Rapporti verbatim tad-dibattiti

L-Erbgħa, 14 ta' Jannar 2009 - Strasburgu

12. Is-sitwazzjoni fil-Qarn tal-Afrika (dibattitu)

  Przewodniczący. − Kolejnym punktem porządku dziennego są oświadczenia Rady i Komisji w sprawie sytuacji w Rogu Afryki.

  Alexandr Vondra, President-in-Office of the Council. − Mr President, at this late hour I wish to make a few remarks on the Council’s position on the Horn of Africa.

The Horn of Africa of course is a challenging region which deserves our particular and increased attention as it has a major impact on the EU. The EU closely follows developments in this region and prepares to engage even more with the countries of the Horn of Africa.

I know that Parliament also keeps abreast of developments. The visit that your delegation made late last year to Eritrea and Ethiopia and also Djibouti was important. I also took note of the motion for a resolution on the Horn of Africa that has been elaborated partly in the context of this visit. It clearly displayed to the region and to Europeans the growing engagement for the Horn of Africa within the EU. On behalf of the Council, I welcome the involvement of Parliament in our efforts to address the challenges in the Horn of Africa.

There are several sources of tension in the Horn of Africa. I will get to them in more detail. However, in the view of the Council these tensions are often linked in one way or another within the region. For this reason, the Council is particularly looking to discern the regional links between ongoing conflicts. What are these links between conflicts?

First, there is a dispute between Ethiopia and Eritrea, which might be considered as one of the principle causes of instability in the whole region. This is reflected in the following ways: the support of opposing warring factions in Somalia; destabilisation efforts in each other’s countries – let me mention Ogaden, Oromo in Ethiopia in particular; it is reflected also in support for the revival of the peace process in Sudan; Eritrea has suspended its membership in the Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD).

And, last but not least, the conflict in Somalia has caused one of the most serious humanitarian situations that we face in the world today. The increase in acts of piracy off the coast of Somalia is another serious consequence of this conflict.

Another serious issue is the competition for natural resources such as water and minerals in the Horn of Africa. This phenomenon increases pastoralist conflicts in areas populated by different cultural and ethnic groups. It also increases food insecurity and human insecurity in general, which contributes to the conflict and the migration.

There are also serious regional interdependencies. Let me mention some of them. There are the border conflicts, as mentioned before: the disputes between Ethiopia and Eritrea, Sudan and Ethiopia and Djibouti and Eritrea, which might be considered as sources of instability in the region. I would also stress that improved regional cooperation would contribute to lowering tensions around national boundaries.

Food security is another interdependency. This is of course a major concern in the region. Recurring droughts, as well as floods, have a devastating effect on the population. Once again, regional cooperation could mitigate the effects of these natural events.

As you know, some argue that this problem is at the origin of the conflicts in Darfur, Somalia and many other areas of the Horn of Africa. I am not sure that gives a full explanation, but I do believe that this question must be resolved in each of the countries and within the regional context in a fair and transparent manner.

Piracy was initially localised to a small part of the Somali coast. The pretext of the pirates was to levy a fishing tax on a ship in Somali waters. As you are certainly well aware, this activity has expanded significantly and now threatens the delivery of humanitarian aid to Somalia and maritime safety in the Gulf of Aden and well beyond, including ships travelling off the coast of Kenya and Tanzania.

There are also several other interdependencies which have a serious impact on Europe and on the countries of the Horn of Africa, such as terrorism and migration.

So what are the actions which the European Union undertakes? What is our engagement or involvement? The main political instrument at the disposal of the Council – which I have the honour to represent here today – is a political dialogue, not only with the individual countries but also with other regional stakeholders, such as the African Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, the League of Arab States, and the United States and China as important countries.

Political dialogue is a mutual commitment in the Cotonou Agreement between the EU and each of the countries in that particular region. This dialogue is principally pursued through the heads of the EU missions in the countries concerned. It is a very important instrument to the Council, as it gives us a direct contact with the authorities of those countries. It provides an opportunity to hear their point of view, but also to clearly explain our perceptions and raise concerns that we have on certain issues. This particularly concerns matters of governance and human rights. Those are the main issues.

On top of this, the Council disposes of the instruments of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). Since September 2008, the Council has deployed this instrument to fight piracy off the Somali coast, first through the coordination cell EU NAVCO, based in Brussels and then since December 2008 through the maritime operation called EU NAVFOR Atalanta.

