Rapporti verbatim tad-dibattiti

Il-Ħamis, 7 ta' Mejju 2009 - Strasburgu

1. Ftuħ tas-seduta

PRESIDE: ALEJO VIDAL-QUADRAS
Vicepresidente

(Se abre la sesión a las 9.05 horas)

2. Dokumenti mressqa: ara l-Minuti

3. Trasferiment ta' approprjazzjonijiet: ara l-Minuti

4. Dikjarazzjonijiet bil-miktub skaduti: ara l-Minuti

5. Sitwazzjoni fir-Repubblika tal-Moldova (mozzjonijiet għal riżoluzzjoni mressqa): ara l-Minuti

6. Programm MEDIA Mundus ta' koperazzjoni fil-qasam awdjoviżiv ma' nies professjonisti minn pajjiżi terzi (dibattitu)

  El Presidente. − El primer punto del orden del día es el informe de Ruth Hieronymi, en nombre de Comisión de Cultura y Educación, sobre la propuesta de Decisión del Parlamento Europeo y del Consejo por la que se establece un programa de cooperación audiovisual con profesionales de terceros países MEDIA Mundus (COM(2008)0892 - C6-0011/2009 - 2008/0258(COD)) (A6-0260/2009).

  Ruth Hieronymi, Berichterstatterin. − Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Es ist mir eine große Freude, dass es gelungen ist, in kurzer Zeit – ein halbes Jahr – und vor Ende dieser Wahlperiode ein für Kultur und Wirtschaft in der Europäischen Union und weltweit neues Programm zur europäischen Filmförderung zu erarbeiten und zu verabschieden.

Dies war nur möglich – und dafür möchte ich mich ganz herzlich bedanken –, weil es eine außerordentlich gute Zusammenarbeit gegeben hat. Herzlichen Dank, Frau Kommissarin! Es war ein hervorragender Vorschlag, der von der Kommission für das Programm MEDIA Mundus vorgelegt worden ist. Wir haben eine sehr gute Zusammenarbeit mit der tschechischen Ratspräsidentschaft gehabt, und das Beste vom Ganzen war die Zusammenarbeit im Kulturausschuss. Nur dadurch ist es gelungen, in kurzer Zeit dieses Ziel zu erreichen.

EU-Filmförderung mit dem MEDIA-Programm ist seit rund 15 Jahren ein großes Erfolgsprojekt in der Europäischen Union. 90 Prozent aller europäischen Filme, die außerhalb ihres Heimatlandes gezeigt werden, sind vom MEDIA-Programm gefördert worden. Aber es waren bisher nur Projekte innerhalb Europas und diese Programmförderung reicht in dieser Zeit der Globalisierung der Märkte und der neuen Technologien nicht mehr aus.

Es stellen sich neue Chancen, aber auch neue Herausforderungen. Und auf diese Herausforderungen ist das Programm MEDIA Mundus, über das wir heute sprechen, eine phantastische Antwort. Es antwortet auf die Chancen der neuen Märkte außerhalb Europas, die sich für den europäischen Film bieten. Es antwortet aber auch auf die Notwendigkeit und die Chancen, Filmförderung und Filme als Unterstützung und Motor des interkulturellen Dialogs einzusetzen.

Und deshalb herzlichen Dank, dass mit den Pilotprojekten zu MEDIA Mundus in den letzten beiden Jahren gestartet worden ist. 7 Millionen standen zur Verfügung. Es wurde deutlich, die Nachfrage ist riesig. Fortbildung, Marketing und Vertrieb in weltweiten Netzwerken wurden durch die Pilotprojekte gefördert und insbesondere die aufstrebenden audiovisuellen Märkte der Welt – Indien, Brasilien, Südkorea, Kanada – haben hervorragende Projekte eingereicht.

Insofern stimmen wir diesem Vorschlag mit dem Votum des Kulturausschusses heute gerne zu. Ich möchte das ganze Parlament um Zustimmung bitten, dieses Programm für die nächsten Jahre mit einem entsprechenden Fördervolumen zu unterstützen, um das Ziel zu erreichen, die europäische Filmförderung als weltweiten Botschafter unserer kulturellen Werte zu unterstützen.

