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Четвъртък, 21 февруари 2008 г. - Страсбург

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  Πρόεδρος. – Η ημερήσια διάταξη προβλέπει την κοινή συζήτηση

- της έκθεσης του Ambroise Guellec, εξ ονόματος της Επιτροπής Περιφερειακής Ανάπτυξης, σχετικά με την 4η έκθεση για την οικονομική και κοινωνική συνοχή (2007/2148(INI)) (A6-0023/2008), και

- της έκθεσης της Gisela Kallenbach, εξ ονόματος της Επιτροπής Περιφερειακής Ανάπτυξης, σχετικά με την παρακολούθηση της εφαρμογής της εδαφικής ατζέντας και του Χάρτη της Λειψίας: Προς ένα ευρωπαϊκό πρόγραμμα δράσης για τη χωροταξική ανάπτυξη και την εδαφική συνοχή (2007/2190(INI)) (A6-0028/2008).

  Ambroise Guellec, rapporteur. − Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, mes chers collègues, nous débattons ce matin de deux rapports d'initiative parlementaire, mais il me semble que ceux-ci revêtent une grande importance et ceci pour plusieurs raisons.

Tout d'abord, nous nous appuyons sur le quatrième rapport de la Commission sur la cohésion. C'est un document réellement remarquable, bien meilleur que les précédents et qui constitue une base très solide pour toute réflexion sur l'avenir de la cohésion en Europe. Ensuite, parce que le tout nouveau traité de Lisbonne consacre la cohésion territoriale comme objectif majeur de l'Union. Enfin, et nous le savons, parce que de nouveaux et redoutables défis viennent s'ajouter à ceux que nous connaissons déjà et que la politique de cohésion doit apporter une forte et utile contribution à leur prise en considération afin d'avancer vers l'Europe que nous voulons, c'est-à-dire une Europe performante et solidaire.

Que nous apprend le quatrième rapport? Que la convergence économique et sociale entre États membres est en bonne voie, avec une réduction certaine des écarts de revenus et d'emplois au cours de la décennie écoulée, mais aussi que les disparités entre régions, et parfois à l'intérieur de celles-ci, restent fortes et ont souvent tendance à s'aggraver. Le développement est réel mais comporte beaucoup trop de déséquilibres. C'est là que le concept nouveau de cohésion territoriale prend tout son sens et qu'il doit, à côté de la cohésion économique et sociale, occuper une place centrale dans la poursuite du développement régional à l'échelle de l'Union. Il impliquera, pour sa mise en œuvre, une approche intégrée entre les politiques sectorielles ainsi que la pratique réelle d'une gouvernance multiniveau.

À cet égard, nous attendons avec intérêt – et je dois dire avec impatience – le livre vert de la Commission pour le mois de septembre prochain. La nécessité d'un langage commun à ce sujet apparaît à l'évidence et ceci est bien ressorti au cours de nos discussions en commission régionale.

Les enseignements tirés du quatrième rapport nous conduisent à nous projeter sur l'après-2013, puisque les programmes opérationnels pour 2007-2013 sont maintenant en place à peu près partout. Ils se caractérisent notamment, et pour la première fois, par un système de fléchage des crédits, destiné à canaliser l'essentiel des ressources vers les objectifs de l'Agenda de Lisbonne. Tout en soulignant la relation étroite en termes de priorités entre la stratégie de Lisbonne et la politique de cohésion, nous considérons que cette dernière doit dépasser ce cadre et se situer dans une perspective plus large.

Notre rapport affirme avec force que la convergence aux différents niveaux est une condition préalable à la compétitivité à long terme des régions et qu'à l'avenir, la complémentarité des deux politiques s'impose afin de réconcilier performance et solidarité. Une évaluation périodique sur la période 2007-2013, que nous demandons, doit permettre de confirmer le bien-fondé de la démarche ou d'opérer en toute connaissance de cause les inflexions qui apparaîtraient nécessaires. Il faudra aussi s'interroger sur la dissociation opérée pour l'actuelle période de programmation entre le développement rural et la politique régionale. Sa pertinence ne semble guère avérée sur le terrain et le maintien de cette séparation après 2013 nous apparaît problématique.

Enfin, notre rapport met un accent particulier sur les nouveaux défis auxquels l'Union doit faire face et sur leur impact territorial fort – bien sûr, il y a le vieillissement démographique, le changement climatique, l'énergie, la concentration urbaine, etc. Nous considérons que la nécessaire et urgente convergence et le traitement territorial approprié de ces défis appellent une politique de cohésion renforcée en termes à la fois politiques et financiers pour l'après-2013. Dans cette perspective, le Parlement – comme il l'a toujours fait – s'opposera fermement à toute tentative de renationalisation de cette politique.

Je termine, Madame la Présidente, en remerciant les rapporteurs fictifs, qui m'ont bien aidé dans ce travail, compte tenu du grand nombre de compromis auxquels nous sommes parvenus. Je voudrais également souligner la cohérence avec le rapport de Mme Kallenbach. Je crois qu'il était bon qu'il y eût un ensemble tout à fait cohérent présenté aujourd'hui au Parlement.

  Gisela Kallenbach, Berichterstatterin. − Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Zunächst danke ich allen Schattenberichterstattern für die gute, konstruktive Zusammenarbeit, aber genauso den Ausschuss- und Fraktionsmitarbeitern und den persönlichen Mitarbeitern. Je stärker die Gemeinschaft, umso besser das Produkt!

Ich begrüße sehr, dass wir heute den Bericht meines Kollegen Guellec und meinen Bericht gemeinsam beraten. Sie bilden eine sich ergänzende Einheit, wenn es um das Ziel einer wirklich nachhaltigen Entwicklung in Europa geht. Die Kohäsionspolitik ist gewissermaßen die Hardware, die Leipzig-Charta und die Territoriale Agenda sind die Software. Nur zusammen funktionieren diese Instrumente. Die rechtlichen und finanziellen Kompetenzen hat die EU bei der Kohäsionspolitik. Bei Raumentwicklung, bei Stadt- und Regionalplanung sind wir nicht wirklich zuständig. Umso mehr ist eine kohärente Politik der lokalen und der regionalen Ebene, der Ebene der nationalen Minister und der EU-Ebene Voraussetzung für zukunftsfähige europäische Städte und Regionen. Nur so entsteht europäischer Mehrwert. Die Städte bilden den Fokus von Chancen und Problemen. Sie wirken auf den ländlichen Raum und das unmittelbare Umland. Daher setzen wir auf eine ausgewogene Entwicklung des Gesamtraums, auf Lösungen, die von einer ganzheitlichen Sicht ausgehen und gleichzeitig angepasst sind an die konkrete Situation. Eine einzige Lösung wird es nicht geben, aber wohl gemeinsame Prinzipien, wie den integrierten Ansatz, das Partnerschaftsprinzip, horizontal und vertikal, zwischen den Städten und dem Umland, aber auch mit den verschiedenen direkt Betroffenen.

Wir haben auf europäischer Ebene viele Fortschritte erzielt. Neben der Leipzig-Charta und der Territorialen Agenda, dem ersten Aktionsprogramm unter portugiesischer Präsidentschaft, wurde die territoriale Kohäsion als Gemeinschaftsziel in den Reformvertrag aufgenommen. Das stärkt durch geteilte Zuständigkeit und das Mitentscheidungsverfahren auch das Gewicht des Parlaments. Wir wollten heute mit der Diskussion eine Stellungnahme des Parlaments vor dem Frühjahrsgipfel des Rates abgeben, damit die territorialen und städtischen Belange als klare Komponenten in die Lissabon- und die Göteborg-Strategie eingehen.

Es war auch der gemeinsame Wunsch des informellen Ministerrats in Leipzig, dass die slowenische Ratspräsidentschaft die Territoriale Agenda beim diesjährigen Frühjahrsgipfel auf die Tagesordnung setzt, um eine größere politische Anerkennung der territorialen Rahmenbedingungen für die Entwicklung von Regionen und Städten sowie neue Formen der Beteiligung bei politischen Entscheidungen der EU zu erzielen. Das wurde auch bei dem Treffen auf den Azoren im November noch einmal deutlich unterstrichen. Bisher liegen mir keine wirklichen Informationen über den Stand der Umsetzung vor.

Ich hätte es daher sehr begrüßt, wenn jemand vom Rat heute hier anwesend gewesen wäre, um diese Informationen über den Stand der Vorbereitungen zu bekommen. Ich habe leider gehört, dass es im Rat offensichtlich keine Übereinstimmung gibt, der Bitte der Minister zu entsprechen. Ich hätte gerne vom Rat gewusst, ob und in welcher Form die Territoriale Agenda beim Frühjahrsgipfel behandelt werden soll. Mich würde auch interessieren, inwieweit es zutrifft, dass in dem vorliegenden Entwurf der Schlussfolgerungen des Rates weder die territorialen Belange erwähnt noch die entsprechenden Veränderungen im Lissabon-Vertrag vorgesehen werden. Nur damit könnten wir aus vielen guten Worten konkrete Taten werden lassen.

  Danuta Hübner, Member of the Commission. − Madam President, I wish to begin by congratulating – and perhaps, even more, by thanking – both Ms Kallenbach and Mr Guellec on their reports, and also the Committee on Regional Development on its excellent work both on the fourth cohesion report and on the report on territorial cohesion.

The Commission fully shares your views that European cohesion policy has played a major role in narrowing disparities across the European Union and thus fostering European integration, and also getting the Union closer to its people. Therefore, the Commission firmly rejects attempts to renationalise this policy.

We also share your view that adequate financial resources for cohesion policy must be guaranteed in the future in order to deal with the anticipated new challenges which will affect all European territories. We have also to keep in mind that, at the same time, cohesion policy will have to continue to cope with regional disparities resulting from the most recent, and forthcoming, enlargements.

Let me reassure you that, in the context of the ‘Lisbonisation’ of our policy, the main priority of European cohesion policy is, and will remain after 2013, the objective of narrowing disparities, as it is enshrined in the Reform Treaty. The solidarity dimension of the policy is central to this policy and the allocation of resources will certainly follow an inverse relation with the prosperity of countries and regions.

This view is also shared by an impressive majority of stakeholders across the Union. What is also shared is that European cohesion policy is much more than just a distributive mechanism of resources between Member States and regions; this policy is first and foremost a development policy whose objective is to foster the endogenous development of all European regions.

The Commission also shares your concern about the need for more coherence between European cohesion policy and other Community sectoral policies, especially rural development, research or competition. I would add here that the need for coherence between the different development policies also applies to the coordination between European cohesion policy and national polices. I am convinced that this is a key issue for the future of European cohesion, also in its territorial dimension.

I fully share your view that the success of the territorial agenda and the Leipzig Charter depends on two conditions. First, we need to put in practice an integrated approach to the territorial development in order to avoid a piecemeal approach to our territories. A classic example here is thinking in categories of purely rural or urban strategies, which misses the key importance of the true economic regions.

On the other hand, the integrated approach means also the need for integrating different sectoral policies both at the EU and Member State level, which affect the development of all our territories.

The second condition, as you rightly point out, is the need for the Commission to monitor and to assess regularly the progress in the implementation of actions agreed under the territorial agenda, and here we need to know more about the effects of these actions in the Member States so that the Commission can offer them adequate assistance. For example, on the basis of better monitoring, the Commission can further progress in the area of defining indicators of territorial cohesion.

Clearly the Commission sees as good news – as does your report – the introduction of the notion of the territorial dimension of cohesion in the Lisbon Treaty, and now we have to make the most of this new dimension of cohesion policy and the avenues it opens up such as, for example, the new definition of subsidiarity giving more weight to local and regional authorities. That is why the Commission included the Green Paper on territorial cohesion in our legislative and work programme for 2008.

Even if there is no standard definition of the concept yet, territorial cohesion synthesises the legal objectives of the Union to achieve a sustainable balance and harmonious development of its territory and also to provide equity of access to services of general interest. We are all aware today that there are a number of aspects of territorial balance in the Union which threaten the harmonious development of the Union economy and society in the years to come. They are at EU, national and regional level and also in some specific areas and with regard to outermost regions.

I am pleased to confirm that the key recommendations made in Ms Kallenbach’s report, as regards the definition of the concept of territorial cohesion and the implementation of an integrated approach to territorial development, and also the improvement of the synergies between Community policies, are all taken on board in the preparation of our Green Paper that will be adopted by the college next September.

Let me also use this opportunity to inform you that we are progressing with the Member States in our common understanding of territorial cohesion and its key components. We are currently working on the responses to the questionnaire which we have sent to 25 Member States on territorial cohesion, thus clearly making progress possible.

We have also established in the Commission an inter-service group which is giving us a framework to work in-house on territorial cohesion, and we have already completed the first part of this exercise: the identification of the territorial dimension of key EU policies. We have now embarked on the process, specifically on the process of developing some tools which also match your request. As you probably know, investigating territorial impact assessment of policies and also developing territorial cohesion indicators are among the priorities of the new strengthened ESPON programme.

As regards urban affairs, in March we will have the next Urban audit which is currently finalised and the second report on the state of European cities is due for June 2009. URBACT II has now been upgraded to a strategic instrument for networking and for exchanges in urban development.

My feeling is that we have, in the case of both reports, a high coherence of your views and of those of the Commission, and I now look forward to the debate for a better understanding of your concerns.

  Nathalie Griesbeck, rapporteur pour avis de la commission des budgets. − Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, je voudrais aussi, à mon tour, remercier nos collègues rapporteurs, notamment Ambroise Guellec, pour sa présentation et ses travaux, et, en tant que rapporteur permanent pour les fonds structurels au sein de la COBU, insister très brièvement sur les enjeux d'ordre budgétaire.

Cette politique constitue aujourd'hui l'une des politiques les plus significatives en termes budgétaires de la solidarité du peuple européen. Aujourd'hui, plus que jamais, et on vient de l'entendre ce matin, c'est la question de l'optimisation de l'efficacité des politiques de cohésion qui constitue l'enjeu majeur. La COBU a souhaité attirer l'attention sur un certain nombre d'indicateurs préoccupants, tels les retards d'exécution et les restes à liquider.

Je voudrais souligner quelques points qui m'apparaissent saillants dans cette problématique. Il est en effet urgent que l'Union mette un point d'honneur à simplifier les procédures, comme la mise en œuvre de l'assistance technique, pour permettre l'élaboration et la mise en action effective des nombreux projets dont nos territoires ont besoin.

Il est également impératif de procéder à une répartition claire des responsabilités entre l'Union et les États membres, pour une meilleure gestion partagée, et je me réjouis des propos de Mme la commissaire en ce qui concerne la décision prise mardi dernier d'adopter un plan d'action sur la stratégie d'audit dans le domaine des fonds structurels.

Enfin, je le souligne depuis longtemps, et je me réjouis également que Mme la commissaire l'ait rappelé à l'instant, il est impératif d'avoir des indicateurs de performances qui soient communs à l'ensemble des États membres, qui le soient à la fois de manière quantitative et qualitative, pour évaluer les besoins budgétaires et pour aider à la définition du prochain cadre législatif pour la période pluriannuelle post-2013, et qui donneront plus de lisibilité à la présence de l'Europe dans le cadre des politiques européennes et chez les Européens, tout simplement.

  Pedro Guerreiro, relator de parecer da Comissão das Pescas. − Inicio esta intervenção lamentando que a Comissão do Desenvolvimento Regional não tenha integrado nenhuma das propostas que a Comissão das Pescas propôs relativamente ao quarto relatório sobre a coesão. Propostas que reiteram, por exemplo, o contributo do sector das pescas para a situação socioeconómica de comunidades piscatórias em regiões de convergência ou que sofrem de desvantagens geográficas ou naturais permanentes, como as regiões ultraperiféricas, mas igualmente comunidades piscatórias pobres, inseridas em regiões prósperas, ou ainda que lamentam que o montante financeiro do Fundo Europeu das Pescas, numa União Europeia a 27, não difira significativamente do orçamentado para o IFOP numa União Europeia a 15, sublinhando que o FEP deverá ser financeiramente reforçado.

Daí ter reapresentado duas propostas de alteração em sessão plenária que visam sublinhar a importância da política estrutural das pescas para a coesão económica e social.

  Oldřich Vlasák, za skupinu PPE-DE. – Vážené dámy a pánové, paní komisařko, zprávy, které dnes projednáváme, jsou pro nás významné, a to nejen proto, že se zabývají současným stavem politiky soudržnosti a její územní dimenze, ale že také orientují na naši pozornost na budoucnost po roce 2013. Chtěl bych na tomto místě poděkovat paní Kallenbach a panu Guellecovi za jejich perfektně odvedenou práci a za jejich otevřený přístup.

Obě zprávy, jak zmínili oba zpravodajové, je třeba vnímat ve vzájemné souvislosti. Územní soudržnost se svým zakotvením v Lisabonské smlouvě stává stejně důležitým tématem jako koheze sociální a ekonomická. Právě územní koheze je však jako téma nejméně probádaná a uchopená. Územní koheze není dosud ani jednoznačně definována. Přestože je obecnou snahou koheze vyrovnávat rozdíly, tyto stále přetrvávají a jsou jedny z největších právě na hranicích mezi bývalým východním blokem a demokratickým západem. Územní soudržnost podle mého názoru spočívá také v soudržnosti měst a venkova. Je bez diskuse, že města jsou motory růstu daných zemí a je proto správné, že v návrhu usnesení akceptujeme problematiku měst a současně vyzýváme k posílení integrovaného přístupu. Do budoucna bude v tomto kontextu nutné zlepšit a zjednodušit přístup měst ke strukturálním fondům a umožnit větší propojení veřejné správy a podnikatelského sektoru při financování městských projektů ze soukromých zdrojů.

Přijali jsme Lipskou chartu a je třeba ji postupně uvádět do života. Současně musíme vytvářet podmínky pro rozvoj našeho života, pro rozvoj našeho venkova. Jsem přesvědčen, že bychom měli důkladně analyzovat, zda je efektivní zahrnutí politiky venkova do společné zemědělské politiky či zda je žádoucí jiné řešení.

Dámy a pánové, pouze poslední poznámka. Debata o politice soudržnosti je především diskusí o alokovaných finančních prostředcích. Je nesporné a správné, že politika soudržnosti nabírá na síle a projevuje se na evropském rozpočtu. Politika soudržnosti se bude muset vypořádat s novými fenomény, jako je stárnutí a vymírání evropské populace, nestabilita energetických dodávek a zhoršující se životní prostředí. Proto musíme tuto politiku modifikovat a zajistit adekvátní prostředky.

  Constanze Angela Krehl, im Namen der PSE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Herr Vlasák hat völlig Recht, wenn er sagt, dass vor uns die Aufgabe steht, die Kohäsionspolitik für die Zeit nach 2013 vorzubereiten. Wir haben die beiden vorliegenden Berichte genutzt, um das auch als Problem anzugehen. Wir haben eigentlich alles zusammengetragen, was uns dabei wichtig erscheint.

Ich möchte aber daran erinnern, dass wir uns auf die strategischen Ziele der Kohäsionspolitik besinnen sollten, nämlich die Angleichung der Lebensverhältnisse der Regionen der Europäischen Union und die Unterstützung der Lissabon- und der Göteborg-Strategie. Wenn das Europäische Parlament die zukünftige Kohäsionspolitik mitgestalten will, muss es sich meines Erachtens auf wesentliche Strategien konzentrieren, um nicht zum Gießkannenprinzip zurückzukehren. Wir müssen uns den neuen Herausforderungen stellen, die sich im Rahmen der Kohäsionspolitik ergeben. Um nur einige Punkte anzuführen, möchte ich die demografische Entwicklung, den Klimaschutz, die Entvölkerung von Regionen, aber eben auch eine moderne europäische Städtepolitik nennen.

Aus meiner Sicht ist dabei der Ansatz Chancengleichheit von Menschen und Regionen ein notwendiger Ansatz für Lösungen in diesem Bereich. Mehr Geld in Bildung, Forschung und Innovation und deren Infrastrukturen zu investieren, halte ich für immer wichtiger und auch für tatsächlich nachhaltig. Dies gelingt aber nur, wenn wir zukünftig die europäischen Bürgerinnen und Bürger in die Entwicklung von Programmen und Projekten besser einbeziehen, wie das das Europäische Parlament seit langem und auch wieder in diesen Berichten fordert.

An die Mitgliedstaaten – ich bedaure, dass der Rat nicht anwesend ist – möchte ich appellieren und darauf hinweisen, dass wir den Mitgliedstaaten eine Hausaufgabe mit auf den Weg geben. Wenn wir zusätzliche Dinge im Rahmen der Kohäsionspolitik finanzieren sollen, müssen dafür auch die notwendigen Finanzmittel zur Verfügung gestellt werden.

  Grażyna Staniszewska, w imieniu grupy ALDE. – Czwarty raport spójności oraz raport posła Guelleca podkreślają sukcesy polityki spójności w zmniejszaniu różnic między państwami, odnotowują szybki wzrost niegdyś zapóźnionych krajów, takich jak Grecja czy Portugalia, ale równocześnie stwierdzają porażkę tej polityki w zbliżaniu poziomu rozwoju pomiędzy regionami.

Niestety, państwa członkowskie dopuszczają do nadmiernej koncentracji inwestycji i innych elementów rozwoju w stolicach państw. Podobnie jak regiony, które także skupiają także inwestycje w centralnych obszarach, zaniedbując równomierny rozwój całości. Dysproporcje wewnątrz i pomiędzy regionami Unii Europejskiej są znacznie większe niż w Stanach Zjednoczonych czy Japonii.

To wszystko wskazuje na potrzebę wprowadzenia takiego mechanizmu, który stymulowałby decentralizację wewnątrz państw członkowskich. Niezbędna jest trwała, ale i dynamiczna polityka regionalna na następną perspektywę finansową. Raport posła Guelleca w wyważony sposób wskazuje na konieczność umiejętnego łączenia strategii lizbońskiej i polityki spójności, która nie może stać się wyłącznie narzędziem tej pierwszej. Polityka spójności, która ma na celu równomierny i zrównoważony rozwój, jest ważnym celem samym w sobie. Jest to najtańszy sposób przeciwdziałania niezwykle kosztownym, z uwagi na następstwa, konfliktom, masowej emigracji i imigracji, delokalizacjom firm i tym podobnym zdarzeniom, które zawsze są wstrząsem dla lokalnych społeczności.

W przyjętym dziś sprawozdaniu za traktatem lizbońskim podkreśla się znaczenie wymiaru terytorialnego. Istnieje jednak pilna potrzeba wyjaśnienia tego pojęcia i jednoznacznego zdefiniowania owej terytorialności, bowiem na razie posługujemy się tym terminem w ciemno i w zbyt wielu znaczeniach. Raz w raporcie posła Guelleca jest to pojęcie nadrzędne nad polityką spójności ekonomicznej i społecznej, raz uzupełniające. Raz dotyczy równomiernego dostępu do usług, raz dotyczy równomiernego rozłożenia na przykład placówek badawczych.

Niestety, zieloną księgę na temat wymiaru terytorialnego powinniśmy omawiać znacznie wcześniej, a nie dopiero jesienią, po raporcie na temat spójności.

  Mieczysław Edmund Janowski, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! W imieniu UEN wyrażam wielkie uznanie dla obojga sprawozdawców.

Słowo „spójność” nabrało szczególnego znaczenia w Unii. Już w traktacie rzymskim czytamy o tym, by zjednoczyć gospodarki narodowe i wspierać ich harmonijny rozwój poprzez zmniejszenie różnic pomiędzy poszczególnymi regionami.

Czwarte sprawozdanie obejmuje lata 2000-2006. Należy podkreślić, że raport pana Guelleca odnosi się właśnie do tego sprawozdania i zawiera wiele wartościowych wniosków. Raport w syntetyczny sposób ukazuje sytuację we wszystkich państwach członkowskich. Prezentuje także obszary największych dysproporcji. W odniesieniu do tych regionów wyrównywanie musi być widziane w dłuższej perspektywie czasowej.

Sprawozdanie przedstawione przez Komisję zawiera wiele parametrów porównawczych, czego brakowało w dokumentach poprzednich. Nadal jest jednak aktualna sugestia wykorzystania wskaźników uzupełniających podstawowy PKB per capita w odniesieniu do różnych poziomów NUTS.

Polityka spójności jest fundamentem integracji i dobrze służy harmonijnemu rozwojowi Unii. W tym kontekście ważne są jej aspekty regionalne i lokalne (pani Staniszewska mówiła o tym), a także ekologiczne. Musimy również widzieć jej wpływ na innowacyjność i konkurencyjność Unii, a więc na realizację strategii lizbońskiej. Nie bez znaczenia są także kwestie demograficzne, mamy bowiem obszary zagrożone depopulacją.

Mówiąc o spójności, widzimy ją jako ekonomiczną i społeczną. Używany termin „spójność” terytorialna wymaga pilnego i dobrego zdefiniowania. Spójność należy rozumieć jako zapewnienie mieszkańcom Unii, niezależnie od tego, jakie terytorium zamieszkują, podobnych szans w dostępie do ochrony zdrowia, edukacji, kultury, internetu, komunikacji itd. Polityka spójności winna być doskonalona i wzmacniana przez należyte środki unijne. Szczególnie ważnym jest aspekt miejski, mówi o tym pani Kallenbach.

Ostatnio stawia się pytania: spójność czy konkurencyjność, równość czy efektywność? Odpowiem krótko: jedno i drugie, w roztropnej proporcji.

  Elisabeth Schroedter, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ende der 90er Jahre gab es in der Europäischen Union die Philosophie, die Integrationsfähigkeit der Union an den Erfolgen des Binnenmarkts zu messen. Die Hoffnung, dass sich mit den ausschließlich auf wirtschaftliches Wachstum ausgerichteten Entwicklungskonzepten des Binnenmarktes die Probleme in der Europäischen Union lösen lassen, blieb jedoch unerfüllt.

Der Europäische Binnenmarkt konzentrierte den Zuwachs an wirtschaftlichen Aktivitäten auf die Gravitationszentren, die weitere Aktivitäten anzogen, und das ging auf Kosten der benachteiligten Regionen und der natürlichen Umwelt. Und selbst in diesen Zentren waren nicht alle an den Erfolgen beteiligt, sondern die Armut nahm zu, und das löste Spannungen und Unruhen aus.

Heute macht die Kommission die gleichen Fehler: Sie ordnet die Kohäsionspolitik der Lissabon-Strategie unter. Anstatt die Probleme der besonders benachteiligten Regionen wirklich in den Vordergrund zu stellen und ausschließlich nachhaltige Entwicklungsprojekte zu fördern, setzt sie auf antiquarische Infrastrukturkonzepte und, in Konsequenz, nur auf Wirtschaftszentren. Die Kommunen und die Regionen werden über Generationen von den großen europäischen Banken abhängig gemacht. Das halte ich für ein riesengroßes Problem, weil letztendlich die nächste Generation dann die Kosten für eine verfehlte Entwicklungspolitik bezahlt. Und das löst wiederum Wanderungsbewegungen aus — meine Kollegin Krehl hat es schon andeutet —, und es führt auch zu einer antieuropäischen Stimmung, weil ein Teil der Bevölkerung nicht an den Erfolgen beteiligt wird. Das sind Sackgassenstrategien.

Ich bin der Meinung, dass wir aufpassen müssen, den inneren Zusammenhalt der Union nicht zu gefährden. Der wirtschaftliche und soziale Zusammenhalt muss wirklich eine eigenständige Politik bleiben, und die Gewinne müssen für alle Regionen und alle Menschen in Europa zur Verfügung stehen. Das geht nur, wenn Kohäsionspolitik wirklich von einem solidarischen Gesellschaftsmodell und von nachhaltigen Entwicklungsmustern getragen wird, die nicht auf Kosten der Umwelt gehen.

  Pedro Guerreiro, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. − Nesta breve intervenção sobre uma questão tão importante como o futuro da política de coesão ao nível da União Europeia, apenas sublinharíamos alguns dos princípios fundamentais que pensamos deveriam nortear tal debate.

Primeiro, a política regional é um instrumento indispensável para a promoção da acalentada coesão económica e social, política estrutural que deverá ter como primeiro e principal objectivo, aliás como já aqui foi afirmado, a redução das disparidades entre os níveis de desenvolvimento das diversas regiões e do atraso das regiões mais desfavorecidas, a promoção da convergência real e o estímulo do crescimento e do emprego, devendo ser, por isso mesmo, um instrumento de redistribuição e de pretendida compensação para os acrescidos custos do mercado único, da União Económica e Monetária e da liberalização do comércio internacional para os países e regiões menos desenvolvidos da União Europeia.

Segundo, a política de coesão e os meios financeiros que lhe estão associados deverão ser utilizados para a promoção de projectos de desenvolvimento económico, social, ambiental e territorial, pelo que não deverão estar subordinados a uma política que tenha como prioridade e dogma a concorrência, a desregulamentação ou a dita adaptabilidade e empreendedorismo que são prioridades da Estratégia de Lisboa. Isto é, consideramos que a denominada competitividade não deve ser um sucedâneo para a convergência nos Estados-Membros e nas regiões que enfrentam um atraso no seu desenvolvimento socioeconómico.

Terceiro, os actuais recursos financeiros comunitários para a política de coesão são insuficientes para responder às necessidades de uma convergência real, às disparidades regionais, aos elevados níveis de desemprego, às desigualdades de rendimento e à pobreza na União Europeia, pelo que reiteramos a necessidade do aumento do orçamento comunitário, tendo como objectivo central e primordial a promoção da coesão económica e social ao nível da União Europeia.

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de IND/DEM-Fractie. – Mevrouw de Voorzitter, met belangstelling heb ik de verslagen van collega's Kallenbach en Guellec gelezen. De convergentie tussen landen in Europa blijft een boeiend thema. De interne beleidsintegratie en samenwerking binnen en tussen EU-lidstaten en regio's krijgt steeds verder vorm. Dat een dergelijke strategie resultaat oplevert, staat onomwonden in het cohesierapport. De convergentie tussen de lidstaten is toegenomen.

Tegelijkertijd wordt echter ook gemeld dat de convergentie tussen regio's binnen en tussen lidstaten afneemt, met name tussen stedelijke en niet-stedelijke regio's. In mijn optiek is in dergelijke situaties juist voor de nationale, regionale en lokale overheden een belangrijke rol weggelegd. Daarom begrijp ik niet dat de optie waarbij lidstaten zelfstandig meer bijdragen aan de ontwikkeling van regio's, op voorhand wordt afgewezen.

Het is te vroeg om te bepalen of het huidige beleid tot in lengte van jaren moet worden voortgezet. Dat het bepaalde uitdagingen aankan, is duidelijk. Maar laten we ook kijken of het de genoemde divergentie kan oplossen, d.w.z. niet alleen convergentie op lidstaatniveau, maar ook op regionaal niveau, tussen en binnen lidstaten. Mocht dat niet het geval zijn, dan is een andere aanpak met een grotere rol voor lidstaten wenselijk. Niemand kent de nationale en regionale situatie beter dan de individuele lidstaten. Zij kunnen oplossingen aandragen die de doelstellingen van het cohesiebeleid ook op subnationaal niveau bereikbaar maken.

  Jean-Claude Martinez (NI). – Madame la Présidente, la Commission européenne se préoccupe de la cohésion entre les États de l'Union et au sein de ces États, au point que 350 milliards d'euros y sont consacrés d'ici 2013.

Un livre vert est même annoncé puisqu'à Bruxelles, dès qu'il y a un problème, on écrit un livre. Et, de fait, il y a bien un problème de cohésion entre l'Europe de l'ouest et celle de l'est, l'Europe des villages et celle des villes, ou l'Europe des beaux quartiers et celle des ouvriers.

Mais à qui la faute? Qui a désertifié, comment, les villages où l'on faisait de la vigne, de l'élevage, Madame la Présidente, en Grèce, du tabac, du coton, de l'huile d'olive? Qui et quelles politiques ont supprimé en Suède, en Allemagne, en France, des milliers de bureaux de poste? Qui a fait fermer les gares rurales, abandonner les voies ferrées, les maternités? Et dans les ports, est-ce le vent qui détruit les bateaux de pêche, les pêcheurs, les commerces, les chantiers navals? Est-ce que ce sont les loups qui, dans les Pyrénées ou les Alpes, mangent les bergers, ou les moutons importés de Nouvelle-Zélande?

La réponse, chacun la connaît: c'est la politique commerciale internationale menée par la Commission, au GATT et à l'OMC, qui fait disparaître depuis vingt ans 90 fermes par jour en Espagne et en France. C'est la suppression dogmatique des protections douanières qui a détruit, sous le flot des importations, les équilibres industriels.

Alors, pour établir la cohésion, il faut d'abord établir la cohérence entre les politiques. On ne peut pas, à Cotonou, avoir une politique pour les ACP et, à Genève, détruire sur les bananes cette politique. On ne peut pas, de 1962 à 1986, avoir la préférence communautaire pour les ruraux, et à l'Uruguay round ou à Doha détruire tout cela avec le libre-échange.

La cohésion exige donc la cohérence des choix. Madame la Commissaire, ou on fait l'Europe, ou on fait le monde. Ou on fait le social, ou on fait le mondial.

  Lambert van Nistelrooij (PPE-DE). – Mevrouw de Voorzitter, mevrouw Hübner, het unieke en bijzondere karakter van het vierde cohesieverslag ligt in het feit dat niet alleen het gevoerde beleid goed wordt geëvalueerd maar dat we vooruit kijken en nieuwe uitdagingen voor Europa aanpakken. Het gaat over globalisering, de effecten daarvan, over klimaatverandering, over de energievraagstukken en de demografische uitdagingen. Het is gewoon goed dat we dat nu doen, ook mede ter voorbereiding van de voorjaarstop in maart van dit jaar. Collega Guellec heeft dat op een heel goede manier gedaan. Hij heeft gezegd dat het cohesiebeleid in de kern niet verandert - het staat nadrukkelijk in het verdrag ook opnieuw bevestigd - maar dat de inhoud van de regionale inzet en de programma's verandert.

Deze week hebben we ook gekeken naar de Lissabon-strategie en wat mij opvalt is dat we sterk doorgaan en daar nadrukkelijk een bijdrage voor leveren met de inzet, door middel van oormerking, van meer dan 60 - 65% van het cohesiegeld. Dat geeft aan hoezeer het cohesiebeleid in de kern staat van die uitdaging en de nieuwe omstandigheden. Belangrijk is ook wat in het verslag Kallenbach is aangegeven, dat we die territoriale cohesie als kerntaak van de Europese Unie opnemen. De globalisering concentreert zich in een aantal topregio's, metropolitane gebieden, en het antwoord van Europa is dat er kansen worden geboden in de overdracht van kennis en het scheppen van voorwaarden voor ondernemerschap voor alle regio's, ook voor de rurale gebieden. Dat is de nieuwe agenda.

Tenslotte verzet de EVP zich tegen een antwoord van renationalisatie in verband met het debat 2013. Waar het om gaat is dat we een nieuwe samenhang tot stand brengen tussen O&O, tussen innovatiepolitiek, tussen de interne markt en tussen de instrumenten en centen van de Unie, om die kenniseconomie - want daar gaat het over op lange termijn - te koppelen aan banen en welvaart in onze regio's.

Ook onderschrijf ik graag het transparantie-initiatief dat door mevrouw Hübner is genomen. De burgers moeten weten hoe dicht wij met dit beleid bij hen zijn.

  Iratxe García Pérez (PSE). – Señora Presidenta, querría comenzar mi intervención agradeciendo a la señora Kallenbach y, especialmente, al señor Guellec la labor que han desarrollado en estos informes y que ha posibilitado un acuerdo mayoritario en el marco de la Comisión de Desarrollo Regional.

La política europea de cohesión ha sido un ejemplo de una política exitosa en la Unión Europea, cumpliendo los principios en los que se sostiene y que ha permitido contribuir a la eliminación de las desigualdades.

Países como España han obtenido indudables resultados en materia de convergencia, gracias a la política de cohesión. Por ello, nos reafirmamos en el papel que se ha desempeñado en el refuerzo de la capacidad de los Estados miembros para su desarrollo y la creación de puestos de trabajo avanzando en la formación del capital humano.

Pero asimismo debemos asumir que las desigualdades territoriales se mantienen y, por ello, tenemos que dar una respuesta firme con el fin de avanzar en una política que afronte nuevos retos como el envejecimiento o los procesos de despoblación en determinadas áreas, sobre todo del medio rural.

Debemos poner de manifiesto los retos pendientes con el fin de reducir las disparidades regionales e interregionales, y llegar a conseguir un desarrollo económico y tecnológico, para lo que el enfoque dirigido al cumplimiento de la Estrategia de Lisboa debe ser un eje prioritario, sin olvidar otros elementos como son los cambios demográficos.

Para conseguir un desarrollo equilibrado y sostenible de la política regional de la Unión, ésta debe conducirse en estrecha cooperación con los actores regionales y en coordinación con las demás políticas. Asimismo somos conscientes de la necesidad de impulsar medidas concretas para reducir las disparidades entre las regiones accesibles y las regiones con desventajas estructurales, como las montañosas, insulares o escasamente pobladas.

Por ello, de cara al futuro, es indispensable mantener una apuesta firme por una política de cohesión reforzada, con importantes recursos financieros que afronten todos los desafíos.

Ayer en este Parlamento aprobábamos, con una gran mayoría, el Tratado de Lisboa y hoy debemos impulsar un nuevo elemento de este Tratado, donde se establece la cohesión territorial como un objetivo fundamental de la Unión para avanzar en un futuro más próspero de Europa.

  Jean Marie Beaupuy (ALDE). – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, mes chers collègues, je voudrais vous dire, Madame la Commissaire, qu'en vous écoutant tout à l'heure répondre aux deux rapports de nos collègues, M. Guellec et Mme Kallenbach, j'avais l'impression que je n'aurais plus besoin d'intervenir, tant il était évident que vous nous donniez la preuve que vous nous aviez bien entendus.

C'est déjà une première étape et je dois me réjouir et nous féliciter que ces rapports étroits entre vous-même, vos collaborateurs, notre commission et notre Parlement aient permis d'arriver à ce degré actuellement de cohésion entre nos points de vue. Mais maintenant, au-delà de la cohésion entre nos points de vue, il faut passer à la mise en œuvre, car c'est bien d'arriver à une cohésion entre nous, mais il faut encore que cela débouche sur du concret.

Je pense que cela est possible, à travers ce livre vert que vous préparez pour l'automne prochain et je voudrais, en ce qui me concerne, souligner deux points qui me tiennent à cœur et qui, à mon sens, sont indispensables pour, justement, cette mise en application de toute cette politique de cohésion, cette charte de Leipzig, auxquelles nous tenons tant.

Ces deux points sont les suivants: premièrement, la nécessité – vous l'avez évoquée, je veux le souligner avec force – de montrer comment les différentes politiques de l'Union européenne, à l'échelle du territoire urbain et périurbain, doivent être mises en cohérence. Hier au soir, nous débattions de la démographie. Hier après-midi, nous débattions des transports. Avant, nous débattions du social. Dans tous ces domaines, les différentes DG de la Commission interviennent, les différentes commissions du Parlement interviennent... Il faut que tout cela, sur le microterritoire constitué par la ville et son environnement, soit mis en cohérence. J'attends, sur le livre vert, une prise de position.

Deuxième point. Comment pourrions-nous, nous, Parlement et Commission, en étant d'accord sur tout cela, réussir si nous n'avons pas l'adhésion des citoyens et des gouvernements. Je vous l'ai déjà dit, Madame la Commissaire, nous devons faire un très gros effort – je sais que vous vous y attachez – en matière de communication, pour que tous nos discours, tous nos propos, tous nos souhaits en matière de cohésion soient dits avec des mots, des formules qui incitent les gouvernements à agir et qui réussissent à convaincre et à motiver nos concitoyens.

Ce sont les deux points clés que j'attends dans le livre vert, Madame la Commissaire. Après nous avoir entendus, j'espère que vous pourrez nous aider à trouver des applications concrètes.

  Wiesław Stefan Kuc (UEN). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! Dążenie do wyrównania różnic w rozwoju i dochodach poszczególnych państw i regionów w Unii Europejskiej jest jednym z podstawowych celów naszych działań. Rozszerzenie w ostatnich latach Unii spowodowało, poprzez włączenie państw o znacznie niższych poziomach rozwoju, że różnice się rozszerzyły.

Tylko w szybkim rozwoju państw istnieje szansa na zniwelowanie różnic, które ocenia się na więcej niż piętnaście lat. To dużo, zważywszy na fakt ograniczenia środków finansowych i mniejsze możliwości ich wykorzystania przez państwa goniące do przodu. Pewnie sukcesu Hiszpanii, Portugalii, Grecji i Irlandii nie da się powtórzyć i to szybko, tak jak nie da dogonić się na razie Stanów Zjednoczonych i Japonii, ale początki są zawsze najtrudniejsze i mamy pozytywny przykład Republiki Czeskiej, że można. Zmiana mentalności naszych obywateli, która nastąpiła i nadal postępuje, rokuje dobre nadzieje na przyszłość, a strategia lizbońska dokładnie wytycza kierunki naszych działań.

Na koniec chciałbym serdecznie pogratulować naszym sprawozdawcom doskonałych wystąpień i powiedzieć, chociaż nie ma teraz posła Martíneza, że absolutnie się nie zgadzam z jego wypowiedzią.

  Alyn Smith (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, it is nice to see the Commissioner here in Parliament. We look forward to seeing her in Scotland again soon and to continuing our very fruitful cooperation on this policy.

Before I make my brief points, I would echo Mr Guerreiro’s points about support for the fisheries sector within cohesion policy. We will be supporting his amendments, and I do think this sector is of particular strategic importance in our geography.

I would pick up on the rapporteur’s call for better statistics, particularly for the targeting and monitoring of the efficiency of funding programmes. It seems pretty clear, as things develop, that targeting at NUTS I, NUTS II or even NUTS III level is pretty broad and pretty scatter-gun. I welcome moves in the future funding streams towards more thematic activity, be it the Lisbon Agenda, the promotion of a knowledge economy, the promotion of R&D, cross-border cooperation or, indeed, support for the fisheries sector under the Lisbon Agenda.

That is, I believe, the future for a really vibrant cohesion policy for the European Union, which is very much the jewel in the EU’s crown. It has brought the EU closer to our citizens and it has made us one Union where the Member States would keep us a series of different states.

We have a great potential to make this policy even more relevant and we look forward to hearing about the Green Paper in the Commissioner’s speech.

  Bairbre de Brún (GUE/NGL). – A Uachtaráin, léiríonn an dá thuarascáil inniu an fáth a bhfuil beartas comhtháthaithe de dhíth orainn agus conas is cóir an beartas sin a chur i bhfeidhm. Tá forbairt réigiúnach chothromaithe an-tábhachtach. Is ceart go ndíríonn tuarascáil an Uasail Guellec ar a chinntiú go mbeidh cistí réigiúnacha amach anseo dóthanach agus go mbeidh siad dírithe ar riachtanais na saoránach agus na réigiún a chur chun cinn ar bhealach éifeachtach. Ní féidir caitheamh le beartas comhtháthaithe ach amháin mar uirlis le Straitéis Liospóin a chur i bhfeidhm. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Rapóirtéir.

Is iomaí tairbhe a bhain Éire as airgead comhtháthaithe agus le go bhféadfaidh tíortha eile an tairbhe chéanna a bhaint amach, is gá dúinn a chinntiú go dtreoraítear acmhainní méadaithe chun forbairt réigiúnach a chur chun cinn, agus chun dul i ngleic le heisiamh sóisialta. Ní hamháin go gcaithfimid an bhearna idir Ballstáit a laghdú, ach caithfimid na bearnaí taobh istigh de na Ballstáit agus na bearnaí idir réigiúin a laghdú fosta.

Tuairiscíonn an tUasal Guellec rátaí fáis mórthaibhseacha na hÉireann, na Spáinne, na Portaingéile agus na Gréige sna blianta idir 2000 agus 2006. Ach tugann sé chun suntais in ainneoin na bhfás, go bhfuil míchothromaíochtaí móra idir réigiúin taobh istigh de na tíortha sin.

Gabhaim buíochas le Bean Kallenbach fosta as a tuarascáil agus cuirim fáilte ar leith roimh a béim ar ról na n-údarás uirbeach áitiúil a dhaingniú chun rochtain ar sheirbhísí poiblí do gach saoránach a sholáthar. Tá gá le cumasú áitiúil, le meas ar an chomhshaol agus ardchaighdeán seirbhísí poiblí a bhíonn infhaighte go huilíoch le gur féidir leis an chomhshaol uirbeach a bheith ina áit tharraingteach le cónaí agus le hobair inti.

Dúshlán ollmhór é an fhorbairt inbhuanaithe laistigh de limistéir uirbeacha san 21ú Aois, agus is féidir leis an chreat a chuir Bean Kallenbach inár láthair inniu, cuidiú linn dul i ngleic leis an dúshlán sin.

  Derek Roland Clark (IND/DEM). – Madam President, these reports comment on the disparity between the rural and urban economies, between rich and poor, especially in eastern Europe, and between the disadvantaged and the rest of society.

The answer, apparently, is to offer a vast catalogue of cultural, economic, technical developments and social engineering provision. It notes the success of such programmes in Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece to relieve these inequalities and encourages similar strategies, frameworks and action programmes to generate progress in affected areas, especially in eastern Europe. Above all it mentions cohesion funds. We get to the nub. EUR 65 billion on such programmes in needy western countries in the last few years, but eastern Europe is much poorer than those countries ever were. So these subsidies – for that is what they are – will be taken from those countries still receiving them and from an ever smaller pot as the chill economic winds from the USA reach us.

Unfortunately for all its citizens – the well off and the poor alike – these subsidies are self-defeating for they strip away initiative from people and produce a culture of dependency.

If you really want to help, listen to Professor Buchanan of the London School of Economics. His paper states clearly that ‘to help a poor country, trade is worth six times more than aid’. Will you ever learn that? Or, to put it another way, if, in a poor country, you give a starving man a fish, you feed him for a day. Teach him how to fish and you feed him for life.

  Rolf Berend (PPE-DE). – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Dass dem vierten Kohäsionsbericht eine große politische Bedeutung zukommt, braucht sicherlich hier nicht wiederholt betont zu werden. Ich stimme in allen grundsätzlichen Fragen mit dem Berichterstatter überein und beglückwünsche ihn zu seiner guten Arbeit. So hebt er richtigerweise hervor, dass die zukünftigen Herausforderungen nur bewältigt werden können, wenn die Kohäsionspolitik eine grundlegende Politik der Gemeinschaft bleibt, die ohnehin auch vertraglich verankert ist. Damit wird einer Renationalisierung eine klare Absage erteilt. Voraussetzung dafür ist jedoch ein ausgewogener Kohäsionshaushalt der EU.

Ja, es müssen ausreichend Mittel zur Verfügung stehen, um eine harmonische Entwicklung aller Regionen in der EU gewährleisten zu können und die neuen Herausforderungen zu meistern! Unterschiedliche Auffassung besteht jedoch im Bericht bezüglich der Wortwahl hinsichtlich der Forderung nach finanziellen Ressourcen für die Kohäsionspolitik nach 2013. Ich halte es wie viele meiner Kollegen nicht für richtig, wenn jetzt bereits, 2008, in diesem Bericht prophylaktisch Forderungen nach mehr finanziellen Mitteln für die Zukunft artikuliert werden, nicht zuletzt vor dem Hintergrund, dass wir uns zu Recht des Vorwurfs erwehren müssen, bereits zur Verfügung stehende Mittel nicht immer fristgerecht in vollem Umfang abzurufen.

Im Ausschuss wurde daher eine gute Kompromissformel gefunden, die jedoch nur für den Entschließungstext und nicht für die Erwägungen greift. Daher sollten wir auch bei den Erwägungen nichts Gegenteiliges sagen, sondern mit der Formulierung „ausreichende Mittel für eine ausgewogene Kohäsionspolitik“ kohärent sein.

Es geht letztendlich um Glaubwürdigkeit, dass in der Vergangenheit die Kohäsionspolitik nachhaltige Erfolge erzielen konnte und dies in Zukunft mit ausreichenden Mitteln ebenfalls gewährleistet sein kann, ohne dass wir jetzt schon die Forderung nach mehr finanziellen Mitteln artikulieren. Frau Kommissarin, Sie sprachen in ihrem Eingangsstatement von adäquaten Mitteln für zukünftige Herausforderungen. Das ist eine gute Formulierung!

  Pierre Pribetich (PSE). – Madame le Président, Madame le Commissaire, chers collègues, les mains font la ville, les hommes font la cité. Jean-Jacques Rousseau devait sans doute être un adepte de l'approche intégrée. Cette méthode s'inscrit parfaitement dans cette démarche de faire la cité et non des villes fragmentées, contenue dans la charte de Leipzig et l'agenda territorial.

Je voudrais donc féliciter tous les protagonistes, et notamment Mme Kallenbach, pour l'excellente coopération sur ce dossier. Je salue la portée de ses propositions pour les aspects autant économique, social, qu'environnemental en faveur du développement spatial et de la cohésion territoriale, et je me félicite de l'attention accordée aux propositions d'amélioration du rapport présentées par mon groupe, le PSE.

Porter plus d'attention aux dimensions territoriales et urbaines des politiques européennes, notamment par le biais de plans de développement intégré ainsi qu'une meilleure coopération entre régions urbaines et périphériques, permettra de retirer tous les bienfaits de cette approche intégrée. Mais cette coopération ne doit pas se limiter à cela. Il faut également nourrir la relation, l'articulation, entre les zones rurales, urbaines et périurbaines. À cet égard, je souligne l'importance de stimuler l'attractivité et la compétitivité des zones rurales afin de lutter contre l'exode rural.

S'il fallait mettre en avant les principales avancées de ce rapport, je retiendrais en premier lieu l'urgente nécessité de créer des réseaux de transport multimodaux intégrés et soutenus par l'Europe pour améliorer les infrastructures, et notamment les modes de déplacement doux comme le vélo ou la marche.

Identifier les signes annonciateurs du déclin de certains quartiers, intensifier les efforts en vue de la mise en place d'une politique d'intégration sociale, ces deux volets constituent l'ossature d'une politique publique en vue de réduire efficacement les inégalités et de prévenir l'exclusion sociale.

Placer l'humain au cœur de la construction des politiques d'aménagement en conciliant l'urbain et l'humain, plus particulièrement dans ce contexte de crise du logement – dans une société où tous les individus ne bénéficient pas d'un toit – accorder une attention plus particulière aux logements décents et abordables demeure un impératif, un facteur crucial d'intégration sociale et de qualité de vie citadine, dans un contexte de développement urbain et durable.

C'est pourquoi j'appelle tous mes collègues à voter massivement pour ce rapport, qui démontre une volonté du Parlement européen de s'engager en faveur d'une cohésion territoriale forte, d'une approche intégrée globale, pour faire enfin la cité.

PRESIDE: MIGUEL ANGEL MARTÍNEZ MARTÍNEZ
Vicepresidente

  Elspeth Attwooll (ALDE). – Mr President, it is difficult to single out any one thing from these two excellent reports, but I wish to express particular thanks to Mr Guellec for the extent to which his report addresses the issue of disparities within regions.

For, even in those that can be classified as relatively prosperous overall, there may still be certain groups that are disadvantaged or excluded. This may be a matter of their territorial location. Inhabitants of islands and mountainous and scarcely-populated border and peripheral areas can be cases in point. So, too, can fisheries-dependent communities, particularly when they are to be found in areas of the kind just mentioned. Which is why I, too, very much hope that Parliament will approve Amendments 19 and 20, which seek to reinforce their position.

But disadvantage and exclusion may be at a more distinctly social level. I am thinking of a project back home in Aberdeenshire called Can-Do. It has provided occupation for people with learning difficulties, in sorting cans and bottles for recycling. It lost eligibility for European support when funding for the current period was relocated to parts of the country where deprivation is more widespread. But the people concerned remain just as much at risk of social exclusion as before.

Both examples show that, if we are to target funding at those most in need, we need to develop a more sophisticated approach to quantifying that need. I ask the Commission to pay particular attention to the call in the report for improved statistical tools to allow more accurate measurement of the extent of cohesion and better assessment of the contributions of local actions aimed at achieving it. Such tools would also allow us to pinpoint actual cases of disadvantage and decide how they can best be addressed.

  Andrzej Tomasz Zapałowski (UEN). – Panie Przewodniczący! Polityka spójności, jak podkreślono w sprawozdaniu, jest niezwykle ważnym elementem integracji społeczeństw wewnątrz Unii. Jednakże ciągle mnoży się przeszkody administracyjne i proceduralne, aby regiony o słabej infrastrukturze mogły dostosować się do poziomu regionów rozwiniętych.

Czemu ma służyć tak skomplikowana procedura uruchamiania środków unijnych? Przecież można, na przykład na infrastrukturę drogową, przekazać bezpośrednio środki na odpowiednie szczeble samorządów, które są kontrolowane przez instytucje państw członkowskich. Nie czekało by się na budowę czy remont drogi kilku lat.

Oczywiście inne zasady muszą być w odniesieniu do osób i firm prawnych, czy też stowarzyszeń. Jeżeli chcemy naprawdę coś zrobić w regionach zapóźnionych, to przekażmy samorządom celowe środki do ich budżetów, nawet bez wkładu własnego, gdyż czasami na mały wkład ich nie stać, gdyż są za biedne.

  Jan Olbrycht (PPE-DE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Raport posła Guelleca proponuje stanowisko Parlamentu Europejskiego wobec czwartego raportu spójności. Raport czwarty zawiera informacje i analizy dotyczące efektywności polityki spójności i zgodnie z przyjętą procedurą stanowi de facto pierwszy krok w debacie nad polityką spójności w nowym okresie programowania. Dlatego też raport posła Guelleca zawiera nie tylko opinie w stosunku do analiz, ale formułuje również propozycje.

Debata nad przyszłością polityki spójności musi brać pod uwagę nowe uwarunkowania i nowe wyzwania. Kontynuacja realizacji strategii lizbońskiej, zmiany klimatyczne, zmiany w polityce energetycznej, dostrzeganie konsekwencji procesów migracyjnych powoduje, że przed Unia Europejską stają nowe zadania i powoduje, że trzeba podjąć działania redukujące nowe dysproporcje rozwojowe. I oczywiście pojawia się pytanie, które z tych działań będą finansowane ze wspólnych funduszy, i które będą prowadzone jako polityka unijna.

W debacie nad przyszłością polityki spójności odwołujemy się do debaty na temat przyszłości Unii Europejskiej. Bardzo często mówimy o „unii działań”, o „unii rezultatów” i tej, która powoduje, że jest unia dostrzegana i akceptowana przez swych obywateli.

Równocześnie pojawiają się głosy tak zwanych reformatorów, którzy proponują nowe rozwiązania, jak na przykład renacjonalizacja polityki spójności, która de facto jest zaprzeczeniem polityki solidarności. Pamiętajmy, że państwa członkowskie prowadzą swoją wewnętrzną politykę wyrównywania dysproporcji i prowadzą ją bez względu na finanse europejskie, w oparciu o swoje fundusze, a więc bogatsze państwa prowadzą ją skuteczniej. Natomiast renacjonalizacja oznacza de facto ograniczenie polityki spójności i temu musimy się sprzeciwić. W związku z czym, jeżeli chcemy „unię rezultatów”, „unię działań”, należy wzmocnić politykę spójności.

  Evgeni Kirilov (PSE). – Mr President, the fourth cohesion report provides evidence of the positive effects of EU cohesion policy, so the EU must continue to assist EU regions to achieve economic and social prosperity and convergence.

We are now addressing new challenges, and have agreed that our efforts must be directed towards dealing with these. However, I would like to emphasise a problem we addressed in July 2007 in the form of the resolution adopted on the poorest regions in the EU. Unfortunately, no further attention was given to that important issue. Just as the outermost regions have had a special strategy, we now need priority treatment and a strategic approach for the least prosperous regions, in order to overcome their specific difficulties, which are a combination of socioeconomic problems and territorial and spatial characteristics. I hope the Commissioner will address that issue in her Green Paper.