Finally, the EU acts through the financial instruments of the European Commission such as the African Peace Facility and Instrument of Stability. I will let Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner elaborate further on that because that is the Commission’s responsibility.

Of course the Council is always looking, together with the European Commission, for ways to enhance the effectiveness and the visibility of EU action. I look forward to hearing your proposals and recommendations on this particular issue.

  Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, the Commission has over recent years already called for greater attention to be given by the European Union to the situation in the Horn of Africa. Today in this debate I am replacing my colleague Louis Michel, who unfortunately cannot be here; I take this matter on with great interest, both in its own right and also because it affects Europe directly – the need, for instance, to mobilise our navies to combat piracy, and this is only one recent example.

We therefore very strongly welcome the initiative of the parliamentary delegation which visited the region and their subsequent report and draft resolution, which we also support in principle.

The internal situation in each of the countries of the Horn cannot be understood in isolation from the regional dynamics. We have to continue to encourage a global approach resting on economic development, governance and security if we want to advance regional stability, respect for the essential and fundamental elements of Cotonou and the fight against poverty.

Let me comment on the situation by country before concluding with remarks on the regional strategy for the Horn.

Firstly, let me say a word on Ethiopia/Eritrea. Ethiopia occupies a strategic economic and political place in the region. The Commission continues to support Ethiopia with its poverty alleviation efforts, where important progress has been registered.

Weak regional security and inter-community tensions affect the internal situation of the country, especially in the Ogaden, where access to the population still remains constrained. The Commission will also continue to monitor the human rights situation and the democratisation process. Considering the circumstances of the 2005 general elections, the Commission will closely monitor the preparation and proceeding of the 2010 elections, especially in the context of the recently approved NGO legislation and the re-arrest of the opposition leader, Ms Birtukan Medeksa.

The internal situation in Eritrea is partly determined by the impasse in the border conflict with Ethiopia. The Commission remains seriously concerned about human rights violations and the precarious social and economic situation. In our view, there is a strong argument for the continuance of a cooperation programme which aims at the improvement of the living conditions of the population. The political dialogue initiated in 2008 provides a good platform for sustained engagement with the Eritrean authorities. Let us be clear: we expect some positive and tangible steps in Eritrea as a result of this process.

As indicated in your draft resolution, the virtual demarcation of the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea – as decided by the Boundary Commission – will not lead to a full resolution of the problem if it is not accompanied by dialogue aiming at the normalisation of relations between the two countries.

The recent dispute between Eritrea and Djibouti is to be seen in a larger regional context and for which a global solution needs to be sought through local and regional actors. We will continue to support such processes.

Now that Ethiopian troops are withdrawing from Somalia, the cooperation of both Ethiopia and Eritrea in the Somali peace process will be essential for it to be successful.

On the situation in Sudan, I fully share Parliament’s analysis. Indeed, 2009 is a decisive year for the future of this country. The persistence of violence in Darfur and the difficulties in completing the implementation of the North/South Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) have the potential to destabilise the country and affect the whole region. We should therefore maintain a strong dialogue with, and a strong pressure on, the Khartoum authorities to obtain their full cooperation, both on the CPA and also on Darfur and their processes. These authorities, as well as the other Sudanese stakeholders, know only too well where their responsibilities lie and what they need to deliver.

In Darfur, military operations and violence must be ended and the political process fully resumed. The deployment of the UNAMID must take place within the foreseen time. The Sudanese authorities must respect their obligations as regards the facilitation of humanitarian aid and human rights activities. On the CPA, it is crucial that the Government of Khartoum and of South Sudan settle their differences over critical issues such as sharing of oil revenues, boundary delimitation, and legislation in security and political matters. Failing to do so could turn the planned elections of 2009 into a scenario of renewed violence and conflict.

In Somalia, the peace process is in a crucial phase. The resignation of President Yusuf and the withdrawal of the Ethiopian army present a new period of uncertainty and risk. But they also provide an opportunity to launch an inclusive political process. On the political side, the European Union continues its activities in support of the Djibouti process, which should lead to more inclusiveness through the election of a new president and the formation of a government of national unity with an expanded parliament. There is no plan B for the Djibouti process. Without international and regional support that advances the emergence of favourable conditions for its implementation, the agreement will have little chance of success.