Für mich ist es heute die letzte Rede im Europäischen Parlament. Ich empfinde es als großes Glück, dass ich mit Unterstützung von Ihnen allen das Programm abschließen kann, und möchte meine Botschaft vermitteln: Bedenken Sie bei der zukünftigen Arbeit, dass kulturelle Güter in Europa nicht nur Wirtschaftsgüter sein dürfen, sondern dass sie Kultur- und Wirtschaftsgut gleichermaßen bleiben müssen.

Herzlichen Dank, vor allem allen Kolleginnen und Kollegen aus dem Kulturausschuss, aus den Sekretariaten und Ihnen, Frau Kommissarin, und Ihrer Generaldirektion an der Spitze, Gregory Paulger, für zehn Jahre hervorragender Zusammenarbeit im audiovisuellen Bereich! Vielen Dank!

  Viviane Reding, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, I could not agree more with what Ms Hieronymi has said, and those 10 years of working together with her and with other Members of the Committee on Culture and Education were very efficient and, from a personal point of view, very enriching. So, thanks to you all, from whatever parties, who have really been working for culture to become important and culture to be able to speak to the people.

I am very glad that Parliament made some proposals on the report, which are clarifications and simplifications, so they improved the proposal which I had put on the table.

As you know, the preparatory action MEDIA International has been the basis in order to develop MEDIA Mundus and, in this context, I am also grateful to Parliament for giving me EUR 2 million in 2008 and EUR 5 million in 2009 to finance preparatory action.

MEDIA Mundus will start in 2011 and will follow on from MEDIA International. It aims at strengthening cultural and commercial relations between European film industry professionals and those from all over the world. The concept of MEDIA Mundus is new, ambitious and innovative, because it promotes cooperation between professionals, which is not done normally by European programmes, and, unlike existing programmes, it is also based on mutual benefit, not only for our film-makers but also for film-makers from third countries, in different fields. The first one is training, including trainees and trainers from European and third countries. It will improve access to third-country markets and build trust and long-term commercial relationships: this is normal. When you have been sitting together at school, training for the film industry, with somebody from Asia, somebody from Africa or from the Americas, it is clear that, later on in your professional life, you have an impetus to work together.

That is also why we support the organisation of forums for international co-productions. We train them together, and then we expect those professionals start to work together. So we need the forums for international co-productions.

Then we have to improve the distribution, circulation and visibility of European audiovisual arts in third countries. That is always a win-win situation for people from third countries within Europe. Here is a very good example of a Europe which is not a fortress Europe but an open Europe, a Europe which gives, which takes, which shares.

We have to improve public demand for culturally diverse audiovisual content, which will be very important, so we have to get the youth, the young public most of all, to see European films.

I am very confident that MEDIA Mundus will increase consumer choice, so that people will have the possibility to watch European films. It will bring cultural diversity to European markets by getting more quality films from smaller markets outside Europe into Europe, and it will give a chance to European films on the international market. So it will create new business opportunities for professionals from Europe and around the globe. This is, of course, a very important economic contribution. It is a question of competitiveness, but it is most of all a question of cultural diversity – our cultural diversity – which is our most precious good, and the cultural diversity of those who live in other continents, which is their most special good. To share those is a wonderful chance, which will be built up by MEDIA Mundus.

  Doris Pack, im Namen der PPE-DE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, liebe Frau Kommissarin, liebe Ruth Hieronymi! Das Programm MEDIA Mundus ist ein Projekt, das eigentlich auch eine Idee aus unserem Ausschuss, dem Kulturausschuss, ist. Es ist ein bisschen dort geboren, vor allen Dingen haben wir es ganz stark mitgetragen, und es trägt natürlich auch die Handschrift – neben der der Kommission – von Ruth Hieronymi, die wir alle im Kulturausschuss gerade bei diesem Projekt gerne unterstützt haben.

Wir haben von dem Projekt Erasmus Mundus gelernt, das die Türen für unsere Studierenden geöffnet hat, die in Drittländer gehen wollen, und umgekehrt; im Rahmen der Globalisierung ist es eigentlich eine notwendige Sache, und MEDIA Mundus geht im Bereich der Filmschaffenden in dieselbe Richtung. Es ist ein wunderbares Beispiel dafür, wie man den interkulturellen Dialog in diesem Bereich organisieren kann, der natürlich wirtschaftliche Aspekte hat, der aber auch und ganz besonders ein kultureller Dialog ist.

MEDIA Mundus will auch die UNESCO-Konvention mit unterstützen und implementieren, die darauf ausgerichtet ist, dass die kulturelle Diversität in Europa und auf der Welt gestützt wird, und dass es zu einem Dialog und einem Gleichgewicht zwischen wirtschaftlichen und ökonomischen Interessen kommt.

