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L-Erbgħa, 14 ta' Jannar 2009 - Strasburgu Edizzjoni riveduta

8. Sitwazzjoni fil-Lvant Nofsani/Gaża (dibattitu)
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  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgen die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission zur Lage im Nahen Osten/Gaza.

Es ist eine besondere Freude, den Präsidenten des Rates, Herrn Außenminister Schwarzenberg, zu begrüßen, der heute noch nach Südafrika reisen muss. Frühere Präsidentschaften haben es dann so gemacht, dass die Außenminister sich haben vertreten lassen. Insofern wissen wir es besonders zu schätzen, Herr Außenminister Schwarzenberg, dass Sie heute hier sind. Herzlich willkommen!

Wir freuen uns natürlich auch darüber, dass – wie fast immer – auch die zuständige Kommissarin, Frau Benita Ferrero-Waldner, hier ist, die sich ja in der Problematik des Nahost-Konfliktes auch sehr gut auskennt und wie Herr Außenminister Schwarzenberg auch in der Region gewesen ist. Frau Kommissarin, auch Sie heiße ich herzlich willkommen!


  Karel Schwarzenberg, President-in-Office of the Council. − Mr President, thank you very much for giving me the floor in this timely debate on the dramatic situation in the Middle East.

Since the start of Israel’s military campaign in the Gaza Strip on 27 December, we have witnessed a steep deterioration of the situation on all levels. The humanitarian consequences of this operation are dramatic for the population in Gaza. Since the start of the operation, over 900 Palestinians have died, of whom roughly 30% were women and children. We are profoundly disturbed by the loss of civilian life, and the matter has been repeatedly declared in our presidential statements. The European Union deplores the ongoing hostilities which have led to such high numbers of civilian casualties, and we want to express our sincere condolences to the families of the victims.

We are particularly concerned by such incidents as the attack on the United Nations school in Jebaliya and the firing on humanitarian convoys leading to the death of humanitarian staff. Over 4 200 Palestinians have been injured, according to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. According to the United Nations agency, an estimated 28 000 people have been displaced since the beginning of the hostilities. A large number of them are seeking refuge in the shelters; the rest of the internally displaced people are staying with relatives.

The greatest humanitarian needs are related to the large number of wounded and the overwhelmed health services, whereas displaced people and host families need specific assistance such as food, shelter, water and non-food items. Since the water system was badly damaged and needs urgent repair, the Gaza population has hardly any access to safe water. Therefore, providing drinking water is of the utmost necessity.

There are also extensive food shortages at all levels of the population. Since 4 November last year, foreign NGOs’ personnel have not been allowed access to Gaza to deliver and monitor humanitarian aid properly. Also, the number of trucks entering Gaza has increased since military operations started. The current daily average of 55 trucks remains pitifully insufficient compared to a need for at least 300 trucks daily to cover the needs of the 80% of the population which has become aid-dependent.

The European Union has been closely following the tragic events from the outset. Three days after the operation started, foreign ministers met in an extraordinary session in Paris to discuss the situation. They agreed on the need for an immediate and permanent ceasefire and immediate humanitarian action in stepping up the peace process. The summit aimed mainly to assist in ending violence and alleviating the humanitarian crisis. The presidency led a diplomatic mission in the Middle East. The EU ministerial troika visited the region on 4-6 January for meetings in Egypt, in Israel, with the Palestinian authority, and in Jordan. The High Representative also visited Syria, Lebanon and Turkey.

The outlines of a solution to the crisis have started to emerge. First and foremost, there must be an unconditional halt to rocket attacks by Hamas on Israel and an end to Israeli military action, to enable the sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and the restoration of public services and badly-needed medical treatment. The six-month ceasefire, which expired on 19 December, was far from perfect. Israel suffered through periodic rocket fire and the knowledge that its foe was amassing greater firepower. Gaza endured a really punishing economic blockade, totally undermining its economic development.

In order to achieve a sustainable ceasefire, we have to look for a sensible compromise entailing an end to rocket launches and reopening of the crossings. A viable solution must address the tunnels across the borders, especially along the Philadelphia route, to prevent the smuggling of weapons. It must also lead to the systematic and controlled opening of all border crossings to enable the Gaza economy to develop.

We believe that the deployment of international missions to monitor implementation of the ceasefire and to act as a liaison between the two sides could be helpful. In this regard, the European Union is ready to return its observers to the Rafah crossing and to extend the mandate of the European border mission in scope and content. We acknowledge that Israel has agreed to a daily lull to allow desperately-needed food, fuel and medicine into Gaza. However, only a full and immediate ceasefire would allow the delivery and distribution of the large quantities of humanitarian aid that Gaza so desperately needs and for the resumption of basic services. Israel must ensure the unhindered and safe access for humanitarian aid and other essential supplies, including food, medicines and fuel, to the Palestinian civilian population of the Gaza Strip, as well as the safe passage of civilian persons and humanitarian personnel into and from the Gaza Strip.

But even a durable and comprehensive solution in Gaza will not be sufficient to install peace in the region. We need to address broader and more complicated challenges. We need a new and inclusive strategy that addresses the internal Palestinian political situation, as well as a resumption of the peace talks which have been suspended due to the Gaza crisis. Palestinian reconciliation, and a government representative of the aspirations of the Palestinian people, is more necessary than ever. We therefore support the mediation effort undertaken by Egypt in accordance with the Arab League’s resolutions of 26 November 2008.

As pointed out in the conclusions of the GAERC in December 2008, the European Union is prepared to support any stable Palestinian government that pursues policies and measures reflecting the Quartet’s principles. The European Union stresses the need to achieve a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in the Middle East and calls for the resumption of Palestinian-Israeli negotiations and the resolving of all outstanding issues in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, including all core issues.

A durable and comprehensive solution will ultimately depend on real progress in the Middle East peace process. Urgent and great efforts by the parties will be needed to achieve a comprehensive peace, based on the vision of a region where two democratic states, Israel and Palestine, live side by side in peace, in secure and recognised borders.

The latest outbreak of violence in the Middle East might not only set back prospects of a peaceful settlement in the conflict between Israel and Palestine. The political damage the fighting is causing, both in terms of regional polarisation and radicalisation, and in the further discrediting of moderate forces, must not be neglected either. Only a viable Palestinian state will bring security to a region that has suffered for too long. This is especially in the interests of Israel and its neighbours. Therefore, urgent measures must immediately be taken to reverse the damage done by the military action in order to restore the possibility of an equitable negotiated outcome.



  Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, I think we all would have hoped for a better start to 2009. Unfortunately, we face a terrible and appalling conflict in Gaza, which is now in its third week.

It gives cause for immense concern. We discussed it yesterday at a meeting with the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Committee on Development and those Members of the European Parliament who had been in Gaza at the weekend.

The President-in-Office of the Council has already mentioned the terrible statistics of the dead and injured, which get worse every day. There is increasing evidence of victims suffering from extreme burns, and aid agencies report that the population is suffering from acute shortages of food, fuel and medicine, not to mention the destruction of houses and infrastructure.

However, Israel has also suffered losses and has faced hundreds of rockets being fired into its territory by Hamas, targeting Israeli civilians. War, unfortunately, always produces immense human suffering, and this war is no exception. Therefore, beyond its immediate devastating impact, it pushes the prospect of peace much further away, undermines the Arab Peace Initiative and could potentially have a very negative impact on the stability of the whole region.

I should like to outline quickly the diplomatic activity that we have taken together to bring this conflict to an end, and then to look at the mid- and long-term challenges. We have been active from day one, which I think was important. We know that we are not the main player in the Middle East, but we were, and are, an important player. Therefore, in response to the outbreak of the crisis, the emergency meeting of the EU foreign ministers in Paris on 30 December 2008 was very important in developing proposals from the outset – the Paris Declaration – for bringing this conflict to an end, which we then used in our delegation and visit to the Middle East.

Here there are three elements. First and foremost, the Paris Declaration called for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire, including both an unconditional halt to rocket attacks by Hamas on Israel, but also an end to the Israeli military action. We called for a ceasefire to be accompanied by a permanent and normal opening of all border crossings, as provided by the agreement on movement and access in 2005. We expressed willingness to re-dispatch the EU Border Assistance Mission (BAM) to Rafah to enable its reopening, and we also indicated that we were willing to examine the possibility of extending assistance to other crossing points, provided that our security concerns were met.

Second, we stressed the urgent humanitarian needs, which we said had to be met. Here we urged the immediate opening of the crossing points to enable pressing medical assistance, fuel and food to be delivered to the Gaza Strip, to enable humanitarian workers to gain access and for the injured to be evacuated.

Third, we reiterated our position that there is no military solution to this Israeli-Palestinian conflict, that the peace process is the only way forward and that efforts have to be stepped up as soon as we find a durable ceasefire.

As you have heard, our mission was carried out in tandem with a visit by President Sarkozy, who had planned to make a trip to Syria and Lebanon and who then decided to visit Egypt and Israel to reinforce these efforts, still on the basis of our declaration of 30 December 2008. France is currently chairing the Security Council, so it was an important initiative.

We coordinated closely, including a joint meeting in Ramallah, where President Sarkozy outlined his ceasefire plan, for which we – the troika – had to some extent paved the way through our discussions with key stakeholders, particularly Egypt and Jerusalem.

These efforts reinforced each other, sending a strong, united message from the European Union, and the troika not only conveyed this EU institutional position but also manifested our presence. I think it was important that President Sarkozy also went to Syria and then Mr Solana accompanied him to Syria and Lebanon and also consulted with Turkey. I think all of this was needed.

I particularly stressed the humanitarian situation, as has already been said, and I called particularly for the opening of the crossings and also for the possibility of at least some hours of ceasefire to allow the work of the international organisations to be carried out. Israel accepted some of these points, and, in the negotiations with the Israeli Government, I also secured the co-location of an ECHO official in the Israeli Defence Force premises to coordinate the channelling of humanitarian aid with the Israeli armed forces, as had been done in the war in Lebanon, and that was a powerful tool for better coordination.

I would like to take this opportunity to express my thanks to all the courageous colleagues still working in Gaza, to those from UNWRA and ICRC, with whom we are working and who receive a lot of our funding, but also to many others.


I would also like to offer my sincere condolences to the families of those workers who have already been victims of this tragic episode.

The Commission has been spending quite a lot also on immediate humanitarian funds and we are ready to do more in the future.

What have these negotiations achieved? As the President-in-Office has said, they contained the major elements for the latest Security Council resolution, which then, a few days after the negotiations, was adopted with the abstention of the Americans. An immediate ceasefire, Egyptian guarantees to stop smuggling through the tunnels, opening of the crossings for humanitarian aid, including deployment of a force – possibly with international participation and/or the Palestinian Authority’s security forces – policing the 15-km-long Philadelphia corridor between Gaza and Egypt.

We understand that the Palestinian Authority has accepted this proposal and now Israel and Hamas are studying it. We think it is very important that very soon something works. My latest information is that everybody is working very closely on it and maybe in a few days we will really have such a ceasefire. I hope that this will be the case.

On mid-term perspectives, sadly both Israel and Hamas have initially rejected this UN Security Council resolution, but from these daily contacts I hope that an agreement can be achieved quite soon. It is important to say and recognise that Egypt has been playing a leading role in direct contacts with Hamas, and also that in this regard President Sarkozy’s visit to Syria, as well as the Turkish efforts, have been very important.

I also understand that the summit of the Arab countries could take place in Qatar at the end of this week. We aim, as this intense diplomatic activity shows, to support all relevant actors who have the leverage with Hamas to help deliver a sustainable solution as set out in UN Security Council Resolution 1860.

As soon as this ceasefire is agreed, we will have to think, probably in the form of a conference, how to formulate more concrete measures to alleviate the humanitarian needs of the Palestinian population in Gaza. However, we have to be clear in saying that whatever we do, it must not contribute to an endless cycle of destruction and reconstruction with no peace.

Under the right conditions I might come back to you and seek your help to contribute in a meaningful way to constructive efforts, as I have done in the past. You know that Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon is touring the region and hopefully he too can contribute to this final success that is absolutely necessary to getting this lasting ceasefire.

As a long-term perspective, we have to say that the current offensive clearly contributes to a weakening of trust between Palestinians and Israelis. Military operations can never bring a lasting peace; only a negotiated political agreement can do this. Dialogue should therefore resume both between Israelis and Palestinians and among Palestinians.

Once hostilities have stopped, I think it will be important to resume talks aimed at a comprehensive peace as soon as possible. Here we have to work with the new US administration to ensure it is able to support bilateral negotiations from the beginning. In this regard I welcome Secretary of State-designate Hillary Clinton’s commitments at her Senate hearing yesterday. We will insist that parties negotiate on substance, and not just on process, and that the Anapolis process comes to a successful conclusion. This crisis shows that a successful conclusion is more urgent than ever.

The question of Palestinian reconciliation will also be central. It is unlikely that Hamas will be eradicated by this operation. Possibly it will come out debilitated militarily, but strengthened politically. Hamas’s position that President Abbas’s term will end on 9 January is another issue which is closely linked to the reform of the PLO and of Fatah. To achieve lasting peace it is clear that a strong Palestinian Authority needs to speak for all Palestinians and that it needs to be committed to a two-state solution through peaceful means.

The conflict in Gaza also, unfortunately, has potential negative repercussions in terms of regional support for the peace process. Israel’s image with several pro-peace Arab regimes has been dented by the excessive suffering of the Gaza civilian population. Israel’s leaders and the Israeli population should understand how negative this is for their aspirations as a people to live in peace. We are their friends and must tell them that we are doing this. Israel therefore cannot afford to waste any time in reaching peace.

This is my first short, or not so short, analysis, and we will have to try to work in order to get this durable ceasefire in order then to be able to go on and get peace negotiations under way with a new American administration.


  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, en nombre del Grupo PPE-DE. – Señor Presidente, diecisiete días de combate en Gaza han dejado, sencillamente, un balance desolador. Lo más grave, por irreparable, es la pérdida de vidas humanas: civiles inocentes, niños; destrucción, caos, odio, venganza; la causa Palestina dividida; fortalecimiento de los radicales frente a los moderados y un proceso de paz completamente descarrilado.

Porque, señor Presidente, como apuntaba el representante de la Presidencia en ejercicio, se pueden ganar todas las batallas de una guerra, pero se puede perder la batalla más importante que es la batalla de la paz.

Más allá, señor Presidente, del reparto de responsabilidades o de culpas a una, otra o ambas partes, lo más importante –lo acaba de decir la señora Comisaria– es conseguir un alto el fuego inmediato, como reza la Resolución 1860 de las Naciones Unidas y que, como nos acaba de recordar su Secretario General, es de obligado cumplimiento para ambas partes.

Señor Presidente, es preciso aliviar también la terrible situación humanitaria y económica que se vive en la Franja de Gaza, gobernada –lo digo entre comillas– por Hamás, una organización que está en la lista de las organizaciones terroristas de la Unión Europea y que debemos recordar que no sólo es una de las causas del conflicto, sino también una consecuencia de terribles circunstancias.

Mi grupo político, señor Presidente, apoya y quiere reconocer los esfuerzos de todos los grupos políticos de la Cámara en apoyo de la resolución que vamos a aprobar mañana y rendir homenaje a los diputados que han estado presentes en la negociación, muy particularmente al representante de mi grupo, el señor Brok, que tenía una tarea muy difícil.

Mi grupo apoya los esfuerzos de la Comisión y del Consejo, señor Presidente, para que, en colaboración con los países árabes, Egipto en particular, y los otros miembros del Cuarteto, puedan conseguir lo antes posible un alto el fuego.

Y, señor Presidente, estamos muy esperanzados con la declaración que hizo ayer ante la Comisión de Asuntos Exteriores del Senado norteamericano la Secretaria de Estado designada, Hillary Clinton, en el sentido de ofrecer una diplomacia pragmática, dialogante y efectiva.