As regards security, the Commission remains committed to supporting the establishment of a system for the sound governance of the security sector. Whatever the nature of the international force (UN authorised stabilisation force, UN peacekeeping mission or only a strengthened AMISOM), its mandate will need to focus on the support for the implementation of the Djibouti Agreement. The Commission has given a positive response to the demand for further financial support to the reinforcement of AMISOM.

Finally, on the Horn of Africa in general, I very much appreciate Parliament’s support for the Commission’s Horn of Africa initiative. This initiative is based on the 2006 Horn strategy, which was adopted in the conviction that the conundrums in the region can only be dealt with globally. In this spirit, the Commission supports your proposal to nominate a special representative for the Horn.

We have been establishing good working relations with IGAD, which supports the Horn of Africa initiative and which plays a key role in its implementation. A second joint experts’ meeting on water, energy and transport, where concrete projects could be developed that might be presented to a possible donor conference, is foreseen for the near future.

The participation of Eritrea, which plays a key role in the regional dynamics, is essential for the success of the Horn of Africa strategy. Commissioner Michel’s contacts with the heads of state and government of the region, including President Isaias, have allowed an opening in this regard and the new IGAD Executive Secretary is in the process of engaging with the Eritrean authorities, including on the reform and revitalisation process of IGAD.

Mr President, I was a little long but with so many countries, if you want to say something, you have to say at least a few words.

  President. − The introduction is covered by a special rule and there are no limits.

  Filip Kaczmarek, w imieniu grupy PPE-DE. – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Panie Premierze! Serdecznie dziękuję za oświadczenie Rady i Komisji w sprawie Rogu Afryki. Znaczenie tego regionu przekracza jego granice czysto geograficzne. Konflikty i strukturalne problemy, które tam występują, wzmacniają negatywne zjawiska występujące w innych regionach Afryki. Uczestniczyłem w delegacji Parlamentu Europejskiego, o której tutaj była mowa i która niedawno odwiedziła ten region, i mogłem się przekonać jak złożone, kompleksowe i wzajemnie powiązane są występujące tam problemy, a zatem i nasza odpowiedź musi być kompleksowa.

W projekcie rezolucji koncentrujemy się na trzech podstawowych, ale jednocześnie bardzo szerokich zagadnieniach: bezpieczeństwie regionalnym, bezpieczeństwie żywnościowym oraz na zapisach obejmujących kwestie związane z prawami człowieka, demokracją i dobrym zarządzaniem. Po tej wizycie nie mam wątpliwości, że podstawowym warunkiem poprawy sytuacji jest dobra wola i dialog między regionalnymi liderami.

Polityka Unii Europejskiej wzmacniająca instytucje regionalne w Rogu Afryki jest słuszna, ale bez aktywnego udziału kluczowych stron polityka ta będzie nieskuteczna. Niektóre kraje regionu przyjmują złą taktykę, np. nie można wzywać do dialogu jednego z sąsiadów, a jednocześnie samemu odmawiać dialogu z drugim sąsiadem – taka taktyka jest nielogiczna i w praktyce uniemożliwia osiąganie sukcesów dyplomatycznych. Liderzy polityczni powinni zaakceptować fakt, że sprawowanie władzy wiąże się z odpowiedzialnością.

To, czego domagamy się od przywódców Rogu Afryki, to nie są oczekiwania związane z jakimiś naszymi specjalnym, europejskimi wartościami. To, czego oczekujemy, to minimalna akceptacja wartości uniwersalnych. Jesteśmy bowiem przekonani, że podstawowe prawa i wolności należą się wszystkim. We współczesnym świecie żadne państwo rozwijające się nie będzie funkcjonowało dobrze, jeżeli odrzuci owe podstawowe, uniwersalne wartości. Ich akceptacja nie jest zatem gestem w kierunku Unii Europejskiej, tylko działaniem w dobrze pojętym własnym interesie. Koncepcje rozwoju mogą być różne, natomiast wartości nie możemy zmienić i chcemy, żeby te wartości – powszechne, uniwersalne – stały się chlebem powszednim w Rogu Afryki.

  Ana Maria Gomes, em nome do Grupo PSE. – O Conselho e a Comissão devem tirar consequências do facto de, como resulta da percepção deste Parlamento, os governos dos países do Corno de África não estarem a agir em conformidade com as suas obrigações nos termos do artigo 9.º do Acordo de Cotonou. Direitos humanos, democracia e boa governação são palavras vãs. Só não vê quem não quer ver.

