the negotiation process. This builds on the initial contacts we had with civil society at the start of the negotiations.

We have also worked closely with Parliament. The cooperation with the rapporteur and the Committee on International Trade has been excellent. I myself, as well as the Director-General, have regularly updated that Committee. As far as the ratification procedure is concerned, this will depend on the content of the agreement itself, but the Commission is in favour of involving Parliament as much as is possible under the Treaty.

Finally, a possible future FTA covering the bilateral trade relations with South Korea will be part of an overall and coherent framework of EU relations with South Korea. The existing bilateral framework agreement will continue to govern bilateral cooperation and political dialogue.

To conclude, the goal of this FTA is to complement an ambitious Doha outcome by going deeper and further bilaterally with South Korea. Past experience shows that such agreements can road test liberalisation solutions and become stepping-stones for the future evolution of the WTO. An ambitious and comprehensive FTA with South Korea is not just commercially significant, but will also mean an important upgrading of the bilateral EU-Korea relationship. It is also a recognition of the engagement of the EU on the Korean Peninsula and in the region. In a wider sense, it is part of our broader commitment to ensuring that EU trade policy in Asia is keeping up with the dramatic development of that region, and securing the benefits in terms of jobs, growth and growing trade for both sides.

  Werner Langen (PPE-DE), Verfasser der Stellungnahme des mitberatenden Ausschusses für Industrie, Forschung und Energie. Herr Präsident! Der Ausschuss für Industrie, Forschung und Technologie bedankt sich beim Berichterstatter dafür, dass unsere Vorschläge aufgenommen wurden. Wir halten ein Abkommen für sinnvoll, wollen allerdings darauf hinweisen, dass es in der Vergangenheit schon erhebliche sektorale Probleme mit Korea gegeben hat, wenn ich etwa an die Diskussion über die Dumpingpreise der Schifffahrtsindustrie in den letzten Jahren denke, wo wir auch Verfahren hatten. Wir möchten gewährleistet wissen, dass diese sektoralen Probleme so gelöst werden, dass wirklich eine gegenseitige Öffnung stattfindet und Korea nicht einseitig der Nutznießer ist, sondern dass – auch wenn man an unsere Pharmaindustrie, die Automobilindustrie, an viele Industriebereiche denkt – die Reziprozität gewährleistet ist.

Ein besonderes Thema war Kaesŏng. Der Kommissar hat die Frage, wie man diese nordkoreanische Sonderzone einbezieht, gerade angesprochen. Wie ich höre, sind acht weitere Sonderzonen geplant. Hier müssen nach Überzeugung des Industrieausschusses die internationalen Standards gelten. Wir können nicht auf diese Art unsere eigenen Freihandelsabkommen unterlaufen. Deshalb bitten wir darum, dass dieser Aspekt besonders intensiv geprüft wird. Ansonsten vielen Dank – auch an die Kommission – für die Verhandlungen!

  Peter Šťastný, on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. – Mr President, let me first congratulate my colleague, the rapporteur Mr Martin, for a high-quality and comprehensive report. Our negotiators should take note of it. We should also learn from the recently completed USA-Korea FTA, which shows that speed of conclusion is important, but should not be the top priority. The main goal should clearly be to accomplish high quality and an even playing field in flows of trade. Today, those flows are still seriously impeded by non-trade barriers.

Korea does not apply international norms or labelling requirements regarding automotive products or other important products such as pharmaceuticals, cosmetics and electronics. There is also a need for clarification in the area of intellectual property rights and counterfeiting. These issues need to be resolved before we sign this FTA, in order to ensure free and fair trade. Unless all these issues are resolved to our complete satisfaction, I would advise the Commission not to sign this agreement.

I admire the economic miracle of South Korea, which is reflected in the fact that it is the European Union’s fourth largest trading partner. Having a strong democracy has obviously benefited them greatly, and one has to feel sorry for their brothers and sisters in North Korea.

We should be prepared to do all we can to bring about an emotional reunion similar to the one we saw in the late 1980s between East and West Germany. This should, of course, be based on the principle of democracy, which has brought so much success to South Korea.

  Erika Mann, im Namen der PSE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Ich möchte drei Aspekte ansprechen. Erstens würde ich mich gerne im Namen meiner Fraktion bei dem Berichterstatter David Martin bedanken. Der Bericht ist ausgesprochen sorgfältig gemacht, und er berührt tatsächlich alle Punkte, die wichtig sind und die beraten werden müssen. Er rät auch zur entsprechenden Vorsicht bei bestimmten Themen, z.B. im Automobilbereich. Insofern, glaube ich, ist es ein exzellenter Bericht, der eine gute Voraussetzung ist und von der Kommission und vom Rat entsprechend berücksichtigt werden sollte. Ich bin froh, zu hören, dass der Kommissar so sorgfältig darauf eingegangen ist.

Zweitens möchte ich den Kommissar fragen: Wie werden Ihrer Einschätzung nach die Verhandlungen mit Korea insgesamt weitergehen? Die Verhandlungen laufen ja und sind in einer sehr schwierigen Phase. Es sah am Anfang sehr viel besser aus, als wir es, glaube ich, inzwischen einschätzen sollten. Hinzu kommen natürlich auch die parallel laufenden Verhandlungen mit allen ASEAN-Staaten. Auch diese Verhandlungen sind – soweit ich es den Protokollen entnommen habe – in einer sehr schwierigen Phase. Wie schätzt die Kommission das ein? Welchen Einfluss werden die Verhandlungen, die wir zur Zeit mit den ASEAN-Staaten haben, auf die Verhandlungen mit Korea haben?

Meine letzte Frage an den Kommissar bezieht sich darauf, dass ja ausgerechnet heute am 13. Dezember die Regierungschefs den Reformvertrag unterschreiben. Im Rahmen dieses Reformvertrags wird das Parlament zukünftig sehr viel mehr Einfluss im Handelsbereich haben, wofür wir in diesem Parlament sehr lange gekämpft haben. Ich möchte mich bei der Kommission und besonders bei Kommissar Peter Mandelson dafür bedanken, dass er dies immer unterstützt hat.

Meine Frage ist aber die folgende: Können Sie sich vorstellen, dass die Kommission uns unterstützen wird, wenn wir den Rat bitten werden, dass wir im Rahmen der aufkommenden Freihandelsabkommen schon vorgezogenes Recht bekommen, dass das Parlament dann also schon die entsprechende Zustimmungspflicht erhalten wird? Können wir davon ausgehen, dass wir Sie, Herr Kommissar Peter Mandelson, dabei an unserer Seite haben?

  Ignasi Guardans Cambó, en nombre del Grupo ALDE. – Señor Presidente, también querría, en nombre de mi Grupo y de la manera más formal, felicitar al ponente David Martin por la excelente calidad del informe que presenta a esta Cámara. Realmente, no todos los informes son iguales. Es importante que, aunque aquí votemos todo tipo de documentos, destaquemos cuando algunos tienen un contenido y una solidez que permiten que sean examinados con detalle, y que cubren todos los temas que están sometidos a discusión. Por tanto, felicitaciones al ponente y al equipo que le haya acompañado para llevarlo a la práctica.

Ciertamente de Corea hablamos poco aquí, hablamos demasiado poco y, sin duda, es uno de los grandes aliados comerciales —el cuarto fuera de Europa, según recuerda el propio informe, y la Unión Europea es el primer inversor en Corea— y, a la vez, es sin duda una de las democracias más fuertes en toda esa zona.

Por tanto, si consideramos esto por un lado y, por otro lado, la dificultad en la que se encuentra el ámbito multilateral y la realidad de que hay obstáculos al acceso al mercado para los productos y servicios europeos, obstáculos no arancelarios de gran importancia, es obvio que eso lo convierte en un candidato muy claro para un acuerdo bilateral que tiene todo el apoyo de este Parlamento, pero que ha de ser un acuerdo bien realizado, bien negociado y ambicioso.

Hay dificultades en ámbitos muy específicos. Yo destacaría el tema de los servicios —que ya ha sido comentado—, el tema de la piratería intelectual, en uno de los países con mayor penetración de Internet del mundo y donde, por tanto, plantea dificultades muy concretas la poca seriedad con la que se asumen los derechos de autor y los de la protección del ámbito audiovisual.

Y, finalmente, la cuestión de Kaesong: por parte de mi Grupo, vamos a apoyar el texto tal cual está en el informe, es decir, reconocemos y entendemos el contenido político de ese espacio entre Corea del Sur y Corea del Norte, pero entendemos que podría provocar, si simplemente se introdujera en este ámbito de libre comercio con la Unión Europea, dificultades graves y, por lo tanto, no apoyaríamos una simple inclusión del espacio de Kaesong en un eventual acuerdo con la Unión Europea.

  Zbigniew Krzysztof Kuźmiuk, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Panie Przewodniczący! Zabierając głos w debacie w sprawie stosunków gospodarczych i handlowych Unii Europejskiej z Koreą, w imieniu grupy UEN, chcę zwrócić uwagę na następujące kwestie. W sytuacji, kiedy Korea podpisała umowę o wolnym handlu z krajami EFTA, SEAN, a także ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi, a nie zawarłaby takiej umowy z Unią Europejską, zmalałaby konkurencyjność europejskich firm korzystających z bezcłowego dostępu do rynku koreańskiego. Tym samym wpłynęłoby to negatywnie na poziom wzrostu gospodarczego i poziom zatrudnienia w krajach Unii.

Po drugie, według analiz przeprowadzonych przez niezależne ośrodki badawcze, w wyniku zawarcia umowy o wolnym handlu 2/3 korzyści wynikających z tej umowy uzyska Korea, a zaledwie 1/3 Unia Europejska. Konieczne jest więc, aby oprócz tej umowy Korea zawarła z Unią porozumienie, w którym ten kraj zobowiąże się do przestrzegania europejskich standardów społecznych, w szczególności podstawowych elementów związanych z godną pracą, a także standardów środowiskowych i standardów ochrony konsumentów.

Po trzecie, takie podejście daję szansę do doprowadzenia do uczciwej konkurencji pomiędzy firmami koreańskimi i europejskimi. Tylko bowiem w takim przypadku firmy koreańskie będą zawierały w kosztach wytwarzania całościowe koszty pracy, ochrony środowiska i ochrony konsumentów, a tym samym ceny ich produktów będą odzwierciedlały pełne koszty wytwarzania.

  Caroline Lucas, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, let me start by thanking Mr David Martin for his report and by underlining the crucial importance of this dossier. The EU-Korea Treaty will be the first application of the new EU trade doctrine Global Europe, a doctrine that is highly controversial, not least because it seeks such deep market access conditions through the removal of all kinds of barriers to all-out import penetration, precisely at a time when more and more people are becoming aware that there are very many losers as well as some winners in a completely liberalised global economy.

On the positive side, the report sets out some very good standards for trade and social and environmental fields, which Greens absolutely support, and in that respect I think the report sets a very important precedent for further upcoming parliamentary responses to other free trade agreements, with India and ASEAN, for example. So we welcome the fact that the report insists that there must be no exceptions to the rule that access to the European market is conditional on compliance with environmental protection standards.

We welcome the fact that it demands that the trade agreement with Korea incorporates binding social and environmental clauses and, to our mind, this by itself makes it difficult to contemplate that the North Korean Kaesong industrial complex would be included within the FTA rules. Most importantly, it intends to give teeth to those binding clauses by demanding that they are subject to the standard dispute settlement mechanism.

But we do have some serious misgivings about this report as well. First, there is the demand to scrap all non-tariff barriers (NTBs) to trade without any attempt at differentiating what really constitutes a legitimate NTB and what does not. We should not assume that everything that prevents unfettered free trade is an illegitimate obstacle. There are some very good reasons to qualify trade, especially when public policy wants to put in place controls for social, health or environmental reasons.

We are also opposed to the full introduction of the so-called ‘Singapore issues’ into the free trade agreement. Again there are good reasons why total investment freedom or public procurement should remain outside the scope of a trade agreement. Korea had a devastating experience with the free flow of capital in the late 1990s and they have used sheltered public procurement policies to get back on their feet since then. Now, it is not up to us to judge whether they should offer those items on their side, but we are allowed to judge for our side, and my Group does not support giving unlimited freedom to foreign investors in Europe or destroying the possibility of engaging in public spending for social goals through specific domestic procurement policies.

  Philip Claeys (NI). – Voorzitter, Zuid-Korea is een van de belangrijkste handelspartners van de Europese Unie buiten Europa, wat in dit evenwichtige verslag duidelijk benadrukt wordt. Het is een land dat sympathie opwekt door het nabuurschap met het achterlijkste en meest totalitaire communistische regime ter wereld.

De handelsbetrekkingen zijn de jongste jaren fors gegroeid, wat op zich een zeer positieve zaak is, maar dat betekent niet dat er geen problemen zijn. Als we met Zuid-Korea een vrijhandelsovereenkomst sluiten, dan moet dat gebaseerd zijn op volledige wederkerigheid. Er bestaan in Zuid-Korea nog veel te veel tarifaire en non-tarifaire belemmeringen om echt van wederkerigheid te kunnen spreken.

Er moet van Europese zijde worden aangedrongen op het wegwerken van al die belemmeringen en we moeten minstens even voordelige afspraken kunnen maken als die van de vrijhandelsovereenkomst tussen Zuid-Korea, enerzijds, en de Verenigde Staten, anderzijds.

  Hubert Pirker (PPE-DE). – Herr Präsident! Als Leiter der Delegation für die Beziehungen des Europaparlaments zur Halbinsel Korea möchte ich dem Berichterstatter ausdrücklich gratulieren und sagen, dass ich diesen Bericht sehr gerne unterstütze.

Ich möchte auch betonen, was viele nach wie vor nicht wissen, dass die Republik Korea ein wichtiger Handelspartner ist. Genau aus diesem Grund ist es wichtig, dass wir zu einem Freihandelsabkommen gelangen. Ziel dieses Abkommens muss es sein, dass es faire und gerechte Handelsbedingungen zum beiderseitigen Vorteil und zum beiderseitigen Nutzen gibt.

Ich kann auch sagen, dass es mich freut, dass die Verhandlungen in der fünften Runde wesentlich besser gelaufen sind als noch in der vierten Runde. Ich möchte Korea ermutigen, die EU-Vorschläge für ein rascheres und beidseitiges Abschaffen der Einfuhrzölle zu unterstützen. Das Ziel der Union dafür wäre das Jahr 2015.

Wie wir alle wissen, ist und bleibt der Kraftfahrzeugsektor die Herausforderung bei den Verhandlungen. Was wir als Europäische Union erwarten, ist, dass die Sicherheitsnormen, die wir haben, von der Republik Korea akzeptiert werden, so wie wir auch die Normen Koreas auf diesem Sektor akzeptieren.

Ich bin optimistisch, dass die Barrieren im Bereich der pharmazeutischen Produkte und im Dienstleistungssektor, insbesondere im Bankwesen oder im Bereich der Rechtsberatung, beseitigt werden können. Bezüglich Kaesŏng möchte ich sagen, dass es bedeutsam wäre, dass die Verhandlungspartner einen Weg finden, der das Projekt Kaesŏng und weitere Projekte unterstützt, und zwar aus wirtschaftlichen und aus politischen Gründen, insbesondere um Nordkorea an die internationale Staatengemeinschaft heranzuführen.

Insgesamt sind wir auf einem guten Weg, und ich hoffe, dass es zu einem Abschluss am Beginn oder in der ersten Hälfte des Jahres 2008 kommt.

  Kader Arif (PSE). – Monsieur le Président, je tiens tout d'abord à remercier David Martin pour la qualité de son rapport. Dans le cadre de la négociation de ce futur accord commercial avec la Corée, nous devons rappeler que notre priorité doit rester le multilatéralisme car nous savons que la prolifération excessive d'accords bilatéraux nuit à l'édifice multilatéral régulé auquel nous adhérons. C'est pourquoi, si nous passons à une nouvelle ère d'accords commerciaux bilatéraux, ces derniers doivent comporter des garanties et des principes dont certains sont repris dans le rapport David Martin.

En effet, le futur accord de libre-échange avec la Corée doit présenter un caractère moderne et inclure des normes environnementales et sociales contraignantes telles que celles inscrites dans les conventions fondamentales de l'OIT qui visent à promouvoir le travail décent.

Par ailleurs, suite à l'engagement de notre Parlement pour permettre un meilleur accès aux médicaments génériques, je me félicite qu'y aient été incluses les dispositions relatives à la santé publique et que soit respectée notre volonté de ne pas inclure dans les accords bilatéraux des demandes qui limiteraient la capacité de nos partenaires à faire usage des flexibilités prévues dans l'accord atypique de la déclaration de Doha.

Par contre, malgré ses points positifs, il n'est pas acceptable que ce texte ne fasse pas référence au sort réservé aux travailleurs de la zone franche de Kacacsong, comme le souhaitait notre rapporteur, et ceci je le déplore.

  Bogusław Rogalski (UEN). – Panie Przewodniczący! Korea jest jedną z czołowych gospodarek świata, ale jednocześnie charakteryzuje się najwyższą różnicą dochodów spośród państw OECD. Korea to czwarty pod względem wielkości partner handlowy Unii spoza Europy, natomiast Unia w 2006 roku była największym inwestorem zagranicznym w Korei.

Głównym problemem w naszych bilateralnych stosunkach handlowych jest utrudnianie dostępu do rynku poprzez bariery pozataryfowe, w tym brak przyjętych norm i standardów międzynarodowych. Umowa o wolnym handlu z Koreą powinna uwzględniać ochronę inwestycji zagranicznych, politykę konkurencji, przejrzystość zamówień publicznych oraz ułatwienia w handlu.

Ale pamiętać też trzeba, że ta umowa może mieć negatywny wpływ na europejski przemysł motoryzacyjny, stąd też Komisja musi rozważnie rozpatrywać strategię stopniowego znoszenia ceł importowych Unii. Najpierw powinny zostać usunięte bariery pozataryfowe po stronie koreańskiej, aby nie okazało się, że jedynym beneficjentem tej współpracy jest tylko Korea.

  Glyn Ford (PSE). – Mr President, I wish to join with the other speakers in congratulating Mr Martin on his report on a free trade agreement with South Korea, which is the EU’s fourth largest trading partner outside Europe and the world’s eleventh largest economy.

I want to deal briefly with two issues. Firstly, the opposition of trade union and farmers’ groups to the free trade agreement with Korea and, secondly, the case of the industrial zone. In the first case, we need to place the opposition in perspective. Thousands demonstrated against the US agreement with Korea and a number of people burnt themselves to death. Rather than thousands, we have only dozens protesting, possibly because we are attempting to include in our free trade agreement an associated political cooperation agreement – social, political and labour clauses that will help protect labour standards in the south and may well enhance them. At the same time, we will not have the discussion over rice which Korea had with the United States.

With respect to Kaesong, we are not arguing that this should be included. We are arguing that we should not automatically exclude it. That is a rather different position, and I hope that on that basis the Liberals will be able to change the way they vote. As the former Prime Minister of Jamaica once said, the only thing worse than being exploited is not being exploited. Some of us had the opportunity to visit Kaesong last month, as part of an EU workshop on economic reform held in North Korea. I saw thousands of happy North Koreans flooding from the zone, smartly dressed, because they have standards of living six times higher than in the North. This is an opportunity, politically and economically, to actually change that regime and move things in the right direction. Kaesong can transform the North and, allowing for the difficulties, should be encouraged and not killed.

  Peter Mandelson, Member of the Commission. Mr President, let me make three brief points. First of all, on the issue of Kaesong, I think that Mr Ford’s formulation – that we should not automatically exclude Kaesong – is the right approach to take. We in the Commission will be very prudent on this subject, but I think, on that basis, the amendment is probably a worthwhile one.

Secondly, I was asked about the overall prospects for the negotiation. Well, in this job I have not discovered a trade negotiation that is not in some difficulty. However, I would say that this negotiation is in less difficulty than some other trade negotiations I could identify.

Lastly, Ms Mann asks whether the European Parliament can obtain rights earlier than the Treaty ratification in respect of this agreement. When asked about this in a different context, I overstepped my collective Commission responsibility in my enthusiasm, so today I shall be a little bit more careful and simply stress that we will seek to involve Parliament as much as possible.

(Applause)

  Presidente. La discussione è chiusa.

La votazione si svolgerà oggi alle 11.30.

PRÉSIDENCE DE M. GÉRARD ONESTA
Vice-président

6. Време за гласуване

  Le Président. – Avant de commencer les votes, M. Schulz demande la parole pour un rappel au règlement.

  Martin Schulz, im Namen der PSE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Ich habe im Namen meiner Fraktion aus zwei Gründen um das Wort gebeten: zunächst einmal aus einem sehr generellen Grund – wegen der gestrigen Ereignisse hier in diesem Hause – und zum Zweiten habe ich eine Bitte im Zusammenhang mit den bevorstehenden Abstimmungen.

Ich möchte zunächst aber auf den generellen Grund kommen. Herr Präsident, ich bitte Sie, eine Erklärung im Namen meiner Fraktion zu den gestrigen Ereignissen abgeben zu dürfen, und zwar zu einem ganz spezifischen Fall, dem Fall, der unsere Huissiers, die Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter, unsere Saaldiener hier in diesem Hause betrifft. Ich will vorwegschicken: Es ist jedermanns gutes Recht und jeder Frau gutes Recht, in diesem Hause seine Meinung zu demonstrieren. Wir sind auch daran gewöhnt, dass wir hier Plakate und T-Shirts sehen und dass jeder frei ist, seine Meinung hier zum Ausdruck zu bringen. Wer für ein Referendum ist, hat das gute Recht, das in diesem Hause zu tun. Was wir allerdings gestern erlebt haben, ist nicht im Rahmen dieser Meinungsfreiheit akzeptabel.

(Beifall)

Nun kann man auch darüber streiten, was hier einzelne Kolleginnen und Kollegen tun, wie sie sich verhalten, ob sie schreien oder nicht schreien. Aber eines ist nicht akzeptabel: dass die Saaldienerinnen und Saaldiener in diesem Hause, dass die Huissiers, vor denen ich – und ich spreche im Namen aller meiner Kolleginnen und Kollegen, ich glaube, fast aller Mitglieder dieses Hauses – den höchsten persönlichen und professionellen Respekt habe.

(Beifall)

Was nicht geht – und ich spreche ausdrücklich auch im Namen meines Kollegen Joseph Daul und, ich denke, auch im Namen meines Kollegen Graham Watson und auch im Namen des Kollegen Daniel Cohn-Bendit und auch im Namen von Francis Wurtz –, ist, dass Huissiers in diesem Haus in einer erregten Debatte physisch und verbal angegriffen werden. Hier sind gestern Huissiers, die ihres Amtes gewaltet haben, als Gestapo- und SS-Leute bezeichnet worden. Das ist eine Schande, Herr Präsident! Ich finde, das Haus sollte den Huissiers seine volle Solidarität zum Ausdruck bringen.

(Anhaltender Beifall)

Meine Damen und Herren! Die Saaldiener in diesem Hause sind keine Privatpersonen, sie sind Beamtinnen und Beamte dieses Parlaments. Sie sind der verlängerte Arm des Präsidenten in diesem Hause. Und wenn hier ein Saaldiener körperlich angegriffen wird, wenn hier ein Saaldiener geschlagen wird, dann gibt es nur eine Möglichkeit: Der Abgeordnete, der das gemacht hat, muss identifiziert werden! Es muss Strafanzeige gegen ihn erstattet werden, und seine Immunität muss unverzüglich aufgehoben werden!

(Beifall)

Herr Präsident! Ich möchte mich im Namen meiner Fraktion zu den Abstimmungen, und zwar zu den Abstimmungen über die Entschließungen zum Extremismus, zum Menschenrechtsdialog mit China, zu Montenegro und zur Ächtung von Landminen an die UEN-Fraktion wenden, insbesondere an den Kollegen Brian Crowley, von dem ich allerdings nicht weiß, ob er hier ist. Die UEN-Fraktion hat diese Entschließungen mitunterzeichnet. Solange es keine offizielle Entschuldigung der UEN-Fraktion für die gestrigen Vorfälle in diesem Hause gibt, sehe ich mich als Vertreter der Sozialdemokratischen Fraktion außerstande, mit der UEN-Fraktion weiterhin zusammenzuarbeiten.

Insbesondere beziehe ich mich auf die Entschließung zur Bekämpfung des Extremismus in Europa. Dort wird im dritten Bezugsvermerk u. a. im Namen der UEN-Fraktion darauf hingewiesen, dass wir den Rassismus in Europa verdammen, und zwar unter Bezug auf die Europäische Charta der Grundrechte. Die sollte gestern hier unterschrieben werden und ist von einem großen Teil der Mitglieder dieser Fraktion niedergebrüllt worden. Bitte ziehen Sie Ihre Unterschrift unter dieser Gemeinsamen Entschließung zurück! Sie können nicht eine Entschließung verabschieden, die sich auf die Grundrechtecharta bezieht, die Sie gestern hier gemeinsam niedergeschrieen haben!

(Beifall und Tumult)

Sie haben gestern zum Ausdruck gebracht, dass Sie diese Grundrechtecharta nicht wollen. Ziehen Sie Ihre Unterschrift zurück! Unsere Zusammenarbeit mit Ihnen ist beendet!

(Beifall)

  Le Président. – Chers collègues, j'ai devant moi cette pile de papiers qui vous donne une idée du travail que nous avons encore à faire ce matin. Certains collègues ont néanmoins demandé la parole. Je ne souhaite pas ouvrir un très long débat. M. Daul a demandé la parole, Mme Muscardi aussi, et je la leur donne pour une minute pas plus.

(Brouhaha)

  Joseph Daul, au nom du groupe PPE-DE. – Monsieur le Président, je serai très bref. J'étais ce matin à neuf heures dans l'hémicycle, attendant des excuses pour l'agression personnelle subie par les huissiers. Je n'en ai pas trouvé et j'ai fait ma déclaration ce matin à neuf heures donc, je ne vais pas la refaire.

  Cristiana Muscardini, a nome del gruppo UEN. Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io siedo in questo Parlamento da più di 18 anni e in questo Parlamento, con i miei colleghi, ho sempre difeso i diritti umani e civili e lo testimoniano gli interventi in Aula e le interrogazioni e le proposte di risoluzione.

Non prendo lezioni dall'on. Schulz, perché l'on. Schulz non è il depositario della verità, né in quest'Aula né fuori da quest'Aula. La democrazia, Presidente, è una realtà che va difesa anche con il rispetto delle persone e dei gruppi. Mi vergogno per l'on. Schulz che ha detto delle cose delle quali si deve pentire nella sua coscienza.

Il gruppo UEN è solidale con tutti i funzionari del Parlamento e in special modo con gli uscieri, che in molte occasioni in quest'anno hanno tentato di difendere il diritto di parola e di espressione molte volte negato da alcuni gruppi di maggioranza del Parlamento. Per cui, Presidente, l'UEN è solidale con gli uscieri, l'UEN crede nei diritti fondamentali, l'UEN invoca che ci sia il rispetto anche dei doveri e che ci sia il rispetto delle persone. On. Schulz, la ritiri lei la firma!

  Le Président. – Mesdames et Messieurs, chers collègues, y a-t-il d'autres présidents de groupe, je dis bien "présidents de groupe" car je ne vais pas donner la parole à chacun des 785 collègues sur ce sujet, qui souhaitent s'exprimer?

Je ne vois pas de président de groupe, donc, ce point est clos.

(Applaudissements)

Pour ma part, j'ajouterai simplement ce qu'a dit un poète, à savoir que les hymnes les plus beaux sont chantés sous les bombes. J'ai l'impression que celui que nous avons entendu, hier, ici, était, à ce titre, magnifique!

(Applaudissements)

M. Salafranca souhaite intervenir sur un autre sujet.

  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra (PPE-DE). – Señor Presidente, en el día de ayer se produjo un salvaje atentado terrorista en la ciudad de Beirut, del que ha sido víctima el general libanés François el Hajj.

Como sabe la Cámara, señor Presidente, el Líbano se encuentra vinculado a la Unión Europea en virtud de un Acuerdo de Asociación. Nuestro Parlamento aprobó en su minisesión plenaria de Bruselas un importante informe por el que se concedía una ayuda macrofinanciera a ese país y, sin ir más lejos, una delegación de la Comisión de Asuntos Exteriores, integrada por la Sra. De Keyser, la Sra. Gomes, el Sr. Belder y yo mismo, visitó el país la semana pasada para, al igual que han hecho varios Ministros de los Estados miembros, expresar nuestra solidaridad con la causa de la paz, de la comprensión, de la concordia y de la reconciliación en ese país.

Le pediría al Sr. Presidente que trasladase al Primer Ministro Siniora nuestra solidaridad ante este salvaje atentado terrorista y nuestro compromiso indeclinable e inderogable con la causa de un Líbano soberano, democrático, estable, viable y en paz.

(Aplausos)

  Le Président. – Je pense, Monsieur Salafranca, que les applaudissements des collègues vous montrent, bien évidemment, que l'Assemblée soutient votre déclaration. Elle sera transmise.

Dernière demande de parole de M. Pirker, pour motion de procédure, et nous passerons ensuite au vote

  Hubert Pirker (PPE-DE). Herr Präsident! Das passt jetzt nicht ganz zur Debatte, ich wollte das eigentlich unmittelbar nach der letzten Debatte sagen. In diesem Haus ist es einfach unzumutbar kalt. Das mag gestern ganz gut gewesen sein, weil die Gemüter da nicht so überhitzt gewesen sind, wie sie es vielleicht sonst gewesen wären. Aber insgesamt ist es einfach zu kalt, und ich wollte im Anschluss an die Debatte über das Freihandelsabkommen mit Korea vorschlagen, es vielleicht einmal mit einer koreanischen Klimaanlage zu versuchen, wenn wir es mit unserer europäischen nicht schaffen sollten, hier eine vernünftige Temperatur zu erzielen.

  Le Président. – Je crois que nous avons abordé tous les points que nous voulions aborder avant d'attaquer les votes.

L'ordre du jour appelle donc à présent l'Heure des votes.

(Pour les résultats des votes et autres détails les concernant: voir procès-verbal)

6.1. Бюджет 2008 г. във вида, в който е променен от Съвета (вот)

- Exercice 2008

- Avant le vote:

  Kyösti Virrankoski (ALDE), rapporteur. Mr President, the second reading budget conciliation between the two arms of the Budgetary Authority was held on 23 November 2007. Parliament achieved a budget for results on its major objectives: financing for Galileo (EUR 2.4 billion) via a revision of the 2007-2013 multiannual financial framework (MFF) and the use of the flexibility instrument (EUR 200 million); significant further use of the flexibility instrument (EUR 70 million) to finance an increase in the spending on common foreign and security policy (CFSP).

The Committee on Budgets voted its second reading amendments, further to the conciliation outcome, on 29 November 2007. After the technical check of the figures, a small number of technical adjustments were necessary to ensure full respect of the conciliation outcome of 23 November as regards revised financial framework ceilings and the overall level of payments.

The agreed modifications are the following:

First, in heading 1a, commitment appropriations are adjusted as follows:

Amendment 335:

06 02 09 01 (Galileo Supervisory Authority) to EUR 7 460 000

06 02 09 02 (Galileo Supervisory Authority) to EUR 3 100 000

08 07 01 (Research Cooperation – Transport) to EUR 348 922 000

Amendment 331:

02 02 01 (Competitiveness and Innovation) to EUR 126 300 000

Amendment 69:

06 03 03 (TENs – T) to EUR 955 852 600

Second, in heading 1b, in order to meet the overall level of payments agreed at the conciliation, payment appropriations are modified on lines:

Amendment 27:

04 02 17 (ESF) to EUR 3 823 198 181

Amendment 140:

13 03 16 (ERDF convergence) to EUR 10 606 637 496

Amendment 141:

13 03 18 (ERDF competitiveness) to EUR 2 540 832 078

All these technical adjustments were unanimously approved by the Committee on Budgets on Monday 10 December.

Third, a number of technical/nomenclature changes will be made, mainly as regards pilot projects and preparatory actions. These changes have been presented to the President of Parliament. These modifications do not change any figures, nor do they change any MFF classifications.

(Les ajustements techniques sont retenus)

- Après le vote:

  Santos, Emanuel, Presidente em exercício do Conselho. Senhor Presidente, Senhoras e Senhores Deputados, permitam-me, antes de me pronunciar sobre o resultado da aprovação do orçamento da União Europeia para 2008, que realce que hoje é um dia particularmente grato para mim, não só como europeu, mas também como português. Refiro-me obviamente ao evento histórico que é a assinatura do Tratado de Lisboa, que terá lugar daqui a pouco mais de uma hora na capital na capital do meu país. Depois do alargamento da União Europeia a 27 Estados-Membros, trata-se de mais um passo decisivo na construção da Europa que a tornará que a tornará mais democrática, mais representativa, mais ágil e eficaz no seu funcionamento do que alguma vez o foi.

Permitam-me que, como breve balanço antecipado dos resultados da Presidência portuguesa, realce três sucessos importantes realce três sucessos importantes para o futuro da União Europeia. Refiro-me ao acordo que permite assinar hoje o Tratado Reformador da União Europeia, o Tratado de Lisboa, a realização da Cimeira União Europeia-África e a Cimeira União Europeia-Brasil. Pudemos agora também juntar um acontecimento que foi o importante acordo a que pudemos chegar sobre o financiamento do projecto estratégico que é o Programa Galileo.

Senhoras e Senhores Deputados, procederam hoje à segunda leitura do orçamento para 2008, a última etapa de um largo processo negocial que, mesmo assim, terminou com grande êxito. É com satisfação que registo o acordo estabelecido entre as nossas duas instituições na reunião de concertação do passado dia 23 de Novembro, que foi considerado na íntegra, no orçamento para 2008, todas as propostas a que chegámos nessa data a acordo.

Em conformidade com os procedimentos, devo assinalar que o Conselho pode aceitar a taxa máxima de aumento que resultou da vossa segunda leitura. Observo, no entanto, que persiste ainda a necessidade de alguns pequenos ajustamentos no que se refere à classificação das despesas, sobre a qual o Conselho reserva os seus direitos.

Para concluir, Senhor Presidente, aproveito a oportunidade para manifesta, mais uma vez, a minha gratidão ao Presidente do Comité Orçamental, o Sr. Reimer Böge, aos dois relatores, Sr. Virrankoski e Sr. Itälä, aos meus colegas do Conselho, à Sra. Comissária Dalia Grybauskaité e a todos os que contribuíram para a conclusão bem sucedida deste muito exigente processo orçamental, que culminou com este acto da aprovação por este Parlamento.

  Le Président. – Monsieur le Ministre, vous avez prononcé, entre autres, la phrase que j'attendais. Je constate donc que la procédure budgétaire s'est achevée conformément aux dispositions du traité et de l'accord interinstitutionnel du 17 mai 2006. Je constate en outre que, selon l'article 13 dudit accord interinstitutionnel, le Conseil et le Parlement conviennent d'accepter le taux maximal d'augmentation des dépenses non obligatoires qui procèderont de la deuxième lecture du Parlement. De ce fait, la procédure budgétaire peut être déclarée achevée et le budget définitivement adopté.

(Applaudissements)

Vous savez que notre Président est actuellement à Lisbonne où il y a une petite cérémonie de signature. Mon pouvoir de vice-président s'arrête là. La signature officielle du budget pour l'exercice 2008 se fera mardi, 18 décembre, en séance plénière à Bruxelles.

6.2. Oбщ бюджет на Европейския съюз за финансовата 2008 г. във вида, в който е променен от Съвета (всички раздели) (вот)

- Rapport: Kyösti Virrankoski, Ville Itälä (A6-0492/2007)

6.3. Споразумение за стабилизиране и асоцииране между ЕО и Черна гора (вот)

- Recommandation Marcello Vernola (A6-0498/2007)

6.4. Сътрудничество между Агенцията на Европейския съюз за основните права и Съвета на Европа (вот)

- Rapport: Adamos Adamou (A6-0443/2007)

6.5. Дата на въвеждане на електронна идентификация на животни от рода на овцете и козите (вот)

- Rapport: Friedrich-Wilhelm Graefe zu Baringdorf (A6-0501/2007)

6.6. Задължения за издръжка (вот)

- Rapport: Genowefa Grabowska (A6-0468/2007)

6.7. 10-та годишнина на Отавската конвенция за забрана на противопехотните мини (вот)

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0518/2207)

6.8. Среща на върха ЕС-Китай - Права на човека ЕС-Китай (вот)

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0543/2007)

- Après le vote:

  Toine Manders (ALDE). – Voorzitter, een motie van orde op grond van de artikelen 114 en 166; de heer Mandelson zal dat herkennen. Als wij in China worden ontvangen, dan doen we dat met een officieel symbool, de vlag. Vandaag wordt die uit het Verdrag gehaald en ik roep alle landen op om Duitsland te volgen en deze weer officieel als symbool te erkennen, waardoor wij overal ter wereld met een officieel symbool kunnen worden ontvangen.

  Le Président. – Tout cela sera transmis aux autorités compétentes.