Por último, señor Presidente, lo más importante: la Unión Europea es una unión de valores y en la cúspide de esos valores se sitúa el valor de la paz. Creo, señor Presidente, que la Unión Europea tiene que movilizar todos sus esfuerzos y poner todo su peso político en aras de esta causa, eso sí, señor Presidente, sin dejar que nuestra mente se enturbie y que nuestro corazón se endurezca ante un conflicto de estas características.



  Martin Schulz, im Namen der PSE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Debatten der Art, wie wir sie heute führen, sind für uns alle ganz schwierig. Sie sind deshalb schwierig, weil Israel ein befreundetes Land ist, weil viele von uns – ich kann das für mich persönlich in besonderer Weise sagen – sich mit diesem Land in einer tiefen Freundschaft verbunden fühlen. Umso wichtiger ist es, dass man mit Freunden über Kontroversen offen redet.

Dieser Konflikt hat bisher in 17 Tagen 1 000 Tote gefordert. Das ist ein blutiger Konflikt, unter dem vor allem Frauen und Kinder leiden. Wir haben eine Resolution der Vereinten Nationen, die eine Grundlage wäre, jetzt den Waffenstillstand zu verkünden und zu verhandeln. Es ist völlig klar, dass der Konflikt nur auf der Grundlage des internationalen Rechts gelöst werden kann, und dass das internationale Recht und humanitäre Volkerrecht eingehalten werden muss, muss für einen demokratischen Rechtsstaat eine Selbstverständlichkeit sein. Es ist eigentlich schade, dass wir darüber diskutieren müssen. Deshalb ist der Appell, dass die Waffen jetzt schweigen müssen, alles, was wir tun können, um die humanitäre Krise zu bewältigen. Das ist nicht irgendetwas, was wir hier in unserer Entschließung sagen, das ist vital, um das Sterben, das Hungern und das Elend unmittelbar und sofort zu beenden.

Es gibt ganz klar das Selbstverteidigungsrecht des Staates Israel. Es gibt das Recht dieses Staates, sich gegen Leute zu verteidigen, deren Ziel die Vernichtung dieses Staates ist. Ein demokratischer Rechtsstaat muss sich aber immer fragen, ob die Mittel, die er zu seiner Verteidigung einsetzt, verhältnismäßig sind. Nach meiner Einschätzung – ich glaube, das ist die Einschätzung der meisten Kollegen dieses Hauses – sind die Mittel nicht verhältnismäßig.

(Beifall von links)

Wir müssen den Freunden in Israel, egal, welcher politischen Orientierung sie angehören, sagen, dass wir wissen, dass die Hamas keine Friedensbewegung ist. Wir wissen, dass in der Hamas Leute das Sagen haben, die nicht unsere Grundwerte teilen, und natürlich ist jede Rakete, die auf Israel abgefeuert wird, ein Angriff, gegen den sich dieser Staat wehren darf. Aber es ist trotz allem ein Irrtum, den Dialog zu verweigern. Wenn der Dialog die Grundvoraussetzung für eine friedliche Entwicklung ist, dann ist die Verweigerung des Dialogs die Perpetuierung des bewaffneten Kampfes, der bewaffneten Auseinandersetzung. Es bedarf also einer grundsätzlichen Korrektur.

Man wird mit der Hamas reden müssen. Wenn Israel das nicht direkt kann – ich habe Verständnis dafür, dass israelische Politikerinnen und Politiker sagen, wir können nicht mit denen reden, wiewohl es im Lande eine Menge von Bürgerinnen und Bürgern gibt, die glauben, man sollte es tun –, wenn Abgeordnete und Mitglieder der Regierung sagen, dass sie das nicht wollen, dann gibt es genügend internationale Vermittlungsmöglichkeiten. Eine ist zum Beispiel das Nahost-Quartett, und innerhalb des Quartetts ist es eine der möglichen Aufgaben der Europäischen Union, eine solche Vermittlung zum Dialog zu ermöglichen.

Es ist ein fundamentaler Irrtum zu glauben, es gäbe am Ende für diesen Konflikt im Nahen Osten eine militärische Lösung. Ich halte das für einen fundamentalen Irrtum der einen wie der anderen Seite. Es wird keine Lösung über terroristische Aktionen geben und es wird keine Lösung über konventionelle militärische Schläge geben. Die einzige Lösung, die es gibt, ist der Dialog zwischen den Konfliktparteien unter Einbeziehung internationaler Vermittlung.

Wir brauchen jetzt einen Waffenstillstand. Der muss durch den Mechanismus, den die internationale Gemeinschaft zur Verfügung stellt, gewährleistet werden, gegebenenfalls mit einer multinationalen Streitmacht unter Beteiligung der arabischen und insbesondere muslimischer Staaten. Das wäre eine Möglichkeit, jetzt zu einem Waffenstillstand und zu einer Verbesserung zu kommen.

Als ich ein junger Bursche war und in die Politik ging, hat man mir gesagt, dass man nicht mit Terroristen redet. Der Hauptterrorist damals hieß Yassir Arafat. Ein paar Jahre später habe ich im Fernsehen Bilder gesehen, dass dieser Terroristenführer den Friedensnobelpreis gemeinsam mit israelischen Politkern bekam. Was damals möglich war, kann in der Zukunft auch möglich sein. Deshalb ist eine Frage, ob wir so weit kommen, dass die Mechanismen, die zur Verfügung stehen, zu dem notwendigen Dialog führen. Wenn unsere Entschließung, die – ich will mich für meine Fraktion bei allen, die daran mitgearbeitet haben, auch bei denen aus den anderen Fraktion, bedanken – von allen Gruppen dieses Hauses gemeinschaftlich getragen wird – ich finde, das ist ein gutes Zeichen –, ein Beitrag zur Verbesserung der Atmosphäre sein kann, dann haben wir einen wenn auch kleinen Beitrag zur Beendigung eines Sterbens geleistet, das für alle unerträglich ist.

(Beifall von links)


  Annemie Neyts-Uyttebroeck, au nom du groupe ALDE. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, il faudra bien un jour dire où est le bien et où est le mal, mais je crois qu'aujourd'hui, il est plus urgent de formuler nos exigences, qui sont: une trêve immédiate avec arrêt des lancements de roquettes vers Israël, arrêt des opérations israéliennes à Gaza et acheminement des secours humanitaires, un cessez-le-feu durable avec arrêt des trafics d'armes et de munitions, avec surveillance efficace de la frontière entre l'Égypte et Gaza, avec retrait des troupes d'Israël et réouverture des postes de passage et enfin, levée de l'embargo, et tout cela, simultanément.

Ce sera une phase extrêmement complexe qui nécessitera sans aucun doute ou très probablement la présence d'une force internationale, et moi je pense que l'Union doit se préparer à y participer. Je voudrais ajouter deux éléments.

Pour réussir, il faudra que l'Union européenne parle et agisse clairement et non pas en ordre dispersé. Les bons sentiments c'est très utile, mais l'efficacité c'est plus important. Il faudra aussi que les États-Unis s'engagent, ainsi que la Ligue arabe et ses pays membres.

J'ajouterai enfin que, pour offrir une réelle alternative à la situation à Gaza, Israël devra améliorer sensiblement la situation en Cisjordanie: 634 checkpoints, le dédoublement du réseau routier, des murs de 8 mètres de haut, plus les innombrables vexations infligées aux Palestiniens n'offrent pas une alternative assez séduisante aux habitants de Gaza pour les détourner du Hamas.

Enfin, je dis qu'inévitablement viendra le jour où il faudra que tout le monde parle à tout le monde.



  Cristiana Muscardini, a nome del gruppo UEN. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, come tutti ovviamente siamo coinvolti e sconvolti da questa situazione, però io credo che ci sia il dovere, almeno da parte mia, di rinunciare a qualunque ipocrisia.

Il nodo comincia da molto lontano: il legittimo e sacrosanto diritto dei palestinesi di avere uno Stato libero passa dall'altrettanto sacrosanto diritto di Israele ad essere riconosciuto e noi sappiamo che Israele è stato cancellato dalla carta geografica di molti paesi. Noi sappiamo che la Francia, l'Italia, la Spagna, la Germania non avrebbero certamente tollerato di essere cancellati dalla cartina geografica, non avrebbero accettato di essere considerati come inesistenti. Sappiamo che non è stato Israele a dare avvio a questa ennesima guerra e che il terrorismo è ancora uno dei problemi principali!

Perciò io credo, signor Presidente, che senza ipocrisia abbiamo oggi il dovere di cominciare a ragionare in termini diversi. Non possiamo pensare che il dialogo con i terroristi sia giustificato dal fatto che sono morti tanti civili, perché questo crea la scusante per qualunque terrorista nel futuro per utilizzare la violenza, la forza e la morte per ottenere legittimità politica.

Io credo che noi dobbiamo, come Unione europea, trovare finalmente una maggiore coesione, la capacità di affrontare anche il nodo dei rapporti economici con i paesi che non riconoscono Israele, garantire i percorsi umanitari che consentono ai civili, palestinesi e israeliani, di essere messi in sicurezza, in questo caso soffrono maggiormente i palestinesi, e detto questo, signor Presidente, credo che sia anche opportuno che vada rivista la posizione sugli aiuti dati e che diamo ma il cui utilizzo é privo di controllo.


  Daniel Cohn-Bendit, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, la situation est sûrement à pleurer. L'espoir de paix et de sécurité, pour les uns et pour les autres, s'évapore dans la fumée de Gaza et sous les corps des morts, et des enfants, et des femmes, et des hommes, et des blessés. Nous sommes plus loin d'un espoir de sécurité que nous ne l'avons jamais été. Tous ceux qui pensent que cette guerre est, dans la logique de l'argumentaire israélien, une guerre qui se justifie par le fait qu'il y a eu l'attaque d'Israël par des roquettes, qu'il s'agit de donner une leçon aux Palestiniens, n'ont rien compris. Ils n'ont rien compris, car, donner une leçon, c'est une pédagogie noire qui n'a jamais fonctionné. Depuis Clausewitz nous savons que qui commence une guerre, doit savoir comment la finir, doit savoir quel est l'objectif. Or, l'objectif de cette guerre, c'est plus de sécurité pour Israël. Et nous pouvons dire, dès aujourd'hui, que l'objectif de cette guerre ne sera jamais atteint par cette guerre et la manière dont elle est menée. Plus on tue de civils, plus on tue de Palestiniens, moins il y aura de sécurité dans la région! C'est ça le drame, c'est ça la tragédie qui se passe en ce moment dans cette région. Et c'est pour cela que nous devons être clairs ici. Martin Schulz a raison: il faut protéger Israël d'Israël! Il faut protéger Israël de la tentation d'une solution qui passe par la guerre et l'armée. Il faut protéger les Palestiniens du Hamas. Il faut protéger les civils palestiniens du Hamas. Voilà notre tâche! Ce n'est pas facile, mais il faut être clair. Je demande au Conseil d'arrêter de penser en termes de upgrading, d'augmenter, d'améliorer les relations avec Israël tant que la situation est telle qu'elle est. C'est une mauvaise solution, ce n'est pas la bonne solution!


Je demande à tous ceux qui, avec raison, prônent un dialogue, une discussion avec le Hamas, de ne pas être naïfs, d'avoir en tête qu'il faut discuter avec le Hamas pour améliorer la situation à Gaza, puisqu'ils ont le pouvoir mais, en même temps, savoir que le Hamas, dans sa stratégie, a besoin de morts. Israël est tombé dans le piège du Hamas: plus il y a de morts à Gaza, mieux c'est pour le Hamas. Voilà une des vérités qu'il faut dire aussi au Hamas. Nous refusons cette stratégie suicidaire du Hamas qui veut faire des victimes, des martyrs pour lancer l'agressivité contre Israël. Cela aussi il faut le dire au Hamas.

Pour finir, je vais vous dire une chose: les seuls qui peuvent régler le problème du Hamas, ce sont les Palestiniens. Tant qu' Israël n'abandonnera pas l'occupation de la Cisjordanie, tant qu'Israël ne donnera pas une solution positive aux Palestiniens de Cisjordanie, de plus en plus de Palestiniens iront vers le Hamas. Si nous donnons un espoir de vie en Cisjordanie aux Palestiniens, ils se révolteront contre le Hamas et ils nous délivreront du Hamas. Délivrons les Palestiniens de l'occupation israélienne en Cisjordanie et les Palestiniens se libéreront du Hamas.



  Luisa Morgantini, a nome del gruppo GUE/NGL. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Rahed ha cinquanta anni, ha perso la casa, tre figli, la moglie e due cognate. Rahed è disperato ed è nel centro che abbiamo visitato. Rahed ha detto con molta angoscia "Hamas dirà che vinto quando è terminata questa aggressione, Israele dirà che ha vinto, in realtà siamo morti noi civili". Io dico un'altra cosa che in realtà lì, con quei corpi morti di bambini e donne che abbiamo visto e che sono all'ospedale e non hanno cure, quelli che sono feriti, più di 4.000, lì muore il diritto, muore il sogno di un'Europa che vuole che i diritti umani siano diritti universali ed è una tragedia questo!

Noi siamo inefficaci. Commissaria Ferrero-Waldner, lei sa che io la stimo moltissimo e so che sta agendo e facendo moltissimo insieme ad altri. Io credo che dobbiamo capire con nettezza e con chiarezza che questa guerra militare, questo militarismo di Israele, porta non alla salvezza di Israele, ma alla sua fine anche morale, come dice del resto David Grossmann quando commemora Rabin, ucciso da un fondamentalista ebreo e non islamico perché voleva portare la pace. Cessate il fuoco! Cessate il fuoco! Me lo diceva un medico norvegese che sta operando ogni giorno e che lavora 24 ore (mandiamo medici a Gaza). Cessate il fuoco è quello che vogliamo!

Allora il Consiglio di sicurezza deve cominciare a far implementare le parole che dice. Sì alla diplomazia, dobbiamo anche usare non soltanto la diplomazia, dobbiamo usare anche gli strumenti che abbiamo e allora uno strumento che noi abbiamo anche per Israele è proprio quello dell'upgrade e mi fa piacere sentire che oggi per esempio il rappresentante della Commissione europea a Tel Aviv abbia detto non è il momento adesso di pensare all'upgrading, facciamo una pausa perché quello che dobbiamo fare è quello di cessare il fuoco. Importantissimo. Penso sia importante e sia un messaggio forte.

Lei diceva protezione e protezione internazionale. Io credo che sia un errore pensare soltanto a Gaza e a Rafah. La protezione per la popolazione civile arriva dal Nord, arriva dagli attacchi israeliani che vengono da Herez. Il controllo delle frontiere è un controllo delle frontiere generale, Rafah e Herez, perché da sempre i palestinesi, dal 1992, dall'accordo di Oslo, i palestinesi non possono uscire da Herez, e lei lo sa benissimo, e neppure gli ammalati escono.

Quindi dobbiamo pensare non soltanto via i tunnel, via le armi che possono armare Hamas, ma via assolutamente tutti i divieti che ci sono per i palestinesi. Cessate il fuoco e apertura non solo dei corridoi umanitari, apertura di tutti i crossing, perché se la gente non ha da mangiare, se la gente non ha il commercio che può essere fatto, allora è davvero pressioni forti perché Hamas finisca di essere e di fare azioni che colpiscono la popolazione israeliana, ma Israele sappia che c'è la Cisgiordania che è occupata militarmente e faccia davvero la pace, non costruisca insediamenti.



  Der Präsident. − Vielen Dank, Luisa Morgantini. Ich möchte Ihnen meinen Respekt ausdrücken, dass Sie zusammen mit anderen Kolleginnen und Kollegen auf eigene Initiative in diesen Tagen im Gazastreifen waren!