Na Etiópia, por exemplo, que é a sede da União Africana, a opressão do povo faz-se a coberto de uma retórica bem sonante aos ouvidos dos doadores, mas não menos crua e despudorada.

Dois episódios recentes...

A 29 de Agosto, a Sra. Birtukan Midekssa, líder de um partido com assento parlamentar, foi de novo detida e sentenciada a prisão perpétua por ter recusado afirmar publicamente ter pedido o perdão de que o Governo de Meles Zenawi se serviu para a libertar em 2007, bem como a muitos outros dirigentes políticos da oposição detidos desde as eleições de 2005.

Segundo: a aprovação pelo Parlamento etíope da chamada Lei das ONG, que, na prática, criminaliza todo o trabalho de ONG independentes.

Não há transição para a democracia na Etiópia, Senhora Comissária, e agradeço que diga isso ao seu colega Louis Michel.

Na Eritreia, é ainda mais sem-vergonha a sanha do Governo contra quem tente exercer os mais básicos direitos humanos.

Quanto à Somália, actualmente a mais grave situação em todo o Corno de África, é criminoso o desinteresse internacional, União Europeia incluída, pela sorte do povo de um país onde há décadas não há lei nem ordem e tropas etíopes puderam ocupar impunemente e cometer crimes impunemente, e onde florescem piratas e grupos terroristas.

A missão naval da União Europeia nada resolverá se a União Europeia, os Estados Unidos, a ONU e a União Africana continuarem a ignorar as causas da pirataria, que estão radicadas e se combatem em terra e não no mar.

A região não terá estabilidade nem progresso sem que sejam também resolvidos os dramáticos conflitos que continuam a assolar o Sudão, em especial no Sul e no Darfur, e onde a retórica da comunidade internacional, União Europeia incluída, precisa de ser traduzida em acção decisiva para proteger as populações civis atacadas e para acabar com a impunidade dos criminosos.

Nesse sentido, a possível confirmação da acusação do Tribunal Penal Internacional ao Presidente Omar Bashir será também um teste à credibilidade e eficácia tanto da União Europeia como da União Africana.

  Johan Van Hecke, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, the Horn of Africa is a dreadful region where internal and regional conflicts continue to undermine peace and security. They create humanitarian disasters and paralyse the development of this strategically significant region.

Each war, each conflict accentuates the fragility of the states. At the heart of most of these conflicts is the lack of leadership and democratic governments rightly put forward in the report of the EP delegation.

What this region needs is home-grown democratisation, respect for national and international rule of law and above all national reconciliation. About Somalia, I would like to emphasise that the resignation of former president Yusuf and the withdrawal of Ethiopian forces creates a huge window of opportunity. The time has come to pick up the pieces and bring about intra-Somali peace.

The Somali Parliament is a crucial factor for confidence-building and can make the peace process all-inclusive. Furthermore, it is imperative that the EU supports the renewal and strengthening of an African Union Peace Force. This force needs a decent UN mandate. If not, Ugandan and Burundian forces will pull away from Mogadishu leaving a security gap behind.

I entirely agree with Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner. There is a momentum for change now in Somalia that should be taken advantage of. The power as well as the security vacuum must be filled. If not, the stateless chaos known as Somalia will remain.

  Mikel Irujo Amezaga, en nombre del Grupo Verts/ALE. – Señor Presidente, efectivamente, el Cuerno de África es un auténtico polvorín hoy en día, no sólo por la situación de inestabilidad total que reina en Somalia y Sudán, sino también en los tres países que tuvimos el placer de visitar Kaczmarek, Hutchinson y yo.

Como digo, los tres países a los que se circunscribió la delegación –Eritrea, Yibuti y Etiopía– tienen en común la pobreza y, desde luego, un estándar de derechos humanos muy bajo. En cuanto a la pobreza, hay que decir que, según los datos que nos iban dando a la delegación, el Gobierno de Etiopía reconocía que el hambre afectaba ya a seis millones y medio de personas; Naciones Unidas elevaba esta cifra a más de doce. Estamos, pues, ante una crisis humanitaria que no aparece en los periódicos debido a otras crisis internacionales actuales, pero que realmente asusta.