Mit MEDIA Mundus stärken wir natürlich die Mobilität unserer Filme, unserer Filmschaffenden und der Lehrenden und Lernenden, und am Ende geschieht das, was Wim Wenders uns immer anmahnt, zu tun, nämlich diesem Europa auch ein Gesicht zu geben, den europäischen Traum Wirklichkeit werden zu lassen. Der amerikanische Traum wird uns seit Jahrzehnten über Filme vermittelt, heute noch. Wenn wir endlich so weit kommen, dass der europäische Traum auch in Zusammenarbeit mit Drittländern in die Welt kommt, mit Bildern, dann haben wir viel mehr für die Stabilisierung dieser Europäischen Union erreicht, als wir es mit manchen anderen Dingen können.

Wir werden – wenn wir in dieser globalisierten Welt zusammenarbeiten – die Amerikaner auf dem Weltmarkt ein bisschen zurückdrängen und unseren Traum etwas besser darstellen können. Wir werden sicherlich von Drittländern unterstützt werden, denen wir ja auch bei ihren kleineren Produktionen – vielleicht aus Südkorea oder aus Südamerika – helfen wollen, auf dem europäischen Markt sichtbarer zu werden.

Alles in allem ist dies ein Projekt, das allen Seiten hilft: den Drittländern und dem europäischen Film. Es war höchste Zeit, dass es dazu gekommen ist. MEDIA Mundus ist in meinen Augen die richtige Antwort auf die globalen technischen und sozio-ökonomischen Herausforderungen. Ich möchte mit einem Satz enden, der lautet: „What helps our diversity, will strengthen our identity.“

  Christa Prets, im Namen der PSE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Ruth Hieronymi! Herzlichen Glückwunsch zu diesem Bericht! Wir alle vom Kulturausschuss können froh und stolz sein, dass wir das in diesem Tempo geschafft und damit auch bewiesen haben, dass wir flexibel arbeiten und uns nicht auf das Prozedere versteifen, sondern die Anliegen derer berücksichtigen, die in der Filmbranche arbeiten und dringend darauf warten, dass dieses Regelwerk jetzt abgeschlossen werden kann. Wir haben unsere Arbeiten beschleunigt und damit nach der Annahme und nach der Beschlussfähigkeit auch schon arbeiten können, und wir haben nicht auf noch einer Lesung bestanden. Das sollten sich auch diejenigen einmal vor Augen führen, die unsere Arbeit ständig kritisieren und damit auch das, was bei uns Positives geleistet wird, immer wieder schlechtmachen.

Ich freue mich, dass wir gerade im Jahr der Kreativität und Innovation den Kreativen helfen, innovativer zu sein und sich auch besser weiterbilden und global besser vernetzen zu können. In der digitalen Welt verändert sich alles tagtäglich, die Technik ist anders, und es gibt neue Voraussetzungen und Herausforderungen. Daher ist es notwendig, dass auch ein anderes Netzwerk entsteht. Dafür braucht es die finanzielle Unterstützung, die wir hiermit geben. Wenn wir auf dem Weltmarkt unsere europäischen Filme und unseren europäischen Gedanken weiterbringen wollen, brauchen wir nicht nur eine bessere Qualität – wir haben schon eine sehr gute, aber man kann sich immer noch steigern –, sondern wir müssen den Kulturschaffenden auch finanziell unter die Arme greifen.

Wenn wir immer wieder von der Wirtschaftskrise reden, dann ist es auch ein Beitrag dazu, Arbeitsplätze zu schaffen, in der Filmbranche neue Arbeitsplätze zu schaffen, Weiterentwicklungen zu ermöglichen, den Informationsaustausch, Forschung und Marktforschung zu verbessern – hier liegt ein Potential, das den Arbeitsmarkt bereichern wird.

Was die grenzüberschreitende Zusammenarbeit anbelangt und die Verbreitung in Drittländer betrifft: Hier möchte ich ein Beispiel nennen, das ein Erfolgsbeispiel für mich ist, und zwar Slumdog Millionär. Dieser Film, der rund um die Welt ging, vom Programm MEDIA Mundus mit 830.000 Euro gefördert wurde und ein Welterfolg geworden ist, hat uns eine Notsituation in einem Land nähergebracht. Er hat aber auch gezeigt, was es heißt, wenn wir grenzüberschreitend zusammenarbeiten. Daher denke ich, dass dieses Programm ein hervorragendes Programm ist, und ich freue mich, dass wir es in der kurzen Zeit ohne Probleme geschafft haben.