  Bastiaan Belder, namens de IND/DEM-Fractie. – Mijnheer de Voorzitter, Palestina is onvervreemdbaar islamitisch grondgebied. Vanaf haar ontstaan in 1987 houdt de islamistische beweging Hamas aan dit grondbeginsel onwrikbaar vast. Ze weet zich daarbij volledig gesteund door de islamitische Republiek Iran. In deze ideologische optiek is absoluut geen plaats voor de joodse staat Israël in het Midden-Oosten. De verderfelijke effecten van dit moslim-totalitarisme manifesteren zich vandaag op bloedige wijze in de Gazastrook.

Illustratief voor de wereldbeschouwing van Hamas is de militaire inzet van moskeeën in Gaza, met alle dramatische gevolgen vandien. Men zie daarvoor het heldere verslag in de Frankfurter Allgemeine van afgelopen maandag. Als Europa werkelijk hecht aan het voortbestaan van de joodse staat Israël ligt een confrontatie met Hamas en haar bondgenoot de Hezbollah in Iran in het nabije verschiet. Zijn wij bereid ons op dat sombere, zij het reële perspectief te prepareren? Want een staakt-het-vuren of tijdelijke wapenstilstand is voor Hamas en consorten slechts een adempauze in de jihad contra Israël.


  Luca Romagnoli (NI). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, devo dire che credo che la grande maggioranza di questa Assemblea condivida gli auspici di pace e le preoccupazioni che sono state fin qui espresse da molti. Credo anche che quanto sostenuto dal Consiglio sia condivisibile e ritengo che la Commissione abbia fin qui seguito un percorso che può essere utile al dialogo: l'apertura dei varchi per scopi umanitari, il cessate del fuoco bilaterale, potrebbero essere il prodromo di un successivo impegno per l'organizzazione di una fascia di salvaguardia internazionale.

Qui forse la collega Morgantini ha ragione, quando chiede che questa fascia non riguardi solo Gaza, ma sia estesa a tutti i territori palestinesi. In fondo ho l'impressione che la Commissaria Ferrero Waldner abbia come auspici e come attività diplomatica, almeno un po', iscrivibile nello stesso solco che ha cercato di tracciare in proposito il Santo Padre. Mi permetto umilmente di condividere questo tipo di approccio: si deve cercare ancora, dopo tanti anni, una soluzione per due popoli e due Stati – questo non dobbiamo dimenticarlo – e per affermare finalmente il diritto internazionale. Non c'è e non si sarà mai una soluzione bellica – l'ha detto anche il collega Schultz, ogni tanto devo ricordare anche lui – e devo dire che indubbiamente non ci sarà mai una soluzione bellica che risolva il problema in Terra Santa. Su questo credo pure che l'Unione europea abbia gli strumenti per sostenere ogni sforzo diplomatico utile in proposito.


  Der Präsident. − Der Kollege Schulz wird sich sicher darüber gefreut haben, dass Sie ihn im Zusammenhang mit dem Heiligen Vater genannt haben.


  Elmar Brok (PPE-DE). - Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, Herr Ratspräsident! Ich möchte meinen Ausgangspunkt beschreiben. Wir haben eine Hamas, die gegen eine Zweistaatenlösung ist, die das Existenzrecht des Staates Israel ablehnt, die sich brutal gegen die eigenen Leute an die Macht geputscht hat, die mit Raketen auf Zivilisten schießt und Zivilisten wie auch Schulen und Moscheen als Schutzschild benutzt. Wie soll man, um die eigenen Zivilisten zu schützen, darauf verhältnismäßig reagieren, wenn die eigenen Zivilisten als Schutzschilde benutzt werden? Deswegen ist der Begriff des Zahlenvergleichs und der Verhältnismäßigkeit in einer solchen Situation nicht anzuwenden. In einem Krieg gibt es keine Verhältnismäßigkeit, sondern jeder Krieg und jeder Tote ist zu viel, und man kann nicht eine solche Aufrechnung machen. Das scheint mir der vernünftige Ansatzpunkt zu sein. Deswegen sollten wir nicht solche einseitigen Schuldzuweisungen vornehmen, sondern versuchen, einen Waffenstillstand herbeizuführen und unsere Hilfe dabei zu leisten.

Ich meine, dass sowohl Ratspräsident Schwarzenberg mit seiner Delegation als auch Frau Kommissarin Ferrero-Waldner mit Hilfe anderer nationaler Delegationen hier mehr getan haben als jeder andere – ich habe die Amerikaner nicht gesehen, ich habe die UNO fast gar nicht gesehen, ich habe andere Mitglieder des Quartetts nicht gesehen –, und dafür möchte ich Dankeschön sagen. Wir müssen zusehen, dass dieser Waffenstillstand zwei Dinge beinhaltet: Der israelische Angriff muss ein Ende haben und gleichzeitig muss verhindert werden, dass neue, bis Tel Aviv reichende Raketen, die aus Korea und Iran kommen, in die Hände der Hamas gelangen. Aus diesem Grund muss dafür gesorgt werden, dass nicht nur das Schießen aufhört, sondern durch internationale Vereinbarungen unter Einschluss des Quartetts und der arabischen Liga mit dem Kernland Ägypten sichergestellt ist, dass diese 15 km lange Grenze so kontrolliert wird, dass keine Geschosse mehr hineingebracht werden können. Gleichzeitig damit muss ein Ende des israelischen Angriffs erreicht werden.

Lassen Sie mich noch eine letzte Bemerkung machen: Dies ist nur der erste kleine Schritt. Wenn Israel es in Zukunft mit gemäßigten Palästinensern zu tun haben will – und dies bedeutet eine Zweistaatenlösung –, dann muss, nachdem dies vorbei ist, endlich dafür Sorge getragen werden, dass die gemäßigten Palästinenser um Präsident Abbas Erfolge haben und der eigenen Bevölkerung Erfolge vorstellen können. Dies bedeutet ein Ende der Resettlement-Politik und von manch anderem, denn wenn die Moderaten ihren Leuten keine Erfolge vorweisen können, werden die Radikalen gewinnen. Hier muss der Ansatzpunkt einer neuen israelischen Politik liegen.


  Pasqualina Napoletano (PSE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, di fronte a questa immensa tragedia le nostre parole rischiano di essere inadeguate. Un esercito che uccide centinaia di civili, donne e bambini, si pone allo stesso livello del terrorismo che pretende di combattere. D'altra parte chi conosce Gaza, anche solo per averla vista sulla carta geografica, sa che nessuna operazione militare poteva essere concepita senza mettere in conto un massacro di civili.

Oggi Israele può dirsi più sicura dopo aver suscitato tanto odio e disperazione? E con chi se non con Hamas, direttamente o indirettamente, si dovrà cercare una via d'uscita alla violenza cieca? La nostra risoluzione rafforza la richiesta di cessate il fuoco già espressa dal Consiglio di Sicurezza delle Nazioni Unite. Invochiamo le parti a rispettarla e chiediamo all'Europa di adoperarsi per renderla possibile.

Il rischio è che questo massacro, lungi dallo sconfiggere Hamas, collega Brok, indebolisca ancora di più proprio l'Autorità palestinese e quelli che nel mondo palestinese hanno puntato tutto sul negoziato con Israele. C'è da chiedersi onestamente cosa hanno ottenuto costoro fin qui concretamente? Nulla! Questa è la risposta che dobbiamo dare se vuole veramente cominciare ad estirpare l'odio e la violenza.


  Marielle De Sarnez (ALDE). - Monsieur le Président, nous avons tous une part de responsabilité dans ce qui se passe aujourd'hui au Proche-Orient. Nous, l'Europe, et nous, la communauté internationale, nous avons laissé se dégrader la situation, nous avons laissé faire quand la sécurité d'Israël était menacée, et nous avons laissé faire quand le blocus rendait la vie à Gaza absolument impossible.

Aujourd'hui, c'est le 19e jour de guerre, 995 morts dont 292 enfants, des milliers de blessés dont certains attendent encore d'être évacués. Des dizaines de milliers de réfugiés qui n'ont plus de maison et ne savent où aller. Une situation humanitaire de plus en plus dégradée: 700 000 Gazaouis n'ont plus d'électricité, un tiers des habitants n'ont plus d'eau, ni de gaz, et cela va faire bientôt trois semaines que ça dure, trois semaines qu'ils vivent ou plutôt qu'ils s'efforcent de survivre. Il y a trop de souffrances, trop de malheurs, il faut que cela cesse, il faut que ça s'arrête maintenant!

Notre responsabilité à nous, Européens, elle est de n'être complaisants à l'égard de personne. Notre responsabilité à nous, Européens, elle est de faire pression sur les deux parties pour qu'elles acceptent enfin de négocier. C'est une question de jours, peut-être même d'heures, avant que l'irréparable d'une offensive terrestre ne soit commis, en particulier à Gaza-ville. Il faut garantir à Israël sa sécurité, il faut garantir au peuple de Gaza qu'il pourra vivre demain, dans la paix. Il faut le contrôle des frontières, il faut la levée du blocus. Nous savons tous ici que, pour obtenir cet accord, il suffirait peut-être que l'Europe, les États-Unis et les pays arabes, qui se réunissent après-demain, parlent tous d'une seule et même voix.

Je veux vous dire mon intime conviction avant de conclure. Ce n'est pas la guerre qu'il s'agit aujourd'hui de gagner, c'est la paix.



  Roberta Angelilli (UEN). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sono davvero molto apprezzabili le parole della Commissaria e del Presidente Poettering, quando ha denunciato senza mezzi termini la grave responsabilità di Hamas nel porre fine alla tregua, ma con altrettanta chiarezza ha giudicato totalmente sproporzionata la reazione israeliana. Ma al di là delle parole, la crisi rimane e restano migliaia di persone, la popolazione civile e i bambini, che hanno bisogno disperatamente di aiuti umanitari.

In tutta coscienza e senza ipocrisia forse dovremmo porci delle domande. Mentre i nostri bambini festeggiavano le festività natalizie, quanti ne sono morti a Gaza? 200, 300, e quanti civili israeliani? La comunità internazionale poteva fare di più? A mio avviso sì! Doveva fare di più! Dobbiamo sentire tutto il peso delle nostre responsabilità! Non basta distribuire giudizi su Hamas, su Israele, sull'inizio delle responsabilità, di chi ha più colpa. Purtroppo, al di là dell'emergenza, rimane l'inadeguatezza dell'Europa. A mio avviso un'insufficienza grave, un'incapacità di costruire un'autentica, strategica e duratura politica di pace.

Oggi, ovviamente, noi dobbiamo chiedere con forza il cessate il fuoco, ma non basta. Dobbiamo porre le nostre condizioni con severità per accompagnare il processo di pace e di sviluppo del Medio Oriente. Chiudo anch'io ricordando le parole del Papa, che ha detto che bisogna dare risposte concrete all'aspirazione diffusa che c'è in quei territori a vivere in pace, in sicurezza e in dignità, come anche ha anche ricordato la collega Morgantini.

Chiudo davvero, presidente. La violenza, l'odio, la sfiducia sono forme di povertà, forse le più tremende da combattere.


  Hélène Flautre (Verts/ALE). - Monsieur le Président, à Gaza, nous avons vu la guerre, nous avons vu la mort, mais nous avons vu des gens, des gens vivants, des gens qui ont le droit de vivre et que nous avons le devoir de protéger. La protection de la population civile, c'est ça l'urgence absolue. Et rien ne peut excuser que tout ne soit pas mis en œuvre pour protéger cette population et je vous le demande, Monsieur le représentant du Conseil, est-ce que vous avez le sentiment, aujourd'hui, d'avoir tout mis en œuvre pour obtenir des autorités israéliennes l'arrêt immédiat de cette opération militaire indiscriminée et disproportionnée? Certainement pas.

Quand les rumeurs de l'opération couraient dans les ambassades le Conseil, contre le Parlement, réaffirmait sa détermination à rehausser le niveau de ses relations. Tragique erreur! Quand les ONG demandent au Conseil de sécurité de saisir la Cour pénale internationale pour instruire la présomption des crimes de guerre, le Conseil est incapable de mobiliser la clause "droits de l'homme" de son accord avec Israël. J'en ai marre d'entendre que nous ne pouvons pas faire mieux, que nous sommes au maximum de nos efforts. C'est en fait l'impasse de votre politique essentiellement humanitaire pour pallier les dégâts de l'occupation militaire et de la guerre, qui est au maximum de son échec. Jusqu'où devrons-nous aller dans les violations du droit international pour faire appliquer la clause "droits de l'homme"? Si nous ne sommes pas capables, aujourd'hui, de nous interroger sur la portée des mécanismes efficaces de pression et de mise en œuvre, je ne sais pas réellement quelle situation justifiera qu'enfin on agisse. Et je vous le dit tout net: si le business as usual continue et perdure dans nos relations avec Israël, avec les mille morts de Gaza, vous enterrez l'article 11 du traité, vous enterrez la politique "droits de l'homme" de l'Union et vous enterrez le projet européen!



  Kyriacos Triantaphyllides (GUE/NGL). - Mr President, returning from the Gaza Strip after seeing the massacre – predominantly of civilians – I feel the urge to express my wholehearted solidarity with the Palestinian people. For 17 days, they have been facing the enormous Israeli war machine that is flagrantly violating international law. I also express support for the peace forces in Israel calling for an end to this war.

After a long closure and siege that converted Gaza into the largest open prison in the world, the building of the shameful wall around the West Bank, the continuous expansion of the settlements, and the effective division of the Palestinian land, the occupying forces have moved to the fiercest military operation. In this, the rocket attacks against southern Israel – and I stress that I am against any attack from whichever side on civilians – served as the pretext. The ending of the ceasefire against the background of the power games in view of the Israeli elections is an insult to a whole nation.

The UN Security Council has adopted a resolution. Israel is a state, not an organisation; it is a member of the United Nations. It has a responsibility towards the international community, and has to comply with this and all other resolutions adopted by the United Nations. There should be respect for international law. No impunity should be permitted any longer. There should be a full international investigation.

The international community demands an immediate ceasefire, the immediate withdrawal of the military forces, access to humanitarian aid, and freedom of movement for the population. Let UNWRA carry out its mission.

The EU has taken steps, but only at a humanitarian level. It has to show decisiveness at the political level. Use the clauses in the association agreements. Stop the upgrading of relations with Israel. Stop arms exports to Israel.

There can only be a political solution to this conflict. There should be a full return to international law, which means ending the 42-year-long occupation of Palestine, and establishing a sovereign and viable Palestinian state, thus building a peaceful future for both Palestinian and Israeli children. To save future generations, we need to stop the war now.


  Patrick Louis (IND/DEM). - Monsieur le Président, il y a plusieurs milliers d'années déjà, David affrontait Goliath pour savoir si la terre était promise aux Moabits, Philistins ou Hébreux.

Actuellement, le même drame perdure sur cette terre, source d'un des trois piliers de notre civilisation. Aujourd'hui, il est urgent, juste, légitime et nécessaire, d'assurer la sécurité et la reconnaissance de l'État israélien. Pour cela, une seule solution s'impose. Il s'agit d'assurer la naissance d'un État palestinien réellement souverain. Ici, comme ailleurs, le multiculturalisme a ses limites. Là où il y a deux peuples, il faut deux États.

S'il y a une efficacité des aides de l'Union européenne, alors elles doivent se concentrer sur un objectif. Celui de faire croître cet État de droit palestinien où la règle protège le faible et oblige les puissants. Il y a urgence tant il est vrai que, sur cette terre, les extrémistes de tous bords sont forts et dans l'erreur, tandis que les petits sont modérés et victimes.

La solution pour transcender la loi du talion n'est ni morale, ni militaire, elle est politique. Alors, au travail!