6.9. Борба срещу нарастващия екстремизъм в Европа (вот)

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0512/2007)

6.10. Черна гора (вот)

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0494/2007)

6.11. Замърсяване причинено от нефтено петно в Черно и Азовско море в резултат от потъването на няколко плавателни съда (вот)

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0503/2007)

6.12. Схеми за гарантиране на депозити (вот)

- Rapport: Christian Ehler (A6-0448/2007)

6.13. Управление на активи (вот)

- Rapport: Wolf Klinz (A6-0460/2007)

- Avant le vote sur l'amendement 2:

  Margarita Starkevičiūtė (ALDE). – Mr President, I would like to clarify our amendment and insert the words: ‘indirectly, for example’, so the text now reads: ‘...the product to retail investors directly or indirectly, for example by bundling it with other retail products’.

(L'amendement oral est retenu)

6.14. Текстил (вот)

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0495/2007)

  Le Président. – Avant de procéder au vote sur le dernier rapport, permettez-moi de dédier ce dernier vote à un collègue qui va nous quitter dans quelques jours et qui a fait un travail fabuleux pour nous, ici, au Parlement européen, et pour l'ensemble de l'Europe. Il s'agit, bien évidemment, de Jean-Louis Bourlanges.

(Applaudissements)

Jean-Louis, je crois que la chaleur des applaudissements dit, plus que tout autre discours, à quel point tu vas nous manquer. Tous nos vœux t'accompagnent.

6.15. Търговски и икономически отношения с Корея (вот)

- Rapport: David Martin (A6-0463/2007)

7. График на месечните сесии: вж. протокола

8. Обяснения на вот

Explications de vote orales

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0543/2007)

  Frank Vanhecke (NI). – Voorzitter, enkel om te zeggen dat ik de resolutie betreffende de Europees-Chinese dialoog over de mensenrechten om een aantal redenen niet heb goedgekeurd. Ik vind namelijk vooral dat wij in dit halfrond al meer dan genoeg ronkende teksten aan de lopende band hebben goedgekeurd en dat die ronkende teksten en ronkende verklaringen zelden of nooit door daden worden gevolgd van de Europese instellingen.

Straks vinden in Peking de Olympische Spelen plaats, waarbij opnieuw ook de Europese excellenties zullen staan drummen om in de gunst van de Chinese machtshebbers te komen. En dat blijkt zelfs reeds uit deze resolutie, waarin overigens verder heel veel verstandige zaken staan, maar waarin toch ook wordt beweerd dat op het recente congres van de Chinese communistische partij - ik citeer - "perspectieven voor een beter respecteren van de mensenrechten zijn geopend". Wat een wereldvreemdheid van dit Parlement. Want de realiteit in Peking vandaag zijn intimidatie, deportaties, arrestaties en werkkampen. Het moet nu maar eens uit zijn met die twee maten en twee gewichten-politiek van de Europese Unie jegens China.

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0512/2007)

  Димитър Стоянов (NI). – Гласувах против резолюцията за екстремизма, защото тя е рожба на омразата, която тя трябва да заклейми. И кой ни учи какво е екстремизъм? Другарят Schulz и другарят Cohn-Bendit, тези радетели на марксизма и ленинизма, същата тази идеология, която изби десетки милиони руснаци и украинци в началото на миналия век? Или другарят Вигенин, чиято партия беше хванала за косите българския народ в продължение на 50 години и погуби живота на хиляди българи в своите концентрационни лагери? Вие ли ще ни учите какво е екстремизъм?! Благодаря за вниманието.

  Frank Vanhecke (NI). – Voorzitter, ja, zo gaat dat in dit Parlement. Wanneer men niet meneer Schulz heet, dan moet men van de stemverklaringen gebruikmaken om zijn mening te kunnen zeggen. Dit Parlement heeft weer eens zijn periodiek ei gelegd over het zogezegd noodzakelijk bestrijden van het zogezegde extremisme. Maar het gaat dan niet over het echte extremisme en het echte geweld, bijvoorbeeld van de oprukkende islam in Europa. Neen, het gaat opnieuw voor de zoveelste keer over het terugschroeven van de vrije meningsuiting van mensen die vreedzaam opkomen voor het recht op eigenheid, voor het recht om onze talen, onze identiteiten, onze culturen, onze vrijheid te beschermen en te behouden.

Het is eigenlijk tragisch dat dit Parlement het voortdurend heeft over vrijheid en over mensenrechten, maar tegelijkertijd de ergste en de verregaandste muilkorfregels oplegt aan mensen die er afwijkende meningen op nahouden en die bijvoorbeeld de heilige onaantastbare koe van de zogenaamde multiculturele samenleving niet zomaar aanbidden, zoals de rest van dit Parlement. Wat mij betreft, ik trek mij van deze resolutie niets aan en voor mij kan er onmogelijk vrijheid zijn zonder totale politieke vrije meningsuiting.

  Philip Claeys (NI). – Voorzitter, ik heb ook tegen de resolutie over extremisme gestemd. Niet omdat ik mij aangesproken voel door die term, integendeel, maar omdat er hier voor de zoveelste keer bewust een amalgaam wordt gemaakt van een legitiem politiek discours tegen verdere massa-immigratie en voor kordaat aanpassingsbeleid, enerzijds, en extremisme en geweld, anderzijds.

Alleen al de titel van de resolutie is misleidend en tendentieus. Links-extremisme is blijkbaar iets dat per definitie niet kan bestaan en van het oprukkende moslimfundementalisme heeft niemand hier blijkbaar iets gehoord. Dit is pure Kafka. Het zou eigenlijk lachwekkend zijn als het niet zo droevig was. Wie niet in de pas van de politieke correctheid loopt, wordt gecriminaliseerd. Misschien kan men eens uitleggen hoe zoiets zich verhoudt tot het Handvest van de grondrechten dat wij gisteren getekend hebben.

  Koenraad Dillen (NI). – Voorzitter, ook ik heb met volle overtuiging tegen deze resolutie gestemd, want als de vos de passie preekt, boer let op uw ganzen. Een hypocrieter document dan deze ontwerpresolutie over zogezegd opkomend extremisme in Europa heb ik zelden onder ogen gekregen. En God weet dat er in Europa en in dit Europees Parlement al wat records gebroken zijn op het vlak van de hypocrisie.

Want uiteraard, zoals mijn collega's al gezegd hebben, bestaat er geen links-extremisme. Uiteraard wordt ook het islamextremisme niet met de vinger gewezen. De voorsteden van Parijs branden, maar het probleem is schijnbaar die kleine non-conformistische minderheid, die de luis in de pels van deze boven het volk verheven instelling is geworden.

Misschien moeten we de poorten van de Goelag maar weer openen, voor hen die nog enige kritiek op de Europa-religie en op de heilige multiculturele samenleving durven uiten. Compleet met een inquisitierechtbank en verbanning naar het Duivelseiland voor de ketters. Pas dan zal Europa gezuiverd zijn van zijn laatste critici en kan de Euro-religie haar bekeringswerk ongehinderd voortzetten.

  Mogens N.J. Camre (UEN). – Hr. formand! Denne beslutning indeholder en berettiget kritik af neofascistiske og fundamentalistiske bevægelser i nogle europæiske lande, men den fremstår som helhed som ensidigt vendt imod et problem, der beskrives som europæiske borgere med fascistiske og racistiske holdninger, og det gør beslutningen meningsløs. Gentagne meningsmålinger i Danmark har vist, at indvandrere fra ikke-vestlige lande ikke føler sig udsat for nogen form for racisme eller fjendtlig behandling. Men nogle indvandrere fra ikke-europæiske lande udøver en meget udbredt vold mod danske borgere og mod andre indvandrere. I de officielle kriminalitetsstatistikker har indvandrere fra ikke-vestlige lande en voldsom overhyppighed.

I de seneste måneder har der uge for uge været en lang række skudepisoder på åben gade mellem indvandrerbander og individuelle overfald. Indvandrerkonsulenter, som selv er af anden etnisk oprindelse end dansk, er blevet truet på livet til at forlade deres arbejde, ikke af danskere, men af mennesker fra den fremmede kultur, som de søger at hjælpe til at fungere i Danmark. Vi har en fremtrædende indvandrerpolitiker af syrisk herkomst. Han må beskyttes døgnet rundt af dansk politi, ikke mod danskere, men mod fundamentalister af islamisk baggrund. Vores efterretningstjeneste er hele tiden beskæftiget med at forebygge voldelige overgreb mod danskere og det danske samfunds institutioner, ikke fra danskeres sider, men fra fremmede. Derfor er denne beslutning absurd set med danske øjne. I Danmark er den voldelige racisme vendt imod demokratiet og imod menneskerettighederne. Og på den baggrund har jeg ikke kunnet stemme for beslutningen.

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0503/2007)

  Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE-DE). – Pán predsedajúci, Čierne more sa stáva jednou z hlavných trás zvyšujúceho sa exportu ropy v tomto regióne a počas posledných rokov je to, žiaľ, aj miesto častých havárií tankerov alebo nákladných lodí. Počas silných búrok sa tu potopilo alebo stroskotalo už dvanásť plavidiel a tieto udalosti mali nemalé následky a zasiahli ľudské životy a spôsobili ekologické katastrofy veľkých rozmerov.

Ako iný príklad veľkej katastrofy môžem uviesť udalosť, keď pred viac ako osemnástimi rokmi havaroval tanker Exon Valdez v aljašských oblastiach a následky sú hmatateľné dodnes.

Vzhľadom k tomu, že denne sa preplaví svetovými morami priemerne dvesto tankerov, považujem za nevyhnutné, aby bola situácia v Čiernom mori, ale aj v iných moriach pravidelne a prísne monitorovaná. Členské štáty, ako i krajiny susediace s Európskou úniou by mali dôkladnejšie zaručovať uplatňovanie existujúcich právnych predpisov a lodných noriem v oblasti námornej bezpečnosti a tu by som privítal urýchlenie rokovaní v Rade a prijatie spoločných pozícií k zostávajúcim legislatívnym aktom v treťom námornom balíku o námornej bezpečnosti.

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0495/2007)

  Zuzana Roithová (PPE-DE). – Pane předsedo, zrušení kvót a zavedení monitorování dovozu textilu z Číny v příštím roce je realita, která může zlepšit kontrolu. Nelíbí se mi ale, že například vlněné látky jsou vyňaty z monitoringu. Naše usnesení je politickým apelem na Komisi, že chceme tvrději vymáhat plnění mezinárodních závazků, a je protestem proti čínským bariérám na dovoz evropských výrobků. Vítám, že Čína bude muset vydávat licence na dovoz a že to umožní kontrolu již v čínských přístavech, což lépe ochrání Evropu před padělky. Komise však má také povinnost chránit evropské spotřebitele před toxickými látkami, např. azobarvivy, které čínské zboží někdy obsahuje, a proto žádám Komisi, aby se soustředila také na zadržení zdravotně závadných textilních výrobků již na hranicích Evropské unie.

Explications de vote écrites

- Rapport: Kyösti Virrankoski et Ville Itälä (A6-0492/2007)

  Bastiaan Belder (IND/DEM), schriftelijk. De Raad en het Europees Parlement hebben een akkoord bereikt over de extra financiering voor het satellietsysteem Galileo en uitgaven op het gebied van buitenlandse zaken, waaronder de politiemissie voor Kosovo. Hiervoor hebben ze het financiële meerjarenkader voor 2007-2013 verhoogd en gebruik gemaakt van het flexibiliteitinstrument. Daarnaast zijn er herschikkingen geweest binnen de bestaande begrotingslijnen. Die herschikkingen hadden wel verstrekkender mogen zijn.

Ik heb vooral moeite met aanpassing van het eerder overeengekomen maximum voor de EU-gelden tot 2013 en het gebruik van het flexibiliteitinstrument voor dit doel. Gebruik hiervan moet vermeden worden en in elk geval beperkt blijven tot zeer uitzonderlijke omstandigheden. Als er wijzigingen in de kosten optreden, dan moet dat primair worden opgevangen door verlaging van andere begrotingslijnen. Ik denk dan vooral aan de uitgaven die niet behoren tot de centrale doelstellingen van de Europese Unie en de begrotingslijnen waar de uitvoering toch al achterblijft ten opzichte van de geplande uitgaven.

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. O acordo alcançado entre a Comissão, o Conselho e o Parlamento para o Orçamento comunitário de 2008 põe a nu o verdadeiro peso dos denominados "grandes países" e dos "países ricos" ao dar resposta à sua exigência de limitar ao máximo o tecto do orçamento comunitário.

Apesar de todos os esforços para desvalorizar tal facto, a verdade é que tanto as propostas de orçamento comunitário da Comissão, do Conselho e do PE, como, agora, a deste acordo ficam aquém do previsto no Quadro financeiro 2007/2013 relativamente a 2008. Aliás, tal como aconteceu no ano passado e no anterior quadro-financeiro 2000/2006.

A realidade é que o actual orçamento comunitário para 2008 representa uma redução superior a 9 mil milhões de euros, em termos de pagamentos, face ao acordado no quadro-financeiro para 2008 - ou seja, em termos de pagamentos, o orçamento comunitário é reduzido de 1,04% para 0,96% do RNB comunitário. Por outro lado, o orçamento comunitário tem vindo progressivamente a apurar as suas prioridades financiando as políticas neoliberais, federalistas e militaristas da UE.

Por isso, rejeitamos este acordo.

  Gunnar Hökmark (PPE-DE), skriftlig. Vi stödjer grundprinciperna för EU:s budget för 2008 och vill understryka att den skall ge medborgarna god valuta för pengarna. De ramar som satts upp genom det finansiella perspektivet bör respekteras och därför välkomnar vi att budgeten med god marginal kommer att hålla sig inom dessa.

Jordbruksstödet är ett av de områden där det finns utrymme för nedskärningar till förmån för ändamål som ligger mer i linje med Lissabonambitionerna, dvs. att EU skall utvecklas till världens ekonomiskt mest framgångsrika område.

  Gay Mitchell (PPE-DE), in writing. During Budget negotiations, Parliament decided with Council to redeploy EUR 50 million from the Decentralised Agencies to part-finance the European GNSS programmes (EGNOS/GALILEO) and the European Institute of Technology. It was not indicated which agencies would be affected.

The reprogramming concerns the agencies under heading 1A under which Eurofound, the European Foundation for the Improvement of Working and Living standards, belongs. Eurofound is based in Dublin. This foundation provides an important service in the area of the labour market and working conditions, and a cut would be intolerable and counterproductive.

  José Albino Silva Peneda (PPE-DE), por escrito. Votei a favor da proposta de orçamento para 2008, em primeiro lugar, porque essa proposta se insere claramente nos princípios definidos nas Perspectivas Financeiras que estão em vigor para o período 2007/2013.

Em segundo lugar, porque a proposta votada, depois de negociada com a Comissão e com o Conselho, acabou por ultrapassar os graves problemas que se levantavam sobre o financiamento do projecto Galileu. Também é muito positiva a solução encontrada, que permite financiar, a um nível razoável, os projectos incluídos nas redes transeuropeias.

Em terceiro lugar, registo ainda como muito positivo, a nível de tesouraria, as soluções que foram encontradas no que respeita ao orçamento de pagamentos para as rubricas que financiam os projectos do Fundo Social Europeu e do Fundo Europeu de Desenvolvimento Regional, elementos muito importantes para que Portugal possa desenvolver os projectos de que necessita para poder apresentar taxas de crescimento económico muito superiores às que tem apresentado nos últimos anos e, desse modo, aproximar-se do nível médio da União Europeia.

- Rapport: Adamos Adamou (A6-0443/2007)

  Carlos Coelho (PPE-DE), por escrito. Há cerca de 50 anos que o Conselho da Europa tem vindo a desenvolver um sistema de normas, instrumentos legais e judiciais em prol da protecção e da promoção dos Direitos Fundamentais, tendo-se tornado uma referência em matéria de Direitos Humanos, de Estado de Direito e de Democracia na Europa.

A Agência dos Direitos Fundamentais, que veio suceder juridicamente ao Observatório Europeu do Racismo e da Xenofobia, deverá contribuir para aumentar a coerência e a coesão da política da União Europeia em matéria de Direitos Fundamentais.

Como ambas as instituições partilham o mesmo objectivo (o reforço da protecção dos Direitos Fundamentais) afigura-se imprescindível a existência de uma estreita colaboração entre ambas.

Este Acordo visa assegurar a complementaridade e a mais-valia das suas actividades e evitar duplicações com as actividades desenvolvidas pelo Conselho da Europa, como está previsto no artigo 9º do Regulamento que cria a Agência dos Direitos Fundamentais da UE.

Apoio a conclusão deste Acordo num espírito de cooperação, transparência e complementaridade, designadamente ao estabelecer um quadro de cooperação entre ambos, onde deverá haver lugar a contactos e reuniões regulares, a um intercâmbio de informações, bem como à coordenação de actividades, evitando duplicações e garantindo a melhor utilização possível dos recursos.

  Marine Le Pen (NI), par écrit. – Le paradoxe, pour ne pas dire toute l'hypocrisie du Parlement européen, consiste à proclamer haut et fort des principes et valeurs démocratiques tout en les bafouant largement en refusant de les appliquer quand cela ne lui convient pas.

Tel a été le cas hier, quand le Parlement européen, réuni en plénière, a proclamé solennellement la Charte des droits fondamentaux dans un chahut général, faisant ainsi fi des contestations venant des bancs souverainistes qui réclamaient un referendum pour l'adoption du nouveau traité constitutionnel.

Le Parlement européen se discrédite lui-même en refusant toute discussion et en stigmatisant ses propres élus qui s'attachent, eux, à promouvoir le maintien de l'identité et des souverainetés nationales.

La liberté d'expression, n'a de valeur que si les opposants politiques peuvent également en bénéficier. Selon les groupes politiques bien pensants, il semblerait qu'il existe une parole illégitime qu'il faut empêcher à tout prix. Alors même que le Parlement se compromet en revendiquant la Charte des droits fondamentaux, les élus du Front national quant à eux réaffirment haut et fort qu'ils n'ont pas la même conception des droits de l'homme et qu'ils continueront leur combat pour le respect de la souveraineté et de l'identité des nations d'Europe.

- Rapport: Friedrich-Wilhelm Graefe zu Baringdorf (A6-0501/2007)

  Duarte Freitas (PPE-DE), por escrito. Voto favoravelmente o relatório Graefe zu Baringdorf considerando que se torna urgente a adopção do sistema de identificação electrónica de ovinos e caprinos e deploro o atraso de 17 meses da proposta da Comissão.

Concordo com a alteração à proposta da Comissão no sentido de identificar uma data concreta para a entrada em vigor do sistema, sendo 31 de Dezembro de 2009, tal como consta no relatório Graefe zu Baringdorf, a data mais adequada.

Rejeito as alterações 4 e 5 que vão contra a implementação rápida deste sistema. Rejeito ainda a alteração 3 porque considero que no documento em questão o objectivo é fixar um calendário e não discutir princípios.

- Rapport: Genowefa Grabowska (A6-0468/2007)

  Jan Andersson, Göran Färm, Anna Hedh och Inger Segelström (PSE), skriftlig. Vi svenska socialdemokrater röstade för betänkandet eftersom det är viktigt att undanröja de hinder som idag finns för indrivning av underhållsbidrag från en medborgare med hemvist i en annan medlemsstat än den underhållsberättigade. I detta sammanhang är det särskilt viktigt att skydda den svagare parten i indrivningsförfarandet. Vi motsätter oss dock skrivningarna i ändringsförslag 9 och 26 som ålägger parterna att efter oberoende juridisk rådgivning skriftligen ingå avtal om domstols behörighet och vilket lands lag som ska tillämpas för att detta ska få verkan i domstol. Sådana krav är oförenliga med svensk rättstradition.

  Carlos Coelho (PPE-DE), por escrito. A mobilidade crescente no interior da UE, combinada com o número crescente de casais que se separam, tem originado o aumento do número de litígios transfronteiriços em matéria de obrigações alimentares.

Os actuais processos para a obtenção de créditos alimentares tendem a ser demasiado longos e complicados e, em muitos casos, impossíveis para a obtenção de resultados. Enquanto isso os credores, na sua grande maioria crianças, vivem com grandes dificuldades económicas e, em muitos casos, não têm sequer meios suficientes para sobreviver.

Esta iniciativa reveste-se, assim, da maior importância uma vez que deverá facilitar o funcionamento do mercado interno e a liberdade de circulação, com a eliminação dos obstáculos criados pelas discrepâncias entre os Estados- Membros, em termos de execução das obrigações alimentares. Deverá assegurar que essas decisões sejam reconhecidas e executadas em toda a União da forma mais rápida e eficaz e com o menor custo possível.

Simplificará a vida dos cidadãos, ao mesmo tempo que deverá ter efeitos sociais positivos ao permitir que os credores de alimentos, que residam noutro Estado-Membro, apresentem com a maior facilidade um pedido de cobrança de créditos alimentares junto do tribunal competente e, uma vez proferida a decisão, esta seja reconhecida em todos os Estados-Membros, sem mais formalidades.

  Bogusław Liberadzki (PSE), na piśmie. Panie Przewodniczący! Głosuję za przyjęciem sprawozdania w sprawie wniosku dotyczącego rozporządzenia Rady w sprawie właściwości, prawa właściwego, uznawania i wykonywania orzeczeń sądowych oraz współpracy w zakresie zobowiązań alimentacyjnych (COM(2005)0649 – C6-0079/2006 – 2005/0259(CNS)).

Pani Genowefa Grabowska słusznie ocenia, iż na poziomie Unii Europejskiej brakuje obecnie wspólnego, zharmonizowanego systemu w zakresie uznawania i wykonywania orzeczeń dotyczących świadczeń alimentacyjnych.

Zgadzam się z inicjatywą szybkiego i bezpłatnego dochodzenia roszczeń alimentacyjnych, szczególnie w kontekście transgranicznego przepływu ludności.

Sprawozdanie słusznie podkreśla potrzebę wdrożenia takich działań, aby wydane orzeczenie posiadało taką samą moc, jaką posiada w państwie członkowskim, w którym zostało wydane, bez żadnych dodatkowych formalności.

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0518/2007)

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Desde 1997, data da assinatura da Convenção de Otava, e com base em dados de Novembro passado, 156 Estados aderiram a esta Convenção. Significativamente e lamentavelmente, os EUA não fazem parte desse conjunto de países.

Correctamente, a resolução hoje aprovada faz referência à incoerência da acção da Comissão Europeia quando anuncia a intenção de contribuir activamente para a destruição de minas anti-pessoal e o apoio às vítimas que, relembramos, maioritariamente são crianças, e ao mesmo tempo anulou a rubrica orçamental específica para as minas anti-pessoal, no fim de 2006.

Tendo em conta a importância desta acção e que o apoio às vitimas é de longe insuficiente para dar resposta às suas necessidades, consideramos que se deverá repor uma rubrica orçamental específica relativa às minas anti-pessoal para o financiamento de acções anti-minas, de ajuda às vítimas e para a destruição das reservas de minas e, acrescentamos, com um reforço substancial de verbas.

Lamentamos que não tenham sido adoptadas as propostas subscritas pelo nosso grupo parlamentar que instam todos os países a pararem imediatamente com a produção de minas terrestres e que em nenhuma circunstância ou condição as tropas de países da UE façam uso de minas.

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0543/2007)

  Robert Goebbels (PSE), par écrit. – Je me suis abstenu sur la résolution concernant les relations UE-Chine car je ne tiens pas à m'associer à ces remontrances paternalistes ni au discours moralisateur que véhiculent les résolutions de ce genre. Une Union européenne qui n'est pas capable d'adopter une Charte des droits fondamentaux valable sur tout son territoire est mal placée pour se poser en donneuse de leçons au reste du monde.

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0512/2007)

  Jim Allister (NI), in writing. As a representative from a region, Northern Ireland, where Sinn Fein, affiliates of a terrorist organisation which recently murdered a young man, Paul Quinn, has been admitted to government in a coalition with exclusively democratic parties, I was encouraged to note and vote for Amendment 14 which was in the following terms:

‘Deplores the fact that some mainstream parties have seen fit to give credibility and acceptance to extremist parties by entering into coalition agreements, thereby sacrificing their moral integrity for the sake of short-term political gain and expediency.’

  Gerard Batten (IND/DEM), in writing. Whilst opposed to extremism in any form, UKIP does not believe that we, the British people, need to take any advice on this issue from the EU, and nor would UKIP call for the EU to take any action. This, like all other matters, should be the prerogative of independent, democratic nation states.

  Derek Roland Clark (IND/DEM), in writing. Whilst opposed to extremism in ny form UKIP does not believe that we, the British people, need to take advice on this issue from the EU, and nor would UKIP call for the EU to take any action. This, like all other matters, should be the prerogative of independent, democratic, nation states.

  Hanna Foltyn-Kubicka, Wojciech Roszkowski oraz Konrad Szymański (UEN), na piśmie. Panie Przewodniczący! Jesteśmy przeciw rasizmowi, ksenofobii i ekstremizmowi politycznemu. Jednakże ostatnie praktyki Parlamentu Europejskiego, w którym nadużywa się tych pojęć w bieżącej walce politycznej, a przez to zagraża się wolnemu wyrażaniu opinii, czego wyraźnym przykładem były wydarzenia na sali obrad w dniu 12 grudnia b.r., skłaniają do wniosku, że zwolennicy Karty Praw Podstawowych, w której zresztą bez sensu zakazuje się dyskryminacji „wszelkich poglądów politycznych”, pogwałcili wówczas głoszone przez siebie zasady.

Brak precyzyjnego zdefiniowania ekstremizmu politycznego i ksenofobii w rezolucji mającej na celu walkę z ekstremizmem skłania nas do wstrzymania się od głosu w tej sprawie.

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI), par écrit. – Le Front national, le Vlaams Belang ou encore le FPOE ne sont pas des partis extrémistes, ni racistes, ni xénophobes. Dans un esprit d'amalgame malsain et faux, l'ensemble des partis dits "bien-pensants" s'évertuent à pourtant les taxer d'extrémistes uniquement parce qu'ils s'attachent à promouvoir le maintien de l'identité nationale.

La démocratie est en danger certes, mais les coupables pré-désignés par le système ne sont pas les bons. Ce ne sont pas ceux qui critiquent et contestent les politiques en matière notamment d'immigration et qui sont accusés à ce titre d'être extrémistes. Non, ce sont ceux qui musèlent systématiquement la liberté d'expression au nom des droits de l'homme et du politiquement correct et qui en réalité ne font que masquer leurs échecs à résoudre les problèmes d'immigration, d'insécurité et d'identité auxquels ils sont confrontés.

En multipliant les législations de lutte contre les extrémismes en Europe, le Parlement aurait pu s'enorgueillir de participer au maintien des principes et valeurs démocratiques. Malheureusement il n'en est rien, le Parlement, loin de viser l'islamisme radical ou encore les régimes totalitaires communistes, assouvit une fois de plus son obsession anti-nationale et mondialiste.

  Mieczysław Edmund Janowski (UEN), na piśmie. Panie Przewodniczący! Jestem zdecydowanym przeciwnikiem rasizmu, ksenofobii i ekstremizmu politycznego. Uważam jednak, że w dokumentach przyjmowanych pod sztandarem Parlamentu Europejskiego należy jednoznacznie zdefiniować takie terminy, jak właśnie ekstremizm polityczny, czy ksenofobia. W przeciwnym razie może to, pod szczytnym hasłem, służyć celom nawet odwrotnym i stanowić pole do nadużyć w działalności publicznej polityków, zagłuszając wolność wypowiedzi i swobodę głoszenia poglądów.

Przykładem takiego wybiórczego traktowania tych pojęć była sytuacja, która zaistniała w Strasburgu na sali obrad plenarnych Parlamentu Europejskiego 12 grudnia b.r. Jak bowiem ma się przykładowo zapis jednego z artykułów Karty Praw Podstawowych mówiący, że „Zakazana jest wszelka dyskryminacja ze względu na (...) opinie polityczne lub wszelkie inne...”, do wyrywania siłą z rąk posłów kartek papieru z napisem „REFERENDUM”? Było to wszakże pokojowe wyrażanie stanowiska przez niektórych deputowanych.

W tej sytuacji wstrzymałem się od głosu nad rezolucją „Walka z rosnącym ekstremizmem w Europie”.

  Carl Lang (NI), par écrit. – Il est stupéfiant de voir à quel point le Parlement européen peut être hémiplégique: il ne regarde qu'à droite! Les diverses résolutions proposées par le PSE, les Libéraux, les Verts ou encore les Communistes ne considèrent l'extrémisme que du côté de "l'extrême droite".

Quid de l'islamisme radical ou encore des trotskistes et communistes de tous poils? Pas une seule fois ces extrémismes ne sont visés.

C'est une insulte pour toutes les victimes des régimes totalitaires communistes et pour toutes celles et ceux qui souffrent au quotidien des dogmes et pratiques issues de l'islam radical. Pour le Parlement européen ces extrémismes là ne sont pas condamnables. Ils n'existent pas tout simplement car ils ne participent pas à la terminologie standard du politiquement correct en vigueur dans cette enceinte.

Dans un esprit de respect des principes et valeurs de démocratie, d'égalité et de tolérance le groupe socialiste n'hésite d'ailleurs pas à "se féliciter de la dissolution du groupe d'extrême droite Indépendance, tradition et souveraineté (ITS)" avant de demander le durcissement des conditions régissant la formation des groupes politiques au sein du Parlement. Le leitmotiv de ces élus consiste à diaboliser systématiquement leurs opposants politiques afin d'imposer leur bien-pensance à tout le monde.

Ces résolutions sont des pensums d'hypocrisie, d'aveuglement et d'obscurantisme. Nous voterons contre.

  Geoffrey Van Orden (PPE-DE), in writing. While I fully subscribe to genuine measures to overcome racism and extremism, this sort of resolution, generated by the Left, is not helpful and is merely intended to take forward their own distorted agenda. In fact, there is little to distinguish the extreme Left and the extreme Right and they feed off one another. However, the Left has been successful in taking the spotlight off its own extremes and promoting institutions and policies which assist its own objectives. The EU, in its continuous efforts to extend its own reach, is often complicit in this. I do not approve of EU quangos such as the so-called ‘EU Agency for Fundamental Rights’ or indeed funding from public money of the constellation of NGOs pushing the Left’s agenda. I therefore abstained on the resolution.

  Thomas Wise (IND/DEM), in writing. I am opposed to extremism in any form, but I do not accept that the British people must take advice from the EU on this - or indeed on any other matter. I was not elected to have the EU extend or expand its control over the UK. This matter should remain in the control and prerogative of independent, democratic nation states.

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0494/2007)

  Erik Meijer (GUE/NGL), schriftelijk. In 1918 heeft onafhankelijk Montenegro vrijwillig gekozen voor samengaan met de buurlanden Servië, Kroatië, Bosnië-Herzegovina en Slovenië. Na het uiteenvallen van Joegoslavië hebben de kiezers in 2006 democratisch besloten niet langer alleen met Servië verbonden te blijven. Daardoor werd Montenegro de negenenveertigste onafhankelijke staat van Europa. Nu is het belangrijk dat Montenegro een normale staat wordt, en geen groot Monaco, geen paradijs voor rijke buitenlanders, die graag weinig belasting betalen, zwartgeld witwassen en paleizen bouwen. Montenegro moet meer doen tegen milieuvervuiling en sigarettensmokkel.

Ik ben tevreden met de overname door de Commissie AFET van mijn amendementen over woningen en werk voor vluchtelingen uit Servië en Kosovo. Statelozen kunnen niet eeuwig stateloos blijven en Montenegro moet de afspraken van de Raad van Europa daarover respecteren. Ook mijn voorstel voor herstel van de Noord-Zuidspoorwegverbindingen naar Niksič aan de Bosnische grens en naar Shkoder in Albanië is overgenomen. Groeiend wegverkeer is geen oplossing. Gelukkig eist rapporteur Vernola nu anders dan in zijn vorige jaarrapport geen snelle toetreding tot de NAVO, en evenmin een economische politiek die nog sterker neoliberaal is dan in de rest van Europa gebruikelijk is. Toetreding tot de NAVO mag geen voorafgaande voorwaarde zijn voor toelating tot de EU.

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0503/2007)

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. A resolução hoje aprovada no Parlamento Europeu expressa a solidariedade para com as vítimas dos naufrágios registados no Estreito de Kerch - isto é, na ligação do Mar Negro com o Mar Azov -, e que causaram uma catástrofe ambiental.

O impacto ambiental do derramamento de derivados de petróleo neste estreito foi agravado pela rápida dispersão da poluição devida aos fortes ventos e à ondulação que se fizeram sentir.

Acompanhamos, na generalidade, as posições constantes da resolução, salientando a importância dos Estados-Membros na garantia do respeito das normas internacionais por parte dos navios inscritos nos seus registos e na prevenção dos acidentes marítimos e combate às suas consequências.

Assentindo na necessidade da implementação de medidas de redução do risco ambiental e de avanço em matéria de segurança marítima, consideramos que qualquer iniciativa tomada ao nível da UE, neste quadro, deverá ser baseada no reforço da cooperação entre Estados-Membros, não devendo colocar em causa as competências destes nesta área.

  Marie Anne Isler Béguin (Verts/ALE), par écrit. – L'élargissement de l'Union européenne engage notre solidarité à l'égard des populations des 431 000 km2 de la mer Noire.

Cette solidarité s'exprime au niveau de: "l'accord d'ouverture des négociations avec la Turquie", la mise en œuvre de la "politique de voisinage" avec la Géorgie et l'Ukraine, le "partenariat stratégique" noué avec la Russie. La violence de la tempête nous renvoie aux effets du changement climatique. Et dans notre voisinage. Ils requièrent une politique de gestion des risques intégrant à la fois prévention et protection de la diversité biologique.

On se souvient que la tempête avait pris au piège quatre navires et causé la mort de huit marins. Un cargo russe s'était également brisé en deux, libérant 4 000 tonnes de fioul sur une route de migration d'oiseaux plongeurs venus de Sibérie. L'Union européenne a diligenté une équipe dans le cadre du "Monitoring and information center". Cette initiative doit être complétée. Pour prévenir les futures catastrophes, l'UE doit s'assurer que les normes de sécurité élevées sont systématiquement appliquées à la flotte des cargos russes. L'UE doit imposer à son partenaire russe que le pétrole soit acheminé par des cargos à double coque. Au moment où se réunit l'assemblée parlementaire de BiSEC, il faut demander une application des normes européennes du paquet maritime européen.

- Rapport: Christian Ehler (A6-0448/2007)

  Andrzej Jan Szejna (PSE), na piśmie. Panie Przewodniczący! Głosuję za przyjęciem sprawozdania pana posła Christiana Ehlera w sprawie systemów gwarancji depozytów.

Pan poseł sprawozdawca przedstawił bardzo dobre sprawozdanie, w którym zwraca uwagę, że narastająca integracja rynków stawia przed systemami gwarancji nowe wyzwania, którymi trzeba się zająć w imię zabezpieczenia stabilności rynku finansowego. Natomiast systemy gwarancji depozytów to bardzo ważny element systemu rynków finansowych Unii Europejskiej i stale należy usprawniać ich działanie.

Poseł sprawozdawca słusznie zwraca uwagę na problem zarządzania w sytuacjach kryzysowych oraz zabezpieczeń depozytów transgranicznych poprzez zarządzanie w sytuacjach kryzysowych.

Zgadzam się, że zarządzanie w sytuacjach kryzysowych musi być oparte na usprawnionym wczesnym wykrywaniu ryzyka, ustalonym i zaplanowanym współdziałaniu wszystkich zainteresowanych oraz wyjaśnieniu kwestii momentu podziału obciążeń. Należy przy tym uwzględnić różnice systemów i różnorodność zaangażowanych stron z sektora publicznego i prywatnego.

- Proposition de résolution (B6-0495/2007)

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI), par écrit. – Importations massives, rôle pervers joué par un euro fort face à une devise étrangère volontairement sous-évaluée, dumping social et environnemental, contrefaçons, piratage, produits dangereux, existence de barrières non tarifaires dont souffrent les productions européennes: dans le domaine du textile comme dans les autres, les rapports et les résolutions de ce Parlement sur les relations commerciales avec la Chine se suivent et se ressemblent.

Pourquoi, dans ces conditions, avoir accepté l'entrée de la Chine à l'OMC? Nous, nous avions voté contre. Pourquoi refuser de voir que la libéralisation des échanges avec des pays qui ont décidé de ne pas respecter les règles - libéralisation que vous ne remettez jamais en cause - ne conduit qu'au désastre économique et à la désintégration sociale dans des régions et pour des secteurs entiers? Pourquoi avoir accepté la fin des quotas textiles et la mise au chômage de dizaines de milliers de travailleurs européens? Vous vous en inquiétez aujourd'hui, mais vous ne parlez que timidement de défense commerciale possible, de mesures de sauvegarde éventuelles et de surveillance conjointe des exportations. C'est peu, c'est insuffisant. Mais c'est déjà ça.

Alors, même si cette résolution n'aura pas plus d'effet qu'un emplâtre sur une jambe de bois, nous votons en sa faveur.