Therefore, I strongly support the future implementation of cohesion policy in its three dimensions – economic, social and territorial – which could stand as a successful example of the European Union’s solidarity principle.

  Marian Harkin (ALDE). – Mr President, first of all I would like to congratulate both rapporteurs. Mr Guellec’s report highlights the fact that, while there is economic convergence occurring between Member States, there is also a widening of regional and local disparities.

That situation goes to the very heart of cohesion policy and clearly indicates the need to include a significant territorial dimension in all policies, but particularly in the Lisbon Strategy. I have seen this situation occurring in my own country, Ireland, where convergence with the EU average has been achieved – indeed surpassed – but where the economic gap between different regions is widening. It is extremely important that this gap does not continue to widen, and one of the ways of ensuring this is to increase investment in innovation, research and development in those regions that are lagging behind.

I want to thank Mr Guellec for including my suggestion on the importance of social capital in boosting regional economic growth. We are all aware of the role played by physical capital, natural capital and human capital as the basis for economic growth and development. However, social capital, which is the latent resource residing within and among cooperating groups, provides the added value. Data from the UN Handbook, which relates to a very significant number of countries, indicates that the contribution of social capital to economic growth is in the order of 5% of GDP.

Finally, in response to the comment by Mr Clark, who suggests we should have ‘trade not aid’, I would say that in the EU we manage both – trade via the single market and targeted aid where needed. That is the best of both worlds.

  Bogusław Rogalski (UEN). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Zakres sprawozdania jest tak szeroki, że pozwolę sobie zwrócić uwagę tylko na kilka problemów.

Jednym z głównych wyzwań rozwoju Unii jest zbytnie rozprzestrzenianie się zabudowy miejskiej, zużycie energii, transport oraz zmiany demograficzne, jakimi są wyludnienie niektórych obszarów Unii oraz zwiększanie przepaści między obszarami bogatymi a mniej zamożnymi. Dzięki zintegrowanej polityce rozwoju polegającej przed wszystkim na modernizowaniu infrastruktury, podnoszeniu wydajności energetycznej i wprowadzaniu ekologicznego i niedrogiego transportu publicznego, będzie można wprowadzić jeden ze sposobów zapewnienia ciągłości w tym sektorze.

Kolejnym celem owej strategii powinno stać się zwrócenie uwagi na rozwój obszarów wiejskich w celu zwiększenia ich konkurencyjności, a przez to zmniejszenia procesu wyludniania na tych obszarach, co jest tak istotne dla nowych krajów członkowskich. Chciałbym również zwrócić uwagę na wagę współpracy między obszarami miejskimi a wiejskimi w celu promowania wspólnego rozwoju całego terytorium. Istotną rolę w tworzeniu spójności terytorialnej, jak i rozwoju przestrzennego powinien mieć dostęp do informacji i technologii komunikacyjnych, a z tym mamy dzisiaj największy problem.

  Markus Pieper (PPE-DE). – Herr Präsident! Zunächst zum Bericht Kallenbach und zur Charta von Leipzig: Ja, wir müssen auch in der räumlichen Planung stärker in europäischen Zusammenhängen denken. Ob das aber bei der Wohnungspolitik und der Raumplanung auch neue europäische Zuständigkeiten erfordert, dahinter mache ich ein ganz großes Fragezeichen. Zum Bericht Guellec und hier zum Ausblick auf die künftige Strukturpolitik: Die regionalen Herausforderungen durch Globalisierung, Demografie, Klimawandel, Migration – das ist alles treffend beschrieben. Das gilt auch für den politischen Ausblick.

Wir sollten an den bewährten Zielen der Strukturpolitik festhalten, wir sollten sie um diese neuen Komponenten ergänzen. Ich begrüße den integrierenden Ansatz des Berichterstatters auch mit Blick auf die Herausforderungen der Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums. Allerdings müssen wir grundsätzlich stärker den europäischen Mehrwert dieser Programme im Auge haben. Ob bei Kohäsion, Innovation oder der grenzüberschreitenden Förderung – Europa sollte nur dort unterstützen, wo wir auch wirklich einen nachhaltigen europäischen Beitrag leisten können.

Für den Erfolg in der Zukunft müssen wir auch unsere bisherigen Instrumente kritischer unter die Lupe nehmen. Die einmalige betriebliche Subvention schafft keinen europäischen Mehrwert, wohl aber der dauerhafte Ausbau von Forschung, Bildung und Infrastruktur! Nur durch eine stärkere Transparenz des Mitteleinsatzes und durch Hebelwirkungen – etwa über Darlehensfinanzierung und mehr Public Private Partnership – verstärken wir die Effizienz der Strukturpolitik.

Auch weil wir hier unsere Möglichkeiten noch lange nicht ausgeschöpft haben, kann ich eine Forderung des Berichterstatters nicht unterstützen, nämlich die pauschale Forderung nach mehr Geld ab 2014. Erst müssen wir die aktuelle Periode bewerten, erst müssen wir die Instrumente effizienter auf neue Herausforderungen wie Klimawandel und Demografie anpassen, dann können wir einen Beitrag im Haushalt einfordern.

Der jetzt im Bericht geforderte Blankoscheck für die Zukunft ist wirklich keine seriöse Forderung. Bitte unterstützen Sie deshalb in der Abstimmung unseren entsprechenden Änderungsantrag!

  Emanuel Jardim Fernandes (PSE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, gostaria antes de mais de felicitar o relator e a relatora-sombra do meu Grupo, os colegas Ambroise Guellec e Iratxe García, pela qualidade do relatório e abertura ao diálogo no sentido da coesão.

Reconhece o relatório, e bem, o enorme esforço feito (designadamente em Portugal, Espanha, Grécia, Irlanda) no sentido do crescimento e da convergência. Haverá, no entanto, que continuar e aprofundar, visando os Estados mais carentes da solidariedade e coesão, mas também algumas das regiões daqueles Estados, até porque o processo de avaliação de riqueza não poderá ficar dependente apenas do PIB, terá de ser alargado a outros critérios.

Nesse sentido, apresentei contributos que visam reconhecer claramente a insularidade e a ultraperiferia como instrumentos constrangedores do desenvolvimento e, designadamente, de acordo com o artigo 299.°, n.° 2, do Tratado, e como disse a Sra. Comissária Hübner, os problemas da acessibilidade são um dos maiores entraves ao seu desenvolvimento, pelo que importa adaptar as políticas comunitárias por forma a ter em conta este constrangimento decorrente da insularidade e da ultraperiferia.

  Samuli Pohjamo (ALDE). – Arvoisa puhemies, arvoisa komission jäsen, tuon tähän keskusteluun pohjoisen näkökulman. On tärkeää, että pohjoisen pysyvät haitat – pitkät etäisyydet, kylmä ilmasto ja harva asutus – otetaan huomioon tulevaisuudessakin tukea edellyttävinä tekijöinä yhtä lailla kuin vuoristojen ja saaristojen ongelmat.

On myös hyvä muistaa, että pohjoiset alueet tuottavat lisäarvoa muun muassa kaivostoiminnassa, puunjalostuksessa ja matkailussa. Lisäksi pohjoisen tutkimustoiminta ja uuden teknologian sovellukset yliopistojen, yritysten, julkisen sektorin ja kuluttajien yhteistyönä tuottavat jatkuvasti uusia merkittäviä innovaatioita, joista koko Eurooppa hyötyy.

Haluan myös muistuttaa Itämeri-strategian ja pohjoisen ulottuvuuden yhdistämisen mahdollisuuksista muun muassa Barentsin alueen energiavarojen hyödyntämisessä.

Lopuksi haluan onnitella esittelijöitä erittäin hyvistä mietinnöistä ja kiittää komission jäsentä Hübneriä mielenkiinnosta unionin pohjoisinta kolkkaa kohtaan.

  Εμμανουήλ Αγγελάκας (PPE-DE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρία Επίτροπε, θα ήθελα να συγχαρώ και εγώ με τη σειρά μου τους δύο εισηγητές για τις πολύ σημαντικές εκθέσεις τους.

Η πολιτική συνοχής είναι σημαντική γιατί βοήθησε στην οικονομική και κοινωνική ανάπτυξη πολλών περιφερειών. Μείωσε τις αποστάσεις μεταξύ περιφερειών, έφερε περιφέρειες κοντά στον μέσον όρο και μείωσε τις διαφορές μέσα στην ίδια περιφέρεια.

Υπάρχουν ακόμη πολλά που πρέπει να γίνουν. Η ομοιόμορφη ανάπτυξη δεν έχει επιτευχθεί. Υπάρχουν διαφοροποιήσεις που πολλές φορές είναι έντονες. Κάθε σκέψη για επανεθνικοποίηση της πολιτικής συνοχής πρέπει να απορριφθεί. Νέα κράτη μέλη έχουν ενταχθεί με περιφέρειες που απέχουν κατά πολύ από τον μέσο όρο. Ο όρος της εδαφικής συνοχής που περιγράφεται στη Συνθήκη της Λισσαβώνας χρειάζεται επεξεργασία και περαιτέρω ανάλυση.

Τέλος, θα πρέπει να δοθεί ιδιαίτερη προσοχή στις απομονωμένες περιοχές και στις νησιωτικές περιοχές, όπως συμβαίνει στην Ελλάδα, όπου οι πολιτικές συνοχής θα βοηθήσουν σημαντικά τον τοπικό πληθυσμό να παραμείνει στον τόπο κατοικίας του, να έχει εργασία, πρόσβαση στις νέες τεχνολογίες, επαγγελματικές ευκαιρίες και να συγκλίνει προς τον κοινοτικό μέσον όρο.

Για τους λόγους αυτούς θα πρέπει να είναι διασφαλισμένη η αυξημένη χρηματοδότηση – ο όρος στην έκθεση είναι ο σωστός – της πολιτικής συνοχής και για το μετά το 2013 διάστημα. Οι προκλήσεις είναι σημαντικές και δεν θα πρέπει η πολιτική συνοχής να υστερήσει ή να καθυστερήσει λόγω οικονομικής ανεπάρκειας, όταν όλες οι πλευρές αναγνωρίζουν τη χρησιμότητά της.

Κλείνοντας, χαιρετίζω και τις σημερινές δηλώσεις της Επιτρόπου, κυρίας Hübner, και την αποφασιστικότητα της Επιτροπής να προχωρήσει η πολιτική συνοχής, και αναμένουμε με ενδιαφέρον την Πράσινη Βίβλο με τα συμπεράσματα που θα περιέχει.

  Andrzej Jan Szejna (PSE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Zmniejszenie dysproporcji gospodarczych i społecznych między regionami europejskimi jest podstawowym celem Unii Europejskiej. Naszym celem jest realizacja hasła „Europa równych regionów”.

Po ostatnich rozszerzeniach wzmocnienie celu spójności staje się coraz bardziej konieczne, gdyż przy bieżącym tempie wzrostu gospodarczego kraje takie jak: Polska, Bułgaria czy Rumunia będą potrzebowały, według niektórych analiz, ponad piętnaście lat, aby osiągnąć poziom PKB w wysokości 75 % średniej Unii.

Warunkiem zmniejszenia dysproporcji gospodarczych i społecznych miedzy regionami europejskimi jest pełne i zgodne z prawem wspólnotowym wykorzystanie funduszy strukturalnych, w szczególności w nowych krajach członkowskich, które napotykają wiele problemów. Na przykład polskie samorządy terytorialne borykają się ostatnio z problemami wynikającymi z coraz słabszego kursu euro w stosunku do polskiego złotego, co powoduje realne zmniejszenie środków unijnych na realizację już zatwierdzonych projektów regionalnych.

Ponadto koszty pracy i środków produkcji w Europie ciagle rosną, co powoduje wzrost kosztów inwestycji finansowanych ze środków unijnych oraz prowadzi do realnego ograniczenia wielkości tych środków i zagraża w konsekwencji realizacji wielu projektów unijnych.

  Sérgio Marques (PPE-DE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, caros Colegas, em primeiro lugar uma palavra para o excelente trabalho realizado pelo colega Guellec e para a forma inteligente e determinada como realçou e defendeu a valorização e o reforço após 2013 de uma política de solidariedade para com as regiões europeias.

Na verdade, com este relatório, mais do que a avaliação sobre o impacto da política de coesão nos anos 2000-2006, abrimos o debate sobre que política de coesão queremos para o pós-2013. Assim, em consonância, deixo uma nota sobre o presente e três sobre o futuro.

Uma primeira nota para referir que, tal como o quarto relatório demonstra, a política de coesão continua a revelar-se essencial para reduzir a disparidade entre os níveis de desenvolvimento das diversas regiões e o atraso das regiões mais desfavorecidas, ou seja, para produzirmos uma União Europeia mais harmoniosa, solidária e viável. Mas é bom não esquecermos que, para além deste objectivo essencial, a política de coesão tem contribuído decisivamente quer para a realização e aprofundamento do mercado interno, quer para o sucesso dos sucessivos alargamentos, quer para a criação e consolidação da moeda única, quer para uma crescente identificação dos cidadãos com a União Europeia.

Uma segunda nota para referir que a política de coesão tem agora que renovar o seu papel, enriquecida e reforçada pela nova dimensão da coesão territorial consagrada no Tratado de Lisboa, valorizando a diversidade e a complementaridade dos territórios e apostando decididamente num desenvolvimento policêntrico da União Europeia.

O relatório da Sra. Kallenbach, a quem também felicito, dá-nos boas pistas neste sentido.

Uma terceira nota para referir que a política de coesão tem de, cada vez mais, enquadrar e responder aos desafios, como são aqueles representados pela globalização, migrações, envelhecimento demográfico, alterações climáticas, diversificação energética, investigação e desenvolvimento tecnológico. Daí ser coerente falar em meios acrescidos para uma política regional reforçada.

Por último, uma perspectiva renovada para as regiões ultraperiféricas será necessária, de modo a garantir que estas possam continuar a sentir-se confortáveis no espaço europeu. Será imperioso encontrar novas respostas para problemas sérios, como o isolamento e o défice de acessibilidade e as desvantagens competitivas a que estas regiões têm de fazer face.

  Gábor Harangozó (PSE). – Köszönöm szépen, elnök úr! Tisztelt biztos asszony, kedves kollégák. Gratulálok Kallenbach asszonynak és Guellec úrnak a kiváló jelentéseikhez, mindkét jelentés a kohéziós politikáról szóló vita mérföldköve.

Jelentős különbségek vannak régióink fejlettsége között, de ha mélyebbre nézünk, a régiókon belül egyes térségek között még nagyobb szakadékok vannak. A vidéki szegénység felszámolását, a leszakadó térségek felzárkóztatását az agrárpolitika keretében nem sikerült megfelelően kezelni. Ezen a téren sokkal nagyobb erőfeszítésekre van szükség egy megújított, integrált kohéziós politika keretében, ami képes az elszegényedő térségekben megfordítani a negatív folyamatokat.

A kohézió és a versenyképesség erősítése közötti szinergiát erősíteni kell, ezek nem lehetnek egymásnak alárendelve. Új kihívások jelentek meg, mint az elöregedés vagy éppen az energiahatékonyság, klímaváltozás kérdése, amelyekkel szintén foglalkoznunk kell. Éppen ezért elengedhetetlen a kohéziós politika megerősítése, és el kell utasítanunk annak nemzeti szintre helyezését. Ha a szolidaritást, a kohéziót tesszük az európai projekt szívébe, akkor lesz igazán erős, versenyképes az Unió. Köszönöm figyelmüket.

  Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE-DE). – Vážené kolegyne, vážení kolegovia, premyslený a zodpovedný rozvoj mestských oblastí sa ukazuje ako mimoriadne dôležitý, predovšetkým zoči-voči výzvam ako je preťaženie mestských dopravných sietí, škody na životnom prostredí a zástavba pôdy. Preto veľmi oceňujem prijatie územnej agendy a Lipskej charty.

Mestá majú osobitnú zodpovednosť za ochranu klímy, tá by mala byť prioritou na všetkých úrovniach politiky. Pomôcť vyriešiť zlú dopravnú situáciu a znížiť globálne emisie spôsobujúce skleníkový efekt by mohli mestá napríklad prepájaním rôznych druhov dopravy a budovaním infraštruktúry pre cyklistov a chodcov. Takisto by som chcel mestám navrhnúť, aby uprednostňovali energeticky úsporné stavby a aby namiesto zastavovania nových plôch využívali už existujúce stavby na nové účely.

Rád by som zdôraznil, že v kohéznej politike sú úspešné nielen metropolitné regióny, ale aj periférne a vidiecke územia. Preto vyzývam Komisiu, aby sledovala tieto úspešné projekty a na základe toho vypracovala model rozvoja pre menšie a stredne veľké mestá mimo metropoly. Pre Európu je na relatívne malom území typická aj geografická rozmanitosť. Treba preto dbať na územné špecifiká a z toho vyplývajúce rozdiely a možnosť poskytnúť ľuďom v rôznych regiónoch príležitosť využiť osobitné možnosti a potenciál územia, ktoré obývajú. Za veľmi dôležité pokladám aj, aby sme medzi ciele našej politiky zaradili potrebu riešiť územné otázky týkajúce sa aj ostrovov, hornatých, hraničných a riedko osídlených oblastí, aby sa aj tam zlepšila kvalita života obyvateľov, ktorí tam žijú.

Na záver svojho vystúpenia by som rád podčiarkol, že je potrebné, aby bola v mestskom rozvoji uplatňovaná celostná a dobre koordinovaná stratégia, aby ju podporovali všetky úrovne vládneho ale aj súkromného sektora.

  Miloš Koterec (PSE). – Ďakujem pán predseda. Štvrtú kohéznu správu a správu pani Kallenbach a pána Guelleca diskutujeme v období, kedy sa začínajú vynárať prvé námety na tvorbu rozpočtového plánu 2014 – 2020.

Ja by som rád spojil a zdôraznil prepojenie týchto tém. Neobávam sa, že by sa položka na kohéznu politiku vytratila z budúceho plánu, ale na druhej strane by som bol nerád, aby sa v budúcom rozpočtovom období akokoľvek znížila váha tejto položky. Navyše ako správne konštatujú spravodajcovia, veľké regionálne rozdiely vrátane štrukturálnych problémov pretrvávajú, a keďže sa táto situácia rozšírením zhoršila, je potrebné sa zamyslieť nad posilnením tejto kapitoly v rozpočte.

Ako správne uvádzajú správy, situácia je tak komplexná, že ju nemôžeme vyriešiť z úrovne Komisie. Dôležitú úlohu tu zohrávajú vlády členských štátov, ale čím ďalej, tým viac je zrejmé, že bez zaangažovania regionálnych a lokálnych administratív sa problém nepodarí vyriešiť. Ich úloha spočíva nielen v možnosti a synergii s vládou rozhodovať o rozvojových otázkach na svojom území, ale aj zodpovednosti za tento rozvoj a v neposlednom rade aj v poskytovaní spätnej väzby za rozvoj a kohéziu, ako sa rozvoj a kohézia vyvíjajú.

Kto môže poskytnúť viac informácii o skutočnom rozvoji v regióne, ak nie ľudia, ktorí v ňom žijú. Aj preto vyzývam Komisiu, aby zaradila do svojho monitorovania nielen makroekonomické ukazovatele, ale bola kreatívna a vychádzala aj z takých informácií...

(Predseda odobral slovo rečníkovi)

  James Nicholson (PPE-DE). – Mr President, first of all I would like to give my congratulations to the rapporteurs for their excellent reports. I would also like to say that I understand the passion of Members from the new Member States. I know that it is far from easy to satisfy your constituents back in your own Member State, but you are now part of the European Union and, as such, like the rest of us, you will at times not get everything that you would like or want.

I have to say to those who are merely playing on words that the difference between increased resources and sufficient resources is very small indeed. I certainly will be supporting the wording of ‘sufficient resources’.

Sometimes it is wise to recognise what you have achieved and bank it. I personally support the use at this time of the word ‘sufficient’, especially when many of the funds in those areas have not been spent. I only wish that my own region was half as lucky – we never were – in achieving such help. We are now even as far behind as some of the countries were that we are talking about.

  Σταύρος Αρναουτάκης (PSE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρία Επίτροπε, με τις δύο αυτές εκθέσεις θα ήθελα και εγώ να συγχαρώ τους εισηγητές για την εξαίρετη δουλειά τους.

Το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο, για μια ακόμη φορά, επιβεβαιώνει την ξεκάθαρη θέση του για τη σημασία και το ρόλο της πολιτικής συνοχής, την πολιτική που φέρνει την Ευρώπη πιο κοντά στον πολίτη. Μια πολιτική με ξεκάθαρη προστιθέμενη αξία για ολόκληρη την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση που, στο μέλλον, όχι μόνο θα πρέπει να διατηρηθεί αλλά και να ενισχυθεί με τους απαραίτητους πόρους.

Και οι δύο εκθέσεις περιέχουν σημεία προς αυτή την κατεύθυνση. Θα ήθελα να αναφέρω τη σημασία:

- της εταιρικής σχέσης με τη συμμετοχή όλων των επιπέδων και, ιδιαίτερα, των τοπικών φορέων,

- της συνέργειας των κοινοτικών πολιτικών και ιδιαίτερα της πολιτικής συνοχής με την πολιτική ανάπτυξης της υπαίθρου,

- του σχεδιασμού πολιτικών και δράσεων που προωθούν την πολυκεντρική ανάπτυξη των εδαφών της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, με ιδιαίτερη έμφαση την ύπαιθρο,

- του σημαντικού ρόλου που μπορούν να διαδραματίσουν οι μικρές και μεσαίες πόλεις και, τέλος,

- της καταπολέμησης των ενδοπεριφερειακών ανισοτήτων, της ανεργίας των νέων αλλά και των υψηλών ποσοστών φτώχειας που καταγράφονται σε πολλές περιφέρειες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.

  Румяна Желева (PPE-DE). – Независимо от съществуващите различни гледни точки, трябва да припомним за какво е създадена кохезионната политика и какви са нейните цели, а именно, тя въплъщава надеждите за повече благоденствие и по-добро общоевропейско бъдеще.

Всички европейци се стремят към по-добър живот и кохезионната политика е инструментът, който ще ги подкрепи в техните усилия. Да не забравяме, че в рамките на Европейския съюз има много различия, а в същото време тенденцията е финансовите ресурси да намаляват.

Затова вярвам, че е абсолютно необходимо да се усилва и укрепва кохезионната политика. Същевременно смятам, че е полезно да осигурим нейното оптимално прилагане. Някои от процедурите и правилата все още са прекалено комплексни и поради това вероятно - неефективни. Процедура като една генерална ревизия на кохезионната политика може би ще допринесе за цялостното подобрение и ще е от полза за всички европейци.

Накрая бих искала да подчертая важната роля на кохезионната политика за най-слаборазвитите райони. Гражданите, живеещи там, вярват в подкрепата на ЕС. Нека не ги разочароваме.

  Jamila Madeira (PSE). – Senhor Presidente, caros Colegas, a política de coesão, uma política comunitária por excelência, tem um papel primordial na afirmação de uma Europa solidária, próxima dos cidadãos, de todos e para todos. Esta é a manifestação clara da importância da União no dia-a-dia de cada um dos cidadãos europeus.

O alargamento a 27 trouxe alterações na natureza, e as metas que a Europa agora se propõe são diferentes daquelas que estiveram na sua génese. Os desafios a que agora devemos responder, como a globalização, o decréscimo demográfico, a desertificação de certas regiões ou as alterações climáticas, conjugadas com o aumento da frequência e dimensão das catástrofes naturais, são muito mais exigentes e exigem um maior esforço da nossa parte.

A inovação também impôs novas metas a esta política, que agora, embora com mais desafios e numa União maior, não viu a sua fatia orçamental aumentar proporcionalmente. Mas adaptou-se, adaptou-se em nome da solidariedade, o que levou a que, por exemplo, regiões que estavam antes no Objectivo 1, passassem a ser consideradas regiões ricas e não elegíveis devido ao efeito estatístico.

É urgente, por isso, garantir que estreitamos as disparidades, tendo acesso a uma base orçamental adequada e sem necessidade de abandonar à sua sorte algumas regiões desta vasta União.

A aprovação do Tratado de Lisboa reforçou isso mesmo, veio inscrever definitivamente nas tábuas da lei a coesão territorial, o que se reveste da maior importância em termos de política de coesão. É fundamental que se aborde esta política, não só numa vertente económica e social, mas que a solidariedade entre as regiões …

(O Presidente retira a palavra ao orador)

  Catherine Stihler (PSE). – Mr President, I welcome the opportunity to speak briefly on the future of cohesion policy, which is of crucial importance to old and new Member States alike.

I work closely with Scottish local government bodies on their concerns, and was delighted that the Convention of Scottish Local Authorities (COSLA) recently welcomed the draft EU Treaty as far as local government is concerned. The Treaty recognises the principle of local self-government, as well as that of territorial cohesion.

It was no surprise to me that regional policy was among the five key areas recently raised with me by the COSLA. In the context of reduced EU structural monies and funds, regional development monies must be better targeted – as many speakers have said – at local areas and local authorities, which must be the key deliverers of those funds. The Guellec report reinforces the role of local authorities in delivering Structural Funds – after all, we forget at our peril that all politics are local.

  Maria Petre (PPE-DE). – Domnule Preşedinte, doamnă comisar, rapoartele pe care le dezbatem şi pentru care îi felicit pe ambii raportori pun câteva probleme extrem de importante, în opinia mea: cea a parteneriatelor între zonele urbane şi cele rurale, pentru dezvoltarea echilibrată şi durabilă a teritoriului în ansamblu, problema extinderii haotice a aşezărilor urbane care generează fragmentarea peisajului, dar şi pierderea continuă a terenului.

Toate acestea, alături de schimbările climatice, de depopularea zonelor rurale, sunt provocări de care suntem obligaţi să ţinem cont atât noi la nivel european, cât şi administraţiile locale care gestionează aceste politici.

Ca deputat român, susţin puternic ideea că nu doar zonele metropolitane deţin potenţial de inovaţie şi rog Comisia să lucreze mai intens pentru elaborarea unui model de dezvoltare pentru oraşele mici şi mijlocii din zonele rurale.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg (PSE). – Dziękuję, Panie Przewodniczący! Czwarte sprawozdanie w sprawie spójności gospodarczej i społecznej jest bardziej szczegółowe niż poprzednie, opiera się na wielu wskaźnikach i dostarcza użytecznych danych porównawczych, także w odniesieniu do takich krajów, jak Stany Zjednoczone, Japonia, Chiny czy Indie.

Polityka spójności od początku swego istnienia odgrywa ważną rolę w umacnianiu zdolności wszystkich państw członkowskich do harmonijnego rozwoju oraz tworzenia nowych i stałych miejsc pracy. Chociaż jest zbyt wcześnie na ocenę rezultatów polityki spójności w nowych państwach Unii, niepokoją jednak widoczne już w tych krajach opóźnienia w wykorzystywaniu dotychczasowych środków strukturalnych. Konwergencja pomiędzy krajami często maskuje pogłębianie się różnic między regionami i wewnątrz regionów. Wzrost dysproporcji regionalnych i lokalnych występuje w wielu dziedzinach, zarówno w obszarze zatrudnienia, jak i produkcyjności, dochodów, poziomu wykształcenia oraz potencjału innowacyjnego.

Integracja społeczna i polityka równych szans muszą być uwzględniane na każdym etapie realizacji projektów w zakresie spójności. Mam nadzieję, że przyszły przegląd ram finansowych zapewni odpowiednie środki budżetowe, niezbędne do sprostania ambitnym wyzwaniom nowej polityki spójności w poszerzonej Unii, zapewniając wszystkim obywatelom...

(Przewodniczący odebrał mówcy głos.)

  Daniel Dăianu (ALDE). – Mr President, I commend both reports, but would at the same time like to draw attention to a contrasting view, linking industrial relocation inside the EU and structural and cohesion fund policy.

Structural Funds can be seen as an overall subsidy provided by the EU to the less developed areas. Should we understand that this regional cohesion policy is questioned by leading politicians in leading EU Member States? What should happen? Should areas in the less developed Member States of the EU stop the development of infrastructure for fear of being accused of unfair competition?

I refer to a Financial Times article published the Monday before last, to the effect that a market economy should not be a jungle. Public policies do have a role to play, and not only for social reasons. However, we should keep our poise because there is no infallible local or national economy in this world, and however much we believe in social justice, not all citizens can always be winners at the same time, in the same place and all the time.

  Antonio De Blasio (PPE-DE). – Köszönöm szépen a szót, elnök úr, biztos asszony. A kohéziós politika fontosságához és sikeréhez nem fér kétség. Azt hiszem, hogy ezt a jelentés alátámasztja, amihez gratulálok a jelentéstevőknek.

Célja a valós felzárkóztatás megteremtése, azonban elengedhetetlen, hogy az erre szánt összegek hatékonyan kerüljenek felhasználásra. Meggyőződésem szerint nem önmagában az a tény tesz egy megvalósításra váró projektet értékessé, hogy anyagilag mekkora összeget szánunk rá, hanem az értéke abban rejlik, hogy mennyire hatékony.

A hatékonyság kétféleképpen mérhető: abban, hogy hogyan szolgálja a felzárkózást, és adott pénzösszegek mennyire jól vannak felhasználva összehasonlíthatóan egyes országokban. Hiszen nem fordulhat elő az, hogy egy tagországban adott projektre sokszorosát fordítsák, mint egy másikra. Ennek a mérésére hívom fel a figyelmet és a jövőben arra, hogy a hatékonyság alapozza meg azt, hogy a kohéziós politikát megerősíthessük. Köszönöm szépen.

  Wolfgang Bulfon (PSE). – Herr Präsident! Wann braucht der Bürger die Solidarität Europas? Wann braucht der Mitgliedstaat die Solidarität Europas? Doch in erster Linie im Katastrophenfall. Deswegen ist es für mich unverständlich, dass ein vom Parlament 2006 gefasster Beschluss, den Solidaritätsfonds zu adaptieren – wie in Punkt 45 des Kohäsionsberichts angeführt wird – bis heute nicht umgesetzt wurde. Ich bitte also alle, das Parlament und die Kommission, auf den Rat einzuwirken, diese Frage sehr schnell einer Lösung zuzuführen, denn die nächste Katastrophe kommt garantiert.

  Zita Pleštinská (PPE-DE). – Úspešné uplatňovanie kohéznej politiky si vyžaduje akcieschopných miestnych aktérov, ktorí dokážu skoncentrovať svoje sily a európske peniaze využiť naplno. Z tohto dôvodu by mali členské štáty decentralizovať riadenie, posilniť administratívne kapacity na regionálnej úrovni, znížiť nadmernú byrokraciu spojenú s riadením kohéznej politiky.

Delením sídiel na kohézne a inovačné póly, ktoré prináša jednoznačné výhody a efekty pre väčšie a s nimi susediace sídla, môže síce objaviť viaceré integračné zóny, ale absentuje tu účinná, jednoduchá a plošná podpora menších sídiel. Na Slovensku z viacerých operačných programov a politiky súdržnosti vypadne množstvo obcí, ktoré majú počet obyvateľov pod 2000 a nevýhodnú geografickú polohu.

Vyzývam členské štáty, aby zabezpečili nediskriminačný systém pre všetky svoje regióny, aby všetci mohli aktívne participovať na uplatňovaní politiky súdržnosti.

  Reinhard Rack (PPE-DE). – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin! Ich bin der Berichterstatter für das Thema urban mobility. In unseren Überlegungen spielt die Frage des Verhältnisses Stadt und Umlandgemeinden eine besonders große Rolle. Wir sind uns auch der Tatsache bewusst, dass die neuen Mitgliedstaaten hier vor allem große Probleme haben, die Infrastruktur so zu organisieren, dass wir bei umweltfreundlicheren Verkehrsmitteln bleiben und nicht alles wieder auf den Pkw umstrukturieren. Darf ich in diesem Zusammenhang ausdrücklich bitten, dass uns die Kommission im Rahmen ihrer regionalpolitischen Möglichkeiten bei diesem Thema des Stadtumlandverkehrs und der sozialen Kohäsion in den neuen Mitgliedstaaten hilft, Lösungen zu suchen und zu finden.

  Danuta Hübner, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, I would like to take this opportunity at the end of the debate to thank Members for all their contributions. There are many points to which I cannot respond now, owing to the lack of time, but which I will take with me. These include the concerns expressed with regard to small and medium-sized towns, as well as the issue raised about urban transport development.

There is a clear link between the past and the future in your reports. You are in fact building a bridge, which is why I would like to say a few words on the stage reached in the public consultations on the future of European cohesion policy. We launched those consultations at the end of September 2007, and to date more than 100 well-elaborated statements and opinions have been submitted, not only by national, regional and local governments, but also by a number of European spatial planning associations, as well as economic and social partners, academics, research institutions and private citizens.

At the request of one of the governments, we have extended the consultations until mid-February, because there are still opinions being prepared.

A preliminary assessment of those opinions clearly shows there is overwhelming and impressive support for the policy. The direct impact on growth and development is pointed to, as is the fact that this is a policy that triggers new ways of thinking and also performs a very effective leverage role by attracting additional financial resources.

There is strong interest in the delivery mechanism and broad support for all the principles we have jointly developed with the European Parliament in recent years.

There is also strong support for the need for this policy to respond to the challenges that you have been discussing today, and which are linked not only to globalisation, but also to demography, climate and energy, and restructuring in general, with strong support for the integrated approach.

One of the issues of importance you have raised today is how we will proceed with the Green Paper, which will be adopted by the Commission in September. We will then have a broad period – probably of four months – for discussion in all formats, not only on the web. In the mean time, our services are organising a meeting with the key stakeholders for mid-April. This will help us to take into account further views.

I would be prepared, if there is such a need, to organise a hearing with Parliament’s Committee on Regional Development and with any other institution interested in sharing with us its views on the Green Paper, ahead of its adoption by the Commission.

Another issue raised, which is also a concern for the Commission, was that of statistics and indicators. Through our analytical institution, ESPON, which we have strengthened very substantially, including financially, for the years to come, and which now has a significantly higher budget, we will endeavour to measure some of the new dimensions and some of the existing dimensions of territorial cohesion. That work is ongoing, and we hope to have the results soon.

I can assure you that the Commission will also continue to look into appropriate indicators to complement both the GDP and employment indicators, and will in the Fifth Cohesion Report propose a new composite type of indicator.

Thank you very much for all your comments. I would especially like to thank the rapporteurs for their contributing to the debate – not just in the past, but also in the future.

  Ambroise Guellec, rapporteur. − Monsieur le Président, je serai bref. Tout d'abord, concernant les observations faites sur les amendements présentés par la commission de la pêche, je dis tout de suite, ici, que la pêche est chère à mon cœur d'élu littoral mais que, malheureusement, nous ne sommes pas parvenus à intégrer les amendements de la commission dans le texte qui va être proposé au vote tout à l'heure. Nous le regrettons, mais je pense que ceci n'enlève rien à l'attention qui doit être portée à ce secteur très important pour certaines régions de l'Union.

Je voudrais dire, d'autre part, que la cohésion est une grande politique européenne. Je crois qu'elle était très présente dans cette Assemblée ce matin également. C'est important notamment pour les travaux futurs. Mme la commissaire disait tout à l'heure que nous opérons un constat, mais ce qui nous intéresse évidemment c'est l'avenir. Elle a pu constater que l'attente est très grande sur la cohésion territoriale, ce que ça représente dès le moment où c'est dans le traité de Lisbonne. On peut dire que la balle est maintenant dans le camp de la Commission, avec notre concours et notre soutien, Madame la Commissaire, bien entendu. Il faut que ce travail soit fait et bien fait, ensemble.

Je voudrais ajouter que le fait que tout ce domaine de la politique régionale sera maintenant en codécision Conseil-Parlement, nous aidera, je pense, à avancer ensemble, d'abord dans la visibilité pour nos concitoyens – et je crois que cela a été beaucoup souligné ce matin également –, et aussi pour qu'une vraie solidarité s'exerce au bénéfice des territoires qui en ont le plus besoin, deux sujets de préoccupations évoqués très fortement ce matin.

Nous avons donc énormément de travail devant nous. Nous nous en réjouissons pour cette politique essentielle pour l'Union européenne.

  Gisela Kallenbach, Berichterstatterin. − Herr Präsident! Auch ich möchte mich bedanken für die wertvollen Beiträge und die Unterstützung der vielen Kollegen. Ich denke, es ist deutlich geworden, dass wir einerseits an dem wichtigen europäischen Gut der Solidarität festhalten, dass wir andererseits unsere Instrumente — hier also die Kohäsionspolitik — viel effizienter und konkret auf wirklich nachhaltige Entwicklung ausgerichtet nutzen, und dass wir drittens wirklich mit den Bürgern von Anbeginn an kommunizieren müssen.

Frau Hübner, an Sie einen besonderen Dank! Sie haben deutlich gemacht, dass es Ihnen mit uns um konkrete Schritte geht. Um den integrierten Ansatz, Indikatoren, die messbare Ergebnisse zeigen, die Definition der territorialen Dimension, das Grünbuch. Frau Hübner, ich denke, wir werden Sie besonders brauchen, um den Rat mit an Bord zu haben. Ich bedaure nochmals, dass niemand vom Rat bei dieser wichtigen Aussprache anwesend ist.

Die Schlussfolgerungen dieser beiden Berichte müssen zur Veränderung der Lissabon-Strategie führen und müssen das neue Gemeinschaftsziel, die territoriale Dimension, tatsächlich auch konkret untermauern, sonst bleiben das nur leere Worte.

Ein letzter Appell an meine Kolleginnen und Kollegen vor der Abstimmung: Lassen Sie uns wirklich konkret sein, nicht nur prüfen und wieder analysieren, lassen Sie es uns als Bedingung setzen, dass wir den integrierten Ansatz für eine Förderung mit Mitteln aus dem Strukturfonds fordern, und dass wir auch klare Verpflichtungen bei der Reduzierung der Treibhausgase vorgeben. Klimaschutz muss in den Städten umgesetzt werden, sonst bleiben alle unsere Verpflichtungen auf europäischer oder nationaler Ebene wertlos.

  El Presidente. − Se cierra el debate.

Los informes se someterán a votación en el turno de votaciones que comienza dentro de unos minutos.

Declaraciones por escrito (artículo 142 del Reglamento)

  Filip Kaczmarek (PPE-DE), na piśmie. – Szanowni Państwo! Polityka spójności społeczno-gospodarczej jest podstawą europejskiej solidarności. To jest ta część polityki europejskiej, której najbardziej zazdroszczą nam inne inicjatywy regionalnej integracji na całym świecie. Unikalność europejskiego projektu w dużej mierze bazuje właśnie na idei spójności.

W przypadku inicjatyw regionalnych w Afryce czy Ameryce Południowej nie ma pieniędzy nawet na namiastkę polityki spójności. Często przez pryzmat zdolności do prowadzenia skutecznych działań na rzecz zwiększenia spójności oceniamy plany rozszerzenia Unii. Można z całą pewnością stwierdzić, iż polityka spójności jest wielkim sukcesem Unii i wszystkich krajów członkowskich.

Nie ulega też wątpliwości, że Unia jest oceniana przez własnych obywateli na podstawie ich oceny tego, czy polityka spójności jest realizowana i czy osiąga zakładane cele. W wielu państwach członkowskich, szczególnie tych z krótkim stażem w UE, polityka spójności jest nośnikiem olbrzymich nadziei. Nadziei, że solidarność nie jest tylko pięknym słowem, ale konkretnym zobowiązaniem wobec tych, dla których los był mniej łaskawy. Spójność jest też instrumentem wyrównywania szans i fantastyczną reklamą Unii.

Dlatego właśnie nie powinniśmy rozważać ograniczenia środków finansowych przeznaczanych na zwiększanie spójności społeczno-gospodarczej. Wręcz przeciwnie, należałoby rozważyć zwiększenie środków pieniężnych na spójność. Wynika to chociażby z faktu pojawiania się nowych i narastających wyzwań. Dziękuję bardzo.

  Janusz Lewandowski (PPE-DE), na piśmie. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Polityka spójności nie należy do polityk źródłowych, towarzyszących wspólnocie europejskiej od czasu jej narodzin. Narodziła się nieprzypadkowo, w okresie przyjmowania do Unii Europejskiej krajów relatywnie mniej rozwiniętych, zatem mniej spójnych z obszarem 6-ciu krajów założycielskich. Od tej pory spójność nabierała znaczenia, stając się traktatowym i budżetowym filarem integracji europejskiej. Świadectwem tego jest przeznaczenie na spójność ponad 308 mld euro w ramach perspektywy finansowej 2007-2013.

Od pewnego czasu ujawnia się tendencja do kwestionowania tej fundamentalnej polityki unijnej. Paradoksalnie, ma to miejsce w czasie, gdy UE poszerzają państwa Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, które z przyczyn historycznych mają największy dystans do nadrobienia. Dlatego nie proponuje się wprost likwidacji polityki spójności, lecz jej zasadnicze przeorientowanie, szermując hasłem marnotrawienia funduszy strukturalnych i nadużyć w tym obszarze. Nic bardziej fałszywego! Nieprawidłowości należy ujawniać i eliminować, ale właśnie polityka regionalna czyni Unię widoczną we wszystkich 27 krajach! Spójność, czyli budowanie zwartości i wyrównywanie szans, nie może wyręczać innych polityk, które powinny być wyposażone w własne linie budżetowe - np. konkurencyjność czy przeciwdziałanie ociepleniu klimatu. Ocenę tego, co powinno być finansowane w ramach spójności należy pozostawić państwom i regionom, które lepiej znają własne potrzeby aniżeli administracja w Brukseli!

  Rareş-Lucian Niculescu (PPE-DE), în scris. – Raportul Comisiei face referire la depopularea zonelor rurale, pe fondul absenţei locurilor de muncă în afara agriculturii sau datorită condiţiilor precare de viaţă.

Fondul de Dezvoltare Rurală contribuie, alături de celelalte fonduri, la coeziunea economică şi socială. Utilizarea eficientă a fondurilor pentru dezvoltare rurală constituie o soluţie binevenită pentru aceste probleme.

Însă condiţia eficienţei în utilizarea acestor fonduri este o bună cunoaştere de către potenţialii beneficiari a oportunităţilor de finanţare oferite.

Accesul la informaţie este cu atât mai important în noile state membre, care nu sunt încă deprinse cu utilizarea instrumentelor comunitare de finanţare.

Vreau să ofer un exemplu din România, statul pe care îl reprezint: potrivit unui studiu, jumătate dintre locuitorii din mediul rural nu ştiu nimic despre existenţa fondurilor care le sunt destinate şi doar un cetăţean din zece ştie cărei instituţii ar trebui să se adreseze pentru accesarea acestora. Este regretabil faptul că Guvernul României nu a depus suficiente eforturi pentru informarea cetăţenilor, în acelaşi timp este evident că nimeni nu poate suplini munca Guvernului român.

Consider totuşi că asigurarea unui acces corespunzător la informaţie, pregătirea viitorilor beneficiari ar trebui să constituie o problemă importantă pe agenda Comisiei, ca premisă pentru utilizarea eficientă a instrumentelor destinate coeziunii.

  Richard Seeber (PPE-DE), schriftlich. – Die Erweiterung der EU am 1. Mai 2004 hat die wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Unterschiede innerhalb der EU vergrößert. Im Jänner dieses Jahres ist eine neue Programmperiode der Kohäsionspolitik angelaufen. Diese wird sich auf neue Prioritäten bzw. Ziele konzentrieren: Umweltschutz, Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und die Schaffung von mehr und besseren Arbeitsplätzen.

Die EU-Kohäsionspolitik soll in vier Einzelprogrammen dazu beitragen, dass Europa und seine Regionen noch wettbewerbsfähiger werden, zum Beispiel durch Innovation, Aufbau der Wissensgesellschaft und Stärkung der wirtschaftlichen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit. Außerdem soll die Attraktivität der Regionen für Investoren und Bewohner durch eine nachhaltige regionale Entwicklung verbessert werden. Es sollen bessere und vor allem mehr Arbeitsplätze geschaffen werden und die Regionen zur Förderung von Möglichkeiten und zur Verringerung von Unterschieden weiterentwickelt werden. Mit der Erweiterung der EU müssen nun auch die EU-Mittel auf 27 Staaten aufgeteilt werden. Die Gelder müssen daher besser, effizienter und transparenter eingesetzt werden.

Was die finanziellen Rahmenbedingungen betrifft, hat der Europäische Rat für den Zeitraum 2007 - 2013 307,6 Milliarden Euro bereitgestellt. Das ist viel Geld. Wichtig ist, dass auch Regionen mit Entwicklungsproblemen in reichen Mitgliedstaaten wie Österreich fairen Anteil an Fördergeldern haben. Insbesondere Bergregionen müssen weiter gefördert werden.

  László Surján (PPE-DE), írásban. – Az Európai Parlament, miközben áttekinti a felzárkóztatási politika elmúlt három évét, és lát örvendetes jelenségeket, de kijavítandó hibákat is, nemcsak visszafelé, hanem előre is tekint.

Annak érdekében, hogy az elmaradt régiók fejlődése felgyorsuljon, két dolgon kell változtatnunk. Sokkal nagyobb figyelmet kell fordítanunk a programok hatékonyságára, beleértve a helyben előállított értékek mennyiségének növelését is. (Ehhez kapcsolódva további elméleti munkára is szükség van, hogy az eredményeket pontosabban lehessen értékelni.) Nem hallgathatunk viszont arról, hogy a támogatásokkal hatékonyan élni tudó, korrupciótól és politikai befolyástól mentes programok számára a 2013 utáni időszakban a jelenleginél több forrást kell biztosítanunk.

Az elmaradt térségek gyorsabb felzárkóztatása nem csupán az ott élőknek, hanem a szükséges forrásokat biztosító fejlettebb térségekben élő polgároknak is érdeke. Kérem ezért, hogy képviselőtársaim ebben a tekintetben is a jelentéstevő tanácsait kövessék, és ne változtassanak a beterjesztés szövegén.

(La sesión, interrumpida a las 11.55 horas en espera del turno de votaciones, se reanuda a las 12.05 horas)

VORSITZ: HANS-GERT PÖTTERING
Präsident

4. Време за гласуване

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgt die Abstimmungsstunde.

(Abstimmungsergebnisse und sonstige Einzelheiten der Abstimmung: siehe Protokoll)

4.1. (A6-0462/2007, Monica Frassoni) Двадесет и трети годишен доклад на Комисията относно упражняването на контрол на прилагането на правото на Общността (вот)

– Vor der Abstimmung über Änderungsantrag 2

  Monica Frassoni, relatrice. − Signor Presidente, io mi chiedo se non sarebbe opportuno in questo caso, poiché si tratta di emendamenti che abbiamo concordato fra vari gruppi, fare un voto in blocco di questi emendamenti, a meno che non ci sia un'opposizione da parte del Parlamento.

(Das Parlament stimmt zu.)

4.2. (A6-0491/2007, André Brie) Акредитация и наблюдение на пазара във връзка с пускането на продукти на пазара (вот)

4.3. (A6-0490/2007, Christel Schaldemose) Oбща рамка за пускането на продукти на пазара (вот)

4.4. (A6-0489/2007, Alexander Stubb) Прилагане на някои национални технически правила за продукти, законно предлагани на пазара в други държави -членки (вот)

4.5. Ситуацията в Газа (вот)

– Vor der Abstimmung

  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra (PPE-DE). – Señor Presidente, en consulta con los Grupos políticos firmantes de la Resolución común, querríamos pedir un cambio en la estructura del apartado 3.

No se trata de una enmienda oral, porque no pretendemos ni añadir ni suprimir ninguna palabra, sino simplemente mantener el texto en su redacción actual, pero fraccionándolo en tres apartados distintos.

Quedaría de la siguiente manera, señor Presidente, para que no haya ninguna duda:

«3. Reitera su llamamiento a un cese inmediato de todos los actos de violencia;»

«4. Pide a Israel que cese las acciones militares que ponen en peligro y ocasionan muertes a la población y las ejecuciones selectivas extrajudiciales;»

«5. Pide a Hamás, después de la toma de posesión ilegal de la Franja de Gaza, que impida que las milicias palestinas lancen misiles desde la Franja de Gaza al territorio israelí;»

Por lo tanto, no hay cambio de la redacción, señor Presidente. No se pide que se añada ni que se suprima ninguna palabra, sino simplemente que este apartado, tal cual, se divida en tres.

(Der Vorschlag wird angenommen.)

4.6. Седми Съвет за правата на човека на ООН (вот)

4.7. (A6-0024/2008, Françoise Castex) Демографско бъдеще на Европа (вот)

– Vor der Abstimmung über Änderungsantrag 21

  Françoise Castex, rapporteur. − Monsieur le Président, je souhaiterais que l'amendement 21 soit déplacé et figure après le paragraphe 40.

(Dem Antrag wird stattgegeben.)

– Vor der Abstimmung über Änderungsantrag 62

  Françoise Castex, rapporteur. − Monsieur le Président, c'était pour un amendement oral linguistique sur l'amendement 62, pour rappeler que c'est le terme français qui fait référence et que, par contre, dans la version anglaise, on garde le terme income. D'ailleurs, pour tous les amendements, c'est le texte français qui fera référence.

– Vor der Abstimmung über Änderungsantrag 30

  Françoise Castex, rapporteur. − Monsieur le Président, un amendement oral. Je souhaiterais supprimer le mot "fragmentation" dans la première phrase et ensuite, dans la deuxième phrase, remplacer le mot "assurer" par les mots "renforcer".

De même, dans la version anglaise, je souligne, pour M. Bushill-Mattews, que précarité se dit non secure.

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird übernommen.)

– Vor der Abstimmung über Änderungsantrag 55

  Avril Doyle (PPE-DE). – Mr President, I think there is a typo on the PPE-DE Group voting list on this. Could I beg your indulgence perhaps to draw it to the attention of our rapporteur? I suspect, on this, he means a plus and not a minus. I am referring to the roll-call vote on amendment 55.

– Am Ende der Abstimmung über den Bericht Castex

  Dirk Sterckx (ALDE). – Voorzitter, ik vind het raar dat we ter plenaire vergadering over een verslag stemmen waarop nog acht bladzijden amendementen zijn. Ik dacht dat we dat niet meer ter plenaire vergadering zouden doen en dat werk aan de commissie zouden overlaten ten einde het aantal amendementen dat naar de plenaire komt, te beperken.

  Der Präsident. − Ja, Sie haben völlig Recht, diese Bemerkung zu machen, Herr Kollege.

4.8. Научно сътрудничество с Африка (вот)

4.9. (A6-0023/2008, Ambroise Guellec) Четвърти доклад за икономическо и социално сближаване (вот)

4.10. (A6-0028/2008, Gisela Kallenbach) Eвропейска програма за действие за териториално развитие и териториално сближаване (вот)

5. Обяснения на вот

IN THE CHAIR: Diana WALLIS
Vice-President

Oral explanations of vote

- Report: André Brie (A6-0491/2007)

  Zuzana Roithová (PPE-DE). – Paní předsedkyně, včera jsem v rozpravě k CE značce znovu Komisi upozornila, že stále není zahájena registrace CE značky, ačkoliv je v evropské legislativě zakotvena už 16 let a před třemi měsíci jsem o to požádala v interpelaci.

Vítám, že pan komisař pro podnikání včera opět slíbil, že věc urychlí, ale nejsem si jista, zda vnímá, že je důležitá registrace i na zahraničních trzích. Do té doby totiž není možné podávat žaloby na náhradu škody vůči těm výrobcům a importérům, kteří evropskou značku shody symbolizující bezpečnost výrobku zneužívají pro nekalou konkurenci a klamání zákazníků jak v Evropě tak v zahraničí. Jistě by to přispělo k vyčištění trhu od nekalé konkurence.

− Situation in Gaza (RC-B6-0066/2008)

  Gyula Hegyi (PSE). – Köszönöm szépen. Megrendítő élmény volt bejutni a gázai övezetbe és szembesülni a megszállás és a blokád mindennapi következményeivel. A lakosság 80%-ának nincs munkája, az áram- és a vízellátást időről időre megszakítják az izraeliek, sokan naponta csak egyszer jutnak élelemhez, és a Budapestnél kisebb területet a lakosság nagy többsége évek óta nem hagyhatta el. Ahogy egy izraeli professzor mondta: Gáza börtön, lakói foglyok, akiktől nehéz racionális viselkedést elvárni.

Ugyanakkor az is elkeserítő, hogy egyes palesztin csoportok a gázai területekről rakétákkal veszélyeztetik ártatlan izraeli civilek életét. A válság túlságosan régen tart ahhoz, hogy a hagyományos módon megoldódjon. Mára mindkét fél saját szélsőségeseinek foglya lett, és miattuk nem képes érdemi engedményekre.

A nemzetközi közösségnek és benne mindenekelőtt az Európai Uniónak rá kell kényszeríteni a békés rendezést Izraelre és a palesztinokra. A javaslatot abban a reményben szavaztam meg, hogy a tagállamok részéről határozottabb fellépés követi majd.

  Zuzana Roithová (PPE-DE). – Také nesmírně hluboce soucítím s lidmi v pásmu Gazy, kteří se stali rukojmí v rukou Hamásu. Ovšem dnešní rezoluci Evropského parlamentu jsem nemohla podpořit, protože nebyl odstraněn článek vyzývající k jednání mezi Palestinskou samosprávou a Hamásem. Všichni víme, že se s teroristy, kteří obsadili Gazu, nedá jednat. Tato výzva Parlamentu je pokrytectví, jehož cílem je postavit Hamás do role partnera pro Palestinskou samosprávu. Nechci se podílet na legitimizaci teroristické organizace.

Myslím, že situace bohužel spěje k intervenci, která by však měla mít legitimitu Spojených národů. A v tom by měla Evropa hrát velice aktivní úlohu.

- Seventh Human Rights Council of the United Nations (RC-B6-0092/2008)

  Koenraad Dillen (NI). – Mevrouw de Voorzitter, in tegenstelling tot wat dit Parlement beweert, speelt de VN-mensenrechtenraad helemaal niet zo'n belangrijke rol in de bevordering van de mensenrechten in de wereld, integendeel. Hoe zou het ook anders kunnen? Slechts 25 van zijn 47 leden zijn vrije democratieën, 9 van zijn leden zijn niet vrij en 3, China, Cuba en Saoedi-Arabië, behoren tot de grootste mensenrechtenschenders ter wereld. Deze landen lappen de VN-verklaring over universele mensenrechten voortdurend aan hun laars en schermen zichzelf en andere regimes af van elke kritiek. In enkele gevallen heeft deze raad het mensenrechtentoezicht gewoon uitgehold. In de grootste mensenrechtencrisis van de wereld op het moment, Darfur, heeft de raad nog geen enkele veroordeling uitgesproken. In plaats van een dergelijk creatuur toe te juichen, had dit Parlement beter dergelijke zaken in zijn resolutie gezet.

  Philip Claeys (NI). – Mevrouw de Voorzitter, ik zou me niet alleen willen aansluiten bij wat mijn collega Koen Dillen daarnet heeft gezegd, maar ook willen wijzen op de resolutie over de belediging van godsdiensten die door de raad werd aangenomen. Deze resolutie stelt letterlijk dat mensen zich, ik citeer, "met verantwoordelijkheid moeten uitspreken en dat de vrijheid van meningsuiting mag worden beperkt in gebieden die behoren tot de openbare gezondheid en moraal". Deze resolutie gaat natuurlijk over het verbod op elke kritiek op de islam. Hiermee gaat de VN-mensenrechtenraad juist in tegen zijn eigen officiële doelstellingen, de bescherming van het recht op vrije meningsuiting en dus ook de bescherming van de mensenrechten zelf.

− Report: Françoise Castex (A6-0024/2008)

  Carlo Fatuzzo (PPE-DE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sono molto felice di prendere la parola per motivare il voto favorevole alla relazione finale da parte di tutto il gruppo del Partito popolare europeo e dei Democratici europei, oltre che mio personale, a questa relazione che si atteggia davanti al fatto concreto che ci sono molti più anziani rispetto ai giovani, sia perché le cure mediche e i modi di vita permettono a tutti noi di vivere più a lungo in media – non a tutti, purtroppo, ma in media – e quindi ci sono molti più anziani, sia per il fatto che le nascite sono diminuite, e quindi noi in questo documento chiediamo di favorire questo.

