Rapporti verbatim tad-dibattiti

Il-Ħamis, 15 ta' Jannar 2009 - Strasburgu

1. Ftuħ tas-seduta

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. LUIGI COCILOVO
Vicepresidente

(La seduta è aperta alle10.05)

2. Transport tal-annimali (dibattitu)

  Presidente. − L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione sull'interrogazione orale alla Commissione sul trasporto di animali, di Neil Parish, a nome della commissione per l'agricoltura e lo sviluppo rurale (O-0134/2008 - B6-0496/2008).

  Neil Parish, author. − Mr President, I rise here today to ask this oral question on behalf not only of the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development but also of the Animal Welfare Intergroup, because I believe that we have a very strong agriculture in the European Union. However, in order to have a strong agriculture, we must also have a strong welfare policy, because I believe the future of European agriculture is very much of a high-quality product and one that has very good welfare standards. We can use this to promote our products in a positive way, and this is why transport of animals is not only a motive but it is essential to have the right legislation in place.

In many ways I want to concentrate this morning on the fact that we have legislation in place. We can argue whether this is sufficient or not, but the main thing at the moment is to check this legislation and be absolutely sure that Member States are complying with it, because we know, for instance, that there are problems in some Member States between national governments putting the legislation in place and the regional governments having to implement it. Then there are problems. At the end of the day, it is the animals that suffer.

I could highlight many things, but one particular thing we have problems with in Europe is horse transport. A lot of horses at the end of their careers land up in salami in Italy and they do not travel under the best conditions in any respect. We have had many of these vehicles followed through our own Member States of the European Union where the rules have not been complied with, the lorries have not stopped at the right times, the vehicles have not been of the right type and they have not had proper air conditioning or proper water, and these things cannot be allowed to go on.

I often stand up and tell the Commission not to add costs, but in many ways, when animals are going to slaughter, if the cost of transport is greater because they have to do a good job, they have to have the right vehicles and they must not overcrowd those vehicles, then I say, well, so be it! Because many times, instead of the animals for slaughter travelling long distances, they should be killed in the Member State and travel as chilled meat. Therefore, we have much to do on this.

I also would say to you that Mr Kyprianou, the previous Commissioner for DG SANCO, also gave us the reassurance when he was Commissioner that not only would he implement the present legislation properly but also he would revisit the situation at the end of the term. We are moving very fast now towards the end of this parliamentary session and the end of this present Commission and I would call on Ms Vassiliou, who has been a very good replacement for Mr Kyprianou, to honour that commitment, because animal transport is one of those things that we have to take incredibly seriously.

We have made these points many times before, but we are a civilised society and in many ways a civilised society is judged very much in the way it treats not only its people but also its animals. Therefore, I cannot, as I have said, emphasise this enough.

My final points are on the oral question itself and that the Animal Transport Regulation has been in force since 2007. The Commission should, therefore, have received the first annual reports from the Member States on the enforcement of the regulation. Can the Commission give an account of which Member States have forwarded their reports? Has the Commission already carried out a preliminary analysis of the reports which would allow some statements to be made on the shortcomings and difficulties, but also on the major achievements, in the enforcement of legislation? Will the Commission consequently prepare a report on enforcement processes of the regulation in the Member States? Such an analysis would be essential in the context of planning a revision of the Animal Transport Regulation. Therefore, Commissioner, I would like answers to these questions.

  Vladimír Špidla, člen Komise. − Vážený pane předsedo, vážený pane poslanče, vážené dámy, vážení pánové, souhlasím naprosto s názorem pana poslance, že způsob, kterým zacházíme se zvířaty, a to i hospodářskými zvířaty, je současně i etickou otázkou a otázkou civilizace nepochybně. Komise si je vědoma, že přeprava zvířat pro obchodní účely může zvířatům přivodit vážné utrpení. Takovému utrpení jsou zejména vystavena tzv. zvířata nízké hodnoty, jako jsou jatečná zvířata. Prosazování právních předpisů v oblasti přepravy na dlouhé vzdálenosti není uspokojivé. V uplynulých měsících Komise obdržela zprávy o případech krutého zacházení se zvířaty. Komise nadále podporuje nejlepší dostupné možnosti ke zlepšení situace. Konečným cílem je lepší prosazování právních předpisů Evropské unie, a tudíž zlepšení zdraví zvířat a dobrých životních podmínek dotčených zvířat. Ve studii provedené společným výzkumným střediskem se dospělo k závěru, že nové a účinnější systémy kontroly, jako je sledování přepravy pomocí družicových systémů pro určování polohy, by mohly přispět ke zlepšení situace a umožnit transparentnější provádění pravidel. Použití těchto nových technologií by rovněž přispělo ke snížení administrativní zátěže vnitrostátních orgánů a subjektů.

Komise také posuzuje možnost navrhnout, a to ještě do konce tohoto mandátu, nové normy na základě výsledků vědeckého výzkumu týkajícího se doby trvání přepravy, počtu naložených zvířat a počtu naložených zvířat ve vozidlech. Komise posuzuje provádění právních předpisů Evropské unie na základě zpráv poskytnutých členskými státy v souladu se stávajícím nařízením EU. Informace obsažené v těchto zprávách jsou sloučeny s výsledky kontrol na místě prováděných v členských státech veterinárními znalci. Výsledky těchto kontrol provedených znalci Komise jsou zveřejňovány prostřednictvím internetových stránek Komise. Údaje jsou rovněž posuzovány v souvislosti se zprávami vydanými mezinárodními nevládními organizacemi, které působí v této oblasti.

Velká většina členských států již předala Komisi zprávy o přepravě zvířat za rok 2007. Do konce roku 2008 své zprávy ještě nezaslaly Kypr, Litva, Malta, Bulharsko a Lucembursko. Komise je upozornila na jejich povinnost a nadále bude situaci pozorně sledovat. Nařízení (ES) č. 1/2005 však nevyžaduje, aby Komise vypracovala zprávu o postupu prosazování nařízení v členských státech. Komise souhlasí s tím, že vynutitelnost je klíčovým aspektem jakéhokoliv navrhovaného právního předpisu. V důsledku toho by Komise přihlédla k analýze zpráv členských států pro případné budoucí revize právních předpisů Společenství v této oblasti.

  Struan Stevenson, on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. – Mr President, let us first of all look at the background to this. The eight-hour mandatory time limit for animals in transport was agreed in December 2004 and entered into force in January 2007 across all 27 Member States, with special derogations applying to longer journeys where it could be demonstrated that vehicle standards had been upgraded, providing animals with access to water, temperature control, adequate ventilation, and where frequent rest periods were incorporated into the journey time.

Special derogations were also permitted for remote rural areas and islands, like Orkney and Shetland in my own constituency, for instance, where longer journey times are unavoidable. But in these cases special bedded units with access to water have been designed so that the animals can be transported in relative comfort. In addition, a complete transport ban was introduced on certain animals such as calves under 10 days old and lambs less than one week old.

I report with some satisfaction that these transport rules have been strictly observed, particularly in countries like Scotland, where we continue to maintain some of the highest levels of best practice in the whole of the EU. But I am concerned at reports that, as Neil Parish has told us, these rules are not being similarly observed in other parts of the EU, particularly in some of the southern Mediterranean Member States and in some of the new East European accession states and particularly, again as Neil Parish stressed, where the transport of horses for slaughter is concerned.

Animal welfare NGOs are still producing evidence of horrific abuse, with horses and sometimes other livestock being transported over vast distances in searing heat, with no access to water or proper ventilation, with no rest periods, packed into overcrowded trucks; as their journeys progress these animals become increasingly exhausted and dehydrated, some succumb to heat stress and can be seen desperately panting and gasping for air and, in the worst cases, many die. This practice has to be stopped and strict adherence to the regulation must be observed in all Member States.

I support the terms of Neil Parish’s oral question today, which seeks to check on the level of compliance with these measures. I hope that the Commission can now provide us with this information and reassure us that steps are being taken to ensure the rigorous implementation of the eight-hour transportation limit for animals, with the appropriate derogations that I mentioned, and to stop the cruel breach of the existing EU regulations that still goes on.

  Rosa Miguélez Ramos, en nombre del Grupo PSE. – Señor Presidente, señorías, para algunos países europeos, en función de su situación geográfica –como ha señalado el Sr. Stevenson–, de su propia superficie o de la importancia de sus flujos comerciales, el transporte de animales es un asunto que reviste una especial relevancia.

Quiero referirme, señor Comisario, a dos cuestiones concretas. La primera es que a mí me siguen pareciendo evidentes las dificultades que se le plantean a la Comisión a la hora de realizar un análisis de situación en el conjunto del territorio comunitario. Aunque, en virtud del actual Reglamento, los Estados miembros deben —como hemos visto— presentar cada año un informe con las inspecciones realizadas el año anterior, el Reglamento no obliga a realizar un número mínimo de inspecciones, ni tampoco parece que exista uniformidad en cuanto a la base estadística. Estas cuestiones impiden que los datos aportados por los diferentes países puedan ser comparables. Entiendo, señor Comisario, que, por el bien de todos, esta situación debería corregirse cuanto antes.

Pero me preocupa una segunda cuestión. Usted mismo, en su intervención, acaba de calificar de animales de bajo valor a los que se transportan con destino al matadero. Señor Comisario, no estoy en absoluto de acuerdo con usted; personalmente, los considero de alto valor económico y estoy segura de que la industria coincide conmigo, así como en que, para que esto sea así, para que esta carne posea un alto valor económico, son indispensables unas condiciones de transporte correctas, sean cuales sean el destino final —aunque sea el matadero— y la distancia recorrida. Es decir, que es una preocupación mayor –la principal– que esos animales sean transportados en unas condiciones favorables.

Le pido, por lo tanto, que tenga en cuenta estas consideraciones en la propuesta de modificación del Reglamento sobre la que está trabajando la Comisión. Sabemos que, además de las nuevas tecnologías, la reforma va a abordar cambios por lo que se refiere a la duración máxima de los viajes –como aquí hemos comentado– y a las temperaturas máximas y mínimas de los transportes de animales.

Le pido, de nuevo, señor Comisario, y le pido a la Comisión, que, antes de modificar aspectos tan fundamentales, busque y encuentre una sólida base científica en la que sustentar los cambios que proponga. Le pido, además, que, mientras no contemos con esa base científica sólida que, hoy por hoy, para algunas de las cuestiones no tenemos, nos abstengamos de introducir, de forma subrepticia en informes que nada tienen que ver con el transporte —y estoy hablando de la protección de los animales en el momento de la matanza, un informe sobre el que estamos trabajando—, propuestas de modificación a la reglamentación en vigor. Creo que, en asuntos de tanta importancia y de tanta trascendencia, todos —Comisión y Parlamento— debemos jugar con las cartas boca arriba.

  Anne E. Jensen, for ALDE-Gruppen. – Hr. formand! Hr. kommissær! Jeg vil godt sige, at jeg er lidt skuffet over, at vi efter fire år endnu ikke har set et udspil fra Kommissionen til, hvordan vi får strammet lovgivningen om dyretransporter op. Der har været gode intentioner og et positivt samarbejde mellem dels hr. Kyprianou og nu også fru Vassiliou og Parlamentet. Men hvornår får vi et udspil? Det vil jeg gerne vide. Det er også vigtigt, at vi får en ordentlig håndhævelse af lovgivningen. Det er vigtigt, at vi sikrer, at vi får begrænset transporttiden for slagtedyr til de otte timer. Men vi skal videre endnu. Vi skal ikke kun tale om en tidsgrænse. Forskningen viser jo, at en time kan være for meget, hvis dyret ikke er stærkt nok til at blive transporteret, og længere transporter kan være OK, hvis dyret er stærkt og raskt og transporteres under gode forhold. Vi vil formodentlig fortsætte med at avlsdyr bliver transporteret over lange afstande, og der har Parlamentet jo forslået et pilotprojekt for hvilestationer, hvor dyrene skal hvile efter 24 timer. Jeg vil godt høre, hvordan det går med dette projekt for hvilestationer? Tanken er jo at bringe operatører af kontrolstationer, veterinære myndigheder, forskere og dyrevelfærdsorganisationer sammen, for at de sammen kan definere, hvad der er god praksis her. Det er svært at få et sådant projekt op at stå, men det er forsøget værd, for det er nemlig vigtigt, at vores viden og forskning om dyrevelfærd under transport også afspejles i lovgivningen og i den praktiske virkelighed.

  Wojciechowski, Janusz, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Panie Przewodniczący! Pan Parish słusznie przywołał myśl, do której na tej sali odwoływaliśmy się wielokrotnie, a mianowicie, że traktowanie zwierząt świadczy o nas – o poziomie naszej kultury i cywilizacji. Okrucieństwa wobec zwierząt w transporcie jest wiele. Pewne rzeczy poprawiliśmy, wprowadzając wyższe standardy wykonywania tych transportów, ale to są ciągle niewystarczające środki.

Moim zdaniem właściwym rozwiązaniem byłoby postulowane od dawna ograniczenie czasu transportu zwierząt do 8 godzin, a łącznego pobytu zwierząt w transporcie i w rzeźni do 12 godzin. Taki postulat zamierzamy przedstawić w ramach trwających obecnie prac nad rozporządzeniem dotyczącym ochrony zwierząt w czasie zabijania.

Wysoka Izbo! Argument humanitarny to jedno, drugim jest argument finansowy (on do niektórych umysłów lepiej trafia). Chodzi o to, że przecież te długie transporty zwiększają koszty, za które ostatecznie płaci konsument. Powinniśmy te koszty oszacować i użyć ich jako argumentu na rzecz tego, żeby te transporty wreszcie, po latach dyskusji, ograniczyć i zmniejszyć cierpienia zwierząt.

  Carl Schlyter, för Verts/ALE-gruppen. – Herr talman! En civilisations utvecklingsnivå kan bedömas efter hur man behandlar de mest försvarslösa levande varelserna som finns i den civilisationen. Att döma av hur vi behandlar våra djur är vi fortfarande barbarer.

Jag minns när Sverige gick med i EU för snart femton år sedan. Debatterna innan vi gick med handlade mycket om djurtransporter. Det var ett område där vi skulle förbättra situationen. Så kom direktiv ett 2005. Villkoren för djuren förbättrades dock inte, utan vad vi fick höra då var att nu ska övervakningen fungera, nu ska GPS-system införas, nu ska chaufförerna bli utbildade, nu ska lastbilarna fungera bättre. Fem länder har inte ens brytt sig om att lämna in någon rapport. Jag kräver av kommissionen att ni bötfäller dessa länder omedelbart. När det gäller de andra 22 länderna, hur många kontroller har de gjort? Hur har de efterlevt reglerna? Fungerar det? Svaret är i många fall: Nej, tyvärr.

Sedan gav Kyprianou ett löfte till oss här om att återkomma innan mandatperioden är slut, om det behövs – och det behövs! – och om det finns opinion – och det finns opinion! Många av de nya medlemsländerna är faktiskt små och kanske inte behöver 24 timmar transporter plus 24 timmar transporter. Vi kommer att få ett nytt slakteridirektiv som innebär att vi kan ha mobila slakterier och minska behovet av transporter.

Vi behöver återkomma till villkoren för djuren under transporten. Hur många här skulle uppskatta att under 24 timmar ha fyra kor i sin dubbelsäng eller tio får? Så tätt är djuren nämligen packade idag. Eller tänk er att kycklingarna på översta lagret i lastbilen faktiskt inte är totalt förbjudna att låta avföringen rinna ner på dem under! Vem vill transporteras under sådana villkor? Jag inbjuder alla EU:s jordbruksministrar att delta tillsammans med mig i en transport från Stockholm till Bryssel på samma villkor som djuren har det. Undrar hur många som vill tacka ja till det. Kanske vill de hellre ändra lagstiftningen.

Vi talar om kostnader. Den största kostnaden här är en kostnad för miljön för de långa transporterna. Dessutom är det en kostnad i form av djurens lidande av de långa transporterna. De långa transporterna resulterar dock även i sämre kvalitet på köttet. Det är en total värdeförstöring. Ett stressat djur blir mycket ”sämre på bordet”. Lidandet följer alltså hela kedjan. Tänk på den bonde som har satsat mycket kraft och pengar på att få ett bra djur som sedan förstörs sista delen av sitt liv.

Nej, vi behöver ett nytt förslag före valet. Jag förstår inte hur vi ska kunna bedriva valrörelse om vi inte åtminstone har ett förslag från kommissionen, som visar att vi nu äntligen kommer att förbättra villkoren för djuren.

  Jens Holm, för GUE/NGL-gruppen. – Herr talman! Utgångspunkten i denna diskussion är ju att djur är kännande individer. Djur har en förmåga att känna smärta, stress och lidande på precis samma sätt som vi människor. Det måste vi ta hänsyn till när vi stiftar lagar. Det görs inte idag.

Fler och fler djur transporteras inom EU. Det är en direkt följd av den inre marknaden. Den inre marknaden leder till specialisering. Man föder upp djur på ett ställe, man slaktar djuren på ett annat ställe, och man transporterar köttet till ett tredje ställe. Medlemsländer får inte ens förbjuda djurtransporter med hänsyn till djurskyddet. Det är egentligen oacceptabelt. I en svensk undersökning kom man fram till hur många djur som transporterades inom EU totalt över gränserna. För EU-15 konstaterade man att det handlade om 22 miljoner fyrfota kreatur, såsom grisar, hästar och kor, samt dessutom 500 miljarder fjäderfän, som transporteras varje år kors och tvärs mellan EU:s medlemsländer. Det var EU-15. Ni kan bara tänka er med EU-27. Då blir de siffrorna förstås mycket, mycket högre.

Jag vill fråga kommissionen när det nya djurtransportsdirektivet kommer. Kyprianou lovade ju att det skulle komma ett nytt direktiv under denna mandatperiod. Kan kommissionen lova det som vi i Europaparlamentet vill ha, nämligen en maxgräns på 8 timmar för djurtransporter. Jag vill också vända mig till Vladimir Špidla med ett par frågor. Du berättar att fem medlemsländer inte har lämnat in rapporter, vilket förstås är upprörande. Vad gör ni i kommissionen med dessa rapporter från medlemsländerna? Gör ni någon analys av dem? Vi i parlamentet vill ha en analys, en rapport från kommissionen, där ni sammanställer allting och anger tydliga åtgärder för hur man ska kunna förändra förhållandena för djurtransporter. När kommer alltså det nya direktivet med en 8-timmarsgräns, och kan vi få en analys av rapporterna från medlemsländerna?

  Godfrey Bloom, on behalf of the IND/DEM Group. – Mr President, it is fascinating as always. No sense of irony again in this Chamber. One of the biggest problems that we have, particularly in the United Kingdom, is the monstrously stupid avalanche of rules and regulations that came to slaughterhouses 10 years ago which managed to close over 1 000 abattoirs in the United Kingdom and gave rise to much longer journey times for animals.

My brother-in-law is a butcher. He owns an abattoir in Yorkshire and at one stage – and this got into the Private Eye magazine – there was a visiting vet supervising a vet supervising a meat inspector supervising two slaughtermen! That is the sort of nonsense that you get when you are dealing with this organisation’s rules and regulations. The problem is journey times. Now from Bridlington in my constituency, pigs, sheep and cattle are being transported right the way across England to Manchester because of all these closures of slaughterhouses. That is what we need to address.

I am also talking about the transportation of horses. My colleague, Nigel Farage, tells me that there are countries in the European Union which actually regard horses as food! As an Englishman, I find it absolutely incredible that people would eat their horses. An Englishman would no more eat his horse than he would his dog or his children, but then I suppose that just shows the enormous cultural divide that there is between us and the other countries of this Union.

(Laughter)

  Jim Allister (NI). - Mr President, following that may not be easy! Let me say that I have no difficulty whatsoever with efficient and proper rules governing animal welfare, but I am becoming concerned that we are getting ourselves onto a treadmill, where we are going to so tighten the noose around our agricultural industry that its practical functioning will be rendered impossible. I do see signs of such a development emerging from the Commission consultation on reviewing the maximum travelling times and stock densities in transporting animals.

The Commission, let us recall, failed to get its way in the 2005 Regulation. However, less than two years after it came into effect, it is trying again with an attempt to remove the repeatability of the eight-hour limit. I must say that, for my constituency of Northern Ireland, it would be ruinous, because to export animals – which we do – we are required to undertake a sea journey and if only one period of eight hours is allowed that would be utterly inadequate and utterly unacceptable.

I would remind the House that such onerous conditions would not compare at all with the huge distances that animals are transported in South America, from whence we happily import! So, yet again, we would be in the business of punishing our own farmers, while caring nothing about what affects the imports we receive.

I have to say that we have to get to a point of getting rid of this obsession of cutting off our nose to spite our face.

  Elisabeth Jeggle (PPE-DE). - Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, meine sehr geehrten Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir diskutieren wieder ein Thema, bei dem man sehr schnell merkt, dass es auf der einen Seite starke Emotionen gibt, auf der anderen Seite aber auch ganz konkrete Realitäten. Ich möchte ausdrücklich unserem Vorsitzenden im Agrarausschuss, Neil Parish, für diese Anfrage danken. Die Anfrage war wichtig, aber nicht, um Emotionen zu transportieren, sondern um ganz konkret nachzufragen: Was ist passiert, Herr Kommissar? Wie lassen sich die Dinge, die sich entwickelt haben, belegen? Haben Sie Belege? Welche Belege haben Sie? Welche Zahlen haben Sie?

Sie haben ein paar Zahlen genannt. Ich bin aber der festen Überzeugung, dass zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten noch weit andere Differenzen da sind als nur jene, dass der eine Staat gemeldet hat und der andere Staat nicht. Wie wird umgesetzt? Wie werden die langen Transporte kontrolliert? Wie werden sie in den einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten kontrolliert?

Einen anderen großen Problembereich müssen wir dringend diskutieren, und das sind die Probleme, die dadurch aufgetreten sind, dass wir den Landwirtschaftsbereich ganz einfach als wirtschaftlichen Bereich definiert haben und hier Dinge gleichsetzen, die man möglicherweise differenziert betrachten müsste. Zum Beispiel: Welche fachliche Ausbildung in Sachen Transport muss ein ausgebildeter Landwirt zusätzlich machen? Wie muss er das machen? Bei wem muss er das machen? Wo muss er das vorweisen, um den Befähigungsnachweis zu bekommen?

Noch einmal: Der Landwirt ist ausgebildet und geht mit Tieren um. Im Gegensatz dazu haben wir den Transporteur, der einen Fahrer einstellt, der im Leben möglicherweise überhaupt noch nie mit Tieren umgegangen ist. Das sind doch zwei Dinge, die man eigentlich nicht gleichsetzen kann. Wir haben sie aber ziemlich gleichgesetzt.

Die zweite Sache, die zu großen Problemen führt, ist: Wenn ein Landwirt ein eigenes Kalb transportiert, kann er das bis zu 50 km machen. Erlauben Sie mir an dieser Stelle zu sagen: Ja, wir müssen dringend wieder darüber nachdenken, wie wir kleinere Schlachthöfe wirtschaftlich arbeiten lassen können, sodass im ein oder anderen Fall weitere Transportwege unnötig werden.

Also: Das eigene Tier darf er 50 km weit transportieren, nimmt er aber das seines Nachbarn mit, dann hat er schon ein Problem. Auch darüber müssen wir nachdenken. Ist diese 50-km-Grenze richtig angesetzt, oder müssen wir da nicht auch bei den Schlachthöfen schauen, wie sich diese Dinge entwickelt haben. Ein Landwirt darf ein Pferd zu Hobbyzwecken transportieren – ohne Problem, ohne dass diese Verordnung greift. Transportiert er es auf den Markt, greift die Verordnung, und er muss die Bedingungen einhalten. Diese Fragen sollten wir in den weiteren Debatten beantworten und diskutieren.

  Luis Manuel Capoulas Santos (PSE). - A questão sobre o transporte e o bem-estar dos animais é uma questão que, como muito bem disseram o nosso colega Neil Parish e outros, tem de ser essencialmente vista sob uma perspectiva civilizacional. Limitar ao máximo o sofrimento dos animais é um imperativo ético que faz parte da nossa matriz cultural, pese embora o aparente paradoxo de pretendermos proporcionar-lhes bem-estar precisamente naquela que, para muitos, é precisamente a sua última viagem.

Mas convém também não ignorar, por outro lado, que o preço a pagar pela aplicação das exigentes e financeiramente custosas regras em vigor, são os problemas de distorção da concorrência que têm um forte impacto ao nível do desenvolvimento rural nalgumas regiões da União Europeia.

As regiões e os Estados-Membros que não têm capacidade de abastecimento dos seus mercados nalgumas espécies e que estão mais distantes dos centros de produção, como é o caso do meu próprio país, têm agora maiores dificuldades de competitividade nas suas indústrias ligadas ao abate e à transformação, enquanto as regiões e os Estados-Membros excedentários passaram a dispor de vantagens acrescidas porque se lhes tornou mais fácil vender os produtos já transformados, com as inerentes vantagens em termos de emprego e de valor acrescentado.

Ao fim de dois anos de aplicação desta legislação, justifica-se plenamente que a Comissão forneça uma avaliação tão extensa quanto possível, não só das questões concretas da aplicação estrita do regulamento relativo ao transporte, mas também das consequências económicas e sociais para as regiões e Estados-Membros deficitários na produção de algumas espécies animais relevantes para a alimentação humana.

Penso, portanto, que a Comissão deve responder, tão rápida, objectiva e amplamente quanto possível a estas questões.

  Mojca Drčar Murko (ALDE). - Prek Slovenije gredo obsežni mednarodni transporti živih živali, z večine z vzhoda Evrope proti Italiji. Po izkušnjah naših veterinarskih oblasti je veljavna evropska zakonodaja sicer obsežna, a nekako okorna in zapletena za izvajanje.

Največji problem so pri nas inšpekcije, kajti po odpravi notranjih evropskih meja je težko preverjati, ali so se vozniki tovornjakov v resnici ustavili na določenih počivališčih, ali ne. Omeniti moram, da zaradi majhnosti ozemlja Slovenija ni obvezna imeti lastnih počivališč. Torej imamo dogovore z Madžarsko in z Italijo. Nujno bi potrebovali enotno rešitev, ki bi jo tudi enotno uveljavili.

Upoštevajoč porazno sliko transporta živali na dolgih prevozih po evropskih cestah, bi bilo revizijo uredbe iz leta 2005 treba vzeti kot priložnost za zvišanje standardov dobrobita živali. Transport je tesno povezan z ravnanjem z živalmi pred zakolom, in strinjam se s kolegi, ki menijo, da ni razlogov za dovoljevanje prevozov daljših od 8 ur.

Zavzemam se torej za določitev striktne zgornje meje trajanja prevoza, podpiram pa tudi predlog za uvedbo mobilnih klavnic.

  Andrzej Tomasz Zapałowski (UEN). - Panie Przewodniczący! Rozporządzenie w sprawie ochrony zwierząt podczas transportu jest niezwykle ważne, a posiadanie takich informacji jest bardzo istotne. Przy tej okazji należy podkreślić, iż duża część mięsa, które spożywają obywatele Unii, pochodząca z importu nie jest objęta podobnymi regulacjami. To rozporządzenie jest jednym z rozsądniejszych w odniesieniu do rozporządzeń regulujących chów i ubój zwierząt.

Zdaję sobie sprawę, iż w dużych koncernach żywnościowych nie są często respektowane prawa pracownicze, a cóż dopiero odpowiednie traktowanie zwierząt. Właśnie w dużych firmach dochodzi do największych wynaturzeń w traktowaniu zwierząt. Problem ten prawie nie występuje w stosunku do średnich i małych przedsiębiorstw. Nie ma innego wyjścia niż dokładniejsza kontrola przez policję, kontrole graniczne oraz podawanie do publicznej wiadomości nazw firm, które łamią prawa zwierząt, aby konsument się ich wystrzegał.

  Kathy Sinnott (IND/DEM). - Mr President, it is very important that animals are transported to ensure safety and to prevent avoidable suffering. I use this term because animals, as a rule, find any motorised transport frightening. It is important to minimise that where possible.

When regulating for this safety and prevention of suffering, we tend to look at time and distance. This is natural, but it is simplistic in the case of Ireland, which, I remind you, is an island and also a major animal exporter. Time limits and distance when crossing the waters that separate us from the continent and from our markets cannot be the absolute. We heard a recommendation of eight hours, but it takes more than eight hours to get an animal boarded and across water. There is no possibility of taking an animal out to graze in the middle of the Channel.

So I would recommend to you that we look at the conditions under which the animals are transported, particularly in the case of Ireland, rather than just time and distance.

  Lydia Schenardi (NI). - Monsieur le Président, bien que le règlement sur le transport des animaux ait été mis en vigueur depuis janvier 2007, il semble que les États membres ne se soient pas mis systématiquement en règle en fournissant, comme il leur était demandé, des rapports annuels. Aussi, une analyse globale reste-t-elle aléatoire puisque de nombreux éléments manquent quant aux moyens mis en place pour effectuer des inspections. Étant membre d'associations de protection animale et membre de l'intergroupe de défense des animaux, je me sens particulièrement concernée par ce sujet.

Les associations se battent désespérément depuis des dizaines d'années pour que seulement, enfin, en 2007, soient instaurées des directives dans ce domaine où l'on voit que les États membres affichent un certain laxisme. J'oserais même dire une certaine mauvaise volonté car, enfin, nous le savons, la mise en œuvre de contrôles et d'inspections n'est absolument pas insurmontable. Nous connaissons les lieux d'abattage, nous connaissons les lieux d'élevage, nous connaissons les voies de transit du bétail, alors où est le problème?

Je crois qu'il est important, à notre époque où l'opinion publique est de plus en plus sensibilisée, à juste titre, à la condition animale que ce soit au niveau des conditions d'élevage et d'abattage ou au niveau des conditions de transport, que les États respectent ces sentiments.

Puisque la parole m'est donnée, je voudrais ajouter, concernant les transports, qu'il serait indispensable de prendre en compte, indépendamment des durées de transport, les conditions climatiques locales. En effet, un transport de plusieurs heures effectué aux Pays-Bas, au printemps, n'a rien de comparable au même temps de transport effectué, en plein été, dans un pays tel que la Grèce. Ne faudrait-il pas imposer dans ce dernier cas des transports nocturnes?

Je vous remercie d'envisager cette proposition dans l'avenir.

  Mairead McGuinness (PPE-DE). - Mr President, in terms of legislation we are looking at a relatively new regulation on the protection of animals during transport, because it only came into operation in January 2007. While I think we would all hope that everybody was compliant from day one with the many demands of this regulation, it would be quite miraculous were that the case, because it is very detailed and makes huge demands – and rightly so – on Member States and operators.

I welcome today’s oral question by Neil Parish, Chair of the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development, because we want to see whether this regulation works. However, we need, first of all, to know that it is being implemented, because we care about how animals are moved around the European Union.

For countries like Ireland with a huge livestock sector, there has been an enormous amount of work done to implement this from day one, both within the sector itself and on the part of those who monitor – the Department of Agriculture and other authorities. Licensed operators have invested large amounts of money to upgrade their transporters and to meet the training and competence requirements of this regulation. In fact, I note that, just this month in Ireland, a number of training courses are under way for drivers of vehicles transporting cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, horses and poultry – a point raised by Ms Jeggle – and perhaps other Member States need to do the same.

It is interesting that the regulation applies only to the transport of animals undertaken in connection with an economic activity. I have a concern that we ignore the welfare of domestic pets, because I have seen examples of people who think that they know how to look after animals doing very badly on that front and yet very often these are the same people who insist on particular rules for farming and for economic activity. That is an area we need to look at.

I believe that, in general, established transporters of animals are licensed and authorised and comply with best welfare standards – because it is in their vital interests to do so: they need to transport animals to arrive in good condition so that they meet the needs of those who are purchasing. The problem is with the unregulated sector, where some people are untouched by these rules, and that is what we need to focus on. Who are the people who are outside the box, and how can we catch them and put them out of business?

Let me say in relation to time-limits and the eight-hour rule, the reason why Europe had a real problem in getting this regulation into place was because many Member States, including Ireland, know that we need to transport our animals for longer durations, but we also know how to look after them in so doing. So I would disagree with those who want to reduce the time duration, but I agree that we need to make sure that welfare is a priority.

On horses, I often say to myself that I wish I were a thoroughbred, because they travel first-class. Obviously, people look after animals with a high economic value, and in the economic downturn we are going through, I worry about the welfare of horses, full stop. I would say: no more rules. We have perhaps too many already that are choking the sector that is complying with them. But let us apply the rules to everybody, and let us get those who are not meeting the rules out of the system.

  Robert Evans (PSE). - Mr President, I would like to congratulate Mr Parish on bringing this forward. Despite our political differences, and notwithstanding his very obvious deficiencies as a human being, I think he is actually very sound on this and I support him. We need this regulation to be a success and we need it to be universally in force, but I have a number of reservations and I disagree with some colleagues who spoke this morning.

Mr Stevenson said that longer journeys were unavoidable – I say: not so. Mrs Jensen spoke of 24-hours transport – not necessarily. Mr Allister, the agricultural industry has to ask questions itself. As a civilised society we need to look at the whole question, the whole purpose, the whole idea of transporting animals long distances and then killing them. If I were a meat eater I would be asking how can the suffering en route which we know about, the dehydration, the stress and – to our Irish colleagues North and South – the sea journeys possibly improve the quality of the product at the end?

To my mind it makes no economic sense; it does not make humanitarian sense. This is why I favour a complete ban on the transport of animals, which, I believe, would support rural economies. It would encourage local producers, yes, small and medium enterprises as someone spoke of, and it would enable consumption of food as near the point of production as possible.

In the absence of that, and I know it is not going to happen in the near future, I think we need proper realistic enforcement of what we have at the moment, the regulation, and I urge the Commission to use all the agencies across Europe – police forces on motorways if necessary – to stop and check lorries to see whether they are carrying out the full requirements of this legislation.

  Fiona Hall (ALDE). - Mr President, has the Commission considered the human health implications of poor implementation of animal welfare regulations? Transport, especially transport over long distances with a lack of space, produces stress, and stress means more susceptibility to disease. This is particularly true for horses, where scientific studies show that transport makes horses become shedders. That means they excrete a lot more than they would normally, which greatly increases the likelihood of the spread of disease. Many transported animals are going to slaughter – 320 million of them in the EU each year – so that means there is a greatly increased risk of diseases like salmonella entering the food chain.

Given the very poor level of implementation of current rules and the stress involved in long journeys, even with proper rest stops, especially for horses, does the Commission plan to come forward, where necessary and on the basis of scientific evidence, with a finite absolute journey time limit? That would be in the interests of animal welfare and of human health.

  Zdzisław Zbigniew Podkański (UEN). - Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Problem transportu zwierząt jest bardzo ważny i dobrze, że Parlament debatuje nad tym już po raz kolejny, natomiast źle dzieje się, że jesteśmy mało skuteczni w egzekwowaniu rozporządzenia.

Cieszy mnie bardzo, że w czasie dzisiejszych obrad ciągle zauważamy transport koni. Cieszy mnie nie tylko dlatego, że jestem hodowcą koni i że naprawdę w tym obszarze nie stosuje się standardów. Korzystając z okazji, chciałbym powiedzieć, że koń potrafi zrozumieć człowieka. Zawsze potrafi zrozumieć, natomiast nie zawsze człowiek potrafi zrozumieć konia. Koń tak samo jak ludzie odczuwa lęk, strach i potrafi człowiekowi zaufać. Miałem taki przypadek, że ciężko chory koń w klinice nie dał lekarzom nic przy sobie zrobić w nieobecności mojej córki. Jak tylko przyszła moja córka, mogli z nim robić, co chcieli. Po prostu miał do niej zaufanie i tak jak my, ludzie, nie zawsze mamy zaufanie do lekarzy, koń też nie miał zaufania do lekarzy, ale miał zaufanie do osoby jemu przyjaznej. Dlatego myślę, że człowiek też nie potrafi zrozumieć konia, kiedy on się boi, kiedy on ma lęk, kiedy ten koń zaczyna się bronić, wtedy traktuje to jako nieposłuszeństwo. Bije tego konia, natomiast koń wie, dlaczego gospodarz się denerwuje i potrafi gospodarzowi ustąpić. Dlatego jestem tutaj zobowiązany wszystkim posłom i posłankom, którzy widzą ten problem także w kategoriach pewnego dobra, istoty żywej, w kategoriach pewnego człowieczeństwa.

  Esther De Lange (PPE-DE). - Voorzitter, opnieuw spreken we hier in dit Huis over het transport van dieren en opnieuw zullen we daarbij twee zaken concluderen: ten eerste, dat de huidige wetgeving ver achterblijft bij de ambities van het Europees Parlement zoals die onder meer zijn neergelegd in het verslag van mijn voorganger Albert Jan Maat die terecht naar mijn mening een onderscheid maakte tussen slachtdieren aan de ene kant en ander vee aan de andere kant. Ja, er zijn stappen gezet op het gebied van de training van chauffeurs, betere transportcondities en het gebruik van GPS, maar het is zeker nog niet genoeg.

Ten tweede dat controle de achilleshiel van deze wetgeving blijft. De controle vanuit Europa schiet tekort en is nog zeer nationaal georganiseerd. Er is dus dringend behoefte aan afspraken over klachtenafhandeling en bewijsvergaring over de grenzen heen. Ik zou ook graag meer controle zien door de Food and Veterinary Office. Een amendement van mijn hand om hiervoor in de begrotingsprocedure meer geld ter beschikking te stellen, werd onder meer door de Europese Commissie van de hand gewezen. Ook nu hoor ik de Europese Commissie met name praten over nationale verslagen die de Commissie dan van achter een bureautafel zal beoordelen. Wast de Europese Commissie soms liever haar handen in onschuld dan te zorgen voor echte Europa-wijde controle, ad hoc controles door Europese inspecteurs en Europees toezicht.

Andere verbeteringen die aan te brengen zijn in de huidige wetgeving zijn: meer en beter uitgeruste halteplaatsen binnen en buiten de Europese Unie, specifiekere klimaatcondities voor de verschillende diersoorten en tot slot moeten we op weg naar het verplichte gebruik van satellietsystemen, met toegang van bevoegde personen tot een centrale databank.

Ondanks het ontbrekende Europese overzicht van de daadwerkelijke implementatie van deze wetgeving zijn er natuurlijk wel signalen, bijvoorbeeld vanuit Oostenrijk, waar een controleur ter plekke zegt: "Ik zie heel veel vrachtwagens leeg bijvoorbeeld richting Polen, Tsjechië rijden. Ik zie ze alleen niet vol terugkomen richting Zuid-Europa." Betekent dit soms dat op het moment dat de wagens vol zijn er toch maar even een omweg om Oostenrijk wordt gemaakt, omdat daar de controle wellicht strenger is dan in de omringende landen? Volgens mij is dit een indicatie dat er in lidstaten toch nogal eens verschillend met deze wetgeving wordt omgesprongen.

Een ander probleem is de rol van de veterinairen die moeten tekenen voor transport. Mijnheer de commissaris, in sommige gevallen zijn die veterinairen verworden tot ware stempelmachines. Een weldenkend mens kan toch niet tekenen voor een transport van Roemenië naar Zuid-Italië dat 24 uur zal duren. De laatste 500 kilometer van dit paardentransport zoud volgens het transportplan 2,5 uur in beslag nemen. Zaten die dieren soms in een Ferrari?

Tot slot wordt er tegenwoordig door heel Europa gereden met jonge dieren, jonge honden, bijvoorbeeld, waarvoor nog niets geregeld is. Ik zou de Europese Commissie dus willen oproepen om daar ook naar te kijken.

Genoeg huiswerk dus vanuit dit Huis en wij kijken uit naar de voorstellen van de Commissie die wij inderdaad verwachten vóór de komende verkiezingen van het Europees Parlement.

  Elizabeth Lynne (ALDE). - Mr President, like some other colleagues, I am going to concentrate on the transport of horses. There is now overwhelming evidence showing that EU rules meant to protect the welfare of horses during long-distance transport are being flouted, resulting in inhumane conditions and needless suffering. In some cases, horses are packed like sardines into steel lorries, where temperatures can be over 40°C. In some cases, those horses are transported for thousands of miles without food or water, causing injury or even death.

Does the Commission have any information as to how many transgressions of Regulation (EC) No 1/2005 have been taken to court by Member States since it came into effect on 5 January 2007 and whether the EU regulations on harmonised GPS monitoring of vehicles will be enforced? Is there any way individuals can get access to data extracted from traces on movement of animals within Member States? I know the Commission can access that, but individuals cannot. I would like answers to those three specific questions please.

  Den Dover (PPE-DE). - Mr President, it gives me pleasure to speak on this most important debate this morning and I would emphasise how very important to the North West of England the transportation of live animals is. As the Chair of the Committee on Agriculture said, we would much rather have these animals slaughtered and then transported after they have died for processing away from the base if the movement of the meat is needed; but in the North West we have a lot of horses, a lot of sheep and a lot of cattle – lots of movements of animals.

I was a national Member of Parliament for 18 years. This was a continuous problem, raised time and again with me by my constituents. I submit that things have not really improved over the last 10 or 20 years.

I am delighted that this question has been tabled. The first year was 2007 and reports had to be in by June 2008, but I submit that we are behind programme. I have listened to what the Commissioner has said – that he will have a look at the advantage of satellite monitoring. That is a good idea. But I put to the Commissioner that there are many detailed checks engrained in the Regulation, quite rightly – things like the fitness for transport of the animals, transport practices, means of transport, sea containers, integral journey times, resting periods, space allowances – which are all matters that cannot be viewed by satellite. They need detailed inspections, and lessons need to be learned.

I would have hoped that in his final remarks there would be a date by which he hopes to wind up and submit his proposals and conclusions at this early time in the implementation of the Regulation, because, the sooner something is done to improve the situation, the better.

It is appalling that these long journey times have to be faced by animals in their last few days of life. Consumers want to see, as they want to with free-range hens and eggs, that we are being humane in our treatment, and they will pay an added price for the meat because they want to see us caring for these animals that are so precious and necessary for our food needs.