Tiene que merecer nuestra atención también la situación de los derechos humanos, con la existencia de presos políticos, y hay que decirlo así, presos políticos, en los tres países.

Es un absurdo absoluto el conflicto fronterizo entre Eritrea y Etiopía; es un absurdo la existencia de más de 200 000 soldados en ese conflicto. Y no quiero terminar la intervención sin felicitar al señor Michel, Miembro de la Comisión Europea, por su actuación en la zona, al iniciar un diálogo político; un diálogo político que, desde luego, hay que seguir manteniendo, pero también, hay que tener claro que hay que ser muy firmes. Firmes en la defensa de los derechos humanos, firmes ante las tropelías que están haciendo con la aprobación de leyes en relación con las ONG. Hay que tener en cuenta que gracias a ese diálogo político constatamos que la Unión Europea tiene un alto prestigio a escala internacional.

  Tobias Pflüger, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Das Horn von Afrika ist neuerdings wieder im Fokus der EU. Schließlich ist seit Weihnachten hier die EU-Kampfmission Atalanta stationiert. Die EU macht mit dieser Mission wie die NATO, wie die USA, wie Russland und andere dort den Fehler, mit militärischen Mitteln, mit Kriegsschiffen, oberflächlich Probleme zu bekämpfen. Bernard Kouchner begrüßte ja regelrecht die Chance, mit einem maritimen Kampfeinsatz vor Somalia zu agieren, zehn Jahre nach Saint-Malo. Die wahren Ursachen sind die ungerechte Verteilung von Ressourcen, z. B. durch das Abfischen, auch durch Fischtrawler aus der Europäischen Union. In Somalia z. B. unterstützt der Westen eine nicht wirklich existente Regierung mit allen Mitteln.

Die äthiopischen Besatzungstruppen sind jetzt aus Somalia abgezogen, mehr als 16 000 Menschen sind seit dem Einmarsch dieser äthiopischen Truppen ums Leben gekommen. Der Umgang mit diesen Ländern am Horn von Afrika zeigt sich z. B. an Dschibuti. Dort haben alle möglichen westlichen Staaten Militärbasen, aber gleichzeitig gibt es vor Ort ein autoritäres Regime. Den Menschen in der Region muss geholfen werden – nicht mit Kriegsschiffen, die nur Handelswege des Westens absichern, sondern z. B. mit humanitärer Hilfe.

  Karl von Wogau (PPE-DE). - Herr Präsident, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Somalia ist ein gescheiterter Staat mit den ganzen schrecklichen Folgen, die das hat. Was hier zu tun ist, haben Sie sehr hervorragend ausgeführt, auch meine Freundin Ana Gomes hat das sehr klar gesagt.

Die Piraterie ist lediglich ein Teil, aber ein wichtiger Teil dieses Problems, weil die Piraterie in dieser Region sehr stark verankert ist. Zum Zweiten geht es auch darum, die Seewege der Europäischen Union zu schützen. Das liegt im Eigeninteresse der Europäischen Union und ihrer Bürger.

Deswegen gibt es auch die ESVP-Operation Atalanta, die die erste Seeoperation im Rahmen der ESVP ist. Die Einsatzleitung liegt in Großbritannien, auch das ist neu, und der Leiter ist ein britischer Vizeadmiral, Admiral Jones.

Der erste Auftrag ist es, die Nahrungsmittelhilfe zu schützen und sicherzustellen, dass die Nahrungsmittelhilfe auch tatsächlich in Somalia ankommen kann, der zweite, die Piraterie zu bekämpfen und hier entsprechend vorzugehen.

Wir hatten ein Gespräch mit der Einsatzleitung in Northwood. Dabei wurde deutlich, dass es auch einige Dinge gibt, die fehlen, wie beispielsweise Tankschiffe, Aufklärungsflugzeuge – es gilt ja ein sehr großes Territorium zu überwachen –, Helikopter, bemannte und unbemannte Aufklärungsflugzeuge. Wir alle müssen gemeinsam daran interessiert sein, dass diese Operation Atalanta erfolgreich ist. Das ist einerseits notwendig, um unsere Seewege zu schützen, andererseits aber auch um einen Beitrag – wenn auch möglicherweise nur einen kleinen Beitrag – zu dem Problem des gescheiterten Staates Somalia zu leisten.