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Valorizamos a aprovação das nossas propostas que:

- Frisam que o denominado mecanismo de vigilância de duplo controlo só fará sentido se assegurar que não volte a ocorrer a situação de 2005 e que são necessárias novas medidas de salvaguarda;

- E que propõem a criação de um programa comunitário para apoiar o têxtil e o vestuário, particularmente dirigido às regiões mais desfavorecidas actualmente dependentes deste sector e ao apoio às PME;

E lamentamos a rejeição, pela maioria do PE, das nossas propostas que, por exemplo:

- Faziam referência às graves consequências da liberalização do têxtil e vestuário ao nível mundial, com o encerramento e a deslocalização de empresas, o desemprego e situações de grave crise socio-económica;

- Sublinhavam que alguns países adoptaram medidas de salvaguarda até final de 2008, não se compreendendo porque é que a União Europeia também não o fez;

- Insistiam na criação de um quadro regulamentar para penalizar as deslocalizações, condicionando a concessão de ajudas públicas às empresas a compromissos de longo prazo em termos de desenvolvimento regional e emprego, incluindo a restituição das ajudas em caso de incumprimento;

- Ou no reforço do poder dos representantes dos trabalhadores no conselho de administração das empresas e na tomada de decisões de gestão de carácter estrutural.

  Carl Lang (NI), par écrit. – Le secteur textile en France et en Europe depuis la fin de l'Accord multifibres a fait de certaines de nos régions des déserts économiques et sociaux. Il y règne désormais précarité et pauvreté pour des milliers de femmes et d'hommes ayant perdu leur emploi.

La destruction de ces entreprises, de ce tissu social, au nom de la mondialisation et de l'ultralibéralisme européiste, est le symbole d'un des plus grands échecs économiques de l'Union européenne.

Depuis des années, cette logique provoque des délocalisations, dans tous les autres secteurs économiques, de nos productions, même d'excellence, vers d'autres pays du monde: en Afrique du Nord et surtout en Asie. Ce rééquilibrage mondial n'aura en réalité rien apporté aux pays tiers, si ce n'est l'aggravation de l'esclavagisme économique au profit d'une petite élite au sein de l'usine Chine et l'installation durable du chômage en Europe sur fond de crise économique persistante.

Il est évident que la concurrence mondiale encouragée par l'OMC est la raison majeure de l'appauvrissement généralisé et du manque de dynamisme européen. Il est urgent que l'Union européenne arrête cette folie, pour mettre enfin en place protection et préférence communautaires.

- Rapport: David Martin (A6-0463/2007)

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Entre outros aspectos, este relatório encerra uma verdadeira falácia. Reconhece que a questão da "pobreza permanece por resolver e tende a agudizar-se na Coreia, país que, de acordo com as estatísticas da OCDE, está classificado entre os três países membros desta organização, não só com o maior fosso de rendimentos, mas também aquele onde se regista uma tendência mais acentuada para o aprofundamento desse fosso" (e, acrescentamos nós, que não é caso único, pois também na UE o fosso entre pobres e ricos tem aumentado, nomeadamente em Portugal, onde a diferença entre os mais ricos e os mais pobres não cessa de se acentuar, sendo apontado que cerca de dois milhões de portugueses vivem no limiar da pobreza).

No entanto, o relatório insiste na aprovação de um acordo de "comércio livre" entre a UE e a Coreia e na liberalização do comércio, quando se sabe que essas políticas favoreceram e favorecerão a concentração da riqueza nos grandes grupos económicos e financeiros, tanto na UE como na Coreia. Acordo que servirá para pressionar ainda mais os trabalhadores a aceitarem salários baixos e a perda de direitos e conquistas sociais, em nome da "competitividade" e do aumento dos lucros fabulosos de alguns poucos.

Entretanto sobre a indústria naval nem uma palavra...

  Andrzej Jan Szejna (PSE), na piśmie. Panie Przewodniczący! Głosuję za przyjęciem sprawozdania pana posła Martina w sprawie stosunków gospodarczych i handlowych z Koreą.

Poseł sprawozdawca przygotował bardzo dobre sprawozdanie, w którym przypomina jak ekonomicznie ważnym partnerem handlowym Unii Europejskiej jest Korea. Zawarcie umowy o wolnym handlu z Koreą stanowi część strategii na rzecz globalnego wymiaru Europy.

Umowa o wolnym handlu między Koreą i Unią Europejską może stanowić podstawę dla promowania wysokich standardów społecznych i środowiskowych oraz służyć za wzór dla innych umów znajdujących się obecnie w fazie negocjacji.

Zgadzam się, że należy dołożyć wszelkich starań, aby zagwarantować, że Unia Europejska i Korea - w ramach negocjowanej obecnie umowy handlowej lub na drodze oddzielnej umowy - podejmą zobowiązania dotyczące praw człowieka.

(La séance, suspendue à 12h50, est reprise à 15 heures)

9. Поправки и намерения за гласуване: вж. протоколи

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΡΟΔΗ ΚΡΑΤΣΑ-ΤΣΑΓΚΑΡΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ
Αντιπρόεδρος

10. Одобряване на протокола: вж. протокола

11. Разисквания относно случаи на нарушаване на правата на човека, на демокрацията и на правовата държава (разискване)

11.1. Източен Чад

  Πρόεδρος. – Η ημερήσια διάταξη προβλέπει τη συζήτηση των έξι προτάσεων ψηφίσματος σχετικά με το ανατολικό Τσάντ⁽¹⁾.

  Adam Bielan (UEN), autor. Pani Przewodnicząca! Chciałbym powiedzieć, że jestem bardzo zaniepokojony intensyfikacją walk w Czadzie, ale również i brakiem postępu w zakresie znalezienia politycznego rozwiązania konfliktu. Dlatego chciałbym zwrócić szczególną uwagę na rolę operacji EUFOR Chad/CAR. Poparta również przez ONZ europejska inicjatywa ma przede wszystkim na celu zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa w strefie humanitarnej.

Biorąc pod uwagę istniejący już od pewnego czasu kryzys w Darfurze i sposób, w jaki destabilizuje on sytuację w regionie, warto tutaj wspomnieć o tym, że konflikt przekroczył już granice Czadu i Republiki Środkowej Afryki. Uważam, iż nieodzowne jest jak najszybsze umieszczenie neutralnych sił państw członkowskich. Pragnę jednak podkreślić, że sukces wspomnianej misji pokojowej zależy w dużej mierze od wysiłków politycznych, jakie powinny być dokonywane w celu przeprowadzenia pomyślnego procesu pokojowego.

  Mary Lou McDonald (GUE/NGL), author. Madam President, I want to make a couple of important and essential points. There is absolutely no doubt that intervention is required in Chad. There is no doubt that the teeming human misery of refugees in that part of our world is unbearable to see, but I want to state very clearly that there are a number of core difficulties with this proposed mission.

The first of these is the lack of clarity in terms of the operation’s mandate. We are saying that this is a peace-keeping and humanitarian effort. If that is indeed so, then this must be made doubly clear in the terms of reference for the troops we send. I believe that clarity is lacking.

I do not believe – and I have to disagree with my colleague – that an intervention shaped in this way will actually increase security. We have recently witnessed a growing intensity and barbarity of the conflict. We have also heard from leaders of many of the rebel groups that any intervention, and this intervention in particular, will be considered hostile. That poses a huge difficulty.

I must also say – and, again, I disagree with my colleague – that the troops as currently configured will not act as the neutral force that is required. I have to say, with the greatest of respect for France and her people, that to load the mission so much towards France verges on the provocative, and I think it deeply unwise.

I do not believe that it is possible for us to formulate a common European defence or security policy. The difficulties that have arisen – in this instance in relation to Chad – reflect very clearly why. I think it is undoable, because we have very different traditions and histories and very different foreign policy goals and outlooks. For this reason in particular it is a great shame – if I may say so, coming from a country that is still at least nominally militarily neutral – that the obligations, responsibilities and capacities of militarily neutral states are not recognised sufficiently in the European Union, and particularly not in the Lisbon Treaty. I believe that countries with that tradition could make the kind of valued intervention based on neutrality that my colleague has mentioned.

To conclude, intervention in Chad is necessary. However, the essential thing is how we go about this. Any operation has to be focused. It certainly has to be neutral and, above all, it must have prospects of success.

  Matsakis, Marios (ALDE). – Madam President, I notice that there is no time displayed on the board. Does that mean we will have the privilege of unlimited use of time this afternoon, or is there a technical error?

  Πρόεδρος. – Κύριε Ματσάκη, θα σεβαστούμε όλοι το χρόνο που γνωρίζουμε ότι μας έχει παραχωρηθεί.

  Colm Burke (PPE-DE), author. Mr President, I initiated this urgency resolution in order to exert political and public pressure on getting the EU peacekeeping mission to the eastern Chad border region deployed as soon as possible. The recent unrest in eastern Chad, including heavy clashes between rebel fighters and the Chadian army, underscores the urgent need for our presence in this region to protect innocent refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) from getting caught in the crossfire. These military offences are exacerbating criminality and leading to increased insecurity around the IDP camps. Not only is access to the camps being impeded for humanitarian personnel, but they are wrestling with the problem of banditry, restricting their ability to provide much needed humanitarian assistance.

I call on the EU and its Member States to honour the political decision made and to provide this mission with more troops and appropriate financial, logistic and air support, including the necessary number of helicopters, as soon as possible. The EU’s credibility in its foreign policy on the world stage is at stake if it cannot mobilise sufficient troops and equipment to make this mission operational. This is an EU peacekeeping mission and therefore concerns all EU Member States, whether they are participant countries or not.

I would like here and now to dispel the myth that this mission will be French dominated. This mission has troops coming from Sweden, the Netherlands, Poland, Austria and Ireland. Furthermore, it will not be French led but Irish led. Irish Lieutenant General Pat Nash has been appointed to front this mission, and he will therefore be calling the shots – excuse the pun – concerning troop activities on the ground. This operation is going to go ahead, and such remarks are simply not helpful when it comes to aiding this mission’s perception and eventual reception among the local population in Chad and among the rebel groups.

There have been some hopeful signs of movement this week from other EU Member States, following Ireland’s appeal for this mission to be adequately resourced. It appears that one country has offered medical supplies, while other Member States are discussing providing funding to assist other countries to supply necessary logistical support, including aircraft. Another fourth-generation conference must be called immediately to come up with the necessities to protect our troops in the field so that they can go about their important job of protecting refugees. The time to act is now. Our inaction will cost lives.

  Alain Hutchinson (PSE), auteur. Madame la Présidente, la reprise des combats entre forces rebelles et gouvernementales tchadiennes a fait des centaines de morts et de blessés et provoqué un regain de tensions dans la région frontalière du Soudan et de la République centrafricaine. Cette situation a, de facto, limité l'accès des camps de réfugiés à des milliers de personnes et considérablement compliqué la tâche des humanitaires.

Je rappelle aussi qu'à l'heure actuelle, dans cette région du monde, des femmes et des enfants sont toujours victimes de violences particulièrement odieuses et que l'on compte déjà plus de 450 000 personnes déplacées vivant dans des conditions terribles précisément là où les combats ont repris.

Dans un tel contexte, nous pouvons bien entendu exiger que les belligérants cessent tout combat, particulièrement quand les populations civiles sont touchées. Nous leur demandons également de respecter les principes fondamentaux du droit international humanitaire, ce qui implique de respecter l'espace humanitaire et de permettre l'acheminement de l'aide, et de ne pas porter atteinte au personnel humanitaire.

De manière générale, nous sommes d'ailleurs particulièrement préoccupés par le fait que le droit humanitaire est de plus en plus souvent bafoué, quand il n'est pas totalement ignoré par les parties impliquées dans des conflits. Il faudra que l'Union européenne réagisse de manière spécifique contre cette évolution inquiétante. Nous demandons en outre aux autorités tchadiennes de tout mettre en œuvre pour systématiquement poursuivre les auteurs de viols, de crimes de guerre et de toute forme d'atteinte grave aux droits de l'homme.

Mais notre message s'adresse aussi et surtout, dirai-je, à l'Union européenne et en particulier au Conseil des ministres, de qui nous avons sans doute plus de chances d'être entendus et à qui nous demandons de prendre ses responsabilités. Le 15 octobre dernier, le Conseil a adopté une action conjointe dans le cadre de l'opération EUFOR pour le Tchad et la République centrafricaine afin d'assurer la protection des civils, la délivrance de l'aide humanitaire et la sécurisation du personnel humanitaire local et expatrié. Seulement deux mois plus tard, le déploiement des troupes de l'EUFOR ne s'est toujours pas concrétisé, faute de moyens et d'équipements suffisants. Ce n'est pas acceptable et il est donc urgent que le Conseil et la Commission accélèrent le processus décisionnel permettant à cette opération d'être menée le plus rapidement possible.

Je voudrais par ailleurs souligner qu'aucune mission de maintien de la paix dans l'est du Tchad et dans le nord de la République centrafricaine ne sera efficace sans un processus de réconciliation globale impliquant toute la région. On sait déjà que la présence de l'EUFOR aux portes du Soudan rendra plus difficile la libre circulation des rebelles à travers les frontières et provoquera donc le déplacement de certaines attaques. Le soutien urgent et indispensable que l'Union européenne s'est engagée à apporter pourrait donc aussi s'avérer très vite insuffisant.

Il est dès lors également essentiel que l'Union mette, d'ores et déjà, tout en œuvre pour favoriser la reprise des pourparlers de paix à un niveau régional, en partenariat avec l'ensemble des parties au conflit et des divers représentants de la communauté internationale.

Pour terminer, je voudrais souligner que nous considérons que la neutralité de la force européenne revêt ici un caractère particulièrement important et tout à fait stratégique. Sachant que des rebelles ont déjà menacé de la prendre pour cible au cas où il ne s'agirait que d'une mission de la France déguisée, nous demandons aux autres États membres de participer massivement à la composition de cette force afin qu'il soit clair pour tout le monde qu'il s'agit bien d'une force européenne.

  Marios Matsakis (ALDE), author. Madam President, eastern Chad has become a second Darfur, and the déjà vu scenes of killings and destruction committed against innocent civilians are coming back to haunt us.

Meanwhile, we in the EU, being part of the privileged elite of this world, debate endlessly amongst ourselves on how to deal with the situation. While we – most wisely, but very slowly – consider and reconsider our decision to send an effective peacekeeping military force to the region, those criminals who carry out ethnic cleansing continue their despicable acts unhindered.

One important – perhaps the most important – message that must come out of this debate today is our strong demand to the Commission and Council that EUFOR must be properly set up and deployed to the affected region most urgently. Those in the Council or Commission, or elsewhere for that matter, who delay this action would be responsible for the further escalation of violence and tragedy that will inevitably follow soon.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), Autor. Señora Presidenta, encuentro particularmente significativo que las tres resoluciones de urgencia que hoy debatimos tengan en común que tratan sobre diferentes tipos de violencia contra las mujeres. Ello pone de manifiesto que este tipo de violencia es un hecho que afecta a todo el mundo, aunque en formas y con manifestaciones particulares en cada caso.

El primero de los tres casos que hoy abordamos, la situación en el Chad, es un triste ejemplo de cómo, en un contexto de guerra, las mujeres suelen ser muchas veces usadas como objetos sexuales y donde la violación se convierte asimismo en un arma de guerra. Esta situación se da especialmente en los campos de refugiados, pero no sólo en los campos de refugiados.

Con esta resolución pretendemos —al menos algunos— subrayar que la sociedad internacional, y en particular la Unión Europea, debemos responder a esta situación y asumir nuestra responsabilidad de proteger.

En ese sentido, el desplazamiento de una misión específica, la EUFOR Chad/RCA, es una tarea que debe hacerse de manera urgente, sí, pero también de manera responsable. Aquí quiero sumarme a la advertencia de que existe ciertamente un riesgo de que dicha misión se perciba excesivamente vinculada a un país, en concreto, Francia. Creo que esto sería nefasto y ciertamente contraproducente para los objetivos de dicha misión.

Por ello, insisto también en que la composición de dicha misión debe reflejar la diversidad de los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea con objeto de evitar cualquier confusión entre dicha misión y el despliegue francés conocido como «Épervier». Asimismo, debemos denunciar ante todas las instancias posibles —e insto, por tanto, al Consejo y a la Comisión a que así lo hagan— la brutalidad de los ataques perpetrados contra la población civil por parte de las milicias Yanyawid y otros grupos chadianos.

Especialmente condenable es el uso de la violencia sexual como arma de guerra y es inaceptable que dichos crímenes queden impunes. Urge, por tanto, que las autoridades chadianas asuman la responsabilidad de investigar dichas violaciones y abusos y que lleven a sus responsables ante la justicia.

  Bernd Posselt, im Namen der PPE-DE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Von den letzten Bourbonen-Königen hat man gesagt, dass sie immer eine Idee, eine Regierung oder eine Armee zu spät gehandelt hätten. Das scheint heute leider auf den Westen und auf Europa zuzutreffen, denn wir haben die Katastrophe in Darfur und im Osttschad schon viel zu lange treiben lassen. Je später wir intervenieren, desto teurer wird es, nicht nur finanziell, sondern auch militärisch und politisch. Deshalb bin ich dem Kollegen von Wogau sehr dankbar, dass er auf militärischem und sicherheitspolitischem Gebiet und dem Kollegen Dess sehr dankbar, dass er auf humanitärem Gebiet die Dinge massiv vorantreibt. Wir müssen endlich handeln, doch die Staaten zögern, nicht nur beim Material, das notwendig ist, sondern leider auch bei den notwendigen Truppen. Wir brauchen an Ort und Stelle Truppen und Kräfte mit Orts- und Sachkenntnis. Ich bin zwar auch der Meinung, dass es keine getarnte französische Operation sein darf, davon redet auch niemand, aber wir brauchen die Orts- und Sachkenntnis der Franzosen. Wir brauchen aber auch die Kooperation der Afrikanischen Union und der Arabischen Liga, die sich leider noch völlig abseits halten. Das darf uns Europäer aber nicht unserer Verantwortung entbinden.

Ich sage es ganz klar: Wir wollen uns engagieren, aber wir dürfen nicht den Fehler machen, den wir in Afghanistan gemacht haben, dass wir nämlich intervenieren, ohne eine politische Strategie zu haben. Wer dort interveniert, der muss auch wissen, dass er eine Strategie für Friedensverhandlungen, für interethnische Gespräche und für die Lösung der massiven Stammes- und sonstigen Konflikte haben muss, die es sowohl im Osttschad als auch in Darfur entlang der künstlichen Grenzen gibt. Deshalb sollten wir uns als Europäisches Parlament für den Truppeneinsatz, für die humanitäre Hilfe einsetzen, aber auch so schnell wie möglich unseren Beitrag zu einer tragfähigen politischen Friedensstrategie für die Region leisten.

  Toomas Savi, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, I will be very brief. The second EU-Africa Summit was a complete failure: the two parties did not reach an Economic Partnership Agreement, and relations between those two parts of the world have been frozen.

The tense situation in eastern Chad has not helped much either. One of the prerequisites for fruitful cooperation would be an end to the decades-long military conflicts in Africa. When resolving the conflict in eastern Chad, the European Union must demonstrate that we are determined to reach a peaceful solution and send our peacekeeping military mission to eastern Chad as soon as possible.

  Koenraad Dillen (NI). – Voorzitter, vorig weekend vond in Lissabon een Europees-Afrikaanse top plaats en die top wilde de basis vormen voor een nieuw partnerschap tussen Europa en Afrika. Een partnerschap dat volgens de gezamenlijke verklaring van het Europees Parlement en het pan-Afrikaans parlement gebaseerd moest zijn op gedeelde waarden en beginselen, zoals democratie, mensenrechten en behoorlijk bestuur.

Maar jammer genoeg bewijst de houding van Europa tegenover figuren zoals Mugabe in Zimbabwe en Khadafi in Libië - om er maar twee te noemen - die beiden met de rode loper werden ontvangen - dat er nog steeds een afgrond gaapt tussen principeverklaringen en realiteit. Ook de situatie in Tsjaad toont vandaag ten overvloede aan dat een groot deel van Afrika nog lang niet klaar is om deel uit te maken van deze zogenaamde gemeenschappelijkewaardengemeenschap.

Dus willen wij als Europeanen geloofwaardig blijven met ons discours over mensenrechten en ons niet enkel door Realpolitik laten leiden, dan dient een interventie inderdaad een duidelijk signaal te geven dat rechteloosheid en willekeur zo snel mogelijk plaats moeten maken voor de meest elementaire democratische beginselen. Jammer genoeg geldt de vaststelling voor Tsjaad ook voor zeer veel andere regimes in Afrika. Niet alleen Tsjaad is in dit bedje ziek.

  Πρόεδρος. – Ευχαριστώ για τη διευκρίνιση. Εγώ είμαι υποχρεωμένη να ανακοινώσω τους ομιλητές που έχουν εγγραφεί, για να μιλήσουν εκ μέρους της πολιτικής τους ομάδας. Την πολιτική σας ιδιότητα, όπως και όλων μας, δεν την αμφισβητεί κανείς και γνωριζόμαστε όλοι μεταξύ μας.

  Alain Hutchinson (PSE). – Madame la Présidente, juste pour rectifier ce que vous venez de dire avant la dernière intervention: le groupe socialiste est intervenu par ma bouche, je m'exprimais en tant qu'auteur et au nom du groupe socialiste. Je ne voudrais pas qu'on s'imagine que nous ne sommes pas intéressés par cette question.

  Geoffrey Van Orden (PPE-DE). – Madam President, we are all very aware of the appalling humanitarian and security situation in eastern Chad. This cannot be separated from the wider regional catastrophe in Darfur: 300 000 people massacred, two million displaced persons, four million people living on Western food aid. For three years now, the international community has been wringing its hands. I recognise that the European Union has sponsored large-scale humanitarian aid to the region. That is the good side.

Politically, the EU’s contribution is less commendable. It fêtes the Sudanese dictator Omar El Bashir in Lisbon, along with Mugabe the oppressor of Zimbabwe, where in the ultimate sickening act of hypocrisy they sign up to a declaration on human rights and good governance.

The EU’s other contribution is to try and engage in some half-baked military mission in order to stick the ESDP badge on another military operation. The fact is this proposed mission is poorly conceived; the size of the force is inadequate; it lacks vital medical, logistic and transport support elements; it is already three months behind schedule and there is no contingency reserve if the situation should deteriorate even further.

We need only look at the random involvement in this mission – what is after all a largely French-driven operation – to understand why many in Chad, Sudan and the Central African Republic, let alone our own military officers, have a seriously sceptical attitude towards this project. Soldiering should be left to others.

As a matter of urgency it is the UN-AU effort that should be reinforced as part of a coherent strategy for the whole region. This should be politically driven by the UN Security Council.

  Günter Verheugen, Vizepräsident der Kommission. Frau Präsidentin, meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren Abgeordnete! Die Kommission betrachtet die zunehmende Verschlechterung der Sicherheitslage im Osten des Tschad mit großer Sorge und unterstützt nachdrücklich die Entsendung der EUFOR-Truppen in voller Stärke zum Schutz von Flüchtlingen und Vertriebenen in der Region. Dafür wird die Europäische Union im Osten des Tschad alle ihr zur Verfügung stehenden Instrumente einsetzen. Die Kommission wird nicht nur EUFOR-Truppen, sondern im Rahmen eines umfassenden Konzepts auch mehr als 50 Millionen Euro zur Verfügung stellen.

Mit diesen Mitteln werden Maßnahmen in folgenden drei Schlüsselbereichen finanziert, die von Soforthilfe bis zu langfristiger Entwicklungshilfe reichen.

Der erste Bereich betrifft die humanitäre Hilfe, für die ECHO 2007 bereits 30,5 Millionen Euro in Form von Soforthilfemaßnahmen im Tschad zur Unterstützung von Flüchtlingen und Vertriebenen in verschiedenen Sektoren bereitgestellt hat. Auch für 2008 sind Mittel in ähnlicher Höhe zur Fortsetzung dieser Maßnahmen vorgesehen.

Der zweite Bereich umfasst den Aufbau einer tschadischen Polizeitruppe, die mit humanitären Schutzmaßnahmen beauftragt werden wird. Im Kontext der EU- und VN-Missionen im Tschad werden die Vereinten Nationen bis zu 850 tschadische Polizei- und Gendarmeriekräfte einstellen, ausbilden und ausrüsten, die in den Flüchtlingslagern im Osten des Tschad eingesetzt werden sollen. Die Europäische Union unterstützt dieses Programm der Vereinten Nationen mit 10 Millionen Euro aus Mitteln des Stabilitätsinstruments.

Der dritte Bereich betrifft die Wiedereingliederung und Rehabilitation. Im Jahr 2008 wird die Kommission aus dem 9. Europäischen Entwicklungsfonds 10,1 Millionen Euro für Entwicklungsmaßnahmen zur Förderung von Wiederaufbau, Konfliktschlichtung und dem Aufbau von Verwaltungskapazitäten bereitstellen. Das sind Maßnahmen, die für die Verbesserung der Sicherheitslage in den Gebieten der VN-EU-Mission notwendig sind. Im Rahmen des 10. Europäischen Entwicklungsfonds sind weitere Maßnahmen vorgesehen, für die 311 Millionen Euro im Zeitraum von 2008 bis 2013 veranschlagt werden.

Kurzfristig soll mit diesen Maßnahmen die Rückkehr der Vertriebenen in ihre Heimat unterstützt werden, langfristig zielen sie auf eine dauerhafte Stabilisierung der Lage im Tschad und in der gesamten Region.

Meine Vorredner haben zu Recht auf das jüngste Aufflammen der Kämpfe zwischen den regierungsfeindlichen Rebellen und den Truppen von Präsident Idriss Déby im Osten des Tschad hingewiesen, das die humanitären Hilfeleistungen deutlich erschwert hat. Auch in den Gebieten um die Flüchtlingslager herum kann die Sicherheit nicht mehr gewährleistet werden. Darüber hinaus spitzt sich die prekäre humanitäre Lage durch die rasch steigende Zahl von Flüchtlingen aus den Kampfgebieten immer mehr zu. In dieser zutiefst besorgniserregenden Situation ist die Wiederherstellung der Sicherheit in der Region eine Aufgabe von höchster Dringlichkeit.

Um diese Aufgabe zu meistern, ist eine militärische Präsenz unerlässlich. Die EUFOR-Truppen sollen daher genau in diese Krisengebiete entsandt werden. Sie werden jedoch nur dann Erfolg haben, wenn die Ursachen des Konflikts beseitigt werden und wenn gleichzeitig ein politischer Prozess eingeleitet wird, der auf den Abbau der zugrunde liegenden Spannungen und die Verringerung der Armut durch die Förderung der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung zielt.

  Πρόεδρος. – Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί σήμερα, μετά την περάτωση όλων των συζητήσεων.

(1) βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

11.2. Права на жените в Саудитска Арабия

  Πρόεδρος. – Η ημερήσια διάταξη προβλέπει τη συζήτηση των έξι προτάσεων ψηφίσματος σχετικά με τα δικαιώματα των γυναικών στη Σαουδική Αραβία⁽¹⁾.

  Adam Bielan (UEN), autor. Pani Przewodnicząca! Odwołując się jeszcze raz do incydentu z października 2006 roku, biorąc jednocześnie pod uwagę brak opieki prawnej kobiet w Arabii Saudyjskiej, ale przede wszystkim opierając się na faktach, które po raz kolejny udowadniają wyrazy potępienia społecznego dla głosu ofiar gwałtów, próbujących wywołać publiczną debatę na ten temat. Wzywam władze Arabii Saudyjskiej do natychmiastowego zaprzestania tego typu praktyk.

Pani Przewodnicząca, pragnę podkreślić, że Unia Europejska nie powinna milczeć, gdy dochodzi do skandalicznego naruszenia praw i wolności osobistych kobiet w krajach trzecich. Państwo, którego zadaniem jest ochrona obywateli nie może posuwać się do łamania zasad praworządności pod pozorem czuwania nad sprawowaniem zasady niezawisłości sądów, jak to miało miejsce w przypadku wyroku dla kobiety z miasta Katif. Apeluję zatem o wzmożenie wysiłków ze strony rządu Arabii Saudyjskiej w kwestii przestrzegania elementarnych praw kobiet.

  Eva-Britt Svensson (GUE/NGL), författare. Fru talman! Jag måste säga att det känns så otroligt sorgligt att kränkningar och våld mot kvinnor aldrig verkar upphöra. Det gäller både denna resolution och följande. Jag vill tacka alla som har arbetat för att få fram denna resolution. Det är nästan obegripligt att fortfarande 2007 är kvinnorna i Saudiarabien fråntagna alla mänskliga rättigheter.

Det är alltså inte nog med att kvinnor ska behöva utsättas för förnedrande och kränkande gruppvåldtäkter. Sen ska man dessutom straffas av myndigheterna, samtidigt som förövarna går fria. Jag menar att vi alla, både kvinnor och män, i solidaritetens namn måste göra allt vi kan för att mänskliga rättigheter ska gälla för kvinnor även i Saudiarabien. Vi uppmanar kommissionen och rådet liksom naturligtvis alla medlemsstater att i alla sammanhang lyfta de här frågorna vid kontakter med Saudiarabien.

Vi har en mängd internationella konventioner och vi har uttalande ifrån EU i många sammanhang. Ibland känns det frustrerande att vi talar och talar och detta våld ändå fortsätter och fortsätter. Tack till alla som har tagit initiativet och arbetat med denna resolution!

  Charles Tannock (PPE-DE), author. Madam President, recently King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia was afforded a controversial state visit to the United Kingdom. Our Deputy Foreign Minister praised the shared values of the UK and Saudi Arabia. I found this sycophancy absurd, as my values of democracy, human rights and gender equality are alien to Saudi tradition.

Of course, the EU’s relationship with the House of Saud is based on regional stability and on important commercial ties, in particular oil and arms trading. In fact, the relationship is so important that a three-year UK inquiry into alleged bribes paid to Saudi ministers by an arms contractor was killed by orders of Prime Minister Tony Blair on the grounds of national security.

Worryingly, Saudi Arabia’s brand of fundamentalism, Wahabi Islam, is being exported globally. In London – my constituency – textbooks at a Saudi-funded school were found to contain hate-filled passages about Christians and Jews.

This case of the Qatif gang-raped woman sentenced to 200 lashings has horrified the world. Parliament’s joint motion for a resolution expresses revulsion and repudiation of the Kingdom’s values. Twenty years ago a British TV documentary similarly recounted a story of a Saudi princess who was publicly executed for adultery.

The EU and Saudi Arabia have shared vital foreign policy interests, such as supporting the Middle Eastern peace process, encouraging the Saudis as Sunni Muslims to contain expansionist Shia Iran and supporting the Saudi fight against al-Qa’ida, many of whose adherents, unfortunately, come from Saudi Arabia originally.

But we also need to hold the Saudis to their UN Convention obligations to remove discrimination against women, who cannot even drive a car or vote in their limited local elections. But let us not kid ourselves that we share values with this fundamentalist and medieval regime.

  Marios Matsakis (ALDE), author. Madam President, I will speak in a personal capacity on this matter. Saudi Arabia is governed by a ruthless dictatorship which is, to a large extent, shamefully legitimised in most of the Western world, including many EU countries, because Saudi Arabia is immensely rich in petrol dollars, some of which it uses in Western states in order to bribe them into pretending not to see, not to hear and not to understand what is going on in that country.

But even schoolchildren know that the comical rulers of Saudi Arabia, consisting mostly of the family of one man, His Most Royal Excellency godlike King Abdullah, are imposing on their people a brutal repression. One obvious example is that they treat women as slaves or as pieces of domestic furniture yet, as mentioned just now by Mr Tannock, Mr Abdullah and his six plane-loads of entourage were given a lavishly glorious state welcome in the UK and the Vatican only a few weeks ago. And not a single word about human rights managed to escape through the honourable lips of the Queen of England, or the UK Prime Minister, or the Pope. So much for hypocrisy and double standards, one might be tempted to say.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), Autor. Señora Presidenta, en el año 2005 ya tuvimos ocasión de comentar la situación de las mujeres en Arabia Saudí, y en aquel contexto lo hicimos en relación con las elecciones municipales y a la imposibilidad de las mujeres de poder votar.

Sin embargo, además de esta discriminación en cuanto a los derechos políticos, hay otras muchas que han sido denunciadas en diversos medios, recientemente y continuamente, y que son las que han motivado esta segunda Resolución que hoy debatimos.

El detonante ha sido, ciertamente, la incomprensible sentencia dictada contra una mujer, conocida como «la mujer de Qatif», a la que se condenó a recibir doscientos latigazos por haber sido encontrada en un coche hablando con un hombre ajeno a su familia. No sólo el supuesto delito, y por ende la condena, son inadmisibles, sino que, además, se ven agravados por la imposibilidad de la condenada de recibir una asesoría legal adecuada.

Pero, lamentablemente, no es éste el único caso en el que cabe lamentar sentencias sobre delitos claramente discriminatorios e indefensión de las mujeres ante la justicia. Esto es, por desgracia, más la norma que la excepción. ¿Cómo puede considerarse justo, por ejemplo, un sistema que declara culpable a la víctima de una violación de dicha atrocidad?

Se impone un cambio estructural en ese país y, desde la Unión Europea, debemos ayudar a quienes tanto desde fuera como desde dentro están trabajando en esta dirección. No hay aquí relativismos que valgan. Los derechos humanos, y ello incluye los derechos de las mujeres, son y deben ser universales y defendidos en cualquier contexto.

Por ello, me sumo también a la petición de la colega Svensson, e insisto una vez más ante la Comisión y el Consejo a fin de que aprovechen cualquier oportunidad para solicitar a las autoridades saudíes que lleven a cabo los cambios estructurales e institucionales pertinentes, con objeto de eliminar cualquier forma de discriminación contra la mujer, lo que incluye el reconocimiento de todos los derechos, tanto en la esfera privada como en la pública, y más concretamente, en los ámbitos político, legal y jurídico.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg (PSE), autorka. Pani Przewodnicząca! Arabia Saudyjska to kraj, w którym egzekwuje się prawo wedle wahabickich zasad, czyli najbardziej radykalnego nurtu sunickiego w Islamie. Wolność polityczna, społeczna, religijna jest w znaczny sposób ograniczana, na co dzień stosuje się kary chłosty, amputacji rąk, stóp czy karę śmierci.

W kraju nazywanym przez Human Rights Watch „pustynią praw człowieka” to przede wszystkim kobiety padają ofiarą licznych form dyskryminacji w życiu prywatnym i publicznym. Dopiero w 2001 roku uznano formalnie tożsamość kobiet, wydając im dowody osobiste ze zdjęciem. Wcześniej legitymowały się dowodem rodzinnym ze zdjęciem męża lub ojca. Choć stać je na samochód, nie wolno im go prowadzić. Mogą studiować, ale wykład mężczyzny studentki oglądają na video. Są pozbawione prawa do głosowania, o rozwodzie i opiece nad dziećmi decyduje wyłącznie mężczyzna.

Kobiety są nagminnie ofiarami niesprawiedliwych i uwłaczających wyroków sądowych. Przypadek dziewczyny z Qatif to sprawa dziewiętnastolatki, ofiary zbiorowego gwałtu, skazanej na 200 batów i pół roku więzienia za to, że w chwili porwania była sam na sam z obcym mężczyzną.

Mimo sygnowania Arabia Saudyjska nie przestrzega zobowiązań wynikających z Konwencji w sprawie likwidacji wszelkich form dyskryminacji kobiet. Władze muszą przede wszystkim znieść ograniczenia dla kobiet w zakresie swobodnego przemieszczania się i podjąć kroki na rzecz stopniowego zwiększania udziału kobiet w podejmowaniu decyzji politycznych na równi z mężczyznami. Kobiety muszą mieć powszechny dostęp do zatrudnienia na wszystkich szczeblach administracji oraz możliwość pełnienia wszelkich funkcji publicznych.

Należy ponadto postulować wprowadzenie całkowitego zakazu stosowania chłosty i innych upokarzających kar cielesnych, gdyż stanowi to pogwałcenie prawa międzynarodowego i Konwencji ONZ przeciwko torturom, której Arabia Saudyjska jest stroną.

  Paulo Casaca, em nome do Grupo PSE. – Senhora Presidente, eu queria juntar a minha voz à de todas e todos os colegas que falaram e queria, em particular, lembrar que estamos este ano a celebrar o Ano Europeu da Igualdade de Oportunidades e a igualdade de oportunidades, por definição, não pode ter fronteiras e aquilo que se passa com as mulheres na Arábia Saudita, e de resto também no Grande Médio Oriente em geral, é algo que, de forma alguma, nos pode deixar indiferentes.

Eu queria pegar, em particular, numa das questões que foi levantada pelo nosso colega Charles Tannock, que é exactamente a questão da liberdade de conduzir. Foi constituída no dia 27 de Setembro, em Riade, a associação de mulheres para a condução de automóvel. É uma associação que já celebrou no dia 6 de Novembro o 17° aniversário da manifestação contra esta proibição, que já recolheu 1.000 assinaturas, que tem uma enorme força, dirigida por quatro mulheres sauditas e eu ia apelar a toda a Câmara, e muito em particular à Presidência, para dar todo o apoio a esta iniciativa da Arábia Saudita e iria também lembrar que, para além da Arábia Saudita, há situações extraordinariamente mais graves, que se estão a passar neste momento no Iraque. Iria lembrar o assassínio, já este ano, na cidade de Bassorá, de 40 mulheres por não respeitarem o código de vestuário que se está actualmente a impor no Iraque, um país onde a mulher teve direito a voto antes de ter em Portugal e que hoje em dia está a viver a introdução do fanatismo mais bárbaro. E isto não nos pode deixar indiferentes.