PRESIDE: MIGUEL ÁNGEL MARTÍNEZ MARTÍNEZ
Vicepresidente

  Samuli Pohjamo (ALDE). - Arvoisa puhemies, arvoisa komission jäsen. Kiitokset Neil Parishille tästä keskustelusta.

Eläinten hyvinvoinnin takaaminen on hyvin tärkeä asia. Komission on varmistettava, että eläinten kuljetusta koskevan asetuksen täytäntöönpano ja valvonta on yhtenäistä koko EU:n alueella.

EU:n eläintenkuljetuslainsäädäntö on tiukka. Toistuvat vakavat ongelmat eläinten kuljetuksessa johtuvat lainsäädännön törkeästä rikkomisesta. Nykyiset kuljetusaikamääräykset joustoineen ovat riittävät, kun niitä valvotaan ja kun samalla ylläpidetään korkeatasoista kuljetuskalustoa, jossa on mm. kunnollinen ilmanvaihto, lämpötilan seuranta, juomavesijärjestelmä ja satelliittipaikannus. Lisäksi on tarpeen kouluttaa kuljettajia ja laatia eläinten kuljetuskuntoisuusohjeita, kuten monissa jäsenvaltioissa tehdään jo nyt.

Pidän tärkeänä, että nykyinen eläintenkuljetussäännöstö pannaan asianmukaisesti täytäntöön koko EU:n alueella ja että siitä saadut kokemukset otetaan huomioon, ennen kuin uusia säännöksiä aletaan laatia.

  Agnes Schierhuber (PPE-DE). - Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, meine sehr geehrten Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Eine Gemeinschaft kann nur positiv miteinander arbeiten, wenn alle sich an die Gesetze und Vorschriften halten. Gerade die Bauern und Landwirte legen höchste Priorität darauf, dass die Tiere so transportiert werden, dass nach der Schlachtung bestes Fleisch mit so wenig Stresseinwirkung wie möglich für unsere Konsumenten zur Verfügung steht. Schwarze Schafe müssen an den Pranger gestellt werden, denn diese Überschreitungen sind nicht akzeptabel und bringen eine ganze Wirtschaftssparte in Verruf.

Es muss gelingen, die Lebendtransporte von Schlachttieren zu verringern. Ich hoffe, dass wir hier endlich zu nachvollziehbaren Situationen kommen und auch wissenschaftliche Grundlagen vorhanden sind. Nach wie vor, Herr Kommissar, fordere ich, dass Importe aus Drittländern genauso wie Tiertransporte im EU-Raum behandelt und geahndet werden, wenn sie nicht den Vorschriften entsprechen.

  Richard Corbett (PSE). - Mr President, this debate has shown that there are, at the very least, huge doubts as to whether the current legislation is working, whether it is properly enforced across all Member States, and even whether it can be properly enforced. Is it possible to enforce this legislation when there is international transport of animals?

We will have to examine whether we have to go back to the idea of a strict eight-hour limit with no derogations and without exceptions – except perhaps for sea transport from islands but, otherwise, no derogations at all.

Colleagues may be interested to know that there is a new website campaigning precisely for this, with a petition being gathered. It is: www.8hours.eu. Many Members and others listening to this debate may be interested in visiting this website.

  Sylwester Chruszcz (UEN). - Panie Przewodniczący! Wiele dzisiaj powiedzieliśmy o humanitaryzmie, o stanie naszej cywilizacji. Zgadzam się, że generalnie nasza dyskusja, nasze głosy idą w dobrym kierunku. To jest bardzo potrzebna debata.

Chciałbym tylko zwrócić uwagę, że przy obranym przez nas dobrym i bardzo słusznym kierunku nie powinniśmy sztucznie i niepotrzebnie obciążać rolników i firmy, czego możemy pewnie uniknąć. To jest po prostu mój apel do Komisji i do nas, żebyśmy tego dobrego projektu nie wprowadzili na pewne niepotrzebne rafy. Z drugiej strony, jeśli dzisiaj tak stanowczo podkreślamy te bardzo słuszne rozwiązania, apeluję też, żeby nie traktować ich potem wybiórczo, żebyśmy my wszyscy – kraje Wspólnoty, kraje Unii Europejskiej – traktowały je wszędzie równo. Dzisiaj na przykład zastanawia mnie włożony…

(Przewodniczący odebrał posłowi głos)

  Constantin Dumitriu (PPE-DE). - Experimentarea pe animale reprezintă o etapă importantă pentru cercetarea biologică şi medicală. În această activitate însă trebuie acordată o atenţie deosebită îngrijirii animalelor folosite în scopuri ştiinţifice sau în alte scopuri experimentale, iar Uniunea Europeană trebuie să dea un exemplu în ceea ce priveşte adăpostirea şi îngrijirea acestor animale.

Directiva Comisiei Europene 86/609 este mai veche de 20 de ani şi reglementează aceste aspecte doar într-o manieră aproximativă şi permisivă. În acest interval, statisticile arată că aproximativ 235 de milioane de animale au fost folosite în experimente în întreaga Europă şi peste 12 milioane sunt sacrificate anual în laboratoarele Uniunii Europene.

Îngrijirea constituie un ansamblu complex de condiţii materiale şi de alt ordin pe care omul este obligat să le asigure animalelor utilizate. Comerţul cu animale, transportul, intervenţia chirurgicală, sacrificarea, suprimarea vieţii unui animal, toate acestea trebuie să se facă cu respectarea riguroasă a prevederilor internaţionale şi naţionale în raport cu specia, categoria de animale şi împrejurările, pentru a evita, pe cât este posibil, suferinţa fizică şi psihică a acestora.

Îngrijirea trebuie (vorbitorul a fost întrerupt)

  Maria Petre (PPE-DE). - Noile state membre, şi mă voi referi în mod concret la ţara mea, la România, au nevoie, aşa cum s-a spus deja aici, de sprijin pentru consolidarea capacităţii autorităţilor responsabile de a controla aplicarea Regulamentului despre care discutăm astăzi asupra transportului animalelor.

Din acest punct de vedere, este foarte dificil încă pentru autorităţile sanitar-veterinare din România să controleze transportul animalelor fără a apela la poliţie, ca singura autoritate competentă să poată opri în trafic mijloacele de transport.

Al doilea lucru specific României este menţinerea încă, la dimensiuni evident mult mai mici, a transhumanţei, ca fenomen care ar trebui tratat, în opinia mea, separat de subiect în sine şi conservat atât cât mai este posibil.

Al treilea lucru şi ultimul de care vreau să vorbesc este preocuparea pe care ar trebui să o avem în privinţa capacităţii inspecţiilor şi a rapoartelor de care discutăm. (vorbitorul a fost întrerupt)

  Avril Doyle (PPE-DE). - Mr President, I am strongly of the opinion that the quality of the vehicle and skills of the driver are as important as, if not more important than, the length of journeys. Two hours in a banger or clapped-out vehicle driven at excessive speed, especially when cornering, have far more serious welfare implications than eight or ten hours in a comfortable, properly equipped modern lorry, driven with care and consideration for the animal occupants.

The welfare of horses for slaughter continues to be a serious concern, and there is ongoing evidence of some Member States ignoring – perhaps choosing to ignore – the legislation in this area. Commissioner, have you received last June’s annual report from Ireland? Which countries have failed to file the report? Will these reports be available on the internet? And do you have details of the number of proceedings being brought in each Member State? Please give me answers to those four questions.

  Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE-DE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Unia Europejska przywiązuje dużą wagę do właściwego traktowania zwierząt przez cały czas chowu, od urodzenia, aż do uboju. Jak wiemy, od tego jak traktujemy zwierzęta podczas chowu i transportu, zależy czy dane mięso będzie odpowiedniej jakości.

Wymogi związane z ochroną zwierząt podczas transportu powinny być ustalone dla poszczególnych gatunków zwierząt na podstawie dowodów naukowych. Powinniśmy więc dokonać rewizji tego rozporządzenia. Potrzeby handlowe wymagają transportu zwierząt na określone odległości, często zbyt długie, wymagające znacznego czasu do ich przewozu. Stąd ważne jest przestrzeganie określonych zasad i wymogów. Dlatego słusznie postawiono pytanie, jak wdrażamy i czy w ogóle wdrażamy unijne przepisy w zakresie transportu zwierząt. Powinniśmy przeanalizować, jak wygląda sytuacja w poszczególnych krajach członkowskich. Pamiętajmy, że to wszystko wpływa na koszty i na konkurencyjność produkcji. Obywatele Unii Europejskiej są bardzo wrażliwi…

(Przewodniczący odebrał posłowi głos)

  Neil Parish (PPE-DE). - Mr President, I shall be very brief because I am the author of this question. Could I just say to the Commissioner before he sums up, that of the three questions here, he has answered the first one inasmuch as he mentioned the Member States that have not yet produced a report. What I really want to know is: has the Commission already carried out a preliminary analysis of the reports and what is happening? Also, is the Commission going to bring forward a report on the Regulation in the future? That is what we need urgently.

We also need to have best practice because Slovenia, for instance, follows the vehicles through their country. Many countries are doing good work and others are doing bad work, to put it bluntly. Is the Commission going to do a proper analysis of all this, and when is it going to come forward with it?

  Vladimír Špidla, člen Komise. − Vážený pane předsedo, dámy a pánové, římské právo ve své definici zvířete konstatovalo, že zvíře je věc. Vzpomínám si na jeden vojenský předpis, který pro transport určoval, že jeden vagón může přepravovat 8 koní nebo 48 mužů. To znamená v průběhu civilizace se začalo uvažovat o tom, že existuje jistá větší blízkost mezi zvířetem a lidskou bytostí než mezi lidskou bytostí a věcí. Myslím si, že vývojem civilizace jsme dospěli k názoru, že zvíře není věc, že je to existující bytost, která má svá imanentní práva, a tento názor jsme vyjádřili ve svých předpisech. Myslím si, že se dá konstatovat, že evropské předpisy v tomto okamžiku jsou formulovány a jsou nepochybným civilizačním pokrokem. Na druhé straně z debaty jednoznačně vyplynulo, že jsou nedůsledně uplatňovány a že v jejich konstrukci můžeme nalézt důvody pro další zlepšení.

Komise souhlasí s těmito obecnými konstatováními a ve své činnosti se také bude snažit zlepšit systém uplatňování kontroly a sledování situace. Stejně tak jsme právě v procesu přípravy nových předpisů, které se snaží vzít v úvahu nejnovější vědecké poznatky z nejrůznějších oborů, protože to, co bylo z této diskuze také naprosto zřejmé, je komplexita tohoto problému. Není to jednoduchá věc, nestačí říct dobře, udělá se jedno nebo dvě opatření a věc bude vyřešena. Myslím si také, že z debaty jasně vyplynulo, že koncept ochrany hospodářských zvířat a zvířat obecně je koncept, který nevychází jenom z čistě praktického hlediska ochrany konzumentů. Že bychom k určitým ochranným věcem přistoupili i tehdy, kdyby to pro konzumenty neznamenalo žádný reálný význam, žádný reálný přínos, protože je to prostě eticky velmi významná věc.

Dovolte mi, abych se pokusil odpovědět na některé konkrétní otázky. Byla jich položena celá řada a samozřejmě, že jsme připraveni jednotlivým poslancům odpovědět podrobněji na ty otázky, kterých se nedotknu. Jedna z otázek byla, které země nezaslaly své zprávy, ve své úvodní řeči jsem to sdělil, ale protože to je mimořádně důležitá věc, konstatuji, že to byl Kypr, Litva, Malta, Bulharsko a Lucembursko. Čili Irska se tato otázka netýkala, Irsko splnilo svoji povinnost. V debatě také zazněly otázky o způsobu přístupu k informacím, chci konstatovat, že teoreticky je možné zveřejnit jednotlivé národní zprávy, nařízení sice umožňuje členskému státu učinit výhradu důvěrnosti, avšak žádný členský stát to neučinil. Čili bude-li požadavek na uveřejnění zprávy, Komise se dotáže členského státu, zda tuto výhradu důvěrnosti chce uplatňovat, nepředpokládám, že by se tak stalo, a pak může být zpráva v plném znění uveřejněna a myslím si, že to může být velkým podnětem k další diskuzi. Výroční zprávy jsou analyzovány Komisí, a to znalci Komise a současně jsou doplňovány o poznatky, které získali úředníci Komise z terénu, a tak se vytváří základní podklad pro další konstatování plnění podmínek nařízení a pro další úvahy o rozvoji právního a organizačního systému Evropské unie v této oblasti.

Pokud jde o otázku dalšího návrhu na směrnici, na změnu právního systému, již jsem konstatoval, že Komise pracuje na takovýchto návrzích a snaží se uplatnit ty nejaktuálnější vědecké poznatky. Byla formulována otázka, kolik v současnosti probíhá procedur infrakcí, jsou to dvě procedury infrakce, které jsou v současné době v procesu, jsou dvě, tři reklamace, které jsou vázány na Andalusii, čili Španělsko a celkově šest členských států bylo podrobeno inspekci v roce 2008. To jsou tedy konkrétnější údaje k otázkám, které byly položeny. Dámy a pánové, dovolte mi tedy ještě jednou, abych poděkoval za debatu, která byla komplexní, která naprosto jasně ukazovala, že pozice Komise a názory Parlamentu jsou velmi blízké, a to je podle mého názoru dobrým signálem pro další pokrok v této mimořádně citlivé oblasti.

  El Presidente. − Se cierra el debate.

Declaraciones por escrito (artículo 142 del Reglamento)

  Neena Gill (PSE), in writing. – President, once again it seems the laws we pass here are not being implemented across all Member States. The Animal Transport Regulation has been in force for 2 years now, yet there are still massive breaches of animal rights, particularly in the transportation and slaughter of horses. I would ask the Commission what they are doing to ensure that horses are slaughtered in their countries of origin, without having to undergo long and distressing journeys to consuming countries.

A major concern for me and the people I represent is that these animals travel in inhumane, crowded, filthy conditions, with limited food and water. This is unnecessary. While we cannot stop the meat being consumed, if animals are to be slaughtered they must be slaughtered in their countries of origin and transported to other countries as carcasses. Furthermore, consumers must be told if the meat they are eating is not local but comes from hundreds of miles away.

President, for the welfare of these horses, all the efforts we have made here in this Parliament for the rights of transported animals must not continue to be ignored.

3. Id-dieta Mediterranja (dibattitu)

  El Presidente. − El siguiente punto es la pregunta oral a la Comisión presentada por el Sr. Parish, en nombre de la Comisión de Agricultura y Desarrollo Rural, sobre la dieta mediterránea, dieta que, por cierto, quien preside este Pleno sigue de manera razonablemente rigurosa y con resultados más que aceptables.

  Neil Parish, author. − Mr President, I am delighted that you follow the Mediterranean diet and see it is very successful for you!

What this morning has shown me here, as the Chair of the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development, is that we have a very varied range of subjects to talk about. One minute we are talking about animal transport – a very important subject – and now we are talking about another very important subject: the Mediterranean diet.

One of the jobs that has come to me, as Chair of the Committee on Agriculture, and that we are particularly trying to get to grips with is that, on the occasion of the Council of Ministers held in Brussels on 16 July 2007, the Commission reiterated its full support for the nomination of the Mediterranean diet as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO. This nomination will be examined in 2009 – in fact, it now has been – by the responsible UNESCO committee. Is the Commission planning to set up a specific and coordinated strategy to support this nomination, because we are moving on very fast now?

I represent, as I said, the Committee on Agriculture here, but I probably represent all Members when we talk about diet, because one of the great things about Europe is its diversity and culture and part of that diversity and culture is, of course, our food.

The Mediterranean diet is a very good one. What is the Mediterranean diet? I am sure we could talk a great deal about that this morning, but it is generally a diet rich in oily fish, olive oils, fruit and vegetables. It is without doubt a very tasty diet, and you can see by the size of me that I am a very big fan of it. It is also a healthy diet: it is a rich source of essential fatty acids and antioxidants, a combination that can help improve cholesterol levels and protect heart health. Recent medical research has also suggested it may help cut the risk of conditions such as dementia.

When you go to Mediterranean countries you can see that people enjoy it, and not only those who live there but also many of us who travel to Mediterranean countries, especially when we want some sunshine and also some very good food.

It is something that we need to take seriously in a world where everything seems to be uniform. We see the new generations being bombarded by the fast-food chains – I will not name them all here today – which are spreading throughout the European Union. We should remember that, yes, there is a role for a fast-food chain, but it would be a terrible thing if, in years to come, all we found when we travelled through Europe was fast food. Travelling through parts of America – especially on the west coast – there seems to be nothing but fast-food chains, and that is the last thing we want here in the European Union.

As I said, we need to support Mediterranean food, and it is a very good idea for culture and diversity. I think that in the future we will have to look at other forms of diet across the European Union, because what I want to say to you quite clearly this morning is that while I am a great supporter of the Mediterranean diet, I do not come here as the Chair of the Committee on Agriculture just to support the Mediterranean diet, because there are other diets across Europe that are equally as good but have different qualities and different food.

So this is the start of many things to come and, as I said, I really want to know from the Commission how it intends to actively support this bid throughout this year, because we are looking forward to an award for the Mediterranean diet and we are also looking forward to having some very good Mediterranean food in the future.

  Vladimír Špidla, člen Komise. − Vážený pane předsedo, vážené dámy poslankyně, vážení páni poslanci, úvodem bych rád zdůraznil význam zdravé stravy pro prevenci nemocí. Jako poslancům Evropského parlamentu je vám známo, že Bílá kniha „Strategie pro Evropu týkající se zdravotních problémů souvisejících s výživou, nadváhou a obezitou“, kterou přijala Evropská komise dne 30. května 2007, slučuje všechny politiky Společenství, jež mohou přispět ke zlepšení stravovacích návyků a k prevenci obezity. Jedná se zejména o opatření v oblasti veřejného zdraví, stravování, dopravy, regionální politiky, sportu, vzdělávání, statistiky, jakož i zemědělské politiky.

Jedním z nejlepších příkladů je iniciativa Komise spočívající v celoevropském programu dodávání ovoce a zeleniny do škol. Cílem tohoto programu je přispět k tomu, abychom našim dětem usnadnili zdravější start do života. Bude zahájen na začátku školního roku 2009/2010 s ročním rozpočtem 90 milionů EUR na nákup a dodávku čerstvého ovoce a zeleniny do škol.

Pokud jde o specifickou otázku, která byla vznesena jedním z poslanců Parlamentu, totiž o žádost o zařazení středomořské stravy na seznam světového kulturního dědictví UNESCO, předchůdce paní komisařky Markos Kyprianou vyzvedl toto téma na zasedání Rady ve složení pro zemědělství v červenci 2007. Komise tuto iniciativu vítá, neboť může přispět k podpoře zdravých stravovacích návyků v celé Evropské unii.

Evropská komise ovšem nemá formální pravomoc k podpoře takové žádosti v rámci organizace UNESCO, jelikož není jejím členem, a tudíž se nemůže účastnit rozhodovacího procesu. Přesto doufám, že účastnické státy se svou žádostí v UNESCO uspějí a že se jim dostane náležité podpory ostatních členských států Evropské unie.

  Rosa Miguélez Ramos, en nombre del Grupo PSE. – Señor Presidente, quisiera, en primer lugar, agradecer a la Comisión el apoyo expreso que, de nuevo, ha manifestado en relación con esta candidatura de la dieta mediterránea como patrimonio cultural de la humanidad ante la Unesco.

Una vez escuchada la respuesta del Comisario, es importante recordar que nos encontramos ante un bien cultural y que el concepto de dieta es mucho más amplio que el de modelo alimentario. Es cierto, como ha dicho mi colega el señor Parish, que la dieta mediterránea, en su faceta de modelo alimentario, tiene un papel muy importante en los hábitos de vida sana e incluso en la prevención de enfermedades vinculadas a una alimentación incorrecta o a la falta de ejercicio físico.

Pero el concepto de dieta mediterránea –y en este sentido mi intervención complementa a la suya– va más allá. Incluye un modo de vida característico, una forma de compartir los alimentos, de disfrutarlos en compañía, está vinculada con un determinado tipo de paisaje y de territorio, y con unas sociedades que a lo largo de siglos han desarrollado una cultura, un arte, unas tradiciones y unas festividades alrededor de este concepto de dieta mediterránea.

Una vez aclarado lo que, para mí y para la mayor parte de las personas que se mueven en este ámbito, es la dieta mediterránea y el porqué de esta candidatura y, comprobada la buena disposición de la Comisión para colaborar, consideramos –y así se lo digo, señor Comisario– que, aunque la Comisión no sea miembro de la Unesco –cosa que ya sabíamos– ni participe en sus procesos de decisión –cosa que sabíamos, también–, la Comisión sí que puede apoyar esta candidatura con acciones indirectas que tendrían, a no dudar, una repercusión positiva en la percepción de quienes están involucrados en el proceso de votación.

Y mencionaría, entre estas posibilidades, una declaración formal de apoyo de la Comisión Europea a la candidatura presentada, porque hay otros organismos internacionales como la FAO, la Organización Mundial de la Salud, la comunidad científica y académica, que vienen haciendo estas declaraciones de apoyo.

En relación con el futuro plan de gestión, desde luego entendemos que la Comisión debería involucrarse, apoyar o adherirse a las acciones transnacionales concretas que se propongan. Estamos en el año del diálogo intercultural y uno de los Estados que forman parte de esta candidatura es, precisamente, nuestro vecino del Mediterráneo, el Reino de Marruecos. Especialmente, teniendo en cuenta, como usted ha dicho, el interés de la Comisión por promover dietas y hábitos de vida saludables para los europeos.

La Comisión podría colaborar, también, en la búsqueda de apoyos y adhesiones, podría realizar una labor diplomática, teniendo en cuenta el respeto que se tiene a la Comisión, especialmente en los países mediterráneos extracomunitarios y, también, fuera del ámbito mediterráneo y de la Unión Europea. Y, desde luego, señor Comisario, la Comisión podría mostrar su disponibilidad para organizar o colaborar en posibles acciones que vayan surgiendo estos meses en algunos de los ámbitos de trabajo.

  Jorgo Chatzimarkakis, im Namen der ALDE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Vielen Dank, Neil Parish, für die Anfrage, danke auch an die Kommission für die Beantwortung. Europa wird in der Welt um viele Dinge beneidet, um unsere Mode, um unseren Lifestyle, um unsere Sozialversicherungssysteme, und zunehmend werden wir auch um unsere Ernährungsweise beneidet. Wir als Europäer tun gut daran, die gesündeste Ernährungsweise, nämlich die Mittelmeerdiät, in den Vordergrund zu stellen.

Zur Klärung der Definition: Die Mittelmeerdiät geht auf ein Ernährungsmuster zurück, das für die Insel Kreta, für große Teile Griechenlands und für Süditalien typisch ist. Da kommt dieser Begriff her. Hauptbestandteil – der Kommissar hat es schon gesagt – ist das Olivenöl. Ein Grund mehr, lieber Herr Špidla – das geht an die gesamte Kommission –, dieses ureuropäische Produkt noch besser zu schützen.

Zur mediterranen Diät gehören weiterhin faserreiches Brot, große Mengen an Gemüse und an Obst – deswegen begrüßen wir das Schulobstprogramm der Kommission –, Fisch und Milchprodukte in moderater Menge, aber auch Wein. Es ist wissenschaftlich erwiesen – und das ist ein Ergebnis des British Medical Journal vom September 2008 –, dass die Mittelmeerdiät dazu beiträgt, Herz-Kreislauf-Erkrankungen zu senken. Die moderne Epidemie Europas, nämlich Typ-2-Diabetes herunterzufahren, Krebserkrankungen zu verringern, und Alzheimer und Parkinson in ihren Auswirkungen abzuschwächen. Ein Besuch auf Friedhöfen der Insel Kreta zeigt Ihnen das. Wenn Sie sehen, wie alt die Menschen dort werden – und mein Vater kommt aus Kreta –, dann wird Ihnen das bewusst.

Daher müssen wir alles dafür tun, dass die Mittelmeerdiät auch in Europa und darüber hinaus mehr Anhänger gewinnt, und die Aufnahme in die Liste des Weltkulturerbes ist ein wichtiger Schritt. Ich danke der Kommission für ihre Bemühungen.

Aber wir müssen auch sehen, wenn China und Indien die amerikanische Ernährungsweise übernehmen, was sie zunehmend tun, dann hat das dreifache negative Auswirkungen. Erstens wird der Gesundheitszustand der Weltbevölkerung schlechter. Zweitens kommt es zu mehr Massentierhaltung mit all den negativen Auswirkungen für die Umwelt, und drittens ist die Methanproduktion zu nennen, denn das meiste Fleisch wird Rindfleisch sein. Rinder produzieren Methan und das ist schlecht für das Weltklima. Deswegen ist es so wichtig, genau diesen Schritt zu tun. Ich danke noch einmal Neil Parish.

  Sebastiano (Nello) Musumeci, a nome del gruppo UEN. – Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, la decisione dell'Unione europea di sostenere il riconoscimento della dieta mediterranea come patrimonio culturale dell'Unesco riconsacra, innanzitutto, il diritto alla tutela dell'identità dei popoli nel rapporto profondo con il loro territorio. Ma l'impegno istituzionale che vede protagoniste l'Italia, la Spagna, la Grecia e il Marocco non può limitarsi all'ottenimento di un puro e prestigioso riconoscimento.

Credo che dobbiamo ricostruire il legame, oggi sempre più debole e fragile, che unisce i prodotti agricoli con i cibi della mensa quotidiana, formare cioè dei consumatori consapevoli sui principi della sana alimentazione e della stagionalità dei prodotti, che debbono tornare ad essere naturali, senza additivi e senza conservanti chimici. Prodotti il cui consumo, lo assicura la Comunità scientifica internazionale, riduce importanti casi di mortalità. Penso per esempio all'olio extravergine d'oliva, alla produzione vinicola e alla nostra frutta, con particolare riguardo all'arancia rossa di Sicilia, unica al mondo per i suoi pigmenti ricchi di sostanze antiossidanti.

Un obiettivo, concludo, che si spera possa essere condiviso da altri paesi mediterranei e che ha bisogno di una strategia specifica, di cui soltanto la Commissione può rendersi protagonista e interprete.

  Pedro Guerreiro, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Serão de saudar as iniciativas que procurem promover e salvaguardar as culturas dos povos, nomeadamente ao nível da alimentação, como é exemplo a candidatura do regime alimentar mediterrânico como património cultural inalienável da humanidade, cuja nomeação será examinada pelo comité responsável da UNESCO em 2009.

A concretização de tal objectivo pode contribuir para preservar, dar a conhecer e promover uma alimentação que predomina nos países mediterrânicos, apontada como saudável por diversos nutricionistas e outros especialistas. Esta alimentação tem por base, como já aqui foi referido, os produtos tradicionais da região do Mediterrâneo, de que são exemplo frutas e legumes, azeite, peixe, cereais, frutos secos, ervas aromáticas, lacticínios e carne de ovinos e caprinos, vinho.

No entanto, tem-se verificado uma diminuição da população que mantém estes saudáveis hábitos alimentares.

Deste modo, entre outras consequentes e necessárias iniciativas políticas, consideramos que deverão ser tomadas efectivas medidas de apoio às produções tradicionais mediterrânicas, nomeadamente no quadro da Política Agrícola Comum e Política Comum de Pescas. Medidas dirigidas à pequena agricultura e à agricultura familiar, assim como aos pescadores destas regiões, que garantam o seu rendimento. Medidas que valorizem os produtos tradicionais e artesanais e fomentem a dinamização dos mercados de proximidade.

No fundo, medidas que contrariem o crescente abandono da actividade agrícola e a diminuição da população que protagoniza e salvaguarda pelos seus conhecimentos a produção destes produtos tradicionais de qualidade.

Tudo questões e medidas no âmbito da Comissão Europeia.

  Luis Manuel Capoulas Santos (PSE). - Senhor Presidente, caros Colegas, não é fácil que o mesmo tema congregue, ao mesmo tempo e de uma forma positiva, três vertentes tão importantes, como sejam a saúde, a cultura e a economia. A dieta mediterrânica consegue fazer esse pleno.

Do ponto de vista da saúde, não parecem subsistir cientificamente quaisquer dúvidas quanto às vantagens para a saúde humana de uma alimentação baseada em alimentos frescos e naturais como – já foram aqui mencionados – os cereais, o arroz, as leguminosas, os frutos secos, as frutas e hortaliças, o consumo frequente de peixe, o azeite como principal gordura alimentar e o consumo moderado de vinho.

Do ponto de vista cultural, os sistemas de produção e a transformação e consumo dos produtos mencionados estão associados a técnicas e a tradições ancestrais que vão para além da cultura greco-romana e que, em muitos aspectos, continuam a estar presentes nos usos, costumes e técnicas das comunidades da bacia do Mediterrâneo.

Do ponto de vista da economia, as actividades ligadas, em especial, às fileiras da agricultura, das pescas e do turismo rural, que tanto representam para a ocupação do território e a vitalidade das zonas rurais e costeiras, continuam a ter um impacto socioeconómico muito considerável, tratando-se ao mesmo tempo, e, curiosamente, no caso da agricultura, das produções mais competitivas da União Europeia e daquelas que sempre beneficiaram de menos apoios financeiros no âmbito da Política Agrícola Comum.

Por tudo o que acabo de dizer, merece ser positivamente saudada a iniciativa das autoridades espanholas de ver reconhecida pela UNESCO a dieta mediterrânica como património cultural da humanidade, e penso que é dever e obrigação da União Europeia fazer aquilo que puder para influenciar esta decisão, porque este não é um interesse específico de um país ou grupo de países, é um interesse de toda a União.

  Salvatore Tatarella (UEN). - Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, l'obesità sta diventando un grave e direi un grosso problema in tutta l'Europa, soprattutto fra i giovani. Secondo gli esperti, se teniamo alla salute dei nostri figli, la vera ricetta da seguire quotidianamente è il ritorno alle tradizioni della cucina mediterranea, unica assicurazione sulla vita che nessuna crisi finanziaria potrà mai toccare.

La ricetta di Alfonso Iaccarino, noto chef italiano e componente della commissione di esperti per il riconoscimento della dieta mediterranea come patrimonio culturale immateriale dell'umanità, è il ritorno alla natura, ai cibi semplici, alle tradizioni, alla diversità e alla qualità in cucina. La dieta mediterranea non è abbondanza di pane e pasta, è anche movimento, attività fisica, stile di vita. La dieta mediterranea a base di olio d'oliva extravergine e di buon vino ha ottimi effetti salutari: l'olio d'oliva abbassa i livelli di colesterolo nel sangue, il vino, preso in modiche quantità, ha un effetto antiossidante.

Grazie alla dieta mediterranea gli italiani hanno conquistato il record della longevità in Europa e il primato della miglior massa corporea, che è il rapporto fra peso ed altezza. Concludo: il Senato della Repubblica italiana ha recentemente approvato all'unanimità un documento a favore del riconoscimento della dieta mediterranea come patrimonio dell'umanità. Mi auguro che anche il Parlamento europeo voglia essere dello stesso avviso e che la Commissione si adegui di conseguenza.

(Il Presidente ritira la parola all'oratore)

  Vincenzo Lavarra (PSE). - Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, sono molto grato innanzitutto al presidente della commissione per l'agricoltura del Parlamento, collega Parish, per aver promosso questa interrogazione dopo l'importante audizione di esperti che noi abbiamo compiuto nella commissione medesima.

È innegabile che l'alimentazione mediterranea faccia parte del patrimonio storico e culturale del nostro continente, come è innegabile il suo principio salutistico. La stessa commissione, nel Libro bianco contro l'obesità, l'ha individuata come una medicina naturale assolutamente adeguata.

I benefici in termini di salute sono dimostrati scientificamente e godono di un'ampia fortuna all'estero, a cominciare dagli Stati Uniti. Capita dunque che il concetto si allarghi fino a snaturarne l'originalità. Per questo il riconoscimento da parte dell'Unesco sancisce una definizione a tutela di questa peculiarità e voglio dire al collega Parish che per peculiarità oggi, nella cultura gastronomica europea, parliamo di alimentazione mediterranea, ma certamente non come l'unica peculiarità della ricchezza gastronomica europea.

Signor Commissario, lei ha mantenuto l'impegno del suo predecessore a riconoscere importante questa iniziativa e di ciò la ringrazio. Ha sottolineato che non ha potere decisionale nell'ambito della procedura Unesco, tuttavia penso che lei potrà manifestare un pronunciamento e un lavoro diplomatico ...

(Il presidente ritira la parola all'oratore)

  Alessandro Battilocchio (PSE). - Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, partiamo da un concetto: la dieta mediterranea, lo confermano copiosi studi, favorisce la lotta contro l'obesità e malattie cardiovascolari ed in generale è assai positiva per la salute umana sotto molteplici aspetti.

Ma qui il punto non è pretendere di imporre la dieta mediterranea in tutta l'UE o tentare di favorirla rispetto ad altri regimi alimentari che si adattano meglio a climi e regioni diverse dal Mediterraneo. Abbiamo però il compito di proteggerla, definirla nei suoi contenuti e nelle sue caratteristiche, per difenderla da imitazioni e contaminazioni esterne che potrebbero danneggiarne l'immagine ed il valore.

Va quindi valorizzata, come tutte le altre espressioni culturali europee che meritano di essere difese e promosse a livello globale. È un modello che nel mondo tentano di copiare ed è importante, quindi, specificarne le peculiarità e salvaguardalo, per evitare che un patrimonio completamente europeo vada perso nel mare della globalizzazione.

  Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE-DE). - Dieta śródziemnomorska zasługuje na ochronę i promocję także z innych względów. Dziś, w świecie zdominowanym przez jedzenie z supermarketów i fastfoodów, kuchnia śródziemnomorska jest chlubnym wyjątkiem jedzenia popularnego i zdrowego. Nie jest ona wymysłem dietetyków, ale wynikiem wielowiekowej tradycji przekazywanej z pokolenia na pokolenie.

Ponad połowa populacji ludności Unii Europejskiej ma problemy z nadwagą. Aż 15% jest otyła. Mnie też to dotyczy. To alarmujące dane. Powinniśmy podjąć działania, aby przeciwdziałać temu negatywnemu trendowi. Jednym ze sposobów jest promowanie zdrowego sposobu odżywiania, a takim jest z całą pewnością dieta śródziemnomorska. Badania naukowe dowiodły, że przyczynia się ona do zmniejszenia ryzyka występowania chorób układu sercowo-naczyniowego, zwłaszcza choroby niedokrwiennej serca, nowotworów, a także pozytywnie wpływa na średnią długość naszego życia.

  Marios Matsakis (ALDE). - Mr President, diet is known to be an important contributor to good health. There is now indisputable scientific evidence that the Mediterranean diet – based on the traditional dietary intake of citizens of the southern parts of Europe, such as Crete and Cyprus – leads to a longer and healthier life, whereas the American-influenced junk food diet – such as industrially processed hamburgers, chips and sweets – leaders to a shorter life and one more affected by disease. Good diet is especially important in children. So, will the Commission do more – far more – in order to make sure that Member States effectively promote the Mediterranean diet in schools and even ban the use of diets proven to cause damage to children’s health in such institutions?

By the way, Mr Commissioner, I did not quite understand why the EU is not a member of UNESCO? Should it not be?

(The President cut off the speaker.)

  Ewa Tomaszewska (UEN). - Panie Przewodniczący! Lepiej zdrowo się odżywiać i nie chorować, niż leczyć się choćby najbardziej skutecznymi nowoczesnymi metodami. Leczenie, w tym skomplikowane operacje wywołane nadmiarem cholesterolu, jest też droższe niż proste, tradycyjne środki żywnościowe. Bazowanie na dobrych, sprawdzonych tradycjach to postępowanie mądre. Dieta śródziemnomorska daje zdrowie i radość życia, zapobiega nadmiernemu tyciu. Cieszę się, że UNESCO uznało dietę śródziemnomorską za dorobek ludzkości.

  Jean-Claude Martinez (NI). - Monsieur le Président, je me réjouis que ce soit un Britannique, notre collègue Parish, qui ait déposé ce texte, comme quoi les soldats romains, il y a deux mille ans, ont bien fait d'aller en Grande-Bretagne et d'amener des amphores d'huile d'olive et de vin. Mais alors, il faudra en tirer deux conséquences. Ce n'est pas très raisonnable symboliquement de mettre l'Agence de l'alimentation à Helsinki et ce n'est pas raisonnable que la Commission européenne ne revienne pas en arrière sur les points suivants: d'abord, rétablir des aides pour les amandiers, ensuite arrêter les agressions qui sont faites contre les oliviers, et notamment en Andalousie et dans toute l'Europe; arrêter les agressions qui sont faites contre les pêcheurs de thon rouge en Méditerranée et les agressions qui sont faites contre le vignoble européen avec l'arrachage. Moi, je suggère à notre commissaire et à notre Président, M. Barroso, d'organiser un grand banquet au Portugal avec des fromages de brebis et du vin de Samos

(Le Président retire la parole à l'orateur)

  Vladimír Špidla, člen Komise. − Dámy a pánové, Komise na základě strategie, která je vyjádřena v bílé knize, podporuje všechny návrhy a všechny postupy, které vedou ke zdravým stravovacím návykům. Komise tyto iniciativy aktivně podporuje, avšak nemůže podporovat pouze úzce vymezenou linii stravovacích návyků již vzhledem k podstatnému rozdílu mezi jednotlivým členskými státy a mezi jednotlivými regiony stejně tak k rozdílu mezi například i jednotlivými středomořskými zeměmi. To ovšem v žádném případě neznamená, že neplatí to, co jsem uvedl ve svém úvodním projevu, že Komise podporuje návrh zaznamenat středomořskou dietu jakožto lidské kulturní dědictví. Postupujeme tímto směrem, je samozřejmě jasné, že i když nejsme členem UNESCO, jistě existují způsoby, kterým pozici tohoto návrhu posílit.

Dámy a pánové, dovolte mi, abych zareagoval jenom na jedno vystoupení, se kterým zásadně nesouhlasím. Nevidím žádný důvod proto, abychom přehodnocovali umístění agentury ve Finsku. Nepochybuji o tom, že lidé na tom místě, kteří jsou kolem agentury sdruženi, jsou schopni v plném rozsahu a do hloubky hájit a plnit mandát, který je agentuře určen. Myslím si, že tato lokalizace byla správným a odůvodněným rozhodnutím.

  El Presidente. − No sé si hay grandes discrepancias entre Estados miembros o grupos, lo cierto es que, en el debate que hemos mantenido aquí, no se ha apreciado discrepancia; en el debate no ha habido discrepancia y de Alemania a Polonia, del Reino Unido a Portugal, España o Chipre se ha apreciado –creo yo– una unanimidad muy grande en el apoyo que se da a la iniciativa.

Muchas gracias a todos. Vamos a suspender la sesión por unos minutos. Hemos podido terminar el debate a tiempo y, sobre todo, con la paz necesaria para que todos nos escuchemos, lo cual es un buen inicio del año en nuestro Pleno. La sesión se reanudará a las 12.00 horas para las votaciones.

(La sesión, suspendida a las 11.50 horas, se reanuda a las 12.00 horas)

VORSITZ: HANS-GERT PÖTTERING
Präsident

  Francis Wurtz (GUE/NGL). - Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, je dois malheureusement vous informer que nous venons d'apprendre que le quartier général de l'Agence des Nations unies chargée de l'aide aux réfugiés à Gaza vient d'être bombardé par des obus de chars israéliens. Il y a 3 blessés et l'ONU décide d'arrêter toutes ses activités.

Je pense que, compte tenu du vote qui va intervenir tout à l'heure, il était important que chacune, chacun d'entre vous en soit informé.

(Applaudissements)

  Der Präsident. − Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege Wurtz, für diese Information. Wenn das zutreffen sollte, ist die Abstimmung, die wir gleich vornehmen werden, umso dringlicher.

4. Komunikazzjoni tal-pożizzjonijiet komunit tal-Kunsill: ara l-Minuti

5. Ix-xandir mill-ġdid tal-istazzjon televiżiv NTDTV fiċ-Ċina permezz tal-Eutelsat (dikjarazzjoni bil-miktub)

  Marco Cappato (ALDE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, grazie anche a nome di chi ha compromesso questa iniziativa. Voglio ringraziare gli oltre 440 deputati che hanno sottoscritto. Questo Parlamento chiede a Eutelsat di riprendere le trasmissioni di NTDTV in Cina: la libertà di informarsi e di conoscere è un diritto umano fondamentale. Questo Parlamento dimostra, come sul Premio Sacharov a Hu Jia, come sull'invito al Dalai Lama, che quando critichiamo la Cina o l'UE sui diritti umani lo facciamo a favore della libertà del popolo cinese.

6. Ħin tal-votazzjonijiet

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgt die Abstimmungsstunde.

(Abstimmungsergebnisse und sonstige Einzelheiten der Abstimmung: siehe Protokoll)

6.1. Il-kontroll baġitarju tal-fondi tal-UE mogħtija lill-Afganistan (A6-0488/2008, Véronique Mathieu) (votazzjoni)

6.2. It-traspożizzjoni u l-applikazzjoni tad-Direttiva 2002/73/KE dwar l-implimentazzjoni tal-prinċipju ta’ trattament ugwali bejn l-irġiel u n-nisa fir-rigward ta’ l-aċċess għall-impjieg, it-taħriġ u l-promozzjoni professjonali, u l-kundizzjonijiet tax-xogħol (A6-0491/2008, Teresa Riera Madurell) (votazzjoni)

6.3. Sitwazzjoni fil-Lvant Nofsani/Gaża (votazzjoni)

– Vor der Abstimmung

  Martin Schulz (PSE). - Herr Präsident! Ich danke Ihnen, dass Sie mir das Wort geben. Ich bitte Sie und auch die Kolleginnen und Kollegen, mir zu gestatten, zwei Bemerkungen zu machen, zunächst eine zu der Entschließung, die zur Abstimmung vorliegt, und danach eine persönliche Bemerkung, die einen Kollegen dieses Hauses betrifft.