  Corina Creţu (PSE). - Aş dori în primul rând să salut efectuarea acestei misiuni de informare a colegilor mei într-una dintre cele mai periculoase regiuni din lume şi, cu siguranţă, una dintre cele mai defavorizate.

De altfel, cred că Cornul Africii este poate cea mai săracă zonă din lume. Etiopia a suferit în urma secetei din ultimii ani o catastrofă, într-o ţară în care milioane de persoane suferă de foame chiar şi în anii cu recoltă bogată.

Sudanul şi în special regiunea Darfour sunt de asemenea prezenţe tragice pe harta lumii prin catastrofa umanitară, calificată de mulţi specialişti drept un veritabil genocid, în urma masacrării a peste două milioane de oameni, în vreme ce alte patru milioane sunt refugiaţi din calea războiului civil.

Somalia, Eritreea şi Djibouti sunt dintre cele mai sărace ţări, unde conflictele sunt o realitate permanentă, aşa cum aţi subliniat şi dumneavoastră, doamnă Comisar, ca şi colegii mei dinainte.

Instabilitatea constantă a regiunii este una din cauzele greutăţilor pe care Cornul Africii le întâmpină în procesul de dezvoltare economică, socială şi politică. Succesul procesului de pace în regiune este strâns legat de participarea la acesta a structurilor regionale şi africane, cum sunt Autoritatea Interguvernamentală pentru Dezvoltare sau Uniunea Africană.

Uniunea Europeană trebuie să susţină consolidarea acestor organizaţii, precum şi creşterea capacităţii lor de a preveni şi a soluţiona conflicte. O mai bună integrare regională ar permite, de asemenea, un dialog mai deschis între ţările din Cornul Africii asupra unor subiecte de interes comun cum sunt migraţia, traficul de arme, energia sau resursele naturale, şi ar constitui o bază pentru dialoguri asupra temelor divergente.

Bineînţeles, Uniunea Europeană trebuie să se implice mai mult în ceea ce priveşte violarea drepturilor omului. Conform Acordului de la Cotonou, aceste ţări trebuie să ajungă la un acord cu Uniunea Europeană în privinţa respectării legii statului de drept, a drepturilor omului şi a principiilor democratice.

  Olle Schmidt (ALDE). - Herr talman! Fru kommissionär! Herr rådsordförande! På söndagsmorgonen den 23 september år 2001 hämtades den svenske medborgaren Dawit Isaak i sitt hem i Eritrea av landets myndigheter. Han fängslades utan rättegång och har ännu inte, över sju år senare, anklagats formellt. Hans brott uppges vara ”att ha rapporterat oberoende nyheter”. För första gången har vi i denna resolution en direkt hänvisning till Dawit Isaak. Det borde öka pressen på Eritrea.

Det är oacceptabelt att en EU-medborgare, en svensk journalist, år ut och år in ska sitta inspärrad och bli trakasserad av en skurkregim som den i Asmara, en regim som får bistånd av EU, ett bistånd som dessutom har ökat väsentligt. Nu, fru kommissionär, är tid för Europeiska unionen att agera och villkora biståndet. Den tysta diplomatins tid är förbi. Nu är det nog. EU accepterar inte att grundläggande mänskliga rättigheter förtrampas, att journalister och regimkritiker mördas eller slängs i fängelse, medan befolkningen förtrycks och svälter.

Europaparlamentet kräver idag att Dawit Isaak och övriga fängslade journalister i Eritrea omgående frisläpps. Det är ett kraftfullt steg i rätt riktning. Nu måste också kommissionen och rådet sätta kraft bakom orden. Därför är det hög tid för EU att gå till handling och införa sanktioner.

  Eva-Britt Svensson (GUE/NGL). - Herr talman! Jag vill liksom min kollega från ALDE-gruppen lyfta fram frigivandet av Dawit Isaak. I sju år har alltså den svenske medborgaren Dawit Isaak varit inspärrad utan rättegång i en fängelsecell i en fruktansvärd diktaturstat. Jag är glad över att vi har fått in en text om ett omedelbart frigivande i resolutionen om Afrikas horn. Vi kräver ett omedelbart frigivande av Dawit Isaak, liksom av övriga fängslade journalister. Ingen rättegång, och vad är då deras brott? Jo, ett arbete för demokrati och för yttrandefrihet.