  Toomas Savi, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, when addressing the issue of women’s rights in Saudi Arabia, there is something that we need to keep in mind. This is that in Islamic societies there is no separation of religion and state. The state is the religion and vice versa. The lack of regard for women’s rights derives from Islamic law, and by comprehending and taking into account this simple fact we might move a step closer to improving the situation.

We cannot impose our values, which have gone beyond our Judaeo-Christian traditions, but we can open a dialogue calling for mutual understanding and preparing the ground for a reform, as several conceptions that do not correspond to our worldwide view are now being disproved.

Having said that, the situation of women in Saudi Arabia is dreadful, and something needs to be done urgently. I therefore urge my colleagues to support this report unanimously.

  Koenraad Dillen (NI). – Voorzitter, collega's, de discussie die we hier vandaag over Saoedi-Arabië voeren, met name de erbarmelijke rechtssituatie van vrouwen, zouden we eigenlijk moeten uitbreiden tot een groot deel van de islamitische wereld. Want slechts weinigen, zoals de Nederlandse Ayaan Hirsi Ali, durven het hardop te zeggen. De discriminatie en onderwerping van de vrouw zit ingebakken in de heilige teksten van de islam zelf.

Vrouwendiscriminatie in Saoedi-Arabië en haast heel de islamitische wereld vindt haar grondslag en rechtvaardiging in de Koran. Dat is een eerste fundamentele waarheid die we in dit debat onder ogen moeten durven zien. We hebben dat onlangs nog in Sudan gezien, waar een 54-jarige lerares tot vijftien dagen gevangenis werd veroordeeld omdat ze een teddybeer Mohammed had genoemd, vooraleer ze dan onder druk van de internationale diplomatie gratie kreeg. In Saoedi-Arabië wordt een 20-jarige vrouw het slachtoffers van groepsverkrachting, maar wordt zelf veroordeeld. Symbolischer kan het niet.

Maar natuurlijk zijn de Saoedi's bondgenoten van de VS en mogen wat meer. Want zoals China is ook Saoedi-Arabië een rijk land en durven we al wat minder principieel te zijn, wanneer de grote principes waar we het deze week zo vaak over hebben gehad, op het spel staan. Europa zou dus ook aan Washington moeten vragen om al zijn gewicht in de schaal te leggen om de situatie in Saoedi-Arabië te verbeteren.

  Günter Verheugen, Vizepräsident der Kommission. Frau Präsidentin, meine Damen und Herren! Die Kommission ist außerordentlich dankbar für die Gelegenheit heute, über die Situation der Frauenrechte in Saudi Arabien etwas sagen zu können.

Der Fall, der Ihrer Entschließung zugrunde liegt, gibt uns Anlass zu größter Sorge: eine junge Frau wurde nach einer Gruppenvergewaltigung durch sieben Männer zu 200 Peitschenhieben und einem halben Jahr Haft verurteilt. Die EU hat in dieser Sache sofort gehandelt. Die EU-Troika hat in Riad eine Demarche bei der saudischen Regierung unternommen und der Bestürzung der EU über das Urteil des Gerichts in El Katif Ausdruck gegeben. Das Urteil verstößt nicht nur eindeutig gegen die internationalen Verpflichtungen Saudi-Arabiens, insbesondere gegen das Übereinkommen gegen Folter und andere grausame, unmenschliche oder erniedrigende Behandlung oder Strafe. Dieses Urteil stellt das Schuldprinzip auf den Kopf, indem das Opfer für schuldig erklärt wird.

Mit diesem Fall gerät erneut ein Land ins Rampenlicht, in dem die Diskriminierung von Frauen leider zum Alltag gehört. Das Europäische Parlament hat die saudische Regierung zu Recht mehrfach dazu aufgefordert, die Beschränkungen der Bewegungsfreiheit von Frauen aufzuheben, unter anderem das Fahrverbot für Frauen. Diese Aufforderung gilt auch für die Beschränkungen des Zugangs von Frauen zur Beschäftigung sowie für die Einschränkungen ihrer Rechtspersönlichkeit und ihrer Vertretung in Gerichtsprozessen. Ich teile uneingeschränkt die Sorgen des Parlaments über die Situation der Frauen in Saudi-Arabien.

Gleichzeitig ist Saudi-Arabien als Mitglied des Menschenrechtsrats der Vereinten Nationen zum Schutz und zur Förderung der Menschenrechte verpflichtet. Saudi-Arabien ist Vertragspartei des UN-Übereinkommens zur Beseitigung jeder Form von Diskriminierung der Frau. Allerdings hat es das Übereinkommen mit einem Vorbehalt ratifiziert; danach ist das Königreich im Falle eines Widerspruchs zwischen den Bestimmungen des Übereinkommens und den Normen des islamischen Rechts nicht verpflichtet, etwaige diesem Recht entgegenstehende Bestimmungen des Übereinkommens einzuhalten. Die Europäische Union hat Saudi-Arabien mehrfach dazu aufgerufen, die Vorbehalte zu diesem UN-Übereinkommen aufzuheben – insbesondere im Hinblick auf die Gewährung gleicher Rechte für Frauen und Männer in Bezug auf die Staatsangehörigkeit ihrer Kinder – und wird dies auch weiterhin tun.

Menschenrechtsfragen wie die Lage der Frauen sind regelmäßig Gegenstand von Demarchen der Europäischen Union gegenüber Saudi-Arabien. Die Europäische Union erinnert Saudi-Arabien an seine Verpflichtungen nach den internationalen Menschenrechtsnormen, thematisiert die notwendige Gleichbehandlung von Frauen und Männern und die Bekämpfung von Gewalt gegen Frauen und fordert Saudi-Arabien auf, die Menschenrechte von Frauen zu schützen und zu fördern.

Zwei von uns beobachtete Veränderungen jüngeren Datums könnten – ich sage das mit aller Vorsicht – könnten vielleicht auf einen gewissen Fortschritt für Saudi-Arabien hinweisen.

So hat die saudische Gesellschaft für Menschenrechte (National Society for Human Rights) im Mai dieses Jahres ihren ersten Bericht über die Menschenrechtslage in Saudi-Arabien vorgelegt. In diesem Bericht werden Verletzungen der Rechte von Frauen, Gefangenen und Arbeitnehmern sowie ungerechte Gerichtsurteile öffentlich gemacht. Die Ergebnisse und Empfehlungen dieses Berichts sollten unbedingt von der saudischen Regierung aufgegriffen und weiterverfolgt werden.

Des Weiteren hat König Abdullah im Oktober eine grundlegende Justizreform angekündigt, mit der die Unabhängigkeit der Richter gestärkt und die Tatsachenfeststellung nach der Schari’a unter der Aufsicht des Obersten Gerichtshofs vereinfacht werden sollen.

Für ein Land wie Saudi-Arabien sind das ermutigende Schritte. Deshalb sollten wir nicht nur, wann immer notwendig, auf Menschenrechtsverletzungen in Saudi-Arabien aufmerksam machen, sondern wir sollten auch die sich seit Kurzem vorsichtig abzeichnenden Reformen ausdrücklich begrüßen und unterstützen.

  Πρόεδρος. – Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί σήμερα, μετά την περάτωση όλων των συζητήσεων.

(1) βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

11.3. Справедливост за т.нар. „жени-утешителки“

  Πρόεδρος. – Η ημερήσια διάταξη προβλέπει τη συζήτηση των πέντε προτάσεων ψηφίσματος σχετικά με το θέμα "Δικαιοσύνη για τις γυναίκες αναψυχής"⁽¹⁾.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), Autor. Señora Presidenta, tengo que decir que, en tanto que impulsor de esta resolución, me siento especialmente satisfecho de que finalmente hayamos encontrado el espacio y el consenso suficiente para presentarla, porque creo sinceramente que el tema merecía esto y mucho más.

Estamos hablando de casi 200 000 mujeres, eufemísticamente conocidas como «mujeres consuelo, mujeres de solaz», comfort women, que fueron forzadas a ser esclavas sexuales durante y antes de la Segunda Guerra Mundial por parte del Ejército imperial japonés. Después de 62 años, las supervivientes siguen esperando justicia.

Durante su vida han padecido mala salud física y mental, aislamiento y vergüenza y, a menudo, pobreza extrema. Hasta la fecha, el Gobierno de Japón no ha cumplido con las normas internacionales sobre reparación que comprenden la restitución, compensación, rehabilitación y satisfacción, incluidas la divulgación completa, la petición de disculpas y la garantía de no repetición. Ello es especialmente significativo teniendo en cuenta que Japón es uno de los principales donantes de ayuda a contextos de posguerra.

Por todo ello, era urgente reaccionar y recordar —como hacen las supervivientes— que la verdad debe estar ligada a la justicia, y que una disculpa resulta vacía si no va acompañada de una asunción de responsabilidades. No se trata solamente —quiero insistir en ello— del derecho de una víctima individual, sino de un derecho colectivo, lo que conlleva que la responsabilidad de recordar para que este tipo de violaciones no vuelvan a suceder.

Esto nos lleva necesariamente a pedir a las autoridades japonesas que hagan un ejercicio de honestidad histórica y que no sólo reconozcan los hechos sino que se disculpen en nombre de sus antepasados, así como que compensen a las víctimas.

Quiero, por último, mostrar mi mayor respeto y reconocimiento a las mujeres que tuvieron y tienen el coraje de alzar la voz y reclamar justicia, así como a las organizaciones que, como Amnistía Internacional, las acompañan en este periplo.

  Eva-Britt Svensson (GUE/NGL), författare. Fru talman! Resolutionen kräver rättvisa och upprättelse för de hundratusentals kvinnor, de s.k. tröstekvinnorna, som före och under andra världskriget tvingades till sexuella tjänster. Alla dessa förnedrade kvinnor som har hållits i sexuellt slaveri väntar fortfarande på rättvisa och upprättelser. Visst har de japanska myndigheterna gjort en del, men som resolutionen visar återstår väldigt mycket för den japanska regeringen och myndigheter att göra för att ge kvinnorna rättvisa och upprättelse.

Majoriteten av de kvinnor som tvingades till denna fruktansvärda situation var då mycket unga. Det innebär att har de fått hela sina liv förstörda av dessa fruktansvärda upplevelser. De har tvingats leva sina liv med fysisk och psykisk ohälsa, isolering, skam, och ofta i extrem fattigdom. Att inte dessa kvinnor har fått en fullständig rättvisa och upprättelse innebär också att de som har begått dessa brott har fått immunitet för sina gärningar.

Åter straffas offren, kvinnorna, medan gärningsmännen går fria. Denna resolution är också viktig av det skälet att vi ser det som alltid händer när det är krig och konflikt zoner, att det alltid kvinnorna som drabbas hårdast. Därför är det viktigt att vi lyfter den här frågan. Vi måste försöka sätta stopp för detta.

  Marcin Libicki (UEN), autor. Pani Przewodnicząca! Kiedy mówimy o zbrodniach i kiedy myślimy o zbrodniach 20. wieku myślimy przede wszystkim o zbrodniach niemieckich i zbrodniach bolszewickich, czy raczej, mówiąc szerzej, komunistycznych. W Europie mniej zdajemy sobie sprawę, że na Dalekim Wschodzie Japonia dopuszczała się ogromnych zbrodni od lat 30-tych 20. wieku do końca wojny. Wśród tych zbrodni jedną z największych było wykorzystywanie seksualne kobiet w tym czasie.

Około 100 tysięcy kobiet z krajów podbitych na Dalekim Wschodzie zostało przez cesarskie siły zbrojne Japonii zmuszone do niewolnictwa seksualnego. To niewolnictwo seksualne, samo w sobie zbrodnicze w najwyższym stopniu miało jeszcze dalsze konsekwencje. Tymi konsekwencjami były przymusowe aborcje, bardzo liczne okaleczenia, morderstwa i bardzo liczne samobójstwa tych kobiet. Oczywiście dzisiaj te kobiety, które jeszcze żyją są osobami starszymi i wiekowymi.

Trzeba przyznać, że rząd japoński w okresie powojennym zrobił wiele, żeby wynagrodzić te okropne krzywdy kobietom, które ich doświadczyły. Dzisiaj ta rezolucja wzywa rząd japoński, żeby dokonał ostatecznego rozliczenia politycznego, moralnego i finansowego z tymi kobietami, które jeszcze żyją i z rodzinami tych, które już nie żyją. Naprawdę to się im należy.

  Sophia in 't Veld (ALDE), Auteur. Voorzitter, ik zou allereerst - ik denk namens ons allemaal - mijn solidariteit willen uitspreken met die vrouwen. Ik ben blij dat dit op de agenda staat, want het heeft heel lang geduurd. Vijf maanden lang heeft het Europees Parlement erover geaarzeld of mensenrechten voor vrouwen nu eigenlijk wél een prioriteit zijn of niet.

Meneer Dillen, die nu weg is, heeft net gezegd dat onderdrukking van vrouwen eigen is aan de Koran. Nou, dat is grote onzin, want de kwestie van troostmeisjes laat zien dat mannen de Koran helemaal niet nodig hebben om vrouwen te onderdrukken en te mishandelen.

Ik ben eigenlijk ook een beetje teleurgesteld over de houding binnen het Europees Parlement. Zoals ik net al zei, is er heel lang over geaarzeld en ik hoor ook binnen het Europees Parlement van collega's argumenten als "Nou ja, maar 90% van die meisjes deden het toch eigenlijk vrijwillig" en "Ach, de cultuur is nu eenmaal zo, dat moet je begrijpen". Ik vind dat eerlijk gezegd stuitend. Dit is verkrachting en dat is gewoon altijd een misdaad in alle tijden en alle culturen.

Inmiddels begrijp ik dat de schoolboekjes zijn aangepast in Japan. Maar ik krijg dan van de Japanse ambassade te horen dat het verhaal wel heel omzichtig moet worden verteld, omdat scholieren nog niet zoveel van seksualiteit weten en dan wel eens psychische schade zouden kunnen oplopen. Niemand heeft het over de psychische schade van de troostmeisjes zélf. Ik vind dat eerlijk gezegd behoorlijk schokkend. Maar goed, ik ben blij dat het hier nu op de agenda staat en dat we het dadelijk gaan aannemen.

Ik denk dat het belangrijk is dat excuses oprecht en ondubbelzinnig zijn. Het is geen formaliteit. En als de vorige premier Abe de hele kwestie weer in twijfel heeft getrokken, is het niet voldoende voor de huidige regering om te zeggen "O, maar we blijven bij het vorige beleid". Nee, oprecht en ondubbelzinnig.

En als ik de argumenten hoor die we de afgelopen dagen van de Japanse ambassade hebben gehoord - overigens met erkenning van alles wat er al wél gedaan is - dan denk ik dat er op het terrein van de oprechtheid nog veel winst te behalen valt. Ik hoop dus dat we met deze resolutie allemaal onze solidariteit uitspreken met de slachtoffers.

  Karin Scheele (PSE), Verfasserin. Frau Präsidentin! Ich bin meiner Vorrednerin sehr dankbar, dass sie darauf aufmerksam gemacht hat, dass gegen massive Menschenrechtsverletzungen gegen Frauen auf dieser Erde keine Religion gefeit ist, sondern dass das vielmehr mit Diktatur und mit autoritären Systemen als mit einer bestimmten Religion zu tun hat.

Hunderttausende Frauen wurden vor und während des Zweiten Weltkriegs vom japanischen Militär zur Prostitution gezwungen. Schätzungen von Historikern gehen davon aus, dass rund 200 000 dieser so genannten Trostfrauen aus Korea, China, Taiwan und den Philippinen als Sexsklavinnen japanischen Soldaten ausgeliefert waren. Das System der so genannten Trostfrauen stellt einen der umfangreichsten Fälle von Menschenhandel im 20. Jahrhundert dar und führte zu Massenvergewaltigungen und Zwangsabtreibungen.

Nach dem Kriegsende wurden viele Frauen vom Militär ermordet und an der Heimkehr gehindert. Viele der Überlebenden schwiegen aus Scham über ihre Vergangenheit, wurden stigmatisiert und an den Rand der Gesellschaft gedrängt. Bei den Kriegsverbrecherprozessen wurde die Zwangsprostitution nicht thematisiert, von Entschädigung war keine Rede.

Erst Ende der 80er Jahre kam das Schicksal der so genannten Trostfrauen wieder ans Licht. Grund dafür war keine automatische Änderung des Bewusstseins, sondern die stärker werdende Frauenbewegung in Südkorea. Nach und nach meldeten sich ehemalige Zwangsprostituierte in der Öffentlichkeit zu Wort. 1992 begann man mit wöchentlichen Demonstrationen vor der japanischen Botschaft in Seoul mit den Worten: Die japanische Regierung müsste sich schämen und nicht wir.

Auf internationaler Ebene wurde die Regierung Japans erstmals 1997 aufgefordert, die rechtliche und die moralische Verantwortung für die an den Frauen verübten schwersten Menschenrechtsverletzungen zu übernehmen. Der UNO-Berichterstatter zur Gewalt gegen Frauen forderte in seinem Bericht die finanzielle Entschädigung der Opfer und die gerichtliche Verurteilung der Täter. Die japanische Regierung reagierte damals mit schroffer Ablehnung dieser Forderungen.

Es wurde heute schon mehrmals gesagt, dass der Wahrheit Rechnung getragen werden muss. Deshalb fordern wir die japanische Regierung auf, alle Behauptungen öffentlich zurückzuweisen, die die Unterjochung und die Versklavung der Trostfrauen leugnen oder in Frage stellen, und wir fordern ebenfalls die Übernahme der moralischen und der rechtlichen Verantwortung für die Versklavung von 200 000 Personen. Wir fordern die japanische Regierung auf, schnellstens Mechanismen in die Wege zu leiten, um für alle überlebenden Opfer und deren Familien Entschädigungen bereitzustellen.

Viele Opfer des Systems der Trostfrauen sind mittlerweile verstorben oder mindestens 80 Jahre alt, d.h. es ist Eile geboten. Wir fordern aber auch unsere Kolleginnen und Kollegen der japanischen Nationalversammlung auf, ihren parlamentarischen Beitrag zu leisten, um diesen Mechanismen zum Durchbruch zu verhelfen.

  Andrikienė, Laima Liucija, on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. – Madam President, there are pages in the world’s history we would wish not to be repeated anywhere, ever.

One of these pages is the story of ‘comfort women’. I refer to the officially commissioned acquisition of young women by the Government of Japan, from the 1930s and during the Second World War, for the sole purpose of sexual servitude to the Japanese Imperial Armed Forces. We do not know exactly the numbers of women who were enslaved but we know that the ‘comfort women system’ included gang rape, forced abortions, humiliation and sexual violence, resulting in mutilation, death or eventual suicide, and that it was one of the largest cases of human trafficking in the 20th century, involving not hundreds but thousands of women.

Today, the remaining survivors are 80 and more years of age and one could argue that the problem is no longer an important issue. But I fully understand the wish of these women and their families to clear their names. Today we express our solidarity with the women who were victims of this system. We call on the Japanese Government to formally acknowledge and accept historical and legal responsibility and to implement effective administrative mechanisms to provide reparations to all surviving victims of the ‘comfort women system’ and to the families of deceased victims.

Taking into account the excellent relationship between the European Union and Japan, based on the mutually shared values of the rule of law and respect for human rights, I hope that the Government and the Parliament of Japan will take all necessary measures to recognise the sufferings of sex slaves and to remove existing obstacles to obtaining reparations before Japanese courts and that current and future generations will be educated about these events. I am sure that official recognition of the existence of the ‘comfort women system’ and an apology on behalf of the Japanese Government also would do much to help heal the wounds of our painful common history.

  Marios Matsakis, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, people can be forgiven for their sins, but people’s crimes cannot be forgotten. This applies as much to Japan as it did, for example, to Nazi Germany or Stalinist Russia.

The Japanese committed immensely barbaric war atrocities in the 1930s and 1940s. To some extent, they paid dearly by having two of their cities, Hiroshima and Nagasaki, annihilated by the mighty nuclear holocaust brought upon them by the US.

However, Japan inflicted many dreadful evils on the world in the past, and one of these – the sexual slavery of ‘comfort women’ – only came to prominence relatively recently. Some of these poor and now frail elderly ladies are still with us, as the remnants of a past that is inconvenient for Japan but torturous for them.

These women are asking for two very simple things from today’s rich and powerful Japan: an official apology and very modest humanitarian aid. Certainly, the European Parliament, with this joint motion for a resolution, expects and demands that the Japanese Government must do both and fast. Otherwise, aside from the stigma of shame, the EU must consider taking particularly effective action against ex-imperial Japan.

  Urszula Krupa, w imieniu grupy IND/DEM. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Tematem dzisiejszej debaty jest łamanie praw człowieka, do jakiego doszło w latach trzydziestych i w czasie okupacji w Japonii, gdzie młode kobiety w imperialnych siłach zbrojnych były wykorzystywane seksualnie i zmuszane do prostytucji, mimo że rząd japoński podpisał międzynarodowe konwencje o zwalczaniu handlu kobietami i dziećmi oraz poparł rezolucję ONZ o kobietach, pokoju i bezpieczeństwie.

Szczere ubolewanie premiera Japonii jest aktualnie podważane przez urzędników japońskich z powodu zakończonego programu i mandatu Azjatyckiego Funduszu Kobiet w marcu 2007 roku, z którego wypłacano kobietom jedynie pieniężne rekompensaty.

Popierając rezolucję i potrzebę zadośćuczynienia zwracamy jednak uwagę, że także współcześnie zaciera się granica między normą a patologią, co stoi w jawnej sprzeczności z normami moralnymi, dlatego potrzeba radykalnej walki z prostytucją jako formą współczesnego niewolnictwa. Prostytutki są ofiarami nie tylko wojen z przed 50 lat, ale również współcześnie kobiety są wykorzystywane, choćby w Belgijskim Kongo, o czym donosi prasa, podobnie jak w wielu innych, nawet bogatych krajach.

W imię poszanowania osoby ludzkiej powinniśmy również demaskować rozpowszechnienie hedonistycznej i komercyjnej kultury, która skłania do nadużyć w dziedzinie seksualnej, wciągając nawet bardzo młode kobiety i dziewczęta w kręgi prostytucji i innego rodzaju demoralizacji.

Poszanowanie tożsamości i godności kobiety nie polega jedynie na ujawnianiu przestępstw lub nadużyć w dziedzinie seksualnej dyskryminacji lub innych niesprawiedliwości, ale przede wszystkim na opracowaniu programów rozwoju i wcielaniu w życie zasad obejmujących wszystkie dziedziny życia kobiet, u których podstaw powinno leżeć uświadomienie sobie przede wszystkim na nowo godności kobiety jako żony, matki, opiekunki czy pracownika, człowieka, osoby równej mężczyźnie, mimo że nie takiej samej.

  Günter Verheugen, Vizepräsident der Kommission. Frau Präsidentin, meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren! Im Jahre 1993 hat der damalige japanische Regierungssprecher Yohei Kono „die aufrichtige Entschuldigung und das Bedauern Japans“ gegenüber all denjenigen ausgedrückt, „die unermessliches Leid und unheilbare physische und psychische Verletzungen als Trostfrauen erfahren haben“. 1995 entschuldigte sich auch der damalige Ministerpräsident Murayama anlässlich des 50. Jahrestages des Endes des Zweiten Weltkriegs öffentlich bei den sogenannten Trostfrauen. Im selben Jahr wurde zudem der Fonds für asiatische Frauen eingerichtet, um Überlebenden im Namen der Regierung und der Bevölkerung Japans Entschädigungen und medizinische Unterstützung zukommen zu lassen.

Diese Wiedergutmachungsversuche gegenüber den sogenannten Trostfrauen und die erneute öffentliche Entschuldigung des früheren japanischen Ministerpräsidenten Koizumi anlässlich des 60. Jahrestages des Endes des Zweiten Weltkriegs im Jahr 2005 sind positive Schritte Japans. Japan hat damit die Verantwortung für diese unsäglichen Menschenrechtsverletzungen anerkannt. Erst vor wenigen Tagen hat der japanische Außenminister die von mir Am Anfang zitierte Erklärung des Regierungssprechers Kono als offizielle Position Japans bestätigt.

Nun haben wir das bewegende Zeugnis von Überlebenden, und dieses bewegende Zeugnis hat in Europa wie auch in den USA, in Kanada und Australien erneut Interesse an dieser schrecklichen Zeit geweckt.

Es geht aber hier, bei dem, was wir tun müssen, nicht nur um die Vergangenheit, es geht auch darum, aus dem Geschehenen die richtigen Schlussfolgerungen ziehen und alles in unserer Macht Stehende zu tun, um die heutigen Formen von Sklaverei, sexueller Ausbeutung und Menschenhandel zu bekämpfen.

Mit dem Europäischen Instrument für Demokratie und Menschenrechte unterstützt die Kommission aktiv nichtstaatliche Organisationen in der ganzen Welt, die sich dafür einsetzen, dass Gewalt gegen Frauen und Kinder verhindert und Menschenhandel zum Zweck der sexuellen Ausbeutung bekämpft wird. Am 23. November 2007 hat die Kommission am Internationalen Tag gegen Gewalt an Frauen ein weiteres Zeichen gesetzt, indem sie ihr Engagement für die Bekämpfung von geschlechtsbezogener Gewalt nachdrücklich bekräftigt hat.

Die Europäische Union führt einen regelmäßigen Menschenrechtsdialog mit Japan, bei dem alle Anliegen der EU – auch die Frauenrechte – thematisiert werden. Japan ist ein gleich gesinnter globaler Akteur, der auf multilateralen Foren konstruktiv mit uns zusammenarbeitet, um die Achtung und den Schutz der Menschenrechte zu verbessern. So hat Japan zum Beispiel gemeinsam mit der Europäischen Union einen Antrag zu den Menschenrechten in Nordkorea vorgelegt und das Vorgehen des Regimes in Myanmar verurteilt.

  Πρόεδρος. – Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Η ψηφοφορία επί των τριών αυτών θεμάτων θα διεξαχθεί στο τέλος της σημερινής μας συνεδρίασης.

(1) βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

12. Време за гласуване

12.1. Източен Чад (вот)

- Κοινή πρόταση ψηφίσματος (RC-B6-0527/2007)

12.2. Права на жените в Саудитска Арабия (вот)

- Κοινή πρόταση ψηφίσματος (RC-B6-0526/2007)

12.3. Справедливост за т.нар. „жени-утешителки“ (вот)

- Κοινή πρόταση ψηφίσματος (RC-B6-0525/2007)

- Πριν από την ψηφοφορία:

  Charles Tannock (PPE-DE), author. Madam President, there has been a change in the PPE-DE voting list. I would recommend to colleagues that the change should be from positive to negative. On the original text, on recital B, there is a request for a vote on the original text by the UEN Group, and I am recommending to colleagues that we now vote to delete that paragraph, i.e. vote against. It currently appears as positive. We want to change it to ‘against’.

  Andrikienė, Laima Liucija (PPE-DE). – Madam President, I should like to move an oral amendment so that the title of the motion for resolution would read as follows: ‘Justice for “comfort women” (sex slaves in Asia before and during World War II)’.

  Marios Matsakis (ALDE). – Madam President, there has clearly been an alteration to the oral amendment, and the author is now in favour of that oral amendment.

(Η προφορική τροπολογία κρατείται)

- Πριν από την ψηφοφορία επί της τροπολογίας 9:

  Sophia in ’t Veld, author. Madam President, we propose inserting the words ‘as is the moral duty of all countries’ after the first part of the first sentence, i.e. it would read: ‘Encourages the Japanese people and government to take further steps to recognise the full history of their nation, as is the moral duty of all countries’.

(Η προφορική τροπολογία κρατείται)

13. Поправки и намерения за гласуване: вж. протоколи

14. Състав на комисиите и делегациите: вж. протоколи

15. Решения относно някои документи: вж. протоколи

16. Трансфер на бюджетни средства

17. Писмени декларации, вписани в регистъра (член 116 от правилника): вж. протоколи

18. Предаване на текстове, приети на настоящото заседание: вж. протоколи

19. График на следващите заседания: вж. протокола

20. Прекъсване на сесията

  Πρόεδρος. – Κηρύσσω τη διακοπή της συνόδου του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου.

(Ο Πρόεδρος κηρύσσει τη λήξη της συνεδρίασης στις 4.20 μ.μ.)

A la vista de la sentencia del Tribunal de Justicia del pasado 23 de octubre que anuló la decisión marco del Consejo sobre el cuadro penal para la contaminación procedente de buques, ¿qué medidas piensa el Consejo que conviene adoptar para cubrir la laguna jurídica resultante?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

Cumpre assinalar que as leis promulgadas nos Estados-Membros para darem cumprimento à Decisão-Quadro revogada a que o Senhor Deputado se refere não ficaram automaticamente invalidadas por tal revogação. A decisão sobre que consequências a declaração de não validade de um acto comunitário terá para os actos nacionais que o transpuseram é uma questão de direito nacional (v. Acórdão do Tribunal de Justiça de 20 de Outubro de 1975, Processo 23/75). Dito isto, compete presentemente à Comissão decidir apresentar ou não ao Conselho uma proposta destinada à inclusão, na Directiva em vigor, da obrigação de os Estados-Membros preverem sanções penais para garantir o respeito pelas normas comunitárias em matéria de poluição originada por navios.

Ποια είναι μέχρι σήμερα τα αποτελέσματα της Πορτογαλικής προεδρίας ως προς την ανάδειξη ενός ευρωπαϊκού χώρου εκπαίδευσης και ποιες οι προτεραιότητές της μέχρι το τέλος της προγραμματικής περιόδου;

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

No que diz respeito ao Quadro Europeu de Qualificações, a Presidência Portuguesa colaborou estreitamente com o Relator do PE para a elaboração de um texto aceitável por todas as partes e que, ressalvadas determinadas formalidades processuais, deverá ser oficialmente aprovado no início do próximo ano. Espera-se que este novo e ambicioso instrumento demonstre a sua utilidade enquanto traço de união entre os sistemas de qualificação dos diferentes países, funcionando como dispositivo de tradução que torne as qualificações mais legíveis para os Estados-Membros, os empregadores e os indivíduos, e permitindo assim a cada cidadão circular mais facilmente de um país para outro para fins de trabalho ou estudo.

A segunda área é a do debate entre o Parlamento e o Conselho com vista a chegar a um consenso sobre a proposta de constituição do IET (Instituto Europeu de Tecnologia). Se tudo continuar a decorrer tão amena e construtivamente como até à data, afigura-se provável um rápido acordo em segunda leitura em princípios de 2008. Embora não directamente ligados à criação do Espaço Europeu do Ensino Superior, os estabelecimentos de ensino superior desempenharão indubitavelmente um papel fulcral no IET, esperando-se por conseguinte que contribuam significativamente para a criação do referido Espaço.

Para além destes dois dossiês, os trabalhos na área do ensino superior desenvolvidos sob a Presidência Portuguesa centraram-se em três questões. Primeiro, a realização em Lisboa, em 4 e 5 de Outubro de 2007, da conferência comemorativa do 20.º aniversário do Programa Erasmus. Uma questão decorrente de tal conferência – como alargar a dimensão social do Programa – foi debatida pelos Ministros na sessão de 15 e 16 de Novembro de 2007 do Conselho. Seguidamente, a proposta de alargamento do seu programa "irmão", o Programa Erasmus Mundus (sobre o qual o Conselho aguarda agora com expectativa as opiniões do Parlamento) foi também tratada pelos Ministros nessa sessão de 15 de Novembro. Por último, a terceira questão é a da melhor forma de responder à agenda de modernização das universidades europeias, sobre a qual o Conselho aprovou uma Resolução na mesma sessão de Novembro. Todas estas questões podem ser consideradas como constituindo um contributo para a criação do Espaço Europeu do Ensino Superior.

Asthma is the major chronic childhood illness in Europe, costing the European Community more than three billion euros each year. According to the charity Asthma UK, 5.2 million people in the UK are currently receiving treatment for asthma, 1.1 million of whom are children, and there is a person with asthma in one in five households in the UK.

The EU is currently funding a major research project (Gabriel) involving over 150 scientists from 14 European countries in order to identify key factors in the development of asthma. Findings so far suggest that asthma is caused by a combination of genetic and environmental effects, and that increasing urbanisation may be contributing to the rise in the numbers affected.

What measures are Member States taking to complement the research with practical measures to combat asthma?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

O Conselho já se debruçou sobre vários dos factores essenciais para o desenvolvimento da asma. Em matéria de medidas de saúde pública, na sua Recomendação de 2 de Dezembro de 2002, relativa à prevenção do tabagismo e a iniciativas destinadas a reforçar a luta anti-tabaco (JO L 22, de 25/01/2003, p. 31.), o Conselho assinala que, perante os riscos sanitários (asma, por, ex.) ligados ao tabagismo passivo, os Estados-Membros deverão procurar proteger os fumadores e os não fumadores do fumo de tabaco libertado para o ambiente.

O Conselho recomenda que os Estados-Membros promulguem e apliquem legislação e/ou outras medidas eficazes para proteger as pessoas da exposição ao fumo de tabaco ambiente em recintos públicos fechados e transportes públicos. Vários Estados-Membros já proibiram efectivamente que se fume em locais públicos, a fim de proteger nomeadamente as crianças e grávidas da exposição ao fumo de tabaco.

Quanto à qualidade do ar, o Conselho aprovou em 25 de Junho de 2007 a sua Posição Comum sobre a proposta de directiva relativa à qualidade do ar ambiente e a um ar mais limpo na Europa. A protecção da saúde humana constitui um dos objectivos da proposta relativa à qualidade do ar ambiente, na qual são visadas as emissões de poluentes que agravam os ataques de asma. Ao mesmo tempo que nela são abrangidos os principais poluentes do ar, nesta proposta é dispensada especial atenção às poeiras finas – também designadas por partículas – e ao ozono troposférico – , por apresentarem maior risco para a saúde humana. Esta proposta regulará as partículas finas presentes no ar, designadas por PM 2.5, que penetram profundamente nos pulmões humanos.

No respeitante à garantia de que os doentes de asma tenham acesso a serviços de saúde e cuidados médicos, cabe sublinhar que a organização da prestação de serviços de saúde e cuidados médicos, e nomeadamente a garantia de serviços de consulta, diagnóstico e tratamento de cidadãos doentes, é da competência exclusiva dos Estados-Membros.

Has the Council established a formal common position whereby Member States should sign and ratify the UN Convention on Enforced Disappearance, the UN Convention on Corruption, Protocol No 13 to the European Convention on Human Rights (on abolition of the death penalty in all circumstances) and the European Convention against Trafficking?

What mechanisms exist in the Council to ensure that Member States implement these and other important international human rights instruments?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

O Conselho da União Europeia procura sempre assegurar que os Estados-Membros depositem simultaneamente os respectivos instrumentos de ratificação. No entanto, os Estados-Membros não são obrigados a fazê-lo.

O Conselho pode informar a Senhora Deputada de que a Convenção das Nações Unidas sobre o Desaparecimento Forçado foi até à data assinada por 17 Estados-Membros.

A Convenção das Nações Unidas contra a Corrupção foi assinada por 25 e ratificada por 17 Estados-Membros.

Quanto ao Protocolo n.º 13 da Convenção Europeia dos Direitos do Homem, já foi ratificado por 22 e assinado por mais 5 Estados-Membros da UE.

Refira-se, por último, que a Convenção Europeia contra o Tráfico de Seres Humanos já foi assinada por 23 e ratificada por 6 Estados-Membros.

Ερωτάται το Συμβούλιο εάν, στο πλαίσιο των συζητήσεων για μειωμένους συντελεστές ΦΠΑ, έχει την πρόθεση να αποφασίσει τη μείωση συντελεστών για παιδικά είδη, δεδομένου ότι, για ομοειδή προϊόντα που αφορούν ενηλίκους, υπάρχει εξαίρεση όπως, για παράδειγμα, προστατευτικά επιθέματα (πάνες) για τα οποία ισχύει εξαίρεση, εφόσον αφορούν γυναίκες και ενηλίκους και όχι παιδιά.

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

Na sua Comunicação ao Conselho e ao Parlamento Europeu sobre outras taxas de IVA além das taxas de IVA normais, de Julho de 2007, a Comissão reconhece a necessidade de um debate político com vista à definição de algumas orientações gerais antes de poder ser elaborada uma proposta mais circunstanciada sobre um novo quadro para as taxas reduzidas.

Tal debate está em curso no Conselho, que por conseguinte não está ainda apto a responder à pergunta da Senhora Deputada.

26 września 2007 roku w Parlamencie Europejskim miało miejsce pierwsze czytanie nad projektem Europejskiego Instytutu Technologii, którego prace mają rozpocząć się w 2008 roku.

W związku z powyższym, chciałam poznać stan prac związanych z wyborem siedziby Instytutu, prosząc jednocześnie o wskazanie miast kandydackich oraz kryteriów wyboru, jakimi kieruje się Rada.

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

O Conselho ainda não debateu a fundo questão e chama a atenção da Senhora Deputada para a Declaração do Conselho reproduzida no Anexo II da Abordagem Geral do Conselho (Competitividade) de 25 de Junho de 2007 (11058/07), em que é referido o seguinte "O Conselho declara que a sede do IET será decidida o mais tardar 12 meses após a entrada em vigor do presente regulamento". A perspectiva optimista de que o Regulamento "IET" possa entrar em vigor no primeiro semestre de 2008 parece justificar-se, mas mesmo assim deverá haver até lá certa margem de tempo para deliberar sobre a questão da sede.