Debbo anche precisare, per quanto riguarda il paragrafo 24, che abbiamo chiesto come Partito popolare europeo, assieme all'UEN e ad altri gruppi, di cancellarlo. Abbiamo votato quindi a favore della cancellazione che purtroppo non è stata accolta dalla maggioranza del Parlamento. Ritengo con questo di avere concluso il tempo a mia disposizione.

  Philip Claeys (NI). – Mevrouw de Voorzitter, de verdienste van het verslag Castex is ongetwijfeld dat het wijst op de enorme demografische uitdagingen waarmee Europa geconfronteerd wordt. Toegegeven, een heleboel goede vragen, denkpistes en oplossingen worden opgesomd. Zo moet er inderdaad dringend meer en betere opvang voor kinderen komen, zo moeten ook oudere werknemers nog een kans krijgen op de arbeidsmarkt en zo moeten de gezondheidssystemen zich dringend voorbereiden op de versnelde vergrijzing.

Anderzijds dwaalt dit Parlement als het immigratie beschouwt als een instrument om de demografische en economische toekomst van Europa veilig te stellen. Nog zeer recentelijk omschreef Lord Turner, een van de belangrijkste adviseurs van de Britse premier Brown, het axioma dat immigranten nodig zijn om het tekort aan werknemers op te vangen als, ik citeer, "economisch analfabetisme en volledig incorrect". Europa heeft al een miljoen werkloze immigranten met alle problemen die daarmee gepaard gaan. Nog meer immigranten binnen halen, zal de bestaande problemen alleen nog maar verergeren.

− Report: Ambroise Guellec (A6-0023/2008)

  Tunne Kelam (PPE-DE). – Madam President, when voting on the Guellec report on cohesion policy, I could not support compromise amendment 4, which calls for ‘increased financial resources for cohesion policy’ in the future.

Automatically increasing EU subsidies is not, perhaps, the most responsible approach when we have the practical problem of making a meaningful and efficient use of them. Instead, I am in favour of using the term ‘sufficient financial resources’.

Written explanations of vote

- Report: Monica Frassoni (A6-0462/2007)

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Numa União Europeia onde proliferam as mais variadas directivas sobre questões de pormenor que seriam mais bem tratadas a nível de cada um dos Estados-Membros, tendo em conta as suas especificidades e grau de desenvolvimento, não deixa de ser interessante verificar como age a Comissão Europeia relativamente ao controlo do cumprimento da aplicação do direito comunitário.

Ora, uma das conclusões que se pode retirar é que há formas de actuação muito diversas, dependendo das Direcções-Gerais, mas não fica claro se também há diferenças de actuação consoante os Estados-Membros, embora a prática nos diga que, em geral, há maior rigor com os países de pequena e média dimensão do que com as potências europeias. Veja-se o que se tem passado com o Pacto de Estabilidade.

Neste último relatório é introduzida uma novidade que a Comissão das Petições do Parlamento Europeu aplaude. É que, no relatório anual e seus anexos, a Comissão Europeia inclui, pela primeira vez, o tratamento específico e pormenorizado das infracções ligadas às petições.

  Bogusław Liberadzki (PSE), na piśmie. − Pani Monica Frassoni napisała dobre sprawozdanie. Zgadzam się z postulatem ułatwienia stosowania prawa wspólnotowego i wprowadzenia w tym celu „spotkań pakietowych” oraz warsztatów poświęconych transpozycji wspólnotowych aktów prawnych.

Popieram również pomysł polepszania skuteczności wdrażania aktów wspólnotowych poprzez ściślejszą współpracę PE z parlamentami narodowymi. Dzięki tym działaniom możliwa będzie poprawa efektywności polityki Unii Europejskiej, na przykład w zakresie działania Funduszy Europejskich czy harmonizacji norm dotyczących towarów na wspólnym rynku.

  Daniel Strož (GUE/NGL), v písemné formě. − Pokud jde o zprávu týkající se výroční zprávy Komise o kontrole provádění práva Společenství, domnívám se, že jedním z jejích ústředních témat je záměr Komise zlepšit pracovní metody týkající se avizovaných případů porušení práva Společenství v členských státech. V rámci navržené nové pracovní metody mají být dotazy a stížnosti občanů adresované Komisi přímo předávány dotčeným členským státům. Jak zcela správně upozornila zpravodajka paní Frassoni, tato nová pracovní metoda Komise, tedy zpětné postoupení stížnosti, může představovat riziko, že se Komise tímto způsobem bude zbavovat své zásadní odpovědnosti za uplatňování práva Společenství.

V této souvislosti bych rovněž rád upozornil na skutečnost, která už byla na půdě Evropského parlamentu kritizována: lobbyistické skupiny si dokáží zajistit přístup k oznámením Komise adresovaným členským státům při podezření z porušení práva Společenství, zatímco občané nikoliv. Ovšem jsou to právě občané, jejichž petice jsou nenahraditelným zdrojem upozornění týkajících se porušování resp. neuplatňování práva Společenství, nikoli tendenčně založená zájmová seskupení.

  Andrzej Jan Szejna (PSE), na piśmie. − Głosuję za przyjęciem sprawozdania Pani Monici Frassoni w sprawie kontroli stosowania prawa wspólnotowego w 2005 r.

Pani Poseł przygotowała bardzo dobre sprawozdanie. Poszczególne kwestie zawarte w projekcie rezolucji wołają w szczególności o spójność w zakresie współdziałania instytucji UE, parlamentów krajowych oraz samych obywateli. Główne jego punkty dotyczą postulatów lepszej kontroli, propozycji ułatwień w stosowaniu przepisów prawa wspólnotowego i polepszenia jego skuteczności. Bez ich realizacji niemożliwa będzie poprawa efektywności polityki Unii Europejskiej, chociażby w zakresie działania funduszy europejskich czy harmonizacji norm dotyczących towarów na wspólnym rynku.

Ponadto, bardzo istotny jest zawarty w projekcie rezolucji apel do parlamentów krajowych, aby wyszły one poza czysto formalną transpozycję prawodawstwa wspólnotowego i unikały fragmentaryczności przy adaptacji do ustawodawstwa narodowego.

- Report: André Brie (A6-0491/2007)

  David Martin (PSE), in writing. − I welcome André Brie’s proposal for regulation on the accreditation and market surveillance of products in the European Community. The proposal will improve the amount of protection given to consumers and will improve product safety. To ensure greater protection it is necessary that accreditation and market surveillance be carried out by a public body. The report attends to these points and I voted in favour of its recommendations.

- Report: Christel Schaldemose (A6-0490/2007)

  Alessandro Battilocchio (PSE), per iscritto. − Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in un momento in cui il mercato europeo sembra totalmente incapace di difendersi dal dumping extraeuropeo, è con estrema soddisfazione che prendo atto del primo vero passo "istituzionale" verso una nuova legislazione e un'armonizzazione del mercato UE.

A Strasburgo il Parlamento europeo ha proposto una nuova regolamentazione per i prodotti immessi sul mercato comunitario. Questi ultimi dovranno rispettare l'insieme della normativa vigente e, a seguito di un'attenta valutazione, potranno esibire il marchio CE.

Oltre all'introduzione della responsabilità congiunta importatori/produttori esteri per i danni causati dai prodotti non conformi, la relazione propone lo sviluppo di un complesso sistema di vigilanza che prevede sanzioni certe e proporzionali alla gravità dell'infrazione, così da costituire un forte deterrente alle frodi.

I consumatori e le imprese, dunque, possono guardare al futuro con un rinnovato ottimismo. La rimozione delle barriere, da sempre fulcro della politica UE sul libero scambio, e la creazione di un clima economico favorevole per le imprese rifletteranno un alto livello di protezione sia del consumatore, attraverso il rispetto di elevati standard di sanità e sicurezza dei prodotti, sia delle imprese, che potranno finalmente beneficiare di un rigoroso sistema normativo e di controllo per la protezione del vero "made in".

Per questo esprimo il mio voto favorevole alla presente relazione.

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Este relatório do Parlamento Europeu introduz certos elementos que poderão ser positivos, embora com algumas contradições, designadamente: responsabiliza, de igual modo, todos os intervenientes na colocação de um produto no mercado, desde o fabricante ao distribuidor e ao importador, mas sem clarificar bem como.

Permite também a manutenção das marcações nacionais, que, nos termos da proposta da Comissão Europeia, desapareceriam, sendo apenas reconhecida a marca CE. Agora, o compromisso substitui a referência a marcações nacionais por outras marcações.

Afirma, ainda, que este quadro não é de adopção obrigatória, mas quem o adopte terá que se reger por ele, e introduz uma menção às PME, apelando a que as suas especificidades sejam tidas em conta.

Contudo, o objectivo presente na proposta da Comissão Europeia, e que o relatório não questiona, é facilitar o funcionamento do mercado único, removendo os obstáculos que ainda persistem, mas não se aplica a alguns sectores de actividade, designadamente, géneros alimentícios, alimentos para animais, saúde e bem-estar dos animais, produtos do tabaco, medicamentos veterinários, medicamentos para uso humano, sangue humano e tecidos e células de origem humana, para os quais já existem normas harmonizadas.

  Bogusław Liberadzki (PSE), na piśmie. − Pani Christel Schaldemose słusznie zauważa, że wnioskowana decyzja, mająca na celu stworzenie bardziej rygorystycznego i obszernego systemu nadzoru Wspólnoty nad wprowadzaniem produktów do obrotu, może mieć znaczny wpływ na przebieg handlu międzynarodowego, co wymaga odrębnej analizy.

Zgadzam się, że propozycja, by importerzy wspólnie odpowiadali za szkody wyrządzone przez niebezpieczne produkty lub produkty niezgodne z systemem akredytacji, ma na celu podniesienie skuteczności systemu i ochronę interesu publicznego Wspólnoty oraz zapewnienie podstawowego prawa obywateli do ochrony przed nieuczciwymi i niebezpiecznymi praktykami.

  David Martin (PSE), in writing. − Mrs Schaldemose’s report calling for a common framework for the marketing of products is one that I welcome and have voted in favour of. The recommendations made in the report will bolster the EU’s efforts to protect consumers. The CE mark tends to be misunderstood as a safety mark, when in fact it is simply a statement of the product’s conformity with EU legislation. It is essential that we make sure that the mark is not abused and inform consumers of what the CE mark guarantees.

  Zita Pleštinská (PPE-DE), písomne. − Ako spravodajkyňa pre politickú skupinu EPP-ED v správe Christel Schaldemose o návrhu rozhodnutia o spoločnom rámci pre uvádzanie výrobkov na trh vyjadrujem spokojnosť s výsledkom hlasovania o kompromise, ktorý umožnil ukončiť legislatívny proces už v prvom čítaní.

Dohodnutý kompromis zahŕňa presunutie časti článkov týkajúcich sa označenia CE do nariadenia o dozore nad trhom, teda do správy Brie z dôvodu ich rýchlejšieho implementovania v praxi. K tomuto kroku sme pristúpili na základe jasných argumentov, ktoré hovoria, že stále častejšie sa v európskej databáze nebezpečných výrobkov RAPEX objavujú tovary z tretích krajín, ktoré neoprávnene nesú značku CE teda európske logo vyjadrujúce zhodu výrobku s európskou legislatívou.

Dôvera alebo nedôvera v značku CE sa nemôže viazať iba na samotnú značku CE, ale musí byť spojená s dôverou v celý systém akreditácie, notifikácie a trhového dohľadu.

Zastávam názor, že uvádzať na výrobky ďalšie značky nie je žiaduce, aj keby išlo o značky kvality, pretože pre konečného spotrebiteľa by nové označenia mohli byť zmätočné a navyše by sa do ceny tovaru mohli premietnuť nové náklady. Z tohto dôvodu budem zvedavá na výsledky dopadovej štúdie o používaní národných značiek popri označení CE, ktorú by mala Komisia na požiadavku výboru pre vnútorný trh a ochranu spotrebiteľa vyhotoviť

- Report: Alexander Stubb (A6-0489/2007)

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − O argumento da Comissão Europeia para propor este regulamento é que o princípio do reconhecimento mútuo é obstruído por diversos problemas (ou seja, os produtos comercializados num Estado-Membro podem ser impedidos de ser comercializados noutro) e considera que é preciso reduzir a possibilidade de as regras técnicas nacionais levantarem obstáculos ilegais à livre circulação de mercadorias entre Estados-Membros. Assim, estabelece os requisitos que as autoridades têm que cumprir quando pretendem impor uma regra técnica nacional, cabendo-lhes o ónus da prova. Isto é, impõe condições com o objectivo claro de restringir a possibilidade de cada Estado aplicar as suas regras.

Por sua vez, o relatório do Parlamento Europeu ainda acrescenta novos entraves à acção de cada Estado, de que é exemplo: O presente regulamento tem por objectivo reforçar o funcionamento do mercado interno com uma concorrência leal e sem distorções, melhorando a livre circulação dos produtos e assegurando, simultaneamente, um elevado nível de protecção dos consumidores e de segurança dos produtos.

Na prática, os Estados-Membros são proibidos de restringir a venda no seu território de produtos quando estes são fabricados e comercializados noutro Estado-Membro, mesmo que não sejam plenamente conformes às regras do Estado-Membro de destino.

  David Martin (PSE), in writing. − I agree with the recommendations contained within Mr Stubb’s report. The document aims to clarify and define the role of national authorities and economic operators in the implementation of the mutual recognition principle. While I am in favour of increasing the efficiency with which the mutual recognition principle is implemented, it must not affect the single market’s base of further harmonisation. Furthermore, safety aspects must form part of the principle’s implementation. I am confident that the report sufficiently deals with these issues and therefore voted in favour of it.

- Reports: Alexander Stubb (A6-0489/2007), Christel Schaldemose (A6-0490/2007) and André Brie (A6-0491/2007)

  Jens Holm, Søren Bo Søndergaard and Eva-Britt Svensson (GUE/NGL), in writing. − We do not agree with the mutual recognition principle as a guarantor for advanced consumer, social or environmental rights. The principle says that if the product is accepted somewhere in Europe, it cannot be denied access to another Member State unless the authorities can provide evidence that the application of a national technical rule is justified. However, the criteria for exceptions to the principle are already established by EU court rulings. And these apply to all Member States, regardless of whether or not we adopt the goods package.

In addition to that, consumer rights at EU level are strengthened with the goods package. Furthermore, we are against any measures taken in the goods package that may give political support to a future harmonisation of criminal law at EU level. Having taking all this into consideration, we have decided to vote in favour of the reports.

 

  Jörg Leichtfried (PSE), schriftlich. − Ich stimme für das „Binnenmarktpaket für Waren“, weil es unabdingbar ist, dass es einen einheitlichen europäischen Rahmen für die Vermarktung von Waren im Ausland gibt. Vor allem in einem gemeinsamen Binnenmarkt, der auf den Prinzipien der technischen Vereinheitlichung von Vorschriften für die Zulassung von Waren auf dem europäischen Markt und dem Prinzip der gegenseitigen Anerkennung basiert, darf es nicht sein, dass die Vermarktung von Produkten, die in einem Mitgliedstaat bereits zugelassen sind, am Markt eines anderen Mitgliedstaates auf Grund von behördlichen Wegen empfindlich verzögert oder schlimmstenfalls sogar verhindert wird.

Somit begrüße ich die Berichte unserer Kollegen Schaldemose und Brie, die eine Verkürzung der Behördenwege unterstützen und einen gemeinsamen Rechtsrahmen für künftige sektorale Rechtsvorschriften setzen, damit in Zukunft soviel Kohärenz wie politisch und technisch machbar ist gewährleistet wird. Abschließend möchte ich jedoch festhalten, dass die beiden Vorschläge noch verfeinert werden müssen, damit wichtige Begriffsbestimmungen und vor allem der Anwendungsbereich des Rechtsrahmens eindeutig geklärt werden. Wenn es bereits diesen Vorschlägen an klarer Terminologie mangelt, wird auch die angestrebte Vereinheitlichung nicht möglich sein.

  Karin Scheele (PSE), schriftlich. − Das heute abgestimmte Paket über die Vermarktung von Produkten in Europa stellt zweifelsohne eine Verbesserung für die KonsumentInnen dar. Die Probleme mit importiertem Spielzeug im vergangenen Jahr haben deutlich gezeigt, dass es hier eindeutig Handlungsbedarf gibt und dass es möglich sein muss, Importeure für die Sicherheit von Produkten verstärkt zur Verantwortung ziehen zu können.

Wichtig ist, dass das Parlament erreicht hat, dass der New-Approach-Ansatz in geringerem Ausmaß umgesetzt wird und seine Anwendung von Fall zu Fall beurteilt werden muss. Nicht zufrieden kann man mit der bisherigen Handhabung der CE-Kennzeichnung sein. Es ist definitiv kein Qualitätszeichen einer in Europa hergestellten Ware, was in der gegebenen Form vielen KonsumentInnen suggeriert wird und in Folge für große Irreführungen sorgt.

  Marianne Thyssen (PPE-DE), schriftelijk. − Voorzitter, collega's, ik heb met overtuiging gestemd voor het driepartijenakkoord over het wetgevingspakket voor de echte vrijmaking van de gemeenschappelijke goederenmarkt. Ik ben ook tevreden dat we dit dossier in eerste lezing, en zelfs binnen het jaar na de lancering van de voorstellen, kunnen afronden. Deze wetgeving is zo noodzakelijk dat ik me eerlijk gezegd afvraag waarom de consument en de KMO's er zo lang op hebben moeten wachten.

Het principe van de wederzijdse erkenning is bijna 30 jaar geleden door het Hof van Justitie geformuleerd en is vaste rechtspraak geworden. Toch passen de lidstaten dit niet systematisch toe. Ik ben ervan overtuigd dat de omkering van bewijslast die we nu eigenlijk doorvoeren, de beste weg is om dit principe te doen respecteren en de interne markt voor niet-geharmoniseerde producten te laten werken.

Verder zorgen we echt wel goed voor een betere bescherming van de consument door een beter markttoezicht. In een Europa dat prat gaat op zijn hoge standaarden, is minder niet aanvaardbaar.

Tenslotte zorgen we voor het wegwerken van een aantal protectionistische slechte gewoontes. Het nieuwe accreditatiestelsel voor organisaties die de conformiteit van producten aan geharmoniseerde normen certificeren, zal wel wat administratief werk kosten maar zal tot een beter resultaat leiden, een werkende interne markt en meer gelijke concurrentievoorwaarden.

De kostprijs die we door dit pakket besparen, zal ons tenslotte meer economische groei en banen opleveren. Samen met een betere consumentenbescherming is dit een zeer goede reden om dit pakket met enthousiasme goed te keuren.

- Situation in Gaza (RC-B6-0066/2008)

  Ford (PSE), in writing. − I will be voting in favour of this resolution. The humanitarian and political crisis in the Gaza Strip must be viewed with deep concern. We must ask Hamas to stop attacks against Israel from the territory it controls, and Israel to cease military actions killing civilians and extrajudicial targeted killings.

The policy of isolation of the Gaza Strip has totally failed at a political and human level. The blockade must end, with the re-opening of crossings in and out of Gaza.

I welcome the EU’s financial contributions to the Palestinians over the previous years which – with the appropriate controls and monitoring – should continue.

  Hélène Goudin och Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. − Tyvärr använder sig EU ännu en gång av en humanitär katastrof för att flytta fram sin position i utrikespolitiska sammanhang.

Junilistan uttrycker sin medkänsla med civilbefolkningen som drabbas av konflikten, men det är endast genom FN som denna konflikt kan lösas med en bred internationell uppslutning, inte genom EU.

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Se é verdade que corroboramos muitas das preocupações expressas na resolução, não é menos verdade que elas ficam muito aquém da necessária denúncia e condenação da política colonialista de Israel relativamente à Palestina e ao seu povo.

Entre outros aspectos:

- A resolução envereda, uma vez mais, pela colocação no mesmo plano do agressor e do agredido, do ocupante e do ocupado, branqueando, de facto, o terrorismo de Estado israelita;

- A resolução não condena o criminoso bloqueio imposto por Israel à Faixa de Gaza e à sua população, nem denuncia a conivência ou o silêncio dos EUA ou da UE relativamente a este;

- A resolução nada diz sobre as deploráveis declarações proferidas pelo Comissário Frattini, responsável pela justiça e assuntos internos, que afirmou que a UE estaria preparada para incorporar as preocupações e interesses israelitas de uma forma que não estava na nossa agenda nos primeiros anos da intifada, sendo no mínimo abominável que alguém que tanto fala sobre terrorismo não só branqueie o terrorismo de Estado, como se disponha a colaborar com ele.

Pela nossa parte, continuamos a condenar a política de apartheid de Israel contra a Palestina e a defender o pleno cumprimento dos inalienáveis direitos do povo palestiniano, consagrados em inúmeras resoluções da ONU.

  Jean Lambert (Verts/ALE), in writing. − I voted in favour of the joint motion for a resolution on Gaza and am pleased that Parliament has taken such a strong stance on lifting the blockade. This is a humanitarian disaster in the making. There are insufficient drugs available in hospitals to provide basic care; food assistance to part of the population only fulfils about two-thirds of daily requirements; the fishing industry (which employed about 10 000 people) is under severe stress, as boats are only allowed to operate close to the coast.

There is an ecological disaster under way, threatening the coastlines of the region, as the Beit Lahia plant sewage plant is not operating properly and repairs cannot be carried out, as supplies are blocked. Businesses cannot survive and the unemployed have to find work with the smugglers and extremists. The rocket attacks continue and the few involved in this threaten the peace and the future of the many – both Israeli and Palestinian.

Hamas must stop the perpetrators. Only the extremists on all sides are benefiting, as I heard time and again on my recent visit to Gaza. The EU must do everything possible to break the blockade, and Israel must recognise that it is not giving them long-term security.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Eines muss man vorweg einmal ganz klar sagen: Bei dem Embargo durch Israel handelt es sich eindeutig um einen völkerrechtswidrigen Akt, der in dieser Art und Weise auf keinen Fall akzeptiert werden kann.

Durch das Embargo und die Verwehrung von Trinkwasser und Lebensmitteln schafft Israel künstlich eine Situation für die Menschen im Gaza-Gebiet, die beispiellos inhuman und menschenunwürdig ist. Der ägyptischen Regierung und dem kühlen Kopf der dortigen Grenzpolizei ist es zu verdanken, dass eine große Katastrophe ausgeblieben ist und man die am Konflikt selbst unbeteiligten Menschen mit dem Notwendigsten versorgt hat. Unverantwortlich ist hingegen das Abschieben der Verantwortung auf Ägypten, das in der derzeitigen Lage keinerlei Schuld an der Eskalation trifft.

Im 21. Jahrhundert kann es nicht angehen, das die Zivilbevölkerung als Sündenbock für terroristische Akte der Hamas herhalten muss. Die Infrastruktur ist daher sofort wiederherzustellen und die Versorgung der Bevölkerung ist zu gewährleisten.

Die palästinensische Gegenseite wiederum sollte alles daransetzen, eine Deeskalation herbeizuführen, um den Abschluss eines Abkommens bis Ende 2008 zu ermöglichen. In der derzeitigen Situation scheint dieser hehre Auftrag allerdings in weite Ferne zu rücken.

  James Nicholson (PPE-DE), in writing. − While every effort must be made to find a solution to the situation in Gaza, this resolution at best will contribute nothing and at worst will have a negative impact. If Parliament wants to be an honest broker for peace in the Middle East it should stop producing unbalanced resolutions. It is difficult for any member not to vote for a resolution addressing humanitarian concerns but by linking those concerns to an unfair portrayal of Israel its value falls. A parliamentary resolution should not call for Hamas to release a captive as a mere “act of goodwill”. Hamas is not a benevolent medieval king; it is a terrorist organisation largely responsible for the situation in Gaza.

In demanding that Israel fulfils its obligations, this House should note that Israeli workers continue to risk their own lives to supply electricity to Gaza despite the manipulation of that electricity supply by Hamas. In addressing the needs of those who are suffering, we must include the people of southern Israel on whom some days an average of a rocket an hour has been fired and where 75% of children are reported to be suffering from anxiety and post-traumatic stress.

  Αθανάσιος Παφίλης (GUE/NGL), γραπτώς. – Το έγκλημα των Ισραηλινών αρχών σε βάρος των Παλαιστινίων συνεχίζεται με ακόμα σκληρότερα μέτρα: πολύμηνος αποκλεισμός κυκλοφορίας προσώπων, αγαθών και τροφίμων, απαγορεύσεις στη πρόσβαση σε πόσιμο νερό, ηλεκτρισμό και άλλες βασικές υπηρεσίες ενώ συνεχίζονται οι επιθέσεις και δολοφονίες αμάχων από τον Ισραηλινό στρατό.

Τα δάκρυα που χύνει το ψήφισμα για τις συμφορές του παλαιστινιακού πληθυσμού είναι κροκοδείλια. Γιατί η ΕΕ και οι ΗΠΑ είναι μέρος του προβλήματος. Τα ιμπεριαλιστικά συμφέροντα αποτελούν τους εντολοδόχους του Ισραήλ στην εγκληματική πολιτική του. Θέλουν να κρατήσουν υπό τον έλεγχό τους μία σημαντική για την θέση της και για την ενέργεια γεωστρατηγική περιοχή και το δικαίωμά τους να παρεμβαίνουν ακόμα και στρατιωτικά.

Τα σχέδια του κουαρτέτου απέδειξαν την αποτυχία ενός ακόμα ιμπεριαλιστικού εγχειρήματος, το ίδιο αποτέλεσμα θα έχουν και οι συμφωνίες της Ανάπολις. Η πρόταση αναβίωσής τους θέλει να ρίξει στάχτη στα μάτια των λαών και ουσιαστικά εξισώνει θύματα και θύτες.

Λύση στο Παλαιστινιακό πρόβλημα δεν μπορεί να δοθεί από τους ιμπεριαλιστές, αλλά από τους αγώνες των ίδιων των λαών της Παλαιστίνης και του Ισραήλ και την διεθνή αλληλεγγύη στον αγώνα τους για ειρηνική συνύπαρξη με την δημιουργία ανεξάρτητου παλαιστινιακού κράτους εδάφη με πρωτεύουσα την Ανατολική Ιερουσαλήμ.

  Frédérique Ries (ALDE), par écrit. – Si, malgré bien des réticences sur un texte globalement déséquilibré, j'ai fini par le soutenir, c'est parce qu'un amendement oral proposé par le groupe PPE a rétabli un peu la vérité quant à la situation actuelle à Gaza.

Quelles que soient les responsabilités des uns et des autres, il était inacceptable, totalement inacceptable, que, dans son paragraphe 3 initial, le texte mette Israël et le Hamas sur un pied d'égalité.

Le souci d'Israël de protéger les siens des actes de violence perpétrés quotidiennement par le Hamas et les milices palestiniennes a-t-il quoi que ce soit à voir avec les attentats aveugles (Dimona encore tout récemment) ou les avalanches de roquettes Qassam qui pleuvent quotidiennement sur Sderot, visant en premier lieu les écoles, et donc les enfants, le cœur battant de la société israélienne?

Nous pouvons avoir des jugements différents sur le conflit, certes, mais les gens honnêtes de ce Parlement refuseront de faire d'Israël, un gouvernement et un pays démocratique, et du Hamas, un mouvement terroriste et listé comme tel par l'Union européenne (une réalité, comme le refus répété de remplir les conditions du Quartet, que cette résolution occulte en outre singulièrement) des partenaires égaux dans l'infamie de la violence.

  Geoffrey Van Orden (PPE-DE), in writing. − The tone, and much of the content, of the Gaza Resolution, is skewed in an anti-Israeli fashion. It is certainly the case that the Palestinians in Gaza live in a perpetual state of privation, and this is inhumane. But the blame for this rests only partly with Israel, and primarily with Palestinian terrorists and extremists such as Hamas, and the failure of Arab states to assist the rehabilitation of the population, and regeneration of the area. Gaza has been allowed to remain a running sore. I regret that there was no call for those currently in authority in Gaza to take the necessary steps for a peaceful accommodation with Israel. I welcome the call for the release of Corporal Shalit. I therefore abstained in the vote.

- Seventh Human Rights Council of the United Nations (RC-B6-0092/2008)

  Hélène Goudin och Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. − Junilistan stöder FN:s råd för mänskliga rättigheter och det viktiga arbete som detta organ uträttar.

Dock motsätter vi oss skrivningen i artikel 34 som trycker på att varje EU-medlem ska anföra EU:s ståndpunkt i dessa frågor. Var och en av EU:s medlemsstater är en självständig medlem i FN, och har därför rätt att uttrycka sin egen åsikt. Vi har därför valt att rösta nej till resolutionen.

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Não esquecendo as suas anteriores posições em torno da definição do funcionamento deste órgão da ONU, onde foram evidentes as tentativas de garantir o seu controlo e instrumentalização - recordemos as críticas e pressões da UE, por exemplo, quanto à forma como foram eleitos alguns países para este órgão (lamentando o denominado princípio da tábua rasa e defendendo a introdução de critérios de elegibilidade), quanto ao mecanismo de procedimento especial, ao reforço dos mandatos por país e à possibilidade de criar novos mandatos por maioria simples ou ainda quanto às modalidades do exame periódico universal -, o PE aprovou uma resolução que, embora integrando-se na mesma linha, é mais comedida na explicitação dos seus reais objectivos.

Entre outros aspectos, sublinharíamos a sua inaceitável pressão para que cada Estado-Membro condicione as suas posições neste órgão das Nações Unidas às posições que venham a ser adoptadas pela UE, subalternizando a sua soberania quanto à sua política externa. Ou ainda a leitura política que se retira dos países aí mencionados - e, igualmente, dos não mencionados -, evidenciando, uma vez mais, a aplicação dos dois pesos e das duas medidas, isto é, a instrumentalização dos direitos humanos em função dos interesses da UE.

- Report: Françoise Castex (A6-0024/2008)

  Jan Andersson, Inger Segelström och Åsa Westlund (PSE), skriftlig. − Vi svenska socialdemokrater har röstat för betänkandet om Europas demografiska framtid. Vi anser dock att betänkandet är för omfattande och tar upp aspekter som går utöver vad som är relevant för den demografiska utvecklingen. Vi reagerar också mot olika förslag om skattelättnader för företag som ordnar daghem och för att människor ska kunna arbeta i hemmet.

Vi har dock valt att rösta för betänkandet då det även behandlar väsentliga aspekter för den utmaning Europa står inför.

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Lamentamos que não tenham sido aprovadas todas as propostas que apresentámos para melhorar o relatório, questionar algumas causas e incluir medidas que consideramos fundamentais para defender direitos das mulheres, das famílias e das crianças. Por exemplo, sabemos como os baixos salários e o emprego precário agravam a instabilidade social e, em consequência, reduzem drasticamente as perspectivas estáveis para as pessoas optarem por ter filhos.

Daí que melhorar a estabilidade de emprego, aumentar salários, aprofundar a segurança social e a saúde e segurança no trabalho, reduzir o tempo de trabalho global sem perda de salários, uma distribuição mais equitativa dos rendimentos e o pleno emprego constituem propostas fundamentais para a gestão das mutações demográficas.

Igualmente importante é a criação de novas e melhores infra-estruturas educativas e sociais, tanto para jovens como para idosos, incluindo mais estruturas de aprendizagem ao longo da vida, de acolhimento de crianças, de cuidados de enfermagem e de cuidados para idosos, o que exige mais e melhores serviços públicos, com a garantia de igualdade de acesso para todos.

Ao não promover em pleno estes aspectos, o presente relatório não dá uma resposta efectiva a estes problemas, apesar de conter propostas positivas, que valorizamos, mas que não são suficientes para o votar favoravelmente.

  Hélène Goudin och Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. − Stora delar av Europa står inför demografiska utmaningar. Dessa bör dock lösas genom nationella åtgärder, inte genom fyrkantiga EU-förslag som kanske passar enskilda länder, men kan vara olämpliga i andra medlemsstater. Flera EU-länder, däribland Sverige, har också i hög grad kommit till rätta med de låga födelsetalen och de demografiska problemen, bland annat genom en väl utvecklad välfärdspolitik och genom invandring. De medlemsländer som så önskar kan med fördel studera Sverige och övriga nordiska länder och ta efter de åtgärder som dessa har vidtagit.

  Genowefa Grabowska (PSE), na piśmie. − W pełni popieram sprawozdanie w sprawie demograficznej przyszłości Europy. Jest faktem, że utrzymujący się do wielu lat spadek przyrostu naturalnego połączony z ciągłym i stopniowym wzrostem średniej długości życia może w perspektywie 2050 r. doprowadzić do znaczących zmian w strukturze populacji Unii Europejskiej. Te zmiany obejmują globalne starzenie się ludności oraz zmniejszenie liczby osób w wieku produkcyjnym, co powoduje znaczy wzrost obciążenia budżetowego państw członkowskich. Ten proces jest bolesny nie tylko dla poszczególnych państw członkowskich, ale także dla całej Unii, która może stanąć w obliczu utraty konkurencyjności i spadku wzrostu gospodarczego w stosunku do tych regionów świata, które odnotowują szybki wzrost demograficzny.

Jest także oczywiste, że taki brak równowagi demograficznej wpłynie negatywnie na finansowanie opieki społecznej i równowagę systemów emerytalnych. Dlatego popieram zaproponowane w sprawozdaniu środki zaradcze na rzecz odnowy demograficznej, wydłużenia aktywnego życia zawodowego, zagwarantowania wysokiej jakości opieki społecznej oraz promowania solidarności międzypokoleniowej. Takie działania są niezbędne dla utrzymania konkurencyjności unijnej gospodarki, przy jednoczesnym zagwarantowaniu długoterminowego funkcjonowania europejskiego modelu społecznego.

  Carl Lang (NI), par écrit. – Les Européens tendent à devenir une espèce en voie de disparition. Avec un indice de fécondité moyen inférieur à 1,5, l'Europe des 27 aura perdu, d'ici 2050, une vingtaine de millions d'habitants et les plus de 65 ans constitueront 30 % de sa population.

Les mesures proposées par Mme Castex pour redresser la natalité européenne sont dérisoires parce que, comme tous les européistes au pouvoir, notre collègue veut, non pas le renouveau démographique des peuples européens, mais leur remplacement par une immigration venue d'Afrique et d'Asie. C'est la raison pour laquelle elle consacre quinze articles de son rapport à demander des facilités pour le regroupement familial, des droits civiques pour les immigrés, un effort accru pour intégrer ceux-ci...

Cette politique, recommandée en France par M. Attali et menée par M. Sarkozy, amènera l'arrivée en Europe de 80 millions d'immigrés supplémentaires d'ici 2050 et, à terme, la disparition de nos peuples.

Pour assurer la survie des peuples européens, il faut au contraire inverser les flux migratoires et mettre en œuvre une grande politique nataliste fondée sur la famille et l'accueil de la vie. Pour cela, nos nations doivent, dans une nouvelle Europe, celle des patries, retrouver leur souveraineté et leur identité.

  Jörg Leichtfried (PSE), schriftlich. − Ich stimme für eine Kohäsionspolitik bezüglich der demografischen Entwicklung der Europäischen Union, da die strukturelle Änderung der Alterspyramide der europäischen Gesellschaft einer Besorgnis erregenden Zukunft entgegensteuert. Ich weise darauf hin, dass alle europäischen Industrieländer mit denselben schwerwiegenden sozialpolitischen Problemen konfrontiert sind, welche gerade das Modell der europäischen Sozialstaatlichkeit, das grundlegend ist für unseren heutigen Wohlstand, gravierend gefährden.

In diesem Zusammenhang möchte ich besonders den Anstieg der Bevölkerung über 65 auf 53% bis 2050 – herbeigeführt durch die gegenwärtig extrem niedrige Geburtenrate von 1,5 – betonen, welcher nicht nur zu Generationskonflikten führen und somit auch als ein Hindernis für den sozialen Zusammenhalt innerhalb einer Gesellschaft gelten, sondern auch die internationale wirtschaftliche Konkurrenzfähigkeit Europas beeinträchtigen könnte. Dieser vor sich gehende demografische Wandel erfordert eine allgemeine Anpassung der einzelnen Sozialsysteme und eine schnelle sowie effiziente Umsetzung.

  Fernand Le Rachinel (NI), par écrit. – Le rapport Castex sur l'avenir démographique de l'Europe est d'une banalité affligeante, reprenant tous les poncifs que l'on trouve dans les études sur le sujet. Madame Castex oublie, entre autres, de parler des méthodes antinatalistes qui ont largement contribué à réduire la natalité en Europe, dont le taux n'est plus que de 1,5 enfant par femme, bien loin du renouvellement des générations.

L'environnement favorable à la démographie passe par la possibilité pour les femmes qui le souhaitent d'élever leurs enfants pendant une période plus ou moins longue. Cet investissement est prioritaire pour la société et réduirait considérablement l'échec scolaire et la délinquance juvénile.

Quant au recours à l'immigration pour compenser les berceaux vides, c'est une idée dangereuse qui, outre le fait de déstabiliser nos sociétés occidentales, risque d'être une bombe à retardement, avec toutes les conséquences que l'on peut imaginer. Justifier l'immigration par un manque de main-d'oeuvre, qualifiée ou non, quand il y a plus de vingt millions de chômeurs en Europe, c'est pénaliser les travailleurs européens, qui apprécieront certainement les propositions de la Commission ou du Parlement européen.

Pour ces raisons, nous voterons contre le rapport Castex.

  Bogusław Liberadzki (PSE), na piśmie. − Pani Françoise Castex słusznie zauważa, mając na uwadze fakt, że średni europejski wskaźnik obciążenia demograficznego (tj. stosunek liczby osób w wieku ponad 65 lat do liczby osób w wieku 14-65 lat) wzrośnie z 25% w 2004 r. do 53% w 2050 r., Unia Europejska może stanąć w obliczu utraty konkurencyjności i spadku wzrostu gospodarczego.

Zgadzam się z postulatami rozwijania pięciu głównych kierunków działań na rzecz odnowy demograficznej, aktywnego życia wysokiej jakości, wydajniejszej Europy, lepszej integracji imigrantów, zagwarantowania opieki społecznej i solidarności międzypokoleniowej.

  Marcin Libicki, Wojciech Roszkowski and Konrad Szymański (UEN), in writing. − We voted against this report because the solutions it proposes as regards the demographic crisis are counter-productive.

In contrast to what the report says, only traditional families and social respect for motherhood provide the remedy we need.

The social experiments proposed in the report (so-called ‘alternative family structures’) bring nothing but risks for our societies.

  Astrid Lulling (PPE-DE), par écrit. – J'ai rarement voté une résolution avec autant de plaisir, parce qu'elle démontre clairement que les femmes et les vieux ont un rôle clé à jouer face aux défis de notre avenir démographique.

On attend des femmes qu'elles soient disposées à mettre au monde plus d'enfants tout en exerçant une activité professionnelle plus longtemps. Il faut alors créer le cadre qui les motive.

On ne peut attendre des femmes qu'elles se mettent dans leur tort, qu'elles s'exposent à la pauvreté, avec chaque enfant qu'elles mettent au monde.

Plus elles procréent, plus elles sont discriminées en matière de couverture sociale, surtout si elles se consacrent entièrement à la famille, moins elles gagnent et plus leurs retraites seront petites.

Pourtant, les belles résolutions ne servent à rien si le courage politique pour les mettre en œuvre fait défaut. Cela a malheureusement été le cas pour celle de 1995 sur la répartition des droits à pension en cas de divorce et celle sur la situation des conjoints aidant dans les PME, pour remédier aux multiples discriminations dont les femmes restent victimes et au rôle pitoyable de trop d'hommes en matière de paternité.

  David Martin (PSE), in writing. − I welcome Françoise Castex’s recommendations regarding Europe’s demographic future. The overall message of encouraging economic competitiveness while preserving the European social model is one that I feel is both logical and just. I agree with the report’s focus on the role of areas such as education, childcare and financial mechanisms in securing this goal. There also exists a necessity for the promotion of professional equality between men and women along with a well and calmly thought-out immigration policy that incorporates the goal of successful integration. The report deals with these issues and I voted in favour of its recommendations.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Massenzuwanderung und Überalterung gefährden den Bestand der autochthonen Bevölkerung. Erstere wird als Verjüngungswunderkur angepriesen, führt jedoch nur zur Ethnomorphose, also zur Umvolkung. Wenn das EU-Establishment nicht endlich für eine pro-natalistische Politik für die autochthonen Europäer und für die traditionelle Mehrkindfamilie eintritt und Zerstörungsversuchen der traditionellen Familie, wie etwa durch Homo-Ehen, entgegenwirkt sowie eine Null-Zuwanderung auch im Bereich des Familiennachzugs durchsetzt, werden wir wohl in gut 50 Jahren über die Kosovoisierung Europas palavern, so wie wir dieser Tage über die Kosovo-Frage beraten.

Im vorliegenden Bericht versucht man einmal mehr die Zuwanderung als Heilmittel zu verkaufen, bei der sich bald die angestammte Bevölkerung an die Migranten wird anpassen müssen. Aus diesem Grund habe ich den heutigen Bericht abgelehnt.

  Zita Pleštinská (PPE-DE), písomne. − EÚ musí čeliť vážnym demografickým zmenám v záujme zachovania demografickej a územnej rovnováhy EÚ. Na jednej strane sa treba vysporiadať so starnutím populácie. Situácia je alarmujúca. Každý rok po roku 2010 sa zníži počet pracovne činného obyvateľstva o 1 milión, čo ohrozí solidaritu medzi generáciami.

Na strane druhej hrozia problémy súvisiace so znižovaním pôrodnosti, ktoré trvajú už niekoľko rokov. Zvyšujúci sa výskyt neplodnosti manželských párov môže spôsobovať odkladanie narodenia dieťaťa na neskôr. Ochrana materstva a rodiny musí byť stredobodom pozornosti všetkých politík EÚ. Penzijné systémy nesmú trestať ženy za materstvo.

V posledných rokoch sa pokračovalo vo vyrovnávaní rozdielov medzi členskými štátmi, ale rozdiely vo vnútri členských krajín sa výrazne prehĺbili. Práve znevýhodnené regióny sú menej rozvinuté a sú najviac postihnuté demografickou zmenou, najmä starnutím obyvateľstva a migráciou. Pre nedostatok dobre platených pracovných miest odchádza kvalifikovaná pracovná sila do veľkých miest. Silná koncentrácia hospodárskych aktivít v hlavných mestách narúša demografickú, hospodársku, sociálnu a environmentálnu rovnováhu a spôsobuje znižovanie počtu obyvateľstva vo vidieckych oblastiach, ktorým často chýba základná infraštruktúra potrebná na rozvoj.

Hlasovala som za správu Françoise Castex o demografickej budúcnosti, ktorá patrí k dôležitým správam. Musíme si uvedomiť, že demokratický vývoj je základným komponentom všetkých politík v strednodobom a dlhodobom horizonte.

  Luís Queiró (PPE-DE), por escrito. − A renovação das populações europeias é um factor crucial para o equilíbrio entre os mais novos e os mais velhos e para o aumento da população activa. As consequências do actual declínio da natalidade e do aumento da esperança de vida contribuirão para criar um aumento da dependência da terceira idade e o declínio da população activa. É, pois, importante tomar medidas no sentido da renovação demográfica que proporcionem uma Europa mais produtiva e avançada, com um elevado grau de protecção social e solidariedade entre as gerações.

Devemos desenvolver políticas que incentivem a renovação contínua da população europeia e que assegurem a continuação da competitividade económica, ao mesmo tempo que preservam o modelo social europeu.

Não podemos ignorar um outro ângulo desta questão ligado à Europa enquanto destino de importantes fluxos migratórios, visto que estas populações contribuem invariavelmente para taxas de natalidade acrescidas. O cruzamento da questão demográfica com as questões das migrações tem riscos potenciais, e não podemos meramente contar com estas populações para a renovação demográfica. Por isso, quero aqui sublinhar as medidas de estímulo à natalidade, acompanhadas de políticas adequadas no âmbito da educação e da formação e da solidariedade entre as gerações, destinadas a impedir o recuo demográfico na Europa.

  Olle Schmidt (ALDE), skriftlig. − Den demografiska utmaningen som Europa möter är enorm. Som tema är det absolut en relevant diskussion att föra på Europanivå- jag gjorde det själv som rapportör för ett yttrande om flexicurity. En grundläggande förutsättning är dock att diskussionen tar avstamp i att de flesta åtgärder som föreslås; såsom senarelagd pensionsålder, en klok familjepolitik, goda villkor för föräldraledighet etc, faller under subsidiaritetsprincipen. Ett antal förslag i den minst sagt breda flora av lösningar som betänkandet tar upp praktiseras och har fungerat väl i Sverige. Det innebär dock inte att de automatiskt skulle falla lika väl ut i andra delar av Europa.

Det grundläggande problemet med Castexs betänkande är följaktligen inte avsikten, utan att det mesta som diskuteras är politik som bör föras av medlemsstaterna - ibland på kommunal nivå. Därför röstade jag för ändringsförslag som betonade subsidiaritetsprincipen och lade ned min röst i slutomröstningen.

  Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE-DE), na piśmie. − Przyjęliśmy ważny raport w sprawie demograficznej przyszłości Europy. Choć wydłużenie długości życia obywateli stanowi niewątpliwe osiągnięcie państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej, równocześnie prowadzi ono do stopniowego starzenia się społeczeństwa. Sytuacja taka w dłuższej perspektywie spowoduje zachwianie relacji pomiędzy liczbą ludności w wieku produkcyjnym i poprodukcyjnym. Będzie to stanowić zagrożenie dla utrzymania solidarności międzypokoleniowej, gdyż mniej liczna niż dzisiaj ludność aktywna zawodowo będzie musiała ponosić coraz wyższe koszty zasiłków, rent, emerytur, ochrony i opieki zdrowotnej niepracujących.

Aby przeciwdziałać takiej sytuacji należy podjąć działania mające na celu wydłużenie okresu aktywności zawodowej i zwiększenie liczby urodzeń oraz wdrożenie programów wszechstronnej integracji imigrantów.

Istotny wpływ na poprawę sytuacji będzie miało unowocześnienie techniczne i informatyczne miejsc pracy, które pozwoli na zwiększenie jej efektywności i wydajności.

Problemem, na który należy zwrócić uwagę, jest zjawisko migracji ludności ze wsi do miast oraz ukryte zasoby siły roboczej w obszarach wiejskich, szczególnie w krajach słabiej rozwiniętych.

Demografia stanowi jedno z kluczowych wyzwań dla społeczeństwa europejskiego, szczególnie w kontekście tak dużego przeludnienia w innych regionach świata.

  Ewa Tomaszewska (UEN), na piśmie. − Wobec zagrożenia demograficznego Europy dobrze się stało, że problemem tym zajęła się Komisja i nasz Parlament.

Niestety, wobec odrzucenia większości istotnych poprawek, zmuszona byłam głosować przeciw przyjęciu sprawozdania Pani Castex w tej sprawie.

W szczególności fakt zaakceptowania przez Parlament zapisu sugerującego pełną akceptację dla kolizji prawnej definicji rodziny pomiędzy ustawodawstwem kraju pochodzenia emigranta i kraju przyjmującego go oraz wynikające stąd zobowiązania ekonomiczne w przypadku wielożeństwa, jest nie do przyjęcia – wkracza w regulacje wewnętrzne krajów członkowskich, naruszając zasadę subsydiarności.

- Report: Ambroise Guellec (A6-0023/2008)

  Bairbre de Brún (GUE/NGL), i scríbhinn. − Ní aontaím le gach aon rud atá scríofa i dTuarascáil Ambroise Guellec ach fáiltím roimh an tuarascáil ina ainneoin sin, agus vótáil mé ar a son. Fáiltím chomh maith roimh bhéim an Uasail Guellec ar fhorbairt réigiúnach chothromaithe. Ní hamháin go gcaithfimid an bhearna idir Ballstáit a laghdú, ach caithfimid na bearnaí taobh istigh de Bhallstáit agus na bearnaí idir réigiúin a laghdú fosta. Is gá dúinn a chinntiú go dtreoraítear acmhainní méadaithe chun forbairt réigiúnach a chur chun cinn agus chun dul i ngleic le heisiamh sóisialta. Ní féidir caitheamh le beartas comhtháthaithe ach amháin mar uirlis le Straitéis Liospóin a chur i bhfeidhm.

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Embora o actual relatório contenha alguns aspectos que, apesar de comedidos, consideramos positivos, não coloca de forma efectiva as grandes questões de fundo.

É exemplo de tal compromisso a abordagem que faz relativamente aos recursos financeiros comunitários necessários a uma efectiva política de coesão. Reconhece, nos considerandos, que devem ser garantidos recursos mais elevados no futuro para a política de coesão, de modo a fazer face a novos desafios (se terão ou não a ver com a coesão é questão ainda a esclarecer), no entanto, no articulado, ou seja, na proposta concreta, apenas alude a uma ambígua necessidade do reforço da política de coesão, devendo ser-lhe afectados os recursos financeiros suficientes...

Lamentavelmente, as propostas de alteração que apresentámos foram rejeitadas. Propostas que visavam, por exemplo: reconhecer que há países e regiões em divergência com a UE; impedir a instrumentalização da política de coesão para outros fins, nomeadamente para financiar objectivos inscritos na Estratégia de Lisboa que contrariam a coesão; reconhecer a necessidade do aumento dos recursos financeiros comunitários para a coesão; condicionar as ajudas comunitárias às empresas de forma a não incentivar as deslocalizações; apontar a necessidade da adopção de medidas com carácter permanente e com financiamento adequado para as regiões ultraperiféricas; reconhecer o papel das pescas na coesão.

  David Martin (PSE), in writing. − I welcome Ambroise Guellec’s report on the Commission’s fourth report on economic and social cohesion. The findings point towards definite progress in improving economic and social cohesion across the EU. However, the findings that disparities have increased in a number of Member States, especially between capitals and rural areas, demonstrate the need to continue in this policy’s goal to try and reduce the differences within and among the EU’s multiple regions.

  Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE-DE), písomne. − Kohézna politika pomáha riešiť problémy, ako sú demografické zmeny, presídľovanie obyvateľov z vidieka do miest, segregácia, klimatické zmeny a ďalšie iné. Týmto výzvam je možné čeliť iba v prípade, že kohézna politika zostane politikou Spoločenstva. Preto rozhodne túto správu podporujem. Že je táto politika prospešná, už vidno na krajinách, ktoré v minulosti čerpali prostriedky z Kohézneho fondu.

Grécko, Španielsko, Portugalsko a Írsko zaznamenali výrazný rast. Podobne treba pomôcť aj novým členským krajinám. Ako každý, kto vyrastal a žije vo vzdialenejšom regióne, viem, že rozdiely medzi regiónmi alebo aj v ich vnútri sú výrazné. Niekedy dokonca väčšie ako rozdiely medzi jednotlivými štátmi. A to v životnej úrovni, v množstve ponúkaných pracovných miest, v príjmoch aj v možnostiach vzdelania. Preto zdôrazňujem, že je veľmi potrebné znížiť rozdiely medzi územne dostupnými regiónmi a regiónmi so štrukturálnym znevýhodnením. Cestu vidím v uprednostnení politík, ktoré by znížili tlak na hlavné mestá a podporili vznik druhotných centier. Treba podporiť rozvoj vidieckych oblastí, v čom majú dôležitú úlohu malé a stredne veľké mestá. Takisto treba financie nasmerovať do projektov, ktoré sa snažia, aby mal každý región svoju príťažlivosť. Podporujem túto správu, pretože viem, že kohézna politika je správnou odpoveďou na mnohé demografické zmeny.

  Cristiana Muscardini (UEN), per iscritto. − Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la coesione ha costituito nel passato uno dei pilastri delle politiche comunitarie, espressione di un principio di solidarietà che ha contraddistinto e accompagnato la crescita economica nell'Unione europea.

Per molti paesi e regioni europee è stata una storia fatta di successi economici; in alcuni casi si è parlato perfino di miracolo e, grazie alla buona applicazione delle politiche di coesione, molti nostri cittadini hanno migliorato il loro tenore di vita.

Nell'Europa a 27 con forti differenze economiche e sociali il ruolo della coesione è ancora più importante. I primi effetti degli aiuti economici comunitari cominciano a vedersi anche in alcune delle regioni in ritardo di sviluppo anche se, a causa di un PIL pro capite di partenza assai basso, la convergenza economica potrà essere valutata in un quadro di lungo periodo.

Nel prossimo futuro, ma forse già oggi, gli scenari di confronto saranno differenti e la politica di coesione dovrà quindi confrontarsi con nuove e diverse sfide con un forte impatto territoriale, come i cambiamenti demografici, la concentrazione e la nuova dimensione urbana, le ondate migratorie, l'approvvigionamento energetico e i cambiamenti climatici.

Dichiarando il mio voto favorevole alla relazione invito la Commissione e i governi nazionali a individuare ed elaborare una progettualità comune per affrontare con il dovuto dinamismo e l'adeguata cooperazione tali problematiche.

  Αθανάσιος Παφίλης (GUE/NGL), γραπτώς. – Ο στόχος της Οικονομικής και Κοινωνικής Συνοχής επεδίωκε να δημιουργήσει ψευδαισθήσεις στους εργαζόμενους πως είναι δυνατό να μικρύνει η ψαλίδα των κοινωνικών και περιφερειακών αντιθέσεων και να ανέβει το βιοτικό επίπεδο των εργαζομένων στις χώρες και τις περιφέρειες που παρουσιάζουν απόκλιση από τον κοινοτικό μέσο όρο.

Ο νόμος όμως της ανισόμετρης ανάπτυξης στον καπιταλισμό είναι αδυσώπητος. Οι αντιθέσεις αυτές όλο και αυξάνονται, οι φτωχοί γίνονται φτωχότεροι και οι πλούσιοι πλουσιότεροι. Αυτή είναι η καθημερινή πείρα των εργαζομένων.

Μπροστά όμως στην επέλαση των καπιταλιστικών αναδιαρθρώσεων και την ολομέτωπη επίθεση στα εργασιακά δικαιώματα ακόμα και η φραστική χρήση αυτού του όρου τείνει να εξαφανιστεί, εξαφανίζοντας μαζί της και τα ψίχουλα που διέθετε ο κοινοτικός προϋπολογισμός.

Στην τρίτη φάση εφαρμογής της Συνθήκης της Λισσαβόνας όλες οι πολιτικές πρέπει να αντικατασταθούν με την μαγική για τον ιμπεριαλισμό λέξη "ανταγωνισμός". Ανταγωνισμός μεταξύ κρατών, περιφερειών, εργαζομένων, η επικράτηση του νόμου της ζούγκλας.

Το ψήφισμα περιορίζεται σε εξωραϊσμένες διαπιστώσεις και σε ευχολόγια. που δεν θίγουν την ουσία του προβλήματος. Μόνο οι αγώνες των εργαζομένων, η ανυπακοή και η απειθαρχία στις αντεργατικές και αντιλαϊκές πολιτικές της ΕΕ μπορούν να ανατρέψουν την πορεία επιδείνωσης των συνθηκών ζωής των λαϊκών στρωμάτων που αυξάνεται σήμερα ακόμα και στις πιο ανεπτυγμένες χώρες.

  Luís Queiró (PPE-DE), por escrito. − A política de coesão é uma das marcas distintivas da União Europeia, um dos seus maiores sucessos e, também, um dos principais factores de atracção desta nossa comunidade. A ideia de que é justo e necessário assegurar um nível de desenvolvimento idêntico ao longo de todo o território dos diversos Estados-Membros é um conceito que não devemos abandonar e cujo resultado positivo devemos celebrar.

Mas nem tudo são sucessos neste domínio. Por um lado, importa que os fundos de coesão sejam, cada vez mais, integrados com outros programas de financiamento, a fim de garantir que os benefícios daqueles não se perdem na ausência de uma concomitante aposta nas políticas directamente dirigidas aos estádios de desenvolvimento mais avançado. Por vezes é necessário dar passos mais largos, sob pena de estarmos sempre em atraso.