Zur vorliegenden Entschließung: Meine Fraktion hat gestern Abend noch einmal sehr intensiv und auch sehr leidenschaftlich, aber sehr bedächtig über diese Entschließung diskutiert. Ich glaube, wir alle stehen heute Morgen, bevor wir abstimmen, unter dem Eindruck dessen, was Francis Wurtz gerade berichtet hat. Wenn in einer kriegerischen, bewaffneten Auseinandersetzung die internationalen Institutionen nicht mehr sicher sind, dann ist ein Grad erreicht, der äußerst bedenklich ist. Man muss einen Appell in diesem Fall insbesondere an Israel richten, die Einrichtungen der internationalen Staatengemeinschaft zu respektieren, weil sonst die Aufrechterhaltung der humanitären Infrastruktur nicht gewährleistet ist, was sicher nicht im Rahmen des internationalen Völkerrechts ist.

Zum anderen aber haben wir uns entschlossen, diese Entschließung mitzutragen, weil wir – nach langer Diskussion gestern Abend – glauben, dass es wichtig und richtig ist, sie zum jetzigen Zeitpunkt zu verabschieden, und dass die Signale, die wir aussenden, auch die Signale, die das Europäische Parlament als Institution aussendet, notwendig sind. Aber ganz sicher ist eins: Eine Entwicklung der Gewalt, die nicht einmal mehr haltmacht vor Schulen und Kindergärten, ist ein Grad, den man nicht bedauern kann, sondern aufs Schärfste verurteilen muss. Das findet sich in der Entschließung nicht wieder,

(Lebhafter Beifall)

aber wir wollen – weil wir glauben, dass wir damit auch dem Gefühl vieler Kolleginnen und Kollegen, auch aus anderen Fraktionen, Ausdruck verleihen – das hier doch so festhalten.

Gestatten Sie mir, zu einem Kollegen, der sich in seiner ganzen politischen Karriere gerade um den Frieden in der Welt und in der Europäischen Union große Verdienste erworben hat, am heutigen Tag etwas zu sagen. Das ist heute die letzte Plenarsitzung, an der mein Kollege Michel Rocard teilnehmen wird. Für uns Sozialistinnen und Sozialisten, aber ich glaube für uns alle ....

(Die Mitglieder des Parlaments erheben sich und spenden Beifall)

  Der Präsident. − Vielen Dank, Herr Schulz. Da ich gestern an dem Empfang nicht teilnehmen konnte, weil der Präsident des Europäischen Rates, der Ministerpräsident Tschechiens, Mirek Topolánek, hier war, möchte ich an die Adresse des Kollegen Rocard sagen: Herr Kollege Michel Rocard, ich möchte Ihnen meine größte Hochachtung und meine Freundschaft zum Ausdruck bringen und wünsche Ihnen für all das, was Sie jetzt vorhaben, Glück und Erfolg. Ich hoffe, dass wir uns oft wiedersehen, und danke Ihnen für Ihren großen Beitrag, den Sie für die europäische Einigung geleistet haben. Aufrichtigen Dank, Michel Rocard!

(Lebhafter Beifall)

– Vor der Abstimmung / betrifft Ziffer 3

  Michael Gahler (PPE-DE). - Herr Präsident! Auch in Absprache mit den anderen Fraktionen möchte ich folgende Änderung vorschlagen:

To replace ‘a special responsibility’ with ‘an important role’, so that it would read: ‘which implies an important role for Egypt’.

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird berücksichtigt.)

  Der Präsident. − Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, ich möchte Sie darüber informieren, dass ich jetzt den Versuch unternehmen werde, in meiner Eigenschaft als Präsident der Euromediterranen Parlamentarischen Versammlung eine ähnliche Entschließung des Präsidiums dieser Parlamentarischen Versammlung herbeizuführen, wie Sie ihn gerade hier im Europäischen Parlament beschlossen haben.

(Applaus)

6.4. Is-sitwazzjoni fil-Qarn tal-Afrika (votazzjoni)

– Vor der Abstimmung

  Ana Maria Gomes (PSE). - Queria propor um novo parágrafo antes do parágrafo 1, que diz o seguinte:

‘Notes that the current situation in the countries of the Horn of Africa is not in conformity with the essential elements of cooperation stated in Article 9 of the Cotonou Agreement;’.

This is a sentence that was already in the report that our three colleagues, who visited the region, recently gave to us.

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird nicht berücksichtigt.)

6.5. L-Istrateġija tal-Unjoni Ewropew fir-rigward tal-Belarus (votazzjoni)

– Vor der Abstimmung – betrifft Ziffer 9

  Jan Marinus Wiersma (PSE). - We propose to delete the last sentence of paragraph 9, which reads: ‘calls on the Belarusian authorities to end their practice of issuing exit visas to their citizens, in particular children and students’. We want to delete this because the authorities have already abolished this system of exit visas, so it is obsolete.

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird berücksichtigt.)

6.6. Il-proklamazzjoni tal-11 ta' Lulju bħala jum kommemorattiv għall-vittmi tal-ġenoċidju ta' Srebrenica (votazzjoni)

– Vor der Abstimmung – betrifft Ziffer 3

  Doris Pack (PPE-DE). - Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Alle haben zugestimmt, dass wir Punkt 3 ergänzen. In Punkt 3 geht es um die Aufgabe des Internationalen Gerichtshofs in Den Haag. Wir möchten ihn gerne um folgenden Satz ergänzen:

‘reiterates in that regard that increased attention needs to be paid to war crime trials at domestic level;’.

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird berücksichtigt.)

7. Spegazzjonijiet tal-vot

Mündliche Stimmerklärungen

- Bericht: Teresa Riera Madurell (A6-0491/2008)

  Daniel Hannan (NI). - Mr President, the field of equal pay and gender equality has been perhaps the supreme example in the European Union of judicial activism, of the Treaty saying one thing and then the European Court interpreting that in an expansive and creative way.

The Treaty of Rome has one sentence on the subject which you would have thought is very easily understood: ‘Men and women shall be given equal pay for equal work’. But in a series of contentious judgments – Defrenne v. Sabena, Barber v. Guardian Royal Exchange, and others – the definition has been progressively widened, first so as to include holiday entitlements and pensions and so on, and then so as to include work of equivalent value.

It is not at all clear how an employer is supposed to assess work of equivalent value, whether he is required, for example, to factor in the availability of suitably qualified applicants. My point is not really to do with gender equality, it is to do with the fairness of Member States thinking that they have signed one Treaty, and then finding that it is interpreted in the courts by judges who give it a meaning that it could not possibly have been intended to have.

Before we open the door to massive new extensions through the Treaty of Lisbon, we should put it to a referendum. Pactio Olisipiensis censenda est!

PRÉSIDENCE DE M. GÉRARD ONESTA
Vice-président

  Philip Claeys (NI). - Mijnheer de Voorzitter, ik kan mij niet terugvinden in het verslag Riera Madurell, niet omdat ik mij verzet tegen het principe van de gelijke behandeling van mannen en vrouwen. Integendeel natuurlijk, maar het probleem met dit verslag en eigenlijk met alle vergelijkbare verslagen in dit politiek correcte Huis is de betutteling die erin vervat zit. Hoe kan men nu bijvoorbeeld de omkering van de bewijslast toejuichen? Het is nochtans een principe dat elementair is in een rechtsstaat dat men moet aantonen dat iemand niet onschuldig is in plaats van het omgekeerde.

Waarom worden bedrijven opgezadeld met de verplichting om elk jaar een bedrijfsplan voor gendergelijkheid voor te leggen. Dit is pure betutteling, dit is puur het opzadelen van bedrijven met nutteloze rompslomp, enkel en alleen om een aantal principes door te drukken die door iedereen aanvaard worden, maar die in de praktijk niet altijd gemakkelijk te realiseren zijn. Hoe kan men een bedrijf verplichten om elk jaar evenveel mannen als vrouwen aan te werven in plaats van gewoon te kijken naar wie het bekwaamst is voor de job.

- Entschliessungsantrag B6-0051/2009 (Lage im Nahen Osten / Gaza)

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE-DE). - Balsavau už rezoliuciją dėl padėties Gazos ruože, nes daugelis dalykų, kurie svarbūs Lietuvos gyventojams, kurie mane delegavo į šį Parlamentą, yra įtraukti į šią rezoliuciją.

Svarbiausia – nedelsiant ir visam laikui nutraukti ugnį. Statistika, kurią vakar transliavo pasaulio informacijos agentūros, yra bauginanti – daugiau nei 1000 žuvusiųjų, šimtai sužeistųjų, sužaloti, verkiantys vaikai. Tai negali tęstis.

Man, kaip Europos Parlamento Žmogaus teisių pakomitečio narei, ypatingai svarbūs yra žmogaus teisių pažeidimai, humanitarinė situacija Gazos ruože. Humanitarinei pagalbai neturi būti jokių kliūčių, pagalba turi atitekti tiems, kam ji skirta, kam jos labiausiai reikia – civiliams žmonėms.

Aš sveikinu šią Europos Parlamento rezoliuciją, jos labai reikėjo. Europos Parlamentas niekada netyli ir negali tylėti, kai žūsta žmonės.

  Mairead McGuinness (PPE-DE). - Mr President, it seems rather futile to welcome this motion for a resolution on Gaza which, of course, I do, because thus far words have not been heard above the noise and din of rocket-fire, bullets and the cries of men, women and children who have been wounded and who have died in the region. But it may be that today there will be further movements towards a ceasefire in the region, which would be most welcome.

In that respect, we support the efforts of Egypt to broker a ceasefire. While Egypt and the Arab leaders may bring influence to bear on Hamas, when it comes to Israel, I think it is the US which carries that influence, although I hope that this motion for a resolution, which was resoundingly supported in Parliament today, will add further to the pressure for immediate and effective humanitarian aid, for a ceasefire and for a lasting peace in the region.

  Daniel Hannan (NI). - Mr President, firstly I was delighted to see that no action was taken against Members who decided to demonstrate during this vote with their ‘Stop the war’ placards and their Palestinian flags. I hope we have now set the precedent that, unlike those who demonstrated for a referendum, we accept the right to make a peaceful point in a suitable manner as part of the democratic process.

Like everybody else in this Chamber, I am of course horrified by what has been happening in the Middle East. The losers are not one side or the other but people of good will throughout the region. There are Gazan families peaceably trying to bring up their children, who are horrified at the hell unleashed on them by the rocket launches. There are Israelis who understand that one day an independent Palestine will be their neighbour and that actions of this kind are unlikely to make it a benign neighbour. But, in the current circumstances, nobody wants to listen to such voices.

I would just say that I am puzzled by the resolution’s insistence on proportionality. I am not sure what proportionality means. Would critics of the Israeli Government be happier if it had rained an equivalent number of rockets randomly on Gazan villages? I see your gavel raised so I will simply say that I hope that the ceasefire is quickly negotiated and that we can get back to talking and to finding a peaceful resolution.

  Bernd Posselt (PPE-DE). - Herr Präsident! Ich danke dem tschechischen Außenminister und Ratspräsidenten Fürst Schwarzenberg sowie der Außenkommissarin Ferrero-Waldner für ihre gestrige Präsenz bei unserer Debatte und den Kollegen für die heutige fast einstimmige Abstimmung.

Die EU ist in der Tat viel geschlossener, als dies behauptet wird. Wenn wir diese Geschlossenheit bewahren, können wir im Nahen Osten auch etwas erreichen. Deshalb müssen wir auf dieser Linie fortfahren.

Die Elemente sind eigentlich klar: Ja zum Existenzrecht Israels, Nein zu Krieg und Blutvergießen, Nein zum Raketenbeschuss der Hamas, Nein zum Terrorsystem der Hamas, und vor allem – was ganz wesentlich ist – brauchen wir Verhandlungen über die strittigen Punkte einschließlich des Siedlerproblems, was neben dem inakzeptablen Terror der Hamas zum Kern des Ganzen gehört.

Das heißt, die Grundelemente liegen auf dem Tisch. Von daher ist es unsere Aufgabe als EU, die Dinge mit Energie und Entschlossenheit voranzutreiben, statt wieder zu einem zerrissenen Debattierklub zu werden, der wir leider in den letzten Jahren in der Frage der Nahostpolitik waren.

  Hannu Takkula (ALDE). - Arvoisa puhemies, uskon, että me kaikki Euroopan unionissa ja Euroopan parlamentissa haluamme rauhan tuolle alueelle. Rauha ja tulitauko. Ja jotta tulitauko voidaan saada, meidän pitää voimakkaasti ponnistella sen puolesta, että terroristijärjestö Hamas riisutaan kaikista aseista.

Minun mielestäni Hamasin terrorijärjestöluonteen kuvaaminen olisi voinut olla vielä paremmin esillä tässä päätöslauselmaesityksessä, mutta tiedän, että kun tällaista kompromissia rakennetaan eri puolueitten välillä, se voi olla vaikeaa saada aikaan. Joka tapauksessa meidän pitää olla eurooppalaisina tasapuolisia, objektiivisia ja ennen muuta, meidän pitää kaikissa olosuhteissa puolustaa demokratiaa, ihmisoikeuksia, mielipiteenvapautta ja vastustaa terroria, se on kaikista tärkeintä. Meidän on muistettava myös se, että tämä kaikki sai alkunsa terrorihyökkäyksestä, ja nyt täytyy saada terrori kitkettyä tästä asiasta.

  Kristian Vigenin (PSE). - Mr President, I am pleased that our Parliament was able to adopt this resolution by such an impressive vote, with no votes against. We, and I personally, supported this resolution because the European Parliament has to have a clear position and to find common ground, even if the resolution adopted today does not correspond fully to the position of the Socialist Group.

Let me reiterate that the Socialist Group expresses its deepest outrage at the violence in the Gaza Strip, the consequences of the disproportionate use of force by the Israeli Army and the military escalation that is causing many hundreds of victims – most of them civilians, including many children – and that we strongly regret that civilian and UN targets have been hit.

We stress again that any upgrading of political relations between the EU and Israel must be strongly conditioned on respect for international humanitarian law, on real commitment to a comprehensive peace settlement, on an end to the humanitarian crisis in Gaza and the Occupied Palestinian Territory and on respect for full implementation of the EC-PLO Interim Association Agreement.

- Bericht: Teresa Riera Madurell (A6-0491/2008)

  Astrid Lulling (PPE-DE). - Monsieur le Président, je voudrais tout simplement faire une mise au point parce que, dans une explication de vote orale d'un des collègues, il a dit des choses et prétendu qu'il y a dans la résolution des choses qui n'y figurent pas. Il n'y a pas d'obligation pour les employeurs de faire des plans. Nous avons retiré toutes ces obligations, toutes ces demandes du rapport tel qu'il avait été adopté par la commission des droits de la femme. Nous avons présenté une résolution commune et j'espère que ce collègue n'est quand même pas contre le fait qu'on souligne la nécessité d'encourager le dialogue social entre partenaires sociaux, afin que soit appliqué le principe d'égalité, ni contre le fait qu'on invite les États membres à encourager les employeurs à fournir régulièrement aux employés et à leurs représentants des informations liées au respect du principe d'égalité. Donc, tout ce qu'il a critiqué ne se trouve plus dans la résolution qui a été adoptée et je voulais faire cette mise au point.

- Entschließungsantrag RC-B6-0028/2009 (Belarus)

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE-DE). - Balsavau už mūsų rezoliuciją dėl Europos Sąjungos strategijos dėl Baltarusijos. Manau, kad dokumentas puikiai atspindi per pastarąjį pusmetį įvykusius pasikeitimus šioje šalyje, kuriuos būtina įvertinti.

Žinoma, pirmosios kregždės dar nereiškia, kad atėjo pavasaris, tačiau Baltarusija yra didelė ir svarbi valstybė, Europos Sąjungos kaimynystėje, ir, be abejo, visi pozityvūs pasikeitimai mus džiugina. Politinių kalinių išlaisvinimas, kai kurių spaudos laisvės suvaržymų atšaukimas, dialogas su Europos Sąjunga energetikos, aplinkosaugos, kitais klausimais yra pozityvūs pokyčiai.

Šiandien noriu pareikšti įsitikinimą, kad atėjo laikas Europos Parlamento delegacijos vizitui į Baltarusiją, ir ši rezoliucija aiškiai pasisako šiuo svarbiu klausimu. Tikiuosi, kad laikas, kai Baltarusija galės naudotis Europos kaimynystės politikos teikiamomis galimybėmis, sparčiai artėja. Tik nesustokime pusiaukelėje – tai galioja ir Baltarusijai, ir Europos Sąjungai.

  Roberto Fiore (NI). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ho votato contro la risoluzione nonostante ci fossero degli elementi apprezzabili e di equilibrio nella risoluzione. Io penso che non ci sia e non sussistano più ragioni per mantenere un regime di sanzioni nei confronti della Bielorussia. Dal punto di vista delle libertà economiche, politiche e religiose è un paese che ha quasi totalmente seguito i criteri di libertà in cui noi crediamo.

Io penso che sia necessario anzi iniziare delle vere e proprie relazioni con la Bielorussia per l'integrazione di questo paese nell'Europa, pienamente e soprattutto in una fase in cui ci troviamo a dover anche iniziare un rapporto con la Russia. La Bielorussia può essere un buon ponte fra l'Europa e la Russia e io ritengo che piuttosto di minacciare sanzioni si debba iniziare un vero e proprio proficuo rapporto con questo paese.

Schriftliche Stimmerklärungen

- Bericht: Véronique Mathieu (A6-0488/2008)

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE-DE), raštu. − Aš balsavau už kolegės Veronique Mathieu parengtą pranešimą dėl Afganistanui skirtų ES biudžeto lėšų finansinės kontrolės ir EP rezoliucijos šiuo klausimu.

Tai išsamus, gerai parengtas dokumentas, kuriam nuomones pateikė net trys EP komitetai, įskaitant ir Biudžeto komitetą, kurio nuomonę aš rengiau.

Aš noriu dar kartą atkreipti dėmesį į svarbiausius dalykus, nuo kurių priklauso mūsų paramos Afganistanui rezultatai. Tai, visų pirma, finansinės paramos koordinavimas, ne tik tarp ES valstybių narių ir Europos Komisijos, bet ir tarp pačių valstybių narių, taip pat ir koordinavimas su kitais donorais.

Ir, antra, noriu pabrėžti prioritetų svarbą. Esu įsitikinusi, kad infrastruktūros plėtra, parama alternatyviems pragyvenimo šaltiniams, kurie padėtų mažinti skurdą ir pereiti nuo opijaus gamybos prie kitų alternatyvių veiklų, pagaliau sveikatos, švietimo įstaigos turėtų būti ES prioritetų sąraše.

  Robert Atkins (PPE-DE), in writing. − I and my British Conservative colleagues are fully supportive of EU and international efforts to promote peace, democracy and prosperity for the people of Afghanistan. The future stability of Afghanistan is of crucial concern to the security of EU Member States and wider afield.

We support funding for development and the promotion of good governance in Afghanistan, but equally believe this funding must be effectively monitored. Transparency in the use of taxpayers' money is of great concern and any evidence of misappropriation or misuse must be dealt with properly.

We wish to make clear that our support for this report in no way implies recognition of the Treaty of Lisbon, which is mentioned in Recital 11 of the report. We oppose the Treaty of Lisbon in principle.

  Călin Cătălin Chiriţă (PPE-DE), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea raportului prezentat de doamna Véronique Mathieu privind controlul bugetar al fondurilor comunitare în Afganistan. Este un raport judicios şi de mare însemnătate, întrucât succesul eforturilor financiare, politice, civile şi militare pentru stabilizarea Afganistanului prezintă o importanţă deosebită pentru UE şi pentru întreaga lume democratică.

România contribuie la aceste eforturi internaţionale în Afganistan cu 721 de militari în cadrul misiunii ISAF (sub egida NATO) şi cu 57 de militari în operaţiunea Enduring Freedom (misiune de tip coaliţie). În aceste misiuni, mai mulţi militari români au fost ucişi sau răniţi, aducând tristeţea în familiile lor şi în societatea românească. Dorim ca sacrificiul lor să nu fie zadarnic, iar contribuţia financiară, militară şi umană a românilor la efortul european şi internaţional să conducă la o stabilizare durabilă a Afganistanului şi la eliminarea focarelor de terorism.

  Dragoş Florin David (PPE-DE), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea raportului deoarece Comisia trebuie să mărească mijloacele alocate luptei împotriva traficului de droguri.

Ajutorul acordat în perioada 2004-2007 de către UE se compune din ajutoare directe şi indirecte. Între anii 2002 şi 2007, ajutorul comunitar direct a reprezentat 70% (970 de milioane de euro) din totalul ajutorului comunitar, iar ajutorul comunitar indirect, gestionat de organizaţiile internaţionale, a reprezentat 30% din ajutorul comunitar (422 de milioane de euro).

Cu toate acestea, se impune recunoaşterea lipsei de coordonare la nivel internaţional între ţările donatoare, situaţie care există şi între diferitele state membre ale Uniunii şi Comisia Europeană, în condiţiile în care aceasta ar putea avea un rol unificator. Aceasta are drept consecinţe un raport costuri/eficienţă mult inferior a ceea ce ar trebui să fie şi convingerea că populaţia afgană ar fi putut beneficia într-o măsură mult mai mare de fondurile internaţionale şi comunitare alocate ţării.

  Koenraad Dillen (NI), schriftelijk. − De EU is een van de grootste donoren van ontwikkelingshulp en humanitaire steun aan Afghanistan. Tussen 2002 en 2007 heeft de Europese Commisie voor een totaal bedrag van 1.400.000.000 euro steun toegekend.

Dit is een goed verslag, want het gaat uit van een aantal correcte stellingen en het geeft een aantal goede aanbevelingen. Zo moet de controle op EU-gelden uitgebreid worden en de welig tierende corruptie in het land drastischer worden aangepakt. (Geldt dat overigens niet voor alle ontwikkelingslanden waarnaar onze steun gaat?)

Anderzijds pleit het Europees Parlement voor meer ontwikkelingssteun en de uitbreiding van de delegatie van de Commissie in Kaboel om de nodige verificaties, audits en controles uit te voeren.

Met Afghanistan staat of valt de strijd tegen het internationale terrorisme. Bijkomende budgettaire inspanningen zijn dus meer dan welkom.

  Carl Lang (NI), par écrit. – Le rapport sur le contrôle budgétaire des fonds de l'Union Européenne en Afghanistan, de par les constats qui y sont faits, démontre une fois de plus que l'interventionnisme occidental dans ces régions n'aura rien changé. Notre présence ne fait que prolonger la guerre et les souffrances qui en résultent plutôt que d'y remédier.

Parler de démocratie et d'égalité des sexes dans un pays où les coutumes confinent parfois à la barbarie, résume toute l'illusion béate des européistes préférant toujours s'occuper de l'international plutôt que de régler les problèmes de l'Europe.

Les ethnies composant l'Afghanistan, terre belliqueuse depuis des siècles, n'accepteront jamais aucune occupation étrangère, fût-elle "humanitaire". Elle ne fait que renforcer les positions des talibans ou d'autres factions extrémistes plutôt que de permettre l'émergence d'un pouvoir légitime fort et capable de stabiliser le pays.

Les Européens doivent se retirer au plus vite du guêpier afghan.

  Bogusław Liberadzki (PSE), na piśmie. − Panie Przewodniczący! Głosuję za przyjęciem sprawozdania w sprawie kontroli budżetowej środków UE w Afganistanie (2008/2152 (INI)).

Pani Mathieu słusznie zauważa, że wskaźnik rozwoju społecznego w Afganistanie osiąga dramatycznie niski poziom. Fakt trwania w stanie konfliktu lub wojny, spory plemienne i międzynarodowe, handel narkotykami, korupcja – wszystko to powoduje, że Afganistan potrzebuje pomocy wspólnotowej.

Chciałbym wyrazić swoje poparcie na rzecz pomocy Afganistanowi. Z zadowoleniem przyjmuję długofalowe zobowiązanie do działań na rzecz tego kraju i uważam, że priorytety określone w krajowym dokumencie strategicznym Komisji na lata 2007-2013 są zgodne z potrzebami społeczeństwa afgańskiego.

  Alexandru Nazare (PPE-DE), în scris. − Uniunea Europeană este unul dintre principalii donatori în Afganistan, contribuind la stabilizarea şi creşterea securităţii în zonă, cu efecte vizibile precum creşterea speranţei de viaţă.

UE trebuie să continue sprijinul acordat Afganistan, însă nu poate ignora cheltuirea defectuoasă a banilor proveniţi din bugetul comunitar, adică, în ultimă instanţă, din buzunarul contribuabililor. De aceea, consider că acest raport este binevenit ca un instrument de a eficientiza alocarea asistenţei UE în Afganistan şi de a maximiza impactul financiar al fondurilor. În acest sens, coordonarea şi controlul fondurilor de asistenţă pentru dezvoltare acordate Afganistanului sunt trei elemente esenţiale pentru a facilita atingerea scopurilor acestor bani.

Raportul propus sintetizează o serie de probleme în acordarea fondurilor UE Afganistanului şi propune o serie de recomandări viabile. Îmi exprim susţinerea faţă de acest raport şi sper ca acesta să fie urmat de implementarea unei serii de măsuri concrete, pentru a spori impactul utilizării fondurilor UE şi a asigura un mai bun control asupra cheltuirii acestora. Ţinând cont şi de situaţia economică în majoritatea statelor noastre, consider că este de datoria PE, în calitate de entitate cu atribuţiuni bugetare în cadrul Uniunii, de a asigura eficienţa maximă în utilizarea banilor publici.

  Luca Romagnoli (NI), per iscritto. − Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, esprimo il mio voto favorevole alla relazione della collega Mathieu sul controllo di bilancio dei fondi dell'UE in Afghanistan.

La relazione presenta conclusioni molto chiare circa i risultati finora ottenuti tramite gli aiuti comunitari dalla firma dell'accordo ad oggi: pur avendo potuto essere di maggior portata, essi sono comunque positivi e degni di nota. Mi riferisco in particolare alla diminuzione del tasso di mortalità infantile, al miglioramento dell'accesso all'assistenza sanitaria di base e al grande aumento del numero di minori scolarizzati. Mi associo inoltre alla relatrice nel ritenere che debbano essere incentivati gli sforzi volti a migliorare il coordinamento tra donatori a livello comunitario e internazionale, al fine di evitare duplicazioni e fonti di corruzione nel paese.

Inoltre, è fondamentale che nei casi di assistenza finanziaria ad un paese pesantemente afflitto da problemi di ordine sociale e politico il sistema di controllo sia più che mai efficace, altrimenti il rischio è di peggiorare la situazione, quando il fine che ci si propone è quello di migliorarla. Perciò auspico che tale sistema di controllo, specialmente ex-ante, venga migliorato ed applicato in misura maggiore a quanto finora fatto.

- Bericht: Teresa Riera Madurell (A6-0491/2008)

  Robert Atkins (PPE-DE), in writing. − I and my British Conservative colleagues are fully supportive of the principle of equal treatment for men and women in all aspects of life, including access to employment, vocational training and promotion, and working conditions.

However, we believe these matters are primarily ones for Member States to pursue and not for the European Union. We have therefore decided to abstain on this report.

  Gerard Batten, Godfrey Bloom, Derek Roland Clark, Nigel Farage, Michael Henry Nattrass and John Whittaker (IND/DEM), in writing. − UKIP fully supports equality for men and women. However, the UK already has equality legislation and can change and improve it as and when required to by our Parliament and people. Further legislation and bureaucracy imposed by the EU is therefore unnecessary. Furthermore, the EU is undemocratic and not a safe guardian of anyone's rights, including those of women.

  Koenraad Dillen (NI), schriftelijk. − Ik heb tegen dit zoveelste politiek-correcte verslag gestemd, dat ons in dit Parlement ter goedkeuring wordt voorgelegd. In de eerste plaats wil ik erop wijzen dat gelijke behandeling van mannen en vrouwen in de EU al lang bestaat en dat dit verslag dus overbodig is. Verder bekritiseer ik de in dit verslag toegejuichde omkering van de bewijslast bij rechtszaken (§20), een rechtsstaat onwaardig, terwijl ook nog eens totale almacht wordt gegeven aan organisaties die deze richtlijn moeten uitvoeren (§19).

Het feit dat lidstaten ondernemingen moeten verplichten om jaarlijkse bedrijfsplannen voor gendergelijkheid te ontwikkelen en een evenwichtige genderverdeling binnen bedrijfsdirecties moeten waarborgen, staat volledig haaks op de vrijheid van ondernemen. Voor bedrijven in moeilijkheden door de internationale financiële crisis zou een dergelijke verplichting nog eens voor verpletterende bijkomende bureaucratische rompslomp kunnen zorgen. In een vrije markt met gezonde bedrijven komt kwaliteit, mannelijk of vrouwelijk, vanzelf bovendrijven. Daarvan zijn voorbeelden te over.

  Constantin Dumitriu (PPE-DE), în scris. − În condiţiile actualei crize economice, femeile sunt printre cele mai afectate de şomaj sau diminuarea salariilor. Avem nevoie la nivel european ca statele membre să implementeze prevederile Directivei 2002/73/CE şi Comisia Europeană să vegheze asupra acţiunilor acestea şi să informeze periodic Parlamentul European.

Aşa cum arată şi raportul doamnei Madurell, una dintre marile probleme în combaterea discriminării de gen pe piaţa forţei de muncă este şi gradul insuficient de informare referitoare la drepturile pe care le au victimele discriminării. Aici responsabilitatea este împărţită în mod egal între statele membre, instituţiile europene - precum Institutul European pentru Egalitatea de Gen - şi angajatori. Un rol important îl au şi organizaţiile societăţii civile care, prin campanii de informare şi rapoarte de monitorizare, pot suplini deficitul de acţiune la nivel naţional sau european.

Comisia are obligaţia să vegheze ca statele membre să ia măsuri în ceea ce priveşte concilierea vieţii de familie cu cea profesională, reducerea diferenţelor de salarizare dintre femei şi bărbaţi şi accesul femeilor la funcţii de conducere. În România, reglementările la nivel european au fost cele care ne-au ajutat să punem pe picioare un sistem instituţional care să asigure că „drepturile omului sunt şi drepturile femeilor”.

  Edite Estrela (PSE), por escrito. − Votei a favor do Relatório Madurell sobre a transposição e aplicação da Directiva 2002/73/CE relativa à concretização do princípio da igualdade de tratamento entre homens e mulheres no que se refere ao acesso ao emprego, à formação e promoção profissionais e às condições de trabalho, por considerar importante a aplicação do princípio da igualdade de tratamento entre homens e mulheres na matéria coberta por esta Directiva.

Entre as várias falhas na transposição da Directiva destaco o facto de que a legislação de vários Estados-Membros não tem referência específica à discriminação de género. Como refere a Relatora, as diferenças salariais continuam elevadas, com as mulheres a auferirem salários, em média, 15% inferiores aos dos homens, sendo que, entre 2000 e 2006, esta diferença apenas diminuiu 1%. No âmbito da Estratégia de Lisboa é essencial que este statu quo mude, pelo que concordo com a Relatora sobre a importância de recomendar à Comissão Europeia que monitorize activamente a transposição da Directiva e a conformidade das legislações nacionais com esta.

  Mieczysław Edmund Janowski (UEN), na piśmie. − Głosowałem za przyjęciem sprawozdania sprawie wprowadzenia w życie zasady równego traktowania mężczyzn i kobiet w zakresie dostępu do zatrudnienia, kształcenia i awansu zawodowego, autorstwa pani Teresy Riera Madurell. Kwestie równego traktowania ludzi niezależnie od płci, rasy wyznania itp. należą do fundamentalnych praw człowieka. Oczywiście w odniesieniu do kobiet i mężczyzn nie można zapominać o naturalnych różnicach biologicznych.

W moim przekonaniu nie jest przejawem rzeczywistej dbałości o równość obu płci stosowanie wszędzie 50% automatyzmu rachunkowego. W przypadku ciężkich zawodów np. górnika, hutnika itp. wiedzie to wprost do absurdu, podobnie jak w odniesieniu do zawodu pielęgniarki czy nauczycielki. Tak samo nie można przymusić dziewcząt do studiów technicznych, by zachować proporcję pół na pół. Zasadnicze kwestie dotyczą dostępu do edukacji na każdym poziomie, do pełnienia funkcji kierowniczych (także w instytucjach politycznych), do stosowania zasady „równa płaca za równą pracę”, do adekwatnego dostępu do zabezpieczenia społecznego i pomocy społecznej oraz opieki lekarskiej (z uwzględnieniem macierzyństwa). Ważną rolę w tej materii powinny odegrać związki zawodowe. Problematyka ta jest istotna na poziomie lokalnym, regionalnym, krajowym, a także instytucji UE.

Przy tej sposobności chciałbym zwrócić uwagę na dyskryminujące mężczyzn wyroki sądowe rozstrzygające niemal automatycznie na korzyść kobiety kwestę opieki nad dzieckiem w przypadku rozwodu.

  Jörg Leichtfried (PSE), schriftlich. − Ich stimme dem Bericht von Teresa Riera Madurell zur Umsetzung der Richtlinie zur Gleichbehandlung zu.

Meines Erachtens ist es höchst an der Zeit, dass Frauen den Männern nicht nur ansatzweise, sondern voll und ganz gleichgestellt werden.

Von Chancengleichheit im Berufszugang bzw. -alltag kann noch lange keine Rede sein. Was die Einkommensschere zwischen den Geschlechtern betrifft, so schließt sich diese in manchen Mitgliedsländern äußerst zaghaft, in anderen öffnet sie sich sogar wieder.

Aufgrund dieser offenkundigen Ungerechtigkeiten und vor allem deshalb, weil ich als Familienmensch Frauen sehr schätze und respektiere, liegt mir die Realisierung dieser Richtlinie ganz besonders am Herzen.

  Astrid Lulling (PPE-DE), par écrit. – La commission des droits de la femme et de l'égalité des genres s'inquiète de l'application de la directive relative à la mise en œuvre du principe de l'égalité de traitement entre hommes et femmes en ce qui concerne l'accès à l'emploi, à la formation et à la promotion professionnelles et les conditions de travail.

En l'absence du rapport de la Commission européenne, notre commission a mené sa propre enquête auprès des parlements nationaux et des organismes de l'égalité. Des mises en demeure ont été adressées à 22 États membres, des définitions ont été incorrectement transposées dans 15 États-Membres. Le 5 octobre 2008, 9 États-Membres n'avaient pas communiqué de mesures visant à transposer la directive.

Notre rapport d'initiative est un cri d'alarme et un avertissement aux États membres. Malheureusement des affirmations et des revendications exagérées ont été votées en commission. J'avais donc déposé une résolution alternative.

Nous avons pu nous mettre d'accord sur une résolution commune, que j'ai votée, en attendant le rapport d'application qui nous parviendra au premier semestre 2009. Il permettra une analyse solide pour tirer les conséquences qui s'imposeront pour respecter le Traité et la législation en matière d'égalité de traitement et de chances entre femmes et hommes.

  Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. − Diskriminering och trakasserier får inte förekomma i ett liberalt samhälle. Detta betänkande påminner med skrämmande fakta om att många medlemsstater har en lång väg att gå för att göra män och kvinnor jämställda i liv och arbete. Ansvaret för att bekämpa orättvisorna på exempelvis arbetsmarknaden vilar dock inte på EU:s institutioner, utan är och bör förbli en angelägenhet för ansvarskännande medborgare och deras politiska och fackliga företrädare i medlemsstaterna. Jag vänder mig bestämt emot de skrivningar som syftar till att använda dessa orättvisor som argument för att öka överstatligheten på bekostnad av de enskilda medlemsstaternas självbestämmande. Att öka avståndet mellan styrande och styrda är inte vägen till ett liberalt samhälle där alla människors lika värde är grundvalen.

Betänkandets främsta syfte är emellertid att tydliggöra hur diskriminering och trakasserier fortfarande kan förstöra människors möjlighet till liv och egenmakt. Det är så viktigt att jag ändå har valt att rösta ja till det alternativa förslaget till resolution.

  Iosif Matula (PPE-DE), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea raportului privind punerea în aplicare a principiului egalității de tratament între bărbați și femei în ceea ce privește accesul la încadrarea în muncă, la formarea și la promovarea profesională, precum și condițiile de muncă.

Deşi egalitatea de gen este un drept fundamental în Uniunea Europeană, statisticile oficiale arată că există totuși diferenţe în ceea ce priveşte rata ocupării forţei de muncă, în special în ţările care au aderat recent la Uniunea Europeană.

Având în vedere faptul că egalitatea de tratament a femeilor şi bărbaţilor reprezintă încă o problemă structurală, Consiliul European de la Lisabona din martie 2000 a stabilit pentru Uniunea Europeană obiectivul de a ridica rata de ocupare a forței de muncă a femeilor până la peste 60% în anul 2010, obiectiv care trebuie monitorizat îndeaproape în noile state membre.

Consider că este esenţial să implementăm directiva europeană care să asigure eliminarea discriminării femeilor pe piaţa muncii, în condiţiile în care sunt necesare eforturi suplimentare pentru schimbarea mentalităţii faţă de acest aspect, în special în mediul rural.

  Nicolae Vlad Popa (PPE-DE), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea acestui raport deoarece consider că solicitarea pe care raportul o face Comisiei, de a monitoriza cu atenţie transpunerea Directivei nr. 2002/73/CE şi conformitatea cu legislaţia adoptată în urma procesului de implementare, este legitimă şi necesară.

Prin adoptarea acestui raport, Parlamentul European a pus la dispoziţia statelor membre un instrument util pentru consolidarea legislaţiei naţionale a statelor membre privitoare la egalitatea de tratament dintre bărbaţi şi femei pe piaţa muncii.

Totuşi, conform datelor statistice furnizate, există o diferenţă de 28,4% între rata de ocupare a forţei de muncă de către bărbaţi, faţă de cea a femeilor, ceea ce denotă că inegalitatea de gen pe piaţa muncii reprezintă încă o problemă care trebuie abordată.

De aceea, consider că statele membre trebuie să depună toate eforturile necesare pentru punerea în practică a strategiile destinate promovării egalităţii de gen.

  Luca Romagnoli (NI), per iscritto. − Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dichiaro il mio voto favorevole alla relazione dell'onorevole Madurell riguardante la parità di trattamento tra uomini e donne circa l'accesso al lavoro, alla formazione e alla promozione professionale e le condizioni di lavoro.

Concordo con la collega nel ritenere che il principio di uguaglianza nel mercato del lavoro è ancora lungi dal trovare un'applicazione pratica, nonostante gli sforzi dell'Unione Europea volti ad aumentare la percentuale di occupazione femminile nel quadro degli obiettivi di Lisbona. Mi trovo d'accordo sui giudizi della relatrice in merito al recepimento della direttiva 2002/73/CE del 2002 da parte degli Stati membri e alla necessità che tutti mettano in pratica gli strumenti che tale direttiva mette a disposizione al fine di rafforzare la legislazione nazionale in materia di pari trattamento tra donne e uomini nel mercato del lavoro: la parità di genere nell'occupazione non è solo un principio meritevole in termini etici ma è e sarà alla base dello sviluppo economico sostenibile e duraturo dell'Unione Europea nella sua interezza.

  Catherine Stihler (PSE), in writing. − Equality between men and women is a fundamental principle of the European Union. There is still much to be done to achieve this principle and I hope that we will make this a political priority in all areas of our work in the European Parliament. It should not be just the Committee on Women’s Rights which raises these issues.

  Andrzej Jan Szejna (PSE), na piśmie. − Pomimo iż równość kobiet i mężczyzn jest prawem podstawowym, nierówność na rynku pracy dotycząca płac, stopy zatrudnienia i jakości jest nadal poważnym problemem strukturalnym. Niestety obserwuje się, iż wyższy poziom wykształcenia nie zawsze powoduje mniejszą różnicę w płacy pracowników odmiennych płci.

Sprawozdanie T. Madurell ujawnia niedociągnięcia państw członkowskich w transpozycji i stosowaniu dyrektywy 2002/73/WE w sprawie wprowadzenia w życie zasady równego traktowania mężczyzn i kobiet w zakresie dostępu do zatrudnienia, kształcenia, awansu zawodowego i warunków pracy.

Sprawozdawczyni podkreśla przede wszystkim, iż wiele państw członkowskich w sposób nieprawidłowy wprowadziło do systemów prawnych definicję dyskryminacji. W wielu państwach obowiązuje tylko ogólna definicja, w której nie wspomina się dyskryminacji na tle płci. W innych brak jest odniesienia do definicji molestowania seksualnego lub jedynie włączono to pojęcie do ogólnej definicji molestowania (w Polsce definicja molestowania seksualnego stanowi §6 art. 183a kodeksu pracy), przez co dochodzenie praw przez pokrzywdzonych jest znacznie utrudnione.

Ogromne znaczenie dla walki z nierównym traktowaniem ma podejmowanie inicjatyw na najniższych szczeblach mających na celu podnoszenie świadomości społeczeństwa, a także zapewniających środki pomocy ofiarom dyskryminacji.

- Entschliessungsantrag B6-0051/2009 (Lage im Nahen Osten / Gaza)

  Marco Cappato (ALDE), per iscritto. − Per distinguere la posizione del Partito Radicale da quelle che si esprimono per motivi opposti ai nostri in questa aula, abbiamo sorteggiato chi di noi si astiene e chi, invece, non partecipa al voto. La soluzione che l'UE porta avanti per una pace strutturale e di lungo periodo nel Vicino Oriente, ribadita oggi in aula a Strasburgo dal Presidente Poettering, è quella dei due Stati sovrani e indipendenti.

I padri fondatori dell'Europa avevano una convinzione opposta: per avere la pace bisogna rinunciare alla sovranità nazionale assoluta. Questo diceva il Manifesto di Ventotene.

Oggi, dovremmo ascoltare la stragrande maggioranza dei cittadini israeliani che chiedono l'adesione di Israele alla UE, ignorati dal ceto dirigente israeliano oltre che da quello europeo.