Quanto à questão das cidades já propostas, o Conselho convida a Senhora Deputada a dirigir-se à Comissão, à qual foram oficialmente enviadas as candidaturas.

Narkotikamissbruket av drogen khat är en allt vanligare företeelse i Europa. Bara via Öresundsbron smugglas ca 60 ton khat in till min hemstad Malmö per år. De som drabbas tillhör ofta traditionellt utsatta grupper som flyktingar och personer bosatta i socialt belastade områden. Ungdomar och barn drabbas hårdast. Tullens arbete för att stoppa införseln av khat är därför inte bara kopplat till missbruksbekämpningen utan fyller också en viktig funktion för att motverka utanförskap och social stigmatisering i samhället.

Dessvärre talar inte EU med en röst i frågan om khat. I England och Holland har drogen fortfarande inte narkotikaklassats. Detta resulterar i att länderna i dagsläget fungerar som transitorter varifrån khat, som är en färskvara och inte tål lagring, kan skeppas vidare och smugglas in till länder där khat är olagligt.

Avser det portugisiska ordförandeskapet arbeta för en total kriminalisering av khat inom hela EU och därigenom för en mer restriktiv narkotikapolitik?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

A total criminalização do khat não foi debatida nas instâncias do Conselho que tratam destas matérias. A Decisão-Quadro 2004/757/JAI do Conselho, que adopta regras mínimas quanto aos elementos constitutivos das infracções penais e às sanções aplicáveis no domínio do tráfico ilícito de droga, abrange drogas que são ilegais nos termos da Convenção Única sobre Estupefacientes de 1961, alterada pelo Protocolo de 1972, a Convenção de Viena sobre Substâncias Psicotrópicas de 1971, bem como substâncias sujeitas a controlo por força da Acção Comum 97/396/JAI. O khat não é abrangido por qualquer destes instrumentos e não foi tomada qualquer iniciativa para que o seja.

Die bulgarische Regierung hat angekündigt, für die Investitionen in den Kernkraftwerk-Standort Belene Mittel der Europäischen Zentralbank und von Euratom zu beantragen.

Hat der Rat Informationen darüber, ob die bulgarische Regierung Mittel für den Bau des Kernkraftwerkes beantragt hat, welcher Art diese Mittel gegebenenfalls sind und in welcher Höhe sie beantragt wurden?

Welche Zusagen oder Mittelplanungen – in welcher Höhe – seitens der Europäischen Investitionsbank, Euratom oder aus anderen europäischen Fonds gibt es nach Information des Rates?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

O Conselho não tem conhecimento das investigações a que o Senhor Deputado se refere e não tem informações sobre se o Governo búlgaro se candidatou ou não – nem sobre qual seria o montante – a um financiamento para a construção da central nuclear referida pelo Senhor Deputado.

Caso seja apresentado um pedido nesse sentido, convém não esquecer que, nos termos da Decisão 77/270/Euratom do Conselho que investe a Comissão de poderes para emitir empréstimos Euratom para contribuir para o financiamento de centrais nucleares, as candidaturas a empréstimos Euratom são apresentadas à Comissão, que sobre as mesmas decide.

Convém também lembrar que, não obstante a política geral de empréstimos definida no artigo 267.º do Tratado CE, o BEI é uma instituição independente e é dirigida pelo seu Conselho Governadores e pelo seu Conselho de Administração.

Perante o exposto, caberia à Comissão e ao Banco Europeu de Investimento prestarem informações sobre as questões suscitadas pelo Senhor Deputado.

Το Eυρωπαϊκό Kοινοβούλιο στο πρόσφατο ψήφισμά του για τις σχέσεις Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης – Τουρκίας (Ρ6_ΤΑ(2007)0472, 24.10.2007), στο σημείο 12 «προτρέπει τη νέα τουρκική κυβέρνηση να υλοποιήσει πλήρως τις διατάξεις της Συμφωνίας Σύνδεσης ΕΕ-Τουρκίας και του Πρόσθετου Πρωτοκόλλου της· υπενθυμίζει ότι η μη τήρηση των δεσμεύσεων της Τουρκίας που μνημονεύονται στην Εταιρική Σχέση για την Προσχώρηση θα εξακολουθήσει να επηρεάζει σοβαρά τη διαδικασία των διαπραγματεύσεων·»

Με τι τρόπο «πιέζει» το Συμβούλιο την Τουρκία για την πλήρη υλοποίηση της Συμφωνίας Σύνδεσης ΕΕ-Τουρκίας και του Πρόσθετου Πρωτοκόλλου; Έχει δεσμευθεί η Τουρκία έναντι του Συμβουλίου για το χρονοδιάγραμμα υπογραφής του Πρόσθετου Πρωτοκόλλου;

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

Em Dezembro do ano transacto, o Conselho constatou que a Turquia não tinha cumprido a sua obrigação de aplicação integral e não discriminatória do Protocolo Adicional ao Acordo de Associação, pelo que os Estados-Membros reunidos na Conferência Intergovernamental não decidiriam encetar negociações sobre os capítulos que abrangem domínios de acção relacionados com as restrições impostas pela Turquia à República de Chipre enquanto a Comissão não tivesse verificado o cumprimento pela Turquia dos compromissos por si assumidos no âmbito do Protocolo Adicional. Esses capítulos são os seguintes: Capítulo1: Livre Circulação de Mercadorias; Capítulo 3: Direito de Estabelecimento e Livre Prestação de Serviços; Capítulo 9: Serviços Financeiros; Capítulo 11: Agricultura e Desenvolvimento Rural; Capítulo 13: Pescas; Capítulo 14: Política de Transportes; Capítulo 29: União Aduaneira; Capítulo 30: Relações Externas. Além disso, o Conselho acordou em que os Estados-Membros reunidos na Conferência Intergovernamental não decidiriam encerrar provisoriamente nenhum capítulo enquanto a Comissão não verificasse que a Turquia honrou os compromissos por si assumidos no âmbito do Protocolo Adicional.

O Conselho acordou igualmente em que acompanharia e analisaria os progressos alcançados nas questões abrangidas pela declaração de 21 de Setembro de 2005, e convidou a Comissão a transmitir informações sobre esta matéria no âmbito dos seus próximos relatórios anuais, nomeadamente em 2007, 2008 e 2009, se for caso disso. No seu relatório de 2007 sobre a Turquia, a Comissão observou que, desde a decisão do Conselho em Dezembro do ano passado, a Turquia não fez quaisquer progressos em direcção à aplicação integral e não discriminatória do Protocolo Adicional. Esse relatório foi minuciosamente analisado e avaliado pelo Conselho, na sua sessão de segunda-feira, 10 de Dezembro. Nas suas conclusões, o Conselho lamenta que a Turquia não tenha cumprido a sua obrigação de implementar na íntegra e de forma não discriminatória o Protocolo Adicional ao Acordo de Associação e regista que continuará a acompanhar os progressos realizados nesta matéria. No entanto, posso reiterar a importância que reveste para a Turquia o tratamento mais rápido possível desta questão, dado que afecta claramente o andamento das negociações de adesão.

Wie beurteilt der Rat die Lage in Angola, das so lange unter Krieg und Bürgerkrieg zu leiden hatte, und welche Schritte hat er 2007 ergriffen, um dieses wichtige Partnerland der Europäischen Union zu stärken?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

O Conselho tem vindo a seguir de perto a situação em Angola. O quadro geral em que se inserem as relações entre a UE e Angola continua a ser o Acordo de Cotonu, através do diálogo político estabelecido nos termos do seu artigo 8.º e da cooperação para o desenvolvimento ao abrigo do Fundo Europeu de Desenvolvimento. O diálogo previsto no artigo 8.º foi encetado em Dezembro de 2003 de uma forma promissora, tendo, contudo, nos anos subsequentes, perdido alguma dinâmica; a UE está agora a envidar esforços para revitalizar e consolidar este importante instrumento (refira-se que a última reunião de diálogo teve lugar em Outubro de 2007).

Em termos gerais, as relações entre a UE e Angola têm evoluído de uma forma lenta em áreas-chave da cooperação estabelecida ao abrigo do Acordo de Cotonu, nomeadamente no que toca à democratização, ao desenvolvimento da sociedade civil, ao respeito pelos direitos humanos, à boa governação e à luta contra corrupção, daí tendo resultado apenas uma ligeira melhoria das relações globais desde 13 de Outubro de 2003, data em que a questão foi tratada pela última vez no Conselho.

Atendendo a que detém interesses específicos na República Democrática do Congo, Angola continua a ser um importante parceiro no que toca à estabilização na região dos Grandes Lagos, tendo contribuído para a Missão de Polícia da UE na RDC ("EUPOL Kinshasa") com o destacamento de 13 agentes de polícia angolanos durante o período eleitoral (Julho de 2006 a Março de 2007) a fim de ajudar a polícia congolesa a garantir a realização de eleições em condições de segurança; esta foi a primeira vez que a polícia angolana assumiu um compromisso internacional deste tipo. Além disso, o REUE para a região dos Grandes Lagos mantém-se regularmente em contacto com as autoridades angolanas.

Galileon rahoitus on muuttumassa yritysten koalition jättäytyessä pois. Alun perin kyseessä oli yksinomaan siviilikäyttöön tarkoitettu projekti. Kun sen rahoitus muuttuu, mikä on puheenjohtajavaltion arvio, tullaanko siihen liittämään nyt sotilaallisia elementtejä ja tutkitaanko sitä mahdollisuutta?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

Como o Senhor Deputado sabe, o Conselho já reafirmou em diversas ocasiões que o GALILEO é por definição um programa civil de navegação mundial por satélite, sob controlo civil e sob controlo da UE. A possibilidade de aditar elementos militares ao projecto GALILEO nunca foi colocada nos debates sobre o futuro desse projecto europeu fundamental, presentemente levados a cabo nas instâncias competentes do Conselho.

Could the Council outline its view in relation to the ratification process for the Reform Treaty across the EU? Given that Ireland is likely to be the only country to hold a referendum on the Treaty, is the Council concerned that the referendum campaign will become a focal point for those people and groups across the EU who are opposed the European project in general and the Reform Treaty in particular? Could the Council make a statement on this matter?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

A questão da escolha do processo de ratificação do Tratado Reformador é da competência de cada Estado-Membro. Por conseguinte, o Conselho não está em posição de emitir uma opinião nesta matéria ou fazer qualquer declaração.

Is the Council going to prepare a consolidated text of the Reform Treaty before ratification of the Treaty by all Member States, and in particular before the referendum in Ireland, which will probably take place by summer 2008?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

Trata-se de uma questão que deverá ser analisada numa fase posterior.

Can the Council indicate what Member States – apart from Ireland, France, Belgium, and Poland – will be contributing troops to the ESDP mission to the Chad, Darfur and Central African Republic border? Can the Council and EU Member States mobilise sufficient political, financial, logistical and technical support for troops forming part of this mission?

Does the Council realise the importance of not having our troops ill-equipped like the beleaguered African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS)? Does the Council agree that if we are putting our troops in a volatile environment we must give them full means to protect themselves?

What were the Council’s impressions of the talks on Darfur in Tripoli at the end of October? What moves has the Council been making to convince the many and fragmented rebel groups to come to the table to negotiate? Does the Council agree that, owing to the lack of participation of some of the main rebel groups in Darfur, the talks were something of a failure? Has the Council urged the Sudanese Government and rebel groups to cooperate fully with an independent investigation into the attack in Haskanita and to bring all those responsible to justice?

What has the Council been doing in relation to the Sudanese Government’s continued refusal to cooperate with the International Criminal Court?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

Prossegue o planeamento da missão da PESD no Chade Oriental e no nordeste de República Centro-Africana, inclusive no que respeita à constituição da força. Até à data, a Bélgica, a Grécia, a Espanha, a França, a Irlanda, os Países Baixos, a Áustria, a Polónia, a Roménia, a Finlândia e a Suécia ofereceram contributos para a força. A força será equipada e apoiada de forma adequada. A EUFOR/CHADE/RCA actuará no âmbito do Capítulo VII, na sequência da aprovação unânime da Resolução n.º 1778 do Conselho de Segurança da ONU, com um mandato apropriado, adaptado à situação no terreno.

Nos últimos meses, o Conselho tem estado preocupado com as negociações de paz no Darfur. A este respeito, as conclusões das reuniões do Conselho (Relações Externas) de Junho, Julho e Outubro de 2007 definem claramente a linha política que tem sido mantida em muitos contactos bilaterais e multilaterais, incluindo pelo SG/AR Solana e pelo Representante Especial da UE (REUE) no Sudão. Nessa linha, inclui-se um veemente apelo a todas as partes para que participem construtivamente nas negociações e cheguem a acordo sobre o fim imediato da violência. Além disso, o Conselho salientou a necessidade de uma investigação independente sobre o ataque em Haskanita, bem como de cooperação com o Tribunal Penal Internacional. O Conselho salientou também a sua disponibilidade para considerar novas medidas, nomeadamente no quadro das Nações Unidas, contra qualquer parte que faça obstrução à implementação do pacote de apoio das Nações Unidas e à projecção da UNAMID, bem como para assegurar os fornecimentos humanitários e a protecção dos civis.

Relativamente às negociações de paz no Darfur, o Conselho apoia firmemente a mediação conjunta UA/ONU sob a liderança dos enviados especiais da UA e da ONU. O difícil início das negociações em Sirte, no passado mês de Outubro, constitui um desafio especial. Actualmente, continua sem se saber ao certo se, quando, e em que configuração e instância, podem ser reatadas as conversações. Apesar das dificuldades, pretende-se que o processo seja contínuo e nesse sentido estão a ser envidados esforços para que as negociações de paz sejam genuinamente inclusivas, contando com uma ampla participação. Estamos claramente envolvidos num processo difícil e complexo, nomeadamente no que diz respeito à consolidação da posição dos diferentes grupos rebeldes e a assegurar a sua participação em futuras conversações. Com esse objectivo em vista, o REUE no Sudão, Embaixador Brylle, continua a manter estreitos contactos com os principais intervenientes neste processo.

Could the Council provide an up-to-date review of the current Palestinian-Israeli situation and the EU’s role in this context?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

Israel e os palestinianos têm vindo a realizar, desde o Verão passado, um diálogo político que se iniciou com várias reuniões entre o Primeiro-Ministro Olmert e o Presidente Abbas. O Conselho louvou este esforço de ambas as partes, que conduziu à Conferência de Annapolis de 26/27 de Novembro. A UE felicita-se com a realização da Conferência de Annapolis e com a declaração conjunta do Primeiro-Ministro Olmert e do Presidente Abbas no sentido de lançar imediatamente negociações bilaterais num espírito de boa-fé, com vista a celebrar um tratado de paz até ao fim de 2008. Tais negociações deverão conduzir ao estabelecimento dum Estado palestiniano independente, democrático e viável na Margem Ocidental e Gaza que una todos os palestinianos, coexistindo lado a lado em paz e segurança com Israel e os seus vizinhos. É também importante que as partes implementem as obrigações assumidas no quadro do Roteiro para a Paz, paralelamente às negociações. A UE felicita-se com a ampla participação dos parceiros árabes na Conferência e apela a que continuem a participar de uma forma construtiva.

Relativamente ao papel da UE neste contexto – a que o Senhor Deputado se refere na sua pergunta – o Alto Representante, em plena associação com a Comissão, elaborou uma "Estratégia para a Acção da UE" em que se analisam todas as actividades da UE tendo em vista prosseguir o apoio às partes nas suas negociações em curso e durante o subsequente período de implementação. Esse documento será a base para a prossecução do trabalho da UE, tendo em conta os resultados da reunião internacional de Annapolis, bem como a próxima conferência de Doadores de Paris, que se realizará em 17 de Dezembro. A UE reforçará ainda mais os seus programas para promover a criação de instituições, a boa governação, os contributos da sociedade civil e o apoio ao crescimento da economia palestiniana, trabalhando em estreita cooperação com o representante do Quarteto. O Conselho saúda o trabalho de Tony Blair, especialmente o recente anúncio que fez relativamente a um conjunto de projectos de rápido impacto.

What measures is the Council taking in light of the deteriorating political situation in Pakistan?

On 3 November 2007 the President of Pakistan, General Musharraf, acting in his capacity as army chief of staff, declared a state of emergency and suspended the bulk of the Constitution, which led to the detention of hundreds of human rights defenders, political workers and lawyers, such as Aitzaz Ul Ahsan. This act was contrary to Pakistan´s international human rights obligations.

Pakistan, as a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council, should uphold respect of fundamental rights to the highest standards and release the detained persons.

Will the Council indicate what concrete measures it is taking or intends to take in order to ensure, in all circumstances, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in accordance with international human rights standards and the international instruments ratified by Pakistan?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

O Conselho actuou com rapidez e de modo visível perante os recentes acontecimentos ocorridos no Paquistão. Já antes da declaração do estado de emergência, o Alto Representante Javier Solana tinha conversado ao telefone com o General Pervez Musharraf, tentando dissuadi-lo de prosseguir nessa via. Depois da entrada em vigor oficial do estado de emergência, a UE decidiu imediatamente adiar uma reunião da Tróica de Directores Políticos com os seus homólogos em Islamabade, enviando assim um sinal muito claro de que, nas circunstâncias actuais, não seria possível que o relacionamento entre a UE e o Paquistão prosseguisse sem alterações.

Os Chefes de Missão em Islamabade reuniram-se rapidamente após a declaração do estado de emergência e fizeram uma declaração, amplamente divulgada na imprensa do Paquistão. O Alto Representante Javier Solana fez igualmente uma declaração, na qual manifestava a sua preocupação e apelava a um rápido restabelecimento do Estado de direito. Numa terceira declaração, a Presidência formulou claramente as exigências da UE às autoridades paquistanesas: i) que restabelecessem a Constituição; ii) que criassem as condições necessárias para assegurar a realização de eleições livres e justas em Janeiro, de acordo com o calendário previsto; iii) que libertassem todos os presos políticos, incluindo os membros do aparelho judicial, bem como Asma Jahangir, a Relatora Especial da ONU para a Liberdade de Religião ou de Convicção; iv) que honrassem o compromisso do Presidente de renunciar ao cargo de Chefe do Estado-Maior do Exército até 15 de Novembro; v) que pugnassem com determinação pela reconciliação com a oposição política; e vi) que abrandassem as restrições impostas aos meios de comunicação social.

O Conselho concorda igualmente com o Sr. Deputado que, enquanto membro do Conselho dos Direitos do Homem, o Paquistão tem a especial obrigação de defender o respeito pelos direitos humanos e pelos mecanismos das Nações Unidas em matéria de direitos humanos. [Neste contexto, a detenção ou emissão de mandados de captura contra relatores especiais da ONU é inadmissível].

O Conselho continua a acompanhar de perto a situação no Paquistão e a ponderar novas medidas a tomar. Muito recentemente, na sessão do Conselho (Assuntos Gerais e Relações Externas) de 19 de Novembro de 2007, os Ministros procederam a uma troca de impressões ao almoço sobre os acontecimentos ocorridos recentemente no Paquistão, e manifestaram a sua preocupação pela situação, apelando ao levantamento do estado de emergência.

Σύμφωνα με ανακοίνωση του προέδρου της Επιτροπής, η Ιταλία δεν έχει κάνει χρήση του δικαιώματός της για επιχορήγηση από την Ε.Ε. για την κοινωνική ενσωμάτωση των Ρόμα. Συγκεκριμένα, η κοινοτική χρηματοδότηση που προβλέπεται για την ενσωμάτωση των Ρόμα στα κράτη μέλη της Ε.Ε. φτάνει τα 275 εκατομμύρια ευρώ. Αναλογικά, στα κράτη μέλη, για την περίοδο από το 2000 έως το 2006, έχουν διανεμηθεί ενδεικτικά τα εξής ποσά: στην Ισπανία 52 εκατομμύρια ευρώ, στην Πολωνία 8,5 εκατομμύρια ευρώ, στην Τσεχική Δημοκρατία 4 εκατομμύρια ευρώ και στην Ουγγαρία 1 εκατομμύριο ευρώ.

Ερωτάται το Συμβούλιο ποια είναι, αναλυτικά, τα ποσά που αναλογούν σε κάθε κράτος μέλος βάσει της προβλεπόμενης χρηματοδότησης, ποια κράτη μέλη έχουν ζητήσει τη χρηματοδότηση αυτή για την ομαλή ενσωμάτωση των Ρόμα στις κοινωνίες τους και ποιος είναι ο πλήρης πίνακας απορρόφησης των επιδοτήσεων αυτών στα κράτη μέλη της Ε.Ε.;

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

O Senhor Deputado devia dirigir esta pergunta à Comissão, pois trata-se de um assunto da sua esfera de competências.

Η Αίγυπτος σχεδιάζει να κατασκευάσει 4 πυρηνικούς σταθμούς συνολικής ισχύος 4.000 Mw έως το 2020. Παρόμοιες αποφάσεις έχουν πάρει και άλλα μεσογειακά κράτη, όπως παλαιότερα το Ισραήλ και προσφάτως το Μαρόκο, η Αλγερία και η Λιβύη, ενώ έχουν δημοσιοποιηθεί πληροφορίες σχετικά με πυρηνικά σχέδια της Τουρκίας και της Αλβανίας.

Δεδομένου ότι όλες οι ανωτέρω χώρες γειτονεύουν με την Ε.Ε. και αποτελούν είτε εταίρους της ευρωμεσογειακής συνεργασίας είτε χώρες υποψήφιες προς ένταξη στην Ε.Ε., σκοπεύει το Συμβούλιο να τους ζητήσει τη σύσταση μιας πραγματικά ανεξάρτητης αρχής ατομικής ενέργειας με αποφασιστικές αρμοδιότητες; Θα τους ζητήσει να συνεργαστούν με το Διεθνή Οργανισμό Ατομικής Ενέργειας για τον έλεγχο της κατασκευής των πυρηνικών σταθμών και για τη διασφάλιση της ειρηνικής χρήσης της πυρηνικής ενέργειας; Θα έχει λόγο όσον αφορά τις τοποθεσίες κατασκευής αυτών των σταθμών, δεδομένου ότι η Μεσόγειος αποτελεί ιδιαίτερα σεισμογενή περιοχή; Δεδομένου ότι ορισμένες από τις ανωτέρω χώρες δεν έχουν ακόμα κυρώσει τις διεθνείς συνθήκες για τη μη διάδοση πυρηνικών όπλων και την πλήρη απαγόρευση πυρηνικών δοκιμών, σκοπεύει να κάνει συστάσεις προς τις ευρωπαϊκές εταιρείες που δραστηριοποιούνται στην κατασκευή πυρηνικών σταθμών και στον κύκλο πυρηνικού καυσίμου να μην αναλάβουν συμβόλαια σε αυτές τις χώρες μέχρι να συμβεί αυτό;

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

No que diz respeito aos países mencionados que são parceiros no Processo de Barcelona, a UE não parece dispor de medidas específicas para intervir nas opções energéticas dos países terceiros. Procurará no entanto que à semelhança do que a UE estabeleceu para os seus Estados-membros, essas opções não contrariem os princípios gerais estabelecidos, nomeadamente os respeitantes às alterações climáticas. Como é natural, a UE está activamente empenhada na promoção de boas práticas e de padrões elevados, assim como na aplicação de padrões internacionais neste domínio, em particular na sua vizinhança imediata. O Egipto, enquanto membro fundador da Agência Internacional de Energia Atómica, está em princípio obrigado ao cumprimento das boas práticas veiculadas por esta organização internacional.

Can the Council state whether it supports the European Union’s carrying out an EU-wide information campaign to promote higher levels of fitness in Europe?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

O Conselho está activamente empenhado em apoiar níveis de actividade física mais elevados e, como tal, adoptou conclusões sobre esta matéria. Entre as conclusões que dizem respeito à promoção da actividade física na Europa destacam-se: as conclusões do Conselho em matéria de obesidade, nutrição e actividade física adoptadas em 3 de Junho de 2005 ⁽¹⁾ e as conclusões do Conselho sobre a promoção da saúde graças à alimentação e à actividade física, de 31 de Maio de 2007 ⁽²⁾.

Can the Council give a comprehensive assessment of the present levels of heroin production in Afghanistan, and can the Council state what coordinated measures are being implemented at EU level so as to stop heroin being imported into the territories of the European Union?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

Os níveis nunca antes atingidos de cultivo e a elevada produção conduziram a um aumento de 34% da produção de ópio em 2007 no Afeganistão. De acordo com os números do Gabinete da ONU para a Droga e a Criminalidade, em 2007 a produção de ópio no Afeganistão atingiu 8 200 toneladas métricas. A quota do Afeganistão na produção mundial de ópio aumentou de 92% para 93% em 2007.

Caso todo o ópio fosse transformado em heroína, a quantidade de droga atingiria as 1 170 toneladas métricas. Ainda de acordo com Gabinete da ONU para a Droga e a Criminalidade, a maior parte do ópio produzido no Afeganistão é transformado em heroína no próprio país. Em 2007, o número de laboratórios de heroína naquele país aumentou. Contudo, os precursores necessários para o processo de transformação não estão disponíveis no país, o que significa que são importados através de países vizinhos. O Afeganistão exporta parte dos seus opiáceos e importa precursores dos países vizinhos.

Para conseguir deter a importação de heroína para a União Europeia, em Maio de 2006 o Conselho aprovou um documento de medidas destinadas a aumentar o apoio da UE na luta contra a produção e o tráfico de droga no Afeganistão e a redução do tráfico a partir deste país, incluindo as rotas de trânsito. O documento articulava-se sobretudo em torno da prestação de assistência aos esforços desenvolvidos pelo Afeganistão no combate à produção e ao tráfico de droga e na redução do tráfico a partir do país. A Comissão e os Estados-Membros são os maiores contribuintes internacionais para o Afeganistão (452 milhões de euros). Os esforços orientam-se para a prática de culturas alternativas e para a erradicação.

No que se refere às rotas do tráfico, utiliza-se o Mecanismo do Pacto de Paris. O Irão e o Paquistão também estão envolvidos. Recentemente, teve lugar em Cabul uma reunião com a participação destes países. A União Europeia, numa reunião de alto nível no âmbito do mecanismo de consulta, realizada na Haia, sugeriu a realização de mesas redondas sobre o Mar Negro/Europa Oriental e sobre a África Oriental.

Nos esforços que desenvolve no Afeganistão, a União Europeia procura dar um rosto afegão à assistência, nomeadamente através do Afghan Trust Fund. A contenção do fluxo de heroína do Afeganistão tem sido o incentivo para a elaboração de planos de acção relativos à Ásia Central e aos Balcãs Ocidentais. Regulamente realizam-se no Irão reuniões da Tróica, e a primeira Tróica de alto nível que se realizará com o Paquistão terá lugar em 12 de Dezembro de 2007.

Can the Council give a comprehensive update as to how the EU peacekeeping mission to Chad is progressing at this time?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

No que diz respeito ao processo de planeamento, o Conceito de Operações (CONOPS) foi aprovado pelo Conselho em 12 de Novembro de 2007, tendo-se já dado início ao processo de constituição da força.

Realizaram-se três conferências de geração de forças em Bruxelas, em 9, 14 e 21 de Novembro de 2007. O processo está a revelar-se difícil, como para todas as operações, faltando ainda capacidades essenciais. Passaremos à etapa seguinte do planeamento operacional quando tiverem sido ultrapassadas as dificuldades na constituição desses escassos recursos, consistindo o próximo passo na aprovação do Plano de Operações (OPLAN) e no lançamento da operação.

Foram formalmente convidados para a constituição da força os seguintes países terceiros: os aliados da NATO não pertencentes à UE e os países candidatos (Turquia, Noruega, Islândia, Croácia, ARJM, Estados Unidos e Canadá), e ainda a Suíça, a Ucrânia e a Albânia. Até ao momento, não se verificou qualquer contribuição em meios materiais por parte desses países..

Entretanto, as negociações em torno do Acordo sobre o Estatuto das Forças (SOFA) têm progredido de forma satisfatória com os governos interessados (Chade e República Centro-Africana (RCA), prevendo-se para breve a sua conclusão.

Os secretariados da ONU e da UE têm trabalhado em estreita coordenação desde o início. Os membros europeus da NATO não pertencentes à EU, assim como os nossos parceiros africanos (os governos do Chade, da RCA, dos Camarões e do Sudão) e a União Africana (UA) e as organizações sub–regionais africanas (SRO), têm sido informados regularmente.

Can the Council spell out clearly what specific initiatives it is pursuing in order to promote greater availability of broadband technology in Europe, particularly in rural areas of Europe?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

A banda larga tem sido referida em várias políticas: a inclusão digital, a disponibilização de conteúdos, a política do espectro de radiofrequências, a investigação e desenvolvimento e o quadro regulamentar para as redes e serviços de comunicações electrónicas têm todos ligações à banda larga, tal como acontece com a política de coesão e as estratégias de desenvolvimento rural e regional.

Na Declaração Ministerial aprovada por unanimidade a 11 de Junho de 2006 em Riga, por ocasião da Conferência Ministerial sobre o contributo das TIC para uma sociedade inclusiva, os ministros acordaram em dar prioridade a reduzir a clivagem digital geográfica através de uma diminuição significativa das assimetrias entre várias regiões no que respeita ao acesso à Internet e de uma maior disponibilidade da banda larga nas zonas insuficientemente servidas, com o objectivo de atingir a cobertura em banda larga de pelo menos 90% da população da UE até 2010, em particular recorrendo a Fundos Estruturais e ao Fundo de Desenvolvimento Rural e apoiando, quando apropriado, a criação de Pontos de Acesso Público à Internet em banda larga. Acordaram, também, que as estratégias nacionais para a banda larga no âmbito da iniciativa i2010 devem ser actualizadas e fornecer orientações adicionais e metas relativas à cobertura e conectividade nas administrações públicas, escolas, centros de saúde e outros pontos-chave.

Por outro lado, a Comunicação da Comissão “Iniciativa Europeia i2010 sobre Info-Inclusão –

Participar na Sociedade da Informação", apresentada em reunião do Conselho de 29 de Novembro de 2007, informa que o objectivo que a Declaração de Riga tinha estabelecido para 2010 de atingir a cobertura em banda larga de 90% da população já tinha sido alcançado no final de 2006, quando ficou assegurada a cobertura de 89% da população da UE, e que 70% da população rural já está

abrangida 2007.

A mesma Comunicação da Comissão propõe uma Iniciativa Europeia sobre Info-Inclusão que inclui um quadro estratégico de acção para implementação da Declaração Ministerial de Riga mediante a criação de condições para que todos participem na sociedade da informação, colmatando as lacunas existentes em termos de banda larga, acessibilidade e competências, nomeadamente:

A Comissão incentivará a realização de iniciativas regionais sobre uma sociedade da informação inclusiva através de redes temáticas no âmbito da Iniciativa da Comissão Europeia "As Regiões e a Mudança Económica". O Fundo de Coesão continuará a visar o investimento nos conhecimentos em áreas em que é inadequada a implantação comercial de infra-estrutura e serviços TIC.

As autoridades regionais e locais da UE devem dirigir os esforços para colmatar as lacunas em matéria de banda larga, nomeadamente através da utilização dos Fundos Estruturais e de Desenvolvimento Rural da UE e para promover uma sociedade da informação inclusiva, especialmente em zonas remotas e rurais. Devem apoiar a infra-estrutura, bem como aplicações e serviços electrónicos para os cidadãos (serviços de saúde em linha, administração pública em linha, aprendizagem electrónica e info-inclusão).

A Comissão apoiará, no âmbito do Programa de Apoio à Política de Tecnologias da Informação e das Comunicações (PAP-TIC), uma plataforma web sobre iniciativas regionais para a sociedade da informação e procederá a um levantamento do financiamento da UE para projectos regionais da sociedade da informação.”

Actualmente, o Conselho está a analisar duas propostas da Comissão (uma sobre a revogação da Directiva GSM e outra sobre os serviços móveis por satélite) com o objectivo de estudar a possibilidade de libertar frequências para aplicações de comunicações sem fios, atribuindo-as a serviços móveis de que possam beneficiar as zonas rurais e remotas.

Quanto à revogação da Directiva GSM e consequente possibilidade das frequência serem utilizadas por serviços 3G, espera-se que a medida beneficie os cidadãos europeus ao reduzir de forma significativa as barreiras ao desenvolvimento dos serviços avançados de comunicações móveis e ao contribuir para se ultrapassar o dividendo digital geográfico.

No que respeita à decisão sobre serviços móveis por satélite, há que salientar que as características de cobertura destes sistemas pan-europeus permitem melhorar a cobertura de banda larga das zonas rurais e remotas, diminuindo a fractura digital em termos geográficos.

Além disso, os Estados-Membros estão também a planear as suas estratégias de banda larga através dos Planos Nacionais de Reforma no contexto da Estratégia de Lisboa, e alguns dos novos Estados-Membros estão a elaborar estratégias de banda larga específicas a nível nacional.

The Commission told Parliament’s Committee on Budgetary Control in November 2007 that it is paying a proportion for Tony Blair's office and for one assistant. How much is the Council paying?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

Em resposta à pergunta do Senhor Deputado sobre o "Financiamento do Sr. Tony Blair", o Conselho confirma que não são efectuados quaisquer pagamentos para esse efeito com recurso à Secção II (Conselho) do Orçamento Geral da União Europeia.

What recent discussions has the Council had in the fight against identity fraud?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

O Conselho gostaria de informar o Senhor Deputado de que este tema foi discutido no contexto mais alargado da luta contra a cibercriminalidade. A este respeito, o Conselho gostaria de se referir às conclusões do Conselho de 8 de Novembro de 2007 sobre a cibercriminalidade. Nessas conclusões, o Conselho declarou, nomeadamente, que se deve considerar a necessidade de, a nível de cada Estado-Membro, se adoptar legislação sobre usurpação de identidade, em especial no quadro da cibercriminalidade, e se devem desenvolver novas acções a nível da UE.

Hoewel het ICC een internationaal aanhoudingsbevel heeft uitgevaardigd tegen rebellenleider Kony en vier van zijn commandanten, zit Kony met zijn Lord's Resistance Army nog steeds in het Garamba National park in de Democratische Republiek Congo. Van daaruit destabiliseert en terroriseert hij het noorden van Oeganda.

Het vredesproces tussen de LRA en de Oegandese regering, dat nadrukkelijk de steun van de Raad heeft, boekt weinig vooruitgang. Volgens de laatste berichten heeft Kony bovendien zijn rechterhand en belangrijke onderhandelaar Vincent Otti aan de kant geschoven. Samenwerking was niet meer mogelijk gezien Kony Otti ervan verdenkt te spioneren voor de Oegandese regering. Het vertrek van Otti, die werd gezien als een spilfiguur en voorstander van de onderhandelingen, brengt de vredesgesprekken ernstig in gevaar. Verder lijkt het er op dat Kony zich reeds aan het hergroeperen en bewapenen is, voor wanneer de vredesonderhandelingen falen. Volgens de aanklager van het ICC, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, wordt voedselhulp voor het LRA stelselmatig verkocht voor wapens.

Zal de Raad, in het licht van deze recente ontwikkelingen, meer druk uitoefenen op de regering van de DRC en Soedan, om Kony uit te leveren aan het Internationaal Strafhof of opteert hij ervoor de gesprekken terug leven in te blazen ? Zal de Raad vervolgens zorgen voor een strenge controle op voedselhulp?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

O Conselho está inteiramente consciente da importância da execução dos quatro mandados de detenção (contra Joseph Kony, Vincent Otti, Okot Odhiambo e Dominic Ongwen) emitidos pelo TPI.

Em 18 de Junho de 2007, o Conselho aprovou conclusões sobre o Uganda. Nessa ocasião, o Conselho reiterou o seu apoio às conversações de paz em curso em Juba e registou com agrado a nomeação de Sua Excelência Joaquim Chissano como Enviado Especial do Secretário-Geral das Nações Unidas para as zonas afectadas pelo LRA. O Conselho sublinhou que continua a ser importante alcançar um acordo de paz que proporcione paz e justiça às comunidades locais, e que seja conciliável com os desejos das comunidades locais, o direito nacional e o Estatuto de Roma do Tribunal Penal Internacional.

No que respeita ao problema assinalado do desvio da ajuda alimentar e eventualmente de outros tipos de ajuda internacional, o Conselho continuará a levantar estas questões junto dos parceiros internacionais relevantes. No que respeita à ajuda alimentar, o Conselho gostaria de recordar que nos termos dos Tratados que instituem a União Europeia, esta questão não é da competência do Conselho. A UE, nomeadamente a CE, financia a ajuda alimentar distribuída pelo PAM e, em menor grau, pelas ONG.