Por outro lado, é preocupante assistir a um processo consistente de retracção do Estado português na garantia da igualdade de acesso a serviços básicos ao longo de todo o seu território. Que sentido faz pedir coesão comunitária quando ela está ausente das políticas nacionais, abandonando-se os cidadãos das regiões menos desenvolvidas em nome, não de uma ideia de desenvolvimento, mas de uma visão meramente contabilística de atribuição dos recursos? Nenhum.

- Report: Gisela Kallenbach (A6-0028/2008)

  Bairbre de Brún (GUE/NGL), i scríbhinn. − Ní aontaím le gach aon rud atá scríofa i dTuarascáil Gisela Kallenbach ach fáiltím roimh an tuarascáil ina ainneoin sin, agus vótáil mé ar a son. Fáiltim go háirithe roimh bhéim Bhean Kallenbach ar ról na n-údarás uirbeach áitiúil a dhaingniú. Is dúshlán ollmhór é an fhorbairt inbhuanaithe laistigh de limistéir uirbeacha san aonú haois is fiche agus is féidir leis an Chreat a chuir Bean Kallenbach i láthair inniu cuidiú linn uile dul i ngleic leis an dúshlán seo.

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − O presente relatório sobre o seguimento da Agenda Territorial e da Carta de Leipzig contém aspectos que consideramos interessantes.

No entanto, é necessário salientar que o efectivo conteúdo da dimensão territorial da política de coesão está ainda por definir, estando anunciada a adopção de um livro verde sobre esta temática em Setembro próximo.

Embora muitos dos objectivos até aqui enunciados sejam de saudar e façam todo o sentido - de que são exemplo o desenvolvimento de um sistema urbano equilibrado e policêntrico e a parceria entre as cidades e o campo, garantir o acesso às infra-estruturas, a protecção da Natureza e do património cultural, a preservação de espaços públicos de qualidade e a valorização do parque imobiliário e dos equipamentos urbanos, a promoção da economia local, da política local de mercado de trabalho ou de uma política activa de ensino e de formação para crianças e jovens - sublinharíamos que:

- A gestão e ordenamento do território devem ser uma competência de cada Estado-Membro;

- Que a novas prioridades deverão corresponder novos meios financeiros;

- Que a dimensão territorial não deverá contrapor-se ou diluir a coesão económica e social, isto é, a redução das disparidades entre os níveis de desenvolvimento das diversas regiões e do atraso das regiões mais desfavorecidas.

  David Martin (PSE), in writing. − Gisela Kallenbach’s report ‘Follow-up of the Territorial Agenda and the Leipzig Charter’ is a report that I voted in favour of. We need to be more sensitive to the territorial and urban dimension of EU policies. In improving cooperation between urban and rural areas and implementing efficient strategies that aim at sustainable spatial development we can successfully achieve this.

6. Поправки и намерения за гласуване: вж. протоколи

(The sitting was suspended at 12.45 and resumed at 15.00.)

PRÉSIDENCE DE M. GÉRARD ONESTA
Vice-président

7. Одобряване на протокола от предишното заседание: вж протоколите

8. Съобщаване на общи позиции на Съвета: вж. протоколи

9. Разисквания по случаи на нарушване на правата на човека, на демокрацията и принципа на правовата държава (разискване)

9.1. Източен Тимор

  Le Président. – L'ordre du jour appelle le débat sur six propositions de résolution concernant le Timor oriental⁽¹⁾.

  Janusz Onyszkiewicz, autor. − Panie Przewodniczący! Jesteśmy świadkami kolejnego kryzysu w Timorze Wschodnim. Jego rozwiązanie nie będzie możliwe bez udziału i współdziałania władz tego kraju, które muszą doprowadzić do rozwiązania wszystkich paramilitarnych grup, jak też do rozbrojenia osób cywilnych i likwidacji zbrojnych grup przestępczych. Winni ataków na najważniejsze osoby w państwie winni zostać doprowadzeni przed sąd. Wszystkie siły polityczne, zarówno te, które są przy władzy, jak i opozycyjne winny powstrzymać się od bezprawnej przemocy.

Ostatnie wydarzenia wskazują jednak wymownie na to jak wielkie jest ryzyko przekształcenia się Timoru w kolejne państwo, którego podstawowe instytucje nie działają i które spaść może do kategorii państw upadłych. Jak groźne są tego rodzaju państwa wiemy wszyscy, nie trzeba tutaj podawać przykładów, wystarczy przywołać chociażby przykład Somalii.

Społeczność międzynarodowa – zważywszy na rolę, jaką odegrała w powstawaniu tego państwa, a także na ciągłe zaangażowanie – nie może pozwolić na to, by taki czarny scenariusz się urzeczywistnił. Zaangażowanie Unii Europejskiej we wspieranie sił i instytucji demokratycznych jest więc nadal niezbędne, a wyjazd delegacji Parlamentu powinien pozwolić na zbadanie skuteczności tego wsparcia.

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), Autor. – Como é sublinhado na proposta de resolução do nosso Grupo parlamentar, neste momento o que é fundamental é expressar a solidariedade para com o povo timorense e condenar os ataques ao Presidente da República e ao Primeiro-Ministro de Timor-Leste, sublinhar que tais ataques apenas podem visar o aprofundamento da instabilidade na situação política timorense, criada com os acontecimentos de 2006 e de 2007 e mantida com o processo político resultante das últimas eleições legislativas neste país, apelar à realização de uma profunda investigação que, dentro do quadro legal e constitucional de Timor-Leste, identifique e julgue os principais responsáveis por tais ataques, alertar para possíveis manobras que, a propósito destes acontecimentos, visem justificar novos desenvolvimentos na acção de ingerência externa e que ponham em causa a independência e a soberania de Timor-Leste.

Por isso mesmo, discordamos da resolução comum do Parlamento Europeu que, entre outros aspectos, procura escamotear toda a ingerência externa que tem visado condicionar e moldar as livres escolhas do povo timorense, procura desresponsabilizar, ao tentar colocar todos no mesmo saco, os principais responsáveis e mentores da violência e da desestabilização da situação em Timor-Leste, procura omitir que, para a compreensão da actual situação em Timor-Leste, é necessário não esquecer que o seu povo foi vítima do colonialismo, de uma brutal repressão e da destruição do país, tendo o seu povo conquistado heroicamente a independência e a soberania, nomeadamente sobre os seus recursos naturais, num passado ainda muito recente, inclusive num quadro em que, em momentos fundamentais da sua luta, foi abandonado pela denominada comunidade internacional.

Uma resolução que, apesar de referir o respeito pela soberania do povo de Timor-Leste, é um repositório de ingerência nos assuntos internos deste país. De facto, enquadrando-se numa visão que procura apresentar Timor-Leste como um dito Estado falhado. Enfim, uma resolução que escamoteia que a solução é política e que esta está unicamente nas mãos do povo de Timor-Leste. Povo timorense que, aliás, já deu exemplos mais que suficientes de dignidade e de coragem e a quem expressamos a nossa confiança na sua capacidade de, pelas suas próprias mãos, afirmar Timor-Leste como um país soberano e independente.

  Ana Maria Gomes, Autora. − Em representação dos Socialistas eu queria expressar também a nossa solidariedade para com o povo de Timor-Leste e a nossa condenação firme dos bárbaros ataques contra o Presidente e o Primeiro-Ministro de Timor-Leste, instituições democraticamente eleitas.

Queria também pedir uma investigação independente, como é solicitado na resolução que temos diante de nós e que apoiamos, para se verificar quem atacou, o que representava e o que é que falhou no dispositivo de segurança de Timor-Leste, timorense e, sobretudo, internacional.

Eu penso que este episódio revela que a comunidade internacional tem que fazer um esforço suplementar para reforçar as instituições do Estado em Timor-Leste e, designadamente, para reformar o aparelho de segurança, que se tinha visto já também ser posto em causa na crise de 2006.

Também as questões relacionadas com a justiça, com o cumprimento da justiça, da lei e da ordem são essenciais, e, neste contexto, devo dizer como os esforços de reconciliação nacional para com grupos rebeldes podem ter dado um sinal negativo, contraproducente, de impunidade que lançou os rebeldes neste miserável ataque.

Timor-Leste não é um Estado falhado, não tem nada a ver com a Somália, como há bocadinho queria fazer associação o colega Onyszkiewicz. Timor-Leste conseguiu a sua independência heroicamente contra o silêncio da comunidade internacional, e o povo timorense já demonstrou diversas vezes que está empenhado na via democrática. Demonstrou-o de forma mais uma vez exemplar, nas eleições presidenciais e legislativas, que tiveram lugar no ano passado e em que eu tive a honra de chefiar a missão deste Parlamento.

Há uma responsabilidade da comunidade internacional agora, que tem de se verificar no apoio a Timor-Leste, na coordenação desse apoio, que falhou claramente no dispositivo de segurança, na resolução das questões essenciais de estruturação do Estado timorense. Do ponto de vista do que têm sido os sinais dados pelo povo timorense, sem dúvida, eles querem a democracia, eles querem o Estado de direito.

  Marcin Libicki, autor. − Panie Przewodniczący! Timor Wschodni niedawno wywalczył sobie niepodległość broniąc swojej katolickiej tożsamości. To była krwawa i pełna ofiar wojna o niepodległość. Prezydent Timoru Wschodniego otrzymał nagrodę Nobla. To dodatkowo zobowiązuje społeczność międzynarodową do tego, żeby pomóc w zaprowadzeniu tam porządku. Zgadzam się zupełnie z panią Gomez, że był to kraj, który rozwijał się prawidłowo i spełniał wszystkie potrzebne standardy, żeby dobrze funkcjonować. Dzisiaj ta wojna burzy te standardy i burzy ten wewnętrzny porządek.

Uważam, że warto wrócić do propozycji, którą swego czasu złożył prezydent Polski Lech Kaczyński, a którą powtórzył niedawno prezydent Sarkozy, że powinno się powołać europejskie siły zbrojne, które w razie czego mogłyby interweniować. Jeżeli nie będziemy mieli siły, żeby interweniować, to będziemy się tu spotykać bez końca w czwartki i debatować bez żadnego rezultatu.

  José Ribeiro e Castro (PPE-DE), Autor. – Senhor Presidente, caros Colegas, há um poema de Ruy Cinatti que me veio à memória: "Poderemos, talvez, ser derrotados ou combatidos, mas somente unidos".

Infelizmente, a 11 de Fevereiro, a crise voltou a Timor-Leste, e de novo pelos mesmos peticionários, que já tinham sido responsáveis pela crise de há dois anos. Isso suscita-nos interrogações. O regresso de velhos conhecidos que prejudicam a estabilidade de um país, e a gravidade de um atentado que atingiu - podia ter sido mortalmente - atingiu gravemente o Presidente da República, José Ramos Horta, e atingiu também, felizmente sem consequências pessoais, o Primeiro-Ministro Xanana Gusmão.

A violência praticada e a perturbação do regular funcionamento das instituições põem uma vez mais a nu as carências de um país com a história e as circunstâncias de Timor, que lutou e luta corajosamente pela independência, pela democracia e pelo progresso.

Quem o apoiou desde o princípio não pode deixar de sentir tristeza por mais este incidente, que nós condenamos com veemência, desejando a completa recuperação do Presidente Ramos Horta, a investigação rigorosa daquilo que se passou e a resposta, finalmente, àquilo que faz falta.

O que faz falta, desde logo nas forças internacionais, cuja actuação não foi tão pronta quanto desejável, com excepção da GNR portuguesa; as falhas evidentes no Estado de direito de Timor, que não está a funcionar em pleno, que não funcionou em pleno e que precisa de reconstruir o coração do seu sistema de segurança por forma a garantir a ordem pública.

A comunidade internacional deve assistir os timorenses nestes passos. Não se trata de um Estado falhado, trata-se de um Estado com carências, que nós temos que apoiar.

Mas a responsabilidade principal cabe, obviamente, aos próprios timorenses, que têm que ser capazes de definir um compromisso transpartidário de pacificação profunda, de respeito pelo Estado de direito, pelas decisões judiciais, sem hesitações, sem tergiversações nem complacências, e que têm sido capazes de se pôr de acordo naquilo a que chamamos pactos de regime quanto ao coração do funcionamento do Estado.

É esse pacto de união que Ruy Cinatti invocava no seu poema, e essa é a mais sensível necessidade de Timor-Leste. Por isso, caros amigos, o que é indispensável é ajudarmos os timorenses a ajudarem-se e a tornarem cada vez mais forte o seu país.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda, Autor. – Señor Presidente, creo que Timor Oriental es un ejemplo de que los procesos de autodeterminación se pueden llevar a cabo y se pueden hacer bien. De hecho, sería bueno que algunos amigos, también en el caso español, por ejemplo, tomaran lecciones del ejemplo portugués y asumieran sus responsabilidades en cuanto a otras herencias de antiguas colonias, como es el caso del Sáhara Occidental.

Sin embargo, resulta también evidente que todos estos casos no son sencillos ni de resultados inmediatos. Cabe señalar las dificultades por las que atraviesa Timor Oriental, donde, a pesar de haberse celebrado unas elecciones pacíficas hace unos meses, siguen produciéndose importantes disturbios, e incluso ha habido un intento de asesinato del Presidente Ramos Horta —y me sumo también al saludo que ha enviado esta Cámara y a los votos por su pronta recuperación— y también incluso del propio Primer Ministro, Xanana Gusmão.

Nadie, creo, puede discutir la voluntad de entendimiento que ha demostrado Ramos Horta, entre otros muchos, y estoy convencido de que, incluso después del atentado, Ramos Horta liderará los esfuerzos que sean necesarios para encontrar un acuerdo político entre las partes actualmente en conflicto en el país que permita dirimir las diferencias en un marco democrático y no violento.

Pero para ello, sin embargo, es necesario que la comunidad internacional se comprometa a fondo y que, entre otras cosas, se renueve el mandato de Naciones Unidas, tal y como han sugerido algunos países, y, en todo caso, se prorrogue hasta 2012, siempre respondiendo a la petición y a las necesidades que están surgiendo del propio Gobierno y de las propias fuerzas democráticas timorenses.

Asimismo, es deseable también que la presencia de las Naciones Unidas en el terreno se ajuste a las necesidades de este país y que también se revise no solamente en términos de reconstrucción y de atención de necesidades fundamentales, sino también de capacidad de actuar preventivamente y de reaccionar cuando se produzcan determinados disturbios.

Por último, es urgente que la Unión Europea establezca cuanto antes una delegación en Dili y que el Parlamento Europeo pueda también organizar una delegación de observación, con objeto de apoyar a las fuerzas democráticas y de evaluar la orientación y la eficacia de la ayuda europea en estos momentos.

  Tunne Kelam, on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. – Mr President, East Timor is certainly not a failed state. However, the fact that on 11 February 2008 both the democratically elected President and the Prime Minister became victims of armed attempts on their lives is proof of how fragile a young democracy can be.

I should like to make three points. First, we are really worried about the lack of timely and efficient reaction by UNPOL and other international forces to these attacks.

Second, the EU has a responsibility to assist the democratic institutions of East Timor and to consolidate the rule-of-law system there. The motion for a resolution rightly emphasises the urgent need to reach a national agreement on core issues of democracy.

Third, the EU, in full cooperation with the UN, has to contribute to the reform of the security sector in East Timor. East Timor, after all, is not as far from us as it may seem, and Ms Gomes is good proof of this.

  Karin Scheele, im Namen der PSE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Ich möchte mich den Solidaritätsbekundungen mit dem schwer verletzten Präsidenten von Osttimor anschließen, aber auch den Solidaritätsbekundungen mit dem Volk von Osttimor, das sehr lange für die Unabhängigkeit und für seine Rechte kämpfen musste. Das Europäische Parlament verurteilt die versuchte Ermordung von Präsident Ramos-Horta aufs Schärfste. Die Anschläge wurden verübt, nachdem der Präsident versucht hatte, eine Verhandlungslösung mit den Rebellen zu finden.

Da die genaue Abfolge der Ereignisse noch unklar ist, fordern wir eine gründliche, eine rigorose Untersuchung des Attentats sowie eine Untersuchung des Versagens des Sicherheitssystems. Wir begrüßen die bereits eingeleitete gemeinsame Untersuchung der Vereinten Nationen und der Polizeikräfte von Osttimor. Wir fordern ein Verbot aller paramilitärischen Gruppen und bewaffneten Banden und mehr finanzielle Mittel, um die notwendigen Reformen des Sicherheitssektors von Osttimor zu unterstützen.

  Zdzisław Zbigniew Podkański, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Projekt rezolucji Parlamentu Europejskiego w sprawie Timoru Wschodniego ma głęboki sens. Ukazuje bowiem dramat mieszkańców tego kraju oraz bezsilność władz państwowych, instytucji międzynarodowych i sił pokojowych. Mimo licznych wysiłków i znaczącej pomocy międzynarodowej walka wewnątrz trwa, giną ludzie, marnotrawiony jest majątek, niszczone dobra kultury. Ubóstwo, masowe – sięgające 80% – bezrobocie, demoralizacja, analfabetyzm, to choroby, które niszczą społeczeństwo i powodują rozpacz oraz zarzewie buntu.

Mieszkańcy Timoru Wschodniego chcą żyć w spokoju i pokoju, chcą pracować, uczyć się i rozwijać gospodarczo swój kraj, ale żeby to się stało, musi nastąpić umocnienie demokratycznych władz tego kraju oraz zwiększona pomoc instytucji międzynarodowych. Dlatego autorzy rezolucji słusznie domagają się zapewnienia Timorowi Wschodniemu wsparcia politycznego, technicznego i finansowego oraz przypominają, że Unia Europejska, jak i Narody Zjednoczone publicznie zobowiązały się do wspierania niepodległości i demokracji oraz rządów prawa. Grupa polityczna UEN będzie wspierała tę rezolucję.

  Koenraad Dillen (NI). – Voorzitter, het is hier al door enkele collega's aangestipt, het is zeker niet overdreven te stellen dat na de aanslagen op president Ramos-Horta Oost-Timor alweer een kritieke fase ingaat. Ik zeg alweer, want wie herinnert zich niet de beelden van vorig jaar toen na de benoeming van Guzmao honderden huizen en enkele overheidsgebouwen in lichterlaaie stonden?

Inderdaad, allicht is een internationale troepenmacht noodzakelijk om de huidige noodtoestand te handhaven. Maar het mag daarbij zeker niet de indruk wekken dat de regering buitenlandse militairen nodig heeft om zich te beschermen tegen de eigen bevolking. Een buitenlandse troepenmacht kan dan wel manu militari de stabiliteit op korte termijn handhaven, op lange termijn zullen de Oost-Timorezen zelf moeten zorgen voor hun eigen toekomst. Om de politieke stabiliteit, de democratie en het respect voor de mensenrechten op termijn te waarborgen, moeten er in de eerste plaats onafhankelijke en degelijke media komen, moet de politiemacht hervormd worden en moet een degelijk gerechtelijk systeem uitgebouwd worden.

  Filip Kaczmarek (PPE-DE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Timor Wschodni jest przez wielu odbierany jako najbardziej udany proces przebudowy w historii ONZ. Timor jednak zdaje się zapominać, z jakim poświęceniem walczył o swoją niepodległość i zakończenie 24-letniej brutalnej okupacji indonezyjskiej i z jaką radością witał wolność swojego kraju. W niecałe 6 lat po odzyskaniu niepodległości stoi na krawędzi chaosu. Rodząca się demokracja i niepodległość nie przychodzą łatwo. To dopiero początek drogi, a nie jej zakończenie. Jedno jednak nie ulega wątpliwości i trzeba to jasno powiedzieć. Przemoc nie jest i nigdy nie była drogą do rozwiązywania jakichkolwiek problemów. Drogą taką jest dialog, pluralizm polityczny, umocnienie instytucji demokratycznych, takich jak parlament, niezależne sądownictwo i rządy sprawowane przez demokratycznie wybrane organy władzy.

Apeluję do Komisji Europejskiej i do Rady, aby jak najwięcej środków pomocowych w ramach dziesiątego europejskiego funduszu rozwoju, przeznaczonych dla Timoru, było przeznaczonych na umacnianie demokracji.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg (PSE). – Dziękuję, Panie Przewodniczący! Minęło półtora roku od ostatniej rezolucji Parlamentu Europejskiego w sprawie Timoru Wschodniego. Kraj – formalnie niepodległy od 2002 roku, dotknięty cztery lata później wojną domową wywołaną przez grupę zwolnionych z armii żołnierzy, po zamachu na prezydenta Ramosa Hortę 11 lutego bieżącego roku – znalazł się ponownie w poważnym kryzysie politycznym. Ogłoszono stan wyjątkowy, prosząc o wzmocnienie stacjonującej dotychczas 1 600 osobowej grupy sił pokojowych.

Kryzysowi politycznemu w kraju towarzyszy kryzys ekonomiczny. Poziom bezrobocia kształtuje się na poziomie około 80%, z czego 40% bezrobotnych żyje poniżej progu ubóstwa.

Stabilizacja państwa nie będzie możliwa bez konsensusu wśród sił politycznych co do podstawowych funkcji państwa. Należy potępić brutalny zamach na prezydenta oraz premiera i wezwać rząd Timoru do położenia kresu przemocy, w tym działalności gangów. Konsolidację demokracji wspierać musi społeczność międzynarodowa, w szczególności ONZ i Rada Bezpieczeństwa, nie zapominając o niezbędnej pomocy gospodarczej na rzecz walki z ubóstwem oraz budowy administracji i infrastruktury w Timorze Wschodnim.

  Carlos Coelho (PPE-DE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, caros Colegas, quero apoiar a resolução comum que condena os atentados. Quero também felicitar as instituições do Estado de Timor pela serenidade com que responderam à tragédia, e quero sublinhar, como já o fizeram os Deputados Ana Gomes e Ribeiro e Castro, que Timor não é um Estado falhado.

É um Estado que precisa da ajuda internacional, precisa que haja uma delegação da Comissão Europeia em Timor, precisa que a missão da ONU seja prorrogada e precisa de nós todos, que apoiamos todas as iniciativas que possam promover a unidade dos timorenses, no respeito pela lei e condenando toda a violência.

  Meglena Kuneva, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, the Commission has condemned the attacks against President Ramos-Horta and Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao in the strongest terms.

The young democracy of East Timor is still extremely vulnerable in its political, judicial and security institutions. The country is confronted with poverty and high unemployment, especially among the young people who have so far little expectations for a prosperous future and are amenable to violent groups.

In its meetings with the leaders of the country, the Commission has supported a peaceful settlement of the conflict, including the eventual disbanding and disarmament of any paramilitary group.

Following the 2006 violence, the European Commission has reacted quickly: firstly, with humanitarian assistance to the internally displaced persons; secondly, by supporting dialogue among the leaders; and thirdly, in implementing a cash-for-work programme for unemployed youth.

The European Commission also decided to open a fully-fledged delegation in Dili, and the new head of delegation is expected to start work in March 2008. The delegation will become fully operational towards the second half of 2008. This will create the opportunity for a formal political dialogue with the government and a faster assessment of support to the country.

The strategy of the European Commission for East Timor under the 10th European Development Fund has recently been approved. It aims to support the still weak judicial sector, the Parliament and other institutions, thereby assisting in building up a democratic culture.

Support to rural development will help to alleviate poverty and to improve infrastructure. Health-related activities will contribute to tackling poverty-related diseases and reducing alarmingly high mother and child mortality rates.

Addressing the root causes of the present conflict and providing support for their solution will be as important as the longer term programmes.

The East Timorese Government has submitted a comprehensive Governance Action Plan, which will be the subject of political dialogue between the delegation and the Government, supported by the Commission.

In a mission during the next weeks, the Commission will assess the situation and the possibility of assisting with further measures addressing some of the root causes of the conflict. This may include requests of the Government to support some labour-intensive programmes to combat unemployment.

In a joint Commission-Council paper of December 2007, both the Commission and the EU Member States supported the central role of the United Nations in coordinating the assistance to the security sector.

In summary, the envisaged support under the Commission programme, more than EUR 80 million, is comprehensive and will help to address many of the present problems of the country.

  Le Président. – Le débat est clos.

Le vote aura lieu à la fin des débats.

(1) Voir procès-verbal

9.2. Беларус

  Le Président. – L'ordre du jour appelle le débat sur six propositions de résolution sur le Belarus⁽¹⁾.

  Janusz Onyszkiewicz, autor. − Panie Przewodniczący! Niedawno większość więźniów politycznych na Białorusi została uwolniona, tzn. prawie wszyscy, z wyjątkiem jednego. Ale nie oznacza to, że mamy pewność, że rzeczy na Białorusi idą w dobrą stronę. Tego bowiem samego dnia dokonano najść na mieszkania całego szeregu osób związanych z opozycją na Białorusi, a jeden nauczyciel gimnazjalny został usunięty z pracy, bo – jak mu powiedziano – jako członek opozycyjnej partii obywatelskiej nie reprezentuje ideologii zgodnej z ideologią państwową.

Na Białorusi bowiem – i to jest rzecz zupełnie kuriozalna – jest coś takiego, jak ideologia państwowa i w związku z tym trudno się dziwić, że rekrutacja na takie kierunki, jak np. dziennikarstwo, prawo, stosunki międzynarodowe odbywa się tylko w ten sposób, że kandydaci muszą przedstawić rekomendacje władz. Jest to sytuacja zupełnie nie do przyjęcia, chociaż przyjmujemy ten krok, który został wykonany i odnotowujemy go z pewną satysfakcją.

Jeśli chodzi o samą Białoruś, natomiast oczywiście pojawia się pytanie, o co w tego rodzaju działaniach chodzi. Wydaje się, że prezydent Łukaszenko chciałby po prostu pokazać także i takim gestem, jak zgoda na utworzenie w Mińsku przedstawicielstwa Komisji Europejskiej, że nie jest niejako skazany na politykę wyłącznie prorosyjską. Ta polityka zresztą na Białorusi zaczyna być coraz bardziej trudna. Białoruś nie chce być poddana całkowitemu procesowi wchłaniania przez Rosję. Tutaj nawet pan Łukaszenko tego rodzaju stanowisko zajmuje, ale rzecz się jednak odbywa.

Białoruś jest wykupywana po prostu przez Rosję. Ostatnio Gazprom sfinalizował kolejną transakcję, w wyniku której dysponuje już 1/4 udziałów w przedsiębiorstwach kontrolujących linie przesyłowe gazu i ropy przez Białoruś, a wkrótce uzyska 50% udziału. Wygląda też na to, że Rosja zdoła przekonać Białoruś do tego, żeby przyjęła rubel, jako swoją własną walutę.

W związku z tym sytuacja istotnie zaczyna być coraz groźniejsza i wsparcie dla niezależnych działań na Białorusi, dla społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, jest tym bardziej potrzebne. To wsparcie już idzie, ale trzeba to wsparcie zwiększyć, w szczególności wspierając nowo powstałe instytucje, takie jak telewizja dla Białorusi, która jest bardzo poważnym środkiem informującym lokalną społeczność o tym, co się tak naprawdę dzieje. Myślę, że trzeba cały czas mieć sprawę Białorusi na uwadze, dlatego że jest to sprawa całej Europy, bo nie możemy tolerować faktu, że w samym środku Europy jest taka anomalia, jak państwo Białoruś, które jest państwem rządzonym przez dyktatora.

  Jiří Maštálka, Autor. − Kolegyně a kolegové, nehledě na velmi kritický tón předkládaných dokumentů jsem rád, že mohu konstatovat, že se zde nacházejí minimálně dva pozitivní momenty.

Ten první moment je zřízení stálého zastoupení Evropské komise v Minsku, které pokud vím bylo schváleno i prezidentem Běloruské republiky. Myslím, že otevření stálého zastoupení Evropské unie dává základ pro další aktivizaci a rozšíření vztahů s Evropskou unií v takových vzájemně výhodných oblastech jako je energetika, doprava, tranzit, ale i ochrana životního prostředí.

Druhý pozitivní bod, který se mi zdá důležitý, jsou proběhnuvší expertní jednání v Bruselu v červnu minulého roku, která se týkala zejména otázek energetiky, a plánované rozhovory expertů, které se budou týkat jak dopravních koridorů, tak i ochrany životního prostředí. Tento směr považuji za velmi, velmi důležitý. Nesmíme zapomínat na to, že Bělorusko ještě stále samo bojuje s velmi vážnými následky černobylské havárie. Současné tendence vzájemných vztahů ukazují, že se v politických kruzích Evropské unie zafixoval pevně určitý názor na Bělorusko, velmi kritický a jednostranný.

Je nezbytné nejen kritizovat, ale i spolupracovat. Přišla doba na vstřícný krok i ze směru Běloruska a myslím si, že oficiální běloruská moc by měla přijít minimálně s krokem moratoria na trest smrti, což by umožnilo jednat znovu o obnovení statutu členství Běloruska v Radě Evropy. Ze strany Evropské unie bych přivítal například usnadnění vízového režimu nebo podporu stážistů, mladých specialistů z Běloruska, kteří by se mohli seznámit s prací evropských institucí bezprostředně.

  Józef Pinior, author. − Mr President, this afternoon I would firstly like to welcome the positive sign of relations between the EU and Belarus. The recent developments on the agreements to establish the European Commission’s delegation in Minsk are a positive step toward renewing dialogue with the European Union and Belarus.

We would like to encourage the Commission to use the full potential of the opening of a delegation. The time has come for the international community as a whole to extend more support to civil society in Belarus, in particular to increase financial aid to the independent media, to non-governmental organisations and to Belarusian students studying abroad. The Commission’s decision to give financial support to the European Humanities University in Vilnius is very wise. The Commission and the Council should consider offering financial support to the project, which is already in existence, to create the independent Belarusian television channel Belsat.

Secondly, the European Parliament calls on the Commission and the Council to take further steps towards the facilitation and liberalisation of visa procedures for Belarusian citizens. We call on Member States in the Schengen area to use all available tools, mainly national visa costs, in order to facilitate the movement of Belarusian citizens within each Member State’s territory.

Thirdly, we call on President Lukashenko’s regime above all to move towards liberalisation and democratisation, to release all prisoners of conscience in the country, to introduce the rule of law and freedom of media associations and to abolish the death penalty.

In conclusion, I would like to express this afternoon our solidarity with the United Democratic Opposition of Belarus, the leader of the democratic movement, Alexander Milinkevich, and all Belarusian citizens in their struggle towards an open society.

  Adam Bielan, autor. − Dziękuję bardzo, Panie Przewodniczący! Działania dyktatury Aleksandra Łukaszenki na Białorusi wymierzone przeciwko własnemu narodowi są powszechnie znane. Tylko od początku roku brutalnie stłumiono trzy pokojowe demonstracje. Władze notorycznie prześladują działaczy opozycji, wprowadzają restrykcje ograniczające wjazd duchownych i katechetów, a także kuriozalne rozporządzenia, jak to, zgodnie z którym, by studiować prawo lub dziennikarstwo, trzeba uzyskać akceptację organów władzy. W tej sytuacji zaostrzenie sankcji wobec Białorusi wydaje się być niestety jedyną odpowiedzią na ostatnie wydarzenia. Jednocześnie jednak nie możemy zapomnieć, że naszym moralnym prawem i obowiązkiem jest wspieranie i budowa na Białorusi społeczeństwa obywatelskiego.

Doraźne instrumenty pomocy dla opozycji to między innymi zniesienie blokady informacyjnej. Dobrym przykładem jest tutaj inicjatywa podjęta przez Polską Telewizję Publiczną, która 10 grudnia 2007 r. uruchomiła nadawanie pierwszej niezależnej telewizji Belsat, transmitującej programy na Białoruś. Niestety, jak poinformowała mnie dzisiaj szefowa tego projektu, pani redaktor Agnieszka Romaszewska, wciąż nie ma finansowego wsparcia Unii Europejskiej. Nie ma nawet linii budżetowej, z której można finansować wspieranie praw człowieka i demokracji na Białorusi.

Szanowni Państwo! Niewątpliwie kolejnym bardzo ważnym problemem są wysokie opłaty dla Białorusinów za wizy schengeńskie. Ograniczając dostęp do Unii Europejskiej dla członków reżimu Łukaszenki musimy sprawić, by osoby, które nie są powiązane z tym reżimem, miały łatwiejszy dostęp do Unii.

  José Ribeiro e Castro, author. − Mr President, in January of this year, 10 young activists of the Belarusian Popular Front Youth and Malady Front (‘Young Front’) were arrested after they met a delegation of the Democrat Youth Community of Europe (DEMYC) in Minsk, and then faced expulsion from their universities.

This is the last real dictatorship in Europe. Belarus still has the death penalty, political prisoners, arbitrary arrests, media censorship, violence and restrictions on access to the internet. All Europeans should not take their liberty for granted, and young Europeans should follow the DEMYC example in showing solidarity with their neighbours by standing up for democracy and human rights.

Belarus cannot be a partner of the EU while this intolerable intimidation and targeted arrests continue. Reading the official internet biography of President Lukashenko, I became aware that he considers himself to be ‘notable for his in-depth understanding of events, hard work, sense of duty, realism, fairness and fidelity to principles’. Why, then, can Mr Lukashenko not realise a very simple and plain fact: Soviet-style tyrants belong in the past?

As to the students, repressed and deprived of their fundamental right to education, I urge our Parliament to join me in paraphrasing the song: Hey, Lukashenko, leave the kids alone!

  Elisabeth Schroedter, Verfasserin. − Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen! Belarus ist und bleibt das Sorgenkind in unserer Nachbarschaftspolitik. Der Diktator Lukaschenko sorgt immer noch dafür, dass sich das Land systematisch von seinen Nachbarn entfernt und sich selbst isoliert. Er tritt die Menschenrechte mit Füßen und hält an der Todesstrafe fest. Das ist nicht nur eine Sorge von uns, sondern stößt auch massiv auf Ablehnung in der eigenen Bevölkerung. Immer mehr Jugendliche verlassen Belarus. Das ist ein Drama für dieses Land.

Die Aufgabe der Europäischen Union ist es deshalb, Belarus auf dem Weg zurück in die Demokratie zu helfen. Aus meiner Sicht geht das nicht mit Diktator Lukaschenko und seinem Präsidentenapparat, sondern nur mit der Opposition, der Zivilgesellschaft und den jungen Menschen, die die zukünftige Elite des Landes darstellen könnten.

Deshalb appelliere ich an die Mitgliedstaaten, ihre Visapolitik für diese Menschen zu ändern und ihnen die Chance für den Austausch mit den jungen Menschen in der Europäischen Union zu geben, eine Chance auf demokratische Bildung und eine Chance, überhaupt Demokratie zu erfahren, indem sie in die Europäische Union reisen können. Die Visapolitik darf hier nicht eine unüberwindbare Hürde sein und den Weg in die Demokratie versperren. Das ist ganz wichtig!

In den Verhandlungen mit Lukaschenko jedoch sollte es keine Konzessionen bezüglich der Menschenrechte geben. Da ist sich das Parlament einig, quer durch alle Fraktionen: Freilassen aller politischer Gefangenen, Moratorium bezüglich der Todesstrafe, Freiheit der Medien und Respekt aller Grundlagen der Demokratie. Das ist die Grundvoraussetzung für Verhandlungen. Keine Konzessionen. Da kommt es wirklich darauf an, wie die nächste Wahl abläuft. Ich hoffe sehr für das belarussische Volk, dass es sein Schicksal selbst in die Hand nimmt.

  Urszula Gacek, w imieniu grupy PPE-DE. – Panie Przewodniczący! Od dwóch lat były kandydat na prezydenta Białorusi, Aleksander Kazulin, przebywa w areszcie skazany na pięć i pół roku pozbawienia wolności za chuligaństwo. Żona Kazulina, Irina, nieustannie walczy o uwolnienie męża, pomimo że sama jest ciężko chora. Prezydent Łukaszenko zaproponował, że uwolni Kazulina, aby razem z żoną mógł wyjechać na leczenie pani Iriny do Niemiec. Łukaszenko wyraził zdziwienie, kiedy odmówiono jego propozycji. Dla pani Iriny oznaczałoby to tchórzliwą ucieczkę z kraju.

Jeżeli prezydent Łukaszenko chce poprawić swój wizerunek, niech natychmiast i bezwarunkowo uwolni Aleksandra Kazulina. Życzymy, aby niebawem Kazulinowie mogli się cieszyć wolnością i zdrowiem na białoruskiej ziemi.

  Ewa Tomaszewska, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Panie Przewodniczący! Białoruś, kraj sąsiadujący z Unią Europejską i dzielący z nami trudną historię ucisku komunistycznego, nadal nie może cieszyć się demokratycznymi warunkami sprawowania władzy i respektowania przez nią praw człowieka. Reżim Łukaszenki, prezydenta, który z pogwałceniem demokratycznych procedur przez kolejną kadencję sprawuje władzę, stosuje brutalne represje wobec każdego przejawu tworzenia się społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Zastraszanie dziennikarzy, przywódców niezależnych organizacji młodzieżowych czy niezależnych związków zawodowych, aresztowania wśród opozycji politycznej, chociażby właśnie sprawa Kazulina, o której przed chwilą mówiła pani Gacek, represje wobec mniejszości narodowych, w tym polskiej, dziś także represje wobec drobnych przedsiębiorców z obawy przed ich ekonomicznym uniezależnieniem, to smutna rzeczywistość na Białorusi.

Wspieranie ekonomiczne i informacyjne poprzez niezależne media, choćby przez telewizję dla Białorusi, wszystkich środowisk działających w obronie praw człowieka i swobód demokratycznych na Białorusi jest moralnym obowiązkiem Unii Europejskiej.

Utworzenie przedstawicielstwa Unii Europejskiej w Mińsku byłoby dobrym środkiem kontroli sytuacji. W dziesiątą rocznicę katastrofy w Czarnobylu uczestniczyłam legalnie w manifestacji w Mińsku. Widziałam oddziały OMONU sprowadzone z Moskwy przeciw ludności ewakuowanej ze strefy zagrożenia. Widziałam kałuże krwi na ulicach Mińska. To się nie może powtórzyć.

  Kathy Sinnott, on behalf of the IND/DEM Group. – Mr President, I have a foster nephew from Belarus, now an adult and considered a wonderful addition to our extended family. But I remember his condition the summer he first came to stay with my sister, and it is this experience that allows me, personally, to understand the difficulties, especially of someone disabled, raised in an institution in such an unstable environment.

Belarus needs relief – relief not only from economic and political instability but relief for the people. The people of Belarus are particularly isolated, controlled under a regime that continues to threaten the democratic values and freedoms to which people are entitled.

Before Christmas, I met two representatives from Belarus. They informed me of the ongoing problem of defending religious freedom. Religious activity is forbidden without registration with the Government, and a person can be charged a fine or face imprisonment for unregistered religious activity, though government registration is made extremely difficult to get.

  Jerzy Buzek (PPE-DE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Chciałem poprzeć wypowiedzi posłanek i posłów, którzy mówili wcześniej. Chciałem tez dodać jedną bardzo istotną ogólną kwestię, mianowicie: my nie możemy polityki wobec Białorusi odrywać od całej polityki wschodniej Unii Europejskiej. Mieliśmy taką skłonność do przebaczania wielu niedemokratycznych posunięć administracji Rosji. Trzeba na to zwracać uwagę. Ja wiem, że to co się dzieje na Białorusi nie ma żadnego porównania z tym, co się dzieje dzisiaj w Rosji, ale na pewno miało i ma porównanie z tym, co się działo w Czeczenii i nie możemy działać inaczej wobec Białorusi i inaczej wobec Rosji.

Druga bardzo ważna sprawa to kwestia prowadzenia naszej polityki wschodniej pod kątem rozszerzenia Unii Europejskiej. Dzisiaj na Ukrainie ważą się losy tego kraju, czy będzie demokratycznym, silnym wzmocnieniem całej Europy. Jeśli pokażemy otwarte drzwi dla Ukraińców, będzie to znak dla Białorusinów, że istnieje alternatywa. Ta alternatywa istnieje w bliższych stosunkach i relacjach z Unią Europejską, a także w przyszłości w członkostwie w Unii Europejskiej, nawet gdyby to miało być za wiele lat.

  Le Président. – Chers collègues, j'ai une difficulté.

Nous avons prévu deux minutes pour la procédure catch the eye, c'est-à-dire deux orateurs. J'en suis à huit ou neuf demandes et je vois encore des mains qui se lèvent, ce qui nous amène à une dizaine.

Alors, soit je donne la parole aux deux premiers – c'est très simple pour moi – soit je vous demande de faire une déclaration en trente secondes et nous faisons l'effort de faire passer tout le monde.

(La deuxième solution est retenue.)

  Jacek Protasiewicz (PPE-DE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Widać po tej dyskusji, że Białoruś jest problemem, który jest w Parlamencie rozpoznawany i uznawany za bardzo ważny. Chciałbym podziękować wszystkim tym, którzy upominali się o prawa człowieka na Białorusi. Chciałbym wszystkim państwu uzmysłowić, że jesienią tego roku odbędą się wybory parlamentarne na Białorusi i powinniśmy dokonać wszystkiego, zarówno jako członkowie tej izby, ale też reprezentanci dużych europejskich rodzin politycznych, ażeby wesprzeć białoruską opozycję w tej nierównej, ale sprawiedliwej walce o wolną, demokratyczną Białoruś.

  Zita Pleštinská (PPE-DE). – Odvtedy, ako sme v tejto sále aj napriek zákazu bezpečnostných služieb s Berndom Posseltom zapálili sviečku na znak solidarity s bieloruským ľudom za prítomnosti pani komisárky Ferrero-Waldner, uplynulo už časové obdobie. Aké je Bielorusko dnes? Posledný európsky diktátor Alexander Lukašenko sa v Bielorusku teší popularite napriek prísnej regulácii ekonomiky a zastrašovaniu politických oponentov. Vláda zosilňuje represálie a uväzňuje opozičných aktivistov. Vláda kontroluje bieloruské médiá, preto ľudia v krajine často nevedia, že Lukašenkov režim je pre Európsku úniu neprijateľný.

Európsky parlament nemôže byť uspokojený len odovzdaním Sacharovovej ceny za slobodu myslenia Alexandrovi Milinkievičovi. Táto cena zaväzuje Európsky parlament na podrobné monitorovanie situácie v Bielorusku.

  Filip Kaczmarek (PPE-DE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Chciałem poruszyć tylko jedną sprawę. Ostatnio ze studiów wyrzucono Franka Wieczorka, młodego opozycjonistę. Formalnie przyczyną wyrzucenia ze studiów było to, że był nieobecny na zajęciach, a był nieobecny, ponieważ był aresztowany. Wyrzucenie ze studiów to zamknięcie drogi do edukacji, ale również groźba, że będzie powołany do wojska, a czym jest służba w reżimowym wojsku dla opozycjonisty, to chyba rozumieją tylko ci, którzy sami żyli w warunkach dyktatury. To może być dla niego bardzo niebezpieczne. Uważam, że powinniśmy zrobić wszystko, aby pomóc w rozwiązaniu sytuacji na Białorusi.

  Zuzana Roithová (PPE-DE). – (Začátek projevu nebylo slyšet) osobně jsem jako lékařka navštívila epicentrum oblasti zasažené radiací. Lékaři a vědci jsou zastrašováni a dokonce i vězněni za to, že pravdivě referují o zdravotním stavu obyvatel. Obyvatelům byly odebrány dozimetry a oni konzumují radioaktivní potraviny.

Mám jen 30 vteřin a tak můžu jenom shrnout: Lukašenko je vrah a my to musíme říkat nahlas. Kdo jiný než Evropská unie?

  Le Président. – Merci, le message est bien reçu.

  Zbigniew Zaleski (PPE-DE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Cechą dyktatury jest to, że nikogo nie słucha. Możemy mówić, co chcemy, a ona robi, co chce. Przeciwwagą dla niej może być tylko demokracja. I gdybym był komisarzem – zwracam się do Pani Komisarz – to dołożyłbym wszelkich starań, aby pomóc kształcić myślące demokratycznie elity. Jeżeli nie udaje się to na Białorusi, to może być też w innych krajach. Ktoś musi być tam przewodnikiem i na takie elity bym liczył.

  Marcin Libicki (UEN). – Panie Przewodniczący! To wstyd dla Białorusi, że kraj, który leży w centrum geograficznej Europy, trafia dzisiaj pod obrady Rady Europy w punkcie łamania praw człowieka. To wstyd dla Białorusi, że jest jedynym krajem europejskim wyłączonym z prac Rady Europy - dlatego, że nie przestrzega żadnych podstawowych praw człowieka.

Dlatego uważam, że bardzo słusznie powiedział pan przewodniczący Adam Bielan, że należy wzmocnić społeczeństwo obywatelskie Białorusi przez poparcie środków przekazu płynących z Polski w pomocy dla tego społeczeństwa.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE-DE). – Mr President, I would like to draw attention to the continuing repression against young Belarusian democrats. In mid-January, several of them were imprisoned for 15 days and then excluded from university. There are some specific names: Zmitser Zhaleznichenka, Anton Kalinouski and Franak Viachorka.

I invite EU universities to offer these brave young people alternative options to continue their studies, to facilitate the provision of visas and to add to the EU blacklist the names of those university officials who have consented to use them as tools in the Lukashenko oppressions.

  Christopher Beazley (PPE-DE). – Mr President, I understand that the Free University of Minsk is today situated in Vilnius, Lithuania. I wonder if Commissioner Figeľ might consider writing a letter to the education and culture ministers of the 26 other EU Member States to suggest there should be 27 Free Universities of Minsk. When it comes to the United Kingdom, there are of course great universities like Oxford and Cambridge, but I would recommend Bristol.

  Bernd Posselt (PPE-DE). – Herr Präsident! Vor zwanzig Jahren habe ich in der Tschechoslowakei und in Polen an der Untergrunduniversität gesprochen. Ich freue mich, wenn ich heute die Kollegen aus den baltischen Staaten, aus der Slowakei, aus der Tschechischen Republik und Polen höre, wie sehr sie die Opposition in Belarus unterstützen. Ich möchte mich dafür herzlich bedanken. Sie tun damit etwas Wichtiges für die EU, mehr als diejenigen, die durch Gespräche ein korruptes Regime aufwerten und stützen, das endlich beseitigt gehört. Ich gebe dem Kollegen Buzek Recht, dass hier Russland in der Verantwortung ist. Das ist eine postkoloniale und präkoloniale Situation, und das dürfen wir nicht länger akzeptieren!

  Le Président. – Voilà qui clôt notre nouvelle procédure speedy catch the eye.

Je vois que vous avez pu prouver qu'on pouvait dire beaucoup de choses en très peu de temps et je vous en remercie.

Nous en venons maintenant à la réaction de la Commission.

  Meglena Kuneva, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, recently, the situation in Belarus has been evolving rapidly. Since mid-January, five of the six political prisoners previously identified as such have been released. One of these political prisoners, though, former presidential candidate Aleksandr Kozulin, is still in jail and in a poor state of health.

The Commission, for its part, through my colleague Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner, has expressed its satisfaction with the release of the prisoners, which has been a long-standing request from all EU institutions, including the European Parliament.

But we have equally been clear that we want to see all political prisoners freed, and that we want to see an end to the systematic harassment of Belarusian civil society, before we can give a new dimension to our relationship with Belarus.

In other words, our message to Belarus remains the same: there cannot be a full partnership with Belarus until Belarus takes convincing steps towards democratisation, and respect for human rights and the rule of law.

This is the gist of the European message to Belarus that the Commission released over a year ago and which includes the ‘12 points for democratisation’ that your resolution mentions. Again, the release of all political prisoners would be an important step in this regard.

In addition, we will be closely watching the parliamentary elections set for September 2008. The organisation of free and fair elections would be seen as a decisive step on the part of the Belarusian authorities. We hope that the OSCE will be able to send a full-scale observation mission to this election and that the European Parliament will also be able to send representatives.

Another important point that your resolution demands is that Belarus should apply a moratorium on the death penalty. The European Union has carried this message to the Belarusian authorities.

Coming back now to the recent developments in Belarus, another issue close to our hearts has been progressing fast over the last months: the opening of the European Commission’s delegation in Minsk, which we officially requested more than two years ago, is now imminent. We hope to be able to sign the establishment agreement soon, so that our delegation can be opened without delay.

This delegation will allow us to reinforce our links with Belarusian civil society and also to develop contacts with the middle rank of the administration that could be open to democratic change.

On this matter, as your resolution underlines, we have had a number of meetings at technical level with Belarusian experts on matters of mutual interest, such as energy, transport and environment. Let me, however, reiterate that the scope of these meetings remains limited as long as the current political conditions prevail in Belarus.

As regards to the Commission actions to support civil society in Belarus, the Commission remains committed more than ever to supporting Belarusian civil society, and our 2008 assistance plan is aimed in particular at cementing Belarusian civil society and independent media. In addition, the Commission has also made clear that its support to the European Humanity University in exile in Vilnius will continue as long as necessary. I will also pass the message about the Free University on to Commissioner Figeľ. I think that this is very interesting and a bright idea.

A few other comments to Mr Pinior and Ms Schroedter. The opening of the negotiations on visa facilitation and on readmission is amongst the elements that would be considered in the event of a real breakthrough in our relationship. According to EU policy, visa facilitation can only be considered in the context of the European Commission readmission policy as part of a real partnership in external relations.

This was explained to Belarus in the verbal notes sent by the Commission on 8 May. The European Union’s willingness to enter into such negotiations with neighbouring countries with an action plan in force has also been reaffirmed, by the Commission communication on this matter of December 2006. In the case of Belarus these conditions are not met.

On the point raised by Mr Bielan, Commission contracts are awarded following strict tendering procedures in order to ensure a transparent and fair competition. This means that the Commission does not support radio and TV stations as such, but specific programmes instead. The ENPI Regional Information and Communication Programme includes support to media activities of EUR 7 million over three years for seven countries. The tendering procedure is ongoing, and media from both European Union and partner countries are eligible to submit tenders for contracts.

  Le Président. – Le débat est clos.

Le vote aura lieu à la fin des débats.

Déclarations écrites (article 142)

  Genowefa Grabowska (PSE), na piśmie. – Jako współautor rezolucji Parlamentu Europejskiego w sprawie Białorusi pragnę zwrócić uwagę na stan demokracji, przestrzeganie praw człowieka, a zwłaszcza sytuację ludności na Białorusi. Białoruś jest nie tylko bliskim sąsiadem Unii, włączonym przecież w politykę bliskiego sąsiedztwa. Białoruś jest najbliższym, bo oddzielonym tylko bezpośrednią granicą, sąsiadem mojego kraju, Polski.

To chyba najlepiej tłumaczy, dlaczego tutaj w Parlamencie Europejskim kwestia spełnienia rzeczywistych nadziei i oczekiwań zwykłych ludzi w tym kraju jest mi szczególnie bliska. Nie można przecież pozostać obojętnym, gdy bezpośrednio za unijną granicą dostrzegamy: restrykcje i administracyjne naciski wobec organizacji pozarządowych, zastraszanie, prześladowania i więzienie działaczy opozycji demokratycznej, w tym przywódców ruchu młodzieżowego Białoruskiego Frontu Ludowego i „Młodego Odrodzenia”.

Dlatego należy szybko podjąć autentyczny dialog pomiędzy władzami Białorusi a Unią Europejską. Unia ma nie tylko prawo, ale i obowiązek domagać się od rządu białoruskiego uwolnienia wszystkich więźniów politycznych, zagwarantowania wolności mediów, niezawisłości sądów i poszanowania wartości demokratycznych oraz praw podstawowych ludności białoruskiej, a przede wszystkim zniesienia kary śmierci.

Ze swej strony Parlament Europejski podjął kroki zmierzające do ułatwienia obywatelom Białorusi wjazdu i pobytu na obszarze UE. Obecnie rozważane są możliwości obniżenia lub nawet całkowitego zniesienia opłat wizowych. To jedyny sposób, aby uniknąć coraz większej izolacji Białorusi i jej obywateli.

(1) Voir procès-verbal

9.3. Северно Киву (Демократична република Конго)

  Le Président. – L'ordre du jour appelle le débat sur six propositions de résolution concernant le Nord-Kivu (République démocratique du Congo)⁽¹⁾.

  Erik Meijer, Auteur. − Mijnheer de Voorzitter, terecht is er in dit Parlement veel aandacht voor wat er gebeurt in de voormalige Belgische kolonie Congo en in het bijzonder voor de voortdurende gevechten, verdrijvingen, verkrachtingen en massamoorden in het oosten van dat enorme land. Die gruwelen hebben voor een deel te maken met conflicten in de aangrenzende staten Rwanda, Burundi en Uganda. Internationaal erkende staatsgrenzen zijn van weinig betekenis voor groepen mensen die als gevolg van verdrijving of gebrek aan bestaansbronnen steeds een nieuw woongebied moeten zoeken. In dit gebied is alles in beweging en het gaat erom dat die beweging zo weinig mogelijk geweld en andere gruwelen oproept. Krijgsheren die aanzien, macht en rijkdom verwerven door het in stand houden van conflicten, vergroten de reeds bestaande problemen en maken ze nog moeilijker oplosbaar.

Zeer recent, op 17 januari, hebben wij hier de toestand in Congo besproken en een resolutie aangenomen, waarin de wens staat dat alle gruwelen ophouden. Ik vrees dat we over dit onderwerp nog vele resoluties kunnen aannemen zonder dat een oplossing naderbij komt. Wie de verwachting had dat de verkiezingen van vorig jaar de problemen in Congo zouden kunnen oplossen, is bedrogen uitgekomen. De zittende president, Kabila, heeft gewonnen maar hij vertegenwoordigt andere standpunten dan de beweging waaruit hij is voortgekomen en de uitkomsten van zowel de presidentsverkiezingen als de parlementsverkiezingen waren voor de oppositie omstreden.

De vraag is of zo'n groot land met slechte verkeersverbindingen en een zeer grote verscheidenheid aan volkeren wel in staat is om te functioneren op een wijze die gesteund wordt door alle bevolkingsgroepen en alle uiteenlopende politieke krachten. Nu dit niet lijkt te lukken wordt Congo een gebied waar levensbedreigende ziekten vrij spel hebben, roofbouw op natuur en landschap plaatsvindt en de mensen volkomen rechteloos blijven. De vraag is of de wapenstilstand van 23 januari voor Noord- en Zuid-Kivu, die uitgaat van ontwapening van de strijdende groepen en terugkeer van vluchtelingen naar hun woonplaatsen, uitvoerbaar is en of het optreden van de Verenigde Naties ter plekke daartoe kan bijdragen. Dat lukt niet door partij te kiezen in conflicten maar mogelijk wel door de strijdende partijen ertoe te overtuigen bijvoorbeeld af te zien van seksueel geweld en artsen toe te laten.

  Alain Hutchinson, auteur. − Monsieur le Président, je ne vais pas aborder la situation de la République démocratique du Congo dans son ensemble, mais plutôt celle du nord-est de ce pays et de cette région du Kivu, où il se déroule, depuis des années, et de manière encore plus importante ces derniers mois, une sale guerre.

Vous me direz que toutes les guerres sont sales, mais celle-là encore plus particulièrement, me semble-t-il. Elle a fait et fait encore des centaines de milliers de victimes, des morts, des déplacés, mais aussi des centaines de milliers de femmes, de petites filles, de grand-mères qui subissent ce qu'il est convenu d'appeler aujourd'hui des violences sexuelles. C'est bien plus que cela dont il s'agit; c'est de l'utilisation du viol comme une véritable arme de guerre, et c'est que tout cela se passe dans une certaine indifférence, à la fois de l'opinion publique et internationale, et plus particulièrement de l'opinion publique européenne.

Cette sale guerre dure depuis des années et elle est le fait de factions rivales: les rebelles de Laurent Nkunda – le général congolais dissident –, les anciens génocidaires rwandais, importés sur le territoire à la fin du génocide de 1994, mais aussi – hélas – des éléments de l'armée congolaise récemment défaite. Cela suffit. Heureusement, une conférence de paix a été tenue très récemment dans cette région, à laquelle l'ensemble des protagonistes ont assisté, et qui a abouti à un cessez-le-feu. Malheureusement, Monsieur le Président, ce cessez-le-feu est particulièrement fragile et déjà la tension monte à nouveau dans la région.