EU:s kommande bistånd till Eritrea måste kopplas till tydliga krav på frigivning av Dawit Isaak och övriga journalister. Villkorat bistånd liksom sanktioner, frysta eritrianska tillgångar i Europa och en anmälan för folkrättsbrott till den internationella domstolen är vad som krävs idag. Den svenska regeringen har arbetat med tyst diplomati har man sagt, men efter sju år har fortfarande ingenting hänt. Nu är det dags att agera!

  Charles Tannock (PPE-DE). - Mr President, the Horn of Africa is pretty much an unmitigated disaster. The region has been devastated by decades of war, famine, environmental degradation, corruption, mismanagement and political repression. Human rights are abused as a matter of course. Civil society is weak. Alarmingly, the situation could easily deteriorate further. Tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea over disputed territory are still likely to flare up at any moment. The failed state of Somalia remains infected by clan violence and Islamist extremism, which will worsen as Ethiopia now withdraws its troops and with the resignation of the recent President.

We have also debated the epidemic of piracy off the Somali coast. There is, of course, always a temptation by the EU to suggest military action as a panacea to the chaos in the Horn of Africa. Past experience suggests this would be a terrible mistake. President Bill Clinton sent US troops to tame Somalia, but that was a disaster too.

The one oasis of optimism, in my view, is in the region of Somaliland, which was formerly a British Protectorate. It was absorbed into the Somali Republic in 1960 after foolishly voluntarily relinquishing its brief period of independence, but split away again in the chaos following the death of Siad Barre in 1991. Ever since then, Somaliland has been the only cohesive and functional polity in Somalia. The people of Somaliland benefit from a relatively benign government and progressive institutions. They also possess symbols of statehood such as a separate currency and a flag.

Speaking personally, and not for my party or my political group, perhaps it is time for the international community, led by the African Union, to begin considering more seriously Somaliland’s quest for independence. An independent Somaliland, supported by the West, could be a force for stability and progress in an otherwise hopeless and chaotic region. Certainly, the people of Somaliland would be justified in asking why we here in the EU were so reluctant to recognise their de facto country, but were so quick to recognise the independence of Kosovo.

  Rareş-Lucian Niculescu (PPE-DE). - Uniunea Europeană are, într-adevăr, toate motivele de a fi îngrijorată de situaţia creată în Somalia, unde s-a creat practic un vid de putere care are toate şansele să fie umplut de miliţiile islamiste somaleze. Pe lângă retragerea celor trei mii de militari etiopieni, misiunile sub egida Uniunii Africane s-ar putea de asemenea retrage în cazul în care nu vor primi sprijin suplimentar în perioada următoare.

Nu aş putea califica altfel decât drept un succes misiunea europeană de patrulare a apelor din zonă, dar acest lucru înseamnă doar a trata efectele bolii, şi nicidecum boala în sine. Somalia trebuie să aibă o guvernare care să poată constitui un partener de dialog pentru instituţiile internaţionale, pentru Uniunea Europeană, pentru toate celelalte state dispuse să îşi asume un rol activ în stabilizarea acestei zone.

  Alexandru Nazare (PPE-DE). - Uniunea Europeană are responsabilităţi multiple în Somalia şi în Cornul Africii. Instabilitatea, lipsa guvernanţei şi a securităţii au făcut din această regiune o sursă de îngrijorare din mai multe motive.

Întâi de toate, dezvoltarea fără precedent a actelor de piraterie comise de grupuri adăpostite în posturile somaleze afectează liniile comerciale într-o regiune esenţială pentru schimburile economice europene şi mondiale. Observăm cu îngrijorare că aceste grupuri devin tot mai sofisticate tehnologic şi capabile să atace nave aflate la distanţe din ce în ce mai mari de ţărm.

Evident, această stare de fapt se datorează situaţiei disperate în care se află Somalia, în speţă inexistenţa unui guvern central capabil să îşi controleze apele teritoriale. În egală măsură, însă, comunitatea internaţională poartă o responsabilitate în relaţie cu aceste evenimente. Pirateria, indiferent de mările pe care are loc şi sanctuarele "safe heavens" de care se bucură, încalcă legile scrise şi nescrise ale fiecărei ţări şi o intervenţie împotriva sa este justificată, indiferent de direcţia în care vine.

Şansele ca Uniunea Europeană şi comunitatea internaţională să schimbe fundamental realitatea din Somalia sunt mici. Să combatem însă unul dintre efectele sale - pirateria. Ne este mult mai la îndemână.