L'Europa "inclusiva" del dopoguerra, aperta alle adesioni e punto di riferimento per gli Stati vicini, è stata – pur inadeguatamente – fattore di pace. L'Europa "esclusiva", degli Stati nazionali, dell'aspirazione a "confini" europei e a "radici giudaico-cristiane", è un'Europa che produce guerre, nel Vicino Oriente come nei Balcani e nel Caucaso; che produce tensioni, come negli Urali, in Turchia e nel Maghreb.

Come Partito Radicale Nonviolento riteniamo che la soluzione strutturale per la pace si chiama federalismo europeo, Stati Uniti d'Europa che aprono le porte alla Turchia, a Israele e, in prospettiva, agli Stati democratici che rinunciano alla propria sovranità assoluta.

  Proinsias De Rossa (PSE), in writing. − I unconditionally condemn the indiscriminate and brutal killing of civilians in Gaza, as I do the callous and indefensible killing of Israeli civilians by Hamas rockets.

I voted for the European parliament Resolution on Gaza because it explicitly supports the UN Security Council resolution calling for an immediate ceasefire. It also draws attention to the decision by the parliament in December to defer the upgrading of EU relations with Israel. While the language of the resolution is weaker than I would have wished, nevertheless a resolution carried by an overwhelming vote of the parliament is more likely to influence the decisions of Israel and Hamas than individual Political Group resolutions.

I oppose the upgrading of EU relations with Israel and believe the trade agreement with Israel should be suspended until it complies with Human Rights norms and engages in constructive and substantive negotiations with its neighbours to implement the Two-State solution to the conflict. All Member States should now agree to cancel their earlier decision to upgrade relations with Israel as a means of bringing them to the table with realistic proposals.

  Manuel António dos Santos (PSE), por escrito. − Optei pela abstenção na proposta de resolução sobre a situação no Médio Oriente/Gaza, pela única razão de considerar que, no momento actual, não é justificável uma Resolução do Parlamento Europeu.

Penso que a discussão da matéria, sem votação, seria a forma mais eficaz de envolver o Parlamento Europeu, nesta questão.

  Koenraad Dillen (NI), schriftelijk. − Une fois n'est pas coutume, dit is een zeer evenwichtige resolutie die alle steun verdient omdat ze duidelijk aan beide partijen in het conflict vraagt af te zien van geweld. Ook al moeten we ons geen enkele illusie maken over de impact die Europa en a fortiori het Europees Parlement kan hebben op de evolutie van de situatie in het Midden-Oosten. De eerste voorwaarde voor het zoeken naar een oplossing bestaat erin dat Hamas zijn raketaanvallen op Israël stopzet. Israël moet zijn overproportioneel geweld, waarvan onschuldige kinderen en burgers het slachtoffer worden, eveneens terugschroeven. Toch herinner ik er, ondanks mijn steun voor deze resolutie, aan dat de terreurorganisatie Hamas de grote schuldige van de escalatie blijft.

  Glyn Ford (PSE), in writing. − I voted for the joint resolution even although it was less rigorous in its condemnation of Israel’s action in Gaza than I would have liked.

Hamas random rocket attacks cannot be supported, yet it was not entirely the responsibility of Hamas that the ceasefire ended. The Israeli action is entirely disproportionate and its targeting of innocent civilians – men, women and children – is a form of collective punishment that is in contravention of international humanitarian law.

The attacks on UN offices and its aid provision seem deliberately aimed at cutting off aid to the needy and removing independent observers of Israel’s barbaric actions.

  Mathieu Grosch (PPE-DE), schriftlich. − Ich finde es richtig, dass das Europäische Parlament mit einer Stimme spricht. Unsere Bemühungen müssen dahin gehen, dass sowohl Israel als auch die Hamas eindeutig verstehen, dass wir gegen jede Form von kriegerischer Gewalt sind und den absoluten Respekt für die Friedenstruppen und Hilfsorganisationen fordern.

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Apesar de apelar ao cessar-fogo, questão premente, com que estamos de acordo, a resolução aprovada pelo PE sobre a gravíssima situação na Faixa de Gaza é muito insuficiente, contendo mesmo aspectos negativos, tanto mais se confrontada com a resolução do Conselho de Direitos Humanos da ONU (CDHNU), de 12 de Janeiro. O PE:

- Perante a brutal agressão, os crimes, as violações dos mais elementares direitos humanos, não tem uma palavra de condenação de Israel.

- Reafirma a sua ambiguidade, escamoteando que na Palestina há um colonizador e um colonizado, um agressor e uma vítima, um opressor e um oprimido, um explorador e um explorado, iludindo as responsabilidades de Israel.

- Branqueia as responsabilidades da UE, que é cúmplice com a impunidade de Israel. Veja-se a recente decisão de reforçar as relações bilaterais com este país ou o vergonhoso voto de abstenção dos países da UE na resolução adoptada pelo CDHNU.

- E, numa situação tão grave como a actual, não denuncia o desrespeito das resoluções da ONU por parte de Israel, do fim da ocupação, dos colonatos, do muro de segregação, dos assassinatos, das detenções, das inúmeras humilhações infligidas ao povo palestiniano – nem sequer o seu inalienável direito a um Estado, nas fronteiras de 1967, com capital em Jerusalém Leste!

  Jens Holm och Eva-Britt Svensson (GUE/NGL), skriftlig. − Vi välkomnar att resolutionen kräver ett omedelbart stopp för Israels dödande av invånare i Gaza. Vi beklagar emellertid att resolutionen inte kräver att associationsavtalet med Israel ska suspenderas samt att uppgraderingen av samarbetet med Israel ska stoppas. Det är självklara krav som borde ställas på ett land som så uppenbart bryter mot det man förbundit sig att göra, nämligen respektera de mänskliga rättigheterna och internationell rätt.

Vi ställer oss också frågande till påståendet att Israels anfall inleddes som ett svar på raketbeskjutning från Hamas. Israel har konstant brutit vapenvilan, bland annat den 4 november i fjol då israelisk militär gjorde intrång på Gazaremsan och dödade sex palestinier, liksom den kollektiva bestraffningen av det palestinska folket i form av embargo, avstängning av elektricitet, utvidgande av bosättningar, murbygge, kidnappning av ledande palestinska politiker etc.

Trots detta välkomnar vi den gemensamma resolutionen och kravet på att Israels dödande måste upphöra omedelbart.

  Mikel Irujo Amezaga (Verts/ALE), por escrito. − Se ha precipitado el señor Presidente Pöttering al afirmar que no había votos en contra. Yo he votado en contra de esta resolución. Si bien admito que contiene elementos muy positivos, especialmente el empleo del término de «castigo colectivo» al pueblo de Gaza, lo considero insuficiente. Lo único práctico que este Parlamento puede hacer es solicitar la congelación del Acuerdo de Asociación con Israel; el resto son palabras, bonitas y positivas, pero solo palabras. En política no vale con hablar bien, hace falta actuar y después de esta resolución NADA va a cambiar en Gaza. Si en vez de Israel hubiéramos estado hablando de cualquier otro Estado, la resolución hubiera sido mucho más enérgica. Considero que Israel tiene el derecho a vivir en paz, pero no todo vale, y lo tiene que saber. Aún más, esta ofensiva lo único que va a lograr es recrudecer el conflicto. Hoy no es un buen día para este Parlamento porque ha optado por la palabra en lugar de la acción.

  Carl Lang (NI), par écrit. – Le texte déposé par tous les groupes de cette assemblée, censée représenter les intérêts des peuples européens, émet des recommandations certainement excellentes, comme l’appel à un arrêt des combats, mais ne mentionne aucunement l’importation de ce conflit en Europe. Pourtant, dans les manifestations contre l’intervention israélienne, outre les violences les accompagnant, deux images sont particulièrement choquantes.

D'une part, les manifestants, dans leur majorité d’origine immigrée, brandissant des drapeaux palestiniens, algériens, du Hamas, du Hezbollah… et des banderoles portant des inscriptions en arabe.

D'autre part, les dirigeants de l’extrême gauche, en France Besancenot pour la LCR et Buffet pour le parti communiste, défilant avec les imams.

Ces images illustrent deux évolutions préoccupantes: la prise en main progressive des masses immigrées originaires du monde musulman par les associations islamistes; la collusion entre les mouvements islamistes et l’extrême gauche communiste, deux mouvances révolutionnaires qui veulent détruire notre civilisation. Plus que jamais, la sauvegarde de l’identité et la liberté des peuples européens exige l’interdiction de telles manifestations et la mise en œuvre d’une politique d’inversion des flux migratoires.

  Roselyne Lefrançois (PSE), par écrit. – Face à la gravité de la situation à Gaza, le Parlement européen ne pouvait demeurer silencieux. J'ai donc apporté mon soutien à cette résolution qui appelle à un cessez-le-feu immédiat et permanent, incluant la fin de l'action militaire d'Israël dans la bande de Gaza et l'arrêt des tirs de roquettes du Hamas sur l'État hébreu.

Je regrette toutefois que n'apparaisse pas une condamnation ferme et sans réserve des attaques de l'armée israélienne, qui ont déjà fait plus de 1 000 morts, principalement civils. Et, si je m'associe aux propos tenus avant le vote par Martin Schulz, président du groupe socialiste, qui a rappelé que ces agressions étaient inadmissibles, j'aurais préféré que cette indignation soit exprimée sur le papier.

De même, si la résolution prie les autorités israéliennes de garantir un acheminement continu de l'aide humanitaire et le libre accès de la presse internationale à Gaza, elle ne va pas, comme je l'aurais souhaité, jusqu'à conditionner le renforcement des relations Israël-UE au respect par l'État hébreu du droit humanitaire.

L'Europe a un rôle majeur à jouer dans la résolution de ce conflit mais un accord de paix durable entre Israéliens et Palestiniens, ne pourra, à mes yeux, être obtenu que par la création d'un État palestinien viable, reconnaissant et reconnu par Israël.

  Willy Meyer Pleite (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − En la resolución común sobre Gaza se recogen aspectos positivos como la solicitud de un alto el fuego inmediato, el reconocimiento de los 1000 muertos a manos del ejército israelí, entre los cuales hay niños y mujeres, o incluso el reconocimiento de que el embargo impuesto por Israel sobre Gaza supone una violación del Derecho internacional humanitario.

A pesar de ello no he podido votar a favor porque la resolución sitúa a Hamás al mismo nivel de responsabilidad que Israel. No reconoce que fue el ejército israelí el que rompió la tregua el pasado 4 de noviembre al realizar una incursión terrestre y varios ataques aéreos, sino que responsabiliza a Hamás de la ruptura del alto el fuego. La resolución es a todas luces insuficiente al no solicitar medidas contundentes a la Comisión y Consejo. La UE debe congelar el actual Acuerdo de Asociación UE-Israel al haberse vulnerado su artículo 2 relativo al condicionamiento del Acuerdo al respeto de los derechos humanos. Del mismo modo, la resolución común no exige el cese del bloqueo de Israel sobre Gaza y tampoco exige a los 27 Estados miembros de la UE la cancelación de toda exportación de armamento al Estado de Israel.

  Alexandru Nazare (PPE-DE), în scris. − Această rezoluție reușește să adune principalele forțe politice din Parlamentul European în jurul unei declarații care este stringent necesară, dată fiind actuala situație umanitară și de securitate din Orientul Mijlociu.

Indiferent de evoluțiile care au dus la inițierea sa, acest conflict are deja asupra civililor din zonă și a prezenței Națiunilor Unite în Gaza efecte negative de proporții. Ca și colegii mei, cred că suntem la punctul la care se pot obține rezultate sustenabile numai prin dialog, fapt posibil doar printr-un acord de încetare a focului.

Adițional, luările constante de poziție ale României pe acest subiect se regăsesc într-o măsură convingătoare în acest document. Mă bucură să am ocazia de a vota pentru un document care exprimă atât punctul de vedere al familiei politice europene căreia îi aparțin, cât și pe cel al țării mele.

  Vural Öger (PSE), schriftlich. − Ich begrüße die Annahme der Entschließung zur Situation im Gazastreifen. Es ist unabdingbar, dass sich das Europäische Parlament zu der Krise äußert. Die Verurteilung dieses humanitären Desasters liegt in der Pflicht des EPs, das bei der Einhaltung von Menschenrechten einen moralischen Führungsanspruch erhebt. Eben deswegen kann das EP nicht länger schweigen. Daher habe ich für diese Entschließung gestimmt. Dennoch hätte das EP ein stärkeres Signal setzen können. An einigen Punkten bleibt die Entschließung zu schwach. Es ist wichtig, dass wir einen nachhaltigen Waffenstillstand fordern und das Leiden der Zivilbevölkerung verurteilen. Es liegt aber auch in unserer Pflicht, konkrete Lösungen für die Beendigung des Krieges aufzuzeigen und die EU dazu aufzufordern, sich für diese im Rahmen des Nahost-Quartetts einzusetzen. Da die USA derzeit aufgrund des Präsidentenwechsels paralysiert sind, muss die EU sich noch stärker in der Pflicht sehen. Eine Pause in den Verhandlungen über ein Upgrading in den Beziehungen zu Israel ist wegen einer derart unverhältnismäßigen militärischen Aktion angebracht. Leider erwähnen wir nichts davon in der Entschließung. Wenn Israel nicht direkt mit der Hamas verhandeln will, so ist es auch Aufgabe der EU, sich dafür einzusetzen, dass andere mit der Hamas reden. Der Fortgang der militärischen Offensive kostet zu viele Menschenleben. Lippenbekenntnisse sind bei einer humanitären Krise dieses Ausmaßes nicht ausreichend.

  Αθανάσιος Παφίλης (GUE/NGL), γραπτώς. – To κοινό ψήφισμα κλείνει σκόπιμα τα μάτια στις αιτίες του επιθετικού και βάρβαρου πολέμου του Ισραήλ, εκτιμώντας ότι αποτελεί απάντηση στις επιθέσεις με ρουκέτες της Xαμάς. Γνωρίζουν οι πάντες ότι ο πόλεμος ήταν προσχεδιασμένος και οι αιτίες βρίσκονται στην Ισραηλινή κατοχή, την άρνηση του Ισραήλ να εφαρμόσει τις αποφάσεις του OHΕ για ανεξάρτητο Παλαιστινιακό κράτος με πρωτεύουσα την Ανατολική Ιερουσαλήμ. Είναι αποτέλεσμα της επιθετικής πολιτικής του Ισραήλ, με τη στήριξη HΠA και ΕΕ, των παράνομων εποικισμών και της άρνησής του να επιστρέψει στα σύνορα του 1967.

Το ψήφισμα, παρά το γεγονός ότι αναφέρεται στο σταμάτημα του πολέμου, κρατάει ίσες αποστάσεις, δεν ζητά κανένα μέτρο της ΕΕ, ούτε καν πάγωμα των νέων προνομιακών σχέσεων, ώστε να ασκήσει πίεση στο Ισραήλ. Δεν καταδικάζει την επιθετική πολιτική του Ισραήλ, ενώ αντίθετα επεμβαίνει στα εσωτερικά προβλήματα των Παλαιστινίων.

Οι δυνάμεις που το υπογράφουν ζητούν και συμφωνούν σ' έναν ισχυρότερο ρόλο της ΕΕ που σχετίζεται με τις ιμπεριαλιστικές της επιδιώξεις στην περιοχή. Ενισχύουν το σχέδιο HΠA-NATO για την "ευρεία Mέση Aνατολή", με το οποίο έχει συμφωνήσει η ΕΕ και στοχεύει στην υποδούλωση ολόκληρης της περιοχής από τους ιμπεριαλιστές.

Mε αυτό το σκεπτικό το KKΕ δεν ψηφίζει το κοινό ψήφισμα των πολιτικών ομάδων, καλώντας σε δυνάμωμα του αντιιμπεριαλιστικού αγώνα, επισημαίνοντας ότι δεν υπάρχουν καλοί και κακοί ιμπεριαλιστές.

  Δημήτριος Παπαδημούλης (GUE/NGL), γραπτώς. – Αρνήθηκα θετική ψήφο στο κοινό ψήφισμα του Ευρωκοινοβουλίου για την κατάσταση στη Λωρίδα της Γάζας διότι, παρά τα θετικά του σημεία, δεν καταδικάζει απερίφραστα τη στρατιωτική υπεραντίδραση που οδηγεί σε ανθρωπιστική καταστροφή. Οι αποδοκιμασίες και η θλίψη που εκφράζει το Ευρωκοινοβούλιο για τις επιθέσεις σε αμάχους και την παρεμπόδιση της διεθνούς ανθρωπιστικής βοήθειας δεν αρκούν. Η Ευρώπη πρέπει να τεθεί προ των ευθυνών της και να απαιτήσει τον οριστικό τερματισμό της επίθεσης του Ισραήλ και να ηγηθεί των προσπαθειών για μια βιώσιμη και μακροχρόνια λύση. Αυτή η ισχυρή πολιτική βούληση δυστυχώς απουσιάζει από το συμβιβαστικό ψήφισμα που ενέκρινε το Ευρωκοινοβούλιο.

  Luís Queiró (PPE-DE), por escrito. − O direito de Israel existir em paz e segurança é inalienável. O direito de os palestinianos viverem num território livre, por si administrado, em paz, democracia e com respeito pelos direitos humanos é, igualmente, inalienável. Qualquer solução para a região tem de garantir que as ameaças a estes direitos são afastadas.

O confronto em Gaza revela, pelo seu contrário, na Margem Ocidental, que a relação entre as partes, ainda que tensa e conflituosa, é possível, se ambas estiverem dispostas a aceitar a existência do outro. O que não acontece com o Hamas, que usa o território de que se apoderou para prosseguir o seu propósito declarado: impedir a existência de Israel.

Estas circunstâncias, porém, não tornam menos trágicas as mortes em Gaza. O Hamas, sabemo-lo, sem qualquer consideração pela vida dos palestinianos utiliza a população como escudos humanos contra os ataques de Israel e as suas mortes como armas da propaganda. Israel, decidida a legitimamente garantir a sua segurança, prossegue os combates apesar deste trágico resultado. O processo é inevitável se a comunidade internacional, países árabes incluídos, não assumir a promoção da viabilidade de uns e da segurança de outros como objectivo do processo de paz no Médio Oriente.

  Luca Romagnoli (NI), per iscritto. − Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mi dichiaro in favore della proposta di risoluzione sulla tragica situazione nella striscia di Gaza.

Condivido pienamente le preoccupazioni nel constatare che il conflitto non è ancora giunto al termine, nonostante gli auspici di cessazione delle ostilità espressi dall'intera comunità internazionale. Mi unisco ai colleghi nel manifestare il mio profondo rammarico dinanzi alle sofferenze della popolazione civile a Gaza e credo che l'unica soluzione possibile, non solo in questa fascia territoriale, ma nell'intera Terra Santa, sia quella del dialogo, del negoziato, della diplomazia, mai della guerra che può solo causare un inasprimento dell'odio.

Il ruolo dell'Unione Europea in tale processo può e deve essere di primo piano, sia per quanto riguarda il raggiungimento del cessate il fuoco, sia per l'apertura dei varchi per scopi umanitari. Perciò voto in favore di questa proposta di risoluzione e auspico che gli sforzi per la riconciliazione portino al più presto a effettivi progressi verso la pace.

  Martine Roure (PSE), par écrit. – Le conflit entre Israël et Gaza n'a que trop duré.

À l'heure où les morts se comptent désormais par milliers, il est de notre devoir impérieux de faire cesser les combats sans délai.

La politique d'isolement de Gaza a échoué, radicalisant la population qui en est la première victime.

Il n'existe pas de solution militaire au conflit israélo-palestinien.

Le seul règlement envisageable est un accord de paix durable et global entre les parties. C'est pourquoi nous demandons qu'une conférence internationale, impulsée par le Quartet avec la participation de tous les acteurs régionaux, sur la base de l'accord précédent entre Israéliens et Palestiniens et de l'initiative de la Ligue arabe, soit organisée dans les plus brefs délais.

En attendant, nous pensons que tout renforcement des relations politiques entre l'UE et Israël doit être strictement conditionné par le respect du droit humanitaire international. Aussi, nous maintenons notre position négative concernant le vote en faveur de la participation accrue d'Israël aux programmes communautaires.

  Flaviu Călin Rus (PPE-DE), în scris. − Am votat rezoluţia Parlamentului European cu privire la situaţia din Fâşia Gaza pentru încetarea imediată a focului în această zonă.

Consider că, indiferent de poziţiile pe care le au părţile aflate în conflict, dialogul este singura modalitate de soluţionare a oricăror probleme pentru binele comun.

  Olle Schmidt (ALDE), skriftlig. − Den resolution som Europaparlamentet röstade igenom idag om situationen i Gaza innehöll inget fördömande av terrororganisationen Hamas som bröt vapenvilan i december och använder civilbefolkningen som mänskliga sköldar. Trots att detta saknades i resolutionen, ansåg jag det vara viktigt att rösta för en uppmaning till vapenvila i regionen, vilket var anledningen till att jag röstade för resolutionen.

  Brian Simpson (PSE), in writing. − The situation in the Gaza Strip is deplorable. Hundreds of innocent civilians have been killed and thousands presently face death on a daily basis. Yes, I accept Israel should be allowed to live in peace. Yes, rocket attacks across the border are unacceptable and should stop.

But the response by Israel is totally disproportionate and cannot be supported.

The Israelis have failed to respect the international community. They have shelled the UN compound, they have attacked schools and children. This is totally unacceptable and must stop. We must have a ceasefire immediately.

I will in vote in favour of this resolution because the European Parliament needs to have its voice heard so that innocent Palestinians trapped in Gaza will not be forgotten.

Israel: you have the right to live in peace. You do not have the right to practise wanton destruction and to be the delivery body of death and destruction on innocent civilians. Your actions mean that you have become the aggressor, not the victim.

  Bart Staes (Verts/ALE), schriftelijk. − Ik heb het voorliggende compromis goedgekeurd, hoewel het minder krachtig en kordaat is dan wat ikzelf wil. Ik ben onthutst en kwaad over het grootschalige, disproportionele offensief van de Israëlische luchtmacht en grondtroepen in een dichtbevolkt gebied.

Ik ben solidair met en bezorgd over het lot en de veiligheid van de 1,5 miljoen in Gaza gevangen zittende Palestijnen die geen mogelijkheid hebben de Gazastrook te verlaten alsook over de humanitaire situatie van de Palestijnen op de Westelijke Jordaanoever, die ondanks de coöperatieve opstelling van de Palestijnse Nationale Autoriteit geen verbetering van hun levensomstandigheden zien.

Ik betreur dat in het compromis niets gezegd wordt over de problematische upgrade van de betrekkingen tussen de EU en Israël. Ik roep de Raad op de opwaardering van de betrekkingen met Israël te bevriezen, totdat een volledig, compleet en permanent staakt-het-vuren door alle partijen is overeengekomen en Israël onbelemmerde toegang verleent voor humanitaire hulp.

Opwaardering van de betrekkingen tussen de EU en Israël kan enkel onder voorwaarde van de eerbiediging van de mensenrechten en het internationaal humanitair recht, beëindiging van de humanitaire crisis in de Gazastrook en de bezette Palestijnse gebieden, werkelijke inzet voor een omvattende vredesregeling en volledige uitvoering van de interim-associatieovereenkomst EG-PLO.

  Catherine Stihler (PSE), in writing. − I support the resolution on Gaza and support calls for an immediate ceasefire.

- Entschließungsantrag B6-0033/2009 (Lage am Horn von Afrika)

  Alessandro Battilocchio (PSE), per iscritto. − Grazie presidente. Il mio voto è favorevole. La situazione nel Corno d'Africa continua a essere estremamente preoccupante. L'intreccio di problemi e di conflitti impongono all'UE un'attenzione costante per evitare drammatiche degenerazioni. Credo come il mio gruppo che la situazione nel Corno d'Africa richieda un approccio urgente e globale.

Come detto, le difficoltà maggiori derivano dai numerosi conflitti tra i diversi paesi della regione, per cui è assolutamente fondamentale lavorare sul tema della sicurezza nelle sue molteplici interconnessioni, così come vanno seguiti i cambiamenti dei governi ai quali va raccomandato un fattivo impegno sul tema del miglioramento dei diritti umani.

  Marie-Arlette Carlotti (PSE), par écrit. – La Corne de l'Afrique cumule aujourd'hui tous les maux :

- guerre, qu'elle soit civile ou régionale,

- absence de démocratie et de liberté,

- famine et crise alimentaire.

Les actes de piraterie, dignes d'un autre âge, ne sont que le dernier avatar de ce chaos.

Face à ces drames qui déchirent et ensanglantent la région, nous ne sommes condamnés ni au silence, ni à l'impuissance.

Au moment où la communauté internationale donne des signes de lassitude sur une crise qui n'en finit pas, c'est à l'UE, plus que jamais, de jouer un rôle de premier plan.

En lançant l'opération "Atalante" pour protéger les navires vulnérables et l'acheminement de l'aide alimentaire aux réfugiés somaliens, l'Union a fait la preuve qu'elle peut trouver des solutions concrètes et efficaces face à l'urgence.

Mais elle doit aussi trouver des réponses à la crise politique globale dans la région.

Elle doit construire ce "partenariat politique régional de l'UE pour la paix, la sécurité et le développement dans la Corne de l'Afrique" que la commission du développement a lancé en adoptant son rapport en avril 2007.

Ne laissons pas la Corne de l'Afrique devenir une zone de non-droit et de non-développement.

  Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. − Då det är min bestämda uppfattning att Europaparlamentet inte ska ägna sig åt utrikespolitik har jag röstat nej till resolutionen i sin helhet. Detta innebär inte per se att jag anser att allt som står i resolutionen är felaktigt eller icke önskvärt. Tvärtom innehåller den positiva inslag också, som jag helhjärtat hade stött om det varit ett uttalande från exempelvis den svenska regeringen. Ett sådant exempel är fallet med den svensk-eritreanske journalisten Dawit Isaak som hållits frihetsberövad, utan rättegång, sedan 2001.

  Alexandru Nazare (PPE-DE), în scris. − Şansele ca UE şi comunitatea internaţională să schimbe fundamental realitatea din Somalia sunt mici. Să combatem însă unul dintre efectele sale, pirateria, ne este mult mai la îndemână. Nu trebuie să uităm că pirateria este, pentru grupurile din sudul şi centrul Somaliei, în mod principal un mijloc de generare de venituri. Aceste venituri sunt, la rândul lor, folosite pentru alimentarea conflictelor din interiorul ţării şi din regiune.

O mai fermă prezenţă navală în regiune poate afecta pozitiv mediul de securitate din Somalia şi, în consecinţă, din regiune. Aşadar, UE trebuie să sprijine elementele de leadership somaleze moderate şi dedicate ferm stabilităţii şi păcii în regiune. Combaterea pirateriei este o modalitate la îndemâna Uniunii Europene, care are capabilităţile militare necesare şi care contribuie nu numai la restabilirea securităţii unei rute de tranzit vitale, ci şi, indirect, la stabilitatea şi pacea regională.

  Luca Romagnoli (NI), per iscritto. − Egregio Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, voto favorevolmente alla proposta di risoluzione sulla situazione nel Corno d'Africa.

La delicata situazione che si sta vivendo nell'area africana impone una presa di posizione decisa da parte delle istituzioni europee: approvo, quindi, la richiesta al Consiglio per la nomina di un rappresentante speciale o inviato dell'UE per la regione del Corno d'Africa. Etiopia, Eritrea, Somalia e Gibuti devono cooperare, se vogliono superare l'attuale situazione di stallo.

È per questo che il governo eritreo dovrebbe ripensare alla sua attuale sospensione della sua partecipazione all'IGAD. È per questo che Gibuti dovrebbe adoperarsi per assicurare una migliore protezione sotto il profilo giuridico dei diritti dei sindacati. È per questo che l'Etiopia dovrebbe annullare la ratifica della proclamazione per la registrazione e la regolarizzazione delle organizzazioni civili e delle istituzioni benefiche. È per questo che in Somalia bisogna porre fine a una delle peggiori crisi mondiali a livello umanitario e di sicurezza.

- Entschließungsantrag RC-B6-0028/2009 (Belarus)

  Alessandro Battilocchio (PSE), per iscritto. − Sembra che finalmente, seppure in maniera ancora timida, il regime di Lukashenko stia mandando segnali di apertura alla comunità internazionale: prendiamone atto e iniziamo da subito a lavorare per un processo condiviso, che porti a relazioni migliori con questo Paese così vicino ai nostri confini. Ma non possiamo arretrare di un millimetro sulle nostre richieste in tema di rispetto dei diritti umani e di garanzie della libertà di espressione e di informazione: sono ancora davanti ai nostri occhi le immagini della repressione in occasioni di svariati tentativi di pacifica manifestazione democratica di opposizione.

Chiedo inoltre uno sforzo maggiore per concordare regole comuni nella delicata materia dei soggiorni dei minori bielorussi, ospitati nelle nostre famiglie nei mesi estivi: ogni anno il governo bielorusso cambia strategia in materia, creando spesso delle situazioni difficilissime, che incidono negativamente, in particolare sui bambini stessi, già sfortunati per altre vicende. Bene i progressi attuali, dunque, ma la strada da percorrere è ancora assai lunga: speriamo che Lukashenko, dopo molte false partenze, voglia percorrerla, almeno in parte, insieme.

  Martin Callanan (PPE-DE), in writing. − Belarus remains largely ostracised by the European Union due to President Lukashenko’s authoritarian rule. In the past five years the European Parliament has twice awarded the Sakharov Prize to Belarusian dissidents, and others have been shortlisted. This represents an explicit recognition that human rights and political freedoms are suppressed in Belarus.

Nevertheless, there are signs that Mr Lukashenko is slowly warming to the West. Naturally the situation in Belarus still remains serious. But we need to recognize that one way of coaxing Belarus towards the European Union is to recognize and respond to Mr Lukashenko’s overtures. In short, it is a carrot-and-stick situation.

As someone with a deep interest in the former Soviet republics in Central Asia, I see parallels between that region and Belarus. This resolution does not hold back on criticism of Mr Lukashenko, but it sets out a kind of road map for him to normalise relations with the EU.

We should not be under any illusions about Belarus and we should not hesitate to break off dialogue if the situation deteriorates. But this resolution offers some hope that relations can improve over time, and for that reason I voted to support it.

  Koenraad Dillen (NI), schriftelijk. − Ik heb voor deze resolutie gestemd. Het Europees Parlement juicht toe dat de persvrijheid een beetje versoepeld is in Wit-Rusland en dat enkele politieke gevangenen werden vrijgelaten. Anderzijds wordt erop gewezen dat andere dissidenten nog in de gevangenis zitten. Om de betrekkingen te verbeteren, stelt deze resolutie dat Wit-Rusland een land moet worden zonder politieke gevangenen, dat de regering de vrijheid van meningsuiting moet waarborgen, enz. Ook moet de wetgeving veranderd worden en moeten Wit-Russen vrijheid van beweging krijgen.

Iedereen is het daarmee eens. Maar toch een opmerking. Zou het Europees Parlement dergelijke resoluties ook niet moeten opstellen voor landen waar Europa wél hartelijke banden mee onderhoudt? Ik denk bijvoorbeeld aan China waar de mensenrechtensituatie minstens even dramatisch is als in Wit-Rusland. Of spelen daar misschien commerciële overwegingen mee om dat níet te doen? Waarom deze twee maten en twee gewichten?

  Alexandru Nazare (PPE-DE), în scris. − Rezoluţia continuă un dialog constant şi productiv cu guvernul de la Minsk şi dă măsura preocupărilor Parlamentului European şi cetăţenilor pe care îi reprezintă pentru situaţia drepturilor omului şi pentru evoluţiile generale din Belarus.

Autorităţile bieloruse au făcut unele progrese care merită salutate, dar sperăm ca ele să fie începutul unui proces de democratizare, şi nu doar o cosmetizare temporară. Această rezoluţie este suficient de fermă, dar şi de nuanţată, pentru a exprima atât satisfacţia noastră faţă de cele dintâi, dar şi îngrijorarea referitoare la cele din urmă.

Evenimentele curente din regiune demonstrează încă o dată importanţa transparenţei actului de guvernare şi a răspunderii democratice a guvernelor în faţa cetăţenilor pe care îi reprezintă. Valorile democratice asumate sunt legate de stabilitate şi dezvoltare, atât a societăţilor, cât şi a pieţelor, inclusiv cele energetice. Această rezoluţie este un pas înainte în vederea reafirmării acestor valori.

  Zdzisław Zbigniew Podkański (UEN), na piśmie. − Stosunki Unii Europejskiej z Białorusią są zależne od obydwu stron. Jeżeli będzie wspólna dobra wola, to będzie dialog, właściwa polityką sąsiedztwa i partnerstwo wschodnie. Partnerstwa nie da się budować drogą zakazów i nakazów, dlatego z zadowoleniem odnotowuję ostatnie inicjatywy Komisji Europejskiej zmierzające do poprawy stosunków z Białorusią. Obiektywnie trzeba powiedzieć, że i Białoruś zrobiła wiele na rzecz porozumienia. Świadczy o tym m.in. zarejestrowanie ruchu "O wolność", zezwolenie na druk i rozpowszechnianie gazet opozycyjnych, otwarcie na inicjatywę partnerstwa wschodniego. Oczekiwania ze strony Unii są większe, co oczywiście ma swoje uzasadnienie. Ale uzasadnienie ma również wiele oczekiwań ze strony Białorusi.

W wielu obszarach potrzebna jest symetria i zrozumienie partnera. Dla przykładu: skoro wzywa się władze białoruskie do zaprzestania praktyki wydawania wiz wyjazdowych obywatelom, a zwłaszcza dzieciom i studentom, to dlaczego Unia Europejska nie upraszcza i nie liberalizuje procedur wizowych stosowanych wobec obywateli Białorusi? Problemy te są ważne zwłaszcza dla nas, mieszkańców regionów graniczących, powiązanych kulturowo i rodzinnie.

Poza sprawami kulturowymi i narodowościowymi ważna jest także gospodarka i współpraca transgraniczna. Również na tym odcinku Komisja i Rada mogą i powinny zrobić więcej.

  Luís Queiró (PPE-DE), por escrito. − O contexto actual e o futuro das relações com a Bielorrússia colocam um desafio à política externa da União Europeia. Alguns gestos de Minsk justificam um reatamento de algumas relações. No entanto, é evidente que o factor energético desempenha, no actual contexto, um papel significativo de impulso a este processo. Compreende-se. O realismo é parte integrante da política externa. Mas o realismo não pode, não precisa nem deve ser despido de valores e de estratégia. A promoção da democracia na Bielorrússia é tanto uma questão de valores como de estratégia. Essa percepção do interesse europeu a médio e longo prazo deve ser central nesta nova fase do relacionamento. De outro modo, estaremos a produzir uma dependência futura em que os valores se submetem às estratégias de curto prazo e reduzido sucesso.

  Luca Romagnoli (NI), per iscritto. − Egregio Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, comunico il mio voto favorevole in merito alla proposta di risoluzione riguardante l'atteggiamento dell'Unione europea nei confronti della Bielorussia.

Mi compiaccio che il ministro bielorusso per gli affari esteri abbia affermato che il suo paese intende partecipare all'iniziativa di partenariato orientale con gli altri paesi dell'Europa dell'est. È però necessario che la Bielorussia rispetti rigorosamente le norme e i requisiti internazionali di sicurezza nella costruzione di una nuova centrale nucleare, attenendosi alla Convenzione sulla sicurezza nucleare.

Infine, sono rattristato dal fatto che la Bielorussia sia rimasto l'unico paese in Europa nel quale sia in vigore la pena di morte: questa barbara punizione, in, vista di un futuro allargamento dell'Unione, deve essere abrogata.

  Flaviu Călin Rus (PPE-DE), în scris. − Am votat rezoluţia UE referitoare la Belarus deoarece consider că orice demers în măsură să aducă un plus de democraţie în orice stat al lumii este pozitiv.

Democratizarea în Belarus va contribui la respectarea drepturilor şi libertăţilor cetăţeneşti din această ţară.

Această rezoluţie este binevenită, deoarece prin acest demers sper ca un număr cât mai mare de cetăţeni bieloruşi să aibă acces mai uşor la vize în statele Uniunii Europene, pentru a ne cunoaşte valorile şi tradiţia şi, de asemenea, în speranţa că în cel mai scurt timp în Belarus nu vor mai exista deţinuţi politici şi nici oameni cu arest la domiciliu.

  Charles Tannock (PPE-DE), in writing. − I and my British Conservative colleagues fully support the need for the democratic opposition in Belarus to be involved in the process of gradual re-engagement between the EU and Belarus. Currently President Lukashenko, who is the local strongman running an authoritarian regime, is making overtures to the EU and distancing himself from Moscow, a process which we should encourage by improving our political relations with Minsk.

We also support the calls for the Government of Belarus to uphold and respect human rights, which is an important part of the process of improving relations between the EU and Belarus.

For these reasons and to stress the importance we place on a democratic future for Belarus, we have decided to support this joint resolution. We also wish to make clear that, with regard to paragraph 16 of this joint resolution, the death penalty issue is a matter of conscience for British Conservative MEPs.

- Entschließungsantrag RC-B6-0022/2009 (Srebenica)

  Alessandro Battilocchio (PSE), per iscritto. − Voto favorevolmente.

Srebrenica è una ferita che ha lasciato una cicatrice profonda nella storia europea. Chi è sopravvissuto racconta oggi come tra l’aprile del 1992 e l’aprile del 1993 migliaia di profughi, nel tentativo di salvarsi dalle incursioni dei serbo-bosniaci, si nascondevano in cantine, garage, o addirittura nelle case abbandonate dai serbi; di come si nutrivano di sole radici; di come erano infestati da pulci; di come, assiderati nel lungo inverno del 1992, si riscaldavano bruciando pneumatici e bottiglie di plastica e di come i corpi dei morti per denutrizione e per assideramento venivano mangiati dai cani. A diciassette anni dal massacro si sta ancora tentando di dare un’identità a centinaia di corpi.

Credo pertanto che l'istituzione della giornata di commemorazione sia occasione per non dimenticare, per esprimere vicinanza ai familiari delle vittime di questo assurdo massacro e per rilanciare in modo più determinante la nostra politica verso un Europa di pace, di giustizia sociale e delle libertà, sicuro come sono che il rispetto delle uguaglianze debba passare attraverso il riconoscimento delle differenze.

  Glyn Ford (PSE), in writing. − This resolution tragically reminds us that ‘Man’s inhumanity to man’ is not something that ended after the Holocaust of World War II. It continued in Europe with Srebrenica and it continues today in Gaza!

  Erik Meijer (GUE/NGL), schriftelijk. − Ik ondersteun de vaste herdenkingsdag voor de genocide in Srebrenica, juist omdat het optreden van de EU en haar lidstaten een vals gevoel van veiligheid heeft veroorzaakt, waardoor de inwoners niet op tijd konden vluchten. Voorstanders van militaire interventies horen die kritiek niet graag. Gisteravond werd mijn betoog door de Voorzitter afgehamerd, misschien mede vanwege irritatie over de inhoud ervan. Het laatste gedeelte, dat slecht verstaanbaar was door het hameren van de Voorzitter, hoort thuis in dit verslag.

Srebrenica is daarnaast ook het symbool van de mislukking van optimistische denkbeelden over humanitaire interventies en safe havens. Vanaf het begin had duidelijk moeten zijn dat buitenlandse militaire aanwezigheid alleen maar valse illusies kon bieden. Het maakte Srebrenica tot een uitvalsbasis tegen de Servische omgeving, terwijl het onvermijdelijk was dat het uiteindelijk door diezelfde omgeving zou worden opgeslokt.

Zonder Nederlandse legermacht in Srebrenica zou er geen oorlogssituatie zijn ontstaan en zou er van Servische kant geen behoefte aan wraak zijn ontstaan. De slachtoffers zijn niet alleen reden om Mladić en Karadžić te berechten, maar ook reden om kritisch na te denken over de mislukking van militaire interventies en van alle pogingen om een eenheidsstaat tot stand te brengen in het etnisch verdeelde Bosnië.

  Αθανάσιος Παφίλης (GUE/NGL), γραπτώς. – Mε το κοινό ψήφισμα του Ευρωκοινοβουλίου για τη Σρεμπρένιτσα, επιχειρείται να διαστρεβλωθεί η ιστορία και να αποσιωπηθούν ή να μετατεθούν στα θύματα οι ευθύνες για τα εγκλήματα των αμερικανο-ευρωπαίων ιμπεριαλιστών στην πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβία, το διαμελισμό της χώρας και το βάρβαρο πόλεμο που εξαπολύθηκε εναντίον της από το NATO, με τη συμμετοχή της ΕΕ.

Επιχειρείται παράλληλα η ανύψωση του κύρους του ανυπόληπτου στη συνείδηση των λαών αμερικανόπνευστου Ειδικού Δικαστηρίου της Χάγης, με το οποίο οι ιμπεριαλιστές επιδιώκουν να δικάσουν τα θύματά τους και το οποίο ήδη χρησιμοποιήθηκε για τη φυσική εξόντωση του Γιουγκοσλάβου ηγέτη Σλόμπονταν Mιλόσεβιτς.

O χαρακτηρισμός των γεγονότων της Σρεμπρένιτσα ως το μεγαλύτερο μεταπολεμικό έγκλημα, και μάλιστα η πρόταση να καθιερωθεί σχετική ημέρα μνήμης στις χώρες της ΕΕ, ενώ εξακολουθούν να υπάρχουν ακόμη σοβαρά ερωτηματικά για το τι πραγματικά συνέβη εκεί τότε, αποτελεί χονδροειδή πλαστογράφηση της ιστορίας γιατί στην πραγματικότητα το μεγαλύτερο μεταπολεμικό έγκλημα στην Ευρώπη μέχρι σήμερα είναι η σφαγή του λαού της Γιουγκοσλαβίας από τους αμερικανο-ευρωπαίους ιμπεριαλιστές.