Nous proposons donc deux priorités essentielles: la première, c'est de protéger les populations civiles, de donner les moyens à la MONUC, qui est sur place, de défendre ces populations civiles – conformément au chapitre 7, elle peut utiliser les armes pour remplir cette mission –, car il faut que ces massacres cessent. Et deuxièmement, c'est de soutenir les efforts de paix qui sont débattus là-bas parce que la solution, dans cette région des Grands Lacs, serait une solution politique qui impliquera tout le monde, y compris le Rwanda, qui doit respecter ses engagements visant à reprendre ses ressortissants qui sont actifs au Kivu.

  Adam Bielan, autor. − Panie Przewodniczący! Od drugiej wojny światowej nie było chyba konfliktu równie krwawego i barbarzyńskiego, jak kongijski. Działania zbrojne w prowincji Północne Kiwu toczą się z różnym nasileniem od 10 lat i pociągnęły już za sobą ponad 5 milionów ofiar. Każdego dnia w wyniku tego konfliktu umiera 1500 osób.

Na porządku dziennym są masakry, gwałty na małych dziewczynkach i matkach, przymusowe wcielenia cywilów i dzieci do sił zbrojnych, a także liczne inne drastyczne naruszenia praw człowieka popełniane w ciągu ostatnich miesięcy we wschodniej części Demokratycznej Republiki Konga, zarówno przez grupy rebeliantów Laurenta Nkundy, bojowników demokratycznych sił na rzecz wyzwolenia Rwandy, jak i samą armię kongijską. Wschodnia część Kongo potrzebuje natychmiastowej pomocy medycznej i dostaw żywności, gdyż ostatnie wydarzenia zmusiły większość organizacji humanitarnych do zawieszenia swojej działalności.

Dlatego wzywam Radę i Komisję Europejską do uruchomienia funduszy kryzysowych ze względu na niezwykle poważną sytuację humanitarną w tym regionie.

  Bernd Posselt, Verfasser. − Herr Präsident! Wer das ostafrikanische Land der großen Seen jemals aus der Luft gesehen hat, der könnte glauben, dass sich dort das Paradies befindet. Aber auf der Erde sieht man dann oftmals die Hölle. Es ist ein Land mit phantastischer Natur und großartigen Naturschätzen auf der einen Seite und entsetzlichen Qualen auf der anderen Seite. Naturkatastrophen, Kriege, Vertreibung, Hunger, Seuchen, Massaker, Massenvergewaltigungen, ethnische Konflikte wie sie schlimmer fast nirgends sind. Allein in Nord-Kivu gibt es 800 000 Vertriebene.

Man muss sehen, dass dieses Vertriebenenproblem auf beiden Seiten der Grenze existiert. Es gibt in Afrika ein Phänomen, das man in dieser Form sonst nirgends kennt, dass nämlich nicht von einer Seite auf die andere vertrieben wird, sondern es wird von einem Land ins andere vertrieben und vom anderen Land in jenes Land. Also auf beiden Seiten Vertriebene und Flüchtlinge. Dies heißt, dass die Staaten absolut instabil sind. Deshalb müssen wir humanitäre Hilfe leisten, und wir müssen massiv präsent sein, um den Menschen zu helfen.

Aber im Grunde genommen ist das nur ein Herumdoktern an Symptomen. Wenn es uns nicht gelingt, dort einigermaßen tragfähige staatliche und rechtsstaatliche Strukturen zu implementieren, wird die Katastrophe auch bei größter Hilfe niemals enden. Deshalb ist es außerordentlich wichtig, dass wir uns massiv einbringen, auch politisch. Der Waffenstillstand vom 23. Januar ist äußerst brüchig, er existiert eigentlich nur auf dem Papier. Deshalb ist es dringend notwendig, dass wir alle Parteien zwingen, am Verhandlungstisch miteinander zu reden, vor allem aber auch, dass wir unseren Teil der Aufgabe erledigen.

Leider profitieren auch oft Europäer von den Katastrophen dort. Deshalb ist die Forderung berechtigt, dass wir ernsthafter auf die Herkunftszertifikate z. B. für Rohstoffe schauen, denn oft sind es Europäer, die die Not der Menschen dort für ihre ökonomischen Interessen brutal ausnutzen. Auch hier tragen wir Verantwortung und dürfen uns nicht mit schönen Reden und Herumdoktern an der Oberfläche begnügen.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda, Autor. − Señor Presidente: nuevo capítulo éste de hoy, de trágico serial, que tiene como protagonista a la población de la República Democrática del Congo.

En este caso, el escenario se centra en la región del norte de Kivu, pero la trama y las víctimas son las mismas que ya fueron objeto de una resolución de urgencia en el período parcial de sesiones de enero.

Desde 1998 son casi 5 millones y medio las personas que han muerto a causa de la guerra y 45 000 personas más mueren mensualmente a causa, directa o indirectamente, de la misma. Esto significa, en definitiva, 1 500 personas cada día, es decir, desde que empezamos este período se sesiones el lunes, han muerto ya 6 000 personas en la República Democrática del Congo.

En los últimos meses, además, se han acrecentado, sobre todo en la región del este, las masacres, las violaciones de niñas y mujeres y el reclutamiento forzado de niñas y niños. De todo ello son responsables tanto las tropas rebeldes de Laurent Nkunda como los combatientes de las Fuerzas Democráticas para la Liberación de Ruanda.

Por otra parte, cabe recordar que el mandato de la MONUC se basa en el capítulo VII de la Carta de las Naciones Unidas, lo que le confiere la autoridad de usar todos los medios necesarios para disuadir cualquier intento de uso de la fuerza que ponga en peligro la vida o la integridad de civiles o que suponga una amenaza del proceso político.

Sin embargo, hasta la fecha, la presencia de la MONUC ha resultado totalmente insuficiente para frenar la barbarie. Por todo ello, es necesario apelar de nuevo al Consejo de Seguridad para que reaccione y ponga todos los medios disponibles a fin de frenar las masacres.

Asimismo, si bien debemos acoger con satisfacción la celebración de la Conferencia de Goma, que abre la puerta a una negociación política, los acuerdos, especialmente aquellos que tienen que ver con la desmovilización, siguen siendo ambiguos y su aplicación poco clara.

Por último, ésta es una nueva oportunidad para reclamar, una vez más, como ya se ha dicho por parte del señor Posselt, que se activen e implementen los mecanismos de control como el Proceso de Kimberley, relativo a los diamantes, en materia de certificación de origen de los recursos naturales importados por la Unión Europea.

  Tadeusz Zwiefka, w imieniu grupy PPE-DE. – Panie Przewodniczący! Kongo, nazwane przez Jospeha Konrada jądrem ciemności, od początku swojego istnienia, czyli od 1960 r., było areną makabrycznych pogromów, rzezi, wojen domowych, które nigdy nie pozwoliły temu przebogatemu w surowce naturalne krajowi stanąć na równe nogi. To najbardziej krwawy i barbarzyński konflikt od czasów drugiej wojny światowej, co gorsza tamtejsza wojna wciąż trwa, pochłaniając co miesiąc prawie 50 tysięcy istnień ludzkich. Połowa z tych ofiar to dzieci poniżej 5 roku życia. Przemarszom wojsk towarzyszą wszelkiego rodzaju zbrodnie na ludności cywilnej, gwałty, grabieże, zabójstwa. Dlatego z wielką nadzieją witamy wyniki konferencji pokojowej w Gomie, które być może, ale to będzie zależne także i od nas, położą kres tym walkom zbrojnym w rejonie Kivu.

Jednakże bez wsparcia ze strony społeczności międzynarodowej państw sąsiadujących rozwiązanie tego konfliktu może być niemożliwe. Co ważne, wsparcie międzynarodowe nie powinno ograniczać się tylko do politycznych deklaracji, ale przede wszystkim do udostępnienia odpowiedniej pomocy finansowej, organizacyjnej i technicznej.

  Karin Scheele, im Namen der PSE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Die Lage in Nord-Kivu ist laut Aussage von Hilfsorganisationen teilweise schlimmer als in Darfur. Nord-Kivu steht nicht im Scheinwerferlicht der Weltpolitik, auf Nord-Kivu schaut keiner. Seit dem offiziellen Friedensabkommen 2002 versucht die Regierung Kabila regionale Milizen in eine nationale Armee zu integrieren – bisher ohne großen Erfolg. Die Zivilbevölkerung ist weiterhin den Konsequenzen der bewaffneten Konflikte ausgesetzt. „Ärzte ohne Grenzen“ weist auf die Schwierigkeiten der humanitären Helfer hin, aufgrund der anhaltenden Kämpfe Zugang zur Zivilbevölkerung zu bekommen, und bezeichnet Unterernährung als eine weitere Form der extremen Gefährdung der Bevölkerung in Nord-Kivu.

Wir fordern daher Rat und Kommission auf, sofort Hilfsmittel freizugeben und unverzüglich umfangreiche medizinische Hilfsprogramme für die Zivilbevölkerung im Osten der Demokratischen Republik Kongo einzuleiten. Weiters fordern wir Rat und Kommission auf sicherzustellen, dass die jüngste Verstärkung der UN-Mission zu einer erheblichen Verbesserung der Sicherheit der Bevölkerung führt.

  Urszula Krupa, w imieniu grupy IND/DEM. – Panie Przewodniczący! Mimo porozumienia zawartego w Goma, dotyczącego poprawy bezpieczeństwa i rozwoju w Kongo, w prowincjach Kivu nadal łamane są prawa człowieka. Tylko od końca 2006 roku trzysta tysięcy osób zostało zmuszonych do opuszczania miejsc zamieszkania z powodu nasilającej się przemocy, jaka dotyczy zwłaszcza kobiet i dzieci, które stają się ofiarami gwałtu oraz są siłą werbowane do wojska. Do tej pory sześć milionów ludzi zostało przesiedlonych, a pięć milionów zmarło z powodu wojny i konfliktów, za którymi stoją grupy gospodarcze i wspierające je rządy, zainteresowane korzystaniem z tamtejszych bogactw.

Dlatego potrzeba nie tylko rezolucji i debat w Parlamencie Europejskim czy pomocy humanitarnej dla mieszkańców Konga, ale zaprzestania rabunkowej gospodarki zasobami naturalnymi oraz powstrzymania spekulacyjnych działań koncernów międzynarodowych, bogacących się kosztem życia i zdrowia mieszkańców tego regionu.

  Koenraad Dillen (NI). – Voorzitter, we weten dat onze woorden hier waarschijnlijk weinig zoden aan de dijk zullen zetten. We kunnen alleen maar hopen dat alle partijen zich blijvend zullen houden aan de afspraken die op de Goma-conferentie zijn gemaakt en dat er nu eindelijk een einde komt aan de waanzin die Noord-Kivu al veel te lang in zijn greep houdt. Volgens de VN zijn sinds het begin van de gevechten zo'n 800.000 mensen hun huizen ontvlucht. Duizenden en duizenden vrouwen en meisjes werden het slachtoffer van gruwelijke verkrachtingen, kinderen worden gedwongen mee te vechten.

Daarbij mogen we niet vergeten dat het zeker niet alleen de militieleden van Nkunda zijn die verantwoordelijk zijn voor de massale wreedheden. Nee, alle partijen, ook de regeringssoldaten hebben op systematische wijze misdaden tegen de mensheid begaan. In Noord-Kivu zijn er niet te veel good guys. Op termijn moeten zo veel mogelijk schuldigen daarom berecht worden. Zij moeten zich verantwoorden voor hun gruweldaden. Dit is niet alleen een verantwoordelijkheid voor het internationaal strafgerechtshof, het is in de eerste plaats een verantwoordelijkheid van de Congolese leiders en van Joseph Kabila.

  Zbigniew Zaleski (PPE-DE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Jak powiedział kolega Posselt, że w dużej części Kongo to jest jedno wielkie piekło, do którego przykładają się podmioty niekoniecznie z Konga. Chciałem zwrócić uwagę na jedną rzecz, którą mogłem tam zauważyć, tj. wiele sierot, jako wynik konfliktu, który cały czas tam ma miejsce. Dałbym wszelkie pieniądze dla misjonarzy, po to żeby zajmowali się dziećmi, szczególnie chłopcami, z tego względu, żeby nie byli wcielani do wojska, bo raz wcieleni potrafią tylko strzelać, gwałcić i nic innego. A więc raz jeszcze, Pani Komisarz, pieniądze na szkolenie i na opiekę nad tymi nieszczęśliwcami.

  Zuzana Roithová (PPE-DE). – Paní komisařko, apeluji tady ve Štrasburku na Komisi, aby uvolnila prostředky rezervované pro krizové situace a zahájila již nyní projekty rekonstrukce, a zejména všeobecné rozsáhlé zdravotní pomoci civilistům v Severním Kivu.

Nedávné zemětřesení dokonalo dílo humanitární zkázy. Všichni zde žádáme, aby Komise a Rada také bezodkladně iniciovaly širokou africkou koalici na politické řešení tohoto konfliktu.

  Meglena Kuneva, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, the Commission remains very concerned about the dire humanitarian situation in the Kivus, and North Kivu in particular, where the number of internally displaced people – currently exceeding 800 000 in North Kivu alone – has as much as doubled in the course of 2007, thus alarmingly increasing the vulnerability of the population already suffering hardship.

At the same time, we are aware of, and condemn, the severe human rights abuses – including recruitment of child soldiers and widespread sexual violence – taking place in the region.

Yet, in this context, it is important to remember that today’s critical situation in North Kivu, while exacerbated by the fighting taking place in the second half of 2007, is a result of years of war in the region. The root causes of the Kivu conflict can be traced all the way to the Rwandan genocide at the beginning of the 1990s, while also bearing in mind that there are several local components – such as insufficient political representation of ethnic minorities, pillaging of natural resources and land tenure issues – that significantly contribute to the instability and insecurity in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.

That is why the Commission welcomes the recent Goma Peace Conference and the following cease-fire as positive steps towards solving the enduring conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The Conference restored President Kabila’s credibility after the army’s defeat against General Nkunda’s troops at the end of 2007, and launched an inter-provincial dialogue process – something that the Commission has always advocated.

Moreover, along the lines of the commitments made by the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda in their Nairobi Joint Communiqué in November 2007, the Goma Conference also re-emphasised the need to tackle the problem of the ex-FAR as a priority. At the same time, it was made clear that there is a need to address the root causes of the conflict, while restoring the State authority in the east.

That said, it should not be forgotten that nothing was definitively solved at Goma or Nairobi. Finding a permanent solution to the root causes of the Kivu crisis, and thus a sustainable restoration of peace in the region, will take time. Indeed, while complementing each other, the Nairobi Joint Communiqué and the Goma Conference represent an encouraging start – but only a start – of a difficult and lengthy process.

The main challenge ahead is now an effective implementation of the Nairobi and Goma commitments. It ought to be assured that all the concerned stakeholders stand by their commitments. The EU will continue to follow closely and participate actively in this process.

In this context, international action in support of the Congolese is very much needed. The Commission, together with the Member States, is ready to continue to play an important role in the Kivus. We have traditionally been one of the most important donors in the east, via our humanitarian assistance and our rehabilitation and capacity-building programmes. We are willing to further increase our support for the region, especially through European initiatives, as well as in close collaboration with the United Nations.

  Le Président. – Le débat est clos.

(1) Voir procès-verbal

10. Време за гласуване

  Le Président. – L'ordre du jour appelle l'heure des votes.

(Pour les résultats et autres détails concernant les votes: voir procès-verbal)

10.1. Източен Тимор (вот)

10.2. Беларус (вот)

– Avant le vote sur le paragraphe 3

  José Ribeiro e Castro, auteur. − Monsieur le Président, c'est justement pour corriger le nom des organisations qui sont mentionnées au paragraphe 3. Vous avez, dans les listes de vote, les désignations correctes, donc pas besoin des les répéter.

(L'amendement oral est retenu)

– Avant le paragraphe 1

  Urszula Gacek (PPE-DE). – Mr President, I rise on behalf of my group with an oral amendment to the proposed amendment. While freedom of expression is laid down in the Commission’s non-paper, the internet is sadly not particularly included or singled out. Therefore, to be factually correct and to include all freedoms of expression, not just on the internet, we ask that the phrase ‘on the internet’ be removed from the amendment.

(L'amendement oral est retenu)

10.3. Северно Киву (Демократична република Конго) (вот)

11. Решения относно някои документи: вж. протоколи

12. Писмени декларации, вписани в регистъра (член 116 от правилника): вж. протоколи

13. Предаване на текстове, приети на настоящото заседание: вж. протоколи

14. График на следващите заседания: вж. протокола

15. Прекъсване на сесията

  Le Président. – Je déclare interrompue la session du Parlement européen et je souhaite à chacun et à chacune un bon retour dans ses pénates.

(La séance est levée à 16 h 25)

What, if any, communications have been received from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in response to the European Parliament's Resolution P6_TA(2007)0631 on women's rights in Saudi Arabia, dated 13 December 2007? Does the Council consider any of the responses to be positive or encouraging?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Svet od vlade Saudove Arabije ni prejel odgovora na resolucijo Evropskega parlamenta z dne 13. decembra 2007 o pravicah žensk v Saudovi Arabiji.

Seveda ste seznanjeni tem, da se vprašanje človekovih pravic vedno obravnava na letnem zasedanju Skupnega sveta in ministrskem sestanku med EU in Svetom za sodelovanje arabskih zalivskih držav (GCC), v katerega je vključena tudi Saudova Arabija. O specifičnem vprašanju pravic žensk se z GCC razpravlja v tem okviru.

Svet zato pričakuje, da bo lahko razpravo o vprašanju človekovih pravic, vključno s pravicami žensk, sprožil na prihodnjem ministrskem sestanku EU-GCC, ki je predvideno za 26. maj 2008. Na sestanku bo Svet predstavil stališča EU glede pravic žensk in prisluhnil stališčem partnerjev iz GCC.

How does the Council assess the outcome of the Bali Summit?

Οι 187 χώρες, που έλαβαν μέρος στην Διάσκεψη των Ηνωμένων Εθνών αποφάσισαν να ξεκινήσουν τις διαπραγματεύσεις που θα καταλήξουν το 2009 σε μια νέα συμφωνία για τις κλιματικές αλλαγές, χωρίς όμως την υιοθέτηση συγκεκριμένων στόχων.

Δεδομένου ότι, ήδη από το Μάρτιο 2007, οι αρχηγοί κρατών και κυβερνήσεων της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης έχουν συμφωνήσει σε ένα πακέτο συγκεκριμένων μέτρων-στόχων συνδυάζοντας την πολιτική για την ενέργεια με την καταπολέμηση των κλιματικών αλλαγών, πώς αποτιμά το Συμβούλιο τη Διάσκεψη στο Μπαλί;Ποιες πρωτοβουλίες προτίθεται να αναλάβει στο πλαίσιο του νέου «οδικού χάρτη» για την υιοθέτηση συγκεκριμένων, δεσμευτικών στόχων καθώς και χρονοδιαγράμματος στη νέα συμφωνία για τις κλιματικές αλλαγές; Με ποιο τρόπο θα πιέσει τις ΗΠΑ προς αυτή την κατεύθυνση; Ποια στάση προτίθεται να κρατήσει η Ευρωπαϊκή. Ένωση στη διεθνή συνάντηση για τις κλιματικές αλλαγές που οργανώνουν οι ΗΠΑ στη Χαβάη το 2008;

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Z akcijskim načrtom z Balija se je začel vseobsegajoč pogajalski proces, ki naj bi se zaključil decembra 2009 na konferenci v Kopenhagnu, na kateri bo treba med drugim obravnavati skupno vizijo dolgoročnega skupnega delovanja, ublažitve, prilagajanja, tehnologije in financiranja. Če dovolite, bi vam podrobneje predstavil te sestavne sklope.

Prvi sestavni sklop, tj. skupna vizija dolgoročnega skupnega delovanja, je skupaj z dolgoročnim globalnim ciljem za zmanjšanje emisij bistvenega pomena za usmerjanje prihodnjih splošnih prizadevanj v boju zoper podnebne spremembe.

Drugi sestavni sklop, tj. okrepljeni nacionalni in mednarodni ukrepi za ublažitev, so opisani v skrbno oblikovanem besedilu, ki uravnoteža ukrepe razvitih držav in ukrepe držav v razvoju.

Z akcijskim načrtom z Balija so se v proces ZN spet vključile tudi ZDA. Poleg tega je bila v besedilu tega sklepa opuščena tradicionalna ločnica, ki je od leta 1992 razlikovala med t. i. pogodbenicami iz Priloge I in pogodbenicami, ki niso navedene v Prilogi I. Vzpostavljeno je bilo tudi jasno ločevanje med ukrepi, ki naj bi jih sprejele razvite države, in ukrepi držav v razvoju, s čimer naj bi se izognili temu, da bi razvite države izrabile to priložnost za opustitev svojih obveznosti količinskega omejevanja emisij.

Tretji sestavni sklop, tj. okrepljeni ukrepi za prilaganje, bodo vključevali mednarodno sodelovanje za podporo nujnemu izvajanju ukrepov za prilagajanje, strategije za obvladovanje/zmanjševanje tveganj, strategije za zmanjševanje nevarnosti nesreč in povečanje raznovrstnosti gospodarstva.

Četrti sestavni sklop vključuje okrepljene ukrepe za tehnološki razvoj in prenos tehnologije, da bi podprli ukrepe za prilagajanje in ublažitev, peti sestavni sklop pa se nanaša na okrepljene ukrepe za zagotavljanje finančnih sredstev in naložb, s katerimi naj bi podprli ukrepe za ublažitev, prilagajanje in tehnološko sodelovanje.

Besedilo sklepa vsebuje vse elemente, za katere se je zavzemala EU, in nikakor ne prejudicira končnega izida pogajanj o teh elementih. Dokončna ocena konference na Baliju bo možna le v luči besedila, ki bo sestavljeno na konferenci v Kopenhagnu.

The Council General Secretariat and the Commission have so far not delivered a clear picture of the future European External Action Service. Since it is a matter of primary concern for the national diplomatic service and EU representatives and most relevant for ordinary citizens, it is important to provide some answers for the national capitals as soon as possible and preferably before ratification of the Treaty.

Under the new plans, how will the European External Action Service function and how large is it likely to be? What changes will occur to the existing Foreign Service structure that already deals with the EU's foreign policy?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Svet v tej fazi nima stališča o prihodnji strukturi oziroma organizaciji evropske službe za zunanjepolitično delovanje. Kakršno koli uradno odločitev o prihodnji organizaciji in delu službe za zunanjepolitično delovanje bo Svet lahko sprejel le na podlagi predloga visokega predstavnika Unije za zunanje zadeve in varnostno politiko, potem ko bo Lizbonska pogodba stopila v veljavo, in sicer po posvetovanju z Evropskim parlamentom in pridobitvi privolitve Komisije.

Pripravljalno delo v zvezi z evropsko službo za zunanjepolitično delovanje bo sestavni del celovitega procesa priprav na izvajanje Lizbonske pogodbe. Kot je januarja 2008 minister Rupel v pismu sporočil predsedniku Pötteringu, bo Evropski parlament redno obveščen o tehničnem delu v zvezi s pripravami na evropsko službo za zunanjepolitično delovanje.

The Commission is scheduled to submit a green paper on an EU entry/exit system and other border management tools such as Electronic Travel Authorisation. How does the Council consider that such projects would work alongside the Visa Information System (VIS) and the Schengen Information System (SIS)?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Evropski svet in Svet sta večkrat pozvala Komisijo, naj pripravi predloge za izboljšanje učinkovitosti ter povečanje interoperabilnosti in sinergije med evropskimi podatkovnimi zbirkami.

Evropski svet je na zasedanju 14. in 15. decembra 2006 poudaril pomen uporabe novih tehnologij za izboljšanje nadzora na mejah in pozval Komisijo, naj preuči izvedljivost uvedbe splošnega sistema vstopa in izstopa.

Evropska komisija je 13. februarja 2008 predstavila tri sporočila, vključno s sporočilom o novih sredstvih za evropsko strategijo integriranega upravljanja meja, ki bi v prihodnosti lahko tvorila del evropskega upravljanja meja. Predlagana splošna samodejna registracija prehajanja meja vseh državljanov tretjih držav bi lahko pomembno dopolnila VIS in SIS.

Slovensko predsedstvo bo organiziralo konferenco na ministrski ravni, na kateri bodo ministri za notranje zadeve prvič razpravljali o teh sporočilih.

De acordo com o semanário "Der Spiegel", em Janeiro deste ano, as autoridades alemãs estavam a planear trocar um refém, de nacionalidade alemã, aprisionado pelas autoridades iranianas em 2005, Donald Klein, por vários terroristas da organização satélite iraniana no Líbano Hezbollah entre os quais o cérebro da operação terrorista do regime iraniano que executou quatro oposicionistas no restaurante Mykonos, em Berlim, em 1992.

Recorde-se que o Tribunal Federal de Berlim considerou que o guia espiritual do Irão, Ali Khameini, e o antigo presidente desse país Ali Hashemi-Rafsanjani foram os organizadores deste acto terrorista.

Recentemente, a imprensa deu conta da libertação desses responsáveis pelos assassínios de oposicionistas iranianos.

Exprimindo naturalmente toda a minha solidariedade com Donald Klein e a sua família, penso que a cedência às exigências do número um do terrorismo internacional trará consequências gravíssimas para todos os cidadãos europeus, na Alemanha ou noutros Estados Membros.

Não considera o Conselho que a cedência ao terrorismo, concretizada nesta negociação, pode aumentar o risco de todos os cidadãos europeus se tornarem alvos do terrorismo do regime iraniano?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Svet o tem vprašanju ni razpravljal.

Welche Möglichkeiten sieht der Rat, die alpenüberquerenden Verkehrsverbindungen zwischen Bayern, Österreich, Italien und Slowenien so zu fördern und voranzutreiben, dass der wirtschaftliche Austausch intensiviert wird und gleichzeitig ökologische Maßstäbe gewahrt werden?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

V zvezi z možnostmi spodbujanja in razvijanja čezalpskih poti, kot je poslancu gotovo že znano, ter v skladu z Odločbo Evropskega parlamenta in Sveta št. 884/2004/ES z dne 29. aprila 2004 o spremembi Odločbe št. 1692/96/ES o smernicah Skupnosti za razvoj vseevropskega prometnega omrežja, prednostne naloge vseevropskega prometnega omrežja vključujejo: vzpostavitev in razvoj ključnih in vmesnih povezav, ki so med drugim potrebne za dograjevanje manjkajočih odsekov, izgradnjo glavnih poti in premagovanje naravnih ovir, ter vključitev varnostnih in okoljskih interesov v projektiranje in vzpostavitev omrežja. Člen 8 navedene odločbe nadalje določa, da morajo države članice v okviru vseevropskega prometnega omrežja upoštevati tudi varstvo okolja.

Omenil bi dve prednostni nalogi iz priloge II k navedeni odločbi in sicer železniško os Berlin-Verona/Milano-Bologna-Napoli-Messina-Palermo in t.i. 6. prednostni projekt - železniška os Lyon-Torino-Benetke-Ljubljana-Budimpešta. V skladu s poročilom o doseženem napredku, ki ga je julija 2007 pripravil koordinator projekta, Karel Van Miert, so dejavnosti na železniški osi Berlin-Verona/Milano-Bologna-Napoli-Messina-Palermo v drugem letu hitro napredovale, podpisan pa je bil tudi memorandum o soglasju med Avstrijo in Italijo glede predora Brenner. Komisija je decembra 2007 sprejela sklep o prošnji za sofinanciranje predora Brenner.

T.i. 6. prednostni projekt - železniška os Lyon-Torino-Benetke-Ljubljana-Budimpešta, ki prav tako rešuje problematiko prehoda preko Alp in sicer v smeri zahod – vzhod. V okviru te prednostne naloge je že v gradnji predor Mont Cenis, ki je čezmejni projekt Italije in Francije. V okviru omenjenega projekta naj omenim tudi povezavo Trst – Divača za katerega je Komisija decembra 2007 odobrila sofinanciranje za izdelavo projektne dokumentacije in pripravljalnih del. Dejavnosti na tem projektu potekajo, glede tega odseka pa je bil julija 2007 podpisan tudi memorandum o soglasju med Italijo in Slovenijo.

Die Slowenische Ratspräsidentschaft behandelt den Westbalkan als einen ihrer Schwerpunkte. Die EU bietet den Ländern des Westbalkans eine klare Beitrittsperspektive, die sowohl der Union als auch den Ländern des Balkans vielfältige politische, ökonomische und gesellschaftliche Chancen eröffnet.

Hält der Rat die EU-Erweiterungsstrategie für die Staaten des Westbalkans, die ja im Grunde auf dem bisherigen Stadienmodell für Erweiterungen (SAA – Kandidatenstatus – Beitrittsverhandlungen - Beitritt) beruht, für realistisch?

Welche Kriterien stellt sich der Rat für die Feststellung der Beitrittsreife von Staaten mit ethnisch motivierter Bürgerkriegsvergangenheit vor?

Welchen zeitlichen Rahmen kann der Rat für die einzelnen Nachfolgestaaten Jugoslawiens benennen? Wann können solche Staaten als stabil genug erachtet werden, um der EU beitreten zu können?

Wie steht der Rat zu der Annahme, dass die EU es sich nicht erlauben kann, ethnische Konflikte in die EU zu importieren?

Und in welchem zeitlichen Horizont kann man mit der Verleihung eines Kandidatenstatus für Montenegro rechnen? Welches sind dabei die größten Hürden?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Slovensko predsedstvo bo namenilo posebno pozornost Zahodnemu Balkanu. Stabilnost te regije je ključnega pomena za varnost in blaginjo celotne EU. V procesu tranzicije v letu 2008 je mogoče pričakovati številne dogodke: pregled Solunske agende iz leta 2003, sklenitev mreže stabilizacijsko-pridružitvenega sporazuma in okrepitev regionalnega sodelovanja na različnih področjih. Svet bo še naprej podpiral evropsko perspektivo za Zahodni Balkan in jo približal prebivalcem regije (prednostno bo pomagal pri pripravi začetka dialoga o liberalizaciji vizumske ureditve z državami regije). Poleg tega pa bo ustanovitev Sveta za regionalno sodelovanje še dodatni bistveni dosežek regionalnega sodelovanja in izraz okrepljenega prevzemanja odgovornosti na regionalni ravni. Svet je poudaril pomen regionalnega sodelovanja in dobrih sosedskih odnosov ter potrebo po sodelovanju sosednjih držav pri skupnem iskanju vzajemno sprejemljivih rešitev za odprta vprašanja.

Za celovit pregled Zahodnega Balkana je treba upoštevati znaten splošni napredek, ki je bil dosežen v preteklih letih: večja stabilnost, demokratične reforme, gospodarska rast, okrepljeno regionalno sodelovanje in napredek pri približevanju EU v okviru stabilizacijsko-pridružitvenega procesa; vendar pa še vedno ostajajo nekateri pomembni izzivi: boj proti organiziranemu kriminalu in korupciji, spoštovanje mednarodnega prava (MKSJ) in iskanje rešitve vprašanja statusa Kosova; slednji je najpomembnejši z vidika stabilnosti v regiji. Zaradi tega je vprašanje statusa Kosova ključna prednostna naloga predsedstva EU. Svet meni, da je to evropski problem, za katerega je treba najti takšno rešitev, ki bo prispevala k regionalni stabilnosti in k evropski perspektivi držav zahodnega Balkana.

Kosovska skupščina je 17. februarja 2008 sprejela resolucijo o neodvisnosti Kosova. Svet za splošne zadeve in zunanje odnose je v sklepih februarske seje ugotovil, da resolucija zavezuje Kosovo načelom demokracije in enakosti vseh državljanov, zaščiti srbske in drugih manjšin, varstvu kulturne in verske dediščine ter mednarodnemu nadzoru. Svet je pozitivno ocenil dejstvo,

da bo mednarodna skupnost na podlagi resolucije Varnostnega sveta ZN št. 1244 še naprej prisotna na Kosovu. Svet je oznanil, da bodo države članice v skladu z nacionalno prakso in mednarodno zakonodajo odločile, kakšni bodo njihovi odnosi s Kosovom.

Svet za splošne zadeve in zunanje odnose je v sklepih februarske seje opozoril na to, da je EU dolgoročno zavezana prizadevanjem za stabilnost držav zahodnega Balkana. Svet je ponovno poudaril, da je EU pripravljena prevzeti vodilno vlogo pri krepitvi stabilnosti na tem območju, in opozoril na zaveze Evropske unije, navedene v sklepih Evropskega sveta z dne 14. decembra 2007, ter na dogovore o skupnih ukrepih o ustanovitvi policijske misije in misije za krepitev pravne države EVOP ter o imenovanju posebnega predstavnika EU za Kosovo. Evropska unija bo tudi v prihodnje sodelovala z ZN, KFOR, OVSE in drugimi mednarodnimi akterji pri ohranjanju stabilnosti na tem območju.

Evropski svet je potrdil, da bo v celoti in učinkovito podpiral evropsko perspektivo držav Zahodnega Balkana. Komisijo je pozval, naj uporabi instrumente Skupnosti za pospeševanje gospodarskega in političnega razvoja in v ta namen predlaga konkretne ukrepe za širše območje.

Glavni cilji predsedstva EU glede posameznih držav naslednic bivše Jugoslavije v EU na poti proti EU so:

Srbija: predsedstvo EU bo Srbijo spodbujalo, da vzpostavi pogoje, potrebne za hiter podpis SPS ter napreduje pri doseganju statusa države kandidatke, podpiralo srbsko naklonjenost EU, izboljševalo prepoznavnost EU v Srbiji ter Srbijo spodbujalo, da nadaljuje z uspešnim regionalnim sodelovanjem.

Bosna in Hercegovina: predsedstvo bo spodbujalo politične akterje, da bi tako vzpostavili pogoje za čimprejšnji podpis SPS; pospeševalo evropsko perspektivo BiH ter povečevalo prepoznavnost EU; podpiralo politični dialog in prizadevanja za izgradnjo države, da bi tako z ustavnimi in drugimi reformami zagotovili funkcionalne in učinkovite državne institucije, ki bodo državi omogočile, da izboljša življenje svojih državljanov; ter podpiralo prizadevanja PPEU Lajčaka in nadaljevalo priprave za načrtovani prehod z OHR na okrepljeni urad PPEU po oceni PIC in vzpostavitvi potrebnih pogojev.

Nekdanja jugoslovanska republika Makedonija: predsedstvo bo v tesnem sodelovanju s Komisijo podpiralo poglabljanje političnega dialoga in nadaljnje izvajanje Ohridskega okvirnega sporazuma ter spodbujalo pospeševanje procesa reform za vzpostavitev pogojev, potrebnih za naslednjo fazo vključevanja te države v EU. Predsedstvo se zaveda vprašanja imena in obe strani spodbuja, naj si prizadevata, da bi s konstruktivnim pristopom in s pogajanji pod okriljem ZN dosegli obojestransko sprejemljivo rešitev in tako pripomogli k regionalnemu sodelovanju in dobrim sosedskim odnosom.

Črna gora: Črna gora je, kot vse države Zahodnega Balkana, možna država kandidatka za članstvo v Evropski uniji. Hitrost napredovanja na poti proti EU je odvisna od hitrosti Črne gore pri sprejemanju in izvajanju potrebnih reform. Črna gora glede podpisa stabilizacijsko-pridružitvenega sporazuma dobro napreduje. Zdaj pa se je treba osredotočiti na izvajanje SPS, izgradnjo in utrjevanje državnih institucij Črne gore, nadaljnjo krepitev upravne usposobljenosti in pravne države ter pospeševanje boja proti organiziranemu kriminalu in korupciji. Ta področja so bistvenega pomena za vsako delujočo evropsko državo. Svet bo tudi v prihodnje podpiral Črno goro pri teh prizadevanjih.

Can the Council make a statement outlining the updated political situation in Palestine at present?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Stališče Sveta je, da "politične razmere v Palestini", ki jih v svojem vprašanju omenja poslanec, nujno zahtevajo utrditev oblikovanja institucij, dobro upravljanje, prispevke civilne družbe, podporo za rast palestinskega gospodarstva ter krepitev pravne države zaradi priprav na vzpostavitev neodvisne, demokratične in uspešne palestinske države na Zahodnem bregu in v Gazi, ki bo združevala vse Palestince in bo soobstajala v miru in varnosti z Izraelom in s svojimi sosedi.

Zato EU pozdravlja rezultate mednarodne donatorske konference za palestinsko državo decembra lani, na kateri je bilo obljubljenih več kot 7,4 milijarde USD v podporo prizadevanjem za izgradnjo učinkovitih, demokratičnih institucij in uspešnega gospodarstva za prihodnjo palestinsko državo v skladu z načrtom za reforme in razvoj, ki ga je predstavil ministrski predsednik Fajad. EU ostaja odločena, da bo znatno prispevala k tem prizadevanjem v skladu s svojim dokumentom o strategiji ukrepanja z naslovom "Oblikovanje države za mir na Bližnjem vzhodu", ki vključuje najrazličnejše dejavnosti pomoči, pred kratkim pa je vzpostavila tudi nov mehanizem financiranja Pegase, s katerim bo zagotovila podporo palestinskemu narodu.

Svet je v sklepih z dne 28. januarja 2008 izrazil globoko zaskrbljenost zaradi nedavnih dogodkov v Gazi in hudih nemirov na meji med Gazo in Egiptom. Obsodil je nenehno raketiranje izraelskega ozemlja in vse ostale aktivnosti, ki so v nasprotju z mednarodnim pravom in ogrožajo civilno prebivalstvo. Svet sicer priznava zakonito pravico Izraela do samoobrambe, vendar je pozval k takojšnji zaustavitvi vseh nasilnih dejanj. Ponovno je poudaril, da je izredno zaskrbljen zaradi humanitarnih razmer v Gazi, in pozval k nadaljnjemu zagotavljanju osnovnih dobrin in storitev, vključno z gorivom in dobavo energije. Od vseh strani je ponovno zahteval, naj iz humanitarnih razlogov, pa tudi zaradi gospodarskih tokov, nemudoma usmerijo svoja prizadevanja v nadzorovano ponovno odprtje mejnih prehodov na področju Gaze. V zvezi s tem je Svet poudaril, da podpira predlog Palestinske uprave za prevzem nadzora nad mejnimi prehodi ter tozadevno resolucijo Arabske lige. EU bo prebivalcem Gaze še naprej zagotavljala humanitarno pomoč in je pripravljena podpreti gospodarsko prenovo v Gazi. Svet je izjavil, da je EU pripravljena preučiti možnost ponovne vzpostavitve nadzorne misije na mejnem prehodu Rafa v skladu z določbami ustreznih mednarodnih sporazumov v zvezi z dostopom in gibanjem, sklenjenih novembra 2005.

After the 1999 conflict in the Kosovo province of what was then the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the criminal and civil justice system collapsed. Although the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia had jurisdiction over Kosovo, it was clear that it would only be able to try a very limited number of cases. Therefore, the UN established the International Judges and Prosecutors Programme to incorporate a limited number of foreign judges and prosecutors into the local criminal justice system. Regrettably, the performance over more than seven years of the International Judges and Prosecutors Programme has failed to meet expectations. Local prosecutors and judges are still not prepared for cases involving crimes under international law. Legal reforms essential for such cases still have not been enacted into law. No date has been set for completing the rebuilding of the justice system so that it can operate without a continuing international component.

What does the Council plan to ensure that international judges and prosecutors deliver the benefits they promised to bring to the Kosovo justice system?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Pravosodni sistem na Kosovu še vedno peša in pravosodne institucije imajo težave pri ustreznem opravljanju storitev tako v kazenskem kot tudi v civilnem pravosodju. Lokalni sodniki in tožilci še ne morejo obravnavati najbolj občutljivih kazenskih in civilnih zadev, med drugim tudi zaradi varnostnih vprašanj ter pritiska lokalnih skupnosti in večinskega prebivalstva; te zadeve trenutno pokrivajo mednarodni sodniki in tožilci pri začasni misiji Združenih narodov na Kosovu (UNMIK).

EULEX Kosovo⁽¹⁾ poudarja ključno vlogo, ki jo bodo na teh področjih morali odigrati njeni sodniki in tožilci na visoki ravni pa tudi na različnih pristojnih sodiščih in prek urada posebnega tožilca na Kosovu. Zaradi tega je to prednostno področje misije EU za utrditev pravne države na Kosovu.

Pri zadevah prve stopnje in pritožbah bodo sodnikom in tožilcem misije EVOP ter njihovim kolegom na lokalni ravni zadeve dodeljene na pregleden način z uporabo predhodno določenih objektivnih meril. Sodniki in tožilci EVOP bodo delovali tudi v okviru Vrhovnega sodišča oziroma Urada javnega tožilca.

Can the Council make a statement on the political situation in Sri Lanka at present, in particular on the efforts to bring peace to this country?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Svet je še vedno globoko zaskrbljen zaradi stanja na Šrilanki, kar dokazuje tudi izjava EU z dne 8. januarja 2008:

"EU globoko obžaluje odločitev vlade Šrilanke, da razveljavi sporazum o premirju, ki ga je leta 2002 sklenila z Osvobodilnimi tigri tamilskega Eelama (LTTE). Zaradi te odločitve in trenutne vojaške kampanje se že tako težak položaj v državi, vključno s humanitarnimi razmerami ter stanjem človekovih pravic, še slabša. Brez sporazuma o premirju so tudi obeti za doseg trajne in mirne razrešitve konflikta na Šrilanki še slabši. EU še posebej obžaluje, da [se je] zaključilo delovanje opazovalne misije za Šrilanko.

EU je enako zaskrbljena zaradi terorističnih dejanj LTTE v zadnjih mesecih in izjav o nadaljevanju nasilja z njihove strani. EU poziva obe strani, naj prekineta vse sovražnosti in se izogneta nadaljnjemu stopnjevanju spora.

EU poziva vlado Šrilanke, naj pripravi predlog o dejanskem prenosu pristojnosti, o katerem bi se lahko čim hitreje začela pogajanja. Da bi bil dogovor sprejemljiva osnova za pogajanja, mora preseči prejšnje predloge. EU poziva obe strani, naj si prizadevata za mirno in trajno razrešitev konflikta."

EU trenutno preučuje predlog za politično rešitev spora na otoku, ki ga je predsedniku Rakapaksi predložil vsestrankarski predstavniški odbor.

Jasno je, da se stanje na Šrilanki še ni umirilo. Svet se je zato odločil, da bo tja napotil diplomatsko misijo, ki bo preučevala razvoj dogodkov in v imenu EU izrazila pomisleke.

Vil Rådet oplyse, hvor man kan finde en samlet, officiel konsolideret udgave af Lissabon-traktaten som vedtaget af EU's stats- og regeringschefer i Lissabon i december 2007? Hvis der endnu ikke findes en samlet, officiel konsolideret udgave, hvornår forventes en sådan så at blive offentliggjort?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Kot je poslancu Søndergaardu znano, je Lizbonska pogodba, ki so jo voditelji držav ali vlad podpisali 13. decembra 2007, pogodba, ki spreminja Pogodbo o Evropski uniji in Pogodbo o ustanovitvi Evropske skupnosti. Besedilo Lizbonske pogodbe je bil objavljeno v Uradnem listu C 306 z dne 17. decembra 2007. Trenutno ni na voljo prečiščene različice pogodb, spremenjenih z Lizbonsko pogodbo.

V skladu s prakso pri prejšnjih spremembah pogodb (maastrichtske, amsterdamske, iz Nice) pa bo prečiščena različica pogodb, spremenjenih z Lizbonsko pogodbo, po vsej verjetnosti v prihodnjih mesecih objavljena v Uradnem listu Evropske unije v vseh uradnih jezikih Evropske unije.

La Comunidad Autónoma Vasca y la Comunidad Foral de Navarra tienen un sistema fiscal diferenciado al del Estado español. El Concierto Económico en Euskadi y el Convenio Económico en Navarra son los reguladores de estos sistemas fiscales. Aún siendo sistemas fiscales independientes del sistema español, ni los Tratados anteriores, ni el Tratado de Lisboa reconocen ningún tipo de competencia a los Gobiernos Vasco y Navarro en política fiscal europea. Este hecho complica la defensa de su sistema fiscal en Europa a estas autonomías.

El Estado español no es el único Estado miembro con diferentes sistemas fiscales dentro de la Unión Europea. Y el problema que tienen Euskadi y Navarra a la hora de defender su fiscalidad se repite en cada ocasión.

¿Tiene el Consejo intención de impulsar el reconocimiento de competencias para estas regiones en el ámbito fiscal?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

V skladu z veljavno zakonodajo Skupnosti EU ni pristojna za uvedbo davkov; vsekakor so za to v celoti pristojne države članice. Prav tako lahko samo države članice odločajo o notranji dodelitvi davčnih pooblastil različnim ozemeljskim in/ali regionalnim podenotam v državi. Zakonodajalec Skupnosti nima nobene vloge pri takšnih odločitvah; zadevne države članice ga kvečjemu lahko pozovejo, da upošteva specifičnosti nacionalnih sistemov pri sprejemanju zakonodaje za usklajevanje davčne zakonodaje držav članic.

Po ustaljeni sodni praksi Sodišča Evropskih skupnosti imajo države članice na davčnem področju pristojnost, vendar pa morajo to pristojnost uveljavljati v skladu z zakonodajo Skupnosti. Zato nacionalna zakonodaja ne sme biti nezdružljiva z usklajevalnimi ukrepi, če so bili sprejeti. Prav tako se morajo nacionalna davčna pooblastila izvajati v mejah Pogodbe in zato ne smejo predstavljati prepovedane državne pomoči, pa tudi ne prepovedane omejitve prostega pretoka. Vendar pa ni Svet tisti, ki ugotavlja skladnost nacionalnih davčnih ukrepov s pravom Skupnosti, temveč so to Evropska komisija in sodišča.

Kaderbesluit 2004/757/JBZ⁽¹⁾ betreffende de vaststelling van minimumvoorschriften met betrekking tot de bestanddelen van strafbare feiten en met betrekking tot straffen op het gebied van illegale drugshandel voorziet dat lidstaten uiterlijk op 12 mei 2006 aan de Raad en de Commissie moeten meedelen hoe zij hun verplichtingen voortvloeiende uit dit kaderbesluit in hun interne recht hebben omgezet.

Kan de Raad meedelen op welke manier Nederland aan haar verplichtingen tegemoetkomt? Hoe kan het geven van een vergunning door de gemeente Maastricht voor de bouw van een groots project voor de verkoop van drugs pal op de grens met België, in overeenstemming gebracht worden met deze verplichtingen?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Svet na vprašanje, ki se nanaša na učinkovitost izvajanja okvirnega sklepa 2004/757/PNZ, odgovarja z naslednjimi ugotovitvami:

Okvirni sklep 2004/757/PNZ⁽²⁾ z dne 25. oktobra 2004 opredeljuje minimalne določbe glede elementov kaznivih dejanj in kazni na področju nedovoljenega prometa s prepovedanimi drogami.

Države članice v skladu s členom 9 okvirnega sklepa do 12. maja 2006 sprejmejo potrebne ukrepe za uskladitev z določbami tega okvirnega sklepa, generalnemu sekretariatu Sveta in Komisiji pa pošljejo besedilo določb, ki v tem okvirnem sklepu določene obveznosti prenašajo v njihovo nacionalno zakonodajo.

Nizozemska je v pismu z dne 4. septembra 2006 obvestila Svet o izvajanju okvirnega sklepa v svoji nacionalni zakonodaji, predložila pa je tudi besedilo ustreznih določb, ki zadevne obveznosti prenašajo v njeno nacionalno zakonodajo. Te določbe so začele veljati 1. julija 2006.

V zvezi z vprašanjem, kako posamezna država članica izpolnjuje svoje obveznosti, določene v okvirnem sklepu, naj opozorimo, da mora Komisija v skladu s členom 9 okvirnega sklepa najkasneje do 12. maja 2009 Evropskemu parlamentu in Svetu predložiti poročilo o učinkovitosti izvajanja okvirnega sklepa, vključno z njegovimi učinki na pravosodno sodelovanje na področju nedovoljenega prometa s prepovedanimi drogami. Na podlagi tega poročila Svet oceni, ali so države članice sprejele potrebne ukrepe za uskladitev z okvirnim sklepom.

Azerbeidzjan heeft een enorm hoog aantal vluchtelingen in verhouding met het aantal inwoners: ongeveer 1 op de 7 Azeri is een vluchteling. 4 procent van de wereldpopulatie vluchtelingen bevindt zich in Azerbeidjan. Het probleem van de "internally displaced persons (IDPs)" in Azerbeidzjan is bovendien al 14 jaar oud. Veel kinderen kennen niet anders dan het leven van een vluchteling, leven in onmenselijke omstandigheden en gaan niet naar school. De enorme kampen waarin ze leven, zijn broeihaarden van sociale onrust, epidemieën en criminaliteit. De overheid blijft in gebreke bij het aanpakken van dit probleem. De meeste 'internally displaced people' worden aan hun lot overgelaten en hebben geen menswaardig onderdak, voeding, sanitair of medische hulp.

Azerbeidzjan stelt zich kandidaat om de Olympische Spelen te organiseren in 2016. Zal de EU druk uitoefenen op Azerbeidzjan om het probleem van de vluchtelingen aan te pakken en de mensenrechten in het algemeen beter te respecteren? In Azerbeidjan zijn geen democratische verkiezingen, beperkte mediarechten, straffeloosheid, en corruptie. Zal de EU zich eventueel tegen de kandidatuur voor het organiseren van de Spelen verzetten? Aanvankelijk werd gehoopt dat de organisatie van de Olympische Spelen China ertoe zou brengen de mensenrechten beter te respecteren, maar intussen lijkt die hoop ijdel.

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Svet pripisuje velik pomen begunski problematiki, pa tudi volitvam, človekovim pravicam in svobodi medijev v Azerbajdžanu, zato tem vprašanjem namenja posebno pozornost. Ta vprašanja se nanašajo na temeljne evropske vrednote, ki jih Azerbajdžan priznava s članstvom v Svetu Evrope in OVSE ter s sodelovanjem pri akcijskem načrtu evropske sosedske politike (ESP).

Evropska unija se močno zavzema za azerbajdžanske begunce in notranje razseljene osebe ter upa, da se bodo lahko čimprej vrnili domov, kar naj bi dosegli s celovitim mirovnim sporazumom. Poleg tega EU pogosto poudarja, da je pripravljena finančno podpreti obnovo/sanacijo Gorskega Karabaha in sosednjih okupiranih pokrajin, ko bo dosežen mirovni sporazum. S tem bi olajšali vrnitev beguncev in notranje razseljenih oseb.

Svet je že večkrat – posebej pa v izjavi predsedstva o parlamentarnih volitvah v Azerbajdžanu z dne 7. novembra 2005 – izrazil razočaranje zaradi ocene Urada za demokratične institucije in človekove pravice (ODIHR), da se kljub določenemu napredku v primerjavi s predhodnimi volitvami pri parlamentarnih volitvah 6. novembra 2005 niso spoštovale številne zaveze v okviru OVSE niti standardi in zaveze v okviru Sveta Evrope glede demokratičnih volitev. Evropska unija zdaj spodbuja Azerbajdžan, naj si še bolj prizadeva za vzpostavitev demokracije, pri čemer upošteva, da bodo oktobra 2008 potekale predsedniške volitve.

EU je v zadnjih mesecih večkrat izrazila zaskrbljenost zaradi poslabšanja razmer v državi v zvezi s človekovimi pravicami in temeljnimi svoboščinami; to dogajanje bo treba v obdobju pred predsedniškimi volitvami skrbno spremljati.

PPEU Peter Semneby in osebna predstavnica GS/VP za človekove pravice Riina Kionka sta julija 2007 skupaj obiskala Baku, da bi spodbudila nadaljnji dialog o medijih.

Izjava predsedstva v imenu Evropske unije o obsodbi Eynulle Fatullayeva v Azerbajdžanu je bila objavljena 8. novembra 2007.

Evropska unija je 8. januarja 2008 izrazila zadovoljstvo, ker je predsednik Alijev pomilostil 119 zapornikov, med njimi tudi več zaprtih novinarjev, ter prepričanje, da je predsedniška pomilostitev pozitiven ukrep v smeri izpolnjevanja mednarodnih in evropskih obveznosti Azerbajdžana glede svobode tiska. EU pa kljub temu ostaja zaskrbljena, saj so trije novinarji (Mirza Sakit Zahidov, Ganimat Zahid in Eynullah Fatullayev) še vedno v zaporu; azerbajdžanske oblasti je pozvala, naj jih v najkrajšem možnem času izpustijo ali pomilostijo. Poleg tega se zavzema za uvedbo moratorija na pregon zaradi obrekovanja.

EU bo – tudi v okviru sodelovanja z OVSE in Svetom Evrope – tudi v prihodnje izkoristila vsako priložnost, da bi izrazila pomisleke glede begunske problematike ter volitev, človekovih pravic in svobode medijev v Azerbajdžanu. To je že storila na srečanjih Odbora za sodelovanje med EU in Azerbajdžanom (v Bakuju, 28. septembra 2007) ter Sveta za sodelovanje med EU in Azerbajdžanom (v Luxembourgu, 16. oktobra 2007).

Tudi posebni predstavnik Evropske unije za Južni Kavkaz, veleposlanik Peter Semneby, pomaga Azerbajdžanu pri izvajanju političnih in gospodarskih reform, zlasti na področju pravne države, demokratizacije, človekovih pravic, dobrega upravljanja, razvoja in odpravljanja revščine. Veleposlanik Semneby se med svojimi obiski v Azerbajdžanu sestaja tudi s člani opozicijske stranke v tej državi.

Svet zato namerava še naprej zelo pozorno spremljati dogajanje v Azerbajdžanu v zvezi s temi vprašanji in jih po potrebi obravnavati skupaj z azerbajdžanskimi oblastmi. Ena izmed priložnosti za tovrstno razpravo z azerbajdžanskimi oblastmi je bil obisk trojke zunanjih ministrov EU v Bakuju 4. februarja 2008.

What efforts is the Council Presidency making to reach agreement on the draft directive on temporary agency workers proposed by the Commission in March 2002 (COM(2002)0149 - COD/2002/0072) and approved by the European Parliament on 21 November 2002?

What are the main issues under discussion and when does the Council expect to be in a position to agree a common position on this proposal?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Poslanec sprašuje, na kakšen način si slovensko predsedstvo prizadeva za dosego dogovora o osnutku direktive o delu prek agencij za posojanje delovne sile. Slovensko predsedstvo je pripravljeno nadaljevati delo v zvezi s tem zakonodajnim predlogom in sedaj ob upoštevanju decembrskega Sveta preučuje najboljše možnosti za napredek.

Glavni zadevi, o katerih je Svet razpravljal, sta bili:

– pregled prepovedi in omejitev v zvezi z delom prek agencij za posojanje delovne sile (člen 4) in

– obdobje, v katerem bi za posojene delavce lahko veljali slabši pogoji za zaposlitev kot za ostale redno zaposlene delavce istega podjetja (člen 5(4)).

Slovensko predsedstvo je pripravljeno nadaljevati delo v zvezi z osnutkom direktive o delu prek agencij za posojanje delovne sile, ne more pa oceniti, kdaj bi lahko bilo na voljo skupno stališče Sveta.