  Jim Allister (NI). - Mr President, I abhor terrorism. I repudiate the propaganda of terrorism. Maybe coming from Northern Ireland heightens my awareness, so when I hear Hamas bleat because of necessary retaliatory action against its years of indiscriminate raining of rockets upon innocent citizens in Israel, then I am unimpressed because I know that Hamas, like the IRA in my country, are masters of the twin arts of terrorism and propaganda.

The situation is demonstrably clear. Israel accepts a two-state solution. Hamas cannot even abide the right of Israel to exist and thus unleashes endless relentless terrorist attacks upon its territory. And when, after much forbearance, Israel hits back, they cry victim. Sorry: they are the perpetrators and if they want peace the answer lies in their own hands. Stop shelling Israel.


  Ρόδη Κράτσα-Τσαγκαροπούλου (PPE-DE). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, είναι κοινή η διαπίστωση ότι η κατάσταση στη Γάζα είναι τραγική, αγγίζει τα όρια της ανθρωπιστικής καταστροφής και απαιτεί άμεση αντιμετώπιση. Θέλω να συγχαρώ την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή για τις ενισχυμένες προσπάθειές της, την Προεδρία για τις πρωτοβουλίες της και το συντονισμό της εθνικής κινητικότητας που υπάρχει στον τομέα αυτό, καθώς και την Αίγυπτο για το σημαντικό και ευαίσθητο ρόλο που παίζει.

Τώρα αποτελεί επείγουσα ανάγκη η κατάπαυση του πυρός και των εχθροπραξιών από τις δυο πλευρές, η διέλευση από τα ισραηλινά εδάφη και από την Αίγυπτο για την αντιμετώπιση των ανθρωπιστικών αναγκών και ο έλεγχος των συνόρων για την παύση της διακίνησης παράνομου οπλισμού και ανθρώπων. Είναι θετικές οι ενδείξεις, όπως είπε η Επίτροπος, για ένα σχέδιο εκεχειρίας και ελπίζω να γίνει άμεσα δεκτό και σεβαστό στην εφαρμογή του.

Ποια είναι όμως τα επόμενα βήματά μας; Ήδη έχουν αναφερθεί και από την Επίτροπο και από τον Προεδρεύοντα του Συμβουλίου ότι πρέπει να υποστηρίξουμε τους στόχους μας για τη βιώσιμη ειρήνη και τη δημιουργία ενός παλαιστινιακού κράτους που θα ζει με ειρήνη και σεβασμό δίπλα στο Ισραήλ. Αυτά δεν είναι καινούργια. Τα έχουμε διακηρύξει, τα έχουμε υποστηρίξει, χωρίς αποτελέσματα. Ο φαύλος κύκλος βίας συνεχίζεται με συνέπειες αρνητικές όχι μόνο για το λαό του Ισραήλ και τους Παλαιστινίους, αλλά για όλους τους λαούς της περιοχής και για την ασφάλεια της διεθνούς κοινότητας.

Τώρα πρέπει να κάνουμε τον απολογισμό των δράσεών μας, των πολιτικών μας επιλογών, των πρακτικών μας και να κάνουμε βήματα πιο θαρραλέα και διαφορετικά. Είναι επιτακτική ανάγκη να έχουμε, σε διμερές επίπεδο με το Ισραήλ, ένα διάλογο ειλικρινή, βαθύ, μια αυτοκριτική στο πλαίσιο της εταιρικής και φιλικής μας σχέσης, και να εντοπίσουμε τα λάθη που έγιναν στην προώθηση της αμοιβαίας εμπιστοσύνης μεταξύ των δύο λαών. Πρέπει επίσης να ενισχύσουμε ένα τέτοιο διάλογο με όλους τους Παλαιστινίους, να τους κάνουμε να καταλάβουν τη σημασία που έχει η ειρήνη, η συνοχή, η ανθρώπινη ζωή και η ενότητα μεταξύ τους.


  Hannes Swoboda (PSE). - Herr Präsident! Nachdem Ministerpräsident Topolánek heute einige spasshafte Bemerkungen gemacht hat, kann ich sagen, dass ich mich als österreichischer Abgeordneter freue, dass sowohl die Kommission durch eine Österreicherin als auch die tschechische Ratspräsidentschaft durch einen Österreicher vertreten ist. Herzlich willkommen! Aber ich weiß, Ihre Loyalität gilt natürlich der Tschechischen Republik.

Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Als ich in einer Delegation mit Martin Schulz, als Vorsitzender dieser Delegation, kurz vor dem einseitigen Abzug aus Gaza in Israel war, hat der damalige stellvertretende Ministerpräsident gemeint: „Mischt euch nicht ein, das wird alles gut funktionieren!“ Andere – wie der frühere Außenminister Josip Elin – haben gesagt: „Das wird ins Chaos führen.“ Und so war und ist es auch. Ein einseitiger Abzug ohne Verhandlungen, ohne einen Verhandlungspartner zu haben, macht keinen Sinn!

Auch wir waren allerdings nicht wirklich gut beraten, selbst mit den moderaten Vertretern von Hamas – die womöglich gar nicht Hamas angehörten, aber von Hamas in der gemeinsamen Regierung nominiert worden sind – nicht das Gespräch aufzunehmen. Wir haben durch diese Haltung mitgeholfen, dass diese gemeinsame Regierung zerstört worden ist! Ich weiß, dass einige reden wollten, aber nicht reden durften. Auch das war ein Fehler. Wir müssen reden!

Ich mag die Hamas nicht, einerseits weil sie eine terroristische Organisation ist und andererseits weil sie fundamentalistische Ansichten vertritt. Aber es geht nicht um Sympathie oder Nicht-Sympathie. Es geht um Lösungen! Wir müssen daher wieder zum Dialog und zum Gespräch zurückkehren, wie das viele Kolleginnen und Kollegen heute schon gesagt haben. Und es muss eine Möglichkeit geben, dass die Menschen in Gaza ein halbwegs anständiges Leben führen können! Warum wählen sie denn Hamas? Weil sie darin die einzige und letzte Chance überhaupt zum Überleben sehen! Und das müssen wir ändern. Wir müssen diesen Menschen auch eine wirtschaftliche Lebensgrundlage geben, wir müssen den Boykott und die Isolation aufheben. Das ist die einzige wirkliche Voraussetzung.

Der von mir sehr geschätzte, liebe Kollege Elmar Brok hat gemeint, das Prinzip der Verhältnismäßigkeit gelte nicht. Doch, es gilt! Im Privaten wie im Völkerrecht gilt das Prinzip der Verhältnismäßigkeit. Wer das verletzt, verletzt auch das Völkerrecht. Und das können wir in diesem Haus wirklich nicht akzeptieren!



  Chris Davies (ALDE). - Mr President, a friend who knows I was in Gaza just three days ago challenges me. ‘Have you never seen pictures of five-year-old Jewish children facing Nazi rifles with their arms above their heads?’ she writes. ‘They break your heart.’ And her words highlight why we make allowances for Israel that we would not make for any other country.

They do not, however, explain why a people that suffered so much in the 20th century should now inflict so much suffering on another people in this one. Israel has turned Gaza into hell: the ground is shaking with explosions, even during a ceasefire; there are donkey carts on the street and F-16s in the sky, 21st-century killing machines just dropping bombs; 300 children are dead already, hundreds more torn apart limb by limb.

This is not a proportionate response of a civilised power. It is evil. It is evil. Yes, the Hamas rockets must stop. I have said so to Hamas representatives in Gaza myself before now, but let us have no more sanctimonious talk from Israeli officials about the need to fight terrorism, because Palestinians being bombed could name terrorists and they would name Olmert, Livni and Barak.

We have some responsibility for Israel’s actions. On no occasion in the past, on no occasion I can think of, has the European Union ever backed up its criticism of the treatment of Palestinians by the Israelis with any kind of action. We give a green light to Israel to proceed as it would wish and we have compounded that failure by ignoring the lessons of history. You cannot make peace without talking to your enemies, yet we refuse to talk to the elected representatives of the Palestinian people.

Now we are completing negotiations with Israel on an enhanced cooperation agreement. We do not plan to condemn Israel: we intend to reward it. Those who want peace in the Middle East, those who want to see justice for both sides, must recognise that it is time to think again.


  Seán Ó Neachtain (UEN). - A Uachtaráin, tá an cogadh atá ar siúl i nGaza scanrúil agus scannalach. Tá fhios ag madraí an bhaile nach n-oibreoidh réiteach míleata sa Mheán Oirthear. Réiteach polaitiúil isea an an t-aon bhealach ina gcuirfear síocháin agus athmhuintearas ar siúl arís sa cheantar. Caithfear deireadh a chur leis an bhfoiréigean láithreach chun é sin a dhéanamh.

Tacaím le cruthú stát neamhspleách inmharthana na bPalaistíneach, ach ní mór geilleagar réasúnta maith agus plean polaitiúil ceart a chur i réim. Ba chóir go mbeadh sé mar aidhm againn an dá stát sin, ina bhfuil meas ag an dá stát ar a chéile, a chinntiú sa réigiún.

Tá cead ag Iosrael í fhéin a chosaint, ach tá sí imithe thar fóir leis na hionsaithe seo. Tá na hionsaithe mí-mhórálach, agus ní féidir leis an bpobal idirnáisiúnta glacadh leo.

Caithfear an próiseas síochána sa Mheáin Oirthear a chur ar fáil láithreach. Tá súil agam go mbeidh an tUachtarán nuathofa i Meiriceá, Barack Obama, ag obair air seo. Guímid gach rath air sa dualgas mór agus sa dúshlán atá roimhe.


  David Hammerstein (Verts/ALE). - Señor Presidente, yo también estuve en Gaza hace unos días y vivimos una experiencia muy fuerte. Hemos estado también en Egipto. Y veo que estamos en un momento de final de época; se acaba una época, que es la época Bush, y los últimos coletazos de Bush son especialmente dolorosos y sangrientos.

Estamos en un punto de inflexión hacia otra política en relación con Oriente Próximo, que yo quiero que la Unión Europea lidere; una política que incluya el ejemplo de Obama, que dice que va a hablar con Irán. Sí, Obama va a hablar con Irán y nosotros tendremos que hablar con todos, incluido Hamás, en Oriente Próximo.

Se trata de una nueva política en Oriente Próximo que debe condicionar la política de cooperación. La política de cooperación tiene que seguir nuestros valores mínimamente; tiene que seguir, mínimamente, el Derecho internacional. Los centenares de niños que vimos en Gaza, que nos agarraban del brazo y que nos miraban con ojos llenos de esperanza, merecen tener una respuesta; igual que los niños en Israel.

Esto significa acciones concretas; esto significa acciones sobre el terreno, para dar esperanza a los moderados. Lo más lamentable es que hoy en día Fayad, Abbás, Mubarak y Abdalá están siendo acusados de traidores en las calles del mundo árabe. Cuando paré mi taxi en el desierto de Sinaí para tomar un café, en unas pantallas enormes sólo vimos a Jaled Mechal.

Ése es el resultado, el daño colateral de este ataque a Gaza. No traerá la paz a Israel ni la seguridad que queremos, y menos aún nos traerá nada bueno a nosotros. Si no lo paramos, esta apología de la catástrofe nos traerá el odio a las calles mismas de Europa.


  Miguel Portas (GUE/NGL). - Mil é o número de hoje, mil mortos de pedagogia negra. Perdoem-me a franqueza: quantas mais vidas irá custar a eleição de Tzipi Livni e Ehud Barak na eleição de Fevereiro?

Estamos aqui hoje para exigir o cessar-fogo e o fim da matança de civis. Mas a resolução interroga também a nossa responsabilidade. Ela recorda que o Conselho decidiu o upgrade das relações diplomáticas com Israel, contra a opinião deste Parlamento. Foi uma cumplicidade por antecipação. Hoje oiço: É preciso falar com o Hamas. Teríamos ganho anos se tivéssemos respeitado as eleições da Palestina.

O papel da Europa não é o de andar a pagar a política e a destruição impostas pelo lado mais forte. É o de ouvirmos o clamor que está a encher as ruas e as praças das nossas cidades.

Cessar-fogo já, mas saibamos que a paz depende do fim da ocupação. Essa palavra caída em desuso e que deve sair do índex em que a Realpolitik a colocou.


  Kathy Sinnott (IND/DEM). - Mr President, what is happening in Gaza is heartbreaking. That the devastation is perpetuated by a supposedly western nation is unfathomable. I agree 100% that Israelis have a right to live without the threat of rocket attacks. But what is being done in Gaza is not justice: it is slaughter. There is no excuse; there is no possible justification.

The most shameful thing for us in the EU is that it is being carried out by one of our preferred trading partners. In 2007 the value of EU-Israel trade was EUR 25.7 billion. Given the amount of money we contribute to Israel’s economy, we carry a grave responsibility when that money contributes to the death of civilians and children. If we do not act, the blood of those in Gaza will equally stain our hands.

I call on this Parliament and all EU bodies to impose trade sanctions on Israel immediately and to keep them in place until a meaningful ceasefire is agreed. If we do any less than our utmost to stop this killing, we become accessories to the slaughter.


  Tokia Saïfi (PPE-DE). - Monsieur le Président, encore une fois ce sont les armes qui parlent au Proche-Orient. Encore une fois, les principales victimes sont les femmes et les enfants, blessés par milliers et tués par centaines. Encore une fois, l'histoire se répète, dans son horreur, aux portes de l'Europe. Mais nous constatons que malgré ses initiatives, l'Europe n'est pas efficace dans ce conflit majeur pourtant situé dans sa zone d'influence immédiate. Cela devient incompréhensible pour une très large majorité de nos opinions publiques qui refusent de plus en plus cette impuissance.

Nous devons nous saisir, Madame la Commissaire, avec vigueur et autorité du leadership en faveur de la paix. L'Union pour la Méditerranée doit jouer un rôle majeur ainsi que l'Assemblée parlementaire euroméditerranéenne. À ce titre, le Parlement européen doit soutenir le plan de paix franco-égyptien en faveur de l'instauration d'un cessez-le-feu immédiat, la sécurisation des frontières entre Israël et la bande de Gaza, la réouverture des points de passage et, surtout, la levée du blocus de Gaza.

Nous devons demander également l'application immédiate de la résolution de l'ONU. Après cette première étape, nous devons aller plus loin en proposant la mise en place d'une force militaire, non pas multinationale mais euroméditerranéenne. Ce geste serait l'acte fondateur d'une volonté politique affirmée en faveur d'une pax europa attendue depuis si longtemps par tous les peuples de la Méditerranée.

Je voudrais aussi aujourd'hui attirer votre attention sur une situation inédite. Avec le conflit du Proche-Orient, nous entrons, peu à peu, dans une zone à haut risque, celle de la confrontation entre les civilisations. En effet, depuis la naissance du conflit israélo-palestinien, il y a toujours eu une mobilisation de l'opinion publique arabe. Aujourd'hui, c'est une opinion publique musulmane, qui dépasse largement la géographie des pays arabes. Cela indique un changement radical de la nature du conflit. L'Europe a une responsabilité historique, celle de renforcer en urgence le dialogue des civilisations.


  Véronique De Keyser (PSE). - Monsieur le Président, je me suis tant de fois exprimée devant cette assemblée pour qu'on saisisse la moindre occasion de paix, pour qu'on dialogue avec le Hamas, malgré tout, parce qu'il avait gagné les élections, que je ne veux plus revenir sur ces thèmes.

Je suis écrasée de tristesse et de colère, et si je ne veux pas aujourd'hui me laisser submerger par l'émotion devant ce massacre, devant la propagande de guerre que j'entends autour de moi, devant les amalgames, devant aussi la vague de haine et d'antisémitisme qui commence à déferler dans nos rues, je n'aurais que quelques mots. L'Europe doit retourner à ses fondamentaux et pour moi ce sont des évidences, mais parfois il est bon de les rappeler.