Η τελευταία έκθεση της Διεθνούς Επιτροπής Ατομικής Ενέργειας (Δ.Ε.Α.Ε.) του ΟΗΕ και του επικεφαλής της, Μουχάμαντ αλ Μπάρανταϊ, σχετικά με το πυρηνικό πρόγραμμα του Ιράν αποδεικνύει πως το πρόγραμμα είναι ειρηνικό και δεν χρησιμοποιείται για στρατιωτικούς σκοπούς, ενώ επισημαίνει ότι «οι αποφάσεις κυρώσεων, μέχρι σήμερα, ήταν βασισμένες σε ψευδή στοιχεία». Η έκθεση αναφέρει σαφώς ότι οι ιρανικές αρχές συνεργάστηκαν πλήρως και οι πληροφορίες που έδωσαν συνάδουν πλήρως με τα στοιχεία που είχε συγκεντρώσει η υπηρεσία. Παρά τις παραπάνω διαβεβαιώσεις, συνεχίζονται οι απειλές κυρώσεων από τις ΗΠΑ και την Ε.Ε. ενάντια στο Ιράν, που, όπως δείχνει και η ήδη υπάρχουσα εμπειρία από τις κυρώσεις ενάντια στο Ιράκ, είναι άδικες και θα πλήξουν το λαό της χώρας.

Αποδέχεται το Συμβούλιο το πόρισμα της έκθεσης της Δ.Ε.Α.Ε.; Προτίθεται η Ε.Ε. να ανακαλέσει τις όποιες απειλές για κυρώσεις ενάντια στο Ιράν, που, όπως αποδείχθηκε, βασίζονται σε ψευδή στοιχεία;

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

O último relatório do Director-Geral da AIEA, que foi analisado pelo Conselho de Governadores da Agência na reunião de 22-23 de Novembro, contém elementos positivos e elementos negativos.

Na declaração que enviou ao Conselho de Governadores, a UE manifestou a sua preocupação quanto a questões ainda por resolver em relação ao programa nuclear iraniano e lamentou que, tal como consta do relatório, a cooperação do Irão tenha sido mais reactiva do que proactiva. Declarou-se além disso preocupada com o facto de, como afirmou o Director-Geral da AIEA, o conhecimento, pela Agência, do programa nuclear iraniano em curso estar a diminuir, e de, na ausência da implementação integral do Protocolo Adicional, a Agência não estar em condições de dar garantias credíveis quanto à ausência de material e de actividades nucleares não declaradas.

Na declaração que enviou ao Conselho de Governadores da AIEA, a UE regista ainda com crescente preocupação que o Irão continua a desrespeitar as exigências compulsivas do CSNU, sublinhando que, tal como comunicou a AIEA, o Irão tem continuado a desenvolver as suas actividades em matéria de enriquecimento, bem como a construir o reactor de água pesada em Arak. A UE instou o Irão a atender ao apelo do Director-Geral no sentido de aplicar as medidas decididas pelo CSNU.

Na sua sessão de 15 de Outubro, o Conselho de Ministros da UE reiterou o seu apoio às Resoluções 1696, 1737 e 1747 do Conselho de Segurança e salientou que, nas Resoluções 1737 e 1747, este manifestara a sua intenção de adoptar novas medidas adequadas ao abrigo do Artigo 41.º, Capítulo VII, da Carta das Nações Unidas se o Irão insistisse em não suspender as suas actividades de enriquecimento de urânio. Acordou ainda na necessidade de a UE ponderar sobre que outras medidas poderiam ser tomadas para apoiar o processo da ONU e a realização dos objectivos partilhados pela comunidade internacional.

Jak Rada ocenia wyniki zakończonego w ostatnim tygodniu w Kigali, w Ruandzie, 14. Wspólnego Zgromadzenia Parlamentarnego AKP-UE, zwłaszcza w kontekście stosunków handlowych między państwami członkowskimi Unii a krajami afrykańskimi?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

O Conselho toma nota de que a Assembleia Parlamentar Paritária ACP-UE, reunida em Kigali no Ruanda de 19 a 22 de Novembro de 2007, aprovou a Declaração de Kigali relativa aos Acordos de Parceria Económica. A declaração diz respeito às relações entre a UE e todos os países ACP, incluindo os países africanos.

O Conselho considera-a como uma medida proactiva no âmbito do processo de consulta e de diálogo sobre os Acordos de Parceria Económica. O Conselho congratula-se e encoraja este processo.

O Conselho atribui grande importância a uma ampla consulta sobre os Acordos de Parceria Económica (APE). Nas Conclusões de Maio de 2007 relativas aos APE, o Conselho salientou especificamente a importância do diálogo ACP-UE sobre os APE, assim como o papel importante de um diálogo com os Membros do Parlamento, a sociedade civil e a comunidade empresarial quer dos Estados ACP, quer da UE. Este conceito, no contexto da monitorização dos APE, foi reiterado nas Conclusões do Conselho de Novembro de 2007.

O Conselho reconhece e congratula-se com o importante papel da Assembleia Parlamentar Paritária no Sistema de Cotonu. Em conformidade com o n.º 2 do Artigo 17.º do Acordo de Parceria de Cotonu, o seu papel, como órgão consultivo, consiste nomeadamente em promover os processos democráticos através do diálogo e da consulta e em debater questões relativas ao desenvolvimento e à Parceria ACP-CE.

Στις 17 Νοέμβρη 2007, στη διάρκεια των εκδηλώσεων για τον εορτασμό της εξέγερσης του Πολυτεχνείου, μετά από έλεγχο της Αρχής Προστασίας Δεδομένων Προσωπικού Χαρακτήρα, αποκαλύφθηκε ότι η ελληνική αστυνομία παρακολουθούσε τη μεγάλη διαδήλωση για το Πολυτεχνείο μέσα από τις κάμερες που έχουν τοποθετηθεί δήθεν για την παρακολούθηση της οδικής κυκλοφορίας. Κατόπιν αυτού, ο Πρόεδρος της Αρχής Προστασίας Δεδομένων Προσωπικού Χαρακτήρα Δ. Γουργουράκης, ο αναπληρωτής πρόεδρός της και άλλα 4 μέλη της Αρχής υπέβαλαν τις παραιτήσεις τους σε ένδειξη διαμαρτυρίας για την παραβίαση των διατάξεων που διέπουν τη λειτουργία και τα καθήκοντα της Αρχής Προστασίας και τον ουσιαστικό παραμερισμό της.

Καταδικάζει το Συμβούλιο την παρακολούθηση με κάμερες από τις ελληνικές αρχές ασφαλείας των συγκεντρώσεων, εκδηλώσεων, διαδηλώσεων και γενικά των κινητοποιήσεων των εργαζομένων; Θεωρεί ότι η ύπαρξη και λειτουργία καμερών για την παρακολούθηση των εργαζομένων και των συγκεντρώσεών τους συμβιβάζεται με την προστασία των προσωπικών δεδομένων, αλλά και το ίδιο το δικαίωμα της ελεύθερης συνάθροισης;

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

O Conselho não comenta as medidas de aplicação da lei praticadas pelas autoridades competentes dos Estados-Membros. Não compete ao Conselho avaliar a compatibilidade dessas medidas de aplicação da lei com a protecção dos dados pessoais.

Το Υπουργείο Δικαιοσύνης της Λετονίας πρόκειται να υποβάλει στο κοινοβούλιο της χώρας, τις αμέσως επόμενες ημέρες, νέες τροπολογίες στον Ποινικό Κώδικα, με τις οποίες προβλέπεται ποινή φυλάκισης έως πέντε ετών για όσους τοποθετούνται δημόσια, θετικά για τη σοβιετική εξουσία και αρνούνται την ύπαρξη "σοβιετικής κατοχής". Το υπουργείο υποστηρίζει πως οι σχετικές τροπολογίες γίνονται στη βάση των κατευθύνσεων της Ε.Ε. για ποινική τιμωρία όσων τοποθετούνται ανοικτά υπέρ του ρατσισμού και της ξενοφοβίας και υποστηρίζουν "εγκλήματα που έχουν χαρακτηριστεί ως γενοκτονία".

Καταδικάζει το Συμβούλιο τα νέα αντιδημοκρατικά αυτά μέτρα που προτίθεται να πάρει η λετονική κυβέρνηση, που παραβιάζουν θεμελιώδη ατομικά και δημοκρατικά πολιτικά δικαιώματα των εργαζομένων, όπως η ελευθερία του λογού και της έκφρασης; Συμφωνεί με τη λετονική κυβέρνηση ότι το περιεχόμενο της πολιτικής της Ε.Ε. για "ποινικά μέτρα καταπολέμησης του ρατσισμού και της ξενοφοβίας" περιλαμβάνει μέτρα όπως τα παραπάνω που επιδιώκει να θεσπίσει η κυβέρνηση της Λετονίας;

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

Em Abril de 2007, o Conselho chegou a uma abordagem geral ao texto da proposta de decisão-quadro do Conselho relativa à luta contra certas formas e manifestações de racismo e xenofobia por via do direito penal, a que o Senhor Deputado se refere.

O objectivo da decisão-quadro tem como objectivo aproximar as disposições do direito penal dos Estados-Membros e combater mais eficazmente os crimes cometidos com base na raça, cor, religião, ascendência e origem nacional ou étnica.

A decisão-quadro ainda não está formalmente aprovada, aguardando que sejam levantadas as reservas parlamentares dum conjunto de delegações.

A aplicação da decisão-quadro, depois de aprovada, é da responsabilidade dos Estados-Membros. As necessárias medidas de aplicação deverão ser tomadas pelo menos dois anos após a sua aprovação.

O mais tardar cinco anos após a aprovação da decisão-quadro, o Conselho deve avaliar, com base num relatório da Comissão, se os Estados-Membros tomaram as medidas necessárias para cumprir a decisão-quadro.

Resulta claramente do que antecede que o Conselho não pode tomar posição sobre as questões presentemente suscitadas pelo Senhor Deputado.

No quadro da crescente corrida aos armamentos e da militarização das relações internacionais, liderada pelos EUA e seus aliados, a administração norte-americana pretende instalar componentes do seu sistema anti-míssil na Europa.

Qual a posição do Conselho face a tal intenção, tendo em conta a escalada militarista no continente europeu que tal decisão provocará?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

Nos termos do Tratado da União Europeia, a EU está desenvolver uma politica externa e de segurança comum que não é extensiva à defesa territorial. Este aspecto é da responsabilidade nacional e alguns Estados-Membros realizam a sua política de defesa comum no quadro da NATO.

A cooperação entre os EUA e alguns Estados-Membros em torno do acolhimento de sistemas anti-míssil é uma questão bilateral da competência dos Estados-Membros em causa. Como tal, o Conselho não fez qualquer avaliação sobre os planos dos Estados Unidos de defesa anti-míssil na Europa. No entanto, a questão da defesa anti-míssil é um assunto em debate no âmbito da NATO.

According to the statement by the EU Presidency on 16 November 2007, the Presidency regretted that 'due to unprecedented restrictions and a number of bureaucratic obstacles, the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) is unable to act upon the invitation issued by the Russian Federation to observe the 2 December elections to the Russian State Duma'. However, the Presidency reiterated its full support for the election observation activities of the ODIHR and the efforts undertaken to ensure the deployment of an election observation mission.

What action has the Council taken in order to overcome the above-mentioned restrictions and obstacles? How does the Council evaluate the elections to the Russian State Duma on 2 December? Were they free and fair and in conformity with international standards?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

Como refere a Senhora Deputada, devido aos obstáculos com que o Gabinete das Instituições Democráticas e dos Direitos Humanos (ODIHR) se deparou ao preparar o envio de observadores às eleições parlamentares russas de 2 de Dezembro, não foi possível ao mesmo enviar uma missão de observação. A Presidência lamenta que o ODIHR tenha sido forçado a tomar esta mesma decisão, dado que tem enviado, todos os anos, observadores para um vasto conjunto de Estados da OSCE sem encontrar dificuldades. No entanto, as restrições às actividades do ODIHR, nomeadamente, o convite demasiado tardio, o limite imposto ao número de observadores e as dificuldades dos observadores das eleições em obter vistos tornaram difícil ao ODIHR retirar qualquer outra conclusão.

Dado que, em anteriores eleições russas, a maior parte das principais falhas registadas pelos observadores internacionais diziam respeito a questões pré-eleitorais, é lamentável que as restrições impostas pelas autoridades russas incidissem, especialmente, sobre a componente a longo prazo de uma missão de observação. Para a avaliação independente de eleições é crucial que o ODIHR observe não apenas a condução das eleições no dia da votação, como também o período de campanha eleitoral.

Quanto às medidas que o Conselho tomou, a Senhora Deputada estará certamente ciente de que cabe exclusivamente ao ODHIR decidir enviar, ou não, uma missão de observação de eleições. A Presidência manifestou a sua preocupação junto da parte russa e continuará a fazê-lo ao longo dos próximos dias.

O Conselho continuará a manifestar as suas preocupações junto dos nossos parceiros russos, aquando das reuniões periódicas, e a instar a Rússia a respeitar os seus compromissos internacionais.

Šengeno erdvės plėtra yra geriausia kalėdinė dovana naujųjų ES šalių piliečiams. Tai istorinis įvykis, turintis didžiulę simbolinę prasmę. Tačiau prieš rytines ES kaimynes – Baltarusiją, Rusiją, Ukrainą, Moldovą – leidžiasi nauja finansinė ir biurokratinė Europos uždanga. Dar nesenai mūsų rytiniai kaimynai galėjo be vizų keliauti į daugelį naujųjų ES valstybių, o dabar už vizą turės mokėti trečdalį ar ketvirtadalį mėnesinės algos. Pavyzdžiui, Baltarusijos piliečiams vizų į naująsias ES valstybes kainos išaugo nuo 5 iki 60 eurų.

Ar Europos Taryba ketina inicijuoti Šengeno vizų ES Rytų kaimyninėms valstybėms kainų peržiūrą?

Esta resposta foi elaborada pela Presidência e não vincula nem o Conselho nem os Estados-Membros enquanto tais.

O Conselho [deverá decidir][decidiu]⁽¹⁾, em 6 de Dezembro de 2007, da aplicação na íntegra, a partir de 21 de Dezembro de 2007, das disposições do acervo de Schengen na República Checa, na República da Estónia, na República da Letónia, na República da Lituânia, na República da Hungria, na República de Malta, na República da Polónia, na República da Eslovénia e na República Eslovaca.

Partindo dessa base, os Estados-Membros acima referidos iniciarão a emissão de vistos em conformidade com as disposições das Instruções Consulares Comuns sobre vistos destinadas às missões diplomáticas e postos consulares de carreira para nacionais de países terceiros que figuram na lista do Anexo I do Regulamento (CE) 539/2001 de 15 de Março de 2001, que fixa a lista dos países terceiros cujos nacionais estão sujeitos à obrigação de visto para transporem as fronteiras externas e a lista dos países terceiros cujos nacionais estão isentos dessa obrigação. Este regulamento prevê o pagamento de emolumentos usuais de EUR 60 por visto.

Todavia, foram celebrados acordos de facilitação de vistos e acordos de readmissão entre a CE e outros países, entre os quais a Rússia, a Ucrânia e a Moldávia. Os acordos de facilitação de vistos prevêem emolumentos reduzidos que ascendem a um montante de EUR 35 para estes países.

Não foi celebrado nenhum acordo desse tipo entre a CE e a Bielorrússia e neste momento não existem propostas para um mandato de negociação para o efeito.

ES valstybių narių televizija transliuoja gausybę sveikatos laidų, kurių tikrasis tikslas yra tiesioginė ir paslėpta vaistų ir ypač maisto papildų reklama. Žmonės neskatinami sveikai maitintis, sportuoti. Skatinama vartoti vis daugiau vitaminų ir vaistų, kurių vartojimo pasekmės, nekontroliuojant gydytojui, gali sukelti sveikatos problemų. Be to, reklama dažnai neatitinka realaus vaistų poveikio.

Ar galėtų Komisija pakomentuoti vaistų reklamos reglamentavimą ES?

The EU legislation on medicinal products for human use sets out very clear and restrictive rules on the advertising of these products.

They were introduced in the beginning of the 90s in the so-called "rational use" package. This reflects the underlying objective, namely that consumption should be moderate and that advertising, where allowed at all, shall not promote to an excessive use of medicinal products.

These rules are now contained in Directive 2001/83. It forbids direct-to-consumer advertising of prescription medicines and allows for advertising of non-prescription medicines under the conditions laid down in the Directive.

The advertising of non-prescription medicines must comply with the summary of product characteristics granted in the marketing authorisation procedure. It shall encourage the rational use of the medicinal product, by presenting it objectively and without exaggerating its properties, and shall not be misleading. Therefore, the advertising should not encourage the consumption of more medicinal products.

Concerning food supplements marketed as foodstuffs and presented as such these are regulated under Directive 2002/46/EC which foresees that advertising must not attribute to food supplements the property of preventing, treating or curing a human disease, nor refer to such properties. In addition the advertising of food supplements must not include any mention stating or implying that a balanced and varied diet cannot provide appropriate quantities of nutrients in general.

Furthermore, Regulation 1924/2006 on nutrition and health claims also applies to food supplements, notably to the advertising of these products. This Regulation ensures that any nutrition or health claim made is clear, accurate and substantiated. The Regulation on claims has been applied by Member States since 1st of July 2007, but the list of permitted health claims still needs to be adopted. Adoption is foreseen for beginning of 2010, after the evaluation of their scientific merit by the European Food Safety Authority.

It is important to stress that the implementation and the application of current EU legislation on advertising of medicinal products and food supplements is the responsibility of Member States.

Why is the price of oil running close to $100 a barrel, and what implications does this have for EU consumers and for research into alternative fuel supplies?

The historically high prices of oil (almost USD 100 per barrel) are due to a confluence of several factors, amongst which the following appear most important:

­ worldwide oil demand (mainly by non-OECD⁽¹⁾ countries, in particular China and India) increases faster than new discoveries and investments in production capacities;

­ OPEC's commitment to increasing production has been lower than demanded by consumer countries and expected by market operators;

­ unusually low stockpiles of oil and petroleum products in several large oil consuming economies (especially the United States), creating uncertainty in the market about the capacity to withstand even relatively minor supply disruptions;

­ regional conflicts in major exporting countries (e.g. Iraq, Nigeria) keep large parts of their production capacities out of function or under constraints;

­ persisting uncertainties regarding supply from Iran;

­ a weak dollar causing the suppliers of oil to demand higher nominal prices (as oil contracts are predominantly dollar-denominated).

Consumers are most visibly touched by this price rise through the prices they have to pay for petrol and diesel. However, it should also be noted that EU customers are relatively shielded from the implications of rising oil prices, due to the structure of taxes and excise duties in place which reduce the transmission of the shock. The strengthening of the euro relative to the dollar has also cushioned the price increase. A positive side effect of the current market conditions is that it can be expected to increase the public interest in energy saving and efficiency as well as in alternative fuels.

As alternative transport fuels are currently more expensive than diesel and petrol, the recent increase in the cost of oil (assuming it will be long lasting) significantly reduces the price difference. This renders investments into research, demonstration and commercialisation of technologies related to alternative fuels increasingly attractive. Such economic trends notwithstanding, the Commission is committed to devote a significant share of the energy research budget of the 7th Framework Programme for Research into biofuels and end-user energy efficiency.

Komissio on ehdottamassa maakohtaisia tavoitteita, joiden avulla uusiutuvan energian osuus primäärienergian tuotannosta voitaisiin nostaa EU:ssa vuoteen 2020 mennessä 20 prosentin tavoitteeseen. Kuinka ydinvoiman lisärakentaminen vaikuttaa maakohtaiseen tavoitteeseen eli pitääkö vastaavasti lisätä uusiutuvan energian tuotantoa?

The Commission's position is that binding national renewable energy targets should be established as a percentage of total final energy consumption in 2020. Thus any new construction of nuclear power capacity is not relevant in this context. However, increased nuclear capacity has a smaller impact on total energy consumption when measured as final rather than primary energy consumption.

When it comes to reaching green house gas targets, nuclear power provides a carbon saving vis-à-vis fossil fuel power production. However this will not change the obligation for a country to reach the renewable energy target.

Das Europäische Parlament hat in dem Bericht zu dem Thema „Auf dem Weg zu einer gemeinsamen europäischen Energieaußenpolitik“ (A6-0312/2007 – P6_TA(2007)0413) die Einberufung eines Hohen Vertreters für Energieaußenpolitik gefordert, der künftig eine Doppelfunktion zwischen Kommission und Rat einnehmen sollte. Was hält die Kommission von dem Vorschlag der Einsetzung eines Energieaußenministers der EU, eines so genannten „Mr. Energy“? Wie könnte ihrer Meinung nach ein genauer Umriss seiner Tätigkeiten aussehen?

Wie steht die Kommission zu der These, dass die gemeinsame Energieaußenpolitik das einzige effektive Mittel ist, der EU als außenpolitischem Akteur auf der Weltbühne eine bedeutende Stimme zu geben? Wie können die unterschiedlichen nationalen Konzepte im Bereich der Energieaußenpolitik harmonisiert werden? Auf welche Art kann die EU in den energiepolitisch relevanten Gebieten (wie z. B. Schwarzmeerraum, Kaspischer Raum und Zentralasien) politisch und finanziell stärker in Erscheinung treten?

The Parliament's report⁽¹⁾ recognises the need for the EU to present a common approach on international relations in the energy field. The Commission notes that the Parliament has reflected on a proposal on how the Community should best pursue its external energy policy. We will need to reflect further on this important subject and on how to ensure most effectively that the EU is speaking with one voice. The Commission will make its own position on the wider aspects of the external energy policy known at later stage.

The Commission believes that a clear and coherent common position and similarly clear and coherent actions by the Member States and the Community in support of this policy will give the EU strength and credibility, as well as leverage in international negotiations.

The Commission shares the view that the Member States should keep each other and the Commission informed of, and consult each other and the Commission on strategic decisions which could affect the interests of other Member States and the EU as a whole. This would concern major bilateral agreements with third countries on energy projects. Solidarity and transparency between the Member States and the Commission would help immensely in ensuring that the EU actions are consistent with the interests of the EU as a whole. This is particularly true regarding regions such as the Black Sea and Caspian Region and Central Asia.

As part of the European Union’s policy programme which is to ensure that CO2 emissions are reduced by 20% by the year 2020, can the Commission state precisely what new and specific initiatives it is pursuing in order to promote a greater level of energy efficiency in Europe?

Energy efficiency is a priority for the Commission. In January, a first assessment of the energy efficiency action plans received from the Member States will be presented. This will be followed by a number of actions that were listed in the Energy Efficiency Action Plan⁽¹⁾. In particular, the following initiatives are planned for 2008:

To improve energy efficiency in buildings:

­ A proposal for a recast of the Directive on the Energy Performance of Buildings⁽²⁾

To improve energy efficiency of appliances:

­ A proposal for a revision of the framework Energy Labelling Directive⁽³⁾

­ Eco-design⁽⁴⁾ implementing measures for product groups, including standby consumption of all electrical appliances.

­ A working plan setting out for the following 3 years the list of product groups which will be considered as priorities for Eco-design implementing measures

To improve energy efficiency in transport:

­ A proposal for a Regulation on advanced safety features (tyre pressure monitoring) and low rolling resistance tyres

­ A proposal for a Directive on the promotion of clean and energy efficient road transport vehicles

­ In order to support the placing on the market of fuel-efficient vehicles, the Commission is preparing a revision of the Directive on car labelling⁽⁵⁾.

­ The Commission has proposed to bring aviation within the Emission Trading Scheme⁽⁶⁾. This will provide an additional financial incentive to improve efficiency in the design and operation of aircraft.

­ The Commission has proposed⁽⁷⁾ to introduce a mandatory target for the reduction of lifecycle greenhouse gas emissions from transport fuels. This will provide a stronger incentive for further improving energy efficiency in transport fuel production processes.

Moreover the following horizontal measures are foreseen:

­ A review of the Energy Taxation Directive to facilitate a more targeted and coherent use of energy taxation by integrating notably energy efficiency considerations and environmental aspects.

­ An examination, in the framework of the debate launched on VAT reduced rates, of the efficiency of VAT reduced rates in some circumstances.

­ A Reference document on Best Available Techniques as regards Energy Efficiency as a result of the information exchange under the IPPC Directive⁽⁸⁾

­ A proposal for a revised Regulation allowing voluntary participation by organisations in a Community eco-management and audit scheme (EMAS). This regulation obliges participating organisations to report on the basis of core indicators, including energy efficiency, and to continuously improve their environmental performance. These reports are verified and validated by independent environmental verifiers and are made public.

­ The Commission also foresees the adoption of a Communication on green public procurement setting targets for green public procurement and installing a process for identifying environmental specifications to be used in tender documents, including energy efficiency related criteria.

­

Pour de multiples raisons (raréfaction des cultures vivrières, augmentation des prix des aliments, spéculation financière...), il apparaît qu'une course à la production d'agrocarburants risque d'aggraver rapidement le problème de la faim dans les pays du Sud, et plus particulièrement en Afrique. Le 25 octobre 2007, le rapporteur spécial de l'ONU pour l'alimentation a publié un rapport demandant un moratoire de cinq ans sur la production végétale destinée à être transformée en carburant, afin, ce délai écoulé, de passer directement à la deuxième génération de biocarburants, qui, eux, sont fabriqués à partir de résidus de culture. Une autre solution possible consiste à produire des agrocarburants à l'aide de plantes incomestibles cultivées sur des terres arides ou semi-arides. La Commission a-t-elle l'intention de soutenir l'adoption de ce moratoire et/ou de promouvoir un soutien massif à la recherche en matière d'agrocarburants de deuxième génération, pour que la mondialisation du "pétrole vert" ne se fasse pas au détriment des pays les moins avancés et de leurs petits producteurs, étant donné, par ailleurs, que ce sont déjà les grands producteurs agricoles et les sociétés transnationales qui sont les mieux placés pour tirer profit de cette nouvelle donne sur le marché de l'énergie?

The Commission does not share the view of the United Nations' special rapporteur. The recent increases in agricultural raw product prices result from a combination of low harvest, due to bad weather conditions, and an increase in the demand from large emerging countries. The Commission is of the opinion that a moratorium would ignore the potential of biofuels to improve livelihoods in rural areas, in particular in developing countries. However, the Commission will closely follow the possible impacts that "first generation" biofuels might have on food security.

The Commission agrees that every effort should be made to develop second-generation biofuel technologies and bring these fuels into the market. They will improve security of supply by diversifying the range of feedstocks that can be used. But the progress of "second generation" biofuels largely depends on the development of the "first generation" biofuels. The Commission is supporting the development of these technologies through its programmes for research and technological development. It has set out a further strategy in the recent European Strategic Energy Technology plan⁽¹⁾. The Commission is also looking at measures to encourage them in the forthcoming Directive on renewable energy.

Laut allgemeiner Interpretation der Richtlinie 2006/32/EG⁽¹⁾ dürfen zum Einsparungsziel nur solche Maßnahmen gerechnet werden, die auch im Jahr 2016 wirksam sind. Einsparungsmaßnahmen mit geringer Wirkungsdauer würden dadurch aber erst kurz vor dem Jahr 2016 (bzw. 2020) realisiert werden. Nach dieser Interpretation ist ein Anreiz gegeben, solche Maßnahmen nicht zum frühestmöglichen Zeitpunkt einzuleiten sondern nach hinten zu verschieben, damit eine möglichst große Wirkung auf das Ziel für 2016 angerechnet wird.

Ist diese Interpretation trotzdem korrekt? Welche Maßnahmen gedenkt die Kommission gegen diese möglichen Effekte zu ergreifen?

The purpose of Directive (2006/32/EC) on energy end-use efficiency and energy services is to enhance the cost-effective improvement of energy end-use efficiency. It does so by establishing a structural base for energy efficiency in Member States. The Directive sets an indicative target for Member States of 9% energy end-use savings from 1 January 2008 until 31 December 2016. The savings shall be measured as the result of cumulative annual savings achieved throughout the period. All the measures during this period may contribute to the savings. But the condition is that the resulting energy savings are still verifiable and measurable or at least estimable at the end of the ninth year.

Savings measures impacting over a brief period are indeed eligible for inclusion. They do, however, needto be verifiable and measurable or estimable at the end of the ninth year. But this does not mean that the measures still need to produce effects at the time when the savings are being measured or estimated.

Jak Komisja ocenia praktyczne możliwości realizacji wspólnej unijnej polityki energetycznej w kontekście ostatniego szczytu UE - Rosja?

The endorsement of the Early Warning Mechanism was one of the concrete deliverables at the latest EU-Russia Summit in Mafra in October. The Mechanism aims at a timely identification of potential supply as well as transit and demand problems and risks in order to minimise the impact of potential disruptions. The technical arrangements for this mechanism are currently being put in place.

The setting up of this mechanism is a concrete result of the constructive and mutually beneficial dialogue in the energy field, which continues between the EU and Russia. It also shows that cooperation and solidarity among the Member States and between the Member States and the Commission can yield concrete initiatives and actions under the common external energy policy.

Moreover, activities that will be undertaken in the framework of the EU - Russia energy dialogue thematic groups, for example on updating the list of infrastructure projects of common interest for both sides, will also contribute to shaping of a common position on the EU side.

The Commission believes that the Member States should continue working closely together and with the Commission in the external energy policy field to define clear and coherent common positions and similarly clear and coherent actions in support of this policy. Such continued coordination will give the EU strength and credibility, as well as leverage vis-à-vis third countries.

Η Ευρώπη, αναγνωρίζοντας τον αντίκτυπο που έχει η ενεργειακή πολιτική στην προστασία του περιβάλλοντος και στην περιφερειακή ανάπτυξη, έχει θέσει φιλόδοξους, δεσμευτικούς στόχους, για τα επόμενα χρόνια αναφορικά με την αξιοποίηση των ανανεώσιμων πηγών ενέργειας (ΑΠΕ) από τα κράτη μέλη.

Με γνώμονα την ανάγκη δυναμικής προώθησης των ΑΠΕ υπάρχει πρόθεση, πέρα από τους εθνικούς στόχους να θεσπιστούν ανάλογοι στόχοι σε περιφερειακό και τοπικό επίπεδο; Με ποιo τρόπο θα δοθεί αυτή η δυνατότητα στις περιφερειακές και τοπικές αρχές; Θα υπάρξει, για παράδειγμα, υποστήριξη και αύξηση των επενδύσεων σε τοπικές μορφές ΑΠΕ, καθώς και σε τοπικά δίκτυα, λαμβάνοντας υπόψη ότι περιοχές με υψηλό δυναμικό ΑΠΕ δεν έχουν τις απαραίτητες υποδομές για την παραγωγή και διανομή της ενέργειας (π.χ. υποδομές ελληνικών νησιών); Τέλος, προβλέπεται η σύνταξη μελέτης σε περιφερειακό επίπεδο, μέσα από την οποία να αναδειχθούν οι περιοχές εκείνες που διαθέτουν υψηλό δυναμικό ΑΠΕ, ώστε να προωθηθούν δράσεις αξιοποίησης κατά προτεραιότητα;

The Commission does not plan to propose renewable energy consumption targets at regional and local level in addition to the binding national targets.

However, the Commission encourages regions to set themselves targets as part of ongoing negotiations on Cohesion Policy and rural development programmes. Many regions have set local renewable energy targets. In fact, one of the agreed common indicators in the regional rural development programmes relates to the increased production of renewable energy.

So far, Member States have already allocated around € 8 billion to promoting renewables and energy efficiency at local level under Cohesion Policy funding for the period 2007-2013. It is however difficult to quantify the total amount of aid to regions, because additional contributions from other sources, such as the "Intelligent Energy – Europe" initiative within the Competitiveness and Innovation Programme (2007-2013) and the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development will also play an important role in encouraging the uptake of renewables at local level.

The Commission is about to make a proposal for a framework Directive for renewables which would require Member States to submit national action plans outlining how they aim to reach the national renewable targets. For some Member States, considering the regional aspects, such as availability of resources in different regions, should be a key element to consider. The Commission has carried out work to assess the potential of individual Member States, but this work has not gone so far as to assess the potentials of specific regions within the Member States.

The Commission has proposed a communication calling for a new ‘Strategic Energy Technology Plan’ (SET Plan) which includes industrial initiatives and greater research efforts as part of plans to increase the uptake of low CO2 technologies in the EU, but postponed suggestions concerning financing issues to next year.

Has the Commission already evaluated strengths and weaknesses of the SET Plan, and what is the outcome of those evaluations? Does the Commission envisage by whom and how the implementation of the SET Plan will be financed?

For the preparation of the SET-Plan, the Commission has undertaken a detailed analysis of the strengths and weakness of the European energy technology research and innovation system, as well as of the different technology avenues currently pursued. These can be found in the Capacities Map and Technology Map, which are presented together with the Communication on the SET-Plan. The outcome of the evaluation is that innovation in energy faces many difficulties, but working closer together at EU level we can tackle those more effectively. We need to: acknowledge the vital and strategic role of energy technology to tackle energy and climate change; jointly plan our research and innovation activities; effectively pursue our objectives through more targeted and powerful instruments; increase financial and human resources; and, reinforce international cooperation.

Concerning the question of financing, the Commission would like to stress that it should be a collective endeavour, therefore we would need to mobilise public funds, but also the private sector, and certainly both at EU and national level. In the SET-Plan the Commission announces a Communication for the end of 2008 that will analyse potential sources of new investment, including from the EU budget.

Σύμφωνα με πρόσφατη μελέτη του Ινστιτούτου Μπλάκσμιθ των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών (Σεπτέμβριος 2007), οι αναπτυσσόμενες οικονομίες της Κίνας, της Ινδίας, της Ρωσίας και της Αργεντινής επιβαρύνουν περιβαλλοντικά τόσο τα εκατομμύρια των ανθρώπων που κατοικούν πλησίον των βιομηχανικών μονάδων που ρυπαίνουν το περιβάλλον, αλλά δυστυχώς και ολόκληρο τον πλανήτη, καθώς οι περισσότεροι ρύποι καταλήγουν στις θάλασσες και στην ατμόσφαιρα, που, όπως είναι γνωστό, δεν γνωρίζουν σύνορα. Επίσης το μολυσμένο περιβάλλον ευθύνεται για την εκδήλωση μιας σειράς ασθενειών των ανθρώπων, όπως είναι η αυξημένη συχνότητα εμφάνισης διαφόρων τύπων καρκίνων.

Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση ευτυχώς, κατάλαβε έγκαιρα τη σημαία που έχει για την ανθρώπινη υγεία η προστασία του περιβάλλοντος, και όλες οι πολιτικές της έχουν κύριο άξονα, δράσεις προς την κατεύθυνση αυτή. Τι γίνεται όμως με το παγκόσμιο περιβάλλον; Στα διεθνή φόρα γίνονται διαπιστώσεις, καταλήγουν σε επίσημα συμπεράσματα, αλλά επί της ουσίας δεν λαμβάνονται συγκεκριμένες πολιτικές πρωτοβουλίες.

Σκέπτεται η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή να πιέσει την παγκόσμια κοινότητα με σκοπό τη λήψη αποτελεσματικών μέτρων για την προστασία του περιβάλλοντος, που τελικά επηρεάζει εκτός από τους ρυπαίνοντες και τους μη, ώστε να εξασφαλίσουμε ένα υγιές μέλλον για τα παιδιά μας, πριν να είναι αργά;

The impact large emerging economies in particular China, India and Russia are having on the environment, is taken seriously by the Commission and bilateral co-operation has been stepped-up with these countries. Today every opportunity is taken to raise environmental concerns in bilateral and multilateral fora in an attempt to bring these countries on board.

Environment has become a cornerstone of the EU’s bilateral strategic partnerships with China, India and Russia and high-level Environment Dialogues have been established with these countries. These dialogues have resulted in concrete activities in the fields of air and water pollution, climate change, cleaner production and waste management.

The EU Summits with India and China in 2005 agreed to enhance co-operation on climate change by establishing Climate Change Partnerships. Under the EU-China Partnership co-operation is underway to build in China a near-Zero Emissions Coal Demonstration Plant with carbon capture and storage to address China's rapidly increasing greenhouse gas emissions from coal use.

Through our Regional Strategy Programmes for Asia and Latin America the Commission also supports the protection of the environment strengthening environmental governance and enhancing expertise.

The Environment and Forests thematic budget line (2000-2006) provided more than 300 million EUR to ensure that environment became an integral part of the region's development. The sustainable management of natural resources was among the key priority areas addressed.

Environment is also one of the key policy sectors to be funded under the Regional Strategy for Asia (2007-2013). Over 30 million €/year will be allocated to activities under the Environment, Energy and Climate Change heading. These initiatives will help to build the regulatory, administrative and scientific capacity needed in Asia to face today's environmental challenges.

The Commission also works in multilateral fora through various United Nations (UN) bodies, notably the UN Commission on Sustainable Development and United Nations Environment Programme, urging for greater international action to deal with global environmental concerns.

The Commission (representing the Community) takes an active part in the elaboration, ratification and implementation of Multilateral Environmental Agreements (Conventions /Protocols) and today is a party to over 50 environmental agreements covering issues such as climate change, protection of the ozone layer, desertification, nature protection, management of chemicals and waste, and transboundary air and water pollution.

In the field of air pollution, the Commission has played a key role in reaching agreement with partners (including Russia) to reduce pollution from heavy metals and sulphur emissions under the Convention on Long-range Transboundary Air Pollution (CLRTAP).

Globally the Commission has pushed for strong and effective implementation and further development of the Stockholm Convention – the key international treaty to protect the environment from toxic chemicals known as POPs (Persistent Organic Pollutants). The elimination of POPs requires important financial and technical resources. The Commission works closely with developing countries to help with the elimination of POPs.