Since there is no police force in the Union with cross-border powers, does the Council believe that Europol should take the responsibility for warning EU citizens (as the FBI is doing in the USA) that their computers have been hijacked by organised crime and are being used as slave computers in bot-nets in order to spread spam emails, to steal identities, and to launch denial of service attacks on financial commercial websites? If not, then who?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Svet je v svojih sklepih o kibernetski kriminaliteti z novembra 2007 poudaril potrebo po krepitvi usklajevanja in nadaljnjem izboljšanju delovanja vseh razpoložljivih akterjev in virov v državah članicah kot tudi v organih, kot sta Europol in Eurojust ter mednarodnih organih, kot je Interpol. Svet je tudi poudaril potrebo, da izvajanje dogovorov za sodelovanje med organi v različnih državah postane praksa in se oceni, zlasti glede na mrežo 24/7, določeno v Okvirnem sklepu 2005/222/PNZ z dne 24. februarja  2005, ki zagotavlja 24-urno sodelovanje med organi sedem dni na teden, in tako pospešuje odziv na kibernetsko kriminaliteto.

Nuo laiku atliktos onkologinių susirgimų diagnozės daugeliu atvejų priklauso kovos su liga sėkmė, ypač gydant krūties vėžį. Tam reikalinga moderni diagnostikos aparatūra – pozitronų emisijos tomografas / kompiuterinis tomografas (PET/KT). Lietuva tokios aparatūros neturi. Ligoniai priversti vykti tirtis į kitas šalis, ligonių kasos tyrimo išlaidų nekompensuoja.

Ar Taryba galėtų pakomentuoti onkologinių susirgimų diagnostikos situaciją ES šalyse, ypač naujosiose narėse? Kokia yra geroji praktika šioje srityje? Kokių sprendimo priemonių galėtume imtis problemos?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Svet se zahvaljuje poslanki, ki je izrazila zanimanje za to pomembno vprašanje. Zmanjšanje bremena raka je prednostna naloga slovenskega predsedstva na področju javnega zdravja. Predsedstvo bo na podlagi razprav v okviru konference z naslovom "Kako zmanjšati breme raka?", ki je bila 7. in 8. februarja 2008 na Brdu (Slovenija), pripravilo sklepe o raku, ki jih bo Svet sprejel 10. junija 2008.

V državah članicah in med njimi že dolgo časa obstajajo precejšnje neenakosti in vrzeli glede umrljivosti in obolevnosti zaradi raka ter preživetja v primeru te bolezni. Vzrok za te razlike so zelo različne ravni storitev pri preprečevanju bolezni, diagnostiki, zdravljenju, rehabilitaciji in paliativni negi. Zato predsedstvo v osnutku sklepov Sveta poudarja, da je treba v EU in državah članicah sprejeti celovito strategijo za preprečevanje in nadzor raka, ki bo pomagala odpraviti vrzeli v diagnostiki, zdravljenju in negi.

Čeprav je treba poudariti, da spada organizacija in izvajanje zdravstvenih storitev in oskrbe, kakršne so na primer potrebne v primeru ugotovitve raka, v izključno pristojnost držav članic, predsedstvo v osnutku sklepov predlaga, naj Svet pozove države članice, naj bolnikom z rakom zagotovijo najboljše možno zdravljenje, to pa je mogoče samo s pomočjo multisciplinarno usposobljene delovne sile, primerne opreme in zmogljivosti ter učinkovite diagnostike in zdravil.

Evropska komisija je objavila dva sklopa evropskih smernic v zvezi dobrimi praksami na področju preventivnih pregledov in diagnostike raka na dojkah in materničnem vratu (smernice v zvezi s kolorektalnim rakom naj bi bile pripravljeno do leta 2009). Te smernice dokazujejo, kakšno vlogo ima lahko Evropska unija – v sodelovanju z nacionalnimi vladami, poklicnimi organizacijami in civilno družbo – pri ohranjanju in izboljševanju zdravja evropskih državljanov.

Given that according to the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC), cervical cancer is the second most common cancer among women under 45 years worldwide, and according to the World Health Organisation there are roughly 60 000 reported cervical cancer cases and an estimated 30 000 deaths each year in Europe. Cervical cancer is a major health, psychological and social burden throughout Europe.

While acknowledging the benefits of screening programmes, does the Council agree that the introduction of a cervical cancer vaccination programme in conjunction with screening programmes is vital for cervical cancer prevention and for reducing the number of cervical cancer cases in Europe?

Has the Council considered encouraging Member States to conduct a cost-benefit analysis with regard to making a vaccine programme widely available?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Zmanjšanje bremena raka je prednostna naloga slovenskega predsedstva na področju javnega zdravja. Predsedstvo bo po nedavni konferenci z naslovom "Kako zmanjšati breme raka?", ki je potekala 7. in 8. februarja 2008 na Brdu (Slovenija), predlagalo sklepe Sveta o raku, ki jih bo Svet sprejel 10. junija 2008.

Dokazano je, da so presejalne preiskave, namenjene prebivalstvu, učinkovita strategija za zmanjšanje tveganja obolenja in smrtnosti zaradi raka materničnega vratu. Komisija je pred kratkim zaključila s pripravo druge izdaje evropskih smernic glede zagotavljanja kakovosti pri presejanju za raka materničnega vratu, ki bi morale veljati za evropsko referenčno merilo in najboljšo prakso.

Poleg tega se je z razvojem preventivnih cepiv za nekatere vrste rakotvornih sevov na področju preprečevanja raka odprlo novo področje. Predsedstvo v osnutku sklepov predlaga, da Svet spodbudi države članice, naj razmislijo o teh novih preventivnih ukrepih proti povzročiteljem bolezni, ki lahko povzročijo raka.

Volgens bepaalde media heeft de koning van Marokko, Mohammed VI, er bij de Franse president op aangedrongen om binnen de EU te lobbyen voor een 'versterkt statuut' voor zijn land. Op 21 januari 2008 hield Europees commissaris Benita Ferrero-Waldner een toespraak aangaande dit statuut.

Ondertussen is er volgens Human Rights Watch een regelrechte repressie aan de gang tegen vreedzame mensenrechtenbewegingen die ijveren voor de onafhankelijkheid van de Westelijke Sahara.

Respect voor democratische principes en fundamentele mensenrechten maken een 'wezenlijk onderdeel' uit van de associatieovereenkomst tussen de Europese Gemeenschappen en de EU-lidstaten en Marokko. Ook is er het onlangs opgerichte subcomité Mensenrechten en democratisering en bestuur.

Heeft de Raad de kwestie van de mensenrechtenschendingen in de Westelijke Sahara reeds aan de kaak gesteld? Worden stappen naar een 'versterkt statuut' afhankelijk gemaakt van vooruitgang op dit gebied?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Maroko je sprejel strateško odločitev za večje približevanje Evropski uniji. Evropska unija in Maroko vzpostavljata na mnogih področjih vse tesnejšo partnersko navezo. Za Evropsko unijo je to strateško partnerstvo bistvenega pomena, saj gre za regijo, v kateri še vedno obstajajo vzroki za nestabilnost.

Hkrati je partnerstvo z Marokom zgrajeno na zavezanosti nekaterim skupnim vrednotam. Spoštovanje demokratičnih načel, človekovih pravic in temeljnih svoboščin je osnova odnosov med EU in Marokom in bistven element pridružitvenega sporazuma EU-Maroko. Te vrednote so tudi jedro evropske sosedske politike (ESP) in so bile leta 2005 potrjene v akcijskem načrtu evropske sosedske politike med EU in Marokom. Zadevna vprašanja, vključno z razmerami v Zahodni Sahari in njihovimi posledicami, so na vseh srečanjih v okviru dvostranskega dialoga redno v ospredju. Maroko je zavezan tem vrednotam. To se odraža v pomembnih reformah, ki so bile v preteklih letih izvedene na področju politike, pa tudi v dejstvu, da je Maroko pripravljen z Evropsko unijo razpravljati o teh zadevah, predvsem v okviru pododbora za človekove pravice, demokratizacijo in upravljanje, ki se je doslej srečal dvakrat, zadnjič novembra 2007.

Maroko se že od leta 2001 zavzema za višji položaj v odnosih z Evropsko unijo. Odtlej je bil dosežen znaten napredek. V tem splošnem okviru in v okviru sosedske politike sta se Evropska unija in Maroko na zadnjem pridružitvenem svetu 23. julija 2007 dogovorila, da bosta omogočila preučitev možnosti za znatno okrepitev odnosov, ki bi Maroku prinesla zahtevani višji položaj.

Pridružitveni svet EU-Maroko je sklenil, da je treba oceniti izvajanje akcijskega načrta ESP. Pridružitveni svet je ustanovil tudi ad hoc delovno skupino, ki ji je naročil, da na podlagi napredka pri izvajanju akcijskega načrta in drugih zamisli, predstavljenih v okviru različnih forumov, preuči nove cilje za partnerstvo in nadaljnje korake pri razvoju dvostranskih odnosov, vključno z možnostjo novih pogodbenih odnosov, kakor je že predvideno v akcijskem načrtu. V zvezi s tem bo pomembno prihodnje sporočilo Komisije o evropski sosedski politiki, ki ga bo predvidoma predložila v aprilu. Vse skupaj bo vključeno v razprave na naslednjem pridružitvenem svetu EU-Maroko, ki bo potekal v drugi polovici tega leta.

Με πρόσχημα ότι δεν υπάρχει «ρεαλιστική προοπτική για έναν κόσμο χωρίς πυρηνικά», πέντε πρώην αρχηγοί γενικών επιτελείων και ανώτατοι αξιωματούχοι του ΝΑΤΟ επιμένουν ότι η επιλογή του «πρώτου πυρηνικού χτυπήματος» παραμένει «απαραίτητο εργαλείο» πρόληψης. Το «προληπτικό πυρηνικό πλήγμα» είναι στη φαρέτρα της πολεμικής ιμπεριαλιστικής πολιτικής των ΗΠΑ. Έτσι, στο πλαίσιο των προτάσεών τους για διεύρυνση του ρόλου του ΝΑΤΟ, οι πέντε πρώην διοικητές συνιστούν χρήση του προληπτικού πυρηνικού χτυπήματος, ακόμη και χωρίς εξουσιοδότηση του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας του ΟΗΕ, όταν υπάρχουν, κατά την άποψή τους, «απειλές εναντίον των αξιών και του τρόπου ζωής της Δύσης». Η εισήγησή τους, που έχει ήδη παρουσιαστεί στο Πεντάγωνο των ΗΠΑ και στο γ.γ. της Συμμαχίας Γιααπ ντε Χοπ Σέφερ, πρόκειται να συζητηθεί στη ΝΑΤΟϊκή σύνοδο κορυφής του Απριλίου στο Βουκουρέστι και είναι βέβαιο ότι θα προκαλέσει έντονες αντιδράσεις.

Καταδικάζει το Συμβούλιο την πρόταση για το «προληπτικό πυρηνικό πλήγμα»;

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Svet ni razpravljal o poročilu, ki ga omenja poslanec Toussas.

As we approach the 2012 Olympic Games, what lessons can London learn from the 2004 Athens Olympics? For example, what special measures will the EU need to consider taking to ensure the free movement of participants, spectators and journalists in light of security and illegal migration concerns?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Združeno kraljestvo ne sodeluje v skupni vizumski politiki Skupnosti. Skupnost zato ne more sprejeti nobenih ukrepov, ki bi bili zavezujoči za Združeno kraljestvo, glede poenostavitve vizumskih postopkov za člane olimpijske družine in izdaje vizumov za njihov vstop v Združeno kraljestvo. Združeno kraljestvo lahko, če to želi, upošteva uredbo Sveta (ES) št. 1295/2003 v zvezi z ukrepi za poenostavitev vizumskih postopkov in izdaje vizumov za člane olimpijske družine, ki sodelujejo na olimpijskih ali paraolimpijskih igrah 2004 v Atenah⁽¹⁾, ter Uredbo Evropskega parlamenta in Sveta (ES) št. 2046/2005 z dne 14. decembra 2005 o ukrepih za poenostavitev vizumskih postopkov in izdaje vizumov za člane olimpijske družine, ki sodelujejo na zimskih olimpijskih in/ali paraolimpijskih igrah 2006 v Torinu⁽²⁾. Ti dve uredbi temeljita na dejstvu, da sta Grčija in Italija državi članici, ki v celoti izvajata schengenski pravni red in zato v celoti sodelujeta v skupni vizumski politiki Skupnosti.

Na bolj splošni ravni bodo lahko organi Združenega kraljestva uporabljali priporočila iz Priročnika o sodelovanju na velikih dogodkih z mednarodno razsežnostjo za policijske in varnostne organe (UL C 314, 22.12.2007, str. 4). Priročnik je bil nedavno spremenjen, vanj so bile vključene predvsem izkušnje, pridobljene na prejšnjih olimpijskih igrah.

According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Belarus 'there were positive advances in relations between Belarus and the European Union in 2007 such as the initialling of the agreement between the Republic of Belarus and the Commission of the European Communities on the establishment of the delegation of the European Commission in the Republic of Belarus'; 'bringing special attention to the trade and economic collaboration of Belarus and the European Union'.

How does the Council evaluate relations between the EU and Belarus in 2007, especially in terms of the country's human rights situation? What strategy does the Council plan to adopt in the immediate future and in the long term with regard to relations with Belarus? Are there any prospects that visa fees for Belarusian citizens will be reduced in the coming years?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Politika EU do Belorusije še naprej temelji na dvojnem pristopu: na eni strani ohranja omejevalne ukrepe (prepoved izdajanja vizumov in zamrznitev sredstev) proti beloruskim uradnikom, odgovornim za zatiranje in zlorabo demokratičnih načel, na drugi strani pa je vedno bolj pripravljena na sodelovanje z belorusko družbo, tudi z vzpostavljanjem stikov z oblastmi. EU je kot prvi pogoj za dejanski začetek sodelovanja z Belorusijo postavila osvoboditev vseh političnih zapornikov ter prenehanje aretacij pripadnikov opozicije in aktivistom civilne družbe. To sporočilo je bilo že večkrat poudarjeno, med drugim v intervjujih visokega predstavnika za SZVP Javierja Solane za beloruske neodvisne medije leta 2007 in tudi neposredno v pogovorih z beloruskimi oblastmi.

Beloruske oblasti pogosto kršijo osnovne človekove pravice, kar zadeva politično opozicijo, medije in svobodo zbiranja. Čeprav sodelovanje v opozicijskih političnih organizacijah v Belorusiji ni nezakonito, je opravljanje dejavnosti teh organizacij praktično nemogoče. Politično motivirane aretacije in pridržanja (čeprav včasih le za krajši čas) se nadaljujejo. V preteklem letu je bilo pretepenih in zaprtih na desetine aktivistov opozicije. Vendar pa je bilo januarja in v začetku februarja pet od šestih političnih zapornikov izpuščenih. V zaporu ostaja iz političnih razlogov samo A.Kozulin.

Svet se zaveda problema povečanih stroškov za vizume beloruskih državljanov od konca leta 2007, ko so se sosede te države, ki so članice EU, pridružile schengenskemu območju. Evropska unija ne želi, da bi imeli državljani Belorusije slabše pogoje za pridobitev vizumov od državljanov njenih drugih sosednjih držav. Vendar pa so za uvedbo nižjih pristojbin za vizume potrebna pogajanja o poenostavitvi vizumskih postopkov. Beloruska vlada se žal še ni pozitivno odzvala na predloge EU za sodelovanje v evropski sosedski politiki, ki bi to državo spodbudili in ji hkrati naložili obveznosti. Zato začetek pogajanj o poenostavitvi vizumskih postopkov še ni mogoč.

Svet je še vedno pripravljen na dialog z Belorusijo glede postopne ureditve dvostranskih odnosov, vključno z odnosi v okviru sporazuma za partnerstvo in sodelovanje in evropske sosedske politike, če bodo beloruske oblasti pokazale, da so dejansko pripravljene spoštovati demokratične vrednote, človekove pravice in pravno državo.

O relatório da ONG britânica «Reprieve» volta a denunciar, de forma fundamentada, a realização de voos por parte da CIA – ou outros serviços similares – para o transporte e detenção ilegal de prisioneiros, isto é operações clandestinas dos EUA denominadas "rendições extraordinárias".

O método consiste no sequestro de "suspeitos de terrorismo" – assim discricionariamente classificados pela CIA – perseguidos e detidos em qualquer parte do Mundo, para depois serem enviados para prisões secretas em diversos países, onde são recebidos com maus-tratos e mesmo torturas. A secretária de Estado dos EUA, confirmaria publicamente a prática das "rendições extraordinárias".

O director da CIA não o desmentiu e o próprio presidente Bush (Setembro de 2006) viria a reconhecer a existência destas prisões secretas da CIA ("ambiente onde [os prisioneiros] possam ser mantidos em segredo"). Tais declarações suscitaram intervenções de provedores e entidades judiciais, pedidos de inquéritos parlamentares, um relatório do Conselho da Europa, investigações em desenvolvimento no Parlamento Europeu, declarações de autoridades de países da União Europeia relativas à aterragem nos seus territórios de aviões utilizados pela CIA e confirmações por pessoas feitas prisioneiras nessas condições.

Assim, pergunto ao Conselho que explicações pretende exigir à Administração dos EUA?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

EU je v političnem dialogu z ZDA večkrat opozorila na ta vprašanja.

Stališče Sveta je podano v sklepih Sveta z dne 11. decembra 2006: "EU ostaja močno zavezana brezpogojni prepovedi mučenja in drugega krutega, nečloveškega ali poniževalnega ravnanja in kaznovanja. Usmerja naše lastne dejavnosti, mi pa se glede perečih vprašanj obračamo na tretje države. (…) Obstoj skrivnih prostorov za pridržanje, kjer so priporniki v pravni praznini, ni v skladu z mednarodnim humanitarnim pravom in mednarodno zakonodajo o človekovih pravicah. "

Države bi morale v skladu s smernicami EU v zvezi z mučenjem prepovedati tudi skrivne prostore za pridržanje, s čimer bi zagotovili, da se vse osebe, ki jim je bila odvzeta prostost, pridržijo v uradno priznanih prostorih za pridržanje in da je znano, kje se nahajajo.

Παραβιάζοντας το ελληνικό δίκαιο – το δίκαιο της σημαίας του πλοίου – αιγυπτιακές στρατιωτικές δυνάμεις έκαναν στις 2 Ιανουαρίου 2008 ένοπλη εισβολή στο πλοίο Ro-Ro "Νικόλας Α", το οποίο κρατείται από τις 6 Οκτώβρη 2007 για αστικές διαφορές στο λιμάνι Σαφάκα της Αιγύπτου, και όπως καταγγέλλει ο έλληνας πλοίαρχος, αφού ξυλοκόπησαν άγρια τα έξι μέλη του πληρώματος, προκαλώντας σοβαρές σωματικές βλάβες σε δύο από αυτούς, συνέλαβαν και οδήγησαν στη φυλακή τον έλληνα β’ μηχανικό του πλοίου και τον ισπανό αρχιπλοίαρχο της εταιρείας και αφαίρεσαν τα διαβατήρια άλλων μελών του.

Σκοπεύει το Συμβούλιο να παρέμβει για να γίνουν σεβαστά τα δικαιώματα των ελλήνων και ισπανών ναυτικών που είναι τα θύματα της σύγκρουσης συμφερόντων μεταξύ πλοιοκτητών και ναυλωτών;

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Svet o vprašanju, ki ga je zastavil poslanec Pafilis, ni razpravljal, ker ni v njegovi pristojnosti.

Με το επιχείρημα του χαμηλού κόστους, οι πολυεθνικές τροφίμων προωθούν την κλωνοποίηση των ζώων για την παραγωγή ζωοκομικών προϊόντων που θα χρησιμοποιηθούν ως τρόφιμα, επιδιώκοντας αύξηση των κερδών τους και αδιαφορώντας για τις συνέπειες στην ανθρώπινη υγεία. Σε πρόσφατη έκθεσή της, που έγινε μετά από αίτημα της Επιτροπής, η Ευρωπαϊκή Υπηρεσία για την Ασφάλεια των Τροφίμων (EFSA) γνωμοδότησε υπέρ της κλωνοποίησης ζώων για διατροφικούς λόγους.

Σκοπεύει το Συμβούλιο να αποδεχτεί τη γνωμοδότηση της EFSA, και να επιτρέψει την παραγωγή διατροφικών προϊόντων από κλωνοποιημένα ζώα, γεγονός που δημιουργεί ιδιαίτερες ανησυχίες για την διατροφική ασφάλεια, γνωρίζοντας ότι επιστημονικές μελέτες υπογραμμίζουν την μικρή διάρκεια ζωής των κλωνοποιημένων ζώων, αλλά και εμφάνιση μεγάλου ποσοστού γενετικών ή άλλων ανωμαλιών, ότι με την γενετική τροποποίηση των ζώων τα αντίγραφα μπορεί να μην μοιάζουν σε πρόγονο που συναντιέται φυσιολογικά στη φύση, αλλά να τους κληροδοτούνται τεχνητά χαρακτηριστικά και να αποτελούν έτσι φρένο για την παραπέρα εξέλιξη και βελτίωση των φυλών μέσω των διασταυρώσεών τους;

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Treba je opozoriti, da trenutno ne obstajajo dokončne ugotovitve Evropske agencije za varnost hrane. Navedeno "mnenje" je le osnutek, ki je na voljo za javno razpravo do 25. februarja 2008, njegove ugotovitve pa so le začasne. Evropska agencija za varnost hrane še ni zavzela dokončnega stališča, njeno končno mnenje pa se pričakuje do konca maja 2008. Pri prihodnjih obravnavah katerih koli ukrepov EU glede kloniranja živali in izdelkov, pridobljenih iz teh živali, bi bilo koristno, da se jih sprejme, potem ko bo Komisija podala svoj predlog.

Svet torej lahko sprejme stališče o tem vprašanju le na podlagi predloga Komisije.

EU har tagit på sig rollen som drivande i kampen för att bromsa växthuseffekterna. Ett avgörande steg i detta är att minska medborgarnas energiförbrukning. EU-länderna och kommissionen bör därför inte, å ena sidan, uppmana Europas medborgare och företag till ökad energieffektivitet och minskade CO2-utsläpp, och å andra sidan samtidigt sätta upp importhinder och fördyra genomförandet av sådana åtgärder genom strafftullar på import av lågenergilampor från Kina.

Till på köpet drabbar det inte enbart kinesiska tillverkare utan även de europeiska företag som har sin produktion av dessa lampor i Kina. EU skall arbeta för likabehandling – inte särbehandling. Att som i detta fall straffa vissa europeiska producenter strider mot den grundläggande likabehandlingsprincipen i EU.

Vad avser rådet göra för att bidra till att undanröja anti-dumpingavgifterna på import till EU av energisnåla (”gröna”) glödlampor?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Najprej želi Svet opozoriti poslanca na odgovor z dne 5. marca 2007 na pisno vprašanje E-0080/07 in odgovor z dne 23. maja 2007 na ustno vprašanje H-0291/07 v zvezi s protidampiškimi dajatvami za uvoz integriranih elektronskih kompaktnih fluorescenčnih žarnic (CFL-i) s poreklom iz Ljudske republike Kitajske.

Svet je 15. oktobra 2007 sprejel uredbo (ES) 1205/2007⁽¹⁾, ki podaljšuje veljavnost tega ukrepa za eno leto po zaključku pregleda. Cilj te uredbe je preprečiti nepravične konkurenčne prednosti, ki so posledica izvažanja teh žarnic na trg Skupnosti, in najti pravilno splošno ravnotežje med željami potrošnikov, proizvajalcev in trgovcev.

S tem, ko je Svet sprejel to uredbo in omejil plačila dajatev na eno samo leto, je upošteval ekonomske interese uvoznikov in potrošnikov, uvedba teh ukrepov lahko prizadela. Če bi ukrepe izvajali več kot eno leto, njihovi negativni učinki ne bi bili sorazmerni s koristmi, ki jih prinašajo proizvajalcem Skupnosti.

Cilj Sveta je vzpostaviti pravo ravnotežje med enim dogovorjenim ciljem, tj. povečanjem energetske učinkovitosti in zmanjšanjem emisij ogljikovega dioksida v Skupnosti, ter drugim enako pomembnim ciljem, tj. zaščito industrije Skupnosti pred praksami tretjih držav, ki izkrivljajo trgovino. Vprašanja, ki jih je postavil poslanec, so bila obravnavana in upoštevana pri končni odločitvi o sprejetju uredbe.

Der Beamte hat für sich und, soweit er Anspruch auf die Haushaltszulage hat, für seinen Ehegatten und die unterhaltsberechtigten Personen einmal jährlich Anspruch auf eine Pauschalvergütung der Reisekosten vom Ort der dienstlichen Verwendung zum Herkunftsort (Anhang VII Abschnitt 3 C Artikel 8 des Statuts der Beamten der Europäischen Gemeinschaften vom 1.5.2004).

Wie hoch waren jeweils in den Jahren 2005, 2006 und 2007 die Ausgaben der Kommission zur Erstattung dieser im Statut vorgesehenen Ausgaben?

Wie viele Beamte im Rat waren jeweils in den Jahren 2005, 2006 und 2007 berechtigt, diese Regelung anzuwenden?

Bei wie vielen Beamten im Rat fand jeweils in den Jahren 2005, 2006 und 2007 diese Regelung Anwendung?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Poslanec je že v svojem vprašanju navedel, da se v skladu s členom 8 Priloge VII h Kadrovskim predpisom ter členoma 26 in 92 Pogojev za zaposlitev drugih uslužbencev, ki se uporabljajo za začasne in pogodbene uradnike, ki so dopolnili najmanj devet mesecev službe, uradnikom izplača pavšalni znesek, ki je enak stroškom prevoza od kraja zaposlitve do matičnega kraja.

V zvezi s številom uradnikov, začasnih in pogodbenih uradnikov, ki so pod omenjenimi pogoji upravičeni do takšnega izplačila, obstajajo naslednji statistični podatki.

Statistični podatki glede stroškov prevoza za leto 2005: 2 394

Statistični podatki glede stroškov prevoza za leto 2006: 2 420

Začasni (*) statistični podatki glede stroškov prevoza za leto 2007: 2 504

*(za leto 2007 treba je opraviti še dodatna izplačila)

Ker so ta izplačila samodejna in pavšalna in ker zahtevka zanje ni treba vložiti niti ni treba predložiti dokazilnih listin, je število upravičencev in prejemnikov enako.

Izplačani zneski se izračunajo v skladu s členom 8(2) Priloge VII h Kadrovskim predpisom.

Za zadevna leta je generalni sekretariat Sveta v ta namen izplačal:

Izplačilo stroškov prevoza za leto 2005: 3.791.397,83 EUR

Izplačilo stroškov prevoza za leto 2006: 3.995.868,19 EUR

Začasno izplačilo stroškov prevoza za leto 2007: 4.239.547,68 EUR

Jakie jest stanowisko Rady wobec ostatnich wypowiedzi ambasadora Rosji przy NATO oraz szefa sztabu Armii Rosyjskiej grożących jednemu z krajów członkowskich Unii (Polska) działaniami odwetowymi, a nawet militarnymi w przypadku instalacji w Polsce bazy amerykańskiej tarczy antyrakietowej?

Odgovor, ki ga je pripravilo predsedstvo in ne zavezuje ne Sveta ne držav članic, ni bil dan ustno v času za vprašanja, odmerjenem Svetu na delnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta februarja 2008 v Strasbourgu.

Svet ni seznanjen z mnenji, ki naj bi bila izražena.

According to EU legislation all official languages and alphabets are equal, and EU citizens can use them equally. How can the Commission explain the lack of possibility for EU citizens to use the Cyrillic and Greek alphabets when ordering publications from the EU bookstore, managed by the EU Official Publications Office?

L'Office des Publications des Communautés européennes se réjouit de l'intérêt porté à ses publications.

Afin de faciliter l'accès via Internet aux publications des institutions, agences et autres organismes décentralisées de l'Union européenne, l'Office a mis sur pied en 2005 un service en ligne nommé "EU Bookshop"⁽¹⁾.

Cette librairie électronique permet aux utilisateurs de chercher des publications de l'Union européenne dans toutes les langues officielles, y compris de les commander et de les télécharger gratuitement.

La question soulevée faisant référence à la commande de publications à la "Librairie Européenne" ⁽²⁾, il est entendu qu'il s'agit du service en ligne "EU Bookshop" géré par l'Office. En effet, la "Librairie Européenne" est une société privée de ventes de livres, sise à Bruxelles qui n'appartient pas aux institutions européennes, mais qui est liée avec l'Office des publications par un accord de diffusion commerciale.

Le service en ligne "EU Bookshop" dispose de plusieurs fonctions de recherche, afin de satisfaire les besoins d'information des citoyens européens dans toutes les langues officielles (23).

L'Office améliore en permanence les prestations techniques de ce site, y compris l'utilisation de toutes les langues officielles lors des commandes de publications. Cette dernière fonction est disponible à l'heure actuelle uniquement en anglais. Concernant les autres langues officielles, le système informatique qui gère le système de commandes n'a pas encore la capacité de reconnaître tous les caractères propres à chaque langue. L'Office est conscient de ce défi technique, notamment en ce qui concerne les alphabets cyrillique et grec.

Une étude de faisabilité est en cours afin d'identifier les meilleures options techniques permettant d'assurer, à l'avenir, que la fonction commandes puisse aussi se faire dans toutes les langues officielles.

Για πρώτη φορά από την έναρξη του ελληνικού ΚΠΣ το 2001, δεν πρόκειται να πραγματοποιηθεί η συνεδρίαση της επιτροπής παρακολούθησης για τον μήνα Δεκέμβριο. Για το λόγο αυτό, θα επιθυμούσα να με πληροφορήσει η Επιτροπή ποια είναι η μέχρι σήμερα πορεία υλοποίησης (νομικές δεσμεύσεις - απορρόφηση) τόσο του συνόλου του ΚΠΣ, όσο και κάθε τομεακού και περιφερειακού προγράμματος χωριστά; Έχει υποβληθεί πρόταση αναθεώρησης του ΚΠΣ από τις ελληνικές αρχές; Ποιες είναι οι προτεινόμενες μεταφορές κονδυλίων μεταξύ των επιχειρησιακών προγραμμάτων ή/και των ταμείων; Ποιο το ύψος τους;

Για ποια προγράμματα προτίθεται η Επιτροπή να κάνει αποδεκτό το αίτημα παράτασης του ΚΠΣ που έχουν υποβάλει οι ελληνικές αρχές εξαιτίας των δασικών πυρκαγιών; Ποια θα είναι η χρονική διάρκεια της παράτασης;

Under the Third Community Support Framework 2000-2006 for Greece, an amount of some € 22.7 billions has been committed for Community assistance in the Greek regions from the four Structural Funds (ERDF, ESF, EAGGF and FIFG)⁽¹⁾. By the end of the year 2007, an amount of some € 16.6 billions was paid from the Structural Funds. This amount corresponds to 73% of the total EU structural allocations to Greece. However, it should be underlined that, late December 2007, the Greek authorities submitted to the Commission a payment claim of some € 2.5 billions, all Structural Funds included. The evaluation of this claim by the Commission's services is still ongoing.

Following the wildfires which ravaged part of Greece in summer 2007, the Greek authorities applied for modifying the Operational Programmes and Community Initiatives of the third programming period (2000-2006). This modification will not include any retrospective modification to the financing plans of the programmes. The programming period 2000-2006 has been completed and therefore re-programming is no longer permissible. Consequently, no transfer of credits from one Operational Programme to another, from one Priority Axis to another within the same Operational Programme, or from one Community Fund to another could be acceptable. The only modifications that the Commission could accept are those which do not require the modification of the financing plan of the programmes, namely, transfer of credits from one measure to another within the same Priority Axis through revision of the Programme Complement.

The Greek authorities also applied for a one-year extension of the eligibility deadline of the Operational Programmes and Community Initiatives of the third programming period (2000-2006). In reply to the Greek request, the Commission considers that a one-year extension of the eligibility deadline of the Operational Programmes and the Community Initiatives can be granted, provided there is a direct and substantial link between the unforeseeable event of the wildfires occurred in summer 2007 and the implementation of the Operational Programmes and Community Initiatives for which the extension is requested. Consequently, such an extension can be accepted for Western Greece, the Peloponnesus, Continental Greece and Attica, as these programmes concern precisely the regions where the wildfires occurred.

As regards the national Operational Programmes and the Community Initiatives Leader+ and Equal, the Greek authorities were asked to communicate to the Commission all substantive elements demonstrating that the aforementioned criterion of direct and substantial link is met. The technical discussions on this issue between the Greek authorities and the Commission's services are still on-going.

Środki przeznaczone na płatności w roku 2008 w dziale 1a wynoszą ponad 40 mld EUR i są wprawdzie wyższe niż zaproponowane w tym dziale w roku 2007, ale istnieją obawy, czy pokryją one zapotrzebowanie na środki finansowe zgłaszane przez poszczególne kraje członkowskie. Chcę tylko przypomnieć, że większość programów zarówno sektorowych jak i regionalnych przedstawionych przez poszczególne kraje członkowskie na lata 2007-2013 zostało ostatecznie zaakceptowanych przez Komisję Europejską. W tej sytuacji w roku 2008 nastąpi realizacja przynajmniej części z nich, a tym samym wyraźnie wzrośnie zapotrzebowanie na środki przeznaczone na płatności.

Czy Komisja Europejska może zapewnić, że środków na płatności w dziale 1a w 2008 roku nie zabraknie?

The question seems related to the expenditure under Heading 1b (Cohesion for growth and employment) rather than 1a (Competitiveness for growth and employment). The following information should be presented.

2008 payment appropriations for Heading 1b amount to € 40.6 billion, an increase of 7.5% over the 2007 figure. This amount comprises three components:

· advance and interim payments relating to the commitments under the new 2007-2013 Financial Framework, which is the largest component;

· reimbursements to clear the stock of outstanding commitments (RAL) for the 2000-2006 programmes and projects;

· and a residual amount to clear the remaining RAL for the pre-2000 programmes.

In order to propose the level of payment credits for the 2008 budget, the Commission took into consideration:

· forecasts of payments provided by Member States (for both programming periods);

· analysis based on the previous years' payments execution;

· experience with the start up of the 2000-2006 programming period.

In the budget 2008:

· In accordance with Article 82 of Regulation 1083/2006⁽¹⁾ (Pre-financing), the Commission reserved sufficient payment credits to execute the second advances for all new 2007-2013 programmes. It is worthwhile to underline that most of the programmes have been adopted late in 2007 and thus the first advances have just been paid (in December 2007/ January 2008).

· The 2008 budget contains also € 13.6 billion for execution of interim payment according to Article 86 of Regulation 1083/2006 under the new programming period.

In accordance with Article 71 of Regulation 1083/2006, before the submission of the first interim payment claim, or at the latest within 12 months of the approval of each operational programme, each Member State shall submit to the Commission a description of its management and control systems. The description shall be accompanied by a report setting out the results of an assessment of the systems set up and giving an opinion on their compliance with Articles 58 to 62 of Regulation 1083/2006 (Management and control systems). These documents are subject to the Commission's approval.

The above-mentioned requirements may lead to significant delays and in effect result rather in under-spending of the budget than shortage of funds.

Jakie było wykorzystanie funduszy strukturalnych i Funduszu Spójności w 10 nowych państwach członkowskich w okresie 2004-2006?

Jakie są prognozy, co do możliwości wykorzystania przez nowe kraje członkowskie całości środków przeznaczonych na okres programowania 2004-2006?

The final date of eligibility of expenditure from the 2004-2006 period for Structural Funds can be up to the end of 2008 for the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and the European Social Fund (ESF) and up to the end of 2010 for the Cohesion Fund projects. That said, the Commission has launched in 2007 the ex post evaluation of Objectives 1, 2 and 3 2000-2006, which will evaluate the impact of Structural Fund resources in all 25 Member States before the 1 January 2007 and will provide information on how the Funds were used, in terms of what the resources were spent on, what was achieved and the effectiveness of implementation systems. Results from this evaluation will be available in 2009. Ex post evaluation of the Cohesion Fund will be launched in 2009, with results available in 2010. The later date of the Cohesion Fund evaluation arises from the need for as large a number as possible of projects to be completed in order to evaluate their impact.

At this point, the absorption of Structural Funds – ERDF and ESF – is more advanced than that of the Cohesion Fund.

The current state of play as of 17 January 2008 indicates a payments absorption rate of 79.7% for the European Guidance and Guarantee Fund (EAGGF), 72% for ERDF, 65.29% for ESF, and 44% for the Cohesion Fund (CF) for the ten new Member States. So far, all of the Structural Funds operational programmes have complied with the n+2 rule and no budget has been lost (apart from Slovenia for EQUAL and Slovakia on Objective 3). Implementation of Structural Funds programmes in the Member States concerned has been taking off in the last year and is now on track.

The present situation therefore indicates satisfactory progress in respect of project implementation and compliance with the planned implementation timetables.

The vast majority of Cohesion Fund projects are still ongoing and most projects will only be finalised by 2010. The final date of eligibility of expenses for the Cohesion Fund is 31 December 2010. Full absorption will depend mainly on the timely implementation of projects and the timely certification of expenditure to the Commission. Although the Cohesion Fund implementation is somewhat slower than for the ERDF and ESF, there are no grounds at this stage to suggest that the absorption of Funds will be other than very good. Implementation challenges can be observed particularly in the environment sector (Poland, Lithuania). The majority of the delays are due to the technical and administrative complexity of the projects in the environmental sector. However the countries concerned are working toward improving the progress of projects and addressing the administrative shortcomings and at this stage the expectations are for a very good absorption of the 2004-2006 allocations.

Im Rahmen der alten und neuen Lissabonstrategie wurde als Ziel festgelegt, die Europäische Union bis 2010 zur wettbewerbsfähigsten Wirtschaft der Welt zu machen. Nachhaltige Wettbewerbsvorteile können nur in einem innovativen Wirtschaftsraum erzielt werden. Jedoch gibt es einige Regionen in der Europäischen Union, deren Innovationsfähigkeit durch landschaftliche und infrastrukturelle Bedingungen natürliche Grenzen gesetzt sind. Dazu gehören vor allem die Berggebiete. Welche konkreten Maßnahmen sieht die Europäische Kommission – im Lichte der neuesten Entwicklungen – vor, um die Innovationsfähigkeit in den Berggebieten bis 2013 zu fördern und so eine einheitliche Entwicklung der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, des territorialen Zusammenhalts und der regionalen Entwicklung im Europäischen Wirtschaftsraum zu gewährleisten? Wie wird insbesondere den Bedürfnissen von Gebieten mit einer starken KMU-Struktur sowie grenzüberschreitenden Handelsbeziehungen Rechnung getragen?

Mountain areas with their various disadvantages and considerable diversity stemming from their geographic peculiarities (e.g. isolation, difficult accessibility, climatic conditions) constitute a particular challenge for regional policy.

The Commission is of course aware of these problems and has been very active in pursuing a policy aimed at the improvement of the situation of disadvantaged regions i.a. by adopting the Fourth Report on Economic and Social Cohesion on 30 May 2007. It confirms the importance the Commission attaches to achieving greater territorial cohesion in Europe and to the particular difficulties certain territories are facing. The Commission will communicate the results of the discussion on the questions raised in this report in the context of the Fifth Progress Report on Cohesion due for spring 2008.

As you know, the new regulations for 2007-2013 and the Community Strategic Guidelines contain explicit provisions for mountain areas, thus creating the basis for progress in addressing territorial specificities in programming documents. Additionally, the Territorial Agenda of the European Union adopted at the informal ministerial meeting in Leipzig in May 2007 strives to strengthen territorial cohesion.

During this meeting the Commission presented also a document which assesses the way national strategies for 2007-2013 would propose to tackle territorial issues. One of its observations was that only a few Member States set clear and explicit interventions for specific types of territories. However, some € 6,400 million were "earmarked" specifically for mountain areas. As a consequence, the Ministers requested the Commission to develop further this analysis and to present a Report on Territorial Cohesion (Green Paper) in 2008.

This report under preparation and its adoption is scheduled for the third trimester of 2008 with the aim of launching a broad debate on the concept of territorial cohesion of the European Union and its Member States. It will raise a number of issues concerning the need for a more integrated approach on territorial cohesion in the future as well as the use and implementation of the concept at various levels and in different policy domains. This report will also cover policies specific to mountains and other areas facing geographical difficulties supporting a harmonious and balanced development of the Union. This common vision is essential for avoiding the fragmentation of European policies while taking into account the specificities of the areas concerned.

It is also worth recalling that under the European Territorial Cooperation and especially under the trans-national strand there are spaces among the 13 cooperation areas where partners can clearly benefit from the trans-national approach both from a geographical and thematic point of view. The programme "Alpine Space" 2007-2013 which covers the Alpine regions of Germany, France, Italy and Slovenia and in which Liechtenstein and Switzerland also participate, is an example of one such trans-national programme. Approved in September 2007, the 130 million euro programme, 98 million of which represents European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) funding, aims to increase the area's competitiveness and attractiveness through working jointly in fields where trans-national cooperation has been shown to be more effective and solutions more sustainable than acting alone. The programme has three priorities. In the field of competitiveness and attractiveness, the programme aims to promote innovation, entrepreneurship and research and development (R&D) among small and medium enterprises (SMEs), to enhance cultural heritage and strengthen urban areas as engines for sustainable development. Another area of paramount importance to Alpine Space countries is accessibility. Here the programme will focus on securing fair access to public services, to transport, particularly sustainable and innovative mobility and also to connectivity which forms the basis for a knowledge-driven Information Society. The prevention, mitigation and management of natural and technological hazards is the programme's third priority. Enhancing cooperation in environmental protection issues, stimulating an integrated approach to conservation and resource efficiency are among the issues addressed.

The broad consultation launched by the Commission at the occasion of the 4th Cohesion Forum put forward the question how cohesion policy should address territorial specificities and how the global challenges affecting these areas should be treated. There is undoubtedly an urgent need to reinforce multi-level governance and to ensure consistency between actions to promote territorial development and the Lisbon strategy for growth and jobs.

Η παράνομη μετανάστευση προς κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ αυξάνεται ραγδαία τα τελευταία χρόνια ιδιαίτερα σε χώρες των οποίων τα θαλάσσια σύνορα είναι εκτεταμένα (π.χ. Ελλάδα).

Ερωτάται η Επιτροπή αν έλαβε υπ´ όψη της το φαινόμενο αυτό κατά τη διαμόρφωση της πολιτικής συνοχής κατά την περίοδο 2007-2013 και ιδιαίτερα αν έχει υπολογίσει τις επιπτώσεις της, στους οικονομικούς, κοινωνικούς και άλλους δείκτες της πολιτικής συνοχής;

The Commission Communication "Towards a Common Immigration Policy"⁽¹⁾ of December 2007 establishes the need for a stronger and coherent European approach towards migration. This appeal was confirmed by the most recent European Council.

This need felt by many European citizens is also reflected in the various instruments the European Union has at its disposition.

There are first of all the instruments in the area of justice, liberty and security. These include the External Borders Fund, the Frontex Agency and the European Refugee Fund.

The issues related to demographic change and specifically migration flows have indeed been one of the elements that Member States have taken into account when drawing up their national plans and operational programmes. Illegal immigration is one of these issues that affect both the economic and social cohesion within a region and between regions.

The framework for Cohesion Policy, through its Regulations and strategic guidelines, provide the interface between these European policies and the national needs and opportunities that have been identified.

The management and implementation of Cohesion Policy programmes financed through the Structural Funds is primarily the responsibility of the Member States and their regions.

In the above mentioned context, the European Social Fund (ESF) outlines action aimed at the better preparation of migrants and reinforces their social adaptation, while the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) also makes provisions – of relevance to migration – that could support investments and infrastructure expenditure in the sectors of public health, social inclusion, labour market conditions, cross-border activities and even activities in non-EU countries under certain conditions provided that such expenditure is foreseen in the relevant operational programme(s). The answer to the first part of the question is therefore positive. The policy has taken the migration dimension into account in its particular national, regional and local context.

The Commission reminds the Honourable Member of the recent Cohesion Reports in which the involvement of local and regional authorities in the development and implementation of immigration and asylum policies is stressed. These authorities, together with the social partners, non-governmental organisation(NGOs) and other local actors, play an increasingly important role in integrating third country nationals into society and economic life. A coordinated approach is needed, which includes ensuring access to education and training, health and social services, decent housing and so on. The reports also contain information on net migration and linked issues such as demographic and labour market change. The policy developed has also been fed and inspired by various calculations using social economic models and thus implicitly taking immigration aspects on board.

In relation to Greece, the National Strategic Reference Framework (NSRF) for Greece for 2007–2013 sets out the overall strategy for Cohesion Policy. It takes account of the socio-economic situation in Greece, in order to develop a vision for the development of the country. In doing so, the presence of immigrants is of course a factor in the analysis undertaken.

The resulting Operational Programmes (OPs) address the issues posed by the presence of immigrants and focus in particular on their integration into labour market, with specific actions being foreseen.

The particular challenges posed to Greece as a frontier country in terms of illegal immigration are addressed by programmes administered by Directorate-General (DG) Justice, Liberty and Security (JLS). The Commission has elaborated a number of measures, based on the principle of solidarity, to support in particular those Member States such as Greece that are confronted with increasing migratory pressures. Member States are already working together in joint operations in the Mediterranean, under the coordination of the Frontex Agency, aiming at a more effective surveillance of the EU's Southern maritime borders and the open sea with a view of curbing seaborne illegal immigration and of preventing humanitarian tragedies. Taking into consideration that countries with a maritime border have experienced pressure of spontaneous arrivals of irregular migrants and asylum seekers, they should actively use the financial support available from existing or planned funding possibilities, like the European Refugee Fund, the External Borders Fund, the Integration Fund and in near future the Return Fund, which are allocated to the Member States in proportion to their share of burden.

The Commission proposes to introduce functional separation to ensure fair competition in telecoms markets. How will the Commission assess whether it is necessary to introduce functional separation and when?

The measures on functional separation proposed by the Commission as part of the reform of the EU telecom rules⁽¹⁾, aim to provide to national regulatory authorities, not the Commission itself, the legal basis to impose that obligation. The national regulatory authority can only impose functional separation if the Commission, having assessed the draft measure, in light of the conditions and criteria that are set out in the proposed Art. 13a of the "Access Directive" decides that it is compatible with Community law.

The assessment of the draft measures by the Commission will include in particular:

- evidence that the standard regulatory remedies⁽²⁾ have failed – and would fail on a persistent basis – to achieve effective competition;

- an analysis of the impact of the draft measures on the regulatory authority, on the undertaking, on its incentives to invest in its network, and on other stakeholders including in particular the expected impact on infrastructure competition and any potential entailing effects on consumers;

- a draft of the measure being proposed including elements concerning the nature and level of separation, the identification of assets of the separate business entity as well as the products and services to be supplied by this entity, the governance arrangements of the separate business entity, the rules for ensuring compliance with the obligations, the rules for ensuring transparency of operational procedures and a monitoring programme to ensure compliance including publication of an annual report.

The assessment and subsequent authorization of the draft measure by the Commission aim to ensure a consistent implementation of the regulatory framework across the EU with the objective to achieve the internal market for electronic communications.

Does the Commission believe that the Audiovisual Media Services Directive 97/36/EC⁽¹⁾ will be able to keep pace with developments in audiovisual technology and advertising?

Is the Commission satisfied that requesting media service providers to develop codes of conduct towards children is a sufficiently robust measure to protect children's particular interests - for instance, to prevent advertising of so-called 'junk food' aimed at children?

La Commission considère que, telle qu'elle résulte de la modification apportée par la directive 2007/65/CE du 11 décembre 2007, la directive 89/552/CEE "Services de médias audiovisuels sans frontières" (dite antérieurement "Télévision sans frontières") modernise le droit européen pour l'adapter au paysage audiovisuel européen actuel, à l'évolution prévisible des marchés, aux progrès technologiques et aux nouvelles techniques de publicité mises en œuvre. Les raisons en sont les suivantes.

En premier lieu, ladite directive couvre tous les services de médias audiovisuels linéaires (fournis sur la base d'une grille de programmes) quelle que soit la technologie ou la plateforme utilisées (radiodiffusion classique, téléphonie mobile, télévision sur internet protocole (IP), etc.) ainsi que les services de médias audiovisuels non linéaires (vidéo ou programmes à la demande). Il en résulte que toutes les communications commerciales audiovisuelles, et non plus seulement la publicité télévisée, sont désormais sujettes à la réglementation imposant de ne pas causer de préjudice physique ou moral grave aux mineurs.

En second lieu, la directive prévoit que les Etats membres et la Commission encouragent les fournisseurs de services de médias audiovisuels à élaborer des codes de conduite relatifs aux communications commerciales inappropriées, accompagnant ou incluses dans des programmes pour enfants et portant sur des substances nutritionnelles telles que des matières grasses, des acides gras et le sel dont la présence en quantité excessive dans l'alimentation est médicalement déconseillée. Ces codes, destinés à s'appliquer aux fournisseurs de services de médias eux-mêmes (et indirectement aux annonceurs et publicitaires), s'ajoutent aux dispositions nouvelles que devront adopter les Etats membres pour transposer dans leur droit national les dispositions de la directive destinées à protéger les consommateurs, et notamment les mineurs, et doivent permettre d'en faciliter l'application. Par ailleurs, l'obésité chez les enfants étant un problème causé par différents facteurs, la Commission propose, dans son livre blanc sur l'obésité du 30 mai 2007⁽²⁾, une stratégie d'ensemble multisectorielle promouvant diverses mesures visant notamment à mieux informer les consommateurs, à faciliter l'accès à une alimentation saine, ou à encourager l'activité physique, etc.

En troisième lieu, la directive reconnaît l'importance et demande aux Etats membres de promouvoir l'éducation aux médias comme un moyen privilégié de protéger les familles et les enfants contre les contenus préjudiciables ou choquants (point 37 du préambule). La Communication "Education aux médias dans l'environnement numérique"⁽³⁾ encourage à des actions permettant au jeune public d’acquérir une approche critique des communications commerciales.

European Network Information Security Agency (ENISA) has so far achieved very good results, considering its limitations in terms of funds and personnel. In only two years of activity, ENISA has proven, as supported by plenty of evidence, to be the right answer to Europe’s needs in the field of network and information security. All unsubstantiated claims about the ‘location’ of the seat have been definitively answered. Greece has repeatedly demonstrated its willingness and commitment to actively contribute towards the success of ENISA, by providing the Agency with substantial support. The presence of ENISA in Heraklion is also a significant step forward towards decentralisation and regional development in Europe.

There is a strong need to avoid wasting accumulated know-how and invested resources. We ask the European Commission why it does not support ENISA to continue effectively its successful activities by increasing its budget, staff and competences? Why are the tasks, competences, budget and staff of the new Telecoms Agency not assigned to ENISA?

The Commission made proposals for the reform of the EU Telecom Rules on 13 November 2007. A key aspect is the proposal to create the European Electronic Communications Market Authority (EECMA),⁽¹⁾ to stimulate creation of pan-European services in a Europe without frontiers, and further strengthen the internal market in electronic communications.

In the Commission’s opinion, network and information security must be a key policy priority of the reform to enable all stakeholders, including telecoms operators and regulators to respond faster, quicker and in a coordinated way to security breaches and attacks. This is why the Commission proposed to enhance the security-related provisions of the current EU rules, taking into account the results of a public consultation last year. Notably, the proposed package introduces better instruments to fight against network security breaches and to strengthen networks against cyber attacks.

Even though the findings of the evaluation of ENISA indicate that its achievements were adequate or even good,⁽²⁾ the Commission believes that today’s network security challenges should be addressed by ensuring new synergies between the work of telecommunications regulators and security experts, with a view to making Europe’s information and communication networks more secure. Moreover, these synergies should be utilised in assisting the effective implementation of the strengthened network security rules. This is why the Commission’s proposal includes a substantial focus on the challenges posed by network and information security in the broader context of the dynamics of the internal market in electronic communications.

The scope of EECMA is much wider than that of ENISA. EECMA will play a very important role in the reform of the whole field of electronic communication regulations. Because the activities of ENISA relate to a limited, albeit important, part of this field, the Commission has proposed a new Authority that will integrate responsibility for the activities currently undertaken by ENISA. A proposal for a Regulation amending the current ENISA Regulation to extend its duration until the EECMA assumes responsibility for its activities on network and information security on 14 March 2011 was necessary and has therefore been adopted by the Commission on 20 December 2007.

In der Mitteilung KOM(2007)0409 schlägt die Kommission eine Strategie zur Entwicklung von "Mobilfernsehen" in der Europäischen Union vor. Mobilfernsehen wird verstanden als "die Übertragung audiovisueller Inhalte auf ein mobiles Gerät".

Wie definiert die Kommission "Mobilfernsehen" unter Berücksichtung der Begriffsbestimmungen für "audiovisuelle Mediendienste" (AVMD) in der Richtlinie über AVMD (2007/65/EG⁽¹⁾) und für "audiovisuelle Dienste" (AVD) in der Richtlinie über den elektronischen Handel (2000/31/EG⁽²⁾)?

Sieht die Kommission eine unterschiedliche Rolle von AVMD und AVD in Bezug auf die Informations- und Meinungsfreiheit und die Gewährleistung des Medienpluralismus?

Wenn ja, welche Unterschiede bei Art und Umfang der Regulierung und für die Frequenzzuweisung ergeben sich für AVMD und für AVD aus Sicht der Kommission?

The Commission recalls the scope of its strategy for mobile TV outlined in the Commission Communication of July 2007 on Strengthening the Internal Market for Mobile TV. In this document, the term mobile TV refers to broadcast terrestrial mobile TV services only. The Commission is aware that there are various ways to provide mobile TV, ranging from cellular networks to satellite. However, terrestrial broadcast is an indispensable element to develop a mass market for these new innovative services and this is why it is at the centre of the Commission's current action. The Honourable Member in her question asks for a clarification of the definition of mobile TV in the context of content regulation. As mentioned, mobile TV in its scope as mentioned refers to a sub-set of audiovisual media services which are governed by the recently adopted Audiovisual Media Services Directive. Like "fixed" television broadcasts, broadcast terrestrial mobile TV is defined as a linear audiovisual media service as outlined in Article 1(e) of the Directive.

The eCommerce Directive, which does not provide for a specific definition of audiovisual services but a general definition of information society services, also coordinates certain fields with regard to those audiovisual services which are provided at the individual request of the recipient.

Regarding the second part of the question, which deals with media pluralism, the Commission would like to quote from the Audiovisual Media Services Directive: "Audiovisual media services are as much cultural services as they are economic services. Their growing importance for societies, democracy – in particular by ensuring freedom of information, diversity of opinion and media pluralism – education and culture justifies the application of specific rules to these services." Provisions in terms of protection of minors or cultural diversity as stipulated in the directive apply to mobile TV as to any other service covered by the Directive.

Mobile TV is a nascent service platform which should benefit from a light touch regulatory approach. Therefore inappropriate obligations such as must carry rules should not be imposed. However, the main national channels, both public and private, will be most certainly in every mobile TV bouquet out of business decisions, as offerings would lose much appeal without them.

The Commission would also like to draw the Honourable Member's attention to the fact that DVB-H, the mobile TV standard favoured by the Commission, can carry a large number of channels, thus enhancing media pluralism.

The last aspect of the question deals with radio spectrum. The two Directives mentioned have no direct relationship with the regulation of radio spectrum. From a spectrum policy viewpoint, mobile TV services delivered over the airwaves should follow the same rules and regulations as any Electronic Communication Services, as defined in the current EU regulatory framework.

La Comisión Europea decidió el pasado 3 de enero dar un nuevo impulso al sector europeo de contenido digital, haciendo más fácil y más rápido el acceso a programas de televisión, música, películas o juegos vía Internet, teléfonos móviles u otros dispositivos digitales.

A la luz de esta iniciativa, y teniendo en cuenta la existencia de nuevos instrumentos y canales de comunicación que han convertido en obsoleto el modelo de gestión de los derechos de autor vigente hasta el momento, el cual no permite afrontar con éxito el reto que representa el desarrollo de la nueva realidad, ¿piensa la Comisión profundizar en el debate sobre cómo mantener el respeto por los derechos de propiedad intelectual y a la vez seguir apoyando la innovación y el desarrollo digital?