Premièrement, la vie d'un Palestinien vaut celle d'un Israélien, mais non seulement sa vie, mais aussi son avenir et sa liberté. Deuxièmement, le droit international doit être respecté et le droit international, c'est bien sûr le cessez-le-feu immédiat, mais ce sont aussi toutes les résolutions de l'ONU, les conventions de Genève. Or, cette région, aujourd'hui, est devenue une région de non-droit où tout semble permis, avec une population prise en otage. Troisièmement, justice devra être rendue pour tous ces crimes, quels qu'ils soient et d'où qu'ils viennent. Il n'y aura jamais de sécurité sans paix, ni de paix sans justice. Et la justice transitionnelle ça existe, c'est fait pour ça, sinon la haine continuera à déferler et nous avons accumulé durant ces derniers jours un potentiel de haine qui sera plus dangereux que les bombes. L'Europe doit faire appliquer les conditions de ses accords de partenariat, y compris le paragraphe 2 des accords d'association relatif au respect des droits de l'homme, et c'est une obligation de ces traités dont elle ne peut s'exempter. Enfin, Israël n'est pas une exception. Il a des responsabilités d'État et ne peut être mis sur le même pied que le Hamas, et face au droit international il n'y a pas de laissez-passer.

Nous avons laissé derrière nous à Gaza, dimanche, une population prise au piège, enfermée dans un ghetto sous les bombes, et des centaines de milliers d'enfants dont nous portons l'avenir aujourd'hui et nous sommes ressortis de Gaza uniquement parce que nous sommes des Européens. Les Palestiniens ne sortent de Rafah que les pieds devant dans des ambulances parce qu'ils sont morts ou parce qu'ils sont blessés.

L'Europe ne sera plus l'Europe et aucun citoyen ne s'y reconnaîtra si nous oublions ces fondamentaux.



  Frédérique Ries (ALDE). - Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, j'ai envie de commencer en me faisant l'écho de ce qu'a dit Daniel Cohn-Bendit. C'est le désespoir qui nous étreint aujourd'hui, cette guerre est une tragédie. Les images de souffrance et de morts qui ne cessent, depuis trois semaines maintenant, de déferler sur nos écrans, sont insupportables, comme, j'ai envie de le dire, toutes les images de guerre, tous les conflits, y compris ceux dont on parle singulièrement moins, pour ne pas dire pas, le Congo, le Darfour, le Zimbabwe et, avant cela, la Tchétchénie dont les horreurs se sont déroulées dans un silence médiatique, et politique aussi, je tiens à le souligner, assourdissant.

J'ai d'ailleurs déjà souligné ici, à plusieurs reprises, l'indignation à géométrie variable de certains de mes collègues. Pourtant Mme Morgantini l'a rappelé, souvent, elle aussi: il n'y a pas de comptabilité dans les morts, pas de hiérarchie dans la souffrance, chaque mort, homme, femme, enfant, d'un côté ou de l'autre, est une victime de trop.

Alors que faire maintenant pour que notre débat d'aujourd'hui ne soit pas, comme souvent, une confrontation un peu inutile, stérile ? Continuer à s'invectiver sur les responsabilités historiques des uns et des autres me paraît stérile justement.

Je parle tard dans ce débat, donc les arguments ont été entendus. On peut certes s'interroger sur l'ampleur de la crise israélienne, de la riposte israélienne, mais en aucun cas, sur son droit à la sécurité. Lequel de nos gouvernements occidentaux accepterait de voir des milliers de missiles tomber sur ses citoyens sans réagir? Poser la question, c'est y répondre.

Au-delà de l'appel, on l'a dit, à un indispensable cessez-le-feu négocié, à la garantie, bien entendu, de l'acheminement humanitaire, à la fin de l'approvisionnement en armes par les tunnels, la vraie question, aujourd'hui, doit être prospective. Les fondamentaux de la paix sont connus, ils ont été balisés déjà à Taba, à Camp David, à Annapolis. Mme la Commissaire l'a rappelé. Pas tous, bien sûr, mais l'essentiel est sur la table et cela implique des renoncements de part et d'autre. Et, quand je parle de renoncement, je rejoins M. Schulz, qui n'est plus là pour le moment. La question n'est pas de savoir si l'on parlera avec le Hamas, mais comment, sous quelles conditions?

La plupart de mes collègues ont parlé 50 secondes de plus, laissez-moi terminer, Monsieur le Président.

La réponse est celle que fit Yasser Arafat, en mai 1989, il déclarait caduque sa charte liberticide et mortifère. Ce mot-là, d'ailleurs, est entré dans le vocabulaire palestinien. La réconciliation interpalestinienne, d'abord, est à ce prix et notre rôle en tant qu'Union européenne est d'amener les protagonistes palestiniens, israéliens, mais aussi voisins arabes, l'Égypte, la Jordanie, à devenir des partenaires d'un accord de paix durable.



  Feleknas Uca (GUE/NGL). - Herr Präsident! Am Sonntag, den 11. Januar besuchten wir die Grenzstadt Rafah im Gazastreifen, die komplett abgeriegelt ist. Das heißt, die Zivilbevölkerung hat keine Chance, den täglichen Bomben der israelischen Armee zu entkommen. Wenn man es nicht mit eigenen Augen gesehen hat, kann man sich nicht vorstellen, wie sehr die Menschen in Gaza leiden und wie dringend eine schnelle, friedliche und endgültige Lösung des Konflikts erzielt werden muss. Wir alle waren menschlich tief betroffen von dem ungeheuren Ausmaß des Leids der palästinensischen Bevölkerung und der Zerstörung.

Deshalb fordere ich erneut und mit Nachdruck: Die israelischen Bombenangriffe müssen sofort gestoppt werden. Der Raketenbeschuss Israels durch die Hamas muss ebenfalls sofort eingestellt und der Waffenschmuggel aus Ägypten nach Gaza unterbunden werden. Die Grenzen müssen zudem umgehend geöffnet werden, damit die bereitstehenden Hilfslieferungen in das Gebiet gelangen, um die Zivilbevölkerung zu versorgen. An der Grenze haben wir auch gesehen, dass Ärzte bereitstanden, um nach Gaza einzureisen, um dort Hilfe zu leisten, aber da die Grenzen geschlossen waren, war dies nicht möglich. Deshalb bitte ich nochmals: Öffnen wir die Grenzen, damit die Hilfe geleistet werden kann!


  Vladimír Železný (IND/DEM). – Vážený pane předsedo, komu se nesevře srdce, když vidí zabité děti raketou. Pocit je to strašný, ale neměl by opravňovat pokrytectví. Která z evropských zemí by projevila tolik zdrženlivosti jako Izrael a po několik let si nechala líbit útok více než 7000 raket, které v každé chvíli ohrožovaly životy více než jednoho milionu civilistů.

Ale obyvatelé Gazy nejsou jen nevinné oběti. Oni nadšeně, vědomě, svobodně a demokraticky zvolili Hamás a jeho chartu. A pod slovem osvobození nemínili osvobození již svobodné Gazy, ale osvobození Tel Avivu a Haify od Židů, destrukci státu Izrael. Volí-li někdo zločince, pak s nimi musí logicky sdílet osud. Zejména, když se ti zločinci skrývají za sukně žen a dětí jako za rukojmí, pokud odpalují rakety ze škol a mešity proměňují na obrovská skladiště zbraní. Vzpomínám na bombardování Drážďan, které srovnaly britské letouny v roce 1944 se zemí a zabily přitom 92 000 civilistů, převážně žen a dětí. Nikdo se pokrytecky nepohoršoval. Němci si svobodně zvolili Hitlera a sdíleli s ním jeho osud. Také Gazané věděli, koho volí a proč je volí.

Naopak v rukou Hamásu skončila významná část prostředků, které z EU do Gazy proudí. Asi proto, aby se Gazané mohli s plným žaludkem a dobrým zajištěním z EU plně věnovat hloubení tunelů pro pašování stále smrtelnějších zbraní proti izraelským civilistům. Velmi proporční!


  Gunnar Hökmark (PPE-DE). - Herr talman! Det finns två viktiga saker som präglar debatten här idag. Det ena är att en överväldigande majoritet av detta parlament vill få till stånd ett snabbt eldupphör. Det andra är att det finns ett överväldigande stöd för att alla parter måste ge staten Israel sin rätt till existens under fredliga gränser. Detta är en utgångspunkt som är viktig för Europeiska unionen. Det är viktigt eftersom det är en tragedi som vi ser i Gaza. Varje liv som går förlorat är en tragedi, oavsett vilken sida om gränsen. Låt oss inte tro att denna tragedi skulle bli mindre för att de som uppsåtligen vill döda civila skulle lyckas genom raketbeskjutningar ännu längre in bland civila.

Det är en tragedi också för att det skapar hinder för förverkligandet av en palestinsk stat och därmed en fredlig lösning. Det är en tragedi som också faller på det internationella samfundet, eftersom det som nu händer inte har hänt plötsligt utan har byggts upp genom upprustning, genom smuggling av vapen och genom raketbeskjutning under lång tid.

Det som för oss är viktigt att se är att detta inte är en tragedi som bygger på en konflikt mellan judar och palestinier. Jag vänder mig mycket starkt mot när man försöker demonisera ett folk. När jag hörde Chris Davies försöka skuldbelägga ett folk, hör jag toner som jag inte tycker ska höras i detta parlament. Det är inte en konflikt mellan palestinier och judar, inte en konflikt mellan Israel och den palestinska myndigheten, utan det är en konflikt mellan extremister och moderata krafter i regionen. Låt oss ge vårt stöd till de moderata krafterna genom att klargöra för var och en som driver hatet och vill eliminera staten Israel att de inte kommer att komma någonvart. Om Europa ger detta besked stärker vi också de moderata krafterna och lägger en bättre grund för fred.


  Marek Siwiec (PSE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Chcę odnieść się do tych, którzy zaprezentowali na tej sali wyjątkowy ładunek obłudy i demagogii. Ta wojna jest kolejną wojną i każda z nich była podobna, a każda jest inna. Ten konflikt, który obserwujemy i o którym dzisiaj mówimy, jest konfliktem asymetrycznym.

Przez trzy lata ostrzeliwano Izrael z rakiet domowej roboty i żadne słowo potępienia z tej sali pod adresem tych, którzy strzelali, nie padło. A dzisiaj potępiamy Izrael. Potępiamy Izrael łatwo, bo jest członkiem ONZ. Jest co potępiać, są władze. Jest rząd, który można potępić i postawić na cenzurowanym. Po drugiej stronie jest jakaś organizacja terrorystyczna, właściwie nie wiadomo kto. Organizacja, która zarządza życiem niewinnych ludzi, za których plecami się chowa. Inny element asymetrii: liczymy dramatycznie zabitych Palestyńczyków, wykorzystywanych jako żywe tarcze, a nie konfrontujemy tego z zabitymi Izraelczykami i tysiącami tych, którzy są zastraszeni, bo nie da się kompensować jednej krwi drugą krwią. Ale najgorsza na tej sali jest asymetria słów i czynów. Nam się łatwo mówi, a bardzo trudno wywołuje skuteczne działania. Bez obecności międzynarodowej ten konflikt nigdy nie zostanie rozwiązany.

Na koniec chcę zwrócić się do tych, którzy protestują przeciwko nieproporcjonalnemu działaniu Izraela. Chcielibyście Państwo, żeby z terytorium Izraela terrorystyczna organizacja wystrzeliła 7 tys. rakiet w stronę Gazy? To byłaby proporcjonalność? Otóż to jest nieproporcjonalny konflikt, w którym stosowanie prawa jest nieskuteczne, i musimy się z tym po prostu oswoić, bo inaczej będziemy się kręcić wkoło i używać słów, które nie przystają do rzeczywistości. Pozycja sprzed telewizora i sprzed palącego się kominka nie jest odpowiednia do tego, aby mówić prawdę o tym konflikcie.


  Der Präsident. − Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich muss jetzt wirklich darauf dringen, dass wir die Redezeit einhalten. Ich habe noch nie den Redner unterbrochen, auch wenn die Redezeit erschöpft war, aber Herr Außenminister Schwarzenberg stellt uns schon mehr von seiner Zeit zur Verfügung, als wir erwarten konnten. Er hat noch bis maximal 17.20 Uhr Zeit, so hat man mir gesagt. Bitte konzentrieren Sie sich auf die Zeit, die Sie angemeldet haben. Philippe Morillon geht als General mit gutem Beispiel voran.


  Philippe Morillon (ALDE). - Monsieur le Président, un apaisement durable ne pourra s'installer à Gaza que par le déploiement, sous mandat de l'ONU, d'une force multinationale d'interposition. Pour la première fois, Israël semble résigné à cette issue qui a été réclamée à maintes reprises par les Palestiniens. Je ne sais quand cette force pourra intervenir, cela ne pourra être avant qu'un accord ait été trouvé entre les parties au conflit et nous souhaitons tous que ce soit le plus tôt possible. Je sais en revanche que cette mission exigera de ses exécutants la plus totale impartialité. Je crois que l'Union européenne sera alors la mieux placée pour agir et – pourquoi pas, Monsieur le Président Pöttering – dans le cadre de l'Union pour la Méditerranée?

Elle sera la mieux placée pour agir puisqu'à tort ou à raison, les Américains sont considérés comme ayant pris le parti d'Israël et les Arabes celui des Palestiniens. Ne pensez-vous pas, Monsieur le Président en exercice du Conseil, qu'il conviendrait que nous nous y préparions?


  Zbigniew Zaleski (PPE-DE). - Mr President, long-lasting conflict and occupation give rise to anger, rage and disappointment at the efficacy of legal authorities, producing something we call the ‘Hamas effect’, as a serious factor. The denial of Israel by Arabs, Islamics and Hamas is unacceptable, as is using children as human shields. Neither should the constant threat under which Israeli children live be allowed.

The question is whether, in this vicious circle of aggression, the present Israeli authorities are able to take the lesson from the six-year-long history in the area, and apply the scalpel-like strategy for two states. I know that they fear the threat from an aggressive and unpredictable neighbour shelling them with rockets, but in this matter the international community, including the EU, could come with help.

Is this risky solution acceptable, today, to Israel? But is there any other solution? If there is, tell me. To expect Hamas to die out naturally, or by bombing them out, looks like a naïve expectation, so more courage is needed by Israel. The Western powers did not create two states in 1948, but they should do so now. The core responsibility does not fade away. Let us be more courageous in this strategy.


  Jelko Kacin (ALDE). - Izraelska država je izraelski vojski ukazala, da v Gazi uniči Hamas. Hamas iztreblja tako, da v Gazi pobija Palestince. Ena tretjina mrtvih so otroci, polovica mrtvih so ženske in otroci – to niso pripadniki Hamasa.

Obseg vojnega nasilja je enormen in nesorazmeren. In kako je mogoče doseči prekinitev spopadov, če oba subjekta ne priznavata drug drugega? Sovražnika je potrebno iz objekta napadanja in uničevanja spremeniti v subjekt, v partnerja za dosego prekinitve ognja, in v nadaljevanju v odgovornega za ohranjanje miru. Izrael mora priznati Hamas in z njim začeti dialog, in obratno – Hamas mora priznati Izrael. Ni druge poti. Vsak mir je boljši od krvave vojne.

Vojno nasilje mora takoj dati priložnost in prednost politiki. Izraelski predsednik vlade Ehud Olmert pa si še vedno poskuša popraviti svoj zapravljeni ugled tako, da ne dopušča prekinitve ognja.


  Jana Hybášková (PPE-DE). - Vážený pane předsedo, vážená paní komisařko, dovolte mi pogratulovat vám k výsledkům dosaženým vašimi společnými jednáními, jednáními trojky v Izraeli. Narozdíl od tisku víme, že to byla právě vaše mise, která přivedla izraelskou stranu k debatě o otevření humanitárních koridorů a každodennímu zastavení palby. Myslím, že je to vůbec poprvé, co je Evropa brána izraelskou stranou jako zásadní partner a české předsednictví jako důležitý reprezentant.