This is just a snapshot of the many initiatives underway or in the pipeline and shows the Commission's true commitment to working in all fora to advance the protection of the global environment for all mankind.

Given the EU's desire to phase out the use of inefficient incandescent light bulbs, what steps is the Commission taking to ensure that Member States are complying with their obligations under the Waste Electrical and Electronic Equipment Directive 2002/96/EC⁽¹⁾ to ensure that distributors and retailers provide consumers with 'take-back' facilities for energy efficient bulbs, which is particularly important given the mercury content of these bulbs?

The Commission is undertaking several steps to ensure that Member States are complying with the obligations under the Directive on Waste Electrical and Electronic Equipment⁽²⁾.

First, the Commission is checking the technical and legal compliance of the measures transposing the Directive into national legislation in the Member States. These measures should place a responsibility on producers for the organisation and financing of the collection, treatment, recovery and environmentally sound disposal of electrical and electronic equipment and in particular of lighting equipment. National legislation should also ensure that producers inform consumers about this separate collection, the return and collection systems available to them, their role in contributing to reuse, recycling and recovery, and about the meaning of the symbol – a crossed-out wheeled bin - marking electronic equipment. Compliance checks have already lead to infringement procedures against two Member States (October 2007). Infringement cases against other Member States are likely to follow.

Secondly, the Commission is assessing obligatory reports of Member States on the implementation of this Directive. A first reporting round was due for September of 2007. The Commission is currently assessing the reports. It will publish its findings in 2008.

Thirdly, Member States have to report on the quantities and categories of waste electrical and electronic equipment collected, reused, recycled and recovered within the Member States or exported. The first reporting is due for mid 2008.

Finally, regular meetings to assess progress, solve problems and exchange best practices are held with Member States, on average three meetings annually.

Σύμφωνα με στοιχεία του Διεθνούς Οργανισμού Υγείας πάνω από 3 εκατομμύρια παιδιά πεθαίνουν ετησίως από αίτια άμεσα συνδεδεμένα με το περιβάλλον και πάνω από το 80% των ασθενειών επηρεάζονται από περιβαλλοντικούς παράγοντες.

Στα πλαίσια της μελλοντικής Ευρωπαϊκής Στρατηγικής για τα Δικαιώματα του Παιδιού, η οποία αναγνωρίζει ότι οι περιβαλλοντικές αλλαγές έχουν σημαντικές επιπτώσεις στην υγεία και την ευημερία των παιδιών, ερωτάται η Επιτροπή ποια συγκεκριμένα μέτρα σκοπεύει να υιοθετήσει ώστε να εξασφαλίσει στα παιδιά το δικαίωμα σε ένα καθαρό και υγιές περιβάλλον καθώς και οι προτεινόμενες ενέργειές της για τη μείωση των ιδιαίτερων κινδύνων για τα παιδιά, όπως είναι η ρύπανση κλειστών χώρων, η ατμοσφαιρική ρύπανση και η χρήση τοξικών ουσιών;

Πώς προτίθεται να ενισχύσει τη συνεργασία της με διεθνείς οργανισμούς, όπως η ΠΟΥ και η UNICEF, για τη συλλογή στοιχείων και τη διεξαγωγή ερευνών για τη διαβίωση των παιδιών σε ένα ποιοτικά αναβαθμισμένο περιβάλλον;

The Commission promotes the protection of children’s rights both within the Union and in its external action. Initiatives taken are consistent with the "rights of the child" as enshrined in Article 24 of the European Union Charter for fundamental rights. Moreover, they are in line with what is foreseen in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.

It is also important to remark that Article 5 of the Draft Lisbon Treaty provides that “in its relations with the wider world, the Union shall […] contribute to […] the protection of human rights, in particular the rights of the child”..

The Commission is aware that environmental changes and specific hazards have a significant impact on the health and well-being of children.

Thus, as vulnerable part of the population, children are covered by the "European Environment and Health Strategy" launched by the Commission in June 2003 as the SCALE⁽¹⁾ initiative, where the C indicates the special focus on children.

The concerns of children are also integrated throughout the Environment and Health Action Plan adopted in June 2004.

In this framework, the Commission is addressing the effects of environmental pressures on children's health in a range of research projects. For example, research projects on "susceptibility" have been funded in order to adjust policy responses to the needs of children in those cases where they are specifically vulnerable.

A particular concern relates to air pollution, which poses significant risks to human health. Sensitive groups including children are those suffering the most adverse health impacts.

Therefore, in addition to Community measures that are in place with the objective of improving ambient air quality and that are aimed at the public at large, there are further provisions for the sensitive groups. The ozone information threshold to prevent even brief excessive exposure of specific parts of the population is one example.

In addition, the new Air Quality Directive - currently in 2nd reading⁽²⁾ -, includes objectives set specifically to push for reduction of urban background concentrations of fine particles PM2.5. This is expected to bring the largest health benefits in particular within the sensitive groups - including children.

Children's exposure to indoor environments is also of particular concern. The Commission has set up an expert working group on indoor air quality to give advice on possible policy initiatives in this area and has funded several research programmes related to this.

Can the Commission clarify the mechanisms used to estimate the recovery of costs for water services as outlined in Article 9 of the Water Framework Directive 2000/60/EC⁽¹⁾ according to the economic analysis in Annex III. Are any mechanisms in place whereby consumers can challenge the costings if they seem unusually high?

Under the Water Framework Directive (WFD)⁽²⁾ Member States are required to set up, by 2010, water pricing policies that serve the dual purpose of recovering the costs of water services and giving users of services an incentive to use water in a sustainable way.

The mechanisms for estimating these costs (financial costs as well as environmental and resource costs), enforcing such cost recovery and estimating the adequate contribution of different water users must be part of the River Basin Management Plans (cf. Article 13 WFD) to be established by end 2009. They must be then reported to the Commission by the Member States by 22 March 2010.

Whilst the WFD sets out the principal obligations, it is for the Member States to develop the details of their water pricing policy in line with subsidiarity.

To support this work, the Commission initiated and organized the preparation of an informal guidance document and other supporting tools to implement the economic instruments of the WFD. This has been carried out in close cooperation with the Member States⁽³⁾.

When developing the River Basin Management Plans, Member States are required to consult the public. Draft River Basin Management Plans shall be made available for consultation in December 2008. At that moment, interested parties can express their views on the planned measures including those selected for the recovery of costs.

The WFD states that Member States may take into account social and economic considerations when establishing the level of cost recovery for different users (cf Article 9.1). Moreover, Member States can exempt specific water use activities from the provisions of Article 9(1) where this does not compromise the achievements of the objectives of the Directive (cf Article 9.4).

Furthermore, transparency of water pricing structures is crucial for such economic instruments to be effective. The WFD does not itself prescribe provisions as regards consumer protection, as this would be outside the scope of its legal basis. In line with subsidiarity, it is for the Member States to set up appropriate mechanisms. Physical persons can however seek redress via Directive 93/13/EEC on unfair terms in consumer contracts⁽⁴⁾.

Kommissionen har stämt Sverige inför EG-domstolen på grund av att Sverige inte har byggt om reningsverk så att de får bättre kväverening. I praktiken handlar det om cirka 60 reningsverk som behöver byggas ut till en kostnad av minst en miljard kronor. Reningsverken ligger framför allt i Norrland och Sydsveriges inland. Reningsverkens branschorganisation Svenskt Vatten har anklagat kommissionen för att ha bristfälliga kunskaper i den aktuella frågan. Det svenska Naturvårdsverket har konstaterat att en ombyggnad inte skulle få några positiva konsekvenser. I Sverige är forskare och myndigheter eniga om att det inte i första hand är kvävet som är den avgörande orsaken till övergödningen av Östersjön, utan snarare fosfor, vilket de svenska reningsverken nästan helt tar bort.

På vilka grunder har kommissionen fastslagit att en ombyggnad av de svenska reningsverken verkligen skulle förbättra kvävereningen? I vilken omfattning anser kommissionen att de aktuella reningsverken orsakar gränsöverskridande miljöproblem?

The Baltic Sea is one of the most eutrophied water areas in Europe because of the high concentrations of phosphorus and nitrogen.

Agriculture and insufficiently treated waste water are the main sources of these nutrient inputs.

This conclusion is notably included in the Baltic Sea Action Plan adopted on 15 November 2007 by HELCOM, the Convention on the Protection of the Marine Environment of the Baltic Sea, to which Sweden is a party.

HELCOM has estimated that annual reductions of some 15,000 tonnes of phosphorus and 135,000 tonnes of nitrogen would be required to achieve a good ecological status in the Baltic Sea.

In order to protect the environment from the adverse effects of waste water discharges, the European Union adopted in 1991 a Directive on the treatment of urban waste water, which lays down relevant deadlines and conditions⁽¹⁾ in this area. A key feature of this Directive is the identification of sensitive areas where more stringent treatment for waste water is required.

The fact that eight Member States around the Baltic Sea have designated their coastal waters as sensitive under the Urban Waste Water Directive is a confirmation of the fact that the eutrophication of the Baltic Sea is a cross-border environmental problem.

The treatment plants referred to in the question are discharging water which ends up in areas that Sweden has defined as sensitive. The deadline for introducing stringent water treatment in such plants was 31 December 1998.

As Sweden had not complied with this obligation, the Commission started an infringement procedure against Sweden in 2002. In fact, the Commission considered that Sweden, taking into account both its obligations under the Urban Waste Water Directive and the high degree of eutrophication of the Baltic Sea as a whole, needs to remove nitrogen from the waste water.

A reduction of nitrogen discharges from Swedish waste water will benefit the Baltic Sea as a whole.

It is however positive to see that Sweden is taking other steps in this area. It is for example worth mentioning that, in April 2007, Sweden agreed, in the framework of the Council of Baltic Sea States, to increase waste water treatment in order to further remove nitrogen.

Reducing the eutrophication of the Baltic Sea is one of our responsibilities in ensuring the best possible environmental conditions in Europe.

Η εταιρεία “Mind Compass Parks A.E.”, με διάτρητη, σύμφωνα με την αξιολόγηση της Μόνιμης Επιτροπής Περιβάλλοντος και Αειφόρου Ανάπτυξης (ΜΕΠΑΑ) του Τεχνικού Επιμελητηρίου Ελλάδας (ΤΕΕ), περιβαλλοντική μελέτη, σκοπεύει να κατασκευάσει μονάδα αφαλάτωσης στο Δημοτικό Διαμέρισμα Κοιλάδας του Δήμου Κρανιδίου, με σκοπό την υδροδότηση τουριστικών εγκαταστάσεων, όπως οι υπό κατασκευή μονάδες «Τουριστική Ανάπτυξη Δέλπριζας», Killada Hills, Seascape Hills, αλλά και την εμπορική εκμετάλλευση του παραγόμενου ύδατος. Η κατασκευή αυτής της μονάδας θα έχει ιδιαίτερα αρνητικές επιπτώσεις στην αλιεία, την αγροτική παραγωγή, τη δημόσια υγεία και καταστροφικές συνέπειες για το περιβάλλον στον κόλπο της Κοιλάδας, όπου βρίσκεται η αρχαία πόλη Μάσσητος. Ενώ ήδη υπάρχει περιβαλλοντική επιβάρυνση, γιατί δεν έχει ολοκληρωθεί η μονάδα βιολογικού καθαρισμού στο Δήμο Κρανιδίου καθώς και λόγω των ιχθυοτροφείων στον Αργολικό κόλπο.

Γνωρίζει η Επιτροπή τα σχέδια κατασκευής αυτής της μονάδας; Της έχει υποβληθεί αίτημα κοινοτικής χρηματοδότησης; Έχει υπόψη της τα περιβαλλοντικά προβλήματα που θα δημιουργήσει στην περιοχή; Τι μέτρα σκοπεύει να λάβει προκειμένου να μην επιβαρυνθεί ακόμα περισσότερο το περιβάλλον στον κόλπο της Αργολίδας από την κατασκευή μονάδας αφαλάτωσης;

The Commission is not aware of this desalination plant project in the Koilada Gulf, in the Municipality of Kranidi. This project is not co-financed by EU funds.

Desalination plants are not projects covered by Directive 85/337/EEC⁽¹⁾ on the assessment of the effects of certain public and private projects on the environment, as amended.

From information provided by the Honourable Member, it seems that an "Environmental Impact Assessment"(EIA) was nevertheless carried out for this project.

In this case the Greek authorities have apparently gone beyond their strict legal obligations under EC Law. Consequently, the Commission has no basis to pursue this matter further.

To conclude, should there be shortcomings in the EIA procedure conducted by the competent Authorities of Greece, this would be a matter falling under the exclusive competence of the administrative and judiciary authorities of the Member State.

In the light of recent reports drawn up by the United Nations which point to the fact that the problems of climate change are more imminent than ever, does the Commission believe that the European Union should set even more ambitious targets to reduce CO2 emissions in Europe? The European Union is currently committed to reducing CO2 emissions by only 20% by the year 2020.

The Commissioner in charge of Environment is currently in Bali at the United Nations climate change conference, where the EU hopes, as do many of our partners, that the international community will agree to launch negotiations on a new global and comprehensive climate change agreement for the period after 2012. The Commissioner spoke about this at length during the November plenary debate on Bali⁽¹⁾.

As he explained, the EU's climate and energy strategy and the work we have done with key global partners over the course of this year, including at the recent EU-China and EU-India Summits, has been instrumental in setting the level of ambition for Bali as well as the architecture of any post-2012 climate agreement.

Our projections show that, in order to achieve our objective of limiting global climate change to 2ºC, global emissions reductions of at least 50% compared to 1990 levels are needed by 2050. The targets which the EU has set itself are in line with achieving this level of ambition, but only if others also act.

To show true leadership, the EU must deliver at home. The Commission will adopt the climate and energy implementing proposals early next year that will provide the necessary tools to reach our targets for at least 20% unilateral emission reductions and 30% in case of an international agreement whereby other developed countries commit to comparable efforts.

The pressure is now on our developed country partners to follow suit in taking the lead and making ambitious commitments to absolute emissions reductions. We cannot expect others to take action on the scale needed if we are not.

Projections for emissions growth worldwide however leave no doubt - developing countries must also contribute – not necessarily through absolute emissions reductions at this stage, but they should slow the rate of emission growth, and we stand ready to help. We must get global emissions of greenhouse gases to peak in the next 10 to 15 years. Only this brings us on a path of keeping global average temperature rise within the 2 degree limit.

Can the Commission give political assurances that the European Union will use every international forum possible in order to encourage both China and India to sign up fully to international commitments to reduce CO2 emissions in their respective countries?

The Commission is using every opportunity in both bilateral and multilateral fora to encourage all key international partners to agree to launch international negotiations towards a post-2012 climate change framework and step up their efforts at domestic level to reduce green house gas emissions.

Over the past year, the EU has been instrumental in bringing these issues to an ever wider audience, ensuring that the true impacts and consequences of climate change are considered in the broadest possible context.

This year has seen an unprecedented number of high level climate change discussions – in the United Nations, the G8, the United States-hosted Major Economies meeting, and in the full range of the EU's bilateral contacts, such as last month's EU-ASEAN⁽¹⁾, EU-China and EU-India Summits. The Commissioner in charge of Environment is currently in Bali, at the UN climate change meeting, where we hope to secure the gains we have made in all of these fora and launch negotiations on a global and comprehensive post-2012 climate change framework.

We can see evidence that partners are taking their responsibilities seriously. China this year published a National Climate Change Programme with ambitious emissions reduction aspirations, and the Indian Prime Minister has set up a climate change advisory committee.

The EU has a number of mechanisms at its disposal to facilitate bilateral interaction with India and China on climate change matters, including the EU-China Climate Change Partnership and the EU-India Initiative on Clean Development and Climate Change. These focus on concrete, practical measures to advance the development of low carbon technologies and to tackle climate change.

In addition, EU development assistance has various funding streams dedicated to environmental projects.

What action has the Commission planned to take to reduce sulphur emissions from shipping?

The maritime sector is an important source of air pollution as was highlighted in the Thematic Strategy on Air Pollution⁽¹⁾.

Directive 1999/32/EC⁽²⁾ as amended by Directive 2005/33/EC⁽³⁾, has established two European sea areas as Sulphur Emissions Control Areas (SECA). These are the Baltic Sea and the North Sea and English Channel respectively. As a result, ships passing through these areas are only allowed to use fuel with a maximum sulphur content of 1.5% by weight (or 15.000 mg/kg or ppm). This is around 40% less than the average fuel used by international shipping (2.7%). This requirement also applies to passenger ships operating on regular services to or from any Community port. In addition, from 1 January 2010 ships at berth will only be allowed to use fuel with less than 0.1% sulphur (1000 ppm).

It is evident, however, that more has to be done to reduce air pollution from ships. Even with the measures mentioned, total sulphur oxide (and nitrogen oxide) emissions from ships in European waters will be as high as all land-based sources combined by 2020. As such, the Commission together with the Member States is pursuing action at the international level via the International Maritime Organization (IMO). However, the Commission has stated that it will propose Community measures in the absence of progress at the IMO⁽⁴⁾. The Commission will also undertake a review of Directive 1999/32/EC in 2008 and this will take account of the IMO's proposals which are expected to be agreed in October next year.

Η ξηρασία που πλήττει τα τελευταία χρόνια τις χώρες τις Μεσογείου θέτει μεταξύ άλλων και το θέμα της ανακύκλωσης νερού. Με δεδομένο το γεγονός ότι η επαναχρησιμοποίηση των εκροών επεξεργασμένων υγρών απόβλητων εμπεριέχει κινδύνους για την δημόσια υγεία, πολλές χώρες καθώς και διεθνείς οργανισμοί έχουν θεσπίσει κριτήρια ανάκτησης και επαναχρησιμοποίησης τέτοιων εκροών. Στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση το άρθρο 12 παρ. 1 της οδηγίας 91/271/ΕΟΚ⁽¹⁾ αναφέρει ότι "τα επεξεργασμένα λύματα πρέπει να επαναχρησιμοποιούνται, όποτε είναι σκόπιμο".

Ερωτάται η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή αν σε επίπεδο Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης υπάρχουν και χρησιμοποιούνται ενιαία κριτήρια ανάκτησης και επαναχρησιμοποίησης εκροών αστικών υγρών αποβλήτων και ποία είναι; Για την περίπτωση της Ελλάδας, αλλά και των άλλων μεσογειακών χωρών, υπάρχουν στοιχεία που αφορούν τη επαναχρησιμοποίηση τέτοιων εκροών, καθώς και ευρωπαϊκά προγράμματα που ενθαρρύνουν τέτοιες χρήσεις των εκροών;

The issue of reuse of treated urban waste waters is of particular relevance for countries and regions with water scarcity.

While international organizations have established guidelines on the reuse of treated waste water, there is currently no specific legislation at EU-level. As rightly mentioned by the Honourable Member, Article 12 of the Urban Waste Water Treatment Directive⁽²⁾ stipulates that "treated waste water shall be reused whenever appropriate", subject to certain conditions, but the Directive does not lay down harmonised criteria for re-use.

However, the EU environmental legal framework fully applies (in particular the water-related directives⁽³⁾) as does the Regulation on the hygiene of foodstuff⁽⁴⁾ with regards to agricultural reuse.

The Water Framework Directive of 2000 establishes the objective of good water quality ('good status') for all waters to be achieved by 2015 in the context of River Basin Management Plans and Programmes of measures to be developed by 2009. These provisions include incentives about sustainable water use as well as efficiency and reuse measures.

The Commission has addressed water scarcity and droughts in its Communication to the Parliament and to the Council of 18 July 2007 "Addressing the challenge of water scarcity and droughts in the European Union"⁽⁵⁾. It fosters, among others, 'water-efficient technologies and practice'.

Agricultural and Cohesion policy and the use of their Funds support the implementation of the Acquis Communautaire; therefore they can contribute for the above-mentioned purpose.

In practice the reuse of treated waste water is nowadays practised in the EU and Mediterranean countries and beyond.

In addition, a comprehensive document "Mediterranean Wastewater Reuse Report" has been elaborated by experts from participating countries, stakeholders and Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) during 2007 under the joint chairmanship of the Commission and Malta. It assesses current knowledge and experience (including detailed case studies), provides an overview of related benefits and risks, outlines applicable European Union environmental legislation as well as legislative frameworks in several countries, and provides a set of recommendations.

This document should be a basis for further planning and action at EU and EU-MED level.

In the last five years the tiger population in India has halved. The most optimistic numbers say there may be as little as 1300 tigers left in India. Urgent action is needed. Efforts by India have been unsuccessful at preventing poaching due to increased demand for tiger products from China and the Far East.

The extinction of tigers is not only India’s problem; it would be a mammoth loss to us all, so I would ask the Commission to clarify the funding and technical assistance that the EU can give to wildlife and particularly to create new preservation habitats to promote protection and breeding.

Further, will the Commission be willing to take up with China the issue of illegal trade and curbing demand for tiger-related products across the world?

Under the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) commercial international trade in tigers and tiger products has been prohibited since 1975.

The Commission is nevertheless very concerned by the continuing poaching and illegal trade that are threatening the remaining tiger populations in the wild.

The Community is fully committed to CITES and plays a key role within the Convention, in particular in order to ensure that its provisions are effectively implemented and enforced. The Community fully supported the decisions aimed at strengthening enforcement and conservation efforts for tigers, which were adopted at the 14th Conference of the Parties to CITES (CITES CoP14) in June 2007.

The Commission is of the view that CITES Parties must give greater priority to combating illegal trade in wildlife. In this vein, the Commission adopted an EU Action Plan on CITES Enforcement in June 2007. The Community also put forward a proposal, which was adopted at CITES CoP14, aimed at strengthening law enforcement and improving regional cooperation.

The Commission has on numerous occasions expressed its willingness to provide funding and technical assistance to India in order to support conservation programmes for the species and address poaching. Whilst such funding and assistance has not yet been requested by India, the Commission has provided funding through its multilateral programme for an Asian CITES implementation and enforcement workshop in China in 2005. This workshop addressed enforcement issues and regional cooperation in combating illegal trade in tiger products. The Commission also intends to provide funding for a CITES tiger trade enforcement meeting due to take place in 2008.

The Commission has urged China to step up its efforts to tackle illegal wildlife trade. Whilst the Commission understands that China has made progress in improving enforcement of CITES, the Commission intends to raise the matter with them again at relevant opportunities in order to ensure that CITES is effectively being enforced.

The quantity of CO2 emissions allocated to Bulgaria by EC decision of 26 October 2007 for the period 2007-2012 amounts to 42.27 m t CO2 eqv. This is a reduction of 37. 4% compared to the requested quota and drastically decreases the opportunities for development and growth of the poorest country among the EU Member States and its main industrial sectors. Why is there such a large difference?

The Commission has wrongfully accepted data presented by Bulgaria in its year 2005 plan as a starting point for analysis and calculations, without taking into account the basic circumstances in the country as required by Directive 2003/87/CE⁽¹⁾. The Commission has ignored the closing of reactors 3 and 4 of the Kozlouduy nuclear power plant, which eliminates about 17 m t CO2 eqv a year. The Commission is evaluating the carbon intensity of the Bulgarian economy by using the nominal GDP instead of GDP per PPP. Furthermore, basic documents (PRIMES model update) needed for preparations were not available, not coordinated and delayed. Clear technical errors have significantly reduced the total amount of allowances for the country.

How will the Commission remedy this unfair and unjustified treatment?

In evaluating National Allocation Plans (NAPs) submitted by Member States, the Commission followed a transparent and consistent methodology. The methodology used 2005 emissions as a basis for projecting future emissions in the 2008-2012 period, and took account of future Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth and expected improvements in carbon intensity. The methodology was applied in an equal manner to all Member States. Given that no verified 2005 emissions data were available in the case of Bulgaria, the Commission used 2005 emissions data provided in the Bulgarian NAP. 

When using 2005 as a basis for its calculations, the Commission took account of the closure of two reactors at the Kozloduy nuclear power plant. Bulgaria receives funding from the EU to improve the capacity utilisation of the remaining Kozloduy reactors and to invest in renewables and energy efficiency. In addition, Bulgaria exported a significant share of electricity generated in Kozloduy.

The Commission used the PRIMES model as a basis for its own assessment because it was the best available tool at its disposal. It is a robust economic model developed by independent experts and based on up-to-date economic theory. Its input data are provided on a regular basis by Member States. The model has already been used for policy decisions by the Commission and other public institutions. Moreover, it covers all of the 27 Member States of the European Union.

Claims concerning technical errors are unsubstantiated. The Commission's decision is based on a fair methodology applied to all Member States.

¿Qué previsiones tiene la Comisión sobre la evolución de los precios agrícolas en los próximos meses?

Agricultural commodities have shown very significant price increases over the last few months, in particular for wheat, maize, poultry and many dairy products. There are several reasons for these developments. Some are of a structural nature: they had already caused prices over the last 18 months to reach firmer levels than those observed for more than a decade and were largely anticipated in the medium-term prospects for agricultural markets that the Commission published in July 2007.

Besides these structural factors the agricultural sector has been hit over the most recent months by a series of adverse climatic conditions in many producing and exporting regions. The combination of these structural and short-term factors has generated very tight market conditions generating a sharp rise in the market prices of many agricultural commodities.

The management and monitoring of agricultural markets by the Commission are based on regular and in-depth market analysis for both the short and medium term, and although the Commission does note elaborate short-term price forecasts as such, it is increasingly clear that the impact of these short-term factors on prices should slowly decline over the next few months.

Under a medium-term perspective and with all the caution necessary when analysing these market developments, the Commission is of the opinion that structural factors, such as the growth in global food demand and the development of new market outlets, can be reasonably expected to maintain prices at sustained levels, though at lower levels than those recently observed.

Is the Commission considering any measures to make rail travel within the EU more competitive in comparison with air travel, in order to reduce the number of flights?

One of the major objectives of the policy of the European Union in the rail sector is to create a regulatory framework which supports the competitiveness of this mode of transport, which knew a period of steady decline in its transport share until recently. The recipe chosen was to progressively open the rail markets so that internal gains in terms of efficiency, reliability and accessibility could also be translated into external advantages as compared to other modes of transport, such as air transport.

The opening of high speed lines enabled rail to obtain significant market shares on routes where transport by air was previously dominant. The effort spent by the European Community to support the development of a European high speed rail network has been remarkable as far as the financial assistance and technical harmonisation are concerned.

The recent adoption of the legislative proposal to open the market for international rail passenger services by January 2010 will support this move. In addition the Commission works on the European standard concerning the telematics for rail passengers which would allow a more informed and efficient choice of and access to rail services for passengers by the use of state-of-art technology.

Οι πρόσφατες πυρκαγιές στην Ελλάδα οδήγησαν σε τεράστια καταστροφή πολύτιμων δασικών οικοσυστημάτων.

Η περιβαλλοντική και οικονομική αποκατάσταση των ζημιών αλλά και η ορθή διαχείριση και προστασία των δασών έχει βαρύνουσα σημασία όχι μόνο στο εθνικό αλλά και στο ευρωπαϊκό επίπεδο, ενώ η ύπαρξη δασικών χαρτών θεωρείται από τους ειδικούς ως απαραίτητο εργαλείο προς την κατεύθυνση αυτή.

Είναι εφικτή η κοινοτική συγχρηματοδότηση του έργου σύνταξης δασικών χαρτών στο πλαίσιο των συγχρηματοδοτούμενων προγραμμάτων της περιόδου 2007 – 2013;

Υπήρξε σχετική πρόταση από ελληνικής πλευράς στο στάδιο της διαδικασίας κατάρτισης του Προγράμματος Αγροτικής Ανάπτυξης 2007-2013 και ποιες ήταν οι σχετικές παρατηρήσεις της Επιτροπής;

Ποιες αλλαγές του Προγράμματος Αγροτικής Ανάπτυξης 2000–2006 έχουν ζητηθεί από ελληνικής πλευράς ώστε να διευκολυνθεί η αποκατάσταση των πυρόπληκτων περιοχών και σε ποιο στάδιο βρίσκεται η διαδικασία έγκρισής τους από πλευράς Επιτροπής;

Following the provisions of Regulation (EC) No 1698/2005 and its implementing rules, drawing up forest maps is not considered eligible for co-financing under the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development (ERDF). Consequently, no such measure could be included in the Rural Development Programme 2007-2013 of Greece.

In the context of the 3rd programming period (2000-2006) and in the framework of the major project "Data and IT infrastructure for a modern Cadastre in Greece" a sub-project for delineating forested areas is co-financed by the ERDF. Consequently, no EU co-funding of such a project or a similar one could be further considered under the 4th Programming period 2007-2013.

The Greek Rural Development Programme 2007-2013 has been approved by the Commission on the 29/11/2007⁽¹⁾. Following the provisions of Regulation (EC) No 1698/2005 a measure for the restoration of agricultural production potential damaged by natural disasters and a measure for the restoration of forestry potential as well as the introduction of preventive actions under both measures are included in the proposed programme.

As regards the 2000-2006 Rural Development programme, the Greek authorities have not yet submitted any proposal for the modification of the programme in view of the recent forest fires.

Στην Κύπρο έχουν ήδη πληγεί αιγοπρόβατα από τη νόσο του αφθώδους πυρετού. Καθημερινώς εξοντώνονται εκατοντάδες ζώα που έχουν πληγεί από τη νόσο. Η κτηνοτροφία και οι κτηνοτρόφοι της Κύπρου καθώς και άλλα συναφή επαγγέλματα έχουν πληγεί και θα πληγούν μελλοντικά. Το ίδιο ισχύει και για την οικονομία της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας. Οι συνέπειες είναι καταστροφικές.

Τί συγκεκριμένα μέτρα στήριξης, και τί αποζημιώσεις προσέφερε μέχρι στιγμής ή/ και θα προσφέρει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση στους πληγέντες κτηνοτρόφους και πώς θα βοηθήσει την Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία; Υπάρχει συγκεκριμένος σχεδιασμός; Πώς αυτός εφαρμόστηκε ή θα συνεχίσει να εφαρμόζεται σε συνεννόηση με την Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία;

The obligation to stamp out scrapie positive animals and the problems with the supply of feed was already a heavy burden on sheep and goat borders in Cyprus. The outbreak of Foot-and-Mouth Disease (FMD) is adding a further blow to Cypriot farmers.

Although exports of the famous cheese halloumi will not be affected by sanitary restrictions it is clear that its production is undermined by the fact that the particular sheep breed, Chios is necessary for the traditional production of halloumi. The replacement of animals culled for health reasons will only take place whenever suitable animals will become available.

Community expenditure for FMD is managed under the so called "veterinary fund". Council Decision 90/424/EEC allows the Commission to reimburse the expenses incurred by a Member State to control FMD. For FMD the rate of co-financing is set at 60% for compensations made to owners for the slaughter and destruction of animals, the destruction of milk, the cleaning and disinfection of holdings, the destruction of contaminated feeding stuffs and, where it cannot be disinfected, contaminated equipment. It may also compensate for transport of carcases to processing plants. Commission Regulation (EC) No 349/2005 sets out implementing rules for these measures.

The Commission will continue to monitor the situation.

The Lisbon Strategy for Growth and Jobs is the correct basis for the European response to globalisation. Europe falls far short in achieving success in shaping globalisation, under the broad approach agreed at the Hampton Court summit in October 2005 and centred on the Lisbon Growth and Jobs Strategy, renewed in the spring of 2005 after its original launch in 2000. Furthermore, globalisation is constantly evolving and progress towards the achievement of the Lisbon goals has been rather disappointing. R&D must be increased, but targets must be realistic and be clearly justified. The current Lisbon target of 3 per cent of EU GDP for R&D spending is neither and should be recast.

What measures has the Commission already taken to ensure that Europe will jointly reinforce its external and internal policies in order to be ready to adjust them in the light of events, such as changes in energy markets or the recent financial instability, and in order to achieve the Lisbon targets?

The European Union's response to globalisation has moved to the heart of the EU policy agenda. The relaunch of the Lisbon Strategy in Spring 2005 put Europe back on track to face up to competition as the touchstone for creating growth and jobs in the modern global economy. As part of the response to the informal meeting at Hampton Court in October 2005, the Spring European Council in 2006, Heads of State and Government stressed the need to move up a gear in the work of the renewed Lisbon Strategy for Growth and Jobs in order to spearhead the response of the European economy.

The EU is working on many of the policy elements needed to equip it to take on the challenge of globalisation. The good results of the renewed Lisbon Strategy are clearly visible as we approach the end of the first three-year cycle of reforms. Budget deficits have been reduced from 2.5% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2005 to a forecasted 1.1% in 2007, whilst public debt has declined from 62.7% in 2005 to just below 60% in 2007. Productivity growth reached 1.5% in 2006, compared to an annual growth rate of 1.2% between 2000 and 2005. The EU-United States (US) productivity gap has started to diminish with some indications that factors other than the favourable cycle are also at work. Economic growth was 3.0% in EU-27 in 2006 (compared to 1.8% in 2005) and is expected to remain at 2.9% and 2.4% in 2007 and 2008. Almost 6.5 million new jobs have been created in the last two years. Another 5 million jobs are expected to be created up to 2009. Unemployment is expected to fall to under 7%, the lowest level since the mid-80's. The employment rate, currently at 66%, has moved much closer to the overall Lisbon target of 70%.

As the pace of change accelerates, the areas of work need to be stepped up to boost the capacity of the EU to shape the globalisation agenda. The Commission is putting new ideas on the table to address these key challenges:

- Getting the most from the Internal Market: The EU single market gives Europeans a solid foundation on which to adapt to globalisation and structural change. In its Single Market Review of 20 November 2007, the Commission has set out a package of initiatives to modernise the European single market and to bring more benefits to Europeans, building on past successes. The single market has already helped create competitive companies, reduced prices, more choice for consumers and a Europe attractive for investors. The Commission's measures are based on extensive consultation. They will ensure that the single market does even more to take advantage of globalisation, empower consumers, open up for small businesses, stimulate innovation and help maintain high social and environmental standards. Among the most important policy actions set out in the single market package are initiatives to: help consumers to exercise their contractual rights and get redress across borders; provide better information for consumers and small businesses; respond to weaknesses in sectors where the single market should deliver more; propose a Small Business Act; and introduce a "researcher passport"; clarify how EU rules apply to services and social services of general interest; and promote the quality of social services across the EU. Due to globalization, regulatory dialogues with our key partners have also become a priority. Their aim is, notably, to foster greater economic integration. It is also to develop convergence towards high quality standards (for instance in the case of accounting) and to develop multilateral responses to global challenges, such as in the case of the current financial turmoil. The EU has developed such dialogues with US, China, Japan, Russia and India.

- Responding to Europe's new social realities: The ongoing stocktaking of Europe's social realities is looking at the big changes under way in our societies. This will require a new approach to the social agenda. The EU will need more effective means of ensuring citizens' existing rights of access to employment, education, social services, health care and other forms of social protection across Europe. In areas where the EU has a direct role, it must better adapt its existing instruments and policies, but also build on new policy responses such as the Globalisation Adjustment Fund.

- Sustainable energy policies for a low carbon future: The Commission's initiatives on energy policy clearly demonstrate its determination to reinforce EU policies to adapt to the changing world context. The conclusions of the 2007 Spring European Council, which largely endorsed the Commission's proposals set out in "An Energy Policy for Europe"⁽¹⁾, set out an ambitious EU approach to energy and climate change. This approach is based on binding targets – to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 20% by 2020, rising to 30% when an international agreement is forthcoming, and to increase the share of renewable energy in the EU's energy mix from less than 7% today to 20% by 2020. It also includes a commitment to reduce energy demand in 2020 by 20% and to deliver a fully functioning internal energy market. The Commission is now implementing the Action Plan agreed by the European Council. An internal energy market package was tabled by the Commission on 19 September 2007. A Strategic Energy Technology Plan has been presented on 21 November 2007. Early in 2008, the Commission will put forward the main legislative proposals to deliver on the climate change and energy objectives, including renewable energy and carbon capture and storage. In the international context, it is vital that, at the Bali Conference on climate change in December 2007, the EU works effectively to ensure the launch of official negotiations on a comprehensive international agreement to fight climate change for the period after 2012 when our current Kyoto commitments come to an end.

– More research and development (R&D) and innovation: Progress as concerns EU R&D intensity has so far been modest, standing at 1.84% of GDP in 2006, a considerable way off the 3% R&D target for 2010. However, Member States have set national targets and have increased government budgets for R&D in nominal terms. Should all Member States achieve their national targets, the EU R&D expenditure is now forecast to reach 2.5% of GDP by 2010.

Substantially greater amounts of EU funding have been made available for growth and jobs. The new regulatory framework for the Cohesion policy programmes will make some € 210 billion available for investment in growth and jobs over 2007-13, an increase of over 25% compared to 2000-06. Measures have been taken to improve the framework conditions for R&D and innovation through the adoption of a new R&D and innovation state aid framework and through guidance on tax incentives and knowledge transfer. On the expenditure side, the 7th Framework Programme was adopted which will raise R&D spending at the EU level by 75% between 2007 and 2013 and support for major public-private partnership.