Tο KKΕ αρνούμενο να νομιμοποιήσει την υιοθέτηση τέτοιων απαράδεκτων ψηφισμάτων, σε μια στιγμή μάλιστα που όλοι είμαστε μάρτυρες της καθημερινής σφαγής εκατοντάδων παιδιών και αμάχων στην Παλαιστίνη από το Ισραήλ με τη στήριξη των ίδιων ιμπεριαλιστικών δυνάμεων που ματοκύλισαν και το λαό της Γιουγκοσλαβίας, δεν συμμετείχε στη σχετική ψηφοφορία.

  Luís Queiró (PPE-DE), por escrito. − A História negra da Europa, da capacidade humana de revelar o pior de si mesma, não terminou. Srebrenica e a sua terrível tragédia não são apenas um último momento do horror humano. São a recordação, como se necessária fosse, de que a destruição é sempre possível, de que a condição do Homem é de permanente luta pela paz. Que nenhum bem é adquirido e permanente. Mas a memória desse massacre, a celebração dessa tragédia, é também a homenagem que o Mal presta ao Bem.

Para nós, portugueses, que estamos geográfica e culturalmente distantes dos lugares dos principais horrores europeus do século XX, que temos uma outra História, invocá-los é ainda mais importante. Porque a geografia e a cultura oferecem-nos diferentes Histórias, mas não distinguem a nossa condição humana. E a memória do que podíamos ter vivido deve ser parte integrante do nosso património.

  Luca Romagnoli (NI), per iscritto. − Egregio Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, voto favorevolmente alla proposta di risoluzione che prevede il giorno 11 Luglio come commemorativo delle vittime del massacro di Srebrenica.

È ancora vivo, nei cuori di tutti noi, quel tragico mese di luglio del 1995, dove le truppe serbe guidate da Mladić massacrarono più di ottomila bosgnacchi. Il modo più giusto per onorare le vittime delle atrocità della guerra dell'ex Jugoslavia è quello di indire un giorno della memoria per ricordare quanto è accaduto.

Bisogna, però, compiere ulteriori sforzi e sacrifici per assicurare alla giustizia i colpevoli di questo genocidio (primo tra tutti il generale Ratko Mladić): per rispetto dei padri, delle madri, dei figli e dei fratelli delle vittime innocenti morti in quegli anni. Per rispetto dell'Europa, che vuole vivere libera.

8. Korrezzjonijiet u intenzjonijiet għall-vot: ara l-Minuti

(La séance, suspendue à 12H35, est reprise à 15H00)

PRÉSIDENCE DE M. GÉRARD ONESTA
Vice-président

9. Approvazzjoni tal-Minuti tas-seduta ta’ qabel: ara l-Minuti

10. Dibattiti dwar każijiet ta' ksur tad-drittijiet tal-bniedem, tad-demokrazija u ta' l-istat tad-dritt (dibattitu)

10.1. L-Iran: il-każ ta' Shirin Ebadi

  Le Président. - L'ordre du jour appelle le débat sur cinq propositions de résolution concernant l'Iran.⁽¹⁾

  Marios Matsakis, author. − Mr President, the persecution of Nobel Prize Laureate Mrs Shirin Ebadi is only one example of many that are taking place in Iran currently, and such persecution should come as no surprise to us considering the blinkered vision of the anachronistically theocratic rulers of that country.

Nor should we be surprised by the fact that the regime in Iran will take no notice whatsoever of this resolution. They will laugh at it and throw it in the bin in exactly the same manner that they have dealt with all previous resolutions of this Parliament. And who can blame them? They know that our resolutions are just words, not deeds, and in their estimation they are not worth the paper they are written on.

If we really want to help bring change in Iran then we must match our words with action. For example, we can remove the PMOI from our terrorist list, or we can stop lucrative contracts between EU Member States and applicant countries and Iran. If we take such action, then we can be sure that the authorities in Tehran will take us seriously and will think twice about continuing with the persecution of their democracy-seeking citizens.

So, it seems to me that we should have had a second motion for a resolution in addition to this one, calling on the governments of some EU Member States, such as the UK and France, and applicant countries, such as Turkey, to stop their hypocritical stance on Iran and start taking real action against it immediately and effectively.

  Catherine Stihler, author. − Mr President, the story of Shirin Ebadi, Nobel Peace Prize-winning lawyer, the first Muslim woman and first Iranian to receive the prize, may be well known to most of us here today. She was the first female judge in her country but was forced to resign due to the Iranian revolution.

She defended the rights of Iranian women and children, fighting to change divorce and inheritance laws in Iran. She stood up to defend religious minorities and their rights, and most recently she has defended seven members of the Bahá’í faith who have been collectively arrested and who face persecution like many others of faith in Iran. But it is her work on human rights and her courage and determination which has gained her the respect of all of us in the Chamber.

She, along with other human rights activists, bravely founded the Centre for the Defence of Human Rights in Tehran. Its purpose was to report human rights violations in Iran, to provide representation of political prisoners and to help their families. However, right from the start the authorities have tried to close the office down. Those who work there have been threatened, imprisoned and intimidated. Shirin Ebadi has personally faced numerous death threats, and the international community has for some time expressed its concern for her safety. Then, just before Christmas, as those at the Centre were about to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Iranian security officials closed the Centre down.

The Centre must be reopened immediately. We must put pressure on the Commission, the High Representative, the Czech presidency and our own Member States to take this case up and see the centre reopened.

It is hard for us sitting here in this Chamber to truly comprehend the bravery, the courage and strength required by human rights activists like Shirin Ebadi to function in Iran and stand up to the dictatorship. However, the work of human rights lawyers and activists is needed to shine a light on what is happening in Iran, to give hope to those like the Alaei brothers. Arash and Kamiar Alaei are both doctors helping those with HIV and AIDS who have been charged with cooperating with an enemy, when all they have been doing is trying to help the sick.

I hope that we will see the re-opening of the human rights centre and that this Parliament will do all it can to help Shirin Ebadi. After all, as fellow human beings, her struggle is also our struggle.

  Jean Lambert, author. − Mr President, I think it is important for us to support human rights defenders, whether we think that governments are going to be listening to us or not. People have often told us they take great courage from external voices recognising the threat that they are under.

As has been said, this is a serious case, because an attack on such an internationally renowned defender of human rights signals that people questioning the state or exercising their fundamental rights, such as those to the freedom of belief, will not be safe, so they have to conform to the state or face the consequences.

Shirin Ebadi herself has faced death threats on many occasions, not least because she has defended the seven-member leadership of the Bahá’í faith in Iran, who themselves face significant persecution. We have seen further arrests in the last 24 hours of people who have worked with her and indeed other members of the Bahá’í faith.

When we look at what we do here, we also need to realise that we are actually seeing a shift in the recognition of human rights by certain governments throughout the world, and that this has an impact on countries with which the European Union has dealings. They now feel that they do not have to pay so much attention to human rights because they can trade and work with countries that really do not care. I think, therefore, that makes it even more important for us to make sure that we try to uphold those standards and that, as has been said, we do not look to increase trade with countries whose human rights records are abysmal, but make every effort to support those working for human rights and those democrats opposing the undemocratic forces.

  Tunne Kelam, author. − Mr President, the situation of Iranian citizens who live under the oppressive dictatorship of Tehran’s mullahs is alarming and has been deteriorating in all areas since 2005. Therefore, I urge the Commission to continue to monitor the human rights situation there and to present a comprehensive report on the situation during the first half of this year.

Today, we protest against the harassment of a Nobel Peace Prize winner, Ms Shirin Ebadi, and her Centre for the Defence of Human Rights. It has often been asked what is the result of these protests. This question should also be addressed to the Council and the Commission.

The Iranian regime is potentially the biggest threat to world peace and the rule of law. In all likelihood, in the nearest future Tehran will have nuclear warheads – it already has the missiles to deliver them. Iran too is a big exporter of terrorism – to Iraq for example, it is a supporter of Hezbollah and Hamas.

At the same time, the EU is still hoping to convince this dictatorship through compromises and has until recently been helping the terrorist regime in Tehran to tie the hands of the main democratic opposition, ironically labelling it as a terrorist organisation.

So we need a clear and forceful stand on human rights and also to have the human rights situation in Iran as a priority in dealing with Tehran.

  Erik Meijer, Auteur. − Voorzitter, de heer Matsakis heeft gelijk. De vervolging van Shirin Ebadi is geen losstaand incident. Onder de critici van het regime heeft zij jarenlang een bevoorrechte positie mogen innemen. Het bestaan van haar mensenrechtencentrum wekte de indruk dat het in Iran toch nog wel meevalt.

De meeste slachtoffers van het theocratische regime in Iran zijn onbekend. Afwijkende politieke opvattingen, protesten van gediscrimineerde etnische minderheden en religieuze minderheden, homoseksualiteit en strijd tegen de achtergestelde positie van vrouwen, zijn redenen om te worden opgesloten of vermoord. Veel zaken die in Europa normaal zijn, kunnen je daar het leven kosten. Sommige slachtoffers worden in aanwezigheid van een groot publiek demonstratief opgehangen aan hoge hijskranen.

Desondanks is de buitenwereld, waaronder Europa, niet erg sterk geïnteresseerd in deze afschuwelijke toestand en de manier waarop daaraan een eind kan komen. De internationale belangstelling gaat veel meer uit naar andere zaken. Enerzijds betreffen die het inperken van de militaire macht van Iran en het tegengaan van de toepassing van atoomenergie. Anderzijds wordt vooral belang gehecht aan de voortgezette levering van aardolie en aan handhaving en/of uitbreiding van goede handelsbetrekkingen.

Het gevolg is dat enerzijds voortdurend wordt gedreigd met oorlog tegen Iran, terwijl anderzijds kritiek op het tekort aan mensenrechten wordt ingeslikt. Het leidt er zelfs toe dat de medewerking van het Iraanse regime wordt gekocht door de voornaamste oppositie in ballingschap voortdurend opnieuw op de terroristenlijst te zetten. Er moet een eind komen aan de bizarre situatie waarin telkens na een gerechtelijke uitspraak, die deze plaatsing op de terroristenlijst onwettig verklaart, door de Raad namens de Europese Unie opnieuw een gelijkluidend besluit wordt genomen.

Anders dan de meeste andere vervolgden in Iran, is Shirin Ebadi niet anoniem, maar internationaal bekend en gerespecteerd. De status van Nobelprijswinnaar heeft haar tot nu toe soms een beperkte mate van vrijheid opgeleverd. Dat die status nu eindigt, toont de noodzaak aan van internationale steun voor die krachten die verandering nastreven.

  Bernd Posselt, im Namen der PPE-DE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Ich habe mein Büro in München in einer Straße, in der viele christliche Armenier aus dem Iran leben. Sie sind Angehörige einer der ältesten christlichen Gemeinschaften der Welt und gleichzeitig patriotische Perser. Das zeigt, dass der Iran oder Persien eine uralte Tradition der Toleranz hat, der religiösen Toleranz, aber auch der Toleranz gegenüber den vielen Völkern, die dieses große Reich ausmachen.

Es ist absolut uniranisch und unpersisch, so intolerant zu herrschen, wie es dieses Mullah-Regime tut. Es widerspricht den vornehmsten und besten Traditionen eines der ältesten Staaten der Erde. Deshalb handeln wir im Interesse des iranischen Volkes und seiner Zukunft, wenn wir diese Missstände deutlicher als bisher anprangern.

Frau Shirin Ebadi, die das mit großem Risiko getan hat und dafür den Friedensnobelpreis bekommen hat, tut das immer wieder für alle ethnischen Gruppen, für alle Religionsgemeinschaften. Wir können nicht dulden, dass sie auf eine derart schreckliche und erbärmliche Art und Weise verfolgt wird. Sie braucht unsere Solidarität. Deshalb appelliere ich an die tschechische Ratspräsidentschaft, ihre gute Menschenrechtspolitik auch in dieser Frage anzuwenden.

  Józef Pinior, w imieniu grupy PSE. – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Po pierwsze, chciałem zwrócić uwagę na brak przedstawiciela prezydencji Republiki Czeskiej w czasie tej debaty. Odbieram to bardzo przykro, gdyż Republika Czeska jest dziedzicem demokratycznych tradycji walki o prawa człowieka całej Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Powtarzam: jest to dla mnie bardzo przykre, że nie ma dzisiaj przedstawiciela prezydencji w czasie tej debaty, mimo że inne prezydencje, chociażby niemiecka, takiego przedstawiciela zawsze wysyłały.

Debatujemy dzisiaj na temat sytuacji praw człowieka w Iranie, który jest ważnym państwem na Bliskim Wschodzie i jednym z państw, które będzie miało decydujący wpływ na sytuację polityczną w tym regionie świata. Tym bardziej zobowiązuje to władze Iranu do bezwzględnego przestrzegania praw człowieka oraz norm międzynarodowych w dziedzinie prawa humanitarnego.

Stajemy w obronie noblistki Shirin Ebadi i sprzeciwiamy się ostatnim działaniom władz i kierowanej przez władze do opinii publicznej kampanii przeciwko Shirin Ebadi. Chcę także zwrócić uwagę na dalsze aresztowania studentów Uniwersytetu w Shiraz. W tym tygodniu, w którym Parlament Europejski obraduje w Strasburgu (a dokładnie dnia 12 stycznia), aresztowano następnych 6 osób. Musimy stanąć w obronie autonomii ruchu studenckiego w Iranie. Chcę także zwrócić uwagę na represje, szykany w stosunku do lekarzy zajmujących się badaniem AIDS.

Panie Komisarzu! Wynika z tego tylko jeden wniosek: sytuacja praw człowieka w Iranie musi podlegać dokładnemu monitoringowi ze strony Komisji Europejskiej i całej Unii Europejskiej.

  Leopold Józef Rutowicz, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Panie Przewodniczący! W Iranie, w którym zasady fundamentalizmu popierane są przez dużą część społeczności, działalność wszelkich instytucji demokratycznych, które oparte są na innych zasadach kulturowych, napotyka na duże opory i nietolerancje. Takim przykładem jest Iran.

Z jeden strony politycy rządzący w kraju, by mieć lepszy image, podpisują zobowiązania wynikające z międzynarodowych ustaleń, lecz codzienna praktyka niestety jest inna. Przykładem może być sprawa Shirin Ebadi, laureatki Pokojowej Nagrody Nobla kierującej Centrum Ochrony Praw Człowieka. Szykanowanie jej działalności spowodowane jest słabością rządzącej klasy, która, bojąc się o swoją pozycję, nie potrafi zdyscyplinować antydemokratycznego działania fundamentalistów. Popieramy rezolucję. Myślę, że w tym zakresie należałoby podjąć bardziej radykalne działania.

  Alexandru Nazare (PPE-DE). - Iranul reprezintă poate cel mai puţin documentat caz de violare a drepturilor omului din comunitatea internaţională. În acest moment nu există semnale de îmbunătăţire a situaţiei. Persecuţia doamnei Shirin Ebadi este un caz foarte grav în acest sens, şi acelaşi lucru îl pot spune şi despre situaţia celor 6 studenţi, care a fost menţionată mai devreme.

E îmbucurător că pe această temă s-au propus mai multe rezoluţii, iniţiate de mai multe grupuri politice. Credem însă că cea a Partidului Popular European răspunde mult mai bine obligaţiei noastre de a apăra drepturile omului. Ca cetăţean al unei ţări care a cunoscut recent atât experienţa totalitară, cât şi libertatea de expresie garantată de un regim democratic, nu pot decât să simpatizez cu cauza unei luptătoare pentru drepturile omului şi sunt sigur că acest lucru va fi luat în considerare.

Această critică constructivă nu poate decât să ajute relaţiile dintre Uniunea Europeană şi Iran.

  Paulo Casaca (PSE). - Eu queria não só apoiar esta resolução, mas muito em particular apoiar a palavra de todos os amigos de um Irão livre que, tal como o nosso colega Marios Matsakis e outros, fizeram questão de sublinhar que o principal problema é a política de apaziguamento para com o regime iraniano. É a política que leva a que o petróleo e os contratos comerciais sejam mais importantes do que os princípios.

A colocação da organização dos Mujahedines do Povo do Irão na lista das organizações terroristas foi um escândalo desde o princípio. Foi tornar aquilo que é um problema real extraordinariamente importante numa política que é o contrário, que é fazer os favores a quem de facto prossegue políticas terroristas.

Por essa razão, eu instava mais uma vez o Conselho a imediatamente pôr cobro a essa situação e retirar a organização dos Mujahedines do Povo do Irão da lista das organizações terroristas.

  Janusz Onyszkiewicz (ALDE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Zbigniew Brzeziński określa główne zagrożenie dla stabilności na świecie i perspektyw rozwoju światowego w łuku niestabilności, który rozciąga się od Egiptu do Pakistanu. Głównym według niego krajem w tym właśnie łuku, takim zwornikiem, jest Iran. Bez rozwiązania problemu Iranu, bez sprawienia, że będzie to kraj przewidywalny i demokratyczny, bardzo trudno będzie myśleć o tym, ażeby to niebezpieczeństwo, o którym mówi Brzeziński, zażegnać.

Ale do Iranu nie można przynieść demokracji, nie można przynieść stabilności. Musi to być dziełem samych Irańczyków. Irańczyków i w samym Iranie, tak właśnie jak Pani Ebadi, i tych, którzy są na zewnątrz, którzy są na emigracji, jak Miriam Rajavi. I dlatego jest tak istotne, ażeby wspierać te właśnie demokratyczne ruchy i także uznać w końcu, że mudżahedini to nie jest organizacja terrorystyczna.

  Zbigniew Zaleski (PPE-DE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Jak na ironię, podobnie jak z wyborem Hamasu, mamy w Iranie sytuację, kiedy władze są wybrane przez społeczeństwo.

To jest nasz problem, bo niewiele można zrobić. Tam coś musi się zmienić. My możemy tylko mówić przed światem i przesyłać nasz message do Iranu, że potępiamy gwałcenie praw człowieka, brak demokracji, czy im się to podoba, czy nie. Może w tym przypadku słowo będzie naszą bronią i jednocześnie naszą pomocą dla tych, którzy w Iranie walczą o prawdziwą wolność, której uzyskania im życzę.

  Vladimír Špidla, člen Komise. − Vážený pane předsedo, vážené dámy, vážení pánové, Evropská komise pozorně sleduje vývoj situace, v níž se nachází paní Širin Ebadiová, a domnívá se, že hrozby, kterým jsou paní Ebadiová a také její kolegové vystaveni po prohlídce jejich kanceláří v Teheránu provedené 29. prosince, jsou nepřijatelné. Prohlídka kanceláří je posledním z aktů zastrašování, které jsou nasměrovány proti paní Ebadiové a mezi něž patří například prosincové ukončení Sdružení obránců lidských práv, které vedla.

Evropská komise proto zcela podpořila francouzské předsednictví Rady Unie při předložení dvou prohlášení ve věci paní Ebadiové, 31. a 22. prosince minulého roku. Komise zdůrazňuje zejména skutečnost, že íránské orgány musejí dodržovat své mezinárodní závazky v oblasti lidských práv, a zejména práva na pokojné shromažďování uvedené v Mezinárodním paktu o občanských a politických právech, který Írán podepsal a ratifikoval, musejí proto povolit znovuotevření prostor Sdružení obránců lidských práv a poskytnout mu právní postavení, o které žádá již mnoho let.

Stejně jako v minulosti ani v roce 2009 Komise nenechá bez povšimnutí žádnou příležitost, při níž bude moci na íránské orgány působit, aby paní Ebadiové a dalším obráncům lidských práv (jednotlivcům nebo organizacím) poskytly ochranu a umožnily jim dále působit v zemi a nenarušovaly jejich legitimní činnost.

Jak všichni víte, otázky jaderné energie a lidských práv výrazně omezují rozsah našeho působení v Íránu. Komise přesto v roce 2009 bude pokračovat ve spolupráci v oblastech společného zájmu, zejména potlačování obchodu s drogami. Podařilo se nám rovněž zachovat některé programy na podporu lidských práv a řádné správy věcí veřejných, například projekt na podporu práv dětí prováděný ve spolupráci s UNICEF a projekty na podporu reformy soudnictví.

Provádíme rovněž iniciativy zaměřené na posílení spolupráce a výměn v oblasti vzdělávání a kultury – výměny v rámci programu Erasmus Mundus, nedávná návštěva několika íránských novinářů v Bruselu nebo vysílání televizních pořadů v perštině, jehož zahájení si Komise přeje před koncem tohoto roku. Přesto je jasné, že pokud v Íránu nedojde k výraznému zlepšení lidských práv, nebudou se moci naše vztahy vyvíjet normálně.

  Le Président. - Le débat est clos.

Le vote aura lieu à la fin des débats.

(1) Voir procès-verbal

10.2. il-Ginea

  Le Président. - L'ordre du jour appelle le débat sur six propositions de résolution concernant la situation en Guinée.⁽¹⁾

  Marios Matsakis, author. − Mr President, Guinea has had a very troubled past history, with European countries being in one way or another involved in its tragic past. It was taken over by the Portuguese in the 15th century and its citizens were subjected to the European slave trade in the 16th century and beyond. In 1890, it was colonised by France. After independence in 1958, firm ties were formed with the Soviet Union. Its post-colonial period was largely dominated by presidential totalitarianism, with its rulers being backed by its admittedly rather primitive army.

Guinea, although blessed with very rich mineral deposits, including iron, aluminium, gold, diamonds and uranium, is nevertheless one of the poorest countries in the world. These minerals are being exploited by companies from Russia, Ukraine, France, Britain, Australia and Canada.

Heavy corruption of officials is well known to occur, and the governments of the countries to which such companies belong seem to care very little about the welfare of Guinea’s citizens, and only start complaining about the appalling human rights situation in the country when their financial interests are disrupted or threatened.

Be that as it may, presently there is yet another dictator in power in Guinea, a young junior army officer called Captain Camara. He heads a junta that has pledged to rid the country of corruption and to improve living standards for its 10 million citizens. To this end, a 32-member National Council for Democracy and Development was set up to govern the country.

I have no idea whether Captain Camara is genuine in his endeavours, or whether he will succeed in improving matters in Guinea. But one thing is certain: things cannot get worse than they have been for the last few decades, during which Europe and the rest of the world were happy just to sit back, watch and enjoy the benefits of the mineral exploitation of Guinea. So, although I oppose military dictatorships a priori, I can only hope that after a short period of time a transition to democracy might occur.

  Jean-Pierre Audy, auteur. − Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire et cher Vladimir Špidla, mes chers collègues. Le 22 décembre 2008, le Président de la République de Guinée, Lanzana Conté disparaît à 74 ans. Dans cette nuit du 22 au 23 décembre ses proches s'affairent pour organiser l'intérim du pouvoir, entourés de rumeurs de coup d'État.

À ce moment précis, sont-ils sincères ces hommes qui dirigent un pays considéré par Transparency International comme l'un des plus corrompus au monde et qui s'appuient sur un État de droit et une démocratie qui n'ont jamais existé vraiment? À ce moment précis, ont-ils en mémoire la façon dont, il y a 24 ans, le général Lanzana Conté, rafle le pouvoir lorsque le père de l'indépendance de 1958, le président marxiste Sékou Touré s'éteint en 1984? À ce moment précis, pensent-ils qu'un simple officier responsable de l'approvisionnement en carburant de l'armée, peut s'emparer du pouvoir? À ce moment précis, ne regrettent-ils pas d'avoir insuffisamment travaillé pour instaurer un véritable État de droit et une vraie démocratie qui aurait permis d'organiser ces précieuses élections dans le délai de 60 jours, fixé par la constitution?

S'ils ont eu ce regret, le capitaine Moussa Dadis Camara et ses amis vont le transformer en remords en quelques heures. Ce mercredi 24 décembre, le capitaine inconnu se proclame Président de la République, il est ovationné par des milliers de Guinéens, il met en scène, le 25 décembre, l'allégeance du gouvernement civil, qui se soumet à son ultimatum. Il promet le combat contre la corruption et l'organisation, d'ici 2010, d'élections. Il nomme un homme sérieux comme Premier ministre, un fonctionnaire international basé en Égypte. Il constate avec satisfaction que personne en Guinée ne le condamne; les partis politiques d'opposition, la société civile, prennent acte de cette situation.

Faut-il, dans ces conditions, condamner le coup d'État? Oui, mes chers collègues, nous devons le condamner! Le parti populaire européen, au nom duquel j'ai l'honneur de m'exprimer, condamne ce coup d'État même si nous ne sommes pas naïfs, car nous savons que les solutions politiques pour sortir d'une dictature ne sont jamais simples. Nous appelons à voter en faveur de la résolution commune des six groupes politiques.

  Erik Meijer, Auteur. − Voorzitter, op 15 februari 2007 hebben we als urgentie het staatsgeweld van dictator Lansana Conté in Guinee besproken. Deze dictator kwam aan de macht na een staatsgreep en regeerde al sinds 1984. Hij beschouwde het land als zijn privébezit dat vooral van belang is vanwege de natuurlijke voorraden goud, ijzer en bauxiet. Aan de onder zijn controle georganiseerde verkiezingen namen de meeste partijen niet deel. De tijdelijk nog wel in het Parlement vertegenwoordigde officiële oppositie zag zich genoodzaakt om het Parlement te verlaten.

Dat maakte de vakcentrales CNTG en USTG tot voornaamste kracht in de strijd voor democratie. Hun manifestatie op 22 januari 2007 werd beantwoord met het doden van 59 mensen en het verwonden van 150 anderen. Dat gebeurde door de presidentiële veiligheidsmacht, geleid door de zoon van de dictator.

Aan dit afschuwelijk regime is in december vorig jaar onverwacht een eind gekomen doordat de dictator overleed. De junta heeft een bankier naar voren geschoven als premier. De vraag is nu waarvoor de militaire junta, die daarna de macht heeft overgenomen, de weg vrijmaakt. Is dit een stap naar democratie en gelijkwaardigheid van alle inwoners of wordt met deze nieuwe staatsgreep de weg bereid voor een nieuwe dictator die opnieuw vooral geïnteresseerd is in de bodemschatten en in de mogelijkheid om zichzelf daarmee te verrijken?

De buitenwereld reageert verward. Het Westafrikaanse samenwerkingsverband ECOWAS heeft de jongste staatsgreep veroordeeld. De Nigeriaanse president roemt de overleden dictator, maar gelukkig eist hij wel een snelle machtsoverdracht aan een democratisch gekozen regering. Ook Frankrijk en Senegal oefenen druk uit om binnen een jaar verkiezingen te houden.

Mijn fractie heeft het in de loop der jaren altijd opgenomen voor de eisen van de democratische oppositie in Guinee, die nog steeds buiten spel lijkt te staan. Wij veroordelen niet de machtswisseling, maar wel de mogelijke voortzetting van het gebrek aan democratie in de nabije toekomst. Er is nog geen reden om Guinee te straffen of te isoleren, maar wel om de nieuwe machthebbers erop te wijzen dat hun optreden slechts zeer tijdelijk kan zijn. Het land heeft geen behoefte aan een nieuwe dictator, maar aan herstel van de democratie.

  Filip Kaczmarek, w imieniu grupy PPE-DE. – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Minęły już na szczęście czasy, w których jedynym znanym sposobem zmiany rządu w zachodniej Afryce były wojskowe zamachy. Podczas gdy w krajach sąsiadujących z Gwineą – Sierra Leone, Wybrzeżu Kości Słoniowej, Senegalu czy Liberii – zapanowała polityczna odwilż, upadły wojskowe reżimy i powstaje młoda demokracja, Gwinea zastygła w przeszłości. Zmarły prezydent Conte sam objął władzę w wyniku przewrotu wojskowego, teraz mamy déjà vu. W dobę po ogłoszeniu śmierci prezydenta władzę w kraju przejęło wojsko, które zawiesiło konstytucję.

Jedyną dobrą wiadomością jest to, że zamach został potępiony przez kraje afrykańskie i Unię Afrykańską. Dalszą pomoc dla Gwinei Unia Europejska powinna bezwzględnie powiązać z przywróceniem ładu konstytucyjnego i jak najszybszym ogłoszeniem wyborów prezydenckich, których przebieg i uczciwość powinny obserwować niezależne organizacje międzynarodowe. Natomiast jeżeli kapitan Camara chce choć trochę być gwinejskim Obamą, to zakres korupcji i biedy w tym kraju musiałby się radykalnie zmniejszyć.

  Ewa Tomaszewska, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Panie Przewodniczący! Następnego dnia po śmierci pan prezydenta Lansany Conté, dnia 23 grudnia 2008 r., junta wojskowa pod przewodnictwem kapitana Camary przejęła władzę w Gwinei, zawieszając Konstytucję i prawo do działalności politycznej, a także rozwiązując rząd. Junta deklaruje zwalczanie korupcji, przeprowadzenie wyborów prezydenckich do grudnia 2010 r., gdy dotychczasowe przepisy ustalały termin wyborów na 60 dni od wygaśnięcia mandatu.

Nie można jednak nie zauważyć, że ludność Gwinei okazuje aprobatę dla nowej władzy. Dnia 29 grudnia Unia Afrykańska zawiesiła członkowstwo Gwinei w organizacji, dając jej 6 miesięcy na przywrócenie porządku konstytucyjnego. Parlament Europejski winien wezwać władze Gwinei do przywrócenia prawa cywilnego i dokonania demokratycznych wyborów prezydenckich w możliwie najszybszym terminie. Oczekuję, ze Komisja Europejska udzieli pomocy humanitarnej ludności cywilnej i podejmie dialog z władzami Gwinei.

  Charles Tannock (PPE-DE). - Mr President, President Lansana Conté was the archetypal African strong man, a corrupt dictator who ruled the people of Guinea with an iron fist. In fact, Guinea has never enjoyed true democracy in its half-century of independence.

The death of Mr Conté offered an opportunity for Guinea to turn the page. But any hopes of transition to genuine democracy were extinguished by the military coup. Predictably, the African Union’s response to the coup has been lamentably lacklustre. The AU cannot expect to be taken seriously internationally while it continues to prevaricate and procrastinate. Why should we in the West go to such lengths to address this issue when African governments appear so indifferent?

The EU should consider invoking the provisions of the Cotonou Agreement relating to sanctions. Captain Camara and the coup leaders need to understand that the EU expects certain basic standards of governance in return for a trade-and-aid relationship. Guinea’s only path to prosperity is through democratic, civilian government.

  Zdzisław Zbigniew Podkański (UEN). - Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Mamy kolejny przypadek, gdzie grupa oficerów przejmuje władzę. Junty wojskowe zachowują się podobnie: najpierw aresztowania, zawieszenie konstytucji, a później zapowiedź demokratycznych wyborów. W tym przypadku ta zapowiedź opiewa na dwa lata. Ale praktyka powoduje, że oficerowie wciągają się w sprawowanie władzy, podoba im się to, powoduje ucisk społeczny i bunty, łamanie praw człowieka i zasad demokracji. W tym przypadku mamy prawo podejrzewać, że może stać się tak samo, chociaż wszyscy żywimy nadzieję, że może to będzie inny, lepszy przypadek, lepsze rozwiązanie.

Myślę, że taką zapowiedzią pewnej presji i przemówienia do rozsądku jest zachowanie się wspólnoty gospodarczej państw Afryki Zachodniej oraz Unii Afrykańskiej, które zawiesiły udział Gwinei w swoich pracach. Myślę, że biorąc pod uwagę sytuację społeczną, spadający ciągle dochód na głowę mieszkańca, również władze Unii Europejskiej, Komisja Europejska, podejmą stosowne, rozważne, ale odważne działanie, żeby jak najszybciej unormować sytuację w tym państwie dla dobra mieszkańców, żeby uniknąć ludobójstwa i łamania praw człowieka.

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE-DE). - Šiandien diskutuojame apie valstybės perversmą Gvinėjoje, kuri priskiriama labiausiai korumpuotų Afrikos šalių grupei. Be to, Gvinėjos socialinė ir ekonominė padėtis yra nepavydėtina, žmonių gyvenimo sąlygos labai sunkios, trūksta pagrindinių maisto produktų, žmogaus teisės grubiai pažeidžiamos, ir visa tai sukuria terpę, palankią valdžios perėmimui neteisėtu būdu.

Kita vertus, puikiai žinome, kad valdžios perėmimas karinio perversmo būdu Gvinėjoje yra tapęs tradicija. Parlamento rinkimai, prieš dvejus pasibaigus nacionalinės asamblėjos kadencijai, nebuvo surengti. Visa tai neabejotinai kelia tarptautinės bendruomenės susirūpinimą. Tokia situacija bet kurioje šalyje anksčiau ar vėliau baigiasi riaušėmis, nestabilumu, o dažnai – ir kraujo praliejimu.

Todėl aš visiškai pritariu mūsų svarstomai rezoliucijai, raginimams surengti parlamento ir prezidento rinkimus, laikantis tarptautinių standartų ir padedant Afrikos Sąjungai ir Vakarų Afrikos valstybių ekonominei bendrijai. Be to, spaudos, žodžio, susirinkimų laisvė turi būti užtikrinta dar prieš rinkimus, antraip rinkimai pavirs rinkimų farsu.

  Leopold Józef Rutowicz (UEN). - Panie Przewodniczący! Zamach stanu w Gwinei ma podobny scenariusz, jak większość takich zamachów w Afryce i na innych kontynentach. Odbywa się on zaraz po śmierci prezydenta Conté, który przejął władzę w wyniku zamachu 24 lata wcześniej. Sytuacja gospodarcza i polityczna tego bardzo biednego kraju determinuje jego społeczność do wystąpień pacyfikowanych przez wojsko, które utrwala korupcję władzy i podział na tych, którzy się bogacą, i tych, którzy umierają z głodu.

Pozytywnym działaniem w tej sytuacji jest zawieszenie stosunków z juntą przez Unię Afrykańską i Wspólnotę Gospodarczą Państw Afryki. Naciski zewnętrzne mogą zmusić juntę do ogłoszenia demokratycznych wyborów. Nauką, którą można wyciągnąć z tej sytuacji, jest to, że dla demokracji w Afryce powinien być ustalony scenariusz działań Unii Państw Afrykańskich, który zapobiegałby zamachom, w wyniku których obywatele tego biednego obszaru świata ponoszą ogromne straty. Popieram rezolucję.

  Vladimír Špidla, člen Komise. − Vážený pane předsedo, vážené paní poslankyně, vážení páni poslanci, dámy a pánové, zpráva o úmrtí guinejského prezidenta Lasana Contého, která dorazila ráno 23. listopadu 2008, byla o několik hodin později následována vojenským převratem vedeným juntou, jež vytvořila Národní radu pro demokracii a rozvoj a vyhlásila pozastavení ústavy a rozpuštění státních institucí.

Evropská komise důrazně podporuje prohlášení učiněné předsednictvím Evropské unie, které odsuzuje toto násilné převzetí moci a vybízí guinejské orgány, aby se v co nejkratší době navrátily k civilní, ústavní a demokratické vládě. Pozitivní přijetí vojenského režimu ze strany guinejské veřejnosti, zejména ze strany politických stran a odborů, jasně vypovídá o tom, že životní podmínky guinejského obyvatelstva se zhoršily natolik, že i vojenský převrat je chápán jako pozitivní změna a jako záležitost vzbuzující optimismus ohledně budoucnosti. Rovněž to ukazuje, že režim dosud panující v této zemi ztratil důvěru guinejského obyvatelstva do té míry, že upřednostňuje, aby se vlády ujaly vojenské jednotky spíše než ústavní nástupci.

V této nejasné situaci je důležité uvítat rychlé a účinné iniciativy podniknuté Hospodářským společenstvím států západní Afriky (ECOWAS) a jeho předsedou panem Chambasem jakož i odhodlání a rozhodnost společenství a Africké unie, které pozastavily členství Guineje ve svých organizacích a odsoudily násilné převzetí moci. Komise se hodlá připojit ke snaze společenství ECOWAS a Africké unie a podpořit jejich úsilí, aby bylo možné co nejvíce urychlit návrat k civilní, ústavní a demokratické vládě prostřednictvím svobodných a transparentních voleb.

Výzva, která stojí před mezinárodním společenstvím v následujících měsících, spočívá v podpoře Guineje v jejím přechodu k demokracii a uspořádání svobodných a demokratických voleb zákonodárného sboru a prezidenta.

Vážené paní poslankyně, vážení páni poslanci, jak víte, v březnu 2004 po volbách, jež nerespektovaly zásady demokracie a porušovaly podstatné prvky dohody z Cotonou, jsme se rozhodli zahájit konzultace mezi Guinejí a Evropskou unií podle článku 96 dohody z Cotonou. Pokroku se dosáhlo v těchto oblastech: obecní volby v roce 2006, liberalizace sdělovacích prostředků, revize volebního rámce provedená společně s vládou a opozicí a zlepšení makroekonomického rámce.

My neztrácíme naději. Jsme přesvědčeni, že volební proces, který byl zahájen v říjnu minulého roku, bude moci být úspěšně obnoven. V této situaci odjede do Guineje tuto středu společná mise předsednické země a Komise. Tato mise, do níž jsou zapojeny útvary společenství ECOWAS a Africké unie, bude mít za cíl posoudit situaci v zemi a navrhnout vhodná opatření, která budou sloužit k podpoře Guineje při přechodu k demokracii.

  Le Président. - Le débat est clos.

Le vote aura lieu à la fin de débats.

(1) Voir procès-verbal

10.3. Liberta' tal-Istampa fil-Kenya

  Le Président. - L'ordre du jour appelle le débat sur six propositions de résolutions concernant la liberté de la presse au Kenya.⁽¹⁾

  Marios Matsakis, author. − Mr President, freedom of the press is synonymous with freedom of expression and democracy. This does not, of course, apply in an ideal fashion in our society, in which media barons as well as government and political party media interference are not unheard of, but is rather prominent in some western countries, not excluding the USA and some EU Member States. However, at least as far as legislation is concerned, the media in our societies are given the theoretical protection of the law they need to function as near properly as possible.

This is where we beg to differ with the Kenyan Government, which is introducing legislative measures that can be used for possible repression and persecution of the press by the state. We therefore call on the Kenyan authorities to reconsider their stance on the matter and give their mass media the legislative freedom they need in order to try, at least, to function as democratically as possible. The Kenyan Government must understand and accept that the protection of the press is essential for their country’s road to betterment of living standards for its citizens. We hope and trust that the plea we have made through this resolution will not be seen as interference but as friendly advice to the Government of Kenya, that it will be taken seriously into consideration and that there will be wiser reconsideration of what they have been doing so far.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg, autorka. − Panie Przewodniczący! Kenia od dłuższego czasu pogrążona jest w poważnym kryzysie politycznym. Urzędujący prezydent Kibaki prowadzi działania wyraźnie zmierzające do ograniczenia wolności słowa i prasy. Łamiąc zapisy Deklaracji Praw Człowieka oraz Afrykańskiej Karty Praw Człowieka usankcjonował 2 stycznia bieżącego roku poprawki do tzw. aktu komunikacji z 1998 r., nadając organom państwowym nowe prawa, w tym do demontażu sprzętu nadawczego i łącznościowego oraz kontroli i zmiany zawartości publikacji mass mediów. Społeczność międzynarodowa uznała to jednogłośnie za kolejny krok do ustanowienia cenzury w kenijskich mediach.

Ponadto prezydent pomimo wcześniejszych zobowiązań wynikających z założeń wielkiej koalicji nie skonsultował z urzędującym premierem ani tej, ani pozostałych decyzji, pogłębiając tym samym trwający od ponad roku kryzys w państwie, który pochłonął już około 1000 ofiar, a 350 000 obywateli pozostawił bez dachu nad głową. Unia Europejska nie może pozostać bierna wobec otwartego łamania podstawowych wolności.

Zapewnienie prezydenta Kenii o rewizji poprawek i ich konsultacji ze wszystkimi siłami politycznymi w celu nadania im nowej demokratycznej jakości oraz szerokiej akceptacji społeczeństwa należy przyjąć z zadowoleniem. Unia Europejska musi te działania wspierać i szczegółowo monitorować, promując pluralizm w kreowaniu społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Jednocześnie władze Kenii powinny podjąć wzmożone działania na rzecz wprowadzenia normalizacji w kraju, m.in. w drodze ustanowienia specjalnej komisji złożonej z lokalnych oraz międzynarodowych ekspertów, mającej na celu ukaranie winnych przemocy oraz wywołania ubiegłorocznego kryzysu. Działania te mają szansę ustabilizować sytuację wewnętrzną, a także zapobiec katastrofie humanitarnej, która grozi nieuchronne temu dziesięciomilionowemu, wschodnioafrykańskiemu państwu.

  Colm Burke, author. − Mr President, I regret the signing of the Kenya Communications (Amendment) Bill by President Kibaki. This act disregards the rights to freedom of expression and press freedom as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and echoed by other international conventions, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

This act would give considerable powers to the Kenyan Information Minister to raid media houses deemed to be a threat to national security and to dismantle broadcasting equipment. The act will also give the state the power to regulate contents to be aired and published by electronic and print media respectively. I welcome, however, President Kibaki’s recent move to revise this media law and his gesture to consider amendments to legislation proposed by members of the media.

Freedom of expression is a fundamental human right, as stated in Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. I call on the Kenyan Government to initiate a stakeholder consultation in order to build consensus on how to better regulate the communications industry without interfering with press freedom and without infringing rights contained within the Universal Declaration.

Finally, I would like to underline the need to adjust the culture of impunity in Kenya in order to bring those responsible for the post-election violence a year ago to justice. I call for the setting-up of an independent commission consisting of local and international legal experts who would carry out investigations and prosecutions into the violent events following the flawed elections in December 2007.

  Erik Meijer, Auteur. − Voorzitter, Kenia heeft een gewelddadige geschiedenis. Na de Tweede Wereldoorlog, toen in Europa langzamerhand werd geaccepteerd dat de onafhankelijkheid van Afrikaanse landen uiteindelijk onvermijdelijk was, werd Kenia daarvan nadrukkelijk uitgezonderd, net als het huidige Zimbabwe. De koloniale bestuurders vonden dat er in die landen te veel buitenlandse kolonisten en te veel buitenlandse economische belangen waren om ze te kunnen overlaten aan de overwegend zwarte inwoners.