Přes ohromný tlak levice dojednal včera Evropský parlament rezoluci, která je docela výjimečná. I v takto vypjaté situaci je rezolucí vyváženou, rezolucí, pod kterou se může podepsat i pravice, rezolucí, která není jen pamflet či politické vítězství levice. Podařilo se nám, aby nebylo položeno žádné, byť pomyslné rovnítko mezi existující stát a teroristické hnutí. Klíčový cíl, uznání existence státu Izrael, zřeknutí se násilí a vstoupení do dohod OOP ze strany Hamásu zůstává zachován, stejně jako požadavek na co nejrychlejší dosažení trvalého příměří.

Přesto jsme ale nepřinesli žádnou přidanou hodnotu. Tři vedoucí izraelští představitelé Barak, Livni a Olmert se v těchto okamžicích různí v tom, za jakých podmínek, za jakých garancí jsou ochotni zastavit palbu. Jednoznačně klíč je v Egyptě. Klíč je ve způsobu záruky kontroly tunelů, kontroly pašování, která bude přijatelná pro egyptskou stranu. Co dělá v těchto chvílích Rada? Jak postupuje při jednání s egyptskou stranou o technické misi, mezinárodním monitoringu, technické surveillanci, otevření EU Rafah BAM. Co můžeme my poslanci, kteří se dnes večer sejdeme s egyptským velvyslancem, požadovat po egyptské straně či naopak, čím můžeme jednáním s Egyptem prospět?


  Libor Rouček (PSE). - Dámy a pánové, chtěl bych vyzvat Radu i Komisi, aby zesílily tlak na obě strany konfliktu s cílem zastavit pokračující násilí. Máme zde rezoluci Rady bezpečnosti číslo 1860 a je nutno dodržovat její ustanovení. Je nutno přijmout záruky k zajištění dlouhodobého příměří a umožnit otevření humanitárního koridoru. Bylo zde opakovaně řečeno, že neexistuje vojenské řešení izraelsko-palestinského konfliktu. K trvalému míru vede cesta pouze přes politická jednání. Zde je potřeba, aby Evropská unie ve spolupráci s novou vládou Spojených států a Ligou arabských států hrála mnohem výraznější politickou roli, než tomu bylo doposud. Dlouholetý konflikt je nutno ukončit politickou dohodou, která bude vycházet z řešení založeném na vytvoření dvou států, možní Izraelcům a Palestincům žít spolu v míru v rámci bezpečných, mezinárodně uznávaných hranic a bude usilovat o vybudování mírového systému regionální bezpečnosti na celém Blízkém východě.


  Ioannis Kasoulides (PPE-DE). - Mr President, we are debating yet another humanitarian tragedy in our neighbourhood – next door to my country – by two of our partners in the Mediterranean. Alas, the Palestinians have not yet accepted that suicide bombs or Kassam rockets will never deliver liberation from the occupation of their land. Israel does not realise that such an extensive military response nourishes new potential suicide bombers and invites new Kassams at the first possible opportunity.

What about the innocent civilians, the non-combatants, women and children? Nobody cares about them. Nobody cares about children killed, mutilated, burned and traumatised by the hundreds – children of Israel and of Palestine. We, from the comfort of our television sets, feel nauseated watching them. How about those on the ground?

What can we do? Just entering into the classic blame game does not help the civilians. Making calls and resolutions does not help the civilians. How can we pass from words to deeds? The time is right to negotiate with the interested parties the formation of an international force – as was suggested by other colleagues – to go into Gaza with a large police component composed of Arab countries to train and help a Palestinian authority police force in a large UN mandate to impose law and order, as well as a military European force to ensure there is an end to rocket firing and weapon smuggling, and that there is the full opening of the crossings. We can no longer leave the fate of the civilians in the hands of the opposing sides.


  Giulietto Chiesa (PSE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, un grande antifascista italiano, Piero Gobetti, disse che quando la verità è tutta da una parte, una posizione salomonica è completamente tendenziosa. Così è per Gaza in questi giorni, mi auguro che questo Parlamento sappia dire parole adeguate per fermare Israele. Se non lo farà, si coprirà di vergogna di fronte alla storia, ai palestinesi, all'opinione pubblica europea e a quella araba.

Israele sta bombardando e decimando un ghetto. I figli di coloro che furono sterminati sono diventati sterminatori. Non c'è scusante per questo e né vale la tesi che Israele ha diritto alla propria sicurezza. Chiunque, se vuole, è in grado di vedere che nessuno è oggi in grado di minacciare la sicurezza di Israele e la sua esistenza. Lo dice lo squilibrio delle forze in campo, lo dice il bilancio dei morti e dei feriti, lo dice l'appoggio che l'Occidente continua ad elargire ad Israele. Questo eccidio non ha altro scopo che quello di impedire la creazione di uno Stato palestinese. Così si uccide la pace e per questo bisogna fermare Israele.


  Stefano Zappalà (PPE-DE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io vorrei intanto ringraziare il Presidente del Consiglio e il ministro degli Esteri cechi, perché stanno ancora qui con noi; noi non siamo molto abituati a una presenza in quest'Aula così forte come oggi è stata dimostrata dalla Presidenza ceca.

Io credo che abbia ragione la collega Muscardini, a chi non conosce la realtà territoriale e ha l'esigenza per poter esprimere opinioni precise consiglio di andare a vedere sul posto, sotto forma di viaggio turistico o per altre attività. Alcuni di noi sono stati in varie circostanze in Palestina, come osservatori per le elezioni Abu Mazen o altre elezioni, e credo che solo la visione diretta è quella che può dare cognizione esatta di come stanno le cose.

Io credo che in tutta questa vicenda, ma da decenni non da oggi, gli unici perdenti siamo noi del mondo occidentale, perché non abbiamo mai affrontato in maniera seria questo problema, non abbiamo mai cercato di risolverlo e continuiamo a vederlo come un fatto tra due parti contrapposte.

Io credo che nella realtà, sono stato in Palestina più volte, sono stato in Israele più volte, conosco la situazione, non in modo perfetto, ma la conosco abbastanza, io credo che lì le parti in causa non sono due, sono tre, e nel caso specifico il problema è tra terroristi e lo Stato d'Israele e il popolo palestinese è la vittima intermedia. Hamas non rappresenta il popolo palestinese, forse una parte, ma certamente non rappresenta l'intero popolo palestinese.

Io ho un filmato, ma credo che tanti colleghi lo avranno avuto, un filmato che mostra tutte le vittime israeliane, di bambini di tutte le età, vittime di tutti i razzi che sono stati lanciati e continuano ad essere lanciati da Hamas. Non è un caso che ci sia una grande differenza tra la Striscia di Gaza e la Cisgiordania.

Allora io credo, e lo dico al Presidente del Consiglio, lo dico alla nostra brava Commissaria in rappresentanza dell'Europa: bisogna affrontare la cosa in maniera seria. Credo che la cosa più seria fra tutte è quella che oggi va rinforzata la posizione di Abu Mazen, che è la figura più debole di tutti, e in questa situazione, con i palestinesi che non contano nulla in questa vicenda. Credo che i perdenti siamo proprio tutti noi.


  Μαρία-Ελένη Κοππά (PSE). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η κοινή γνώμη σε όλη την Ευρώπη ζητεί ένα πράγμα από την Ένωση: βάλτε τέλος στη σφαγή του παλαιστινιακού λαού. Πρέπει να καταδικάσουμε την τυφλή βία από όπου και αν προέρχεται, αλλά και να είμαστε συνεπείς αναγνωρίζοντας ότι το Ισραήλ απαντά με κρατική τρομοκρατία μαζικής κλίμακας. Η ασύμμετρη ανταπόδοση, η καταπάτηση κάθε έννοιας διεθνούς και ανθρωπιστικού δικαίου εκ μέρους του Ισραήλ δεν μπορεί να γίνει ανεκτή.

Είναι απαράδεκτο να χρησιμοποιούνται βόμβες λευκού φωσφόρου και άλλα πειραματικά όπλα κατά αμάχων και είναι απάνθρωπο να στοχοποιούνται αθώες γυναίκες και παιδιά. Αν αυτό συνέβαινε στην Αφρική ή σε άλλο μέρος του κόσμου, η αντίδρασή μας θα ήταν άμεση και η απόφαση του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας δεσμευτική. Στην περίπτωση του Ισραήλ όμως περιοριζόμαστε σε δηλώσεις και ατελέσφορες συζητήσεις.

Πιστεύω ότι πρέπει να χρησιμοποιήσουμε όλα τα πολιτικά εργαλεία, συμπεριλαμβανόμενης της Συμφωνίας Σύνδεσης, ώστε να πειστεί το Ισραήλ να σταματήσει την παράλογη βία εναντίον του παλαιστινιακού λαού, αλλά και την απαγόρευση πρόσβασης ανθρωπιστικής βοήθειας.

Δεν μπορούμε να είμαστε αμέτοχοι θεατές γιατί έτσι γινόμαστε συνυπεύθυνοι στη σφαγή. Η μόνη λύση είναι η άμεση παύση πυρός και το άνοιγμα ανθρωπιστικών διόδων προς τη Γάζα, αλλά και η έναρξη διαλόγου με όλες τις πλευρές.


  Struan Stevenson (PPE-DE). - Mr President, the horrific events in Gaza during the past two weeks have brought international condemnation against Israel. We have witnessed colleagues during this debate today lining up to see who could express the strongest outrage against the Jewish State.

However, for one country in the Middle East, this was exactly the outcome it had sought: Iran has supplied missiles, munitions and other sophisticated weaponry to Hamas for years. It has provided money and training for Hamas fighters. Its objective was to provoke Israel into a ground war and the bloody result, with gruesome photos of dead children on TV screens and in newspapers around the world, is the best possible recruiting sergeant for fundamentalist Islam and the Iranian mullahs’ vision of a global Islamist movement united against the West.

The fascist regime in Tehran is the main sponsor of war and terror in the Middle East, and the tragic outcome is exactly what Tehran wanted. It distracts domestic attention in Iran from the economic crisis caused by the collapse in the price of oil, and it distracts international attention from the mullahs’ rush to produce a nuclear weapon. Iran’s foreign policy objective is to become the dominant regional power in the Middle East. It wants to unite the Islamic world in submission to its own austere and disturbing vision of a totalitarian Islamic brotherhood, where human rights, women’s rights and freedom of speech are ground into the dust, and, shamefully, the West has done nothing to confront or expose Iranian aggression. Faced with mounting evidence of the mullahs’ sponsorship of terror, the West has gone out of its way to appease Tehran, even agreeing to its primary demand of disabling the main Iranian opposition movement, the People’s Mujahedin of Iran, by placing it on the EU terror list. This must stop.


  Richard Howitt (PSE). - Mr President, firstly, let us be clear that this Parliament will today support the UN Security Council Resolution 1860. It should be implemented without delay. As one of the MEPs here who has been in Gaza through the blockade, a ceasefire and a withdrawal are not enough. Of course we want the rockets to stop and the terrorists to stop their movements, but we must see a ceasefire and an end to the blockade so that the people of Gaza can begin to live their lives.

This is an issue of respect for international humanitarian law. Human Rights Watch and Islamic Relief have told me that the three-hour daily pause is simply woefully inadequate to get in and to distribute aid. It is an issue of proportionality. Save the Children say that the killing of 139 children since the conflict began, with 1 271 injured, cannot be justified as self-defence.

I welcome the statement today by the EU envoy in Israel, Ramiro Cibrian-Uzal, who said that the EU and Israel have put negotiations on the upgrading of relations ‘on hold’ at this time for these reasons. So they should.


  Michael Gahler (PPE-DE). - Herr Präsident! Als Erstes brauchen wir einen sofortigen und dauerhaften Waffenstillstand auf beiden Seiten. Darüber besteht hier im Haus breiter Konsens. Aber auch danach dürfen wir als EU und als internationale Gemeinschaft das Schicksal der Menschen in Gaza nicht allein Hamas und Israel überlassen.

Hamas agiert nicht im Interesse der Bewohner von Gaza, denn Hamas wusste genau, dass Israel auf dauernde Raketenangriffe reagieren würde. Und das nicht nur in Wahlkampfzeiten! Im Verlauf des letzten Jahres ergaben Umfragen in Gaza einen Rückgang der politischen Unterstützung für Hamas zugunsten von Fatah. Offenbar ist es Teil des Hamas-Kalküls, dass durch die große Zahl palästinensischer Opfer die politische Unterstützung für Hamas auf zynische Art und Weise wieder zunehmen wird, aus Solidarität unter den Opfern.

Israel auf der anderen Seite hat nahezu ausschließlich die Interessen seiner eigenen Bürger im Blick. Internationale Kritik zielt deshalb vor allem auf den Umfang der israelischen Militäroperation und auf die Inkaufnahme der großen Zahl ziviler Opfer.

Lassen wir es als Europäer daher nicht dabei, nur einen weiteren Waffenstillstand auszuhandeln und die Reparatur der Infrastruktur zu finanzieren. Ich sehe schon das Berichtigungsschreiben der verehrten Frau Kommissarin: Es ist bestimmt schon im Entwurf fertig und wird dann dem Haushaltsausschuss übermittelt.

Es ist auch nicht ausreichend, auf die Ägypter aufzupassen, ob sie an der Grenze zum Gazastreifen das Tunnelsystem für den Waffenschmuggel blockieren. Ich fordere, dass sich das gesamte Nahost-Quartett inklusive starker arabischer Präsenz gemeinsam in und um Gaza mit Truppen unter einem robusten Mandat zur Friedenssicherung engagiert – im Interesse der Menschen in Gaza, in Israel und in Ägypten. Parallel dazu muss der eigentliche Friedensprozess zügig vorangetrieben werden. Sonst, so fürchte ich, werden wir Zwischenfälle wie in Gaza in immer kürzeren Abständen erleben. Das haben weder die Palästinenser noch die Israelis verdient!


  Miguel Angel Martínez Martínez (PSE). - Señor Presidente, los socialistas españoles vivimos la situación de Gaza con horror, dolor y vergüenza, pero también con el compromiso de defender la paz y a quienes más sufren y de mantener la dignidad y la esperanza.

Horror ante la escena repetida de niños asesinados y de mujeres desgarradas en su infinito sufrimiento tras los bombardeos del gueto en que se ha convertido Gaza. El mismo horror que pintó Picasso en su Guernica –nuestra Guernica arrasada por los Junkers de la Legión Cóndor hace siete décadas–.

Dolor solidario con tantas víctimas de tanto sufrimiento. Y vergüenza por la incapacidad de todos –de nuestros Estados, de la Unión Europea, y de la Comunidad Internacional–, primero, para prevenir y, luego, para poner fin a la agresión criminal que denunciamos.

Vergüenza e indignación por tanta mentira, por tanta ambigüedad y por tanta palabrería. Vergüenza, porque sabemos exactamente lo que está pasando y no actuamos con la contundencia y coherencia necesarias y exigibles. Por ello, la historia pedirá cuentas a muchos como cómplices del crimen, cuando menos por omisión.

Porque más vale tarde que nunca y porque es imprescindible mantener abierta una puerta a la esperanza, la Unión Europea deberá apoyar la tardía resolución del Consejo de Seguridad, pero habrá que hacer que se cumpla a rajatabla, como a rajatabla habrá que cumplir nuestro Tratado de Asociación con Israel, que prevé su suspensión ante conductas como la que se está produciendo.

Por cierto, ¿es Hamás también responsable del bloqueo mediático que no he escuchado a nadie denunciar hasta el momento?