– A more dynamic business environment: small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and entrepreneurship has been put high on the reform agenda. The European Council has invited Member States to set their own national administrative burden reduction targets by 2008 of comparable ambition to the target set by the Commission (i.e. a 25% reduction). To this date, nine Member States (AT, DE, DK, ES, IT, NL, SE, SK, UK) have set a 25% national reduction target, while another two Member States (CZ, FR) set a target of 20%. The average time and cost to start up a private limited company is roughly half of that needed in 2002: it is now estimated at 12 days and cost € 485.

The Commission will seek the views of SMEs and their representatives to help design a "Small Business Act" for Europe with a view to making a wide range of proposals to support SMEs by the end of 2008. The better regulation "culture" has begun to take root across the EU: the institutions need to lead the way. The Commission has made major changes in the way it develops new proposals and monitors implementation of the existing acquis. As well as cutting existing burdens, special consideration should be given to whether all the administrative requirements of EU legislation need to be applied in full to SMEs.

– Greater employability and investment in people: Globalisation and technological change risk increased inequality, opening up the gap between the skilled and the unskilled. The key to increased performance lies in modernising education and training policies. There is a growing interest in "flexicurity." This can help people to manage employment transitions more successfully in times of accelerating economic change. The Commission has proposed common principles for consideration at the December 2007 European Council. These would offer Member States a basis to draw on as they work with the national social partners to adapt flexicurity to national circumstances and mainstream this approach into their National Reform Programmes.

Η παραγωγή της βιομηχανίας τσιγάρων παρουσιάζει δραστική μείωση στις βιομηχανικές χώρες της Δύσης, και ένας από τους βασικούς λόγους που συμβαίνει αυτό είναι η ολοένα και καλύτερη ρύθμιση του καθεστώτος του καπνίσματος σε δημόσιους χώρους. Σε χώρες όπου απαγορεύτηκε το κάπνισμα στους δημόσιους χώρους, όπως στην Ιταλία, την Ισπανία και τη Γαλλία, μειώθηκε και η κατανάλωση τσιγάρων. Αποτέλεσμα αυτής της πρακτικής είναι η συνολική μείωση της κατανάλωσης τσιγάρων στην Ευρώπη και τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες από 2 έως 3%. Πρόσφατη έρευνα κατέδειξε ότι από τώρα έως το 2010, η κατανάλωση τσιγάρων στις αναπτυγμένες χώρες θα αντιπροσωπεύει το 29%, ενώ στις υπό ανάπτυξη χώρες το 71%. Έτσι, από σήμερα έως το 2025,, ο αριθμός των καπνιστών αναμένεται να αυξηθεί και να φτάσει τα 500 εκατομμύρια, εκ των οποίων το 90% θα βρίσκεται εκτός της Ευρώπης και των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών. Ερωτάται η Επιτροπή, δεδομένων των θετικών αποτελεσμάτων που επέφεραν οι αυστηρές ρυθμίσεις στα κράτη μέλη που απαγόρευσαν εντελώς το κάπνισμα στους δημόσιους χώρους, εάν προτίθεται να λάβει περαιτέρω κοινοτικά μέτρα για την προστασία της υγείας των καταναλωτών από τις βλαβερές συνέπειες του καπνίσματος.

The Commission thanks the Honourable Member for the question, in particular, for the statistics which could be useful for an impact assessment, subject to the availability of the source.

Regarding the smoke free environments policies, the Member of the Commission responsible for Health plans to put forward a proposal for a Council Recommendation by the end of 2008 to facilitate the introduction of comprehensive smoke-free laws at national level.

Worldwide, according to the World Health Organization's estimates, tobacco is the second major cause of death, causing an estimated 4.9 million deaths per year.

The World Health Organization predicts that without further action in 2020 the mortalities attributable to tobacco world wide will increase two-fold, and approximately 70% of these deaths will occur in developing countries.

The EU is committed to addressing health priorities in partnership with third countries and regions, and deciding on priorities and instruments in coherence with the European consensus in development and with the principles of the Paris Declaration, respecting ownership and increasing coordination and predictability of aid.

The EU has provided leadership for and supported the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, the FCTC, as the main international tool for this purpose.

The European Community and 25 Member States are now Parties to the Convention and key players in the process. The rest of the world often turns to the EU, drawing from its experience in areas such as banning advertising or fighting illicit trade.

The EC is committed to cooperate and is prepared to assist other Parties in implementing the FCTC through the existing mechanisms in place.

The Commission is advocating tobacco control at a global level. In developing countries, the EC promotes a thorough analysis of priority health problems and supports countries in planning and financing national health strategies. In this context, where partner countries identify tobacco and actions related to the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control as priority, the EC will support these countries' strategies for tobacco control.

Según los datos oficiales de la Dirección General de Fiscalidad y Unión Aduanera de la Comisión Europea, las importaciones de tomates procedentes de Marruecos a la Unión Europea excedieron en 16 259,27 toneladas el contingente preferencial, establecido en 235 330 toneladas (incluido el 1% de tolerancia) para la campaña 2006-2007. La coincidencia de las crisis de precios en el campo europeo por la saturación del mercado interior con la entrada masiva de tomate marroquí, tanto en el mes de noviembre del pasado año como en abril, cuando se concentró la superación del contingente, demuestran la relación directa entre estas importaciones irregulares y la perturbación del mercado europeo.

¿Piensa la Comisión tomar medidas eficaces para acabar con esta situación de flagrante ilegalidad, aparte de la mera reducción del contingente para la siguiente campaña, al amparo del artículo 25 del Acuerdo de Asociación entre la UE y Marruecos?¿Piensa simplificar el sistema de entrada para mejorar el control?

According to the figures recorded by the Commission from Member States' monitoring data, total EU imports of tomatoes originating in Morocco reached 251,589 tonnes, i.e. 16,259 tonnes beyond the quantities fixed in Protocol 1 of the Association agreement. In accordance with regulatory provisions in force, the Commission reduced the volume of the additional tariff quota by 20,000 tonnes for the period of 1st November 2007 to 31st May 2008.

Under the terms of the rules of the World Trade Organisation, no voluntary restraint can be imposed between the partners (Article XI of GATT). Consequently, Morocco is free to export any quantity of tomatoes apart from the preferential tariff quotas, these exports being subjected to the corresponding customs tariff. The Commission cannot therefore subscribe to the interpretation of "illegal character" of Moroccan tomato exports taking place outside the preferential quota which is made by the Honourable Member.

The application of Article 25 of the Association agreement stipulates provisions in the event of serious injury for national producers of similar or directly competitive products on the territory of one of the parts or of serious disturbances in a sector of the economy or difficulty which can result in serious deterioration of a regional economic situation. The Commission is currently not in possession of any element likely to justify the application of such provisions.

The Commission agrees with the Honourable Member on the need to simplify and update current rules related to the Entry Price System. Therefore, the Commission has officially declared in the Management Committee of 21st November 2007 that these are "important issues that indeed needs to be discussed" and which will be "examined with a view to presenting appropriate proposals for amendment, before 1st July 2008".

Η Αίγυπτος σχεδιάζει να κατασκευάσει 4 πυρηνικούς σταθμούς συνολικής ισχύος 4.000 Mw έως το 2020. Παρόμοιες αποφάσεις έχουν πάρει και άλλα μεσογειακά κράτη, όπως, παλαιότερα το Ισραήλ και προσφάτως το Μαρόκο, η Αλγερία και η Λιβύη, ενώ έχουν δημοσιοποιηθεί πληροφορίες σχετικά με πυρηνικά σχέδια της Τουρκίας και της Αλβανίας.

Δεδομένου ότι όλες οι ανωτέρω χώρες γειτονεύουν με την Ε.Ε. και αποτελούν είτε εταίρους της ευρωμεσογειακής συνεργασίας είτε χώρες υποψήφιες προς ένταξη στην Ε.Ε., σκοπεύει η Επιτροπή να τους ζητήσει τη σύσταση μιας πραγματικά ανεξάρτητης αρχής ατομικής ενέργειας με αποφασιστικές αρμοδιότητες; Θα τους ζητήσει να συνεργαστούν με το Διεθνή Οργανισμό Ατομικής Ενέργειας για τον έλεγχο της κατασκευής των πυρηνικών σταθμών και για τη διασφάλιση της ειρηνικής χρήσης της πυρηνικής ενέργειας; Θα έχει λόγο όσον αφορά τις τοποθεσίες κατασκευής αυτών των σταθμών, δεδομένου ότι η Μεσόγειος αποτελεί ιδιαίτερα σεισμογενή περιοχή; Δεδομένου ότι ορισμένες από τις ανωτέρω χώρες δεν έχουν ακόμα κυρώσει τις διεθνείς συνθήκες για τη μη διάδοση πυρηνικών όπλων και την πλήρη απαγόρευση πυρηνικών δοκιμών, σκοπεύει να κάνει συστάσεις προς τις ευρωπαϊκές εταιρείες που δραστηριοποιούνται στην κατασκευή πυρηνικών σταθμών και στον κύκλο πυρηνικού καυσίμου να μην αναλάβουν συμβόλαια σε αυτές τις χώρες μέχρι να συμβεί αυτό;

The Commission follows very closely the recent developments concerning nuclear power in the EU’s neighbourhood, including in the Mediterranean region.

Even though it is not the European Union's role, or indeed the role of the Commission, to decide for any of the third countries whether they use nuclear energy or not, these developments can not be ignored.

It is useful to state that all countries of the Mediterranean region, with the exclusion of the state of Israel, have signed the Non Proliferation Treaty.

The Commission has recently addressed this issue in bilateral contact with some of the countries concerned while stressing the following pre-requisites:

The Commission recommends that the first point of contact for any of the countries with ambitions for developing a civil nuclear programme be the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in Vienna. The countries concerned should sign the necessary agreements to ensure the respect of nuclear safeguards, and adhere to the relevant international conventions on nuclear safety, physical protection and nuclear waste management.

It is essential that in each of the countries committed to developing of civil nuclear programme, the most advanced framework for nuclear safety is put in place. This should include the establishment of an independent regulatory authority which must ensure that the measures necessary to guarantee high standards of safety, security and non proliferation are adopted and respected. However, the safety of nuclear installations remains the sole responsibility of the State that operates them.

The Commission could have a significant role in the area of nuclear safety by supporting the development of the legislative and regulatory frameworks; it could also contribute significantly to the development of nuclear safety culture in the EU’s neighbourhood.

However, the Commission has no competency to support or facilitate the development of nuclear infrastructures.

Will the Commission confirm that, under existing EU laws regarding freedom of movement, Member States cannot legally establish quotas based on nationality for players in club sports teams?

Will the Commission also confirm whether any employer or organisation in one Member State may openly promise employment preference to any individual national of that same Member State ahead of EU citizens from other Member States, even where all candidates have a legal right to work and are identically qualified?

Could the Commission confirm under what circumstances, if any, such discrimination might be permissible?

The European Court of Justice has several times expressed its opinion on the relation between the Community law and sport⁽¹⁾. The Court held that sport was subject to Community law only when it constitutes an economic activity whether performed by professional or amateur athletes. In case sport involves gainful employment, it is covered by Article 39 of the EC Treaty and the prohibition of discrimination against EU nationals on grounds of nationality under Articles 12 and 39 of the EC Treaty applies.

Furthermore, according to article 7(4) of Regulation 1612/68⁽²⁾on freedom of movement which will also apply, collective agreements and regulations governing employment must be non-discriminatory. This applies to agreements concluded by both public authorities and private bodies, including sport organisations such the UEFA⁽³⁾. However, the Court did make an exception to the general non-discrimination rule for matches which are purely of sportive, rather than economic, nature (e.g. games between national teams). At the same time, it has to be recalled that the Court made it clear that each time when the purely sporting character of regulations is invoked, careful and strict analysis of the grounds for excluding a specific rule from the application of the Treaty must be undertaken.

In this context, any rule implying the establishment of quotas on the basis of nationality for the composition of professional teams other that national teams seems to be contrary to Community law on free movement of workers. Given that Article 39 of the EC Treaty has a direct effect, individuals, who consider that they have been discriminated against, have the possibility of taking legal action according to national law and practices.

The Commission has approved a deal with Singapore whereby passengers travelling from Singapore to a country within the European Union and then transiting on to another airport within the European Union will not have their duty-free liquids confiscated by the EU airport authorities. This is the first such deal that the Commission has reached with a third country on this specific issue.

Can the Commission state what other countries are in a position to strike similar deals with the European Union in the very near future, in line with the deal that the EU has reached with Singapore?

In July 2007 the Commission adopted, after the Parliament exercised its right of scrutiny, Regulation 915/2007⁽¹⁾ creating the possibility of exemptions from the prohibition on taking liquids past screening points at EC airports for those liquids bought in the airports of third countries, on condition that they met certain security standards.

Following the Regulation, the Commission has verified security standards in Singapore and found that they met the requirements of the Regulation. Consequently it has proposed an exemption for liquids bought at Singapore airport. The comitology procedures having been completed, the Commission adopted the regulation on 31.7.2007.

Since the adoption of Regulation 915/2007⁽²⁾, countries including Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Croatia, Canada, Dubai, Israel, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Malaysia and Mauritius have asked for exemptions. The Commission has requested them to prepare reports demonstrating that they meet the security standards, which it is now awaiting. Once it receives them, it will carefully assess whether each country meets the standards, probably conducting verifications at airports. It will then decide for which countries to propose exemptions.

Tras recibir la respuesta de la Comisión a la pregunta oral H-0769/07⁽¹⁾ planteada por mí respecto a las irregularidades en la gestión del FSE del Gobierno de Navarra, en la que la Comisión afirma que «enviará un correo a la Autoridad de gestión del Fondo Social Europeo en España (UAFSE) pidiéndole información adicional sobre el informe, así como sobre las medidas que se estimen procedentes para remediar las irregularidades detectadas por el Tribunal de Cuentas de Navarra», comprometiéndose a investigar las irregularidades recogidas en el informe del Tribunal de Comptos, y puesto que, como se puede comprobar, el informe «Fondos recibidos en Navarra desde la Unión Europea – Área Fondo Social 1997-2003» sólo alcanza hasta el año 2003.

¿Va la Comisión a tomar medidas informativas sobre la gestión del FSE por parte del Gobierno de Navarra durante el período 2004-2007?

As indicated in the reply to the oral question (H-0769/07) regarding the report of the Court of Auditors of the Autonomous Community of Navarre "Funds received in Navarre from the European Union – Social Fund Area 1997-2003", the Commission has asked the Managing Authority of the European Social Fund in Spain (UAFSE) for additional information on the content of the report and on the measures to remedy the irregularities detected by the Court of Auditors of Navarre.

Furthermore, the Commission will work closely with the Spanish authorities concerned to try to ensure that future payment requests from Navarre do not include irregular expenditure and that the expenditure, which has already been certified, be the object of a financial correction, where appropriate.

The Commission also confirms that a copy of the report of the Court of Auditors of the Autonomous Community of Navarre has been sent to the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF). The Commission recalls that OLAF evaluates all in-coming information in order to determine whether it falls under its area of competences. Once this evaluation is finished, OLAF will take the necessary measures, including, if necessary, opening an investigation, according to the procedures laid down in Regulation (EC) N° 1073/1999 of the European Parliament and the Council of 25 May 1999 concerning investigations conducted by OLAF⁽²⁾.

Komisja Europejska odmówiła zakończenia procedury nadmiernego deficytu wobec Polski, mimo iż według prognozy samej Komisji deficyt budżetowy w Polsce w 2007 roku wyniesie 2,7% PKB, a prognozy dotyczące wzrostu gospodarczego i poziomu inflacji w 2008 roku pozwalają przypuszczać, że wykonany deficyt budżetowy w 2008 roku będzie niższy niż 3% PKB. Polska jako jeden z niewielu krajów UE wprowadziła reformę systemu emerytalnego, w wyniku której corocznie musi obciążać wydatki budżetowe kwotą kilkunastu miliardów złotych. Z kolei dwa największe kraje UE – Niemcy i Francja – będące w strefie euro wyraźnie przekraczały poziom deficytu budżetowego w latach 2002–2005, a więc przez 4 lata z rzędu, i – aby nie obciążać tych krajów wielomiliardowymi karami wynikającymi z Paktu Stabilności i Wzrostu (PSiW) – doprowadzono do zmian jego zapisów. Reformy systemów emerytalnych obydwa kraje nie przeprowadziły do tej pory. W tej sytuacji nasuwa się nieodparte wrażenie, że kraje członkowskie UE nie są przez KE traktowane według tej samej miary. Te większe, będące już w strefie euro, mogą nie przestrzegać reguł PSiW, inne, tylko do niej kandydujące, mimo iż dokonują poważnych reform w swych finansach publicznych, są ciągle wzywane do dokonywania kolejnych. Chciałbym więc zapytać KE: kiedy zakończy się nierówne traktowanie krajów członkowskich związane z przestrzeganiem PSiW?

The Commission issued on 20 November 2007 a communication to the Council on the "Assessment of the action taken by Poland in response to the Council recommendation of 27 February 2007 according to Article 104(7) under the excessive deficit procedure". In this Council recommendation Poland was recommended to correct its excessive deficit by the year 2007 and to this end to take effective action by the deadline of 27 August 2007. The Polish government notified the Commission on the actions taken and the Commission made an assessment of these actions based on its Autumn 2007 forecast concluding that no further steps under the excessive deficit procedure (EDP) of Poland are needed at this stage.

The communication from the Commission to the Council represents an intermediate assessment following the expiry of the deadline for taking action. For other countries under the EDP, the Commission has also adopted communciations to the Council following the expiry of the deadline for taking action, provided of course that the assessment of action taken was not negative, in which case a recommendation for a Council decision establishing that action taken is inadequate was adopted by the Commission.

The decision on abrogating or not abrogating is the next step in the excessive deficit procedure in Poland. The abrogation of the excessive deficit procedure can only be based on actual data. 2007 actual budgetary data will be validated by Eurostat in April 2008, thus abrogation cannot take place before. Moreover for abrogating the excessive deficit procedure it is essential that the durability of the deficit correction is ensured. This will be assessed against the Commission services' spring 2008 forecast for the period to 2009 to be published by the end of April 2008.

The reformed Stability and Growth Pact allows to take into consideration the costs related to the introduction of a pension reform establishing a fully funded pension pillar. When it comes to the decision on abrogating or not the excessive deficit procedure in Poland, these costs will be considered subject to the conditions of the Stability and Growth Pact, i.e. provided that the deficit has declined substantially and continuously and has reached a level that comes close to the reference value.

The Commission treats all countries equally. The reform of the Stability and Growth Pact was undertaken in order to introduce more economic rationale, to better reflect the increased economic heterogenity of the enlarged EU, and to enhance national ownership. The rules of the reformed Stability and Growth Pact were negotiated and approved by the governments of all Member States, including Poland. The Commission closely monitors the budgetary developments in all member states reacting appropriately when it is necessary.

Βιομηχανίες επί του ποταμού Αξιού στην ΠΓΔΜ, και ιδιαίτερα στην πόλη Titov Veles, απορρίπτουν επικίνδυνα απόβλητα στο ποτάμι, το οποίο δέχεται επίσης αστικά απόβλητα. Ο ποταμός Αξιός διαρρέει και την Ελλάδα και εκβάλλει στο Θερμαϊκό κόλπο.

Η Επιτροπή είναι σε γνώση αυτής της κατάστασης και της μόλυνσης που προκαλείται στον ποταμό Αξιό και, αν ναι, προτίθεται να προβεί σε σχετικές ενέργειες ώστε να περιοριστούν οι κίνδυνοι που προκύπτουν από την απόρριψη θειικού οξέος στον ποταμό και ενδεχομένως να πάψουν να λειτουργούν οι εν λόγω βιομηχανίες, δεδομένου ότι η ΠΓΔΜ προσδοκά να γίνει μέλος της ΕΕ;

Λαμβάνοντας υπόψη ότι το δέλτα του Αξιού συγκαταλέγεται στον κατάλογο των υγροβιότοπων που ελέγχονται και προστατεύονται από τη σύμβαση Ramsar και το ευρωπαϊκό πρόγραμμα Natura 2000, καθώς επίσης και το γεγονός ότι η ΕΕ, με βάση την ευρωπαϊκή εταιρική σχέση με την ΠΓΔΜ, παρέχει οικονομικές ενισχύσεις μέσω του μηχανισμού προενταξιακής βοήθειας (Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance-IPA), προτίθεται να λάβει τα κατάλληλα μέτρα, ώστε η χορηγούμενη βοήθεια να περιλαμβάνει και τα περιβαλλοντικά θέματα της ΠΓΔΜ;

The Commission is fully aware of the environmental problem associated with the discharge of pollutants into the river Vardar/Axios. As pointed out in the Commission's replies to questions E-0637/06 and H-442/00, financial assistance has been provided to address this problem since 1997. There is currently a network of monitoring points and stations for continuous monitoring of the hydrological and environmental status of the Vardar/Axios watershed area, which has enabled an extensive analysis of the water quality. The authorities of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia have announced that they will publish a report with all relevant hydrological, morphological, chemical and biological data on the water quality of the river during 2007.

It is the responsibility of the national authorities to take measures against the pollutants. As underlined in this year's progress report, there has only been limited progress in the area of water quality. However, the adoption by the government of a new law on waters which allocates clear responsibilities for water management to the Ministry for the Environment and Physical Planning is a step forward. The Commission encourages the authorities to transpose and implement the Directive on Integrated Pollution Prevention and Control as soon as possible. While legislative transposition is at an advanced stage, the authorities have stated that they will not be able to fully implement the rules of the directive in this field before the end of 2009. The Commission will continue to monitor the issue and raise it again in its bilateral meetings.

As regards the pre-accession assistance, the Commission acknowledges in its strategic programming document for IPA⁽¹⁾ for the period 2007-2009 that it is necessary to continue to improve the situation as regards water quality. Therefore, it has proposed to allocate funds for activities under component III in the area of waste water treatment. However, future activities in this area also depend on the capability of the government of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to manage EU funds under component III.

Een van de voorwaarden die de Europese Commissie heeft gesteld aan de fusie tussen Suez en Gaz de France is het feit dat Suez zijn belang in de Belgische aardgasleverancier Distrigas dient over te dragen aan een derde partij.

EDF, het zusterbedrijf van GDF en eveneens gecontroleerd door de Franse staat, heeft al laten weten dat het geïnteresseerd is in Distrigas.

Is een overname van Distrigas door EDF aanvaardbaar voor de Commissie?

Hoe zal de Commissie garanderen dat de concurrentie op de Belgische gas- en energiemarkt wordt verzekerd, zodat consumenten en bedrijven een keuze kunnen maken en de prijzen gaan dalen?

One of the conditions imposed by the Commission for the merger between Gaz de France and Suez is indeed that Suez should divest its interest in the Belgian gas supplier Distrigas to a third party.

It is up to Gaz de France and Suez to propose a purchaser for the divestment businesses, including Distrigas. The Commission will then assess the suitability of any proposed purchaser in light of the criteria contained in the Commission's Decision of 14 November 2006 approving the merger with conditions and obligations. Approval of any proposed purchaser will depend on respect of these criteria. The Commission has not yet received any proposal regarding a purchaser for Distrigas. The Commision can not speculate on the suitability of a hypothetical proposed purchaser.

In addition, if the purchase of Distrigas meets the competence conditions laid down by Community or national merger control rules, it will be subject to a further scrutiny by the competent body or bodies.

Volgens hulporganisaties zijn ziektes zoals lepra en tuberculose nog ruim aanwezig in China en is men bij de bestrijding en behandeling volledig afhankelijk van buitenlandse hulp. De laatste vijf jaar werden in China meer dan 700 nieuwe lepragevallen ontdekt, een angstwekkend hoog cijfer. In Guangxi bijvoorbeeld, één van de armste regio's van het land met een BBP dat vergelijkbaar is met het Afrikaanse land Lesotho, worden de zieken verbannen naar geïsoleerde dorpen met vervallen huizen, ver verwijderd van het moderne China. Zij ontvangen van de staat een maandelijkse uitkering van 150 yuan, omgerekend 15 euro, ver onder de grens van de extreme armoede zoals door de VN bepaald.

Is de Commissie op de hoogte van deze ziektes in China en hun zeer gebrekkige behandeling zoals lepra en tuberculose? Wordt aan de Chinese overheid gevraagd om zelf extra inspanningen te leveren om de uitbreiding ervan te bestrijden, zodat deze niet alleen via buitenlandse hulp moet gebeuren?

The Commission shares the Honourable Members' concerns regarding leprosy and tuberculosis in China.

Tuberculosis remains the number one cause of death from infectious disease in adults in China. According to World Health Organization (WHO) estimates, China has the world's second largest tuberculosis epidemic, second only to India, with more than 1.3 million new cases of tuberculosis every year.

However, in recent years, following the oubreak of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS), China has demonstrated a strong commitment to confront tuberculosis and other communicable diseases, including by a large increase in domestic funding.

As a result, China now ranks second on the list of countries which have scaled up directy observed therapy short course (DOTS) coverage and has reached the global tuberculosis targets of 70% case detection and 85% treatment success by the end of 2005. It should however be noted that, treatment for drug- and multidrug-resistant tuberculosis (MDR-TB) is not yet widely available and China must also confront the challenge of tuberculosis among internal migrants, ensuring that all patients are diagnosed, treated and reported.

The EC currently funds the EU-China Social Security Project with an EC contribution of € 20 million. This major project, which has been implemented since 2006, is supporting the modernisation and cost efficiency of the social sectors, including medical insurance systems at the central government level and in six pilot provinces. The project is, through improved models for medical insurance schemes, expected to have a considerable impact on the social protection of the poorest populations of China.

China has not yet been able to achieve the important public health goal of eliminating leprosy. According to the WHO, new cases of leprosy in China ranged between 1400-1660 annually from 2002-2005. However, by 2005 case detection rates have improved and first level sub-national elimination has been achieved in China.

The EC has funded a specific project (with EC funding of € 0.5million) on leprosy in Guanxi province completed a few years ago, implemented by Handicap International.

In addition, the Commission is funding a research project entitled "Tuberculosis China" which organizes the analysis of a large collection of Mycobacterium tuberculosis strains from the 31 provinces of China. This will produce knowledge of the diversity of Chinese TB strains. The project aims to increase collaboration with Chinese scientists and transfer of technical knowledge, and collect the data in a shared-database and produce population analyses. Technical knowledge will be transmitted to Chinese laboratories.

The Commission is well aware of the challenges remaining in China as regards diseases such as tuberculosis and leprosy.

Η νήσος Μακρόνησος ιστορικός τόπος, σύμφωνα με απόφαση του υπουργού Πολιτισμού του 1989 και με Προεδρικό Διάταγμα του 1992, που περιλαμβάνεται στους ιστορικούς τόπους της ICOMOS, χρησιμοποιείται σήμερα σαν βοσκότοπος και χώρος παράνομου κυνηγίου, ενώ τα κτίρια, το θέατρο και οι εκκλησίες, ακόμα και αυτά που έχουν αναστηλωθεί, έχουν παραβιαστεί και χρησιμοποιούνται ως ποιμνιοστάσια και χώροι συγκέντρωσης «κοπριάς», με συνέπεια σοβαρές ζημιές, σύμφωνα με επίσημη αναφορά της αρμόδιας αστυνομικής αρχής. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή έχει ήδη εκφράσει σε προηγούμενη απάντησή της (⁽¹⁾) την προθυμία της να εξετάσει την πιθανότητα χρηματοδότησης έργων ανάδειξης και αξιοποίησης του ιστορικού αυτού τόπου και των μνημείων που βρίσκονται σε αυτό, εφόσον της υποβληθεί αίτημα από τις ελληνικές αρχές.

Μπορεί να ενημερώσει η Επιτροπή αν οι ελληνικές αρχές έχουν θέσει ζήτημα χρηματοδότησης έργων στο μαρτυρικό νησί της Μακρονήσου, αν γνωρίζει για την ύπαρξη σχεδίων αξιοποίησης και ανάδειξης του ιστορικού αυτού τόπου και αν πρόκειται να εξετάσει το θέμα των παράνομων δραστηριοτήτων στο νησί που βεβηλώνουν την ιστορική μνήμη και «το βωμό της ελευθερίας της σκέψης και των ιδεών»;

The authorities of a Member State are required to submit an application to the Commission only if it concerns a major project in the sense of articles 25-26 of Council Regulation (EC) n° 1260/1999⁽²⁾ for the period 2000-2006 and articles 39-41 of Council Regulation n° 1083/2006⁽³⁾ for the period 2007-2013. For all other projects the decision on their inclusion is the responsibility of the national authorities.

Indeed, in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity, the implementation of structural policy interventions rests on the principle of partnership between the Member States and the Commission. In the framework of this partnership for the design, preparation, implementation, monitoring, audit and evaluation of co-funded interventions, the initiative to include specific projects in the operational programmes belongs to the Greek authorities.

According to Article 4, paragraph 7, of Regulation (EC) 1080/2006⁽⁴⁾, the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) in the period 2007-2013 shall, among other things, focus its assistance on "investments in culture including protection, promotion and preservation of cultural heritage; development of cultural infrastructure in support of socio-economic development, sustainable tourism and improved regional attractiveness; and aid to improve the supply of cultural services through new higher added-value services". Therefore, in principle the project referred to by the Honourable Members could be eligible for co-financing by the ERDF.

The Commission therefore suggests to the Honourable Member to address this question to the competent Greek Authorities. The Commission itself is not informed about any project related to the island of Macronissos.

Približne pred jeden a pol rokom boli v Gaze unesení traja izraelskí vojaci. Títo mladí ľudia majú v Izraeli rodiny a žili predtým civilný život. Do dnešného dňa však rodiny vojakov nedostali žiadnu informáciu o osude svojich blízkych, čo odporuje všetkým humanitárnym zákonom platným v civilizovanom svete.

Zaujímalo by ma, či Európska komisia plánuje podniknúť kroky na získanie informácií o živote, zdraví a podmienkach zajatia vojakov? Plánuje Európska komisia uskutočniť kroky vedúce k ich plnému prepusteniu, prípadne k zabezpečeniu dôstojného uloženia pozostatkov v ich krajine?

The Commission shares the concerns expressed by the Honourable Member regarding the continuing capture of the three abducted Israeli soldiers.

The Commission continues to use broader political European and international frameworks to extend its call for their release.

The Quartet and the General Affairs and External Relations Council have repeatedly called for their release. The Commission also pursues a political dialogue with the Government of Lebanon, with the Palestinian Authority, and partners in the region, including on their efforts in this regard.

Η άρνηση της Επιτροπής να εντάξει στις επιλέξιμες δραστηριότητες του 4ου ΚΠΣ το έργο της σύνταξης των δασικών χαρτών της Ελλάδας ακυρώνει οποιαδήποτε προσπάθεια προστασίας των δασικών οικοσυστημάτων της χώρας μας, επειδή οι δασικοί χάρτες αποτελούν τη βάση δημιουργίας του δασολογίου και του κτηματολογίου, που είναι βασικά προαπαιτούμενα για την οριοθέτηση και προστασία των δασικών οικοσυστημάτων. Σαν δικαιολογία για την άρνησή της αυτή η Επιτροπή επικαλέστηκε το γεγονός ότι στο 3ο ΚΠΣ είναι ήδη ενταγμένο παρεμφερές έργο της ελληνικής "Κτηματολόγιο Α.Ε." με θέμα "Οριοθέτηση δασών και δασικών οικοσυστημάτων". Όμως, το έργο αυτό της "Κτηματολόγιο Α.Ε.", σύμφωνα με τις αρμόδιες υπηρεσίες και επιστημονικούς φορείς, δεν έχει καμία σχέση με το έργο της σύνταξης των δασικών χαρτών.

Προτίθεται η Επιτροπή να επανεξετάσει το θέμα και να κρίνει ως επιλέξιμη δραστηριότητα του 4ου ΚΠΣ το έργο της σύνταξης των δασικών χαρτών της Ελλάδας;

As far as Rural Development is concerned, drawing up forest maps is not eligible for co-financing under the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development (EAFRD) since it does not fall within the scope of eligible actions following the provisions of Regulation (EC) No 1698/2005 on support for rural development by the EAFRD.

In the context of the 3rd programming period (2000-2006), the major project "Data and IT infrastructure for a modern Cadastre in Greece" is co-financed by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) under the Operational Programme "Information Society". In this framework, a sub-project for delineating forested areas is foreseen. Its basic goal is to clarify, with the use of old and recent base maps, the forest zones for the whole country, so that the Forest Service can be prepared, in time, for the declarations about State-owned land in forest lands.

A Comissão apresentou recentemente as suas propostas para uma futura "política marítima integrada" ao nível da UE.

Considerando que uma qualquer iniciativa nesta área deve salvaguardar a competência dos Estados-Membros relativamente à gestão do seu território, designadamente das suas águas territoriais e zonas económicas exclusivas (ZEE), nas suas diferentes expressões, como: a exploração dos recursos, os transportes, a investigação, a gestão de fronteiras e a segurança, o ordenamento do território, o ambiente ou as actividades económicas, como a pesca;

Como pretende a Comissão financiar esta política – que, pelas próprias palavras da Comissão, "exige igualmente uma sólida base financeira" - a partir do orçamento comunitário, partindo do princípio de que para novas prioridades devem ser previstos novos meios financeiros?

Activities in territorial waters and exclusive economic zones (EEZs) such as resource exploitation, transport, research, border and security management, regional planning, environment and fishing are affected in various ways by Community law.

There are funding mechanisms related to these policies and funding is available particularly from the European Regional Development Fund, the 7th Community Research Framework Programme and the European Fisheries Fund.

Over time the holistic and overarching approach to sea-related affairs proposed in the recent communication of the Commission "An Integrated Maritime Policy for the European Union" will lead to more coherence between sectoral policies relating to oceans and seas and also to a more coherent use of related funding.

It should also be recalled that the Parliament in its Resolution of 12 July on Maritime Policy favoured "the creation of a budget line entitled 'Maritime policy: pilot projects' to promote pilot projects seeking to integrate various systems for the monitoring and surveillance of the seas, collate scientific data on the sea, and disseminate networks and best practices in the field of maritime policy and the coastal economy; calls for maritime policy to be taken duly into account in the budgetary architecture of EU policies and instruments after 2013". The adoption by the Parliament of a budget for maritime policy pilot projects would be an important first step towards the financing of the maritime policy.

Bezug nehmend auf unsere Anfrage H-0869/07 bedanken uns herzlich für die ausführlichen Informationen in der schriftlichen Antwort vom 13.11.2007, möchten aber darauf hinweisen, dass eine Frage von der Kommission leider nicht beantwortet wurde. Wir bitten Sie auf folgende Frage noch einzugehen:

Wie können die bereits über 60.000 Unterschriften wirkungsvoll eingesetzt werden, damit sich das Parlament bzw. auch die Kommission und der Rat verstärkt mit den Missständen bei Tiertransporten auseinandersetzen?

In complement to the Commission's reply to question H-0869/07, the Commission would like to reaffirm its great respect for the views of the 60.000 and more citizens that have expressed their concern about animal transport.

The Commission shares the view of the Honourable Member that EU animal welfare rules on animal transport should be better enforced.

For its side the Commission has already explained in its previous reply the measures taken and its future plans for ensuring that objective.

The Commission has received in the past other petitions on animal welfare and continues to take them into consideration in the preparation of its policy.

Die europäischen Gemeinschaftsagenturen beschäftigen derzeit mehrere hundert „Vertragsbedienstete“. Diese haben Anrecht auf Pensionsgelder, die aus dem Gemeinschaftshaushalt finanziert werden.

Hat die Kommission irgendwelche Überlegungen und/oder Kalkulationen über zukünftige Ausgaben aus dem Gemeinschaftshaushalt für die Pensionsgelder der Vertragsbediensteten in den Gemeinschaftsagenturen angestellt?

Wie sehen diese Überlegungen und/oder Kalkulationen aus? Sieht die Kommission im Zusammenhang mit den Pensionskosten der Vertragsbediensteten für die Zukunft ein Problem?

Les agents contractuels engagés par les agences exécutives et les agences de régulation paient la même contribution au régime de pensions que les fonctionnaires et agents temporaires (1/3 du montant nécessaire à l'équilibre actuariel, soit actuellement 10,25% du traitement de base) et ils acquièrent les mêmes droits à pension que ceux-ci (1,9% de leur dernier traitement de base par an avec un maximum de 70%).

La situation des agents contractuels n'est donc pas différente de celle des fonctionnaires et agents temporaires et est de deux types:

­ les agents contractuels, tout comme les fonctionnaires et agents temporaires, quittant le service sans avoir acquis le droit à une pension d'ancienneté du régime des institutions européennes (moins de dix ans de service et moins de 63 ans) sont obligés de transférer l'équivalent actuariel, actualisé à la date de transfert effectif, de leurs droits à pension d'ancienneté vers un autre régime de pensions (Article 109 § 1 du RAA et Article 11 § 1 de l'annexe VIII du statut).

­ les agents contractuels quittant le service avec au moins dix ans de service ou après 63 ans, ont droit à une pension dans les mêmes conditions que les fonctionnaires (article 109 § 1 du RAA et article 77 du statut).

Les fonds nécessaires au paiement des pensions sont prévus au budget (Titre 30, chapitre 1, article 13). L'avant projet de budget 2008 fournit le détail des calculs y compris le nombre de pensionnés estimé pour les agences⁽¹⁾.