Anders dan in West-Afrika kwam de onafhankelijkheid van Kenia niet vreedzaam tot stand, maar pas na een lange gewelddadige strijd door de onafhankelijksbeweging Mau Mau. Die noodzaak van gewelddadige strijd heeft de grondslag gelegd voor een vervolg van geweld en intimidatie. De overwinnaars behoorden voornamelijk tot één grote stam, de Kikuyu's. Andere bevolkingsgroepen zijn altijd in de oppositie gehouden, zonodig door middel van vervalste verkiezingsuitslagen. Bij de jongste presidentsverkiezingen bleek opnieuw dat een niet-Kikuyu geen president mag worden, zelfs niet als de meerderheid van de kiezers op hem stemt.

Dankzij een compromis is de oppositiekandidaat nu premier en lijkt de binnenlandse vrede hersteld. Terwijl van de twee Afrikaanse landen met vervalste presidentsverkiezingen Zimbabwe wordt gezien als het land met het slechte compromis, werd Kenia bejubeld als het land met het goede compromis. Jarenlang werd Kenia in West-Europa en in Amerika gezien als een groot succes. Het was het land met een relatieve welvaart, vrijheid voor internationale ondernemingen, vriendschap met het westen en aandacht voor toeristen. Inmiddels wordt Kenia niet meer als een succes gezien. Er ontstaan nieuwe spanningen door voedselschaarste en door een nieuwe perswet. Die voedselschaarste wordt mede bevorderd doordat de president in ruil voor de bouw van de haven 40.000 hectare landbouwgrond heeft verpacht voor de voedselvoorziening van het oliestaatje Qatar.

De perswet lijkt een middel dat de president gebruikt om de macht van de coalitieregering in te perken en om kritische opposities uit te schakelen. Dit temeer, omdat die wet tot stand is gekomen zonder zelfs de premier te raadplegen. Het coalitiecompromis tussen president en premier is in gevaar, als de president de kans krijgt om de premier te passeren, de rol van de regering te beperken en zijn eigen rol te beschermen tegen de kritische pers.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. – Mr President, until last year’s violence, Kenya had a reputation as one of Africa’s politically more stable countries and had a tradition of a relatively free and robust press.

President Kibaki needs to realise that political stability and a free press are mutually reinforcing. This restriction of freedom of speech, as proposed, is unbecoming for a country led by a man who came to power promising a new era of openness and transparency. Unfortunately, it seems that many senior politicians in Kenya have still not developed a sufficiently thick skin to handle the inevitable barbs of a free press and a democracy. I hope that President Kibaki will take our advice and change his mind. That would reassure us of Kenya’s purported commitment to a free society under a power-sharing coalition government. It would also strengthen Kenya’s case for moral authority and leadership in an unstable region.

I welcome the President’s pledge now to consider amendments to this bill and to consult more widely with the media. Given that Prime Minister Raila Odinga and the ODM, his party, are vigorously opposed to this legislation, it is also vital for the stability of the Government that it does not become even more of an inflammatory and divisive political issue.

  Catherine Stihler, on behalf of the PSE Group. – Mr President, I am glad to have the opportunity to speak on this joint motion for a resolution on press freedom in Kenya. A year ago, like many others, I was dismayed and disappointed that, after flawed presidential elections in Kenya, street demonstrations led to riots and ethnic clashes that spread across the country, killing more than a thousand people and leaving another 350 000 people homeless. Those responsible for the post-election violence a year ago must be brought to justice and a period of reconciliation and tolerance is now essential for Kenya.

In this context, it is very bad news that, on Friday 2 January 2009, President Kibaki signed the Kenya Communications (Amendment) Bill 2008, which amends the Kenya Communications Act of 1998. This bill flies in the face of press freedom and disregards international conventions signed up to by the Kenyan Government. Two sections effectively introduce direct media censorship by the Government. Section 88 gives the Information Minister considerable powers to raid and dismantle broadcasting equipment from a media house that is deemed to be a threat to national security. Section 46 gives the state the power to regulate contents to be aired and published by both electronic and print media. Within Kenya, the bill has been opposed by journalists, by Prime Minister Odinga and by the ODM, and its passing highlights a serious lack of consultation within the current grand coalition. I regret the passing of this bill and urge that any revision of the media law takes account of the many, many reservations expressed.

  Ewa Tomaszewska, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Panie Przewodniczący! Jako członek Solidarności z doświadczeniem stanu wojennego wiem, że wolność słowa to powietrze dla demokracji. Kenijski rząd podpisał i ratyfikował Powszechną Deklarację Praw Człowieka i inne konwencje międzynarodowe, łącznie z Afrykańską Kartą Praw Człowieka i Ludów. Obejmują one prawo do swobody wypowiadania się.

Dziś Wschodnioafrykańskie Stowarzyszenie Dziennikarzy informuje o zamiarach wprowadzenia w Kenii cenzury. Oczekuję, że prezydent Kibaki odstąpi od takich zmian prawa medialnego, które naruszałyby wolność słowa. Wzywam władze Kenii do odstąpienia od decyzji o wprowadzeniu cenzury, do budowy konsensusu na rzecz wolności prasy i przemysłu komunikacji publicznej. Oczekuję, że w Kenii będą respektowane prawa mniejszości religijnych i narodowych. Rok temu ponad tysiąc osób straciło życie w manifestacjach związanych z wyborami, 350 tys. opuściło domy. Oczekuję, że sprawcy tych zajść będą uczciwie osądzeni.

  Tadeusz Zwiefka (PPE-DE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Nawet jeśli prawdą jest, że niektóre z prywatnych mediów kenijskich przyczyniły się do wzmagania zamieszek po wyborczych emocjach, to nie jest to w żadnej mierze podstawa do ograniczania wolności słowa.

Zamach na wolność mediów w Kenii odbył się także z pogwałceniem podstawowych zasad demokracji parlamentarnej. Otóż warto powiedzieć, że nowe prawo uchwaliło 25 posłów z 220-osobowego parlamentu – jest to zupełnie niewyobrażalna sytuacja. Gorzej – ponieważ Kenia posiadała do tej pory jeden z najbardziej rozwiniętych i pluralistycznych systemów prasowych w całej Afryce, to się zmienia po wprowadzeniu nowego prawa, umożliwiającego służbom specjalnym ingerowanie w działalność mediów, zamykanie redakcji, kontrolę słowa. Ograniczenie wolności rynku medialnego w imię ochrony bezpieczeństwa państwa może tylko przynieść odwrotny do zamierzonego skutek.

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE-DE). - Kodėl mums rūpi spaudos laisvė Kenijoje, kodėl Europos Parlamentas svarsto šį klausimą skubos tvarka kaip žmogaus teisių pažeidimo atvejį?

Pirmiausia todėl, kad žodžio laisvė yra pagrindinė žmogaus teisė, kaip nurodyta Visuotinės žmogaus teisių deklaracijos 19 straipsnyje, deklaracijos, kurios signatarė yra ir Kenija, todėl ji, kaip ir kitos šalys deklaracijos signatarės, privalo laikytis ne tik jos dvasios, bet ir raidės.

Vos prieš metus po prezidento rinkimų Kenijoje vykusios demonstracijos, vėliau peraugusios į riaušes ir etninius konfliktus, kai buvo nužudyta daugiau nei 1000 žmonių, o dešimtys tūkstančių liko be pastogės, yra svariausias argumentas neleisti pasikartoti panašiems įvykiams. Todėl Kenijos vyriausybė ir prezidentas turėtų veikti išvien ir gerbti savo pačių įsipareigojimus gerbti spaudos laisvę, žodžio ir susirinkimų laisves, taip pat – kas ypatingai svarbu – kovoti su nebaudžiamumu, patraukti atsakomybėn tuos, kurie atsakingi už prieš metus vykusias riaušes.

  Marios Matsakis (ALDE). - Mr President, while we are debating humanitarian issues and freedom of the press in third countries, I take the opportunity to inform the House that, according to media reports from Gaza, the offices of the UN which were bombarded earlier on today by the Israeli forces are completely ablaze and all the UN humanitarian aid which was stored there, much of it sent by the EU, has been completely destroyed. The same fate has befallen the offices of Reuters and of other international journalists in Gaza. I wish to record that I share the view of the UN Secretary-General, Mr Ban Ki-moon, currently in Israel, who is reportedly completely outraged at the Israeli authorities.

  Le Président. - Monsieur Matsakis, merci pour cette déclaration mais je n'aurais pas dû, en principe, l'accepter puisque le règlement veut que, quand vous demandez à intervenir dans le catch the eye, ce doit être sur le sujet qui est, je vous le rappelle, la liberté de la presse au Kenya, même si les événements auxquels vous avez fait référence sont absolument dramatiques, tout le monde en convient.

  Leopold Józef Rutowicz (UEN). - Panie Przewodniczący! Rezolucja Parlamentu Europejskiego w sprawie wolności prasy w Kenii trafia w istotny punkt. Od ograniczenia wolności prasy i informacji oraz ograniczenia praw obywatelskich rozpoczyna się dyktatura. Mam nadzieję, że proces ten zostanie wstrzymany w wyniku podjętych działań międzynarodowych i wewnętrznych. Myślę, że prezydent Kibaki i premier Odinga podejmą odpowiednie działania. Rezolucja, którą popieram, pomoże na pewno procesowi demokratyzacji w Kenii.

  Janusz Onyszkiewicz (ALDE). - Panie Przewodniczący! W czasach komunistycznych w Polsce i w innych krajach istniał taki przepis kodeksu karnego, który stanowił, że każdy, kto rozpowszechnia informacje, które mogą prowadzić do nieporządku publicznego, podlega karze. Otóż tego rodzaju przepis był niesłychanie użytecznym batem, nie tylko na osoby indywidualne, ale przede wszystkim na prasę. Dzisiaj widzimy, że podobne intencje przyświecają tym usiłowaniom prawnym, które obserwujemy w Kenii. Nie może być wytłumaczeniem i usprawiedliwieniem dla tego rodzaju cenzury właśnie taka argumentacja i groźba, że trzeba nałożyć kaganiec na prasę, bo prasa może spowodować jakieś rozruchy w państwie. Prasa jest od tego, żeby informować ludzi i to jest istotnie fundament demokracji.

  Vladimír Špidla, člen Komise. − Vážený pane předsedo, vážené dámy, vážení pánové, na začátek bych chtěl zdůraznit, že svoboda projevu včetně televize a rádia je jedním z pilířů, na nichž spočívá EU. Tato svoboda je mezi evropskými hodnotami klíčovou a není možné ji zpochybňovat.

„Communication Act“ z roku 2008, který se dne 2. ledna 2009 stal v Keni zákonem, obsahuje body, které z našeho hlediska mohou porušovat svobodu médií. Vnímáme proto s uspokojením nedávné rozhodnutí prezidenta Kibakiho ze dne 7. ledna revidovat některé sporné části tohoto zákona. Jsme potěšeni tím, že pan Kibaki pověřil ministra pro informace a komunikaci a nejvyššího státního zástupce, aby se sešli se zástupci médií a aby přednesli změny tohoto zákona, které by odstranily vzniklé obavy.

Svoboda projevu a svoboda tisku jsou součástí správy věcí veřejných v nejširším slova smyslu, která je sama ve středu strategie pro rozvoj Evropské unie. Upřímně se domnívám, že svobodný a odpovědný tisk je nezbytným předpokladem demokracie a právního státu, které jsou nedílnou součástí udržitelného rozvoje. Jedině na základě dialogu budou moci média a keňská vláda prohloubit společné porozumění a vybudovat vzájemný respekt. Evropská komise tedy se zaujetím očekává výsledky různých setkání se zúčastněnými stranami, která se budou konat v Keni, a doufá, že dotčené strany dosáhnou shody ohledně vhodných doporučení týkajících se návrhů změn zákona o médiích.

Ohledně násilí, které následovalo po volbách, Komise vítá zprávu vyšetřovací komise o tomto násilí (Wakiho zprávu). Oceňuje závazek keňské vlády zavést doporučení této zprávy včetně ustanovení zvláštního tribunálu, který zajistí, že osoby odpovědné za násilí se budou zodpovídat za své činy.

  Le Président. - Le débat est clos.

Le vote aura lieu immédiatement.

Déclarations écrites (article 142)

  Sebastian Valentin Bodu (PPE-DE), în scris. – Democraţia kenyană a suferit, la începutul lui 2009, o lovitură la adresa libertăţii presei. Preşedintele Mwai Kibaki şi-a dat semnătura, deşi s-a răzgândit ulterior, pe o lege care conferă autorităţilor kenyene dreptul de a executa raiduri în redacţii, de a asculta telefoanele jurnaliştilor şi de a controla conţinutul transmisiilor pe motiv de „securitate naţională”. Ca şi cum aceste abuzuri nu ar fi suficiente, legea prevede şi amenzi uriase şi termene de închisoare pentru reporterii găsiţi vinovaţi de practici „antiguvernamentale”. Cu toate că preşedintele Kibaki a ordonat modificarea acestor prevederi o săptămână mai târziu, nu se ştie ce prevăd aceste „modificări”.

Legea, în forma ei iniţială, aminteşte de zilele întunecate ale dictaturii, când presa kenyana era îngenuncheată. Kenya este în prezent o democraţie şi sunt convins că nimeni, inclusiv preşedintele Kibaki, nu doreşte o reîntoarcere la acele vremuri. Un atac la adresa libertăţii presei este un atac la adresa democraţiei. Comunitatea internaţională trebuie să continue să preseze autorităţile kenyene să trateze cu responsabilitate libertăţile civile şi mai ales libertatea presei.

  Marianne Mikko (PSE), kirjalikult. – Kallid kolleegid. Keenia tegutseb vastuolus inimõiguste ülddeklaratsiooni ja Aafrika inimõiguste ja rahvaste õiguste hartaga. Sellised tähtsad demokraatia alustalad nagu sõna- ja pressivabadus ei ole austatud. Vaba press on tõsises ohus.

Riigi kontroll ja tsensuur olid kommunikatsiooniteatise muudatuseelnõu osad. President Kibaki mõtlematu teo läbi on neist saanud seadus.

On ennekuulmatu, et valitsusele on antud õigus korraldada ajalehtede ja ringhäälingu toimetustes haaranguid ning kontrollida, mida ja millises vormis eetrisse lastakse. See on kaugel demokraatlikust ühiskonnast.

On hädavajalik muuta praegu jõus olevaid seadusnorme. Ajakirjandust on võimalik reguleerida sõna- ja pressivabadust ohustamata. Seda tuleb kiiremas korras teha.

(1) Voir procès-verbal

11. Ħin tal-votazzjonijiet

11.1. L-Iran: il-każ ta' Shirin Ebadi (votazzjoni)

11.2. il-Ginea (votazzjoni)

11.3. Liberta' tal-Istampa fil-Kenya (votazzjoni)

12. Dokumenti mressqa: ara l-Minuti

13. Deċiżjonijiet dwar ċertu dokumenti: ara l-minuti

14. Dikjarazzjonijiet bil-miktub imniżżla fir-reġistru (Artikolu 116 tar-Regoli ta' Proċedura): ara l-Minuti

15. Tressiq ta' testi adottati matul is-seduta attwali: ara l-Minuti

16. Dati tas-seduti li jmiss: ara l-Minuti

17. Interruzzjoni tas-sessjoni

  Le Président. - Je déclare interrompue la session du Parlement européen.

(La séance est levée à 16h10)

What political initiatives will the Council be pursuing this year, to promote to small and medium sized enterprises, the existence and impact of the Seventh Research and Development Framework Programme 2007-2013 noting that €52 billion in financial support is available to European businesses during the period?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The European Parliament and the Council established a clear objective in the legislative package of the Seventh Research and Development Framework Programme 2007-2013 (FP7)⁽¹⁾ , according to which particular attention is to be paid to ensure the adequate participation in the Programme of small- and medium-sized enterprises (SME).

Consequently this objective is at the core of the FP7 implementing measures, notably the "Cooperation" programme, which provides that a strategy should be established for SMEs for each priority theme and that the aim will be to enable at least 15% of the funding available under this programme to go to SMEs. The SMEs also benefit from a higher funding rate of 75% of eligible costs in FP7 (compared to 50% for larger companies). The collective financial responsibility that existed in FP6 was in FP7 replaced by the existence of the Guarantee Fund, which minimized financial risk for SMEs.

As the Honourable member is aware, the Commission is responsible for the implementation of the FP7 according to the objectives of the Programme therefore, the Commission should take all necessary measures to promote the participation of SMEs. One of such measures is the conference Research Connection 2009 organised by the Commission under the Czech Presidency in May 2009 in Prague. One part of this conference is directly dedicated to the participation of SMEs in FP7.

The Council would also like to draw the attention of the Honourable Parliamentarian to the important European Community initiatives in support of innovation, such as:

· The Competitiveness and Innovation Framework Programme (CIP) of the European Parliament and of the Council of 24 October 2006⁽²⁾

· The lead market initiative for Europe launched by the Commission, which the Council welcomed and encouraged in its conclusions adopted on 29 May 2008⁽³⁾.

· The regional innovation cluster policy, which the Council welcomed in its conclusions of 1 December 2008 as a tool to stimulate the SME potential and integration in high technology networks⁽⁴⁾.

· Finally, one should also point out the European Investment Bank's recent decision to mobilise EUR 30 billion to support European SMEs in the context of the European Economic Recovery Plan.

These elements need to be mentioned together with the research activities provided for by the FP7, given that innovative SMEs conduct research and technological development activities not falling under the FP7could develop with the help of these other innovation support schemes provided by the European Union.

I would like to ensure the Honourable Member, that the Czech Presidency is fully aware of the importance of small and medium enterprises (SME´s) as drivers of research, its application and innovation. According to the Presidency a special approach towards SME´s is needed in order to facilitate their participation in the FP7 – we believe that further simplification of procedures linked with participation of SME´s in all framework programmes needs to be encouraged. The Presidency will also lend full support to the European Commission in its implementation activities.

The European Union is the world's largest giver of aid to the developing world, yet a BBC Panorama programme broadcast in late November 2008 highlighted how this aid is too often misspent, inefficiently used, or fails to reach its target population. Among the many issues highlighted was the inefficiency of aid spent in the education sector, where money is spent on buildings rather than on training and wages, with the result that teaching standards can be low. There are often high levels of teacher-absenteeism as teachers are forced to work in multiple jobs to get by. Such trends could very easily lead to a very worrying and frankly unacceptable situation where the MDG 2 of universal primary education is superficially achieved, but with the education being of such a low standard as to be of little merit or value in changing the lives of the children involved. What measures or changes does the Council envisage to ensure that European aid is more effectively distributed and employed?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council recalls that it is the responsibility of the Commission to programme the use of financial resources and support the management of Community aid, and the European Development Fund (EDF).

The Council would like to draw the attention on the two dimensions of the aid, i.e. (1) the specific provisions intended to monitor the delivery of aid and (2) the initiatives designed to improve the effectiveness of aid. On both aspects, the Council is and will continue to be vigilant and active.

1. Monitoring of aid delivery

All EC development cooperation instruments contain specific provisions intended to protect the EC's financial interests. The Commission and the Court of Auditors are entitled to perform audits, including document audits or on the spot audits of any contractor or subcontractor who has received Community funds.

Both the Council and the European Parliament have the possibility to assess the way in which EC external assistance has been implemented on a yearly basis through the Annual Report on the EC's Development and External Assistance Policies and their implementation that the Commission usually presents towards the end of June.

This being said, the Council believes that the proper management and implementation of development aid is not just the donor's responsibility: the principles of ownership, good governance and mutual accountability must apply, and in this regard our eligible partners are also co-responsible. In its Conclusions of 27 May 2008, the Council reaffirmed the importance of implementing strengthened mutual accountability mechanisms at the country, regional and international level for ensuring more equal partnerships.

Finally, the Commission set up in July 2008 an Internet website offering comprehensive information on the management and implementation of all EC external cooperation programmes . It is managed by Europe Aid and is accessible to the wider public.

2. Aid effectiveness

The EU is firmly committed through both the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness of March 2005⁽¹⁾ and the EU Consensus on Development of November 2005⁽²⁾ to deliver more and better aid. In particular, the EU is committed to promote better donor coordination and complementarity by working towards joint multiannual programming, based on partner countries’ poverty reduction or equivalent strategies and country’s own budget processes, common implementation mechanisms including shared analysis, joint donor wide missions, and the use of co-financing arrangements.

Complementarity of donor activities is of paramount importance for increasing aid effectiveness, and thus for a more effective and efficient development assistance. In this sense, the Council and the Member States adopted in May 2007 an EU Code of Conduct on Complementarity and Division of Labour in Development Policy⁽³⁾. Finally, the Ministerial Declaration adopted in September 2008 after the third high level Forum on Aid Effectiveness (i.e. the Accra Agenda for Action) provides for a very ambitious approach of the EU and wanted strong, precise and measurable commitments as well as a timetable for implementation

Regarding the Spring European Council and the EU Strategy for Growth and Jobs, could the Presidency explain how it will push the European Union's competiveness agenda to the top of its priorities, particularly in the current economic downturn?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

With regard to the Spring European Council and the EU strategy for growth and jobs, the Czech Presidency will indeed put the European Union's competitiveness agenda on top of its priorities, as it is well aware that the current economic downturn requires the EU to act, and to do so with strength and resolve. A significant economic slowdown underlines the importance of the Lisbon Strategy as a set of instruments to strengthen economic growth and resistance of economies to internal and external shocks. Therefore, the March Competitiveness Council will be dominated by the adoption of the Key Issues Paper⁽¹⁾ of the Competitiveness Council to the Spring European Council 2009, which will be all about growth and jobs. The rest of the Presidency will be dedicated as a priority to implementing the European Economic Recovery Plan⁽²⁾ and to fulfil such new European Council mandates as the European Innovation Plan.

The Presidency's intention is already quite clear from the motto it has chosen for its term, i.e. "Europe without Barriers", which is much more than a political catchword. In fact, it includes an ambitious programme to work towards effective strengthening of the single market and the knowledge triangle including research, education and innovation in order to preserve and stimulate growth and job creation, while keeping in mind necessity of administrative burden's reduction and simplification of legislation

The fifth anniversary of the most extensive EU enlargement creates an opportunity for an evaluation of its costs and benefits for all Member States. The Czech Presidency, in cooperation with European Commission and the OECD, will present a study that will identify remaining barriers in the internal market and will discuss it at the international conference "5 Years After’, to be held in March 2009.

In this framework, the Czech Presidency intends to focus its activities and mobilise Member States on the following six major issues:

- A fully-functioning single market without barriers.

- Promoting seamless interaction within the knowledge triangle.

- Better regulation, focussing on a reduction of administrative burden

- Strengthening the backbone of European industry: support for small and medium enterprises (SMEs)

- Speed up the economic reform process in order to achieve a sharper focus on competitiveness and innovation

- Stepping up and improving investment in knowledge, research and innovation

These activities cover a short-term, a medium-term and a long-term perspective on Europe's competitiveness. In other words, we need to act now while thinking ahead. With this in mind, the Czech Presidency intends to centre discussions amongst Member States on these issues of the competitiveness agenda, and it firmly believes that a clear message on them should be sent to the heads of state and government leaders who will gather in March 2009 to discuss, among other subjects, the EU's economic situation.

The document published in June 2008 outlining the 18-month programme for the French, Czech and Swedish Presidencies states that the fight against trafficking in human beings will remain a priority. Furthermore, in October the Commission called for an ‘extraordinary effort’ on the part of both the EU and Member States in the fight against human trafficking.

What specific measures does the Czech Presidency plan on introducing in this area during the next six months?

La Resolución P6_TA(2006)0005 de este Parlamento sobre estrategias para prevenir la trata de mujeres y niños vulnerables a la explotación sexual (2004/2216(INI)), de 17.1.2006, lamentaba que, a pesar de la aprobación de la Decisión marco 2002/629/JAI⁽¹⁾, de 19 de julio de 2002, relativa a la lucha contra la trata de seres humanos, por la que se definen los elementos constitutivos y se establece una definición común de trata de seres humanos para los Estados miembros de la Unión, todavía no se habían armonizado las sanciones aplicables en los Estados miembros, en particular por lo que se refiere a la explotación sexual de mujeres y niños.

¿Puede indicar el Consejo que avances ha habido en la armonización de las sanciones aplicables en los Estados miembros desde el 2006?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The fight against trafficking in human beings is among one of the present greatest challenges not only in the EU but word-wide as well. Trafficking in human beings is one of the most serious forms of organised crime and, due to the huge profits made by offenders through such activities, it is one of the most profitable forms of crime. As trafficking in human beings takes a range of forms, the measures adopted against it must be equally broad and comprehensive.

In its Legislative and Work Programme 2009⁽²⁾ under "Organised Crime Package: helping the victims", the Commission announced the submission to the Council of a legislative proposal for up-dating the Council Framework Decision 2002/629/JHA on combating trafficking in human beings⁽³⁾. Therefore it is firstly for the Commission to examine the possibility and the necessity of further harmonisation concerning such criminal law provisions. It is the intention of the Czech Presidency to initiate rapidly thereafter the discussions in the framework of the Council on such a proposal.

In the area of combating trafficking in human beings, the Czech Presidency intends to contribute mainly to the introduction of best practices with regard to the harmonisation of data collection. An expert Conference, titled "Joint Analysis, Joint Action" is scheduled in Prague on 30-31 March 2009. Among other topics, the conference will aim in particular at exploring possibilities for the creation of a network of national rapporteurs on trafficking in human beings in the European Union, as well as at the issue of protection of vulnerable victims and their position within criminal proceedings.

Πολλά δικαιώματα και διευκολύνσεις για μητέρες και γονείς, αλλά και δικαιώματα των εξαρτημένων μελών (παιδιών, ηλικιωμένων, αναπήρων) καθώς και ο συνδυασμός επαγγελματικής ζωής και οικογένειας αποφασίζονται σε ευρωπαϊκό επίπεδο μόνο σε σχέση με αμειβόμενες δραστηριότητες ή αυτοαπασχόληση. Η αυτοαπασχόληση εντός της οικογένειας και οι εξ αυτής προκύπτουσες συνέπειες εντός της οικογένειας, καθώς και η ενδοοικογενειακή εστία ως εργοδότης δεν έχουν αναγνωρισθεί από την Ε.Ε.. Ποιες οι προτάσεις της τσέχικης προεδρίας επί του θέματος;

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

In addressing the question of work performed within the context of the family, and especially the recognition of that work, and its implications for the family, the Honourable Member has raised a highly important issue.

As you know, the European Parliament and the Council can only act in a legislative capacity on the basis of a proposal from the Commission. I would like to recall that the Commission has indeed recently tabled a proposal that addresses the concerns expressed by the Honourable Member. I refer to the proposal for a new Directive on the application of the principle of equal treatment between men and women engaged in an activity in a self-employed capacity and repealing Directive 86/613/EEC⁽¹⁾. The proposal aims at improving the social protection of self-employed workers, with a view to removing disincentives to female entrepreneurship. It also seeks to improve the social protection of "assisting spouses", who often work in the self-employed sector without enjoying the corresponding rights. As the Honourable Member knows, the vast majority of such “assisting spouses” are women, and many of them work in the agricultural sector. The Commission's proposal aims also at enhancing the recognition of such self-employment within the family. By providing for maternity leave rights to be granted to “assisting spouses” who wish to have them, the proposal also seeks to redress the sometimes problematic implications that informal employment within family businesses can have for the family itself, especially when “assisting spouses” have children.

Turning to the broader implications of unrecognised work by “assisting spouses” in the long term, I would also like to assure the Honourable Member that the Council is aware of the particularly difficult situation faced by unsalaried women who depend on their husbands for their income and whose financial situation is often precarious when they retire, or if they divorce or are widowed. The Council expressed its concern with regard to this issue in December 2007, when it adopted a set of Conclusions on "Women and Poverty", including a set of statistical indicators developed by the Portuguese Presidency in the context of the Beijing Platform for Action⁽²⁾. In these Conclusions, the Council recognised that women were more vulnerable to income poverty than men and that the gender gap increased with age.

More recently, in December 2008, the Council adopted a set of Conclusions on "Women and the Economy: the Reconciliation of Work and Family Life", once again in the context of the follow-up to the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action⁽³⁾. Here, too, the Council reaffirmed the importance of measures allowing women and men to reconcile their work and family responsibilities, and called for appropriate policies.

To conclude, the Council is actively addressing the concerns that the Honourable Member has raised with respect to self-employment within a family context. The Czech Presidency will continue with discussions on the above-mentioned legislative initiative and in this respect will follow development in the European Parliament.

In the conclusions of its 2908th meeting in November, the Justice and Home Affairs Council indicated that it believes that existing systems are sufficient to deal with the problem of foreign drivers escaping punishment for breaking road traffic laws. However, practical experience shows that this is clearly not the case, with the majority of foreign drivers failing to be punished for road traffic violations. If the Council is unwilling to support new legislation, what measures is it working on to ensure that foreign drivers do not escape punishment under existing Community legislation?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council shares the Parliament's concerns in relation to the high number of road fatalities every year on European roads and the difficulty in punishing traffic offences committed by non-resident drivers.

The Council would like to point out that in September 2008, the French Presidency of the Council organised a seminar on the European coordination of road safety campaigns. During this seminar, possibilities were explored for making action on road safety more effective. As a follow-up to the conference, the Council adopted on 27/28 November 2008 conclusions on the coordination of police action on road safety. These conclusions aim to put in place a Europe-wide process of coordination of police forces involved in road safety. The Council also affirmed its determination to launch the necessary initiatives to improve strategic and operational cooperation to improve road safety on the basis of what already exists.

In this regard, the Council recalls its Framework Decision 2005/214/JHA on the application of the principle of mutual recognition to financial penalties⁽¹⁾. This Framework Decision covers financial penalties imposed in respect of road traffic offences. The national legislation enacted in line with the Framework Decision should enable judicial authorities and, in certain cases, also administrative authorities to transmit a financial penalty to authorities in other Member States and have that penalty recognised and executed without any further formality.

The Council also recalls its Decision 2008/615/JHA on the stepping up of cross-border cooperation⁽²⁾, particularly in combating terrorism and cross-border crime. This so-called "Prüm Decision" provides for cross-border co-operation in matters covered by Title VI of the EU Treaty, and inter alia facilitates the exchange of vehicle registration data between Member States.

Finally, the Council would point to the proposal for a Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council facilitating cross-border enforcement in the field of road safety of 19 March 2008. This proposal aims at improving road safety in the European Union by foreseeing the cross-border enforcement of sanctions for four road traffic offences, which provoke the largest percentage of deaths, namely speeding, drink-driving, non-use of a seat belt and failing to stop at a red traffic light, committed with vehicles registered in Member States other than the State of the offence. This proposal has been examined by the Council.

It is true that a large majority of its members is not convinced that the legal case proposed for adoption of these measures allows the Community to do so, it cannot be inferred from this position that the Council would be unwilling to support other proposals for new legislation that may be submitted to it. Indeed, the legitimacy of the objective of ensuring cross border enforcement of traffic offences has not been questioned as such by Council members.

With greater defence cooperation being sought through the Lisbon Treaty, what are the prospects for a pan-European coastguard? Is there scope for an umbrella organisation, like an enhanced version of Frontex, made up of coast guards from Member States but with funding from the EU and enhanced cooperation, to allow small countries like Ireland to better patrol their large coastlines and sovereign waters much more efficiently against drug smuggling, people trafficking and other illegal activities?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The idea of setting up a European coastguard was put forward by the European Parliament and the Council in Article 11 of Directive 2005/35/EC on ship-source pollution and on the introduction of penalties for infringements⁽¹⁾. In that Directive the Commission was asked to submit a feasibility study on a European coastguard dedicated to pollution prevention and response. That study has not so far been submitted. The question of whether a European coastguard should be set up is also one of the issues raised in the Commission Green Paper of June 2006 on an EU maritime policy⁽²⁾.

As regards border controls and combating illegal immigration, the “Hague Programme: strengthening freedom, security and justice in the European Union”⁽³⁾, approved by the European Council at its meeting on 5 November 2004, raises the possibility of creating a "European system of border guards". This idea was taken up in the European Pact on Immigration and Asylum⁽⁴⁾, adopted by the European Council on 15 and 16 October 2008, which states that ultimately the setting up of such a system may be examined.

It is a matter of fact that threats need to be addressed with appropriate measures and this concerns sea, land as well as air borders. Frontex plays a significant role in the management of operational cooperation of the Member States at the external borders and is still in a phase of developing the use of tools available based on the current mandate.

It should be noted that Article 62, point (2)(a) of the EC Treaty limits Community competence to the adoption of standards and procedures to be followed by Member States in carrying out checks on persons at external borders, which implies that responsibility for carrying out such checks lies with the Member States.

To date, no Commission proposal, either on the setting up of a European coastguard or on a European system of border guards, has been received by the Council.

Considering that external relations are one of the key priorities of the Czech Presidency, can the Presidency outline what moves it would consider taking to encourage the Belarusian Government to lift its international travel ban on children travelling to Ireland and other EU Members States for rest and recuperation?

At the time of writing, it appears that an exemption has been agreed between Ireland and the Belarusian authorities to allow children to travel for Christmas. However, an official inter-governmental agreement to lift the ban entirely is still under discussion. Approximately 3 000 children come to Ireland annually as part of rest and recuperation programmes.

Instead of negotiating individual bilateral agreements between Belarus and other EU Member States, will the Czech Presidency make it a priority to pursue an EU-wide agreement with the Belarusian authorities, allowing children to travel from Belarus to anywhere within the EU?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council is aware of the recent problems with regard to Belarusian children travelling on aid trips (Chernobyl charities) and holidays to various European countries, including Ireland, and is following the situation since the beginning.

The states concerned are currently holding consultations with the relevant Belarusian authorities to address bilaterally the concerns that have arisen in this matter. In this respect, the agreement reached on 8 December 2008 between Ireland and Belarus on future rest and recuperation visits for children affected by the Chernobyl disaster was a welcomed development.

Furthermore, it should be noted that in this regard a démarche by the local EU Troika had been carried out on 3 December 2008 at the Belarusian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Minsk. On this occasion the importance of the continuation of these visits was stressed and had been received in constructive spirit by the Belarusian authorities.

The Council will continue to follow the issue closely, and raise it – if necessary – in its contacts with the Belarusian authorities.

Under the Packaging Waste Directive requirements, Ireland and other Member States have developed a set of targets and objectives for the packaging waste sector that are compatible with the waste hierarchy, as set out in the Waste Framework Directive (2006/12/EC⁽¹⁾). The viability of the recycling sector, on which the realisation of the objectives depends, is determined by market-driven costs and prices.

However, this sector has come under intense pressure in recent months as a result of a collapse in the price of recyclate materials on world markets. This has intensified to the extent that some markets are effectively closed and it is becoming economically non-viable for waste businesses to continue to operate in many cases. Given the importance of this sector for sustainable consumption and production in the EU, will the Council initiate an action to respond to the current urgent situation resulting from the collapse in the price of recycled materials, such as implementing measures to address market failures?

Will it implement - without delay - the recommendations set out in the Commission's own ‘Report on the Taskforce on Recycling’ (compiled in preparation for the Communication ‘A Lead Market Initiative for Europe’ COM(2007)0860)?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council is aware of the problem raised by the Honourable Member. At the Council meeting on 4th of December 2008, the recent decline in commodity prices for recyclates was placed on the agenda under "other business" by Ireland and was addressed by several Members of the Council. Taking note of these concerns, the Commission stated that it would make an assessment of the situation and consider the options for further action, if needed. Finally, the incoming Presidency undertook to present to the Council for examination the results of the Commission's assessment and any suggested recommendations once available, without delay.

Directive 1999/74/EC⁽¹⁾ on minimum standards for the protection of laying hens prohibits from 1 January 2012 the rearing of laying hens in conventional or 'unenriched' cages. Speaking at a conference in Ireland last year, a leading food industry spokesperson stated that, unless the EU wants to make more than half of its poultry produce illegal, a dispensation would have to be given on the directive. Can the Council comment on this view and give an indication of whether it believes that a dispensation will be required, given that in 2006 almost 80 per cent of EU egg production came from caged systems?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

In July 1999, the Council adopted Directive 1999/74/EC on minimum standards for the protection of laying hens. The Directive provides that as from 1 January 2012, rearing of laying hens is no longer permitted in the EU in cages that do not meet the minimum welfare requirements set out in the Directive.

With stakeholders' concerns in mind, the Directive had mandated the Commission to submit to the Council a report, drawn up on the basis of a scientific opinion which takes into account the physiological, ethological, health and environmental aspects of various breeding systems of laying hens, and on a study of their socio-economic implications and their effects on the Community's economic partners. The report was to be accompanied by appropriate proposals taking into account the conclusions of the report and the outcome of the World Trade Organisation negotiations.

The report in question was submitted by the Commission to the Council in January 2008, together with a Commission Working Document citing the sources used. It was drawn up taking into account, inter alia, a socio-economic study containing Member States reports.

Based on this report, the Commission confirmed to the Council its intention not to propose any deferment of the date foreseen for the prohibition of conventional cages, nor any other appropriate proposals.

In accordance with Article 249 of the EC Treaty, Directive 1999/74/EC is binding, as to the result to be achieved, upon each Member State to which it is addressed, but shall leave to the national authorities the choice of form and methods.

Deoarece migrația ilegală afectează atât forța de muncă locală din statele membre, cât și lucrătorii migranți legali, doresc să întreb Consiliul care sunt măsurile pe care le are în vedere pentru a elimina barierele existente în acest moment privind libera circulație a forței de muncă, în favoarea migrației legale a lucrătorilor care provin atât din statele membre cât și din afara acestora. De asemenea, doresc să întreb Consiliul care sunt măsurile pe care le are în vedere pentru a elimina barierele privind angajarea lucrătorilor români și bulgari.

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

As the Honourable Member certainly knows, the Accession Treaty with Bulgaria and Romania provides for a transitional period of up to seven years regarding the freedom of movement for workers. During this period, the EU-25 Member States may apply national measures regulating access to their labour markets by nationals of the new Member States.

The initial transitional period of two years from accession indeed expired on 31 December 2008. The Council is now called upon to review any transitional restrictions on the basis of a report from the Commission. The Council took note of the Commission's presentation of its report on 17 December 2008. The Report will be again on the agenda of the next Meeting of the EPSCO Council in March 2009. The Czech Presidency put the removal of any barriers in the Internal Market of the Union, including the barriers to free movement of workers, as one of its main political priorities with the objective of thorough political debate at various levels, for example at the Informal meeting of employment ministers in the Czech Republic, and encouraging Member States to remove barriers to mobility and free movement of workers where they prove useless and unsubstantiated. The Council will promote various measures which facilitate mobility and free movement of workers throughout the European Union.

However, national measures may continue to be applied until the fifth year after accession and may be prolonged for another two years in those Member States where would be serious disturbances on the labour markets.

In any event, it should be underlined that, according to the Accession Treaty, the decision on whether to continue applying national measures, as well as the nature of these measures, is a matter of national competence. However, such a decision should only be taken after serious reflection by the Member States concerned on the basis of an objective assessment of the situation on the ground.

Sobre la base de los acuerdos adoptados en la reciente cumbre del Grupo de los 20 en Washington sobre la reapertura de las negociaciones comerciales multilaterales (Ronda Doha), ¿qué previsiones hace el Consejo y qué propuestas podría hacer para la reanudación de ese proceso?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The motto of the Czech Presidency is Europe without barriers. Dismantling barriers is our aim not only in terms of internal, but also external policies. The EU exists in a world of relations and contingencies and as such it has never been a solitary player in the field of trade policies. The internal objectives of the EU, be it employment, high standard of living, development or security, are linked to a large extent to the capacity of European economic players to assert themselves beyond the borders of the EU itself. The Czech Presidency is aware of this fact and will actively contribute to the opening of more markets to products, services and investments from the EU - free trade is one of the tools for solving the contemporary crisis.

On 15 November, the members of the G20 emphasised the importance of reaching an "agreement on modalities that leads to a successful conclusion to the WTO’s Doha Development Agenda with an ambitious and balanced outcome this year ". In this context, the Council was briefed by the Commission on 8 December on the latest developments at the World Trade Organisation concerning the trade negotiations of the Doha Development Agenda, with a view to a possible ministerial meeting in Geneva by the end of December.

On 11-12 December 2008, the European Council in its conclusions indicated that it endorses the objective of arriving this year, within the World Trade Organisation, at an agreement on the modalities leading to the conclusion of the Doha Development Agenda with an ambitious, global and balanced result.

In this sense, the Commission and the Council were ready for an EU constructive participation at a Ministerial meeting if and when convened. However on 12 December 2008, the WTO Director General, at an informal meeting of heads of delegations, indicated that in the absence of "dramatic changes in the following 48 hours", he would not convene ministers to finalize modalities by the end of the year. On that occasion, he said that after a week of intensive consultations, he had not detected the sufficient political drive for a final push towards agreement and considered that holding such a meeting would have a high risk of failure which could have damaged not only the Round but also the WTO system as a whole, and so the Ministerial meeting took not place.

The European Union continues to stay fully committed to the multilateral trade system as well as to the conclusion of a balanced, ambitious and comprehensive agreement of the WTO Doha Development Round, especially in the present economic and financial circumstances. For the Czech Presidency the DDA is a tool for achieving transparent liberalisation of trade on the multilateral level, which will bring about long-term advantages. The Presidency will strive to renew discussion as soon as possible and will also support more intense negotiations within the framework of other WTO agendas, in particular in the services and TRIPS area. The Presidency supports the most extensive application of the multilateral trade system possible. For these reasons it will continue the process of the extension of the WTO membership base.