  Geoffrey Van Orden (PPE-DE). - Mr President, I wish to begin by expressing my deepest sympathy for all the innocent people, both in Israel and in Gaza, who have suffered in recent weeks and months as conflict rages. But we need to take care that our natural humanity, our very justified concerns, do not distort our view of the true nature of the situation that we are dealing with.

In Gaza, Hamas has created a terrorist fiefdom: it tolerates no opposition to its views, it has murdered those Palestinians who opposed it, it has split the Palestine Authority, it refused to stop terror attacks on Israeli civilians, it refused to recognise the right of Israel to exist, it refused to acknowledge the peace agreements previously negotiated. I recall the words of Hanan Ashrawi three years ago, when I was monitoring the Palestinian elections. She foresaw the imposition of rule by the forces of darkness – how right she was!

We should not be surprised that a Hamas MP should take pride in stating that death was an ‘industry’ for the Palestinian people. He was referring to the use of suicide bombers and the deliberate use of civilian human shields to protect potential military targets. It is, of course, a direct contravention of international humanitarian law to use civilians in this way.

Faced with such an intractable, callous and hateful enemy, what do we expect Israel to do while its citizens are constantly subjected to terror attacks? The international community took little notice. When Israel took non-violent action, such as imposing blockades or cutting electricity, it was castigated. Now that it has taken military action in reaction to Hamas provocation, it feels the weight of international disapproval.

The sad reality is that the Palestinian people have been atrociously served over many years by those who have control over Palestine Authority areas, by the international community, which has tolerated extremism and corruption, and by the Arab world, which has done nothing practical over many decades to improve their lives or prospects.

We need a Marshall Plan for the Middle East. It is not just peacekeepers that the Palestinians need but a decent civil administration, free from corruption. The civil administration needs to be put under international control but first of all the terrorist lifeline – weapons, monies and political indulgence – must be cut.




  Proinsias De Rossa (PSE). - Mr President, I could agree with what Mr Van Orden says about Hamas, but the fact is that none of what he says justifies the bombing of civilians by Israel. That is the fundamental point: we have to stop the bombing, whether it is coming from Hamas or coming from Israel.

I hope the resolution accompanying this debate will receive a strong vote in this House tomorrow, and I hope it will strengthen the hands of the Commission and the Council in pressuring both Israel and Hamas to stop the killing. Since Israel withdrew from Gaza, it has turned it into the largest prison in the world, and for the last three weeks it has turned it into a slaughterhouse, illegally using terror against terror, killing civilian men, women and children, and killing the possibility of a viable two-state solution in the process.

There can be no upgrading of Europe’s relations with Israel so long as it fails to engage in constructive and substantive negotiations with its neighbours and all the Palestinian elected members, including Hamas. It should be made clear by Europe that any escalation of this war on Gaza will be followed by an escalation of our reaction to that war.


  Kinga Gál (PPE-DE). - Tisztelt elnök úr, Bizottság, Tanács, képviselő kollégák! Cinikusnak tartom, ahogy a gázai válság kapcsán a felek viselkednek. Cinikusnak és elfogadhatatlannak tartom, hogy a Hamász élő pajzsként használja a civil lakosságot, nem kímélve a gyermekeket sem. Cinikusnak és embertelennek tartom az izraeli álláspontot, amelyik önvédelemre hivatkozva aránytalan eszközökkel él, amikor halomra lövi a gázai civil lakosságot, leginkább sújtva és nem kímélve a gyermekeket sem.

Cinikusnak és hazugnak tartom azt a nemzetközi diplomáciát, tisztelet a kivételnek, amelyik látszatot igyekszik fenntartani, de ennyi nap után sem tudja elérni a polgári lakosság, a segélyszervezetek védelmét, és sajnos nem tudja megvédeni a gyermekeket sem.

A gyermekekért emelek szót, mert nem létezhet olyan cél, amelyik szentesítheti ártatlan életek értelmetlen kioltását. Számunkra minden gyermek élete egyformán értékes kell, hogy legyen, a határ bármelyik oldalán éljen is. Ez az alapaxióma, amit minden szembenálló félnek egyaránt és egyformán fontosnak kell tartania, ha valaha is őszintén békét akar a térségben.

Az emberi élet tisztelete, a civil lakosság védelme mint érték elfogadása, a humanitárius segítségnyújtás elősegítése lehet az az alap, amin keresztül el lehet jutni egy tartós tűzszünethez, egy palesztin megbékéléshez és egy tartós palesztin–izraeli békéhez.


  Gay Mitchell (PPE-DE). - Mr President, Hamas unleashed terror on Israel’s citizens and has provoked retaliation. It seems from this distance that some of them relish the new civilian – including child – martyrs and the publicity it gives their cause, no matter how horrible it is for right-thinking people to take that in.

I have never given succour to terrorism, nor am I a critic of Israel, which has a right to peaceful coexistence in the region, but we would have to be turnips not to feel emotional upset and moral shame at what is happening at present in Gaza. The Israeli response is totally disproportionate and the deaths of young children are particularly shameful.

I have not, to date, opposed the new EU-Israel agreement. I believe the advice of the Dalai Lama last month here in Parliament that the best way to influence China on Tibet is to keep good relations with them. I think that also applies to EU-Israel relations, but how can we get their attention to express the level of revulsion felt here at the scale of what is happening?

I may add that yesterday a note on the humanitarian needs of the region was distributed to those of us who attended the joint meeting of the Foreign Affairs Committee and the Development Committee. I urge the Commission and the Council to ensure that a totally comprehensive humanitarian aid package is ready so that we can move in there and help these suffering people at the first opportunity.


  Karel Schwarzenberg, President-in-Office of the Council. − Mr President, one thing that was mentioned at the beginning was whether we should contact Hamas. I do not think it is yet time to do so. In the last months, Hamas still definitely behaved as a terrorist organisation. As long as it behaves as such, it cannot be officially contacted by the representatives of the European Union.

I admit, being an old man, that I have seen many terrorist organisations during my time growing up from their beginnings, becoming more or less acceptable, and being accepted by the international community. I have seen it in Africa. I have seen it in Ireland. I have seen it in many places. That happens. But first of all they have to stop acting as a terrorist organisation. Then I will be ready to speak with Hamas or with anybody else, but not before they have given up acting as a terrorist organisation.

I think it is important to state this, because the European Union cannot give up its principles. There are ways of hearing what their ideas are, there are indirect contacts with politicians in the region who are in contact with them, which is important and good, but it is not yet time for the European Union to have direct contacts with Hamas. I think we should be adamant about that.

In other respects, we should praise Egypt very much for its important role in the last weeks and days for its efforts and hard work on achieving a ceasefire and maybe even an armistice with, at the very end of the process, peace in the region. I know how difficult the question is. We are in contact with the Egyptians the whole time. We know what important work they are doing, and I would like to congratulate them.

There was a question on how we can assist in the region. First of all, those who are on the spot will tell us clearly what they need. It is not for us to decide what we should give them. They have to ask us and the European Union. Many European Union Member States have stated their readiness to help in every possible way – technical ways, sending advisors, preparing whatever means are necessary – but this must, first of all, be with the consent of the relevant states there. That is the first task to be carried out.

I heard one important suggestion, which was to prepare a Marshall Plan for the Middle East. I think it is a very good idea and we should follow it. This region really needs a genuine build-up of the ideas which helped Europe so much after the war.

Ms Ferrero-Waldner and others mentioned what the mission achieved. I think we achieved a lot, and I would like once again to commend Ms Ferrero-Waldner, who did the main work in our delegation in the humanitarian sphere, where what we have achieved still works today. But, let us be clear, even these very difficult negotiations in the Middle East are based on the design already structured during our delegation’s visit to the Middle East. This basically deals with how to organise peace and what is necessary. Our plan is based on what we found out then and discussed with our partners.

There was a discussion about upgrading our relations with Israel. As you know, that was a decision taken by the Council of Ministers of the European Union in June 2008. This can be changed only if the ministers of the European Union decide to alter the decision. It cannot be changed, even by the words of a very respectable representative of the European Union in Jerusalem. I admit that in the current situation it would be premature to discuss how to upgrade our relationship with Israel and whether there should be a summit in the foreseeable future. For the moment we really have more urgent and more important questions to solve. Again, I would state that the decision was taken by the Council of Ministers, and that is it.

What can be done to stop Israel? Let us be frank – very little. Israel acts as it acts and, being a lifelong friend of Israel, which I state today and I state quite frankly, I am not so happy with what it is doing at the moment. I think its politics are also harming Israel. That is one thing, but the European Union does have very few possibilities, other than speaking very clearly and very honestly and asking our partners to stop it. The solution has to be found by our partners in the Middle East, by Israel, by Egypt and the others involved. The European Union can help there. The European Union can assist by offering every type of help if a ceasefire is agreed to achieve the stated aims: closing the smuggling passes, closing the tunnels, guarding the sea etc. It can help in Gaza in many ways, such as reconstruction or assisting with humanitarian aid. The European Union can do all that, but, to be quite honest, we do not have the power and means to say ‘stop’. Does Parliament think we can send a huge armed force to the Middle East to stop the fighting parties? No. We do not have the possibilities, and both Israel and Hamas are dependent on powers other than European powers. Israel has mighty allies outside of Europe too. There are limits on our power to achieve something. We can help, we can assist, we can offer our good services and we can be very engaged. In that respect, we have achieved quite a lot. But do not overstate our possibilities.


  Sajjad Karim (PPE-DE). - Mr President, Israel states it is exercising its right to self-defence. In that case, the rudiments of the just war principles, including proportionality, must be adhered to.

The fact that Israel is ignoring this is patently clear, and for us to ignore this fact is patently wrong. The use of phosphorus on civilians with the claim of civilisation is not compatible.

Clearly, the EU alone cannot resolve this. But there is a white elephant in the room. We need the resolve of the USA. Their disappointing response has been imbalanced and unjust. The timing of these actions by Israel has been strategically calculated, but, Mr Obama, 20 January is fast approaching. The world is waiting and the EU is a willing partner!

Will you restore those values we share with you or will you allow such injustice to prevail – yet again? Will you work with us to provide protection for all concerned? The Palestinians ask you – how can it be right that your country asks for humanitarian aid on the ground, but remains silent when there are only bombs from the skies?

Colleagues wanting to break Hamas with military means alone: go and see Gaza and the West Bank. Reawaken your basic humanity and you will see why Hamas gains strength.

This is not the way to help Israel or Palestinians. An immediate ceasefire is only a necessary start.


  Colm Burke (PPE-DE). - Mr President, it is very clear that the parties to this conflict are failing to respect international humanitarian law and that the civilian population of Gaza is consequently paying a very heavy price. There must be accountability in international law where such warfare principles as proportionality and non-discrimination are not respected. One of the tenets of a just war provides that conduct should be governed by the principle of proportionality. The force used must be proportional to the wrong endured. Unfortunately we have seen a large degree of carelessness by the Israelis. While acknowledging the fact that Hamas began the rocket attacks against Israel, the Israeli reaction has, in my opinion, been disproportionate. The numbers speak for themselves: over 900 Palestinians have been killed in contrast to a much smaller number of Israelis. Israel must realise its responsibility to measure its use of force right away in compliance with international law.

On the other hand, it cannot be overlooked that Hamas is still listed as a terrorist organisation by the EU and continues to refuse to renounce its arms struggle. Not only that, but Hamas has consistently declined to recognise Israel’s right to exist. Hamas and other Palestinian armed groups must recognise that the people of southern Israel have a right to live without bombardment.


  Nickolay Mladenov (PPE-DE). - Mr President, for all those who observe the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, this might be a time in which we are tempted to put our hands in the air and scream in despair. I do not think we should, however, because I think the greatest test of our humanity today is to really understand the issues at hand.

The first issue is that there can be no lasting solution to this conflict without stopping the bombardment of Israel. The second issue is that there cannot be a lasting solution to this conflict without opening Gaza to humanitarian aid. Indeed, President Peres has been absolutely right in saying that Gaza should be open for aid and not enclosed for rockets.

I think this is quintessential, and everyone agrees to this. There cannot be a return to the status quo ante, and I think we could do a number of things here. Firstly Parliament can bring both sides together to talk; secondly we should stand behind the Commission and the Council and support their efforts; and finally we should firmly support the Egyptian track of negotiations, because that is the only track that can lead to a solution and to the ceasefire which we currently all hope for.


  Neena Gill (PSE). - Mr President, it is not just the Members of this House who have been outraged by developments in Gaza. The European public have also been outraged by the suffering of the people in Gaza and the Israeli blockade for far too long. Added to this are the constant attacks and the terrifying Israeli military assaults on innocent civilians, especially women and children. The calls by the world community for an immediate ceasefire are falling on deaf ears.

Palestinians need urgent access to food, medical aid and security. Israel must, at the very least, respect the principles of international law. Unless it does so, Israel should lose any remaining support it has from the international community.

It is unfortunate that the UN’s resolution has been sidelined. It is also regrettable that the EU still needs to find a role. Perhaps it can do so if it takes stronger measures than it has done so far. It is not enough just to put the upgrading of the relationship on ice. We have leverage. We are a major trading partner. We are a major funder in that region. So we are able to exercise that role.


  Marios Matsakis (ALDE). - Mr President, is it ethically acceptable and is it excusable in international law that, in its endeavour to neutralise Hamas terrorists, the State of Israel can embark on a major military campaign of terror and gross violation of UN conventions and human rights against 1.5 million trapped, innocent civilians? Is such action consistent with our own EU values of justice and democracy? Is the Israeli lobby so strong that it can cause the US and the EU to – in effect – stand idle and just watch unspeakable atrocities being committed in the name of the fight against terror?

If the answer to these questions is yes, then we should all commend as brave the Israeli Government for their action in Gaza. If the answer is no, then we should strongly and clearly condemn Israel and must take swift and effective steps against it, including trade sanctions, in order to end the carnage in Gaza today and in the future. I disagree strongly with the minister who left, who said that we can in effect do very little. We can do a lot and we must.


  Christopher Beazley (PPE-DE). - Mr President, I was elected to this House 25 years ago. This is probably the most important debate in which I have taken part. Madam Commissioner, I hope you listened very carefully to the Foreign Affairs Committee last night and to this Parliament today. I hope you may reply in your debate to say, unlike President-in-Office Schwarzenberg, that there is moral power that the European Union may exert on the aggressor on this particular occasion.

The Israeli people are a just and honourable people who have suffered miserably throughout the centuries in this continent. They will understand your recommendation to the Council of Ministers now that the EU should withdraw any contact with the Israeli authorities until they stop the bombing.


  Antonio Masip Hidalgo (PSE). - Señor Presidente, hemos de decir con clara rotundidad a Israel que deje de matar y que permita sanar a los heridos y alimentar a los damnificados; y que su actitud contra el Derecho internacional tiene que tener consecuencias en sus relaciones con Europa.

Quiero saludar a los escasos jóvenes cooperantes europeos que sufren junto al pueblo de Gaza, en particular a Alberto Arce. Ellos representan lo mejor de los valores de solidaridad y libertad de esta Europa nuestra, que tiene que ser consecuente en este conflicto tan terrible.


  Margrete Auken (Verts/ALE). - Hr. formand! Jeg vil bare sige to ting. Det ene er, at jeg vil minde om, at der i vores beslutning udtrykkelig står og er gentaget, at vi har udsat vores tilslutning til opgradering, og jeg håber meget, at det ikke bliver formandskabets ord, der kommer til at afgøre, at vi bare fortsætter, som om ingenting var sket. Det andet er, at Israel ikke på noget tidspunkt har leveret, hvad de har lovet i forhold til forhandlingerne. Der var ingen våbenhvile, fordi Israel overhovedet ikke ophævede sin blokade i den periode, og det skal også siges her, at efter Annapolis, hvor Israel havde lovet at stoppe for bosættelserne, hvad skete der? Man satte simpelthen bosættelsestempoet op. Der er aldrig blevet bygget bosættelser så hurtigt som efter Annapolis. Og jeg tror, at så længe der ikke sker nogen fremskridt på jorden, så får vi aldrig nogen sinde Hamas til at opføre sig i overensstemmelse med de regler, vi vil have, og derfor skal vi altså sikre, at Israel opfylder sin del af det.