  Alexandr Vondra, President-in-Office of the Council. − Mr President, firstly, allow me to react to two remarks made here and then draw some conclusions. Olle Schmidt and Eva-Britt Svensson asked about the journalist, Dawit Isaak: yes, we are trying to do something in Eritrea to set him free.

Anna-Maria Gomes asked about the recent arrest of the opposition activist Mrs Bertukan. The Council is certainly aware of this case, which dates back to the post-election riots in 2005 when she was arrested, together with other opposition activists, before being pardoned in 2007. She was re-arrested at the end of the year. Since then the EU has been closely following the case, and the Council is ready to take the appropriate steps if the situation requires.

Then I would like to make five short concluding remarks. First let me say that we really appreciate the input of the delegations that travelled to the region, in particular to Mr Hutchinson, Mr Kaczmarek and Mr Irujo Amezaga.

First I think I can assure you that, under the Czech presidency, there will be continuity. So we certainly are not going to completely redefine the EU strategy towards the Horn of Africa. We will rather try to pursue the policy established by our predecessor in the best possible manner.

One of the most important tasks will be the containment of piracy and, in this context, we strongly appreciate the effort of the French presidency that accomplished the difficult start of deploying the first EU naval mission. Certainly, we are not a naval power in the Czech Republic so we appreciate here strong EU engagement.

My second remark is that the short-term Operation Atalanta has already prevented several acts of piracy from taking place and apprehended a number of pirates, so within a month of deployment the effectiveness of the operation has already become apparent. Atalanta is a short-term measure to curb piracy. However, it was a necessary short-term measure.

The third point is that, in order to find a long-term solution in Somalia, the Council lends its full support to the Djibouti process within the transitional Federal Government and the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia, and there is no plan B to this process.

Ethiopia has begun its withdrawal from Somalia; this is an important step in the implementation of the Djibouti process. There are some concerns that there will be a security vacuum when Ethiopia leaves; the EU therefore continues to give substantial support to the African Union Mission to Somalia, the AMISOM. EUR 20 million have been allocated for the period of December 2008 to May 2009.

My fourth point is regarding direct contacts: we foresee resuming political dialogue with the intergovernmental authority on development at ministerial level. The authority on development proved its capacities during the engagement in Sudanese peace talks, which resulted in the signing of the comprehensive peace agreement in 2005. So the authority might become a key partner of the EU in bringing peace and stability to Somalia.

Last but not least, as regards the matter of more engagement, I would like to inform you that revision of the Horn of Africa strategy of the Commission will be initiated during our presidency, which is not in contradiction of my words on continuity.

  Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, let me make a few comments on this short, but important, debate. Firstly, on Somalia, I listened with great interest to all your comments and suggestions and I am encouraged to see that we agree, not only on the assessment of the situation, but also on the action to be taken. We need the support of the entire international community, including the new US administration, but also key players in the Islamic world, for a sustainable, political solution in Somalia and to finally end the unspeakable suffering of the population. Here the Commission will provide full political, but also strong financial, support to the Djibouti process.

I agree with Ana Maria Gomes that the countries of the Horn of Africa have serious human-rights and good-governance problems – many other colleagues have also said this. We are very concerned about these tremendous challenges. However, we consider that it would be difficult to make an across-the-board judgement regarding Article 9 of the Cotonou Agreement. We must stand firm on human rights and good governance, fully utilising the policy instruments at our disposal, including a political dialogue with clear benchmarks.

On food aid and food security, this is one of the priorities of the European Parliament resolution. In this context, I would like to emphasise that, in addition to the envelope of the EDF, there are now funds under the so-called food facility, which will be EUR 100 million from 2009 to 2011.

Finally, we are also fully aware of the situation of the Swedish citizen, Dawit Isaak, who is still under arrest in Eritrea. My colleague Louis Michel talked to President Isaias about this case during his last visit in June 2008, and some further quiet diplomacy is going on in this particular case. I can assure you that we remain committed to working towards the improvement of the human rights situation in Eritrea so that it is very dominant in our minds.

  Przewodniczący. − Otrzymałem jeden projekt rezolucji⁽¹⁾złożony zgodnie z art. 103 ust. 2 Regulaminu.

Zamykam debatę.

Głosowanie odbędzie się w czwartek, 15 stycznia 2009 r.

(1) Patrz protokół.