Η γαλλική προεδρία του Συμβουλίου στις 10 Δεκεμβρίου 2008, 60ή επέτειο της Οικουμενικής Διακήρυξης για τα Ανθρώπινα Δικαιώματα προτίθεται να καταθέσει στα Ηνωμένα Έθνη, εκ μέρους της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, πρόταση ψηφίσματος με την οποία καλούνται όλες τις κυβερνήσεις του κόσμου να αποποινικοποιήσουν την ομοφυλοφιλία. Ήδη ο παρατηρητής του Βατικανού στα ΗΕ δήλωσε ότι η χώρα του θα αντιταχθεί στο ψήφισμα.

Λαμβάνοντας υπόψη το ψήφισμα του Ευρωκοινοβουλίου (P6_TA(2007)0167) για την ομοφοβία στην Ευρώπη, με το οποίο ζητείται παγκόσμια αποποινικοποίηση της ομοφυλοφιλίας και πλήρης εφαρμογή της κοινοτικής νομοθεσίας μη διάκρισης, ενώ καταδικάζονται φαινόμενα ομοφοβίας σε κράτη μέλη, ερωτάται το Συμβούλιο σε ποια κράτη, παγκοσμίως, είναι ποινικοποιημένη η ομοφυλοφιλία. Ποια συνέχεια θα δοθεί στο ψήφισμα της γαλλικής προεδρίας; Ποια μέτρα προτίθεται να λάβει για την πλήρη εφαρμογή του ψηφίσματος του Ευρωκοινοβουλίου; Θεωρεί ότι πρέπει κατά την εξέταση υποθέσεων αίτησης χορήγησης ασύλου να λαμβάνεται υπόψη αν ο αιτών διώκεται στη χώρα καταγωγής του λόγω του σεξουαλικού προσανατολισμού του;

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council strongly considers that discriminations based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age or sexual orientation are incompatible with the principles upon which the EU is founded. The EU institutions have repeatedly rejected and condemned all manifestations of such discriminations.

The EU, within the limits of the powers conferred on it by the Treaties, determinedly pursues a clear policy of fighting these phenomena, both within its borders and in the context of its external action around 80 countries worldwide still criminalise homosexuality.

Article 13 of the Treaty establishing the European Community provides a legal base on which to develop "appropriate action to combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age or sexual orientation". Using these powers, the EU unanimously adopted the Racial Equality Directive in June 2000 (2000/43/EC)⁽¹⁾ and the Employment Framework Directive in November 2000 (2000/78/EC)⁽²⁾.

In the external relations context, the EU is actively engaged in efforts within the United Nations to tackle racism and discrimination, including discrimination based on sexual orientation. In this regard, the EU has fully and successfully supported in 2006 Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender (LGBT) rights groups to have UN consultative status in the NGO Committee of the UN ECOSOC. In addition, the declaration on sexual orientation and gender identity was presented in the General Assembly on December 18, 2008 on behalf of the (so far) 66 states as a part of the debate of the General Assembly agenda item 64b "Human rights questions, including alternative approaches for improving the effective enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms". The declaration reaffirms the principles of universality and non discrimination (among other things) and "urge(s) States to take all the necessary measures, in particular legislative or administrative, to ensure that sexual orientation or gender identity may under no circumstances be the basis for criminal penalties, in particular executions, arrests or detention."

The EU has incorporated racism, xenophobia and discrimination issues in its political dialogues with third countries and constantly promotes the principle of non-discrimination which requires that human rights apply equally to every human being regardless of sexual orientation or gender identity.

Concerning applications for asylum, the Council Directive 2004/83/EC on minimum standards for the qualification and status of third country nationals or stateless persons as refugees or as persons who otherwise need international protection and the content of the protection granted introduces the concept of persecution ground based on the membership to a particular social group. According to its Article 10 (d), a particular social group might include a group based on a common characteristic of sexual orientation. Member States shall take this element into account when assessing the reasons for persecution in the context of the decision to be taken concerning an application for international protection.

Notícias recentemente vindas a público em Espanha dão conta da existência de um documento oficial o qual refere que, em Janeiro de 2002, altos responsáveis do Governo Espanhol foram informados pelo Conselheiro Político – Militar da embaixada dos EUA de que este país pretendia utilizar o seu espaço aéreo e aeroportos para o transporte de “prisioneiros” para a base militar de Guantánamo. Terá sido ainda equacionada a utilização, em caso de necessidade, das bases militares desse país para apoiar o transporte. No documento, até agora secreto, refere-se que o mesmo procedimento estava a ser efectuado com vários países pelos quais deveriam seguir esses aviões, nomeadamente Itália e Portugal. A confirmar-se este pedido, esses Estados-Membros terão sido informados de que os EUA iriam utilizar o seu espaço aéreo e território para transportar prisioneiros ilegalmente detidos para a base militar de Guantánamo. O documento, agora tornado público, reforça a ideia de que a manutenção dessa rede de detenção, sequestro e tortura promovida pelos EUA, violando os mais elementares direitos Humanos, não seria possível sem a participação de vários Governos da UE.

O que pensa destas notícias agora tornadas públicas e que explicações irá solicitar sobre as mesmas?

Que medidas pretende propor para que tais factos não continuem a ocorrer no presente e no futuro?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The supervision of intelligence and security service activity on the territory of Member States is a matter of Member State competence. In the same vein controlling the territory (land, sea, and airspace) of the Member States, including authorisations to land in or depart from such territory, does not fall within the competence of the Council of the European Union.

Op de agenda van het Tsjechische voorzitterschap staat het verder werken aan een Europese en internationale aanpak om de kredietcrisis te beteugelen. Zij die het hardst getroffen worden door de kredietcrisis, zijn echter de ontwikkelingslanden. De prijzen voor grondstoffen dalen bijzonder snel, waardoor arme landen minder inkomsten ontvangen. Daarnaast dreigt de stroom aan krediet naar ontwikkelingslanden op te drogen.

Zal het Tsjechisch voorzitterschap het goede voorbeeld geven en haar officiële ontwikkelingshulp substantieel blijven optrekken om de belofte van 0,7 procent van het BNP aan ontwikkeling te besteden in 2010, na te komen?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Presidency is concerned about the global financial crisis and its potential repercussions on developing countries. An exchange of view on this issue among Development Ministers will take place at their informal ministerial meeting set to take place in Prague in a few days [on 29-30 January 2009].

As far as Official Development Assistance (ODA) is concerned, in the Council Conclusions adopted in May 2008⁽¹⁾, the EU strongly reaffirmed its long-term financial commitment with developing countries to achieve a collective ODA target of 0,56% GNI by 2010 and 0.7% GNI by 2015, as set out in the May 2005 Council Conclusions, the June 2005 European Council Conclusions and the European Consensus on Development in November the 22nd 2005.

In the context of Council Conclusions of May 2005⁽²⁾, in particular, it was specified that Member States which had joined the EU after 2002 and that had not reached a level of 0,17 % ODA/GNI would strive to increase their ODA to reach, within their respective budget allocation processes, that level by 2010, while those that were already above that level undertook to sustain their efforts. Moreover, EU Member States undertook to achieve the 0.7% ODA/ GNI target by 2015 whilst those which had achieved that target committed themselves to remain above that target; Member States which had joined the EU after 2002 will strive to increase by 2015 their ODA/GNI to 0.33%.

The commitment of the Czech Republic should refer to the context of the collective ODA target which the EU undertook in order to achieve the targets as has already been reaffirmed at several occasions.

In its recent Conclusions adopted on 11 November 2008⁽³⁾, the Council, underlining that this issue falls within the competence of Member States, encouraged Member States concerned to work on national timetables, by the end of 2010, to increase aid levels within their respective budget allocation processes, towards achieving the established ODA targets.

We find of substantial importance that the essential tools and modalities of financing should aim at emphasizing the inevitability of aid effectiveness taking into account of the role of trade and the WTO in the development as well as the importance of the Aid for Trade Program. The responsibility for sound development policies of our partners in their respective countries in light with our accountability to tax payers for resources provided is vital both for the donors and receiving countries. These issues have been broadly discussed at the international forums. The recent ones in New York and at the HLF in Accra as well as the Doha Conference have stressed that discussions on strengthening of FfD follow-up mechanism will be initiated at the spring conference of the ECOSOC in April 2009. We believe that different modalities of the ODA should be considered as an effective way and thus consequently enable all actors become beneficiaries of the ODA commitments.

The actions of the Czech Presidency are and will be in accordance with the previously mentioned Council Conclusions. Similarly as a number of EU Member States, the Czech Presidency will strive to increase its ODA to the level of 0,17% by 2010 and to the level of 0,33% by 2015. In the current situation of global financial crisis we do not expect any substantive increase of our ODA.

Am 4. September 2008 hat das Europäische Parlament eine gemeinsame Entschließung zu den Tötungen von Albinos in Tansania angenommen.

In dieser Entschließung wurde der Rat aufgefordert, die Menschenrechtslage von Albinos in Tansania genau zu überwachen. Kann der Rat Angaben zum aktuellen Stand der Dinge hinsichtlich der Situation von Albinos in Tansania machen, da medizinische Einsatzkräfte vor Ort noch keine Verbesserung der Menschenrechtslage von Albinos beobachten konnten?

Welche Anstrengungen wurden unter französischem Ratsvorsitz unternommen und was sieht die tschechische Ratspräsidentschaft vor, um die Situation von Albinos in Tansania zu verbessern, vor allem auch hinsichtlich der medizinischen Versorgung, und was wurde bisher erreicht?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council follows up closely the human rights situation in Tanzania and has noted with great concern the deteriorating situation of Albinos in the country. In line with its human rights policy, the Council will raise the issue with the Tanzanian authorities, calling for further action to put an end to the phenomenon and for justice to the victims and their families.

In Tanzania Albinos have traditionally been victims of discrimination. In some regions, getting an Albino child was long perceived to be a curse for the entire community, and quite a number of them were killed at birth. However, the problem has recently taken another dimension and gruesome Albinos' murders now occurring are driven by sheer lure of money, killers taking advantage of poverty, despair and strong belief in witchcraft.

The Government of Tanzania has already taken some measures in order to put an end to these crimes and President Kikwete has instructed the regional commissioners to that effect.

Measures include improved security and protection of Albinos in Mwanza region and awareness raising. Among others Albino schoolchildren whose lives were threatened have been transferred to a special school in Misungwi district and other boarding schools in the region which are guarded by police force. A census of Albinos is on its way.

At the same time NGOs are actively involved in the field of awareness raising. In many concerned villages people have been sensitized against the killings of Albinos. All households with Albinos have been visited separately to sensitize them and to encourage them to report any suspected person to the police.

The Council will continue to closely monitor the situation.

The ECDC Meeting Report on ‘HIV testing in Europe: From policies to effectiveness’ from January 2008 highlights the fact that many opportunities are missed to diagnose HIV infections in EU countries, particularly in healthcare settings. An estimated 30% of those infected with HIV in EU countries are unaware of their infection. Late diagnosis implies late initiation of antiretroviral therapy (ART), limited opportunities for drugs, increased mortality and morbidity rates as well as an increased risk of transmitting infection.

Following the leadership shown by the Luxembourg, German, Portuguese and recent French Presidency, will the Czech Presidency be undertaking any actions to increase HIV prevention, treatment and care?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Czech Presidency confirms its commitment to tackle the crucial challenge represented by the global HIV/AIDS pandemic. The efforts made so far have not been sufficient to stem the worldwide expansion of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, aggravated by poverty and social, economic and gender inequalities.

In this respect, the Council would like to recall its conclusions "Combating HIV/AIDS within the European Union and its neighbouring countries" adopted on 31 May 2007 as well as conclusions on combating HIV/AIDS adopted on 3 June 2005.

In particular, in its conclusions from 2007, the Council underlined the need for an integrated and coordinated focus on HIV/AIDS prevention, diagnosis, treatment, care and support, based on the promotion of human rights both of people with HIV and vulnerable groups of the population. The Council invited the Member States, among others, to promote appropriate screening and treatment methods to reduce as far as possible mother-to-child transmission of HIV and to promote universal access to evidence-based prevention and comprehensive harm reduction as the central part of a successful response to alleviating the impact of HIV/AIDS.

The CZ Presidency will promote this work, building on what has been achieved, so that the EU remain the world leader in respecting the commitment to put an end to the HIV/AIDS pandemic.

The Nabucco pipeline project aims to bring Caspian gas to Vienna, while the Nord Stream gas pipeline project under the Baltic Sea is planned to bring gas from Russia to Germany. How does the Czech EU Presidency plan to reduce the Union's dependence on Russian gas? How can the planned Nabucco gas pipeline change the situation of gas exported to Europe? What is the position of the Czech EU Presidency concerning the Nord Stream gas pipeline project? What does the Czech EU Presidency plan to do to create and strengthen the EU Common Energy Policy?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

Energy belongs to one of the three main political priorities of the Czech Presidency. It is generally recognised that in the implementation of the European Council Action Plan (2007-2009), as agreed by the Spring 2007 European Council, an emphasis should be placed on energy security. This is where the Czech Presidency will concentrate its efforts to further and strengthen the EU Energy Policy. The recent interruption of gas import from Russia and transit via Ukraine have highlighted the weight of this issue on the EU agenda.

Regarding the imports of gas into the European Union, the Council recalls the aim stated in that Action Plan, namely to enhance security of supply through effective diversification of energy sources, suppliers and transport routes. The Czech Presidency has reiterated the need to reinforce confidence vis-à-vis existing suppliers, but at the same time to intensify cooperation with other complementary suppliers at the informal General Affairs Council, which took place in Prague on 8 January 2009. Energy security was one of three main topics of this informal meeting of Ministers of European Affairs and Foreign Ministers.

In February 2009, according to the Presidency's calendar, the Council is scheduled to adopt conclusions on the Communication "Second Strategic Energy Review - an EU energy security and solidarity action plan", which the Commission presented in November 2008. In the larger context of intra-EU energy security, this communication mentions the Baltic Interconnection Plan, along with the Southern gas corridor. These Council conclusions and the Communication itself will be submitted to the Spring 2009 European Council.

The Czech Presidency furthermore intends to signal the interest of the Community to gas producers and transit countries in the Caucasus region and in Central Asia at the “Southern Corridor Summit – East West Link”, which will be held during its Presidency. The summit, the preparation of which is being pursued by the Presidency in close cooperation with the Commission and Member States, will be held at the heads of states level with the aim to launch a stable cooperation with countries of the region.

The diversification of gas resources will be improved by the construction of the LNG terminals too.

But this is a timely, financially and energetically demanding variant.

Apart from decreasing the dependence on gas imports, the repeated dispute between Russia and Ukraine over gas, which has held EU hostage to an unprecedented extent, has highlighted the importance of strengthening solidarity of all Member States in case of disruptions of supplies. This issue belonged to the topics of the extraordinary Energy Council convened by the Czech Presidency on 12 January 2009. Possible measures include revision of the Directive 2004/67/EC concerning measures to safeguard security of natural gas supply, which is currently the main legislative tool for implementing energy solidarity, investment into interconnections of energy infrastructure (so as to technically enable Member States to assist each other in need) or introduction of a transparency mechanism for sharing information in the field of energy between Member States (including contacts with third-country partners or planned investment into infrastructure projects).

As regards the Council's position on the Nabucco project and its effect on the export of gas to the European Union, the Council refers the Honourable Parliamentarian to its replies to Oral Question H-0590/07 on that subject.

As regards the Council's position on the Nord Stream gas pipeline project, the Council refers the Honourable Parliamentarian to its replies to Oral Questions H-0121/07 and H-575/07 on that subject.

Σύμφωνα με πρόσφατα στοιχεία που δόθηκαν στη δημοσιότητα, οι αιτούντες άσυλο στην Ελλάδα συλλαμβάνονται συστηματικά και κρατούνται σε άθλιες συνθήκες, ενώ οι ελληνικές αρχές τους απωθούν βίαια έξω από τα ελληνικά χωρικά ύδατα ή παρεμποδίζουν τη διαδικασία υποβολής αίτησης ασύλου. Εξάλλου, από τις 25111 αιτήσεις ασύλου το 2007 εγκρίθηκε μόνο το 0,04% στην πρώτη συνέντευξη και το 2% μετά τη διαδικασία της προσφυγής. Επιπλέον, με βάση τον κανονισμό (ΕΚ) αριθ. 343/2003⁽¹⁾Δουβλίνο-2, η άρνηση ασύλου από τις ελληνικές αρχές απαγορεύει κάθε δυνατότητα στους μετανάστες να ζητήσουν άσυλο σε οποιοδήποτε άλλο κράτος μέλος της ΕΕ, ενώ δεν μπορούν να επιστρέψουν στην πατρίδα τους, λόγω του φόβου των πολέμων και των διώξεων. Aνάλογα στοιχεία έχουν γίνει γνωστά και για άλλα κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ.

Πως τοποθετείται το Συμβούλιο απέναντι σε αυτήν την απαράδεκτη κατάσταση που έχει δημιουργηθεί, δεδομένου μάλιστα ότι το πρόσφατο ευρωπαϊκό Σύμφωνο για τη Mετανάστευση καθώς και η ανάπτυξη του Frontex περιορίζουν παραπέρα τα δικαιώματα των προσφύγων;

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The question put by the Honourable Member refers especially to the effects of the application of Council Regulation n°343/2003/EC establishing the criteria and mechanisms for determining the Member State responsible for examining an asylum application lodged in one of the Member States by a third-country national (Dublin II Regulation). Art 28 of the said Regulation provides for the submission of a report by the Commission to the European Parliament and to the Council on its application, as well as of proposals for the necessary amendments, where appropriate. Accordingly, the Commission has presented in December 2008 a proposal intended to recast the Dublin Regulation. The aim of this proposal is mainly to strengthen the asylum seekers´ set of rights and guarantees that fall under the scope of the Dublin II regulation.

Moreover, the Commission is expected to submit a proposal intended to recast asylum directives which will focus on improving the minimum standards that were adopted so far and which will aim at further building the common European asylum system. Great emphasis should be put on the initial stage of the asylum procedure, i.e. access to the procedure as such. The first proposals have already been published in December 2008 – proposal to recast reception conditions directive, Dublin II and Eurodac regulations. In spring 2009 proposals to amend qualification and procedural directives are expected. These ones also aim at strengthening the status of asylum seekers. It should be noted however that all EU Member States are bound by minimum standards on reception conditions for asylum seekers set out in Directive 2003/9/EC.

For both proposals, which will be considered by the Council in 2009, co-decision procedure applies.

Πριν από τρία περίπου χρόνια, στις 19 Φλεβάρη 2006, έγινε ένα μεγάλο εργατικό ατύχημα από έκρηξη αερίου στο ορυχείο Mina Pasta de Conchos του Μεξικού, το οποίο ανήκει στον όμιλο Industrial Minera Mexico. Από τους 65 νεκρούς του ατυχήματος, έχουν μέχρι σήμερα ανασυρθεί οι σοροί μόνο των δύο, ενώ οι υπόλοιποι παραμένουν θαμμένοι. Η εργοδοσία και οι αρχές αρνούνται να γίνει επιχείρηση ανάσυρσης, καθώς θα αποκάλυπτε τη μόνιμη παραβίαση από την εταιρεία κάθε κανόνα ασφαλείας. Πριν από το ατύχημα, οι εργάτες του συγκεκριμένου ορυχείου είχαν ήδη καταγγείλει ότι υπήρχε μεγάλος κίνδυνος έκρηξης λόγω διαρροής αερίου. Oι συγγενείς των θυμάτων, των οποίων η υπομονή έχει πλέον εξαντληθεί, αποφάσισαν να συγκεντρώσουν χρήματα ώστε να τους ανασύρουν με δική τους πρωτοβουλία.

Πως τοποθετείται το Συμβούλιο απέναντι στην κρατική αυθαιρεσία της χώρας, που καλύπτει προκλητικά την ασύδοτη δράση του συγκεκριμένου ομίλου;

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council has not discussed the issue.

Στα τέλη Νοεμβρίου, η κυβέρνηση του Περού διέταξε τη σύλληψη 14 κορυφαίων στελεχών του Κομμουνιστικού Κόμματος, καθώς και της αντιπολίτευσης, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του υποψηφίου προέδρου στις τελευταίες εκλογές, Ollanta Humala. Η πρόφαση για τις συλλήψεις ήταν «στοιχεία» που βρέθηκαν στον υπολογιστή του Reyes των FARC. Aς σημειωθεί μάλιστα ότι έχει απαγορευτεί στους συλληφθέντες οποιαδήποτε πρόσβαση στα «στοιχεία» που δήθεν αποκαλύπτουν την ενοχή τους. Oι συλλήψεις αυτές έχουν προκαλέσει τις αντιδράσεις του λαού και των κομμάτων της αντιπολίτευσης, που καταγγέλλουν ότι πρόκειται για ποινικοποίηση κάθε διαφωνίας με την κυβέρνηση και γενικότερα ποινικοποίηση του λαϊκού κινήματος. Oι αρχές έχουν εξαπολύσει βίαιες επιθέσεις ενάντια σε κάθε είδους λαϊκή κινητοποίηση.

Πως τοποθετείται το Συμβούλιο απέναντι σε αυτές τις σοβαρές παραβιάσεις των δημοκρατικών ελευθεριών στο Περού, στην ποινικοποίηση της πολιτικής διαφωνίας και αμφισβήτησης καθώς και τη σύνδεσή τους με δήθεν τρομοκρατικές οργανώσεις;

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the January 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council has not discussed the specific issue raised by the Honourable Member.

The EU has always expressed its attachment to the respect of the rule of law and the values and principles of democracy and human rights in Latin American countries, as declared in the Lima declaration of May 2008⁽¹⁾.

The Council reaffirms these principles in its meetings with the authorities of those countries at political level.

Further to its answer to my previous question (E-3717/06), will the Commission report on any progress made with regard to the development of both a comprehensive European crime prevention policy and a system of comparable European crime statistics?

Furthermore, will the Commission indicate any specific measures it has taken to tackle violent street crime, and in particular knife crime in Europe?

La prévention de la criminalité est d'importance majeure pour traiter efficacement de ses causes et de ses effets. La Commission est attachée à la promotion du principe de prévention dans le développement des orientations stratégiques dans chacune des formes de criminalité. Beaucoup de progrès ont été réalisés depuis 2006 dans la réalisation du Plan d'action UE relatif au recueil de données statistiques sur la criminalité et la justice pénale. Les indicateurs élaborés par un groupe d'experts permettront à moyenne échéance de comparer les données dans les EM.

En vertu du principe de subsidiarité, la responsabilité de prévenir et lutter contre la délinquance urbaine incombe aux Etats membres et/ou aux autorités régionales et locales. Le Réseau européen de prévention de la criminalité (REPC) dont le secrétariat est assuré à la Commission est une plateforme utile pour les échanges d'informations et de bonnes pratiques pour endiguer la violence urbaine.

Μπορεί η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή να ενημερώσει για την πορεία των νέων Ταμείων που έχουν συσταθεί ως μέρος του Γενικού Προγράμματος Αλληλεγγύης και Διαχείρισης των μεταναστευτικών ροών (Ευρωπαϊκό Ταμείο Ένταξης Υπηκόων τρίτων χωρών, Ευρωπαϊκό Ταμείο Προσφύγων, Ταμείο Εξωτερικών Συνόρων και Ευρωπαϊκό Ταμείο Επιστροφής);

Πώς εμπλέκονται οι περιφερειακοί και οι τοπικοί φορείς, καθώς επίσης και οι μη κυβερνητικές οργανώσεις στο σχεδιασμό και την υλοποίηση των δράσεων των ταμείων;

Les quatre Fonds du programme général "Solidarité et gestion des flux migratoires", à savoir le Fonds européen pour l'intégration des ressortissants de pays tiers, le Fonds européen pour les réfugiés, le Fonds frontières extérieures ainsi que le Fonds européen pour le retour, viennent d'être lancés. Le montant total de ces Fonds s'élève à 4,02 milliards € pour la période 2007-2013.

A l'heure actuelle, la grande majorité des programmations des Etats participant aux Fonds ont été adoptées par la Commission. Pour le Fonds "Retour" dont les crédits n'ont été disponibles qu'en novembre 2008, il est prévu de compléter le processus d'adoption des dernières programmations au premier trimestre 2009. Au terme de ce processus, la Commission aura engagé 580 millions € pour le lancement des quatre Fonds. Trois Etats membres ont également bénéficié d'un soutien supplémentaire pour un total de 10 millions € dans le cadre des mesures d'urgence du Fonds européen pour les réfugiés en 2008: il s'agit de la Grèce, de l'Italie et de Malte.

Le versement aux Etats membres des montants destinés au financement des actions pour les premières années de programmation est actuellement en cours.

Le lancement de ces Fonds, a demandé un important effort de la Commission et des administrations nationales. Ceci démontre l'engagement de l'Union européenne pour traduire de manière concrète le principe de solidarité dans la gestion des flux migratoires.

La Commission accorde une importance particulière à l'association des autorités régionales et locales, ainsi que des organisations non gouvernementales dans la mise en œuvre des Fonds. En effet, la Commission a invité les Etats membres à organiser un partenariat avec les autorités et organismes participant aux programmes et avec ceux susceptibles d'apporter une contribution utile à leur élaboration. Ces partenariats peuvent comprendre toute autorité publique compétente, et notamment des autorités régionales, locales, municipales ainsi que des organismes internationaux et des organisations non gouvernementales (ONGs) représentant la société civile. La constitution des partenariats est de la responsabilité de chaque Etat membre et dépend entre autres des caractéristiques de chaque Fonds. Dans ce cadre, de nombreuses ONG devraient voir, par exemple, leurs projets cofinancés par l'Union européenne dans le cadre du Fonds intégration, du Fonds "retour" et du Fonds européen pour les réfugiés.

Η ΕΕ χάραξε στρατηγική για την προστασία των δικαιωμάτων των παιδιών στο έδαφός της. Ποια είναι μέχρι σήμερα τα επιτεύγματα των ευρωπαϊκών προσπαθειών; Αναγνωρίζονται σε ευρωπαϊκό επίπεδο δικαιώματα στο έμβρυο -αγέννητο παιδί- υγιές ή με αναπηρίες και πώς υλοποιούνται;

Depuis l'adoption de la Communication de 2006 "Vers une stratégie européenne sur les droits de l’enfant", la Commission s'est engagée à intervenir avec des actions concrètes afin de lutter contre toute violation des droits des enfants.

La Communication prévoit la présentation d'une stratégie européenne 2010-2014. Une consultation est déjà en cours.

L'action européenne est axée sur la prise en compte des droits des enfants dans toutes les politiques de l'Union européenne et aux initiatives concrètes dans les domaines de compétence de l'Union.

La Charte des Droits fondamentaux de l'Union européenne garantit le principe de l'inviolabilité de la dignité humaine. La détermination de la pertinence entre le principe de l'inviolabilité de la dignité humaine et de l'embryon et la détermination de sa personnalité juridique relève de la compétence des Etats membres. L'Union européenne n'a aucune compétence en la matière.

Could the Commission indicate if it currently provides funding for the recently established Maritime Analysis Operations Centre – Narcotics based in Lisbon and if the Commission is concerned that despite increased efforts to share information between Member States the lack of physical coastal monitoring due to under funding by governments such as Ireland will undermine the efforts of intelligence operations such as MAOC-N?

The Maritime Analysis and Operations Centre – Narcotics (MAOC-N) is a law enforcement supported military intergovernmental organisation set up by means of a Treaty signed on 30 September 2007 in Lisbon by seven EU Member States (UK, F, I, ES, PT, IRL, NL), MAOC undertakes high sea interdiction operations, by coordinating the exchange of actionable (maritime and aviation) intelligence, available assets and trained personnel to respond to the threat posed by trans-Atlantic drug trafficking.

The aim of the collection, exchange and analysis of information is to optimise the use of the naval and aerial assets of those Member States that are the contracting parties to this Treaty. Its operational area as defined by the contracting parties themselves comprises the eastern part of the Atlantic Ocean from Iceland to the Cape of Good Hope, including European and West African seaboards.

Since January 2008 the Commission has the observer status, as has the United States (US) Joint Inter Agency Task Force – South (JIATF-S) based in Key West (USA) to which some EU MS take part due to its regional (Caribbean dimension) which covers some Member States' territories, notably some included under Chapter IV of the TEC), and Canada. Brazil has shown interest in becoming an observer too.

The Commission is co-financing MAOC-N activities, namely € 661.000 via the Directorate General JLS⁽¹⁾ ISEC budget line⁽²⁾, as a part of the Prevention of and Fight against Crime Programme, to cover staff and equipment costs until September 2010.

As not all EU Member States are parties to MAOC-N it is important that its initiatives are neither overlapping, nor contradicting potential initiatives to be taken at EU level or by any EU Member States not party to MAOC-N. Therefore Europol is tasked to closely monitor the activities of this regional maritime law enforcement organisation, by participating in the MAOC-N Executive Board meetings which took place so far, as well as by appointing a liaison officer from January 2009.

The Commission considers Europol to be the suitable body of an EU based law enforcement cooperation, namely for intelligence exchange, to ensure coherence and interoperability and avoiding possible duplications of mandates, tasks and expenses.

Against this background therefore Commission (i) supports coherence of maritime law enforcement efforts with other maritime regional initiatives and (ii) closely monitors interactions with the extensive Community acquis in the maritime safety, security and environmental domains and foster potential cooperation with other actors notably European bodies such as Frontex and EMSA⁽³⁾ that have to conform with different specific rules.

In 2009 a pilot project will start that aims to test solutions for a more effective sharing of maritime surveillance information amongst maritime authorities in the Mediterranean and Atlantic approaches and a preparatory action will determine the effectiveness of space-based receivers for picking up AIS identification signals far from the coast.

Wie beurteilt die Kommission die Arbeit der Europäischen Grundrechteagentur in Wien, die nach Ansicht vieler Experten entweder Doppelarbeit mit dem Europarat betreibt oder ideologische Agitation, die mit dem klassischen Menschenrechtsbegriff nichts zu tun hat? Welche Rolle spielt dort die Gruppe FRALEX, die aus dem Netzwerk entstanden sein soll, zu dem der heutige Direktor der Agentur, Morten Kjaerum, gehörte, und die jetzt einen mit 10 Millionen Euro dotierten Beratervertrag über einen Zeitraum von vier Jahren erhalten haben soll?

La Commission appuie les travaux menés à ce jour par l'Agence européenne des droits fondamentaux dans le respect du mandat qui lui a été fixé par le Conseil et attend avec intérêt le résultat d'autres travaux en cours.

La question générale d'un double emploi éventuel avec le travail du Conseil de l'Europe a été résolue dans le règlement portant création de l'Agence. Des mécanismes pour l'éviter ont été créés par un accord conclu entre le Conseil de l'Europe et la Communauté.

L'Agence est un organe indépendant de la Commission et il revient à l'Agence de fixer elle-même ses méthodes de travail et son organisation interne.

En juillet 2007, afin d'être en mesure de faire face à son nouveau mandat élargi, l'Agence a lancé un appel d'offre afin de disposer de l'expertise juridique nécessaire. L'Agence a signé en novembre et décembre 2007 des contrats-cadre avec une série de contractants sélectionnés sur base de critères stricts, y compris FRALEX. Ces contrats ont été signés avant juin 2008, date d'arrivée du Directeur actuel. Ils ont une durée de 4 ans et pourraient atteindre une valeur estimée de 4 millions €. D'autres informations sont disponibles sur le site de l'Agence.

Sobre la base de los resultados de la reciente II Conferencia Euroafricana sobre inmigración, que tuvo lugar en París en el mes de noviembre de 2008, ¿qué propuestas se propone formular la Comisión para solucionar el problema de los inmigrantes menores no acompañados que se encuentran en situación irregular en el territorio de la Unión Europea?

La Commission est consciente des difficultés que posent aux Etats membres les arrivées importantes de mineurs non accompagnés. A cet égard, la Commission souligne que les politiques existantes permettent déjà de traiter cette question sous différents angles dans le respect absolu de l’intérêt supérieur du mineur, même s’il n’est pas encore possible d'apporter une solution globale au problème évoqué.

S’agissant des politiques internes, les instruments communautaires en vigueur dans le domaine de l'immigration et de l'asile prévoient des dispositions pour une protection renforcée des droits des mineurs, en particulier des mineurs non accompagnés⁽¹⁾. Le champ d’application du Programme "Solidarité et gestion des flux migratoires 2007-2013" – et plus spécifiquement le Fonds pour l'Intégration, le Fonds européen des réfugiés et le Fonds retour – couvre lui aussi des mesures et politiques visant les mineurs non-accompagnés.

S’agissant de la dimension externe, cette problématique a été récemment inscrite au titre des priorités du Programme de coopération adopté lors de la Conférence euro-africaine de Paris sur la migration et le développement ainsi que dans les conclusions du Conseil sur l’approche globale des migrations.

Sur la base du programme "Aeneas" et de son successeur, le programme thématique "migration", la Commission soutient déjà quelques projets dans ce domaine qui visent notamment à aider les mineurs non accompagnés d'origine marocaine présents en Espagne et, dans la mesure du possible, à favoriser leur réinsertion dans le pays d'origine et à prévenir les départs de nouveaux migrants clandestins mineurs. Par ailleurs, de nouvelles initiatives ont été sélectionnées pour financement en 2009 au Maroc, en Algérie et au Sénégal.

Il est évident cependant que davantage d'attention doit être accordée à la problématique des mineurs non accompagnés, qui constituera dès lors une des priorités du prochain appel à propositions pour le programme thématique migration et asile (premier semestre 2009). En outre cette question figurera dans les clauses migratoires des accords de l'UE avec les pays tiers et à l'ordre du jour des dialogues politiques avec eux. Enfin, lorsque ceci s'avère pertinent, la situation des mineurs pourrait aussi faire l'objet d'offres de coopération spécifiques au titre des partenariats pour la mobilité.

En ce qui concerne les propositions futures dans ce domaine, il faut rappeler que le Conseil européen adoptera au cours de l'automne 2009 un nouveau programme quinquennal dans le domaine de la Justice, Liberté et Sécurité, qui succédera au Programme de La Haye ("programme de Stockholm"). Toute politique ou mesure nouvelle devra être proposée et discutée dans le cadre de la préparation de ce nouveau programme.

L'Assemblea generale dell'ONU esaminerà nel 2009 una dichiarazione relativa alle politiche internazionali sulle droghe, dieci anni dopo avere lanciato una serie di iniziative sotto lo slogan "Verso un mondo senza droghe. Si può fare!" che si ripromettevano di decurtare drasticamente domanda e offerta delle sostanze rese illegali dalle relative Convenzioni ONU. La maggior parte degli Stati membri ha nel frattempo rafforzato o introdotto politiche più pragmatiche sulle droghe, mentre in Olanda i sindaci chiedono di passare alla regolamentazione della produzione di cannabis.

Quale posizione difenderà la Comissione europea in sede di conferenze internazionali di preparazione dell'Assemblea generale nel corso del 2009? Non ritiene necessario valutare i costi e i benefici delle politiche internazionali sulla droga, eventualmente chiedendo modifiche ai trattati internazionali, come richiesto da più parti?

In March 2009 the High-Level Segment of the Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) of the United Nations (UN) will finalise its review on the 1998 United Nations General Assembly Special Session Declarations on the World Drugs Problem, usually known as United Nations General Assembly Special Session  (UNGASS) 98⁽¹⁾, by the adoption of a new Political Declaration.

In preparation to the UNGASS 2008 review, the Commission has been active in supporting the process, i.a. by providing funding for UN expert groups that provided advice to UNODC⁽²⁾ on the implementation of the 1998 Declarations. Furthermore, the Commission has actively contributed to the EU Position Paper on the UNGASS review process that was adopted by the Council in October 2008⁽³⁾.

Within this UN framework, the Commission has – with the exception of the field of drug precursors – no competence to represent the European Union and its Member States. The latter represent themselves while the European Union is coordinated by the EU Presidency whose object is to present as many common EU positions as possible. The above mentioned EU position paper on the UNGASS represent such a common position

In this paper, the EU Member States conclude that although progress has been made in several areas of the implementation of the 1998 Declarations and attached Action Plans, there has been no containment or major reduction of the global drugs problem, which was the major target of the 1998 Political Declaration.

The position paper reconfirms the EU's commitment to the UN Drug Conventions from 1961, 1971 and 1988, while it reiterates the aims and objectives of the 1998 Declarations. At the same time, it calls for a serious assessment of experiences gained in the past decade and to incorporate lessons learnt. The paper also presents a number of key principles for future declarations and action plans, including:

- Strengthening the balanced approach in UN drug policy, by enhancing drug demand reduction efforts and by recognising harm reduction as an effective and important element in drug policy.

- Raising attention for the respect of human rights and proportionality in law enforcement interventions in drug policy and interventions in demand and supply reduction.

- Strongly advocating sustainable alternative development, while not making this conditional on the prior eradication of drug crops.

- A stronger emphasis on the need for evaluation, data collection and monitoring, to base policies on evidence (rather than ideology).

In early 2009, the Commission will furthermore publish the results of a broad study containing a 'Detailed analysis of the operation of the world market in illicit drugs and of policy measures to curtail it'. This study is one example of the Commission's contribution to the knowledge base that underpins European and international drug policies. Last September 2008, the Commission also introduced further proposals for action in the framework of the EU Drugs Action Plan (2009-2012), with specific emphasis on shared monitoring, data collection and evaluation in the field of drug supply reduction and law enforcement, areas in which little analysis has been done, or at least published.

La Resolución P6_TA(2006)0005 de este Parlamento sobre estrategias para prevenir la trata de mujeres y niños vulnerables a la explotación sexual (2004/2216(INI)), de 17.1.2006, considera que las actuaciones de los Estados miembros deberían corresponderse con sus propias declaraciones políticas y que los Estados miembros deberían transponer la legislación comunitaria pertinente de una manera más eficiente, especialmente mejorando la cooperación operativa y el intercambio de datos relevantes entre sí y con Europol y Eurojust.

¿Puede indicar la Comisión qué avances ha habido en la cooperación operativa y el intercambio de datos relevantes entre sí y con Europol y Eurojust en el delito de trata de personas?

Information transmitted by Member States early in 2008 indicates a positive trend concerning international cooperation in the fight against trafficking in human beings. In particular Member States, more than in the past, are ready to use Europol and Eurojust resources in order to improve the quality of the institutional response to trafficking.

In respect of the submission by the Member States of information and data to Europol, Analytical Work File (AWF) Phoenix was opened in June 2007 with a focus on trafficking. 22 Member States have signalled their support for this work file and the Analytical Work File is currently supporting a number of diverse investigations on trafficking for sexual exploitation, labour exploitation and child trafficking. Since September 2007, when Analytical Work File Phoenix became active, Member States have forwarded 131 intelligence contributions to the work file.

Beside these contributions, there have been 127 Member States contributions to the Europol Information System (EIS) on trafficking cases since the Information System went live in April 2006.

Regarding the role of Eurojust, 78 new cases of trafficking in human beings have been recorded in 2008. The trend shows a substantial increase, since 13 cases were recorded in 2004 and 33 in 2006. Eurojust also held 10 coordination meetings in 2007 specifically for cases dealing with trafficking and smuggling, which makes up more than 10% of Eurojust’s coordination meetings.

Σε πρόσφατο σχέδιο νόμου, η ελληνική κυβέρνηση ρυθμίζει και θέματα ιθαγένειας και μεταναστευτικής πολιτικής, που αφορούν σε παιδιά. Πιο συγκεκριμένα, παιδιά μεταναστών, που έχουν γεννηθεί στην Ελλάδα, έχουν συμπληρώσει το 18ο έτος της ηλικίας τους και οι γονείς τους διαμένουν νόμιμα στη χώρα, μπορούν να αποκτήσουν υπό όρους το καθεστώς «επί μακρόν διαμένοντος μετανάστη» αλλά όχι την ελληνική ιθαγένεια. Το νομοσχέδιο δεν λαμβάνει υπόψη τις περιπτώσεις παιδιών που δεν έχουν γεννηθεί στην Ελλάδα, αλλά μεγαλώνουν εκεί και φοιτούν σε ελληνικά σχολεία ή αντίστοιχες περιπτώσεις παιδιών που οι γονείς δεν είναι νόμιμα διαμένοντες στη χώρα. H Ευρωπαϊκή Κοινότητα είναι συμβαλλόμενη στη Σύμβαση των Ηνωμένων Εθνών για τα Δικαιώματα του παιδιού, ενώ επίσης η Επιτροπή σε ανακοίνωσή της (COM(2006)0367) επισημαίνει ότι: «Μια…πρόκληση είναι να διασφαλίζεται στη νομοθεσία και την πολιτική της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και των κρατών μελών ο πλήρης σεβασμός των δικαιωμάτων των παιδιών που είναι μετανάστες, ζητούν άσυλο ή είναι πρόσφυγες».

Θεωρεί η Επιτροπή την παραπάνω ρύθμιση σύμφωνη με το κοινοτικό δίκαιο και τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα; Ποια μέτρα θα λάβει για να διασφαλίσει τα δικαιώματα των παιδιών μεταναστών συνολικά;

Il est de la compétence exclusive de la Grèce de déterminer les conditions dans lesquelles un ressortissant d'un pays tiers peut acquérir la nationalité grecque. Cette question n'est pas couverte par le droit communautaire.

En ce qui concerne la politique commune de l'immigration, l'une des principales exigences de la directive 2003/109 sur le statut de résident de longue durée est d'avoir cinq ans de résidence légale. La question se réfère à la situation des enfants nés de parents qui ne résident pas légalement. En vertu de la directive 2003/109, ces enfants ne sont pas automatiquement exclus du statut de résident de longue durée. Ce statut peut, en principe, être acquis par un mineur de moins de 18 ans indépendamment de ses parents, dans le cas où toutes les conditions prévues dans la directive sont remplies. En outre, les conditions prévues par la directive pour bénéficier du statut de résident de longue durée sont exhaustives. Etant donné qu'il n'y a pas obligation d'être né sur le territoire d'un Etat membre, l'introduction d'une telle condition par la Grèce semblerait contraire à la directive. La Commission va dès lors contacter les autorités grecques pour obtenir plus d'informations sur ces deux points.