  Peter Šťastný (PPE-DE). - Mr President, yesterday we had a joint meeting of the Delegations for Relations with Israel and with the PLC, and one can imagine the intensity, emotion, accusations – and the suggested solutions – after 18 days of war in Gaza and around 1 000 deaths.

The fact is that Israel, after eight years of waiting and absorbing around 8 000 missiles that terrorised one million citizens along the Gaza borders, finally ran out of patience. They began securing safety for their citizens, as is their full right and obligation. Hamas is a terrorist organisation and is the clear culprit and a burden for the Palestinian people in Gaza. The solution lies in an invigorated Quartet and particularly in redoubling the joint effort between the new US administration and a stronger and more integrated EU.

I welcome the Czech presidency, its priorities and its immediate and active involvement in the region.


  Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE-DE). - Conflictul, care durează de foarte multă vreme, are la bază probleme de teritoriu, dar şi diferende culturale tratate uneori cu exagerare. Soluţia pe termen lung este un stat israelian protejat şi sigur, alături de un stat palestinian durabil. La această soluţie nu se poate ajunge însă prin atacuri teroriste sau prin acţiuni armate.

Pentru a putea atinge un nivel de viaţă normal, poporul palestinian trebuie să îşi creeze un stat bazat pe instituţii democratice şi pe "rule of law", care să asigure dezvoltarea economică; trebuie să renunţe la acţiuni teroriste şi să se preocupe de crearea unui climat politic normal, care să permită alegerea la conducerea statului a unor politicieni care să dorească cu adevărat soluţionarea conflictului prin negocieri.


  Bairbre de Brún (GUE/NGL). - A Uachtaráin, is mian liom tacú leo siúd atá ag cáineadh na n-ionsaithe agus mo dhlúthpháirtíocht a léiriú le muintir Gaza.

Deir an tAire Schwarzenburg nach féidir leis an Aontas Eorpach mórán a dhéanamh. Ba chóir don Aontas Eorpach uasghrádú caidrimh le hIosrael a thréigean agus ba chóir na comhaontuithe atá i bhfeidhm faoi láthair a chur ar ceal go dtí go gcomhlíonann Iosrael a dhualgais faoi dhlí idirnáisiúnta.

Fiú roimh na hionsaithe mímhorálta ar na mallaibh chonaiceamar blianta de phionós comhchoiteann ar mhuintir na Palaistíne. Is ábhar uafáis ar fad é scála agus cineál na n-ionsaithe ar Gaza déanta ag arm nua-aimseartha in éadan daoine faoi léigear atá lag cheana féin mar gheall ar leithlis agus imshuí. Tá an locht a cuireadh ar na daoine céanna úd contráilte – is gá dúinn bheith soiléir agus sinn á rá gurb iad na híospartaigh is mó ansin ná daoine, muintir neamhchiontacha Gaza.


  Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE-DE). - Z wielkim bólem obserwujemy to, co się dzieje w strefie Gazy. Nie popieramy sposobu walki i prowokacji Hamasu, lecz Izrael wybrał nieproporcjonalną drogę rozwiązania sporu z narodem palestyńskim. Z pewnością są tu pogwałcone zasady prawa międzynarodowego. Żadna ze stron konfliktu nie myśli o pokoju dla drugiej strony. Obie strony widzą tylko interes własny – to egoizm narodowy.

Opinia międzynarodowa nie zgadza się na dalszy ciąg tej wojny. Unia Europejska oraz ONZ przy wsparciu wielu krajów powinny zdecydowanie interweniować. Czas zakończyć tę nieszczęśliwą wojnę. Wojsko izraelskie ma powrócić do swoich koszar. Hamas ma zaprzestać wyrzucać rakiety na teren Izraela. Trzeba koniecznie zagwarantować większą pomoc humanitarną dla ludności cywilnej, otoczyć opieką rannych, których – jak podają źródła – jest ok. 3000. Trzeba odbudować i przywrócić kraj do normalnego życia. O taki scenariusz proszę obecne przewodnictwo Unii i Komisję Europejską.


  Hannes Swoboda (PSE). - Mr President, I would just like to ask whether we will still be having a debate on gas today or whether it has been deleted from the agenda. We are waiting here. There is not only a Middle East debate but also one on gas on the agenda. Has it been deleted from the agenda?


  El Presidente. − Ese punto sigue en el orden del día.


  Aurelio Juri (PSE). - Mene je zadnji nastop zunanjega ministra predsedujoče Češke razočaral. In seveda vso upanje lahko polagamo samo v našo komisarko. Kajti števec mrtvih se dopolnjuje. In če bomo tako govorili, bo čez teden verjetno že 1500 mrtvih.

S Hamasom se je težko pogovarjati. Imamo ga na spisku terorističnih organizacij, do njega je težko ukrepati. Ampak Izrael je naš prijatelj, Izrael je naš partner in pomemben član mednarodne skupnosti. In se mora držati mednarodnih sklepov, se mora držati sklepov Združenih narodov in tudi priporočil prijateljev in partnerjev. Če se tega ne drži, pa morajo prijatelji in partnerji biti sposobni obsoditi njegovo dejanje in mu tudi zagroziti s sankcijami.


  Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, I will be brief because it was a very long debate. Let me say first of all, as a member of the Middle East Quartet for four years now, the European Union has a role to play, but of course we do not have the strongest role to play. That is sometimes frustrating for all of us, particularly in such a difficult moment when you would like to immediately achieve a durable and sustainable ceasefire as we have proposed, but when it can, unfortunately, not be achieved so quickly.

I would like to give you, at least tentatively, the latest information that I got now, which is in the news, saying that sources in Egypt close to negotiations report that Hamas is reacting favourably to the latest Egyptian proposals. There is movement in any case. I am not yet sure whether this is really confirmed, but there will also be a Hamas press conference in the evening at 20.00. Hopefully things will go forward. At least, this is what we all want.

Second, despite all the frustrations, we have no other possibility than to go on working for peace. This is what we will do. I am committed to that as long as I am a member of this Middle East Quartet. We can only achieve it together and we also have to help and enhance Palestinian reconciliation efforts, because only then will it be possible to totally avoid the anomaly of Gaza.

Third, as soon as there is a ceasefire we will try to do everything to totally restore the basic services to the population that have been so badly disrupted. I think, most importantly, what is necessary now is to put an end to this destruction and to go for reconstruction and try to come to peace.

We have talked at length about this, so I will not extend myself, but this is my spirit and I hope there is a good moment.


  El Presidente. − Par cerrar el debate se ha presentato una propuesta de resolución (1) de conformidade con el apartado 2 del artículo103 del Reglamento. Se cierra el debate.

Declaraciones por escrito (artículo 142 del Reglamento)


  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Perante a barbárie que se abateu sobre o povo palestiniano na Faixa de Gaza - que a recente resolução do Conselho de Direitos Humanos da ONU denúncia e condena -, o que se impõe e exige é:

- A firme denúncia das violações dos direitos humanos e dos crimes perpetrados pelo exército israelita, do terrorismo de estado de Israel!

- A clara condenação da cruel agressão de Israel ao povo palestiniano, que nada pode justificar!

- O fim da agressão e do desumano bloqueio imposto à população da Faixa de Gaza!

- O premente socorro humanitário à população palestiniana!

- A retirada das tropas israelitas de todos os territórios palestinianos ocupados!

- O respeito do direito internacional e das resoluções da ONU por parte de Israel, o fim da ocupação, dos colonatos, do muro de segregação, dos assassinatos, das detenções, da exploração, das inúmeras humilhações que inflige ao povo palestiniano!

- Uma paz justa, que só é possível pelo respeito do inalienável direito do povo palestiniano a um Estado independente e soberano, com as fronteiras de 1967 e capital em Jerusalém Leste!

Na Palestina há um colonizador e um colonizado, um agressor e uma vítima, um opressor e um oprimido, um explorador e um explorado. Israel não pode continuar impune!


  Tunne Kelam (PPE-DE), in writing. The reaction to the conflict in Gaza has to be more balanced than it currently is. No excessive violence can be excused, yet we have to look deeper into the origins of the conflict.

Negotiations with Hamas as it is are not possible. A terrorist grouping which is cynically using its own people as a shield against attacks is not interested in negotiating a true peace.

Furthermore, we need to take into account that Hamas has assumed an important role in the chain of terrorist movements which lead to Hezbollah and the Tehran terrorist regime. So Hamas has to be seen as part of wider efforts to destroy the fragile stability in the Middle East and substitute this with fundamentalist extremist regimes that allow in principle no right of existence for Israel.

Indeed, we need to understand that the question of Israel’s security is also linked to the EU’s security.

The EU must exercise its authority to address first and foremost the roots of the conflict. To avoid further killing of Arabs and Israelis, the Arab partners have to recognise unconditionally Israel’s right to existence and contribute to stopping the infiltration of extremist movements and even more deadly weapons to this region.


  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE-DE), kirjallinen. Arvoisa puhemies,

Se on vastaansanomatonta: Gazan ja Etelä-Israelin siviiliväestöltä on riistetty oikeus ihmisarvoiseen elämään. Eräs uutistoimisto kertoi tarinan kahdesta lapsesta, jotka olivat aikeissa ylittää tien Gazassa. Lapset eivät katso oikealla tai vasemmalle tarkistaakseen tien turvallisuuden - he katsovat ylös, pelkäävät taivasta.

Gazan valtavaan humanitääriseen kriisiin on ehdottomasti kaksi syyllistä. Hamasin vastuuton toiminta palestiinalaisalueilla, raukkamainen piiloutuminen siviiliväestön joukkoon ja provokaatio raketti-iskuineen ovat osoitus nykyisen palestiinalaishallinnon kestätämättömyydestä. Israelin suhteeton hyökkäys jo ennestään hauraalle ja epätoivoiselle palestiinalaisalueelle on uusi osoitus välinpitämättömyydestä kansainvälisiä humanitäärisiä velvoitteita kohtaan.

On vaadittava tämän mielettömyyden loppumista, välitöntä ja pysyvää tulitaukoa. Israelin olisi ensitilassa sallittava humanitäärisen avun toimittaminen Gazaan, jonka elinolojen parantaminen on myös pitkällä aikavälillä yksi rauhan poluista.

Lähi-idän kvartetti tarvitsee ryhtiliikkeen, jossa Yhdysvaltain uusi hallintokin voisi näyttää suuntaa. Egyptillä on rajakysymysten vuoksi erityinen vastuu, ja sen välittäjän rooli unionin kanssa on ollut toivekas.

Maailman historia osoittaa, että rauhan etsintä lopulta palkitaan. Me emme saa luovuttaa, sopeutua tai totuttautua ajatukseen ratkaisemattomasta konfliktista, sillä sellaista ei ole. Rauhannobelisti Ahtisaarta mukaillen, rauha on tahdon asia. Tähän tahtoon kansainvälinen yhteisö voi kannustaa ja painostaa - mutta se ja pysyvä rauha voi löytyä vain osapuolista.

Arvoisa komission jäsen, viekää Euroopalta viestiä: Pyhän maan kansat, tahtokaa rauhaa.


  Mairead McGuinness (PPE-DE), in writing. There is something disturbing about a world apparently helpless to save innocent children from being blown apart in war.

Despite all the words, there has been no let-up in the bombardment of Gaza, which has, so far, resulted in the deaths of 139 children and injury to 1 271. Sadly, these shocking numbers will increase.

Hamas rocket attacks on Israel have provoked the response it desired – counter-attacks and the loss of civilian life and a further entrenchment of positions.

I deplore that innocent civilians are used as human shields. This has to stop.

I do not apportion blame – there is wrong on both sides, but I do stress the need for an immediate and effective ceasefire.

It is vital to allow unimpeded access for humanitarian assistance and aid to Gaza without delay.

Would that humanity could only see the futility of such wars.

Every image of the dead in Gaza inflames people across the Arab world, and I am worried that the essential tenet of the Middle East peace process is slipping away: the so-called two-state solution, an independent Palestinian state coexisting in peace with Israel. It is incumbent on the international community to redouble its efforts to find a solution.


  Esko Seppänen (GUE/NGL), kirjallinen. Olemme aikalaisina todistamassa siviilien joukkomurhaa, jota israelilaiset sotilaat toimeenpanevat Gazassa. Ummistamme silmämme, tai tarkemmin ilmaistuna monet oikeistolaiset edustajat ummistavat, siltä, mitä on tapahtumassa. Se ei voisi tapahtua ilman, että USA:n ja EU:n poliittinen oikeistoeliitti ummistaa silmänsä. Silmänsä ummistajat myös aseistavat siviilien tappajat.

On aika nostaa esille kysymys diplomaattisuhteiden katkaisemisesta kansanmurhaajiin ja etnisiin puhdistajiin.


  Csaba Sógor (PPE-DE), írásban. Aggodalommal tölt el, ami a Közel-Keleten történik. Mi szükséges a békéhez? Hány civil áldozat szükséges a valós fegyverszünethez? Bosznia-Hercegovinában legalább 10.000 kellett, hogy béketárgyalások legyenek, hogy békefenntartók érkezzenek a helyszínre, és megkezdődjék a leszerelés.

A napokban emlékeztünk meg Nagyenyed pusztulásáról. Ebben az erdélyi városban és környékén 160 évvel ezelőtt több ezer ártatlan civilt mészároltak le, gyermekeket, asszonyokat is. Azóta sem sikerült a többségiekkel együtt emlékezni az áldozatokra.

De talán eljön az idő, amikor izraeliek és palesztinok nemcsak együtt emlékeznek meg egymás áldozatairól, de együtt építenek tartós békét és jövőt is.

Addig is az EU számára marad a felelős példamutatás. Sokat kell tennünk a megbékélésért Európában is. Egyenrangú együttműködésre van szükség többség és kisebbség között. A legkevesebb az, hogy együtt emlékezzünk meg az áldozatokról. Az egyéni és kisebbségi jogok tiszteletben tartása terén ugyancsak sok tennivalónk van az EU-n belül is.


  Andrzej Jan Szejna (PSE), na piśmie. W trakcie styczniowego posiedzenia plenarnego Parlament Europejski przyjął rezolucję w sprawie konfliktu w Strefie Gazy. Obydwie strony konfliktu zostały przede wszystkim wezwane do natychmiastowego i trwałego zawieszenia broni oraz zakończenia działań wojskowych (izraelskiej operacji wojskowej i ostrzału rakietowego Izraela przez Hamas), które od dłuższego czasu uniemożliwiają udzielenie pomocy i wsparcia humanitarnego mieszkańcom objętego wojną terytorium.

Konflikt pochłoną już tysiąc ofiar, od prawie trzech tygodni cierpią cywile, w tym kobiety i dzieci. Brakuje podstawowych środków do życia jak woda pitna czy żywność. Atakowane są obiekty ONZ.

Rezolucja wzywa do przestrzegania prawa międzynarodowego, które rozwiązałoby istniejący konflikt. Izrael jest naszym przyjacielem, jako państwo ma prawo do obrony, jednak trzeba stanowczo stwierdzić i podkreślić, iż w tym przypadku podejmowane przez nie środki są daleko nieproporcjonalne. Izrael powinien rozmawiać z Hamasem, podjąć negocjacje, bowiem stosowane dotychczas środki nie są rozwiązaniem.

Przed Unią Europejską również nie łatwe zadanie: musi jak najszybciej znaleźć mechanizmy, które poprowadzą do dialogu i pojednania stron, które trwale zakończy konflikt.


(1)Vease el Acta

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