¿No cree la Comisión que, además de considerar los problemas que representan para los autores y creadores las nuevas tecnologías, se deberían incorporar en este debate también las nuevas ventajas que de ellas se derivan y las nuevas oportunidades que se abren para reforzar la creación, la comercialización y la competitividad de la cultura europea, en general, y de la música, la literatura, las películas y los juegos, en particular?

The Communication on Creative Content Online was indeed adopted on 3 January 2008. It explores added-value actions that could be taken at European level to improve the competitiveness of the European online content production and distribution industry.

The online distribution of high value "creative content" represents a major structural change in the European content market. Such high value "creative content" covers music, audiovisual content, radio, online games, online publishing and educational content. New market developments also arise from Web 2.0, i.e. user-created content.

The Commission encourages the content industry, telecoms companies and Internet service providers to work closely together to make available more content online, while at the same time ensuring a robust protection of intellectual property rights.

The Commission would like to stress that the debate within the Content Online initiative will also address the new advantages and opportunities offered by the new technologies with the view to strengthening the creation, marketing and competitiveness of European culture in general. In line with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Convention on cultural diversity, the Commission considers as a priority to support cultural diversity in creative content.

The Commission deems that there are four main, horizontal challenges which merit discussion, exchange of good practice and possibly a coordinated approach at EU-level: availability of creative content; improved licensing for creative content; interoperability and transparency of Digital Rights Management (DRM) systems; and an effective fight against piracy.

The market for online creative content is emerging and developments take place at a rapid pace. This calls for a twofold approach to deal with already identified challenges that need to be addressed quickly, and to launch further discussions on some of the existing and forthcoming challenges.

To help kick start the process the Communication on Creative Content Online has launched a focused public consultation in preparation for the adoption of a Recommendation by the Council and the Parliament. The public consultation is based on a questionnaire included in the Communication and the deadline for replies is 29 February 2008. The questionnaire focuses on three issues: interoperability and transparency of DRM systems; multi-territory licensing for creative content; and legal offers and piracy.

Furthermore, in parallel, the Commission is creating a stakeholders' discussion and cooperation platform, the so-called "Content Online Platform". The remit of the Content Online Platform will include the issues mentioned in this Communication such as: availability of content, improvement of rights clearance mechanisms, development of multi-territory licensing, management of copyright online, and cooperation mechanisms to improve respect of copyright in the online environment.

De Commissie heeft bij het van kracht worden van het "Eurotarief" voor het mobiel bellen en gebeld worden in het buitenland (art. 7 lid 3 Verordening (EG) nr. 717/2007⁽¹⁾) aangegeven tevens de afspraken tussen de aanbieders over de kosten voor grensbewoners scherp in het oog te houden. In het eerste, op 17 januari jl., gepubliceerde rapport van de European Regulators Group (ERG) staat nu dat de operators dit niet als een groot probleem zien, omdat het over relatief weinig consumenten gaat. Bovendien zouden kosten veroorzaakt door "inadvertent" of ongewilde roaming door de meeste providers kunnen worden kwijtgescholden als teken van goede wil. Navraag bij de Association of European Border Regions (AEBR) leert ons evenwel dat veel grensbewoners nog steeds te hoge rekeningen ontvangen. Technisch is het door plaatsbepaling met "triangulatie" en door "traffic steering" mogelijk om inadvertent roaming tegen te gaan. Ook zou de consument erop gewezen moeten kunnen worden dat inadvertent roaming te voorkomen is door in de telefoon de optie "automatisch netwerk kiezen" uit te schakelen.

Vindt de Commissie dat het in het ERG-rapport vermelde "goodwill"- beleid van de operatoren voldoende is? Wat vindt de Commissie van het verplichten van de providers om de consument hierover te informeren en ook bronmaatregelen te doen treffen om het ergerlijke fenomeen van inadvertent roaming definitief uit te bannen?

Under Article 7 (3) of the Roaming Regulation, national regulatory authorities are required to be alert to the particular case of involuntary roaming in the border regions of neighbouring Member States. The Commission is required to report to the Council and Parliament on the functioning of the Roaming Regulation at the end of 2008 and will include the issue of involuntary roaming in that Report. In that context all national regulatory authorities, under the auspices of the European Regulators Group (ERG), have carried out a first detailed data collection exercise which, at the behest of the Commission, included questions to all operators in the EU on the issue of involuntary roaming.

As stated by the Honourable Member in his question, the ERG has now issued its Report which included responses from operators to questions that had been raised concerning inadvertent roaming. Operators claimed that inadvertent roaming was not a significant problem, with apparently relatively few consumers adversely affected. Providers claimed that information was generally available on their websites, and where a particular issue was identified by national regulators (for example between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland) providers generally took additional steps to ensure consumers were aware of the issue, in some cases offering specific bespoke tariffs. The majority of providers also reported that where roaming genuinely occurred inadvertently, charges may be waived as a goodwill gesture.

The Commission is now considering the ERG's findings and will shortly discuss this issue again with the national regulatory authorities to ascertain what further action could be taken by them to address this issue. The Commission shares the concern that this is not an insignificant problem for those affected. Also, following specific complaints, the Commission has recently contacted national regulatory authorities in Germany, France and Luxembourg asking for their comments and details of the action they are taking on this issue. The Commission believes that the initiative undertaken by the Irish and United Kingdom authorities provides a very good example for others to follow. It is too early to say what conclusions the Commission will come to on this issue in its end of year Report to the Council and Parliament. ERG will publish a second Report to the Commission in July of this year.

Ultimately, the Commission believes that problems such as involuntary roaming are the result of the fragmentation of the EU telecoms markets into 27 markets. This issue can be addressed by its proposals for greater harmonisation of regulation including a European Telecom Market Authority to support the Commission and national regulators in regulating better, more speedily and more consistently across the EU.

The Commission’s proposal COM(2007)0699 raises serious questions about its effectiveness and efficiency, because it ignores the significant efforts made and the considerable resources devoted over a long period, disregards the good results presented so far by the existing Agency, and discards a valuable asset of the Community in a key policy area, making no provisions for taking on board the staff of ENISA and their expertise.

The majority of Member States appear to favour a coordination of activities in the telecommunications area rather than a heavy-handed regulatory approach, a role that may be well fulfilled by ENISA, if a thin layer of competences in telecommunications is added to ENISA’s mandate (currently under revision).

The Commission is therefore asked: why is the Community value built by ENISA being discarded instead of expanding the mandate of ENISA with a view to encompassing the planned new activities of ETMA?

The mid-term evaluation of ENISA, launched in 2006 by the Commission⁽¹⁾, indicated that the Agency’s achievements were adequate in the light of the limited means at its disposal. They confirmed the validity of the policy rationale behind the creation of ENISA and its original goals as well as the relevance of acting through a European agency. Improvements made following suggestions by the evaluators and the Management Board are contributing to improve ENISA’s work.

Nevertheless, the Commission believes that today’s network security challenges should be addressed by ensuring new synergies between the work of telecommunications regulators and security experts, with a view to making Europe’s information and communication networks more secure. Moreover, these synergies should be utilised in assisting the effective implementation of the strengthened network security rules. This is why the Commission's recent proposals include a substantial focus on the challenges posed by network and information security in the broader context of the dynamics of the single market in electronic communications.

The Commission believes that its proposal⁽²⁾ to create the European Electronic Communications Market Authority (EECMA) will stimulate the creation of pan-European services in a Europe without frontiers, and further strengthen the single market in electronic communications while enabling all stakeholders, including telecom operators and regulators, to respond faster and in a coordinated way to security breaches and attacks.

The scope of EECMA is wider than that of ENISA and it will reach a critical mass in terms of human resources and budget. EECMA will play an important role in the reform of the whole field of electronic communication regulations. The activities of ENISA in contrast relate to a circumscribed albeit very important part of this field, which is one of the reasons why the Commission has proposed a new Authority integrating responsibility for the activities currently undertaken by ENISA.

A proposal for a Regulation amending the current ENISA Regulation to extend its duration until the EECMA assumes responsibility for its activities on network and information security on 14 March 2011 was necessary and has therefore been adopted by the Commission on 20 December 2007.

A new Authority must be free to hire its own staff. Naturally, it will be hiring the best people that apply for positions. ENISA staff should have good prospects in this process, since they are highly qualified, have the right profile and in addition can put forward their directly relevant experience at ENISA.

¿Qué medidas contempla la Comisión para combatir el alto nivel de paro aún existente en las Regiones ultraperiféricas de la Unión Europea?

Les Fonds structurels, et en particulier le Fonds Social Européen (FSE), continueront à soutenir les régions ultrapériphériques (RUP) au cours de la période 2007-2013 afin de lutter contre le chômage. Le FSE soutient les politiques des Etats membres visant à atteindre le plein emploi ainsi que la qualité et la productivité du travail, à promouvoir l'inclusion sociale, notamment l'accès des personnes défavorisées à l'emploi, et à réduire les disparités nationales, régionales et locales en matière d'emploi.

Au cours de la période 2007-2013, les sept RUP bénéficieront d'un soutien global de 1,3 milliards €. Il revient aux Etats membres de mettre en œuvre les Fonds structurels sur la base des orientations communautaires en matière de cohésion⁽¹⁾ et des priorités accordées avec la Commission dans les cadres de référence stratégiques nationaux.

Le nouveau cadre législatif prévoit également de fournir aux régions ultrapériphériques une aide spécifique pour tenir compte des surcoûts générés par leur éloignement. Un défi particulier consistera à faire en sorte que cette assistance contribue à la réalisation de la stratégie du programme dans son ensemble, c'est-à-dire, en l'occurrence, qu'elle aide à créer de la croissance et des emplois durables.

De plus, dans le cadre de son évaluation de la mise en œuvre par les Etats membres de la stratégie de Lisbonne, la Commission propose au Conseil de leur adresser des recommandations visant à améliorer le fonctionnement de leur marché du travail et à améliorer la formation tout au long de la vie en vue d'augmenter la quantité et la qualité de l'emploi.

The Commission has spent substantial time and money in recent years analysing the problem of copyright levies. Copyright levies are acknowledged to hold back development of an inclusive information society in Europe. The Commission has consulted stakeholders and Member States on several occasions and has produced impact assessments which clearly show that reform of the copyright levy system is necessary. Indeed, in a speech delivered to the European digital industry on 10 May 2007, Commissioner Reding said she regarded progress on this issue to be: 'part of the unfinished business of this Commission'.

Can the Commission explain its current position with regard to the copyright levy system? In particular, can it explain why there has been no action on reform of copyright levies, given that the problems associated with the current system continue to mount?

The Commission would like to thank the Honourable Member for the continued interest she takes in the ongoing efforts in reforming private copying levies. In 2006, the Commission analysed the 20 national schemes that compensate for private home copying. A preliminary report on this issue had been drawn up at the end of 2006.

On 14 February 2008, the Commission re-opened the consultation of interested parties with a view to establishing possible options for moving forward.

Culture and cultural diversity are core objectives behind all initiatives the Commission pursues in the field of copyright. The Commission's policy in respect to the private home copying levies therefore aims at fostering adequate compensation for authors and performers, transparent remittances to those beneficiaries and cultural diversity.

Pour qu'un soutien aux principes fondateurs de la bonne gouvernance ainsi qu'au dialogue interculturel dans les pays ACP soit efficace, il serait notamment utile de renforcer les capacités d’analyse critique des réalités socio-économiques et politiques de leur population. Ce renforcement passe par la nécessité pour les pays ACP de disposer de médias indépendants et efficaces. Le 10ème Fonds européen pour le développement, l'instrument de mise en œuvre de l'aide accordée par l'UE aux pays ACP pour la période 2008-2013, promeut la bonne gouvernance mais il ne prévoit rien en matière de soutien spécifique à l'émergence de médias efficaces et indépendants et, plus largement, d'une société de l'information performante.

Que propose de faire la Commission pour contribuer à assurer l'indépendance et l'efficacité des médias des pays ACP et garantir un meilleur accès de leur population à la société de l'information?

La Commission partage le point de vue de l'honorable député concernant la nécessité pour les pays d'Afrique, Caraïbes et Pacifique (ACP) de disposer de médias indépendants et efficaces.

Dans le cadre de la programmation du 10ème Fonds européen de développement (FED), la gouvernance démocratique dans toutes ses dimensions a été placée au centre du dialogue entre partenaires lors de la préparation des Stratégies de coopération avec les pays et des programmes indicatifs nationaux. Dans cette perspective, la Commission et les Etats membres de l'UE représentés dans chaque pays partenaire ont procédé à une analyse de la situation du processus de gouvernance démocratique, et des profils de gouvernance ont été élaborés.

La situation de la presse et les contraintes en matière de liberté et de capacité de la presse sont analysées dans le profil. Les conclusions sont portées au dialogue de programmation avec le pays partenaire, encouragé, le cas échéant, à adopter des engagements de réforme dans différents domaines et à entreprendre des actions pour faire face aux problèmes qui ont pu être constatés. L'ensemble des questions relatives à la presse font ainsi partie intégrante du dialogue de programmation, mais sont également abordées lors du dialogue politique régulier au titre de l'article 8 de l'Accord de Cotonou.

Sur le plan des appuis financiers, lorsque les mesures de réforme ou les actions envisagées par le gouvernement nécessitent un soutien financier dans le cadre de la coopération entre la Communauté et le pays partenaire au titre de l'Accord de Cotonou, les fonds du FED peuvent être utilisés, comme c'était le cas récemment pour le projet d'appui aux medias en Mauritanie, d'un montant de € 1.5 million pour des analyses et études de viabilité sur l'entreprise de presse, le renforcement des radios, l'amélioration de la diffusion de la presse écrite, l'appui à la production radio et écrite et le renforcement des capacités des journalistes.

En outre, la plupart des activités d'appui aux médias financées par le FED sont intégrées dans des projets plus larges dans le domaine de la démocratisation, des droits de l'homme et de l'état de droit. C'est le cas par exemple de la majorité des projets dans le domaine de l'assistance électorale, qui ont une composante d'assistance aux medias, formation de journalistes, appui logistique aux agences de communication et aussi un appui à des organisations de la société civile pour le suivi de l'activité des medias.

Les appuis du FED peuvent être utilement complétés par des interventions financées à travers notamment l'Initiative Européenne pour la Démocratie et les Droits de l'Homme (IEDDH), qui ne nécessitent pas d'accord préalable explicite des autorités des pays partenaires. L'IEDDH fournit des appuis directs aux initiatives des acteurs de la société civile. Des exemples d'intervention en appui à la presse ou pour la promotion de la liberté de la presse dans les pays ACP peuvent être mentionnés au Tchad, en Namibie, au Rwanda ou au Soudan, ainsi que par des projets soutenant des réseaux, ou des actions transnationales.

In the spirit of equal opportunities and non-discrimination (the theme of the European Year 2007) and of intercultural dialogue (the theme of the European Year 2008), what action does the Commission envisage to tackle stigmatising campaigns in the media against certain groups of the population without infringing genuine freedom of expression?

The Commission is fully aware of the key role of the media in Europe in creating and/or in challenging stereotypes. Indeed, in a Eurobarometer survey⁽¹⁾ carried out as part of the 2007 European Year of Equal Opportunities for All (2007 European Year), the media was considered to be the most important player in the fight against discrimination after schools and parents. Although the Commission is not in a position to monitor or comment on campaigns in national media against certain groups of the population, it works with the media to support its positive role in changing discriminatory attitudes and behaviour.

Within the framework of the 2007 European Year, the 30 participating countries worked closely with the media to raise awareness about discrimination issues and fighting stereotypes. The Commission also worked together with the media as part of the 2007 European Year information campaign.

As part of its work on combating discrimination, the Commission has also launched a series of initiatives with the media. In the context of the "For Diversity – Against Discrimination" information campaign, the Commission has worked with the media, for example through organising seminars with journalists on the theme of discrimination. A special award for journalists was also launched four years ago as part of this campaign to honour journalists who contribute to creating a better understanding of the benefits of diversity. The 2007 award scheme was organised in conjunction with the 2007 European Year and more than 750 entries were received from all 27 Member States⁽²⁾.

The Commission will undertake a new study in 2008 to examine the most significant and innovative initiatives taken by or about TV and radio broadcasters as well as by or about the print and online media to combat discrimination and to promote diversity.

The role of the media represents a key theme to be addressed throughout the 2008 European Year of Intercultural Dialogue (2008 European Year)⁽³⁾. Media has an essential role to play in creating a demand for and in providing more culturally diverse content. One of the "Brussels debates" to be organised as part of the 2008 European Year will be dedicated to the role of the media in promoting intercultural dialogue.

Given the outcome of the 2006 public consultation on strengthening the protection of the rights of passengers travelling by sea, what future action is the Commission planning in this area?

In particular, when does the Commission intend to publish a proposal on denied boarding compensation and access for people with disabilities to ferries, as they have done for aviation and rail transport? This was a notable omission from the Commission's 2008 Work Programme and a source of concern for people with disabilities who are currently being denied access to ferries

The Commission has adopted a policy aimed at establishing and strengthening passenger rights. In line with this policy, the Commission launched in 2007 an impact assessment study on the establishment of rights of passengers with reduced mobility in maritime transport. On the basis of this study, the Commission is currently finalising an impact assessment that assesses different options in view of improving the rights of passengers when travelling by ferry or cruise, and more particularly passengers with reduced mobility.

It is correct that such initiative does not appear as such in the Commission's Legislative and Work Programme 2008. It has to be reminded that the Commission's Legislative Work Programme only focuses on main strategic and priority intitiatives. However, the work programme of the Directorate General for Energy and Transport foresees the possibility of such proposal in this field.

The Commission has always expressed a clear commitment in favour of passenger rights. The maritime sector is no exception to this as shown by one of the proposals related to passenger rights in the third maritime package already tabled by the Commission in November 2005.

According to Article 39 of Directive 2004/38/EC⁽¹⁾on the right of citizens of the Union and their family members to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States, the Commission shall submit a report on the application of this Directive to the European Parliament and the Council no later than 30 April 2008. The European Parliament, in its resolution P6_TA(2007)0534 on the application of Directive 2004/38/EC of 15 November 2007, furthermore called on the Commission, ‘without delay, to submit a detailed assessment of the steps taken by Member States to implement Directive 2004/38/EC and of the correctness of its transposition by the Member States, together with any necessary proposals, acting pursuant to Article 39 of that Directive’. According to the ‘2008 Commission forward programming document’ (http://ec.europa.eu/atwork/programmes/index_en.htm" ), the Commission will only issue this report in November 2008.

Can the Commission illustrate why the Commission will not release the report within the time limit set by the Directive? What are the problems encountered and who is responsible for this delay?

Can the Commission inform Parliament whether it foresees the possibility to extend the period of time during which Union citizens and their family members may reside in the territory of the host Member State without any conditions, as provided in Article 39?

The control of the application of Directive 2004/38/EC⁽²⁾ is an absolute priority for the Commission. Between June 2006 and February 2007, infringement procedures against 19 Member States were opened for their failure to communicate to the Commission the text of the provisions of national law which they adopted in the field covered by this Directive. Eleven infringement procedures currently remain open and the Commission decided to bring three Member States before the European Court of Justice.

The Commission is at the same time examining conformity of the national transposition measures with the Directive. The Commission started to prepare a tender to produce a conformity study of Member States’ national implementation measures transposing the Directive already in November 2006.

The contract could not be signed under the applicable legal base (Council Decision 2007/252/EC of 19 April 2007⁽³⁾) until the ensuing ad-hoc financial decision on the 2007 Work Programme had been adopted. Following a positive opinion by the Management Committee (Article 10 of the Decision), the financial decision was adopted by the Commission on 8 November 2007. The contract was signed on 13 December 2007.

The contractor is obliged to submit the final report to the Commission by 13 August 2008 at the latest. The Commission’s report, which will be drafted on the basis of the contractor’s report, is envisaged for the second half of 2008.

The Commission is currently not in a position to indicate whether it will propose any amendments to the Directive in its report.

Officieel streeft de regering van Zambia ernaar om uiterlijk in 2010 eenieder toegang tot HIV-behandeling te waarborgen.

In een recent rapport beschrijft de mensenrechtenorganisatie Human Rights Watch in detail op welke manier de regering van Zambia te kort schiet om vrouwen een HIV-behandeling te geven. Tal van obstakels beletten de toegang van vrouwen tot een adequate behandeling waaronder het diep ingewortelde geslachtsgebonden geweld en de discriminaties die besloten zijn in het eigendomsrecht en echtscheidingsrecht. De conclusie van Human Rights Watch is duidelijk: tenzij de regering van Zambia specifieke wetgeving tegen geslachtsgebonden geweld invoert en de discriminaties in andere rechtstakken afschaft, zullen vrouwen nooit tenvolle toegang hebben tot een behandeling tegen HIV (rapport van Human Rights Watch, 'Hidden in the mealie meal: gender-based abuses and women's HIV treatment in Zambia', in: Human Rights Watch, 'Zambia : abuses against women obstruct HIV treatment', 18 december 2007).

Deelt de Commissie de conclusies van Human Rights Watch? Op welke manier wordt deze kwestie aangekaart? Is de Commissie niet van mening dat de verlening van ontwikkelingshulp afhankelijk moet worden gemaakt van vooruitgang op dit belangrijke gebied?

The report by Human Rights Watch to which refers the Honourable Member has been reviewed with interest by the Commission. The comprehensive review of the situation regarding women's access to antiretroviral treatment and in particular the qualitative analysis based on a series of interviews and focus group discussions provides important insights with regard to the impact of gender-based abuses on women's human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) treatment. It can be assumed that the findings are equally relevant to other countries in Southern Africa and developing countries at large.

As noted in the report, in 2006 women accounted for 57% of the approximately 1.1 million people living with HIV in Zambia. While more women than men have ever been tested (15.3% and 11.4% respectively), and 61% of those accessing HIV treatment were women, the report rightly underlines the significance of addressing gender inequality and gender-based abuses as barriers for scaling up access to HIV treatment for women, and in particular to ensure optimal adherence for women receiving HIV treatment.

The Commission is equally concerned with regard to the marked difference in HIV prevalence in particular among young women and young men (in 2005 12.7% and 3.8% respectively), which is driven by and reflects the great and persistent disparity among men and women in Zambia, ranking number 130 among 144 with a Gender Development Index of 0.383. The situation in Zambia is also characterized by widespread violence against women including children, rape and sex-for-food practices.

However it is important to note the impressive progress made by the Government of Zambia and partners in scaling up access to HIV treatment, from only 1,483 people in 2004 to more than 122,700 in September 2007. In addition, the government has taken several steps to enact and enforce legislation and services addressing sexual abuses, including the creation of victim support units and shelters as well as the recent amendment of the Penal Code to widen the scope of sexual crimes, which has led to more severe punishment for sexual offences.

The conclusions and recommendations of the Human Rights Watch report correspond well with the support planned for Zambia in the context of the 10th European Development Fund. Human Development/Health will be a focal sector with the objective of enhancing human development in Zambia through secure, improved access to good quality basic health services, including equitable access to health services especially for children, women and disadvantaged localities.

The Commission works in close coordination with Member States and other donors to support the Fifth National Development Plan, where gender features as a full chapter with the goal to eliminate gender imbalances and attain gender equality, and also appear as a specific focus under the health chapter. The government plans to fully integrate the gender dimension in the monitoring and evaluation system related to the human development area, in particular addressing poor performance in reduction of maternal mortality and discrimination against women in access to health care including family planning.

The constructive and concrete recommendations of the Human Rights Watch report provide valuable guidance for government efforts to ensure women's rights, services which work for women and women's participation in decision making, and for the European Commission's policy dialogue with the government.

In 2006 and 2007, many millions of euro were expended, by the Commission alone, as part of its ‘Period of Reflection’, in promoting ‘debate on the future of Europe’.

Would the Commission please say, with the benefit of hindsight, what were the purpose, and outcome, of that expenditure?

In June 2005, the European Council called for a period of reflection on how to take the institutional reform forward. In response to this call, the Commission adopted Plan D for Dialogue, Democracy and Debate on 13 October 2005⁽¹⁾. It experimented ways of bringing people together locally, nationally and across borders and of giving them the means to debate in an informed way about European issues. It also encouraged Member States to organise a broad public debate on the future of the European Union, involving citizens, civil society, social partners, national parliaments and political parties, with the support of the EU institutions. The main axis of Plan D was defined as listening better, explaining better, and going local to engage citizens. As a matter of fact, Plan D did not involve any extra money. The initiatives were financed through the re-focusing of the Directorate-General Communication (DG COMM) budget in order to make the Commission action more efficient and citizen-oriented.

The leading vehicles of these actions were the trans-national European citizens' projects co-funded by the Commission. Three were EU-wide⁽²⁾and three involved part of the Member States⁽³⁾.The aim of these projects was to enable people from the different national public spheres to connect with each other and with the decision-makers. Therefore, the projects explored different ways of combining virtual and face to face communication as well as deliberative consultation and polling at national and European level. Overall, approximately 40,000 citizens participated physically in the six trans-national projects, while they reached out to about 1.5 million people via the internet.

Besides these projects, Citizens' Fora events took place in the majority of Member States. The "Debate Europe" forum was conceived as an online discussion space where EU citizens could exchange their views and opinions on a variety of EU-related subjects. Since its launch in March 2006, the forum has received thousands of contributions and over 1.3 million views. It won the European eDemocracy Award in 2006. The Europe Direct centres organised 3672 regional and local events with citizens. A special Eurobarometer survey on the future of Europe was published in May 2006 and some of its items were integrated into the standard Eurobarometer surveys.

In November 2006, the Commission decided to co-fund a series of regional and local civil society initiatives targeting youth and women; to develop a network of European public spaces in Member States; to re-launch the debate on the Internet; and to better target Eurobarometer surveys. Fourteen Commission Representations are now co-funding a series of local civil society projects covering a wide range of issues including the social inclusion of women, helping young people to understand better the European Single Market, food safety and climate change. In 2007, "European public spaces" were set up as a pilot project in three locations: Tallinn, Dublin and Madrid. These spaces provide information and documentation, host exhibitions, films, debates, forums and lectures as well as training and seminars on European issues. Using web-based multilingual conferencing facilities, they are also able to host trans-national debates. The "Debate Europe" website on Europa was re-launched at the end of January 2008. It is easier to use and will, for the time being, focus on three main topics: the Future of Europe, Energy and Climate Change and Intercultural Dialogue.

The listening, two-way dialogue approach promoted by Plan D proved to be well suited to the period of reflection of 2005-2007. The standard Eurobarometer surveys carried out in spring and autumn 2007 show a marked increase in citizens' support for membership of the EU, in the positive perception of the EU and of trust in its institutions. Although these developments also depend on other factors, the Plan D approach is a useful way to accompany the development of a European public sphere. It is a form of political communication which is well adapted to the emergence of multicultural and cross-border democracy in Europe. It is therefore destined to become a long-term framework for communicating with citizens and promoting participatory democracy on EU-related affairs.

Das Jahr 2008 wurde zum Europäischen Jahr des interkulturellen Dialogs erklärt. Es ist im europäischen Interesse und steht in unserer Verantwortung, sich mit dem reichen kulturellen Erbe und den verschiedenen Kulturen Europas zu befassen. Dieser Dialog spielt eine immer wichtigere Rolle bei der Förderung der europäischen Identität, auch wegen der steigenden Zahl an Sprachen und ethnischen und kulturellen Hintergründen in Europa. Es wurden Mittel in Höhe von 10 Millionen € für verschiedene Initiativen wie z.B. Info-Kampagnen, Projekte in den Bereichen urbane Kultur, populäre Kunst, Migration, Austausch im Rahmen lokaler Initiativen bereitgestellt.

Auch im Zusammenhang mit künftigen EU-Erweiterungen spielt der interkulturelle Dialog eine fundamentale Rolle. Gibt es konkrete Programme, die den Dialog zwischen EU-Mitgliedstaaten, Beitrittskandidaten und zukünftigen EU-Mitgliedstaaten wie den Ländern des westlichen Balkans fördern? Welche Anstöße wird es in dieser Hinsicht zwischen Menschen in den zukünftigen Beitrittsländern und der EU geben?

As part of the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008, intercultural dialogue is integrated as a horizontal and trans-sectoral priority into relevant Community policies, programmes and actions. This objective has been implemented both for programmes relating to culture, education, youth and citizenship and in a number of other areas such as employment, social affairs, equal opportunities, external relations and development aid.

The Commission is already supporting a number of programmes aiming to promote dialogue between EU Member States and candidate and potential candidate countries, including countries of the Western Balkans. In addition to efforts towards the negotiation of agreements to ensure visa-free travel, considerable funds are allocated to support education cooperation and mobility opportunities for students from the Western Balkans⁽¹⁾:

· Under the Tempus Programme, an amount of €20 million has been earmarked on an annual basis for the cooperation between academic institutions of the Western Balkans and the EU Member States in the field of higher education.

· In addition to the possibilities offered to the students from all the third countries under the Erasmus Mundus Programme, the Commission has been offering through the pre-accession instrument a considerable number of scholarships for students from the Western Balkans. Specifically, €4 million have been earmarked on a yearly basis since 2006 for scholarships to students following an Erasmus Mundus master course as of the academic year 2007-2008 (“Western Balkans window”), and an additional €6 million have been earmarked since 2007 for scholarships to students and academic staff at all levels as of the academic year 2008-2009 (“the Erasmus Mundus External Cooperation window”). A further increase of the amounts allocated and the corresponding number of scholarships offered is currently under consideration.

· In the framework of the Youth In Action Programme, additional support has been provided from the pre-accession instrument (€1 million in 2007, and €1,5 million planned in 2008) to expand the possibilities of youth exchanges and trans-national projects among young people and youth organisations in the Western Balkans and with the EU Member States, which contributes to foster inter-ethnic and inter-religious dialogue.

Inter-cultural dialogue is also promoted through the Culture Programme, which stimulates cooperation and cultural exchanges in order to promote the diversity of cultures and languages in Europe and improve knowledge among European citizens of European cultures other than their own. The Culture Programme is open for all candidate and potential candidate countries. The candidate countries (Croatia, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Turkey) and Serbia already participate in the Culture Programme. Candidate and potential candidate countries are also eligible to participate in the Europe for Citizens Programme. Croatia participates already, and preparations are under way for the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Albania.

As announced in the 2007 Strategy Paper on enlargement⁽²⁾, a new facility to promote civil society development and dialogue will be established this year. This new Civil Society Facility aims to contribute to open democratic societies in the candidate and potential candidate countries through strengthening civil society bodies and their role in the political process. The facility will cover three areas of intervention:

· support for local civil society initiatives and capacity building, reinforcing the role of civil society;

· programmes to bring journalists, young politicians, trade union leaders, teachers etc into contact with EU institutions (“people-to-people” programmes);

· support for building partnerships and the development of networks between the civil society organisations in the beneficiary countries, business, trade unions and other social partners and professional organisations, and their counterparts in the EU to promote transfer of knowledge and experience.

Overall support to civil society in the Western Balkans through the Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance (IPA) will increase substantially, reaching an estimated amount above €90 million for the period 2008-2010, an estimated threefold increase with respect to the period 2005-2007. Assistance provided to civil society under the IPA complements support given under the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR)⁽³⁾.

Inter-cultural dialogue is also supported through projects on natural and cultural heritage as well as the cross-border-cooperation component of the IPA Programmes, which include projects for people-to-people contacts and other inter-cultural activities.

Can the European Commission state if it intends to bring forward any new information and awareness programmes which will set out clearly the dangers of the use of illicit drugs in Europe?

The Commission is not running drugs awareness campaigns in Europe. These campaigns are run by the Member States and receive financing from national, regional or local sources.

However, the Commission will continue to finance drug prevention projects through the second programme on Community action in the field of Public Health 2008-2013⁽¹⁾.

The Commission will also finance drug prevention projects through a new specific Drug Prevention and Information programme as part of the general Fundamental Rights and Justice programme 2007-2013⁽²⁾.

While the Public Health programme 2008-2013 is promoting health through actions on health determinants, such as drugs, the main objective of the Drug Prevention and Information programme is to provide better information on and prevention of drug use, the reduction of drug dependence and drug-related harms as well as to support the implementation of the EU Drugs Strategy. The target groups of the programme's activities are all those who may be affected by the consequences of drug use. The programme is open to institutions and public or private organisations working in the area of information on and prevention of drugs use and drug-related harm.

Can the European Commission state if it intends to bring forward any new programmes to promote different cultural diversities that exist in Europe and to state the nature of such programmes?

Pursuant to EC Treaty (art. 151), EU competence in the culture area consists in contributing to the flowering of the cultures of the Member States, while respecting their national and regional diversity and at the same time bringing the common cultural heritage to the fore.

Indeed, the Commission is very active in the promotion of cultural diversity and is mainstreaming this value in many of its activities and programmes.

Intercultural dialogue is one of the three objectives of the Culture programme (2007-2013), meaning that projects supported under this programme have a strong intercultural dimension. The two other objectives are the mobility of cultural players and of art and cultural works.

Furthermore, 2008 is the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue. The Commission is going to support many projects specifically aimed at fostering intercultural dialogue. Several other activities are planned in this context throughout the year in order to bring the richness of European cultural diversity to the fore.

In addition, under a pilot scheme for artist mobility voted by the Parliament, the Commission will undertake a feasibility study this year for a comprehensive scheme designed to provide a European wide system of information on the different aspects to mobility in the cultural sector. It will also publish a call for proposals aimed at funding networking structures supporting mobility at national level in order to develop exchanges of best practices.

All these activities will nurture the Commission's medium-term reflections with a view to preparing the next generation of programmes in the field of education and culture for the post-2013 period, in which cultural diversity will continue to have a central position.

Volgens bepaalde media zou men op Europees niveau bezig zijn met de uitwerking van regelgeving die het slachten van dieren zonder verdoving mogelijk maakt.

Kan de Commissie bevestigen of dit daadwerkelijk het geval is? Zo ja, wat zijn de redenen om een dergelijke regelgeving uit te vaardigen, wie heeft het initiatief daartoe genomen en welke instanties zijn geraadpleegd? Maakt een dergelijke regelgeving geen ernstige vorm van dierenmishandeling mogelijk?

Today, the provisions of Directive 93/119/EC allow for derogation from stunning in the case of religious slaughter taking place in slaughterhouses. This reflects the Protocol on the Protection and Welfare of Animals⁽¹⁾ annexed to the EC Treaty which insists on respecting religious rites when considering the welfare requirements of the animals. In addition freedom of religion is enshrined in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (Article 10).

As the right of freedom of religion, including the freedom to manifest one's religious beliefs in worship, teaching, practice or observance, is part of the fundamental rights that all EU citizens enjoy, the Commission has no intention to put this right into question when revising the directive. At the same time, the Commission has no plans to extend further this derogation from stunning prior to slaughter.

As regards the drafting of a new EU legislative proposal on the protection of animals at the time of slaughter or killing, the Commission confirms that it has started in 2006 a process of revision of Directive 93/119/EC⁽²⁾. The possible content of new provisions in this area has been widely discussed with stakeholders, and the Commission expects to present a draft proposal by July 2008.

The Commission will aim at developing animal welfare measures in order to ensure that, whatever the type of slaughter, animals will not be submitted to unnecessary pain or suffering.

In particular, new and strengthened measures to promote the training of personnel employed for slaughtering and also to improve the design of restraining equipment will be considered.

Στην Ευρώπη των 27 κρατών μελών παρουσιάζονται αξιοσημείωτες διαφορές στο κόστος των ιατρικών επισκέψεων από χώρα σε χώρα. Συγκεκριμένα, για τον κλάδο της οδοντιατρικής, ενώ το κόστος σφραγίσματος ενός δοντιού κοστίζει π.χ. 156 ευρώ στη Μεγάλη Βρετανία, η ίδια υπηρεσία παρέχεται με 8 ευρώ στην Ουγγαρία. Μάλιστα, παρατηρείται το παράδοξο, όσο περισσότερα δαπανά το κράτος μέλος για επιχορήγηση των συστημάτων υγείας του, τόσο υψηλότερο είναι το τελικό κόστος των υπηρεσιών αυτών για τους πολίτες. Πρόσφατα η Επιτροπή ανακοίνωσε ότι θα εκδώσει ένα σχετικό εγχειρίδιο με τους προτεινόμενους τρόπους ανοίγματος των συνόρων των κρατών μελών προκειμένου όλοι οι πολίτες των 27 κρατών μελών να μπορούν να επωφελούνται από τις χαμηλότερες τιμές παροχής ιατρικών υπηρεσιών που ενδεχομένως θα μπορούσαν να βρουν σε γειτονικό κράτος μέλος.

Ερωτάται η Επιτροπή σε ποιες συγκεκριμένες προτάσεις έχει καταλήξει αυτό το σχέδιο και ποιες θα είναι οι ενδεχόμενες συνέπειες για τα συστήματα κοινωνικής ασφάλισης των κρατών μελών. Έχει μελετήσει η Επιτροπή το συνολικό κόστος (μεταφορά στη γειτονική χώρα και κόστος περίθαλψης) για τους πολίτες που θα προτιμήσουν τον ιατρικό τουρισμό προκειμένου να θεραπευτούν;

The organisation of healthcare is primarily the responsibility of the individual Member States. Member States can nevertheless benefit from cooperation and benchmarking at the EU level.

The Commission is currently preparing an initiative regarding the application of patients' rights in cross-border healthcare. As soon as the Commission has finalized that initiative it will present in detail the foreseen effects of it for all stakeholders.

The Commission has estimated that cross-border healthcare represents around 1% of public healthcare expenditure. Costs of cross-border healthcare for national health systems are expected to remain only a small phenomenon.

Bolaget som vill bygga en pipeline genom Östersjön vill pumpa ut miljarder liter förorenat vatten vid Gotska sandön, ett av Sveriges finaste naturreservat. Rengöringskemikalien bolaget vill använda är glutaraldehyd som är klassificerad som R50, dvs. mycket giftig för vattenlevande organismer. Detta riskerar att påverka stora delar av Östersjön. Kemikalieinspektionen som normalt är ansvarig skulle i normala fall ha sagt nej till denna ansökan.

Frågan kommer dock att avgöras av regeringen. Finns det någon skyldighet för den svenska regeringen att inhämta synpunkter från de andra länderna kring Östersjön? Vore ett tillstånd förenligt med EU:s lagstiftning? Om så är fallet, med vilka bestämmelser?

The Commission is aware of the project concerning the gas pipeline through the Baltic Sea, known as the "Nord Stream" project. Indeed this project is included in the list of priority projects of Decision No 1364/2006/EC of the Parliament and of the Council of 6 September 2006⁽¹⁾, as "North European gas pipeline". Article 13 of this decision stipulates that where an environmental impact assessment is required in accordance with relevant Community legislation, the results of such an assessment have to be taken into consideration before a decision on the carrying out of the projects is actually taken in accordance with the relevant Community legislation.

An environmental impact assessment under the Espoo Convention (Convention on Environmental Impact Assessment in a Transboundary Context) is currently in process and expected to be concluded later in 2008. Similar questions related to environment have to be treated in that framework and assessed by the competent authorities of the Member States concerned. It has to be noted that consultations with other countries, contracting parties of the Espoo Convention are an important part of this process.

With respect to the specific question, it is understood that glutaraldehyde is to be used in pressure tests of oil and gas pipelines as a biocide to prevent bacterial growth that produces corrosion. This use of glutaraldehyde would be covered by Directive 98/8/EC concerning the placing of biocidal products on the market⁽²⁾ and would fall under product-type 12 (ie slimicides), which covers products used for the prevention or control of slime growth on materials, equipment and structures used in industrial processes.

Glutaraldehye for product-type 12 is to be assessed under the 10-year review programme established by Directive 98/8/EC for the evaluation of substances used in biocidal products which were already on the market at the time of entry into force of the Directive. Until the substance evaluation has been concluded, biocidal products containing glutaraldehyde and used in product-type 12 can remain on the market and Member States can continue to apply their national rules regarding the placing of biocidal products on their market.

The Water Framework Directive (WFD) 2000/60/EC⁽³⁾ aims to protect both the inland and coastal waters against pollution. One of its objectives is to prevent deterioration of the ecological status of water bodies. In authorising any activity like the one described in the oral question, Member States should ensure that the WFD's objectives are respected and that any deterioration of status is prevented.

With respect to nature protection, the site in question seems to relate to a Site of Community Importance (Natura 2000 site) of Gotska Sandön-Salvorev. This site is located at the Northeastern corner of the Island of Gotland and it has been mainly designated for the protection of underwater sandbanks. The total size of the area is 60 500 ha. The site is also distribution area of grey seals which are protected under the Habitats Directive⁽⁴⁾. The rules for the protection of sites which have been designated as Sites of Community Importance under the Habitats Directive are laid down in article 6 of the Directive. This protection regime inter alia foresees that the effects of projects which are likely to have a significant impact on a Natura 2000 site must be duly assessed and that such projects may be authorised only under certain conditions. If the pipeline project mentioned by the Honourable Member is likely to have significant impact on the above mentioned Natura 2000 site, it is the responsibility of the competent Swedish authorities to make sure that the abovementioned provisions are being respected. This means that the authorities must ensure that a sound assessment of the project's impact on the protected nature values is carried out before the project is authorised.

Οι διοικήσεις του ΟΛΠ και του ΟΛΘ - κατ´εντολήν της κυβέρνησης της ΝΔ - με πραξικοπηματικό απαράδεκτο τρόπο "αποφάσισαν" τη δημοσιοποίηση διακήρυξης για την παραχώρηση των σταθμών εμπορευματοκιβωτίων (ΣΕΜΠΟ) του Πειραιά και της Θεσσαλονίκης, με ληστρικές συμβάσεις σε μονοπωλιακούς επιχειρηματικούς ομίλους, ενώ την ίδια ώρα ήταν σε εξέλιξη επίθεση των ειδικών δυνάμεων καταστολής της αστυνομίας και του λιμενικού με χημικά ενάντια στους απεργούς λιμενεργάτες. H παραχώρηση των λιμανιών στα μονοπώλια θα έχει αρνητικές επιπτώσεις στις εξαγωγές και εισαγωγές προϊόντων και συνολικά θα αποβεί γενικότερα σε βάρος των εργαζομένων. Η πολιτική αυτή απορρίφθηκε με μεγάλες απεργιακές κινητοποιήσεις από τους λιμενεργάτες στα κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ.

Καταδικάζει η Επιτροπή την απόφαση της κυβέρνησης και την εντολή επίθεσης των ειδικών δυνάμεων καταστολής της αστυνομίας και του λιμενικού ενάντια στους απεργούς; Σκοπεύει να προχωρήσει στη δημοσίευση αυτών των προκηρύξεων γνωρίζοντας ότι συναντούν τη ριζική αντίθεση των εργαζομένων στα λιμάνια;

Article 33 of the Treaty on European Union provides that Member States themselves are responsible for the maintenance of law and order in their country. Consequently, the Commission is not able to examine alleged violations of fundamental rights which do not have any link to Community law.

If fundamental rights may have been violated in the case in question, the alleged victims could seek a redress at national level through the competent authorities, including the internal police inspectorate and the national courts. Further, anyone who considers that any of her or his fundamental rights have been violated may lodge a complaint with the Council of Europe's European Court of Human Rights, under the conditions specified in the Convention (Council of Europe, 6075 Strasbourg-Cedex, France⁽¹⁾).

As the Commission is aware, many air passengers travelling from third countries and transiting through EU/EEA airports have had their liquid ‘duty free’ purchases confiscated. Does the Commission believe that the regulation it adopted on 31 July 2007 (EC) No 915/2007⁽¹⁾ to address this problem is being implemented satisfactorily and with sufficient speed?

The aim of Commission Regulation (EC) 1546/2006⁽²⁾ is to address the threat to civil aviation that is posed by home-made liquid explosives. As such, it prohibits passengers on flights departing from Community airports from taking liquids in hand luggage in individual quantities greater than 100ml.

However, an exemption has been granted for liquids sold at airport shops and on-board aircraft when certain security conditions are met, including the "tamper evident" bag system.

Given that Community legislation does not apply in third countries it cannot be assumed that airports in third countries or non-Community air carriers have security requirements that are equivalent to those applied within the European Union and the European Economic Area. Consequently, such airports and airlines cannot automatically benefit from the exemption.

However, the Commission has developed, in Commission Regulation (EC) 915/2007⁽³⁾, a means of establishing equivalence of security measures for liquids sold at third country airports, and in such cases an exemption may be granted.

This possibility is available to all third country airports and the Commission has thus far received applications from several third countries.

To date, one country – Singapore – has satisfied the Commission of the equivalence of the security provisions at its airport with those applicable in the European Union in accordance with Regulation (EC) 915/2007. Thus liquids bought there may be exempted from confiscation at security points at Community airports, provided the liquid is in a tamper-evident bag and that it also displays satisfactory proof of purchase on airside at Singapore within the preceding thirty-six hours.

The process of granting equivalence for the security provisions at third country airports is determined largely by the third country itself, as is any wish to apply for the process. In order to be granted equivalence they must demonstrate that their security standards are equivalent, which includes analysis of the national legislation and other pertinent information. In addition, they shall be applying the recommended security control guidelines of the International Civil Aviation Organisation for screening liquids, gels and aerosols and using tamper-evident bags for liquids sold at the airport. After the analysis of this information the Commission may supplement it by means of an inspection.

Whilst many third countries have expressed an interest in having their airports added to the list of exempted airports few have provided this information to substantiate their case or, in some cases, have regrettably not introduced the use of tamper-evident bags in airport shops.

Can the Commission explain the exact meaning of the phrase ‘established practices’ and any relevant time frame or special situation that might apply in the context of the sentence - ‘Member States shall not be in breach of this Directive if they decide in accordance with established practices not to apply the provisions of paragraph 1, second sentence, and for that purpose the relevant provisions of paragraph 2, for a given water-use activity, where this does not compromise the purposes and the achievement of the objectives of this Directive’⁽¹⁾?

Can the Commission confirm that if established practice has been that certain sectors, e.g. schools, community facilities and other users have not paid water charges, then they come under Article 9 Paragraph 4, and therefore the provisions of Paragraph 1 second sentence and the relevant provisions of Paragraph 2 for a given water use activity do not necessarily have to apply to such users?

If this is not the case can the Commission please explain why not and outline the relevant legislation applicable to these sectors?

The Water Framework Directive⁽²⁾ (WFD) allows for a particular water-use activity to be potentially exempted from water charges only in cases of "established practices", i.e. practices that already existed under national laws at the time the Directive was adopted (2000). Therefore, it does not allow for new exemptions for specific water uses. According to the Irish authorities only households were exempted from paying water at the time the Directive was adopted.

It is important to point out that there are other conditions applicable to a possible exemption under Article 9.4. Member States must ensure that it does not compromise the achievement of the objectives of the Directive and should report the reasons for not fully applying the principle of cost recovery in the river basin management plans.

A proper water pricing is one of the most important tools to provide incentives to use water resources efficiently. The principal purpose of water-pricing under the WFD is therefore not to raise revenue, but to send a price signal acting as an incentive not to waste an exhaustible resource that requires expensive infrastructure to deliver and that may be necessary to sustain biodiversity and protect other important resources such as fisheries.

Charging for water on a metered basis – just like electricity or other utility – is perfectly consistent with EU water policy. Therefore the Irish Government approach to charge for water is in line with the WFD. On the other hand, while the choice of mechanisms for the funding of schools is entirely a matter for the Irish authorities, the Directive creates no obstacle to funding arrangements which enable Irish schools to meet their essential running costs, including for water. There is therefore no objection to block grants (a global amount) or capitation grants (amount per pupil). This combination of water charging and fixed allowance would allow schools to meet the normal metered costs while still providing an incentive for them to save water.

Cu ocazia recentei semnări, între Bulgaria şi Federaţia Rusă, a acordului South Stream (şi totodată a unui acord în valoare de 4 miliarde euro privind construirea, în premieră în spaţiul UE, de către compania rusă Atomstroiexport a centralei nucleare de la Belene), preşedintele Putin nu s-a ferit să vorbească, într-o declaraţie de presă, despre preţul politic pe care Rusia îl pretinde: „Cel mai important lucru pentru noi este ca Bulgaria să nu dezvolte o politică de apărare care să se supună imperativelor de securitate ale altora. Noile obligaţii de aliat al NATO nu trebuie să se transforme într-o barieră în calea extinderii relaţiilor cu Rusia.”. În acest context, reacţia Comisarului pentru energie Andris Piebalgs (prin vocea purtătorului de cuvânt Ferran Tarradellas) în legătură cu încercarea Federaţiei Ruse de a deveni, potrivit lui Vladimir Socor, analist la Fundaţia Jamestown, „managerul politic al sistemului de alimentare cu gaz a Europei” nu e de natură să ofere niciun indiciu în legătură cu efectele pe care Comisia Europeană le preconizează în urma semnării acestui acord.

Având în vedere consecinţele semnificative apărute la nivelul politicilor energetice europene şi efectele geostrategice regionale, cum se va repoziţiona Comisia şi, dacă se au în vedere schimbări, care sunt bazele principiale la care Comisia nu este dispusă să renunţe?

The question of the Honourable Member highlights the issue of the European Union speaking with one voice on external Energy issues. The Commission is working on all the aspects of the external energy policy falling into its present competence and is working towards a coherent approach outlining the possible instruments in this respect, which it expects to detail further this year. The EU's medium term security of energy supply, as well as the international geopolitical situation affecting energy supplies, is a cause of common concern for all Member States and requires the definition of a common European concept of security of supply, bearing in mind the following aspects.

First, the Member States of the European Union have the right to determine their choice between different energy sources and the general structure of their energy supply. However, in the context of the growing role of imports in the EU’s energy mix and the need to adopt a more coherent and focused EU approach to external energy security, the European Council of March 2007 recognised the importance of developing a common external policy approach in support of energy policy objectives.

Second, for major infrastructure projects, it is crucial to have a concrete debate within the EU on the collective interest in order to identify common priorities and promote greater co-ordination between Member States' policies. This happens already within the Trans European Networks for Energy (TEN-E) programme, which allows for the setting of European priority projects. Such a debate should contribute to a better understanding of the full impact of South Stream on EU interests and security of supply.

Third, it is important that Member States increasingly exchange timely information with the Commission and with each other on such bilateral projects that have implications for the EU’s security of energy supplies.

El 6 de septiembre de 2006, el Tribunal de Justicia de las Comunidades Europeas (TJCE) sentenciaba sobre el asunto C−88/03, conocido como asunto «Azores». En la sentencia, el TJCE se refiere al marco de referencia que hay que tomar en cuenta a la hora de determinar si una ayuda es ilegal, y adelanta que no siempre coincide con el territorio del Estado miembro. Aún teniendo este precedente jurisprudencial, la Comisión Europea insiste en sus Decisiones en tomar como marco de referencia el Estado miembro, sin tener en cuenta las especificidades de las regiones y sus autonomías fiscales.

¿Puede confirmar la Comisión que mantiene la tesis de que ninguna región puede disponer de su propio marco de referencia? En caso afirmativo, ¿se da cuenta la Comisión de que con esta actitud promueve el independentismo?

In the ruling to which the Honourable Member refers, the European Court of Justice indicated the specific circumstances under which the exercise by a regional government of autonomous tax competences does not constitute state aid in the sense of Article 87, paragraph 1, of the EC Treaty.

Since the Azores ruling, the Commission has not adopted any decision concerning the issue of regional selectivity. The Commission will of course apply the interpretation of Article 87 provided by the Court.

The Commission wishes to draw the attention of the Honourable Member to the fact that the role of the Commission is to ensure the correct application of state aid rules. In this respect, it must verify, in the light of the case law, that the exercise of fiscal autonomies by regional authorities satisfies the criteria laid down by the Court, and is not used to circumvent the proper application of state aid rules.

Negatywne oddziaływanie na środowisko i ludzi substancji zapachowych – odorantów – jest problemem coraz częściej podnoszonym przez obywateli UE. Niektóre kraje UE, m.in.: Holandia, Belgia, Niemcy podjęły próbę jednoznacznego uregulowania prawnego problemów uciążliwości zapachowej. Jednak w niektórych krajach nie podejmuje się takich działań, uzasadniając to brakiem odpowiednich rozwiązań na szczeblu wspólnotowym.

Czy Komisja Europejska zamierza podjąć jakieś kroki w sprawie prawnego uregulowania w Unii Europejskiej standardów zapachowej jakości powietrza albo też w inny sposób prawny uregulować problem ograniczania uciążliwości odorowych? Jeżeli tak, to na jakim etapie są prace zmierzające do wprowadzenia takich uregulowań i w jakim czasie przewiduje się ich wprowadzenie?

Atmospheric odours are not specifically regulated at Community level and the Commission does not intend to propose the introduction of quality standards in that respect. Measures specifically addressing odour therefore remain within the competence of the Member States. However, where problems of odour arise from the operation of certain industrial installations, those problems fall within the scope of Council Directive 96/61/EC of 24 September 1996 concerning integrated pollution prevention and control (IPPC).⁽¹⁾ The industrial activities covered by that Directive include among others the production of chemicals on an industrial scale as well as waste water treatment plants in case they are associated with activities covered by the Directive.

Under the IPPC Directive, competent authorities are required to issue for each installation a permit including emission limit values or equivalent parameters and technical parameters based on best available techniques, taking into account the technical characteristics of the installation concerned, its geographical location and the local environmental conditions.

All the environmental impacts of the IPPC installations need to be controlled in the permits issued, for instance the releases into air, water, the generation of waste, the efficient use of energy and the protection of soil. Appropriate measures need also to be taken to address problems of odour which might arise from the operation of certain installations and, for example, the Reference Document on Best Available Techniques in Common Waste Water and Waste Gas Treatment/Management Systems in the Chemical Sector is specifying Best Available Techniques for the reduction of odour emissions.

Odours from waste management are regulated by Article 4 of Directive 2006/12/EC of the Parliament and of the Council of 5 April 2006 on waste, which provides that Member States shall take the necessary measures to ensure that waste is recovered or disposed of without endangering human health and without using processes or methods which could harm the environment, and in particular without causing a nuisance, inter alia, through odours.⁽²⁾In addition, Annex I to Council Directive 1999/31/EC of 26 April 1999 on the landfill of waste⁽³⁾mentions that measures shall be taken to minimise nuisances and hazards from a landfill through emissions of odours.

The Commission has repeatedly announced a new informatics system called Symmetry, which is intended to replace the current Appfin system. Despite having being invested in for seven years, its entry into force has been postponed yet again.

Many questions arise. How much has been spent already? What will its annual running costs be compared to Appfin? Who are the contractors, and how were they selected? Why can the contractors not meet their deadlines?

Does the Commission agree that it should now launch an in-depth external audit, re-examine the budgetary and human resource costs as a sound cost-benefit analysis, and assess any possible failures in management?

Symmetry is the name given to the integrated management system designed to provide full life-cycle management of the programmes, actions and projects of the Directorate-General for Education and Culture (EAC) as well as the Education Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA), and not simply the local financial system intended to replace Appfin.

The core financial and contractualisation module of Symmetry has been in pilot production since September 2007. An initial group of 41 pilot projects from 4 actions split between the Directorate-General and the Executive Agency have been used to prove the system (100% of commitments and 75% of pre-financing have been successfully completed; the remaining pre-financing could not be completed yet for budgetary reasons). These outcomes are considered positive and will lead to a gradual ramp-up to full production capacity over the course of 2008.

The principal contractor for the supply of the system is Intrasoft International; while in a secondary lot worth about 5% of the market, Siemens Business Services was selected as Quality Assurance contractor. The contractors were chosen by means of open public call for tender⁽¹⁾ and the first specific contracts for developing the system were signed in December 2001.

To date a total of €7,485,982 has been paid to cover all aspects of development including quality assurance, acceptance testing, user helpdesk and training services. A payment of €903,216 was made in 2007 to procure a high-performance server platform in the Commission's Luxemburg Data Centre for a period of four years.

The system has taken longer to reach its targets due to the need to be adapted to significant changes in the financial and organisational environment; in particular the introduction of the New Financial Regulations 2003 and 2006, the creation of the EACEA and the introduction of accrual accounting in January 2005.