En ce qui concerne les droits de l´enfant, les Etats membres doivent respecter les droits fondamentaux tels qu'ils résultent des traditions constitutionnelles des Etats membres et de leurs obligations internationales. La Convention des Nations Unies de 1989 sur les droits de l'enfant, qui a été ratifiée par tous les Etats membres de l'UE, oblige les Etats parties à respecter et à garantir les droits énoncés à tout enfant relevant de leur juridiction, sans discrimination fondée, entre autres, sur la situation de l'enfant, en particulier quel que soit le statut de résidence des parents des enfants.

Does the Commission envisage a Community instrument dealing specifically with the problem of data-mining and 'profiling' in regard to personal data, and in particular establishing safeguards against adverse effects such as unjustified invasions of privacy, discrimination and stereotyping?

Au stade actuel, la Commission n'envisage pas de présenter un instrument législatif se focalisant explicitement sur la question du profilage.

Les conditions dans lesquelles le traitement des données à caractère personnel peut être effectué, sont fixées par la directive 95/46/CE sur la protection des données à caractère personnel du 24 octobre 1995⁽¹⁾.

Cette directive précise les obligations des responsables des traitements, qu'il s'agisse des entreprises ou des administrations. Elle précise également les droits des personnes dont les données sont traitées. Elle prévoit également les sanctions et recours en cas de violation de ces droits et obligations.

En particulier, l'article 15 de la directive interdit, sauf exception, le recours à des décisions automatisées.

Cette disposition prévoit que les personnes ne peuvent pas être soumises à des décisions produisant des effets juridiques à leur égard ou les affectant de manière significative, qui soient fondées sur un seul traitement automatisé de données. Une intervention humaine est toujours nécessaire dans la prise de telles décisions.

Le Conseil de l'Europe, de son côté, élabore un projet de recommandation sur le profilage, qui s'inspire largement de l'article 15 de la directive. Il est prévu que la recommandation soit adoptée par le Comité des Ministres vers la fin de l'année 2009. La Commission participe activement à ces travaux qui demanderont une coordination communautaire, lorsque le projet

sera plus élaboré.

Στην απάντηση της ερώτησης P-6247/07 σχετικά με το πρόγραμμα για την πρόληψη και την καταπολέμηση της εγκληματικότητας, η Επιτροπή ανέφερε ότι ο συνολικός προϋπολογισμός του, που ανέρχεται στα 600 εκατομμύρια ευρώ, έχει ως στόχο την παροχή οικονομικής ενίσχυσης σε δραστηριότητες που προβλέπονται στον τίτλο VI της Συνθήκης για την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση σχετικά με όλες τις μορφές εγκληματικότητας.

Μπορεί να με ενημερώσει η Επιτροπή για την έως τώρα απορρόφηση της χρηματικής βοήθειας; Για τι είδους δράσεις διατέθηκαν τα χρήματα και ποια κράτη μέλη έχουν κάνει αίτηση για χρηματοδότηση;

Types of measures:

As Prevention of and Fight against Crime (ISEC) is a very wide programme the range of activities covered by it is very wide. It includes actions such as:

- conferences and seminars (e,g. High Level Conference on Establishing Co-operation Between National Asset Recovery Offices within the European Union organised by Europol);

- joint operations (e.g. Joint Customs Operation ATHENA managed by French General Customs and Excise Directorate);

- exchange of law enforcement officials (e.g. Exchange Programme for Senior Law Enforcement Officers organized by CEPOL⁽¹⁾),

- support for the implementation of the Treaty of Prum (e.g. Building up the technical capacity of the Police of the Czech Republic to implement the principles of theTreaty of Prüm) and many others (as described in the Annual Work Programmes);

- support for crime victims (e.g. Crime Victims Support Network organised by polish Ministry of Justice);

- fight against trafficing in human beings (e.g Trafficking in Human Beings: Data Collection and Harmonised Information Management Systems project implemented by General Directorate of Internal Affairs from Portugal).

-

Consumption of the budget:

In 2007 the total amount of €44,6 million was allocated to the Prevention of and Fight against Crime porgamme. The total amount of funds allocated in 2007 is €37,5 million.

In 2008 the total budget of the Programme amounted to €51 million. The consumption of the budget so far is €36 million.

The detailed breakdown of the budget in the annex.

Member States applying for funding:

In the course of 2007 and 2008 bodies from 25 Member States submitted applications for grants. 2 countries which did not do it were: Luxembourg and Slovenia. Nevertheless bodies from this Member States were engaged in the projects as partners.

For 2008 the statistics (for action grants and action grants within framework partnerships toghether) are as follows:

Number of applications submitted: 167 (selected: around 95 projects).

Split of submitted applications by country of the applicant:

AT

1

DE

23

FI

4

IT

31

PL

5

BE

2

DK

1

FR

9

LT

3

PT

1

BG

4

EE

1

GB

29

LV

3

RO

1

CY

1

EL

1

HU

4

MT

1

SE

11

CZ

3

ES

12

IE

1

NL

8

SK

7

Annex: Detailed breakdown of the budget (in million EUR)

2007

2008

Envisaged in the budget

Awarded

Number of projects

Envisaged in the budget

Awarded

Number of projects

Action grants

18,5

24

78

23,5

16,5

50

Operating grants

0,6

0

0

0,6

0

0

Action grants within framework partnerships

17

8,4

45

12

15,2

46

Grants to bodies in a monopoly situations

3,5

2,3

2

1,6

1,4

2

Public procurement

5

2,8

37

13

2,9

21

Total

44,6

37,5

50,7

36

2007 m. gruodžio 21 d. prie Šengeno erdvės prisijungė Čekija, Estija, Latvija, Lenkija, Lietuva, Malta, Slovakija, Slovėnija ir Vengrija. Tačiau dėl techninių nesklandumų ir nustatytų terminų nesilaikymo jos prisijungė prie pirmosios kartos (SIS 1+), o ne prie antrosios kartos Šengeno informacinės sistemos (SIS II), kaip buvo planuota iš pradžių. 2001 m. gruodžio 6 d. Komisija buvo įgaliota sukurti naująją sistemą, kurios veikimo pradžia numatyta 2007 m. kovo mėn. Po to, kai kelis kartus nepavyko laikytis nustatytų terminų, buvo paskelbtas naujas tvarkaraštis, pagal kurį SIS II turėtų pradėti veikti iki 2008 m. gruodžio 17 d.

Norėčiau sužinoti, kokia šiuo metu yra SIS II sistemos padėtis ir ar jos įgyvendinimas, ypač naujosiose šalyse, nesusilpnins Šengeno valstybių sienų kontrolės.

Le Système d'Information Schengen de deuxième génération (le SIS II) doit à terme remplacer le système actuel SIS 1+, qui repose sur une plateforme conçue dans les années 1990. Le SIS II s'appuiera sur des technologies de pointe, contiendra de nouvelles fonctionnalités et fournira la possibilité d'inclure les données biométriques. Au-delà des avancées techniques, les instruments législatifs relatifs au SIS II contiennent des dispositions sur le renforcement de la protection des données et sur la transparence vis-à-vis du Parlement.

Entre novembre et décembre 2008, le contractant principal de la Commission pour le développement du SIS II, a exécuté la campagne des tests opérationnels qui visaient à éprouver les fonctionnalités du système central en interaction avec un certain nombre de systèmes nationaux.

Le rapport définitif des tests, ainsi que son analyse par le contractant 'qualité' de la Commission confirment en substance que le contractant n'a pas été en mesure de démontrer le bon fonctionnement d'un certain nombre de fonctionnalités requises pour le SIS II. Il n'a donc pas été en mesure de respecter tous ses engagements contractuels.

Ce contretemps aura également des conséquences sur le calendrier du projet, l'objectif d'une mise en service du SIS II en septembre 2009 devra être revu.

Les difficultés rencontrées par le SIS II ne représentent toutefois aucun problème pour le fonctionnement des frontières des Etats membres, dans la mesure où le SIS 1+ continue pour l'heure à assumer son rôle en garantissant un niveau élevé de sécurité aux frontières externes de l'espace Schengen.

La priorité pour la Commission dans les mois qui viennent sera de tout mettre en œuvre pour venir à bout des difficultés actuelles jusqu'à la mise en service d'un système opérationnel, conforme au cadre juridique et répondant pleinement aux attentes de ses utilisateurs.

Πριν λίγες ημέρες στην Aθήνα, δολοφονήθηκε εν ψυχρώ από αστυνομικό ο 15χρονος μαθητής Aλέξανδρος Γρηγορόπουλος. H δολοφονία αυτή, η οποία έχει ξεσηκώσει θύελλα διαμαρτυριών και μαζικών κινητοποιήσεων στην Ελλάδα, έρχεται να προστεθεί σε δεκάδες άλλες ανάλογα περιστατικά αστυνομικής και κρατικής βίας και δολοφονιών στην Ελλάδα και σε άλλα κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ, όπως π.χ. στη M. Bρετανία. Tα περιστατικά αυτά είναι φυσικό και αναμενόμενο αποτέλεσμα του κλίματος τρομοκρατίας και καταστολής που καλλιεργείται από ένα πρωτοφανές, αυταρχικό νομοθετικό πλέγμα που έχουν θεσπίσει η ΕΕ και τα κράτη μέλη, το οποίο έχει δημιουργήσει πρωτοφανείς, γιγάντιους μηχανισμούς καταστολής, περιορίζει ασφυκτικά θεμελιώδη ατομικά δικαιώματα και δημοκρατικές ελευθερίες και αντιμετωπίζει το λαό και το οργανωμένο λαϊκό κίνημα σαν "εσωτερικό εχθρό".

Θεωρεί η Επιτροπή ότι αυτό το νομοθετικό πλαίσιο εκτρέφει και καλλιεργεί την κρατική βία και την αστυνομική αυθαιρεσία; Προτίθεται να αναγνωρίσει το απαραβίαστο των ατομικών δικαιωμάτων και των δημοκρατικών ελευθεριών από τους κρατικούς μηχανισμούς καταστολής και να καταργήσει τα σχετικά νομοθετικά μέτρα που την ενισχύουν;

La Commission a pris connaissance avec tristesse des informations sur la mort tragique d'Alexandre Grigoropoulos et des circonstances dans lesquelles elle s'est produite.

Selon les informations disponibles, la justice grecque a été saisie. Il lui appartient donc de donner une qualification juridique aux faits qui ont conduit au décès tragique de ce lycéen une fois que l'enquête aura été menée à son terme.

La Commission rappelle sont attachement au respect de la liberté d'expression et de la liberté de réunion, qui comprend le droit de manifester. En même temps, elle ne peut que fermement condamner les débordements violents des manifestations en Grèce.

L'Union est fondée sur les principes de la liberté, de la démocratie, du respect des droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales, ainsi que de l'Etat de droit, principes qui sont communs aux Etats membres.

Dans toutes ses actions, l'Union européenne respecte et promeut les droits fondamentaux tels que garantis par la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l'Union européenne et la Convention européenne pour la protection des droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales.

La Commission rejette donc fermement les allégations de l'honorable parlementaire selon lesquelles les incidents en Grèce seraient les conséquences des politiques ou de la législation de l'Union.

Does the Commission believe that the EU can put in place a new regulatory structure in the coming months to govern the future operation of the global financial markets, particularly with President-elect Barack Obama and with the Governments of India and China?

The financial crisis has demonstrated how interlinked global financial markets are today. The G-20 process marks a new phase in international economic and financial co-operation, where advanced economies work more closely with emerging countries. This is key if we are to ensure a more stable global economic and financial system.

At the Washington Summit of 15 November 2008, the leaders of the G-20 approved an action plan to reform global financial markets following five common principles: (i) strengthening transparency and accountability of financial markets and align incentives in order to avoid excessive risk-taking; (ii) strengthen regulatory regimes, prudential oversight, and risk management, and ensure that all financial markets, products and participants are regulated or subject to oversight, as appropriate to their circumstances; (iii) promote the integrity of financial markets by bolstering investor and consumer protection, avoiding conflicts of interest, preventing illegal market manipulation, fraudulent activities and abuse, and protecting against illicit finance risks arising from non-cooperative jurisdictions; (iv) reinforce global cooperation on regulation, crisis prevention, management and resolution, and (v) reforming the International Financial Institutions (i.e., the Bretton Woods Institutions) in order to increase their legitimacy and effectiveness. The Action Plan includes a set of high priority actions to be completed prior to March 31 2009 as well as a number of medium-term actions. Europe is playing a full role in transforming these principles into practical and concerted action ahead of the next G-20 summit on 2 April 2009 in London.

While acknowledging that regulation is first and foremost the responsibility of regional and national regulators, the G-20 agreed that intensified international cooperation, strengthening of international standards and consistent implementation is necessary to protect against adverse cross-border, regional and global developments affecting international financial stability. The Commission strongly welcomes and is actively contributing to the international efforts to reform the world's financial systems. Key countries such as the United States, Brazil, India and China are part of these efforts, and the Commission is confident that this process will indeed strengthen financial markets and regulatory regimes, thereby reducing the possibility of similar crises in the future. As the Commission represents the EU in some key policy areas and prepares and enforces critical pieces of legislation in the area of financial services, it will continue to be an active and engaged partner in these international discussions.

In the past few months the Commission, by introducing proposals on Member States' balance of payments, on deposit guarantee schemes, on the Capital Requirements Directive (COM(2008)0602) and on credit rating agencies, has taken action to both restore the stability to economies and market and to remove obscurities from the financial system. To further aid recovery, what proposals is the Commission coming forward with that will encourage growth, entrepreneurship and competitiveness in the real economy, especially in the SME sector?

On November 26th 2008, the Commission proposed a European Economic Recovery Plan⁽¹⁾in order to provide the appropriate Europe-wide policy response to the current economic downturn. It presents a framework for actions to be taken both at the EU and Member states level. The European Council held in Brussels on December 11 and 12 2008 agreed upon this Recovery Plan and its main proposal for an immediate budgetary stimulus package amounting to € 200 billion (1.5% of EU GDP) along with a series of other priority actions grounded in the structural reforms of the Lisbon strategy aimed at strengthening the long-term growth and adjustment capacity of the EU economy.

The Recovery Plan includes measures both at Community and Member State level, aiming to restore growth and increase competitiveness of the real economy, especially for the Small and Medium-Sized Entreprises (SMEs). Member States were asked to bring forward national budgetary stimulus actions. In addition, a number of initiatives were proposed at Community and Member State level including:

– A major European employment support initiative.

– The enhancement of access to financing for businesses, notably through an European Investment Bank package of € 30 billion for loans to SMEs.

– Proposals to increase and bring forward investments in Europe’s infrastructure and promote high-speed internet connections.

– Proposals to improve energy efficiency in buildings and increase the take-up of green products.

A key element of the Recovery Plan is the full implementation of the Small Business Act action plan⁽²⁾In particular, in order to significantly reduce administrative burdens on business, promote their cash flow and help more people to become entrepreneurs, the Community and Member States are invited to:

– Ensure that starting up a business anywhere in the EU can be done within three days at zero costs and that formalities for the hiring of the first employee can be fulfilled via a single access point.

– Remove the requirement on micro-enterprises to prepare annual accounts and limit the capital requirements of the European private company to one euro.

– Accelerate the adoption of the European private company statute proposal so that from early 2009 it can facilitate cross border business activities of SMEs and to allow them to work under a single set of corporate rules across the EU.

– Ensure that public authorities pay invoices for supplies and services within one month to ease liquidity constraints and to accept e-invoicing as equivalent to paper invoicing; any arrears owed by public bodies should also be settled.

– Reduce by up of 75% the fees for patent applications and maintenance and halve the costs for an EU trademark.

The Recovery Plan also stresses the need to increase investment in Research and Development (R&D), Innovation and Education. It is indeed very important that industry and in particular SMEs are encouraged to maintain and even increase their activities in R&D and innovation. R&D spending should be seen as an investment and not as a cost to be decreased. Investing in R&D and innovation now will lay the foundations for a strong competitive position of the European industry in a short and medium term future. The Commission is continuing to support R&D activities for SMEs through the different actions under the 7th R&D Framework Programme. For instance, the dedicated scheme "Research for the benefit of SMEs" will be allocating an extra € 25 million in 2009 to fund more projects and the Commission is also providing support to Member States for improving the coordination of their support programmes for R&D in SMEs.

In addition the Commission put forward in the Recovery Plan, a number of initiatives to increase the competitiveness of its industry, in particular of the automobile and construction industries. The Commission will launch 3 major public-private partnerships to support innovation and prepare these sectors to face the significant challenges in the transition to the green economy.

In the automobile sector, a European Green Cars initiative will support research on Energy-efficient transport technologies and their market uptake.

In the construction sector, a European Energy-efficient Buildings initiative will promote green technologies and the development of energy-efficient systems and materials in new and renovated buildings with a view to reducing radically their energy consumption and CO2 emissions.

Finally, a Factories of the Future initiative will help EU manufacturers across sectors, in particular SMEs, to adapt to global competitive pressures by increasing the technological base of EU manufacturing through the development and integration the enabling technologies of the future, such as engineering technologies for adaptable machines and industrial processes, ICT, and advanced materials.

The Community-level priorities for the Recovery Plan were further detailed in the Implementation Report on the Community Lisbon Programme⁽³⁾ published on 16 December 2008 that will be discussed at the Spring European Council 2009.

Following the recent publication of the Commission's proposal (COM(2008)0414) on Patients´ Rights in Cross-border Healthcare, which has been preceded by the recent judgments of the ECJ confirming the rights of patients to access hospital care in another Member State, does the Commission foresee any difficulties or conflicts of interest in the implementation of this report with regard to Member States' competence in the provision of health care services?

The Commission proposal for a Directive on patients’ rights in cross border healthcare⁽¹⁾ does not, in any way, affect Member States' responsibilities for the organisation and delivery of health services and medical care. Member States are fully responsible for determining what patients are entitled to in their country and how healthcare is to be provided.

As such, the Commission does not foresee any conflict of interest in the implementation of the proposed Directive with Member States' competence in the provision of health care services. The Commission's impact assessment suggests that the overall impact of the proposal on the national healthcare systems will be limited.

The purpose of the Commission’s proposal for a Directive on patients’ rights in cross border healthcare is simply to improve the situation for patients in specific circumstances, for whom cross-border healthcare is the best solution and to provide an additional option for patients who are not entitled to receive an authorisation to go for the planned treatment abroad under the terms of the Regulation 1408/71.

Criza economico-financiară afectează multe state membre. Săptămânal aflăm despre noi disponibilizări ce afectează mii de angajați în diferite state membre. Investițiile în infrastructura de transport reprezintă una dintre căile prin care Europa poate face față crizei economice. Construcția infrastructurilor de transport (feroviar, rutier, aerian, naval) necesită investiții foarte mari, iar durata de implementare a proiectelor este medie sau lungă. Pentru a putea investi suficient în infrastructura de transport, statele membre au nevoie fie de creșterea corespunzătoare a bugetului TEN-T, fie de o creștere a deficitelor bugetare pentru o anumită perioadă de timp. Aș dori să întreb Comisia care sunt măsurile avute în vedere pentru a sprijini statele membre, pentru ca în această perioadă de criză economico-financiară, să poată crește, în mod semnificativ, investițiile în infrastructura de transport.

The Commission welcomes the emphasis of the Honourable Member on the role of investment in transport infrastructure as a means of tackle the economic crisis. Indeed, such investment results not only in stabilising macro-economic demanding and creating jobs, both directly and indirectly, but at the same time paves the way for sustainable economic growth and increased productivity in the future. It is essential for the whole of Europe to turn the challenge represented by the current crisis into an opportunity.

The European Economic Recovery Plan, which has been recently endorsed by the Council, is the Commission's direct response and calls for smart investment including infrastructure. In particular, to enable an increase in investment in transport infrastructure the Plan provides for four specific actions:

1. Reinforcing the capital base of the European Investment Bank and enabling a increased financing from the bank by some €15 billion over the next two years;

2. launching an equity fund which would target infrastructure as well as energy and climate change projects;

3. enabling a wider participation of the private sector in the infrastructure investments by clarifying the legal framework and eliminating administrative barriers for partnerships between the public and private sectors;

4. launching in 2009 an additional 500 million EUR call for proposals for Trans-European Network Transport (TEN-T) projects for which a Community grant would lead to construction beginning before the end of 2009.

The latter alone is expected to accelerate the delivery of the trans-European infrastructure and mobilise national investment of more than €3 billion. But it is apparent that a €500 million call is not going to satisfy existing demand. Works for several projects cannot advance due to funding limitations, particularly severe under the current economic circumstances. Many more concrete TEN-T projects could be accelerated immediately which would also usefully contribute to the recovery programmes of individual Member States, were additional budgetary funding available.

In lijn met Europese regelgeving hebben vrijwel alle landen in de Europese Unie een rookverbod voor publieke ruimtes en op de werkplek. Dit is reeds geregeld of op korte termijn gepland voor Zweden, Ierland, Malta, Italië, Nederland, Schotland, Engeland, België, Spanje en Frankrijk.

Sinds juli 2008 is er in buurland Nederland ook een rookverbod in de horeca (cafés en restaurants). De Commissie lanceerde onlangs vage plannen om dit in de toekomst uit te breiden naar heel Europa.

Wij vragen aan de Commissie binnen welke termijn zij dit willen realiseren en of er een tijdpad is opgesteld?

Uit onderzoek in Ierland blijkt dat daling van het cafébezoek slechts in zeer kleine mate te wijten is aan het rookverbod.

Heeft de Commissie rapporten over mogelijke positieve of negatieve gevolgen van het rookverbod voor het cafébezoek?

As a Party to the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, the Community and 26 Member States are bound by the commitment to provide for protection from exposure to tobacco smoke in all indoor workplaces and public places.

In 2006-2007, the Commission services participated in the work to formulate extensive guidelines on how to implement this obligation. The guidelines were adopted by all the Parties in July 2007. They formulate a "golden standard" that every Party should aim to achieve within five years of the Convention's entry into force for that Party - that is by 2010 for the EC and the majority of Member States.

To support Member States in adopting comprehensive smoke-free laws, the Commission intends to put forward a proposal for a Council Recommendation on smoke-free environments in 2009.

In addition, the Commission has decided to start consultations with the social partners at Community level on the need for additional measures to protect workers from risks to their health arising from exposure to environmental tobacco smoke at the workplace.

The evidence reported in the literature on the impact of smoke-free policies on revenues and employment in the hospitality sector appears mixed. Overall, there seems to be a largely neutral effect.

It is noteworthy that an international review of the studies on the economic effects of smoke-free policies on the hospitality industry found that 47 of the 49 studies that are best designed report no negative impact on objective measures such as taxable sales.

Importantly, there are reliable reports that the health of bar and restaurant workers has improved considerably within months of implementation of smoke-free regulations. The respiratory symptoms in hospitality staff have been shown to drop by up to 50% as a result of smoke-free policies.

The Commission will address this issue in detail in the Impact Assessment which will accompany the Commission's proposal on smoke-free environments.

L'Unione europea sta negoziando il trattato anti-contraffazione "ACTA" con il Giappone, gli Stati Uniti e altri Stati. Tali negoziati si svolgono in segreto, senza che siano informati il Parlamento europeo e i parlamenti nazionali, né l'opinione pubblica. Le versioni trapelate del trattato prevedono che vi siano una serie di misure di tipo penale e civile per violazione del diritto al copyright, come pure amplissimi poteri per il personale di sicurezza alle frontiere e negli aeroporti. In particolare, sarebbero permessi controlli sui computer o lettori digitali di musica dei viaggiatori, sequestri del materiale e perfino l'arresto dei viaggiatori.

Può la Commissione confermare quanto detto e fornire maggiori informazioni rispetto all'ACTA? Quali garanzie sono previste per i viaggiatori rispetto a controlli estremamente invasivi della privacy e alla tutela del diritto alla presunzione di innocenza e al giusto processo? Quali verifiche sono state fatte al riguardo con l'EDPS, il Gruppo di lavoro articolo 29 e l'Agenzia per i diritti fondamentali dell'UE? Non ritiene che tale trattato potrebbe essere in violazione della CEDU e della Carta dei diritti fondamentali?

The goal of the negotiations on the Anti-Counterfeit Trade Agreement (ACTA) is to provide for improved international standards for action against large-scale infringements of intellectual property rights (IPR).

Counterfeiting now takes place on an industrial scale. It has become an extremely profitable business, generating income that can compete with narcotics and weapons trafficking, but at much lower risk. Obviously, this type of activity causes enormous damage to the EU economy, whose major comparative advantage consists of quality and innovation. This trend is particularly worrying also from the point of view of consumer protection since many counterfeit products are clearly dangerous (fake medicines, spare parts, toys, food stuff etc.).

The EU is therefore working together with partners sharing its concerns such as the United States (US) and Japan, but also Mexico, Korea, Morocco and others on the negotiation of an anti-counterfeiting trade agreement (ACTA).

ACTA is first and foremost about tackling an activity pursued by criminal organisations which harm the economy or the consumers. ACTA is not designed to limit civil liberties or to negatively affect consumers. There is therefore no question that the ACTA current negotiations would result in creating new powers for border or airport security staff to check travellers’ computers or digital music players.

The current EU regulation has a de minimis clause that excludes goods in traveller’s personal baggage from the scope of the legislation, as long as these goods are no part of commercial traffic. The aim of ACTA is not to affect consumers negatively but to provide a clear basis for customs to act against commercial importations of fake goods and protect consumers from potentially dangerous products.

ACTA will not go further than the current Community acquis on the enforcement of intellectual property rights⁽¹⁾, which does not limit fundamental rights and freedoms and civil liberties, as consecrated by the Charter of Fundamental Rights. Additionally, this acquis in terms of IPR enforcement is without prejudice to national or Community legal provisions in other areas, in particular in the area of personal data protection [e.g. Data Protection Directive⁽²⁾ and the Directive on privacy and electronic communications⁽³⁾].

As is the case in any trade negotiation, the ACTA negotiators have to respect a certain level of confidentiality. This does not mean that these negotiations are secret or that the EU institutions are prevented from exerting their institutional prerogatives. The EU's objectives in the negotiations are very clear and both the Council and the Parliament have been regularly informed of, and consulted on, the state of play of the negotiations. Discussions have also been held with civil society stakeholders.

The Council and Member States have been closely involved in the process due to the possible inclusion of matters of criminal policy, which are not yet harmonised at EU level. Consequently, the Presidency will be negotiating on this matter (and other non-harmonised issues which may arise, such judicial and police cooperation).

Also, the Commission has discussed the matter on a regular basis with European Parliament in particular in the INTA Committee⁽⁴⁾, and will continue to do so. Of course, the Commission is prepared to appear before other Committees to give further information on these negotiations if so requested.

Europaparlamentets industriutskott har nyligen anordnat ett möte med Svenska Vetenskapsakademiens ”physics class”, dvs. den grupp forskare som delar ut Nobelpriset i fysik. Vid detta möte framkom mycket kritik mot administrationen av EU:s forskningsresurser. Många i den europeiska forskningsvärlden menar att betydande delar av bland annat sjunde ramprogrammet präglas av så krångliga regler för ansökningar om forskningsanslag att europeiska forskare föredrar att söka privat, nationell eller amerikansk finansiering.

Vad gör kommissionen för att förenkla dessa ansökningsförfaranden?

The EU Framework Programme for Research and Technological Development is a major tool for research policy and research funding with a dedicated budget that has increased over time. Its European character, with the majority of projects carried out by multinational and multisectoral consortia, and the legal and financial framework governing all EU expenditure, bring about an intrinsic level of complexity that is somewhat higher than in national research schemes. The Commission must also ensure the sound financial management of public resources and comply with the obligations and reporting requirements of the legal base of the programme.

In this context, the Commission is striving for continuous improvement and streamlining of processes, rules, documentation and Information Technology (IT) systems to limit the administrative burden for participants. With the successful starting phase of the Seventh Framework Programme for Research and Technological Development (2007-2013) (FP7), the Commission can already identify a number of improvements in simplification compared with previous programmes:

The installation of a system for unique registration of participating legal entities, abandoning the need for repeated checking of existence and legal status of each participation. Legal documents now have to be provided only once, all information is stored in a central data base accessible to all Directorates-General implementing FP7.

By introducing a threshold of € 375,000, the number of required certificates on financial statements is reduced in FP7 to one tenth of that in FP6.

Much fewer ex-ante financial capacity checks and protective measures are required due to the introduction of the guarantee fund in FP7. Ex-ante checks are now only necessary for coordinators and participants requesting more than a € 500,000 EC contribution. This is of particular benefit for the participation of Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (SMEs) and start-up companies.

Grant agreement negotiation and amendments: A new Web-based electronic system for negotiation, used by all research Directorates-General, was introduced by the end of 2007. The system allows online interaction between participants and Commission project officers. The guidelines for amendments are streamlined. Many changes can now be handled by simple information letters, i.e. they will not require a formal amendment procedure. A Web-based electronic system will also be used for the handling of all amendments.

The alleviation of burdens on project reporting and certification of financial statements: The structure of periodic and final technical reports was considerably streamlined and the Commission aims at extended reporting and payment periods (increasing the average period from 12 to 18 months), leading to a considerable reduction of the overall number of reports and payment transactions.

All these initiatives, together with the streamlining of guidance documents for participants contribute to the simplification of the procedures related to FP7. The Commission is committed to continuing the work in this direction. The eFP7 initiative, for instance, aims at a major improvement of the IT systems for all interactions between the Commission and participants. The Commission will also soon make proposals for implementing ex-ante certification of audit methodologies in order to extend the use of average cost reporting by certain beneficiaries. For the identification of further potential areas for simplification, the Commission seeks advice from many parties, including a sounding board of smaller research actors.

As human dignity and in consequence humanity are such fundamental values of the European Union (see both the Nice and the Lisbon Treaty), if these values are constantly violated by Serbia in denying the 1944-45 genocide committed by the Titoist partisans, to which approximately 40 000 Vojvodina Hungarians, 260 000 Germans and Jews fell victim under the pretext of their ‘collective guilt’, thus denying rehabilitation to all the victims, why is it that the Commission does not raise this question as a crucial SAA and enlargement condition under the Copenhagen Criteria in its negotiations and actions with any government in Belgrade? Without admission of historic guilts and without requests for pardon no European nations could be reconciled in the Union - how then could Serbians, Hungarians, Germans and Jews?

The atrocities committed during the Second World War must not be forgotten by the current or future generations of Europeans.

Reconciliation is a slow and painful, but vital process that the countries have to go through to come to terms with the past. This process of reconciliation stems for the fundamental principle on which the EU is based.

The Commission is aware of the human suffering experienced by Vojvodina Hungarians and Germans in Vojvodina in 1944 and 1945, to which the Honourable Member refers. The Commission has not directly intervened on events committed during the Second World War but has focused on encouraging an open and inclusive debate throughout the region.

The Commission has encouraged the fostering of inter-ethnic relations in Serbia through political dialogue and confidence-building measures. The Commission has furthermore, supported several projects fostering Vojvodina's multi-ethnic identity, human and minority rights and civil liberties. It is also supporting common cultural and educational activities between Serbia and neighbouring countries including Hungary.

The Commission closely monitors the situation in Vojvodina through its office in Belgrade and reports on the political situation in its annual Progress Reports. It has intensive contacts with civil society organisations in the province engaged in reconciliation activities and the fight against impunity.

Ultimately, the process of coming to terms with the past must be led by the countries themselves in the spirit of open dialogue and mutual understanding of the suffering experienced by all sides both in the recent and more distant past.

Na sequência da sua resposta à pergunta E-4746/08 relativamente à aplicação da regra de eliminação de despesas de autorização automática para os Fundos Estruturais - a denominada regra N+2 -, introduzida no quadro financeiro 2000-2006 e que previa que os montantes autorizados e não executados ao fim de dois anos seriam cancelados,

Qual o montante actualizado de despesas de autorização canceladas ao abrigo da regra N+2, por ano e por país?

Qual o montante efectivo de despesa de autorização, relativamente ao Quadro financeiro 2000-2006, que seria cancelado por país se a regra N+2 fosse aplicada até final de 2008?

A Comissão refere que "para o período de 2000-2006, a avaliação das autorizações efectuadas em 2006 e as eventuais anulações que daí decorrem far-se-ão aquando do encerramento dos programas". Quais as datas limite para cada programa, por país?

A Comissão propôs ou irá propor alguma medida que contribua para o cumprimento do objectivo despesa para os fundos estruturais, nomeadamente a anulação da regra N+2 para o Quadro Financeiro 2000-2006 e da regra N+2 e N+3 para o Quadro Financeiro 2007-2013, em prol da "coesão económica e social" e do emprego?

The attention of the Honourable Member is drawn to the attached Excel file giving the current amount of authorised expenditure which the Commission has been obliged to cancel so far under the n+2 rule, by year, by Member State and by fund (ERDF - FIFG – EAGGF – ESF).

The total amount to be decommitted under the n+2 rule for the programming period 2000-2006 will be finalised at the closure of the Operational Programmes (Article 105 (3) of Regulation

n° (CE)1083/2006).

As far as closure dates are concerned, the Commission is not in a position to give a detailed answer per operational programme and per Member State as each operational programme has its own end date of eligibility and this date is the basis to establish the closure date. Moreover, given the pressures arising from the current economic and financial crisis, the Commission is willing to consider constructively requests from Member States for an extension tothe final date for the eligibility of expenditure of the operational programmes of period 2000-2006. However, in general, the estimated closure dates are the following :

1. End March 2009 for programmes for which the final date of eligibility is at the end of 2007 and without state aids.

2. End July 2009 for programmes for which the final date of eligibility is at the end of 2007 and include state aids.

3. End March 2010 for programmes with commitment in 2006 and without state aids;

4. End July 2010 for programmes with commitment in 2006 and with state aids.

5. End September 2010 if programmes under 4. or 5. request an extension.

6. End March 2011 for Greek programmes already benefiting from an extended eligibility date.

It should be recalled that the n+2 and n+3 rules are an integral part of the regulatory framework for the programming periods, 2000-2006 and 2007-2013, respectively, as approved by the Parliament and the Council. The rules are an important incentive to managing authorities to accelerate the implementation of the operational programmes on the ground, in order to maximise impact on economic and social cohesion and employment. Accordingly, the Commission does not intend to propose the abolition of neither the n+2 rule for period 2000-2006 nor the n+2 and n+3 rule for the period 2007-2013.

Rather, in the light of the current economic and financial crisis, the Commission has proposed a recovery package that seeks to ensure that spending targets for the Structural Funds can be met. This means that additional advance payments will be made to Member States as soon as the proposed modification of Regulation n° (EC) 1083/2006 is approved, which should boost the implementation of the operational programmes by increasing liquidity in the system.

Similarly, in the fisheries area, the Council has adopted in July 2008 Regulation n° (EC) 744/2008 instituting a temporary specific action aiming to promote the restructuring of the European Community fishing fleet affected by the economic crisis. One of the measures adopted is the opportunity for Member States to request a second pre-financing in order to speed up the implementation of measures under the EFF operational programmes.

Evropska unija je sprejela številne dokumente o spoštovanju človekovih pravic in v tem okviru še posebej zahteva spoštovanje konvencij proti izkoriščanju otrok v delovnih procesih. Evropska unija uvaža veliko blaga iz Azije, Afrike in Južne Amerika, kjer je še vedno veliko izkoriščanja otrok pri delu.

Zato Komisijo sprašujem, ali pri uvozu izdelkov iz tujine preverja spoštovanje konvencij o prepovedi otroškega dela.

The Commission is committed to the objective of eradicating child labour at a global level. This is reflected in its Communication "A Special Place for Children in the EU External Action"⁽¹⁾ and in the EU Action Plan on Children's Rights in External Relations. Both were welcomed by the Council on 27 May 2008⁽²⁾.

The EU effectively encourages improvements in third countries' labour standards through incentives and cooperation, including via its bilateral trade negotiations and agreements (eg FTAs) and the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP).

The EU's GSP scheme is a key tool to encourage trading partners to improve their performance in this area. In particular, in the Special Incentive Arrangement for Sustainable Development and Good Governance (known as GSP+), the EU offers additional tariff preferences as an incentive to vulnerable developing country partners to ratify and effectively implement a set of international standards, including the relevant International Labour Organisation (ILO) Conventions on Child Labour (Convention 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labour and Convention 138 on Minimum Age for Admission to Work and Employment) and the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of the Child. At present (as of 1 January 2009), 16 countries have taken sufficient steps so as to benefit from additional preferences under GSP+. At the same time, the Commission may temporarily withdraw GSP benefits from any GSP beneficiary in the event of serious and systematic violations of core UN/ILO human and labour rights on the basis of the conclusions of the relevant international monitoring bodies.

This is actually the case for two countries, Belarus and Myanmar, where the Commission took action after carrying out detailed investigations and in the light of clear findings by the ILO.

Child labour is, in most cases, a structural and development problem in poorer countries closely linked to their individual development challenges, the lack of social structures and the access to education. A holistic approach through development policy, political dialogue and cooperation in the multilateral context – ILO and UN – are considered best tools to address child labour. The major programme of the ILO for the eradication of child labour (IPEC) is supported by the Commission. Mid-2008, a new programme under IPEC (TACKLE –Tackling child labour through education) was launched with the financial support of the European Community as part of an effort to accelerate the fight against poverty and the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals in 11 countries in Africa, the Caribbean and Pacific Region. The project aims at strengthening legal frameworks on child labour and education and increase institutional capacities for implementing strategies to eliminate child labour.

The Commission regularly raises with partners the issue of labour rights violations, and in particular child labour. Even though progress has been made so far, the fight against child labour remains a global challenge and continued efforts are required.

The Irish Government’s Home Choice Loan was introduced in the Budget of October 2008. The Choice Loan is to provide mortgages through a number of local authorities for first time buyers who cannot get sufficient finance from a bank or building society. The maximum amount provided will be €285 000, up to 92% of the ‘market value.’ It will apply only to newly built houses.

Does the Commission consider that this scheme is in breach of Community law? Does the Commission consider that this distorts the market, supporting prices as well as favouring developers of new housing in a market where there is a large oversupply of unoccupied new houses? Does it favour new buyers over those who for whatever reason have previously owned a house? Does it create a subprime mortgage programme? Will it commit new buyers to paying inflated prices in a declining market?

The Commission is fully aware of the measure raised by the Honourable Member. It has already been brought to the attention of the Commission by a large number of complaints. The Commission has invited the Irish authorities to comment on the allegations expressed by some complainants and the services of the Commission are currently examining the information supplied by the Irish authorities in reply.

Η ελληνική κυβέρνηση, ακολουθώντας τις εντολές των εφοπλιστών, προωθεί την πλήρη εφαρμογή του Κανονισμού (ΕΟΚ) αριθ. 3577/92⁽¹⁾ της ΕΕ για τις θαλάσσιες ενδομεταφορές ενώ 36 ακτοπλοϊκά πλοία έχουν αυθαίρετα ακινητοποιηθεί, πάνω από 2000 ναυτεργάτες διώχτηκαν απλήρωτοι, τα εργασιακά δικαιώματα συνθλίβονται, οι ακτοπλοϊκές συγκοινωνίες αποδιαρθρώνονται, και η χώρα «ακρωτηριάζεται». Oι εφοπλιστές προσέφυγαν στην Επιτροπή για παραβίαση του κανονισμού, ζητώντας την κατάργηση της στοιχειώδους υποχρέωσής για 10μηνη λειτουργία των ακτοπλοϊκών πλοίων και 10μηνη επάνδρωση με οργανικές συνθέσεις, τον περιορισμό της απαίτησης γνώσης των ελληνικών μόνο από τα μέλη του πληρώματος ασφαλείας, την απελευθέρωση των ναύλων οικονομικής θέσης ενδονησιωτικών συνδέσεων, που από το 2001 αυξήθηκαν κατά 376%, και στις επιδοτούμενες γραμμές.

Ερωτάται η Επιτροπή εάν έκανε αποδεκτή τη σχετική καταγγελία των ακτοπλόων εφοπλιστών, αν πρόκειται να ζητήσει την ικανοποίηση των αιτημάτων τους από την ελληνική κυβέρνηση και αν σκοπεύει να καταργήσει την απελευθέρωση του cabotage που η εφαρμογή της έχει χειροτερεύσει τις προσφερόμενες υπηρεσίες και αυξήσει τα κόμιστρα αποδίδοντας τεράστια κέρδη στους εφοπλιστές.

La Commission a déjà tout entrepris pour la mise en œuvre intégrale du règlement sur le cabotage⁽²⁾, dans tous les Etats membres, y compris en Grèce.

Cette mise en œuvre entraine que le cabotage soit libéralisé: la Commission, dès lors, n'envisage pas d'abolir la libéralisation du cabotage, mais de la compléter. De même, toute plainte fondée provenant de tout plaignant sur la mauvaise application du règlement en question a été considérée recevable et examinée par les Services de la Commission.

La libéralisation du cabotage permet à la Grèce de prendre toutes les mesures nécessaires pour une amélioration du service et une diminution des prix à long terme. Ceci étant, les tendances en matière de prix du transport maritime ne sont pas déterminées uniquement par le régime réglementaire, ce qui devrait être pris en compte lors de toute appréciation des effets de la libéralisation.

Further to its written answer of 3 September 2008 to my oral question H-0604/08, what is the current situation with regard to the Commission's investigation into Ireland's transposition of the Directive prohibiting gender discrimination in the access to and supply of goods and services (Directive 2004/113/EC⁽¹⁾), specifically with regard to the Commission's assessment of Ireland's response to the letter of formal notice?

In its answer to the Honourable Member's previous question (H-0604/08), the Commission explained that the Irish authorities' reply to the letter of formal notice of September 2008 was being examined.

That examination has shown that the Irish authorities have adopted the national measures notified transposing Directive 2004/113/EC⁽²⁾ into national law, namely the Civil Law (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2008 amending the Equal Status Acts 2000 to 2004.

The Commission has accordingly closed the infringement procedure against Ireland for non-communication of measures for the transposition of the Directive. However, the Commission will continue to monitor the implementation of Community law at national level, and should any Member State be found to have breached Community law, the Commission will make full use of the powers conferred on it under the EC Treaty.