When comparing Symmetry with Appfin, the latter is a local financial system with a restricted interface towards the central ABAC system and a limited set of functions. Symmetry offers a far wider range of functions including: online proposal submission, proposal selection, project contractualisation, follow-up, closure and reporting. Comparison of running costs is therefore difficult; however, once the main wave of development is concluded (end 2008) the running costs of the financial sub-systems of Symmetry should be lower than those of the ageing Appfin system.

The Internal Audit Service (IAS) has planned an information technology (IT) audit of the Symmetry application, once it is in large-scale operation, in the period 2008-2009.

Enkele grote Europese bedrijven zoals Total en Shell blijven in Nigeria bij het oppompen van olie, gas verbranden, wat enorm schadelijk is voor het milieu, maar ook voor de gezondheid van de omwonenden. Gas is het bijproduct van de olie die in Nigeria wordt bovengehaald en die 95% van de inkomsten van het land vertegenwoordigt. De hoeveelheid verbrand gas in Nigeria is net zo groot als een kwart van het totale gebruik van Groot-Brittannië. Volgens de Wereldbank wordt jaarlijks veertig miljard dollar verspild met het affakkelen van aardgas en is de praktijk verantwoordelijk voor jaarlijks 400 miljoen ton kooldioxide-uitstoot in de atmosfeer. Producenten zouden er volgens de Wereldbank beter aan doen om het gas op te vangen en in vloeibare vorm verkopen. Dit vraagt echter om de nodige financiële investeringen.

In oktober 2007 kondigde de Nigeriaanse regering aan dat vanaf 1 januari 2008 gasverbranding verboden zou worden. Begin januari besliste ze echter de deadline te verlengen tot eind 2008. Dit uitstel zou er zijn gekomen onder druk van de multinationals. In Europese landen is het verboden om gas te verbranden bij het winnen van olie. Zal de Europese Commissie deze bedrijven onder druk zetten om deze schadelijke praktijk stop te zetten of zal zij sancties opleggen indien de Nigeriaanse overheid de activiteiten niet bestraft?

The damaging practice of gas flaring in the Niger Delta has a severe impact on the local environment, on the economy of Nigeria and also contributes massively to global climate changes. The Commission's recognition of the importance of taking action to reduce gas flaring is recalled in the "Africa-EU Strategic Partnership" (Priority action 5 "Partnership on energy") issued at the Lisbon EU-Africa Summit in December 2007. The Niger Delta is the place on earth in which the largest flaring operations occur. This practice – which begun some 40 years ago – has only been marginally reduced by the large investments made by multinational oil companies to liquefy natural gas. Nigeria, traditionally an important oil supplier is also becoming a major gas supplier. Its reserves make it the seventh largest natural gas reserve holder. In 2006 Nigeria exported to Europe 83% of its liquefied natural gas (LNG) production corresponding only to about 60% of the total gas extracted. The remaining 40% - mainly gas associated to oil wells lacking the infrastructure to collect and produce natural gas – was flared. Recent estimates indicate that some 24 billion m3 of associated gas are flared every year. The government plans to raise earnings from gas exports to 50% of oil revenue by 2010 which will require investment in the range of € 10-12 billion to build large infrastructure including more gas liquefying plants and gas pipelines. One of the projects under consideration is a Trans-Saharan gas pipeline crossing the Sahara desert which in the future will provide an additional opportunity for gas export and could supply gas directly to Europe, through Niger and Algeria.

In such a context it was indeed disappointing to learn that the deadline set by the Government to stop gas flaring had been postponed to the end of 2008. While we hope that the new deadline will be met, we note that stopping gas flaring seems to have become a priority for the Government of Nigeria. Major stakeholders recently came together to develop a road map for the elimination of flaring within a realistic time frame. The representatives from several ministries and sector companies agreed to establish a Flare Reduction Committee – chaired by the Minister of State for Gas - the work of which is likely to be facilitated by the World Bank Global Gas Flaring Reduction Partnership (GGFR), which the Commission is supporting and contributing to.

Two avenues are available to the Commission to address gas flaring concerns: i) the EU/Nigeria political dialogue under Article 8 of the Cotonou Partnership Agreement; and ii) the ongoing programming of the development cooperation under the 10th European Development Fund (EDF).

Concerning possible interventions against the EU oil companies operating in Nigeria, in the form of pressure or action, the Commission does not have the legal power to impose sanctions. As part of its policy to promote corporate social responsibility (CSR), however, the Commission does support CSR codes of conduct that are adhered to by companies on a voluntary basis in and outside the EU. For example, the Commission is supporting and contributing to such codes of conduct as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, which is a powerful tool to monitor the revenues derived from the mineral sector. The Commission is also committed to promoting awareness and implementation of reference international instruments and initiatives on CSR, such as the International Labor Organisation (ILO) Tripartite Declaration of Principles concerning Multinational Enterprises (MNEs) and Social Policy, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Guidelines for MNEs and the United Nations (UN) Global Compact.

Volgens bepaalde media heeft de koning van Marokko Mohammed VI bij de Franse president aangedrongen om binnen de EU te lobbyen voor een 'versterkt statuut' van zijn land. Ter gelegenheid van een staatsdiner luidde het in een veelzeggende boodschap als volgt: "Het beleid van de Europese Unie ten aanzien van haar buurlanden heeft de Marokkaanse wensen voor een versterkt statuut versterkt, dit in het licht van zijn betrekkingen met de Unie en het strategisch belang van die betrekkingen.".

Europees commissaris voor Buitenlandse Betrekkingen Benita Ferrero-Waldner, heeft reeds gezegd dat de Commissie dit verzoek in overweging neemt. Europees commissaris Louis Michel zei in het verleden reeds dat ook de Maghreb moet kunnen deel uitmaken van een 'Europees concept'.

Over welk 'versterkt statuut' gaat het? Is in het licht van de toetredingsonderhandelingen met het islamitische Turkije op termijn ook een EU-lidmaatschap van Marokko volgens de Commissie mogelijk?

On the occasion of the last EU-Morocco Association Council on 23 July 2007, the European Union stated its willingness to consider ways and means to strengthen bilateral relations with Morocco, in the context of Morocco’s request for an advanced status. Indeed, since the year 2000, the king of Morocco has requested an advanced status that would be ‘more than association and less than accession’. The EU-Morocco Association Council has set up an ad-hoc working group to reflect on how to strengthen bilateral relations. This working group has not yet met. It should report at the next meeting of the Association Council. Finally, countries covered by the European Neighborhood Policy have not been given the perspective of Accession to the European Union.

Lietuva  2007–2013 metais dalyvauja Lenkijos–Lietuvos–Rusijos Federacijos ir Lietuvos–Latvijos–Baltarusijos Europos kaimynystės ir partnerystės priemonės tarpvalstybinio bendradarbiavimo programose. Bus įgyvendinami projektai, susiję su ekonominės ir socialinės plėtros pasienio regionuose sienos skatinimu, kova su bendrais iššūkiais aplinkos apsaugos, visuomenės sveikatos srityse, kova su organizuotu nusikalstamumu ir jo prevencija, saugaus ir efektyvaus pasienio užtikrinimu, vietinėmis iniciatyvomis „žmonės–žmonėms“.

Abiejose programose yra numatyta nacionalinės reikšmės strateginių projektų įgyvendinimo galimybė. Kokios galėtų būti strateginių projektų atrankos procedūros, vertinimo kriterijai, paramos dydis, kokias rekomendacijas galėtų pateikti Europos Komisija strateginių projektų parengimo ir įgyvendinimo klausimais (ypač remiantis susiformavusia kitų šalių patirtimi)?

The term "strategic projects" originates from the Structural Funds terminology and should not be mixed up with the term "large scale projects" being used under the Neighbourhood Programme. According to Chapter 1, Article 2 of the implementing rules for cross-border cooperation programmes "large-scale projects are projects comprising a set of works, activities or services intended to fulfil an indivisible function of a precise nature pursuing clearly identified objectives of common interest for the purposes of implementing cross-border investments".

The participating countries may, in agreement with the Commission, jointly identify large-scale cross-border investment projects which will not be selected through calls for proposals.

During the preparation of the Joint Operational Programme document of each individual cross-border cooperation (CBC) programme, the participating countries will jointly identify and decide on the number, the nature and the approximate amount of the large scale projects.

These projects shall either be specifically mentioned in the programme document and thus be part of the Commission decision, or be selected in agreement with the Commission, at a later stage by the Joint Monitoring Committee.

The large scale projects would be of common "strategic" national or regional importance for all the participating countries under the programme; such as the construction of a specific bridge or border control infrastructure.

Each large scale project would be the subject of a grant contract between the beneficiary (national, regional or local authority) and the relevant Joint Managing Authority. After the launch of an international tender the identified large scale project would be implemented.

The funds allocated to the large scale projects under each neighbourhood cross-border programme should be kept to a reasonable size and cannot, due the nature of these programmes, constitute the majority of the funds.

We expect the two CBC programmes Lithuania participates in – Poland-Lithuania-Russian Federation and Lithuania-Latvia-Belarus – to be submitted to the Commission in June 2008 to allow a decision to be taken in the autumn.

Ku klimatickej zmene prispieva rozširovanie a zväčšovanie vysušených regiónov na všetkých kontinentoch, ktoré sa rýchlo prehrievajú a menia lokálnu i regionálnu klímu. Vysušovanie krajiny nastáva rýchlym odvádzaním dažďových vôd, ale aj melioráciou a odlesňovaním plôch. Zadržiavanie dažďovej vody vo vodných nádržiach umiestnených najmä v miestach, kde došlo k vysušovaniu vplyvom činnosti človeka, predstavuje lacnejšie, rýchlejšie, efektívnejšie a bezkonfliktné riešenie na dosiahnutie zmiernenia extrémov počasia.

Je Komisia otvorená novej vodnej paradigme "vodou ozdravovať klímu", ktorej ambíciou je riešiť problém klimatickej zmeny alternatívnymi prístupmi?

Podporila by Komisia program zadržiavania dažďovej vody v sídlach ako strategické opatrenie na zmiernenie klimatických zmien?

In July 2007 the European Commission adopted a Communication on water scarcity and droughts. These issues have emerged as a major challenge and climate change is expected to exacerbate it further as underscored by the Commission Green Paper on adaptation to climate change⁽¹⁾.

The Communication identifies a set of policy options at European, national and regional levels to address and mitigate the challenge posed by water scarcity and droughts. To name just two key orientations promoted in the Communication: (1) Progressing towards full implementation of the Water Framework Directive; (2) Putting priority on water savings and all possibilities to improve water efficiency.

This Communication is based on the assessment of the EU water saving potential. In some regions, up to 30% of the volume of water consumed in buildings could be saved. In some cities, leakages in public water supply networks can exceed 50%. Similar wastage of water has been recorded in irrigation networks. There is therefore a huge potential for water saving across Europe. Water saving must become the priority and all possibilities to improve water efficiency must therefore be explored.

Policy making needs to be based on a clear water hierarchy. Additional water supply infrastructures should be considered as an option only when other options have been exhausted, including effective water pricing policies.

Alternative options like rain water harvesting are increasingly considered as potential options across Europe. Their development is subject to EU legislation and needs to be in line with the water hierarchy principle.

Further to the Communication, the Commission is now launching an in-depth risk and impact assessment of all alternative water supply options including rain water harvesting.

The Commission will present the outcomes of this assessment in the follow up report of the measures of the Communication to be adopted by the end of 2008. Initial results will be presented at the meeting of a Stakeholder Forum planned for early September 2008 in Zaragoza.

Regarding developing countries affected by droughts, desertification and land degradation, the Commission is actively involved in supporting the implementation of the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. Programs to address this problem obviously include sustainable water resources management schemes. The Commission also supports specific programs related to water management and rainwater harvesting and use as part of its development programs. Finally, the EU Water Initiative is also a privileged tool to progress towards the achievement of the objectives of the World Summit on Sustainable Development and the Millennium Development Goals.

The Third European Road Safety Action Programme (EC 2003) specifically outlined a key proposal to ensure the proper enforcement of the most important safety rules in the areas of speed, drink driving and seat belt use. This resulted in a Recommendation on Enforcement in the field of road traffic law (European Commission 2003). The European Commission had a cost-benefit analysis carried out on the basis of proposals similar to the Recommendation. It assessed that increased enforcement would result in a total annual reduction of 14 000 road deaths and 680 000 injuries in the EU (ICF Consulting 2003). The Recommendation stated that the European Commission would by autumn 2007 evaluate if enforcement policies had improved sufficiently across the Member States and consider proposing more binding legislation, such as a Directive.

What have been the findings of this assessment and how will the European Commission ensure the improvement of traffic law enforcement in the Member States and cooperation across their borders?

The Commission has indeed carried out an assessment of whether enforcement policies have improved sufficiently across the Member States since the Commission Recommendation on enforcement in the field of road traffic law was adopted.

Unfortunately the findings of this assessment are not positive, since the trend over the past years in road safety has not improved. True, the reduction of the number of fatalities was 6% in 2004, but in 2006 it was 5% and last year there was no reduction at all. Over the period from 2001 to 2007, the number of fatalities has decreased by 20%, while a 37% reduction would have been necessary if we want to reach the European objective of halving the number of road fatalities by 2010.

Enforcement has proven to be a very effective instrument for reducing the number of road accidents over a short time. Given the wide variety of traffic and road conditions found across the European Union, it is not appropriate to consider harmonising domestic traffic laws and penalties. But domestic laws and penalties must be respected by all drivers if road safety is to improve and at present we cannot be sure that drivers and car owners who commit a serious offence in a Member State other than that of their residence will be effectively pursued and sanctioned after they have returned home. Mechanisms for the exchange of data between national authorities remain limited and bilateral agreements have not delivered an effective EU-wide system. This is a serious loophole in enforcement which reduces the overall effectiveness of enforcement and the credibility of controls in the minds of domestic drivers. Here there is a clear European dimension and an issue to which Europe can bring a solution: a system of exchange of information on vehicle data is needed which would enable the Member State where an offence has been committed to find the person responsible regardless where in the European Union that person resides and to allow the responsible authorities to impose the corresponding sanction. This will encourage universal respect of road safety related traffic rules and ensure equal treatment of all European citizens under the law.

Gemäß Artikel 7 Absatz 1 der Vogelschutz-Richtlinie der Europäischen Union (Richtlinie 79/409/EWG⁽¹⁾) dürfen die in Anhang II dieser Richtlinie angeführten Vogelarten in der gesamten Europäischen Gemeinschaft im Rahmen der jeweiligen einzelstaatlichen Rechtsvorschriften bejagt werden. Artikel 7 Absatz 3 der Vogelschutz-Richtlinie sieht weiters vor, dass die in Anhang II Teil 2 der Richtlinie angeführten Vogelarten nur in jenen Mitgliedstaaten bejagt werden dürfen, für die diese ausdrücklich im Anhang der Richtlinie genannt sind. Rabenvögel sind zurzeit in Österreich nicht jagdbar. Nicht zuletzt aus diesem Grund hat sich die Anzahl der Rabenvögel seit dem Beitritt Österreichs zur Europäischen Union vor allem in Ostösterreich sehr zum Nachteil von Mensch und Tier erhöht.

Sieht die Kommission eine Möglichkeit, die Liste von Anhang II Teil 2 der Vogelschutz-Richtlinie im Nachhinein zu erweitern und die Rabenvögel für Österreich in die Liste aufzunehmen?

The Honourable Member asks whether the Commission sees an opportunity to adapt Annex II.2 of the Birds Directive in a way that the corvids would be huntable for Austria.

It has been stressed to the Austrian authorities as well as to other interested parties who have contacted the Commission about this matter in the past years that the revision of Annex II of the Birds Directive (79/409/EEC⁽²⁾) is a very complex and lengthy procedure as it requires a full legislative process by co-decision, involving the Council and the Parliament.

In light of this the Commission has already made it clear that any adaptation of such kind must be done in a strategic way together with all Member States and must be based on comprehensive information on the conservation status of the species in Annex II. Such an approach may lead not only to the inclusion but also to the exclusion of certain species from Annex II.

At this moment the Commission does not envisage an adaptation of Annex II.2 of the Birds Directive. However, work is currently being undertaken in relation to some management plans for Annex II species.

In relation to the specific problem of Austria which seems mainly related to the hunting of crows, the Commission has on many occasions suggested to the Austrian regions to overcome their difficulties by making full use of the derogation procedure (Article 9 of the Directive). Derogations are permissible under Article 9 of the Directive for the purpose of preventing “serious damage to crops, livestock, forests, fisheries and water” and a range of other reasons. Some Länder have already taken this advice. The Commission can only continue to give that advice.

O τηλεοπτικός σταθμός Euronews για άλλη μια φορά προκαλεί με την παρουσίαση χάρτη στις 24.1.2008 όπου το κράτος των Σκοπίων παρουσιάζεται ως “Macedonia”. Ως γνωστόν, ο εν λόγω σταθμός χρηματοδοτείται από τον προϋπολογισμό της ΕΕ, δηλαδή από τους έλληνες και τους υπόλοιπους ευρωπαίους φορολογουμένους.

Ποιος είναι εκείνος ο μυστηριώδης λόγος που ωθεί συχνά τον εν λόγω σταθμό να μη χρησιμοποιεί την επίσημη (και αναγνωρισμένη από την ΕΕ) ονομασία της χώρας αυτής και να την αποκαλεί ή να την παρουσιάζει ως δήθεν « Μακεδονία», παρότι κορυφαίοι πρώην ευρωβουλευτές (π.χ. Νικήτας Κακλαμάνης, Σταύρος Ξαρχάκος, Γιώργος Καρατζαφέρης κ.ά.) έχουν κατ’ επανάληψη επισημάνει με δημόσιες παρεμβάσεις τους ότι ο τηλεοπτικός αυτός σταθμός με μεγάλη συχνότητα κάνει το συγκεκριμένο αυτό λάθος και υιοθετεί την ορολογία των εθνικιστών των Σκοπίων;

L'honorable parlementaire a attiré l'attention de la Commission sur la dénomination donnée par la chaîne EuroNews le 24 janvier 2008 à l'ancienne République yougoslave de Macédoine. EuroNews lui aurait attribué la dénomination de "Macédoine", qui n'est pas reconnue par l'Union européenne.

La Commission ne peut que réitérer sa réponse faite aux questions similaires posées par de précédents parlementaires, comme signalé dans la présente question par l'honorable parlementaire⁽¹⁾.

La Commission, malgré le soutien financier qu'elle lui accorde, ne peut en aucun cas intervenir dans le contenu éditorial d'EuroNews. Ces dispositions sont partie intégrante de la charte éditoriale⁽²⁾, contenue dans le contrat entre la Commission et la chaîne. Cette charte garantit à EuroNews une liberté éditoriale totale, qui est la condition essentielle de sa crédibilité.

Toutefois, tout citoyen peut demander des comptes à EuroNews, que ce soit directement auprès de la chaîne ou à travers la Commission (pour les programmes cofinancés), sur d'éventuels manquements à une information juste et équilibrée (fair and balanced).

Cependant, comme dans les autres cas, la Commission transmettra aux responsables d'EuroNews, lors de la prochaine réunion conjointe régulière, la question et les remarques de l'honorable parlementaire, et lui demandera de fournir des explications.

Debido a dificultades jurídicas de aplicación de la recientemente aprobada reforma de la OCM del sector de frutas y hortalizas, existe el riesgo cierto de que durante 2008 no pueda efectuarse el reparto gratuito de estos productos por parte de las organizaciones de productores. Esta situación se debe a que nos encontramos en un año de transición para la aplicación de ciertas medidas que garantizan la financiación comunitaria de retiradas de producto cuando éstas se destinan a dicho reparto gratuito, que se aplicarán a partir de 2009. Ello privaría del acceso a frutas y hortalizas y de sus efectos beneficiosos para la salud a los sectores sociales con más dificultades económicas.

¿Piensa la Comisión tomar medidas para evitar que se interrumpa esta práctica, tan positiva tanto para los ciudadanos como para el propio sector?

De ser así, ¿qué medidas proyecta poner en marcha para ello y cuándo tiene previsto hacerlo?

The Commission agrees with the Honourable Member on the importance of free distribution both for the citizens and for the fruit and vegetables sector.

In fact, the Commission has already taken steps in order to avoid any unnecessary interruption of market withdrawal measures in 2008. To allow for a smooth transition to the reformed fruit and vegetables Common Market Organisation (CMO), a proposal with the appropriate modifications of the implementing rules is envisaged to be presented at the Management Committee of 20 February.

The transitional measures will authorise Member States to allow for withdrawals, including free distribution to become eligible expenditure from 1 January 2008, before the national strategy is established. Several conditions will have to be fulfilled in that respect.

First of all, the Member State will have to ensure that its national strategy adopted in 2008 covers withdrawals. Secondly, the producer organisations will have to modify their operational programmes to meet the requirements of the reformed fruit and vegetables CMO as soon as the national strategy is established and before an application for the related payment is made. Furthermore, the market withdrawal operations should otherwise respect the requirements of the new regime, including those concerning controls.

Η πολιτική της ΕΕ στοχεύει μεταξύ άλλων στο οριστικό κλείσιμο και την αποκατάσταση των ανεξέλεγκτων χώρων διάθεσης απορριμμάτων, την υποχρεωτική επεξεργασία όλων των στερεών αποβλήτων πριν την υγειονομική τους ταφή, τη χρησιμοποίηση των αποβλήτων ως πηγή ενέργειας και την ανακύκλωση των απορριμμάτων συσκευασίας (οδηγίες 75/442/ΕΟΚ⁽¹⁾, 1999/31/ΕΚ⁽²⁾, 2004/12/ΕΚ⁽³⁾, 2006/12/ΕΚ⁽⁴⁾). Με την αποσύνθεση των στερεών αποβλήτων παράγεται βιοαέριο, το οποίο περιέχει κατά βάση μεθάνιο και διοξείδιο του άνθρακα, αέρια που ευθύνονται για την κλιματική αλλαγή, παρόλα αυτά η Ελλάδα, σύμφωνα και με δημοσίευμα της εφημερίδας "Καθημερινή", υστερεί στη διαχείριση των στερεών αποβλήτων, και ιδιαίτερα των επικίνδυνων.

Ποια είναι η τελευταία επίσημη ενημέρωση που έχει η Επιτροπή από τη χώρα σχετικά με την πορεία οριστικής παύσης λειτουργίας των ανεξέλεγκτων χώρων διάθεσης αποβλήτων; Ποια είναι η κατάταξη της χώρας σε σύγκριση με τα άλλα κράτη μέλη αναφορικά με το στόχο της ανακύκλωσης των συσκευασιών; Τι γίνεται όσον αφορά την επεξεργασία και διάθεση των επικίνδυνων βιομηχανικών αποβλήτων, καθώς περίπου 60% της συνολικής ετήσιας παραγωγής αποθηκεύεται σε χώρους προσωρινής αποθήκευσης;

The Commission has received a considerable number of complaints concerning the operation in Greece of illegal or uncontrolled sites, where the waste disposal endangers human health and harms the environment. In order to stop this practice, the Commission initiated a horizontal infringement procedure which concerns the operation of all illegal or uncontrolled waste disposal sites in Greece. In its judgment of 6 October 2005 (case C-502/03), the European Court of Justice declared that Greece had failed to comply with its obligations under Articles 4, 8 and 9 of Directive 75/442/EEC on waste⁽⁵⁾ as amended (now Directive 2006/12/EC⁽⁶⁾ - Waste Framework Directive). The judgment established that at least 1 125 illegal or uncontrolled landfills are operational in Greece. Greece must now comply with this ruling, in accordance with Article 228 of the EC Treaty. In this regard, the Greek authorities adopted a new national waste management plan and updated their regional waste management plans. Those new plans aim at the closure and rehabilitation of all illegal or uncontrolled waste dumping sites by the end of 2008 and their replacement by appropriate waste management infrastructure.

According to information received from the Greek authorities in October 2007, the Greek authorities have adopted decisions for the closure and rehabilitation of 1 038 illegal or uncontrolled waste dumping sites, while for 774 dumping sites the necessary rehabilitation works are underway. The Commission services are assessing this information and will take all necessary measures in order to ensure that Greece complies with the ECJ ruling.

The Commission collects information about recycling levels in Member States as an element of verifying the proper implementation of Community legislation. In 2005 Greece has achieved a recycling level of 41.8% which is well above the previous target of 25% recycling (set for 2001) but is still below the target of 55% recycling of packaging set for Greece for 2011. The detailed data for Greece as well as other Member States are available at the website http://ec.europa.eu/environment/waste/packaging/data.htm"

It should be noted that the information given at this page may be subject to change when countries send updates or corrections of data provided.

The management of hazardous waste in Greece is under scrutiny of the Commission. Greece has not adopted an adequate management plan for hazardous waste and tolerates the uncontrolled disposal of the majority of the hazardous waste produced, violating several key requirements of the Waste Framework Directive which is the central pillar of EU legislation designed to ensure environmentally sound waste management in Member States.

After being sent a final warning in December 2005, Greece modified its legal framework for the management of hazardous waste and adopted a new management plan that was sent to the Commission in March 2007. Despite that adoption, Greece is still not complying with its obligations.

The Commission considers that the plan is too general and does not provide a coherent waste management strategy. The Commission takes the view that the management plan adopted is not sufficiently precise, in particular as regards the identification of suitable disposal sites, and that the inventory of hazardous waste is not yet definitive for all categories. Thousands of tons are stocked "temporarily", pending disposal or recovery. Greece has admitted that 600 000 tons of hazardous waste are stocked at sites considered by the Greek authorities as "polluted in principle".

While the Greek authorities have recognised the problem and are committed to solving it, the adopted management plan will not ensure the resolution of the problem. Therefore, in January 2008 the Commission decided to refer the case to the European Court of Justice (ECJ).

Can the Commission confirm that the use by the British immigration service of gamma-ray equipment to scan goods vehicles at ports of entry to the UK in order to locate possible illegal immigrants in no way contravenes Euratom regulations designed to protect the public from radiation?

Would the Commission encourage all Member States to consider the wider introduction and use of such equipment since its effectiveness in reducing the number of illegal immigrants on the Calais-Dover route in particular is well established?

Council Directive 96/29 Euratom⁽¹⁾, the Basic Safety Standards Directive, requires that Member States ensure that all types of practices resulting in exposure to ionizing radiation are justified in advance of their introduction. This implies that an analysis is made of the societal benefit generated by the practice, and it is demonstrated that the net benefit, is positive. The decision on whether a practice is justified however lies with national governments.

There is a potential exposure of hidden persons in the case of X-ray screening of vehicles to counter illegal immigration. Council Directive 97/43/Euratom⁽²⁾ includes specific provisions on exposures of individuals as part of so-called "medico-legal procedures", i.e. procedures performed for legal purposes without a medical indication, such as security screening. In particular, Article 4.2 (c) of this Directive requires that Member States ensure that special attention be given to keep the doses arising from medico-legal exposure as low as reasonably achievable.

The issue of justification in this category of practices, which is very complex, was discussed among radiation protection experts and stakeholders at a conference organised by the Commission (Dublin, 2002)⁽³⁾. A second conference of this type is in preparation for this year.

Furthermore, the X-ray screening of vehicles must be conducted in full respect of other provisions of the Basic Safety Standards Directive, e.g. for the protection of those operating the equipment, where appropriate truck drivers, bystanders etc.

Concerning the question whether the Commission encourages other Member States to consider the wider use of the equipment described, it should be noted that there is no Community competence. The Schengen Borders Code⁽⁴⁾ only determines the general rules how border checks shall be carried out. Besides the rules laid down in Annex VI of the Code, the details of the procedures for the checks are to be decided by Member States according to national law. This includes also decisions concerning the adequate equipment. The latter does not exclude the possibility of co-financing national equipment with means of the External Borders Fund.⁽⁵⁾

Jakie kroki zamierza podjąć Komisja do położenia kresu handlowi produktami z fok? Deklarację nr 0038/2006 w tej sprawie, we wrześniu 2006 r. poparła rekordowa ilość posłów PE. Niestety do tej pory nie widać żadnych pozytywnych jej efektów. Jednak nadal poluje się w celach komercyjnych na młode foki, bez poszanowania elementarnych zasad, obdzierając je żywcem z futer, a pozostałe ciała zwierząt wrzuca się do wody. Pozyskane w ten sposób futerka legalnie są sprzedawane, także na terenie UE.

The Commission, in its response of 16 January 2007 to the Parliament's Written Declaration No 0038/2006, recognised the high level of public concern regarding the animal welfare aspects of seal hunting and undertook to make a full objective assessment of the animal welfare aspects of seal hunting and, based on the results, to report back to the Parliament with possible legislative proposals if warranted by the situation.

In the framework of this assessment process, the Commission requested the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) to issue an independent scientific opinion on the animal welfare aspects of the killing and skinning of seals. On 6 December 2007, EFSA adopted its scientific opinion stating that "there are only a limited number of quantitative studies published in peer-reviewed journals to be used as the basis for the efficacy of various killing methods with an adequately high degree of certainty." EFSA also concluded that "it is possible to kill seals rapidly and effectively without causing them avoidable pain or distress. However, the Panel also reported evidence that, in practice, effective and humane killing does not always happen."

The management, monitoring and enforcement issues related to seal hunting are currently being examined through a Commission-funded assessment study, which will be completed end of February. This study assesses the potential impacts of a possible ban of products derived from seal species, focussing in particular on trade, legal and socio-economic aspects. The Commission has also launched a public consultation through internet to gather a wide variety of views on trade in seal products and their links with concerns on seal hunting in general or welfare aspects in particular.

The Commission will take a decision on the policy response on the basis of its own impact assessment by taking into consideration the results of the above-mentioned actions.

Europos Parlamento ir Tarybos direktyvos 2006/24/EB⁽¹⁾ dėl duomenų, generuojamų arba tvarkomų teikiant viešai prieinamas elektroninių ryšių paslaugas arba viešuosius ryšių tinklus, saugojimo įgyvendinimas Lietuvoje sukėlė daug diskusijų ir neaiškumų. Kilo klausimas, kas turi finansuoti direktyvai įgyvendinti – 12 mėnesių saugoti telefoninių pokalbių, SMS žinučių perdavimo, neatsakytų skambučių ir kitus duomenis – reikalingos įrangos įsigijimą ir priežiūrą. Pagal Lietuvos Konstituciją valstybė neturi teisės perduoti pareigų užtikrinti visuomenės saugumą ir viešąją tvarką privatiems subjektams, kad šios funkcijos būtų vykdomos ne valstybės lėšomis.

Ar galėtų Komisija pateikti informacijos, kas finansuoja ryšių bendrovių įrangos įsigijimo išlaidas ES valstybės narėse? Kaip įgyvendinama Duomenų apsaugos direktyva ES valstybėse narėse? Kokios yra piliečių saugumo nuo piktnaudžiavimo su jais susijusia informacija garantijos?

The Data Retention Directive obliges Member States to require providers of public electronic communications services and networks to retain traffic and location data for a minimum period of six months and a maximum of 24 months and to ensure that these data are available for the investigation, detection or prosecution of serious crime. As such the Directive essentially imposes obligations on communications providers and networks to retain specified data for an appropriate period of time under certain conditions.

These obligations may generate significant additional costs for communications providers and networks. However, the Directive does not oblige Member States to reimburse providers for any costs which they incur in connection with these obligations.

To the extent that Member States wish to grant aid to undertakings with respect to the costs of data retention, they must notify this to the Commission in accordance with Article 88 (3) EC. Moreover, such aid could be approved only if one of the exemptions of Article 87 (2) or (3) EC was applicable. This would require in particular that the aid must have an incentive effect, i.e. that such aid helps to achieve an objective which goes beyond the mere implementation of obligations which already result from European Community law.

In November of last year the Commission invited all Member States to a meeting on transposition of the Data Retention Directive. This included a Roundtable discussion of Member States' approach to reimbursement of costs incurred as a consequence of the Directive and indicated a wide range of practices.

Member States' approaches vary considerably. For example, one Member State is introducing systems which will reimburse additional costs incurred by providers and which will involve pre and post auditing of providers' costs to ensure a cost neutral approach. Some others provide for a system which allows payments to be made to providers based on a pre-established set of tariffs without assessing the specific cost base of individual providers. Many Member States do not intend to reimburse any additional costs incurred by electronic communications providers as a result of the Directive. Finally, a number of other Member States are still assessing the full implications of a cost reimbursement system and have not yet arrived at a final position. A report of the November 2007 meeting can be found on the Commission's Europa web site⁽²⁾.

As for transposition into national law, Member States should have transposed the Directive into national law by no later then 15 September 2007. To date 12 Member States have notified their transposition measures to the Commission. In November of last year the Commission began infringement proceedings against those Member States which had not notified the Commission of their transposition measures. An overview of how Member States are transposing the Directive can be found in the report of the November 2007 meeting.

The Data Retention Directive also provides important guarantees against misuse of data retained under the Directive. The strict purpose limitation of the Directive implies that retained data cannot be used by private enterprises or individuals. Moreover, the Member States are anyway under the obligation to ensure that provisions in national law relating to access to retained data comply with the European Convention on Human Rights and ensure full respect for the principles of proportionality and necessity. The general data protection regime provided for by Directive 95/46 remains applicable to the retention of data by the operators.

These provisions are further complemented by strict data security requirements designed to guard against accidental loss or unauthorised access to these data. By way of example, the Directive requires that communications providers and network operators shall ensure that only "specially authorised personnel" may access the data. The Directive further requires national measures to provide that intentional access to or transfer of retained data which is not in accordance with national law, shall be punishable by appropriate sanctions, including the possibility of administrative or criminal penalties.

W dniu 22 listopada 2007 r. Europejski Urząd Doboru Kadr (EPSO) opublikował w Dzienniku Urzędowym C 279A informację o otwartym konkursie EPSO/AD/113/07 (kierownicy działów tłumaczeń pisemnych) oraz o innych konkursach (np.: EPSO/AD/108-110-112/07, EPSO/AD/114/07) wyłącznie w trzech oficjalnych językach: angielskim, francuskim oraz niemieckim. Powyższe ogłoszenie nie ukazało się w wersji polskiej ani w żadnym innym z 8 języków, których konkurs bezpośrednio dotyczył. Zgodnie z rozporządzeniem Rady nr 1⁽¹⁾ wszystkie języki posiadają równy status (art. 1), a dokumenty ogólnego zastosowania, jak np. informacje o konkursach, muszą być opublikowane we wszystkich oficjalnych językach (art. 4).

Jak Komisja zamierza rozwiązać problem brakujących wersji językowych w informacjach EPSO o konkursach?

The Commission would like to reassure the Honourable Member that all language versions of the Official Journal (including Polish) contain a summary of every competition notice in the appropriate language, with an indication of how to find the full notice. All candidates, whatever language version of the Official Journal they consult, thus have an equal opportunity of being informed of the competition. The linguistic regime applied for the languages to be used in the selection tests for open competitions results from the decision adopted by the EPSO Management Board on 8 May 2007 (in which every EU Institution is represented). Currently, selection tests are conducted in French, English or German.

Το φαινόμενο της διαφθοράς έχει λάβει ανησυχητικές διαστάσεις στην Ελλάδα. Σύμφωνα με στοιχεία της «Διεθνούς Διαφάνειας», ένας στους πέντε έλληνες πολίτες παραδέχεται ότι έχει προβεί σε δωροδοκία προκειμένου να διευκολυνθεί σε κάποια υπόθεσή του στο δημόσιο ή τον ιδιωτικό τομέα. Τα φαινόμενα διαφθοράς επικεντρώνονται κυρίως σε υπηρεσίες όπως δημόσια νοσοκομεία, πολεοδομίες, εφορίες, τράπεζες, δήμοι/νομαρχίες, ενώ τα τελευταία χρόνια έχουν επεκταθεί ακόμη και στο χώρο της δικαιοσύνης. Υπολογίζεται ότι το συνολικό ποσό των παράνομων δοσοληψιών ξεπέρασε τα 600 εκατομμύρια ευρώ το 2007.

Είναι ενήμερη η Επιτροπή για την αυξημένη διαφθορά στην Ελλάδα και ποια θεωρεί ότι είναι τα κύρια αίτια της; Τι στοιχεία διαθέτει και με ποιον τρόπο αντιμετωπίζει φαινόμενα διαφθοράς όσον αφορά τη χρήση κοινοτικών κονδυλίων από την Ελλάδα; Με ποιους τρόπους μπορεί να συμβάλει στη μείωση των παραπάνω φαινομένων; Σε ποιο βαθμό θεωρεί ότι τα αυξημένα επίπεδα διαφθοράς επηρεάζουν την οικονομική και κοινωνική σύγκλιση της Ελλάδας με τις άλλες ευρωπαϊκές χώρες;

The Commission is aware of the data published by Transparency International.

The Commission does not possess complete data concerning the methods used by the Member States to combat corruption, in particular in the public sector. Therefore the Commission cannot assess to what extent increased levels of corruption in Greece may affect the economic and social convergence with other European countries.

Against this background, the EU has been very active in the field of the fight against corruption and has adopted a comprehensive group of instruments to tackle this phenomenon.

Following the introduction of the EU Convention on the protection of the Communities' financial interests in 1995, a Protocol drawn up in 1996 addresses the issue of corruption in relation to the Communities' financial interests.

In 1997 the EU Convention on the fight against corruption involving officials of the European Union or officials of Member States of the European Union was drawn up. The Convention criminalises corruption involving public officials, requiring Member States to be able to investigate and prosecute cases, even when they involve an official of another Member State of the European Union. The Convention is in force since September 2005.

Framework Decision 2003/568/JHA on combating corruption in the private sector was adopted in July 2003. It requires Member States to provide for offences of corruption in the private sector, whether involving a profit or non-profit organisation. In June 2007 the Commission adopted an implementation report which found that transposition of this Framework Decision into Member States' legislation was still at an early stage.

The Commission prevents and combats corruption inter alia by continuing promoting legislation criminalising active and passive corruption of officials, by deepening the analysis of the phenomenon via studies and survey tools like the Eurobarometer, by funding public as well as non-governmental initiatives against corruption and by assisting the national authorities in their fight against corruption by prevention, deterrence and strengthening of legislation.

Does the Commission have any plans to bring forward regulations on the undergrounding of electric wires?

In particular, does the Commission have any guidelines on best practice regarding the installation of high-voltage wires in residential areas?

The Commission does not plan to bring forward regulations on the undergrounding of electric lines.

It does not belong to the Commission to select the route of an electricity link nor the technology to be used. This is left to the project promoter who has to respect the conditions imposed by the authorities of the country(ies) concerned.

As indicated in the Commission's reply to oral question H-0895/07⁽¹⁾ concerning an Irish power line project, the authorities designated by the Member States are responsible for the planning and authorisation procedures under the respect of environmental law.

The Commission does not make guidelines on best practice regarding the installation of high-voltage lines in residential areas. The Council Recommendation 1999/519/EC of 12 July 1999 on the limitation of exposure of the general public to electromagnetic fields (0 Hz to 300 GHz) establishes a framework of minimum restrictions and reference levels but the Member States remain responsible for the implementation of measures.

Is the European Commission aware that European City Guide and their subsidiaries are still operating and that they continue to mislead businesses across the EU?

Why are 'business-to-business' (B2B) commercial practices not covered by the Unfair Commercial Practices Directive 2005/29/EC⁽¹⁾, and does the European Commission intend to incorporate B2B practices into this Directive?

The Commission is aware of the continued existence of "European City Guide" and similar directory companies and continues to reply to numerous letters from Members of Parliament and businesses.

As the Commission has stated in the past since this problem concerns business-to-business (B2B) relationships much of the EU consumer protection legislation does not apply. An exception is Directive 2006/114/EC of the Parliament and of the Council concerning misleading and comparative advertising.

The competent law courts and/or public enforcement authorities of the Member State from which such schemes operate are competent for deciding on a case-by-case basis whether a commercial communication is misleading and to take appropriate enforcement action.

Several competent authorities and courts, for example in Spain and Belgium, have already taken enforcement action against these practices.

The Unfair Commercial Practice (UCP) Directive does not cover B2B commercial practices since there was no case for maximum harmonisation of the national laws on acts of unfair commercial practice (for example B2B misleading advertising, slavish imitation, denigration).

A full harmonisation Directive on unfair B2C commercial practices was already a very ambitious proposal, which would have failed if its scope had been extended to B2B unfair competition practices.

It resulted from the consultation and the works in Council that there was no consensus on extending of the scope of the directive to cover B2B unfair commercial practices.

It must also be stressed that not all the Member States have a system to address unfair commercial practice.

Some Member States (for example Germany, Austria and Sweden) were in favour of extending the scope of the directive to acts of unfair commercial practice. Others (for example the United Kingdom, France and Ireland) supported consumer protection but opposed the introduction at EU level of a fully harmonised system to address unfair commercial practice.

Although the Commission cannot intervene against companies involved in such practices it has attempted to increase awareness of the problem by presenting the issue to European business organisations. Furthermore, the Commission has written to the competent authorities in the relevant Member States, including Spain, to highlight that the situation is on-going and to request further information on this issue. The Commission is awaiting replies to some of these letters.

Η αντικατάσταση των λαμπτήρων πυράκτωσης από συνεπτυγμένους λαμπτήρες φθορισμού (ΣΛΦ) προωθείται από την ΕΕ και τις κυβερνήσεις των κρατών μελών λόγω της εξοικονόμησης ενέργειας. Οι λαμπτήρες αυτοί, σαφώς μεγαλύτερου κόστους για τους καταναλωτές, περιέχουν 5 χιλιοστά του γραμμαρίου υδράργυρο, η χρήση του οποίου έχει απαγορευτεί, λόγω υψηλής τοξικότητας και άμεσων κινδύνων για τη δημόσια υγεία.

Τι μέτρα έχει λάβει η Επιτροπή για την ασφαλή απόρριψη των χρησιμοποιημένων λαμπτήρων ΣΛΦ ώστε να μην καταλήγουν στα αστικά απόβλητα, διαχέοντας τον υδράργυρο στο περιβάλλον, καθώς και για την ενημέρωση των χρηστών τους για την επικινδυνότητα και τα αναγκαία μέτρα που πρέπει να ληφθούν σε περίπτωση βλάβης, καταστροφής τους ή διαρροής του τοξικού υλικού που περιέχουν;

Directive 2002/96/EC on Waste Electrical and Electronic Equipment⁽¹⁾ foresees the necessary measures to ensure the take-back of energy saving lamps at the end of life phase. Producers are held responsible for the organisation and financing of the collection, treatment, recovery and environmentally sound disposal of such waste. They can set up and operate these take-back systems either in an individual and/or collective way.

Member States have to ensure that the users of electrical and electronic equipment are given the necessary information about the requirement not to dispose of the lamps as unsorted municipal waste and to collect such waste separately, as well as about the return and collection systems available to them.

Member States have furthermore to ensure that the necessary information is given to the users about the potential effects on the environment and human health as a result of the presence of hazardous substances in electrical and electronic equipment. This should include also the measures to be taken in the event of damage to or destruction of a bulb and the shedding of the toxic substance it contains. Member States may require that this information is provided by producers and/or distributors, e.g. in the instructions for use or at the point of sale.

Με επέμβαση της αστυνομίας, γκρέμισμα του αυτοσχέδιου καταυλισμού, ανθρωποκυνηγητό και μαζικές συλλήψεις αντιμετώπισε η ελληνική κυβέρνηση και η τοπική αυτοδιοίκηση το χρόνιο πρόβλημα των προσφύγων και μεταναστών της Πάτρας, που παραμένουν εκεί προκειμένου να μετακινηθούν σε χώρες της ΕΕ, όπου βρίσκονται οικεία τους πρόσωπα, ή επειδή ευελπιστούν ότι θα τύχουν ευνοϊκότερης μεταχείρισης. Πρόκειται για αλλοδαπούς εργάτες που προέρχονται κυρίως από το Αφγανιστάν και το Ιράκ, δηλαδή χώρες όπου, μετά τις επεμβάσεις και την κατοχή από το ΝΑΤΟ, η ζωή έχει γίνει τόσο ανασφαλής και επικίνδυνη, που δικαιολογείται η εγκατάλειψη της χώρας τους.

Αναγνωρίζει η Επιτροπή την ευθύνη της ΕΕ απέναντι σε αυτούς τους ανθρώπους; Τι μέτρα προτίθεται να πάρει, ώστε να νομιμοποιηθεί η παραμονή και η μετακίνησή τους στην ΕΕ, να τύχουν προστασίας ως πρόσφυγες ή δικαιούχοι επικουρικής προστασίας, να μη γίνει καμία επαναπροώθηση, να σταματήσει το καθεστώς ομηρίας και καταδίωξής τους; Πώς κρίνει η Επιτροπή τα αποτελέσματα από την κοινή πολιτική ασύλου και συνόρων, στο φως της απάνθρωπης συμπεριφοράς εναντίον προσφύγων και μεταναστών;

The question of the Honourable Member addresses issues, which fall within the scope of two separate sets of Member State's obligations, notably obligations under the EU asylum acquis and obligations to respect fundamental rights when carrying out immigration or border controls.

The Commission does not dispose sufficient information which would enable it to drive a concrete conclusion regarding the actions of the Greek authorities referred to in the question of the Honourable Member.

As far as the implementation of the asylum acquis in Greece is concerned, the Commission has undertaken a number of procedural actions concerning the failure of this Member State to implement its obligations under Community Legislation.

Thus, the Commission inter alia has opened infringement procedures against Greece for non-communication of transposition measures under Council Directive 2004/83/EC on minimum standards for the qualification and status of third country nationals or stateless persons as refugees or as persons who otherwise need international protection and the content of the protection granted⁽¹⁾ (Qualification Directive) and Council Directive 2005/85/EC of 1 December 2005 on minimum standards on procedures in Member States for granting and withdrawing refugee status⁽²⁾.

If needed, the Commission will proceed with further procedural steps in accordance with the power conferred to it by Article 226 of the Treaty establishing the European Community in order to ensure that the Member State comply with its obligations under the EU asylum acquis.

The Commission would also like to highlight that the EU financial support to ensure inter alia proper reception conditions for asylum seekers as well as the identification and integration of refugees and persons granted subsidiary protection has been available for Greece. On the basis of the numbers of officially registered asylum applications, € 1 283 253, 07 have been allocated to Greece under the European Refugee Fund II in 2007 and € 1 571 280, 36 will be available under the European Refugee Fund III in 2008.

As concerns the movement of persons in need of international protection within the European Union, the Commission would like to refer to its proposal for a Council Directive amending Directive 2003/109/EC of 25 November 2003 concerning the status of third-country nationals who are long-term residents to extend its scope to beneficiaries of international protection.⁽³⁾ If adopted, the Directive would enable third country nationals granted refugee status or subsidiary protection to acquire long-term resident status in a Member State as well as to reside in other Member States for various reasons, including employment and self-employment activities, subject to the provisions of the Directive.

Finally, the Commission wishes to reiterate its firm position that Greece must comply with fundamental rights when it exercises border controls or takes measures against irregular stay of third country nationals on its territory.

Importen av brasilianskt kött till Europa är en högt prioriterad fråga, inte minst med tanke på att det idag råder underskott på nötkött i EU. Att därför införa handelshinder strider mot våra grundläggande principer om frihandel och öppenhet. Jordbrukspolitiken är redan idag hårt kritiserad och dessa typer av åtgärder – att på otydliga grunder stoppa en produkt som medborgarna vill ha – gynnar inte stödet för europeiska bönder. I Sverige räknar man med att priset kan på nötkött kan gå upp med 30 procent om stoppet blir långvarigt. Jag delar dock kommissionens bedömning om att säkra människors och djurs hälsa måste få vara prioriterat. Viktigt i detta sammanhang är att minnas att det stora uppsving som det brasilianska köttet har haft i Europa till stor del beror på det utbrott av galna ko-sjukan som skedde under slutet av nittiotalet.

Min fråga till kommissionen är därför: Hur avser kommissionen att underlätta för att frågan löses, samt hur kan kommissionen garantera att dessa tillfälliga åtgärder blir just tillfälliga och proportionerliga så att det inte drabbar konsumenter till förmån för den europeiska bondelobbyn?

Det är angeläget för Europas konsumenter att frågan löses snarast!

To protect EU public and animal health, the European Union has put in place a comprehensive set of requirements for imports of meat. The fulfilment of these requirements is verified by the Commission, in particular through on-the-spot inspections carried out by the Commission inspection services (Food and Veterinary Office (FVO) located in Ireland). Recent inspections in Brazil have identified serious instances of non-compliance with Community import requirements for bovine meat.

The Commission has therefore adopted measures to strengthen the control and surveillance of animal holdings, from which bovine meat could be sourced for import into the EU. The definite list of holdings together with their audit reports is expected to be received from the Brazilian authorities before the end of February 2008. In addition, the Commission is prepared to organise a further FVO inspection to Brazil late February 2008.

The Commission is aware that these measures have consequences on trade. They are the result of Brazil's repeated failure to address the deficiencies identified.

Nevertheless, the measures are designed to be temporary. Trade could recover as these measures permit additional holdings to be listed provided they fully meet EU requirements.

The protection of the Community's public and animal health must prevail over trade related concerns.

Der Beamte hat für sich und, soweit er Anspruch auf die Haushaltszulage hat, für seinen Ehegatten und die unterhaltsberechtigten Personen einmal jährlich Anspruch auf eine Pauschalvergütung der Reisekosten vom Ort der dienstlichen Verwendung zum Herkunftsort (Anhang VII Abschnitt 3 C Artikel 8 des Statuts der Beamten der Europäischen Gemeinschaften vom 1.5.2004).

Wie hoch waren jeweils in den Jahren 2005, 2006 und 2007 die Ausgaben der Kommission zur Erstattung dieser im Statut vorgesehenen Ausgaben?

Wie viele Beamte in der Kommission waren jeweils in den Jahren 2005, 2006 und 2007 berechtigt, diese Regelung anzuwenden?

Bei wie vielen Beamten in der Kommission fand jeweils in den Jahren 2005, 2006 und 2007 diese Regelung Anwendung?

Selon le statut, les fonctionnaires, agents temporaires et agents contractuels (ainsi que leur conjoints et les personnes à charge, s'ils ont droit à l'allocation de foyer) ont droit au paiement forfaitaire annuel des frais de voyage de leur lieu d'affectation à leur lieu d'origine.

Pour le personnel affecté à l'intérieur de l'Union européenne, ce paiement est effectué d'office, dès lors le nombre de bénéficiaires effectifs correspond aux nombre d'agents ayant droit à ce paiement. Les chiffres sont les suivants:

Total frais de voyage annuels

Nombre d'agents bénéficiaires

2005

22.958.780

17.352

2006

25.867.437

17.814

2007

28.209.707

18.389

Pour le personnel affecté hors Union européenne, l'Article 8 § 4 de l'Annexe VII du Statut prévoit le remboursement des frais de voyage sous la forme d’un paiement forfaitaire correspondant au coût du voyage aérien pour le membre du personnel, son conjoint et les personnes à charge de son lieu d’affectation à son lieu d’origine et retour (ou inversément pour les ayants droit ne résidant pas au lieu d’affectation).

S'agissant d'un remboursement, la Commission verse ce forfait chaque année au mois de juillet sous réserve de la présentation ultérieure, comme justificatif de voyage, des cartes d'embarquement (bording passes). N'ont donc droit à ce remboursement que ceux qui présentent la preuve du voyage effectué.

For these staff members, the budget spent and the number of files processed are shown in the following table (elements collected from different data bases since data were not processed under the same IT system during 2005/2006 and 2007). These figures include beneficiaries (and their dependents) posted to Commission Delegations at least part of the year during the said exercises. Some of the beneficiaries have also received flat-rate payments for the time spent when posted inside the territory of the European Union.

These are not the final data, since regularizations for 2006 and 2007 exercises are still ongoing.

Number of files

processed

Budget

2005

968

8,754,729

2006

1,723

12,581,629

2007

1,941

14,334,408

In 2006 and 2007, the increase in the number of beneficiaries is due to the application of the new staff regulation of 2004. Former staff employed in different status (local agents of technical assistance – ALAT – and individual experts) were converted into contractual agents positions which resulted in new recruitments under the conditions of employment of other servants of the Communities.

Στο πλαίσιο της αναθεώρησης της Κοινής Γεωργικής Πολιτικής (ΚΓΠ) εισήχθη προαιρετικός μηχανισμός με βάση τον οποίο τα κράτη μέλη δύνανται να παρακρατούν έως και 10% των ενισχύσεων που λαμβάνουν στο πλαίσιο του Πυλώνα Ι προκειμένου να το διαθέτουν ως πρόσθετη ενίσχυση για συγκεκριμένους τύπους γεωργίας που έχουν σημασία για την προστασία ή βελτίωση του περιβάλλοντος ή για τη βελτίωση της ποιότητας και της εμπορίας των γεωργικών προϊόντων (άρθρο 69, κανονισμού (ΕΚ) αριθ. 1782/2003⁽¹⁾). Πρόσφατα, στην ανακοίνωση COM(2007)0722 που δημοσίευσε η Επιτροπή ενόψει του "ελέγχου υγείας" της ΚΓΠ προβλέπεται αναθεώρηση του εν λόγω άρθρου ώστε να επιτραπεί η εφαρμογή του πέραν του τομεακού επιπέδου.

Έχει πραγματοποιήσει η Επιτροπή μελέτη αντικτύπου σχετικά με τους προσανατολισμούς της ανακοίνωσής της, για τον "έλεγχο υγείας" της ΚΓΠ καθώς και σχετικά με τη μέχρι σήμερα εφαρμογή του άρθρου 69 ή, έστω, διαθέτει σχετικά στοιχεία βάσει των οποίων δικαιολογείται ενδεχόμενη επέκταση του πεδίου εφαρμογής του;

The Commission Communication "Preparing the Health Check of the CAP reform", adopted on 20 November 2007 states that a revised Article 69 would require a relaxation of the present rule that those measures under such provision can only apply at a sector level.

The Commission is currently finalising an impact assessment report on the Health Check of the CAP. The aim of this report is to examine the different options that can be proposed by the Commission from an economic, environmental, social and administrative point of view. As part of this analysis, the revision of Article 69 is also being examined.

The impact assessment report will accompany the legal proposals on the Health Check. The Commission has planned to adopt this package on 20 May 2007. As part of this impact assessment, the Commission will also take into account other external studies, the contributions from other European Institutions and the stakeholders involved in this process.

În 1995, Uniunea Europeană era al doilea mare exportator mondial de produse de înaltă tehnologie. În 2005, UE a devenit primul mare exportator de astfel de produse, asigurând 17,2% din exportul mondial în acest domeniu, dar şi cel mai mare importator, cu o cotă de 19,1% din importurile mondiale în acest domeniu. În 2005, valoarea totală a importurilor şi exporturilor UE în acest domeniu s-a ridicat la 230 miliarde euro, respectiv 198 miliarde euro. În perioada 2000-2005, exporturile UE de produse de înaltă tehnologie au înregistrat o creştere medie anuală de 1,7%, în timp ce importurile au înregistrat o scădere medie anuală de 1,3%. Categoria „electronică şi telecomunicaţii” a reprezentat cea mai mare parte a exporturilor şi importurilor europene de produse de înaltă tehnologie în 17 state membre şi Norvegia.

Aş dori să întreb Comisia care este strategia sa pentru a creşte capacitatea tuturor statelor membre de a produce şi a exporta produse de înaltă tehnologie?

The Commission notes with satisfaction the increased European Competitiveness in high technology products.

The capacity of enterprises in the EU to produce and export high-technology products depends on a wide range of framework conditions, some of which can be set at EU level, and others which lie within the powers of the Member States. In 2005 the Commission set out its industrial policy⁽¹⁾ for the coming years, based on a combination of horizontal and sectoral initiatives, followed by a mid-term review⁽²⁾ in July 2007. The Commission plans in the future to strengthen its work with Member States on industrial policy in the framework of the relaunched Lisbon Strategy for Growth and Jobs.

A particularly important factor in the competitiveness of high-technology products is the level of investment in Research and Development. The Commission’s policy in the field of research and technological development, particularly the seventh framework programme for research and technological development, is a vital contribution to the international competitiveness of the high-technology sector of European industry.