Ich möchte mich bei Ruth Hieronymi ganz besonders bedanken und ihr alles Gute wünschen. Sie war eine hervorragende Kollegin und Medienexpertin. Herzlichen Dank, Ruth, und alles Gute!

  Zdzisław Zbigniew Podkański, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Panie Przewodniczący! Celem programu MEDIA 2007 było zachowanie europejskiej tożsamości, różnorodności i dziedzictwa kulturowego, poprawa obiegu europejskich utworów audiowizualnych oraz wzrost konkurencyjności europejskiego sektora audiowizualnego. Program MEDIA Mundus idzie dalej i stawia na obopólne korzyści wynikające z promocji i otwarcia rynków audiowizualnych, zarówno Unii Europejskiej, jak i państw trzecich. To oczywiście dobra koncepcja.

Temat ten składnia jednak do refleksji innego rodzaju. Chodzi o oddziaływanie kulturowe Europy w świecie – ten wpływ wydaje się malejący, co mnie bardzo niepokoi. Zauważam też, że stary kontynent nie uczestniczy w dialogu międzykulturowym w świecie na równych prawach. Tradycje chrześcijańskie, które go ukształtowały, są dzisiaj powszechnie kwestionowane i wydaje się, że Europa nie ma innej koncepcji na własną tożsamość. Nic więc dziwnego, że przegrywa. Mały udział utworów audiowizualnych w obrocie w skali globalnej jest tego wymownym przykładem.

Można ubolewać, że wraz z malejącym znaczeniem gospodarczym rola Europy będzie jeszcze mniejsza. Nie trzeba jednak rozdzierać szat. Inicjatywy takie jak omawiany program to mały, ale potrzebny krok. Ponadto przed nami kolejne 5 lat Parlamentu Europejskiego i nadzieja, że posłowie przyszłej kadencji uczynią głos Europy bardziej słyszalnym.

Ostatnie posiedzenie, ostatnie wystąpienie – chciałem serdecznie podziękować wszystkim Paniom i Panom posłom za współpracę, a szczególnie tym z Komisji Kultury i Edukacji, z którymi miałem kontakt na co dzień. Gratuluję sprawozdania pani Hieronymi, dziękuję wszystkim Państwu.

  Helga Trüpel, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin Reding, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! In der Tat geht es bei unserer Kultur- und Medienpolitik darum, Europa eine Seele zu geben.

Sehr zu Recht ist festgestellt worden, auch von Kommissionspräsident Barroso, dass die Menschen sich nicht in den Binnenmarkt verlieben werden, so notwendig er ist, sondern sie wollen kulturelle Vielfalt, den kulturellen Schatz Europas sehen und genießen. Und sie möchten auch, dass kulturelle Vielfalt der Botschafter Europas in der Welt ist.

Doris Pack hat sehr zu Recht gesagt, auch mit der Sentenz von Wim Wenders: Wir brauchen europäische Bilder, um europäische Geschichte zu erzählen, die Vielfalt der Geschichte, der Empfindlichkeiten. Was war die Tragik der europäischen Geschichte, und was ist die große Hoffnung auf eine friedliche und bessere Zukunft? Das ist das kulturelle Grundverständnis der Europäischen Union, das wir nach innen pflegen wollen, aber das wir natürlich auch nach außen senden müssen. Darum ist europäische Kulturpolitik und gerade Filmpolitik immer auch ein Botschafter europäischer Identität. Deswegen bin ich so froh, dass es uns gelungen ist, dieses Programm zu beginnen.

Ich möchte gleich deutlich sagen, dass es in der nächsten Wahlperiode darum gehen wird, dieses Programm auszubauen, es mit noch mehr Leben zu füllen, aber natürlich auch mit mehr Finanzen, damit das Programm MEDIA Mundus wirklich seiner Rolle gerecht werden kann, in internationaler Kooperation deutlich zu machen, was die europäischen Werte sind, was die europäische kulturelle Vielfalt ist, und auch Koprodukionen zu beginnen, gemeinsame Arbeit, eine Ausbildung im besten Sinne, eine Win-Win-Situation, die uns und die anderen bereichert. Und das soll in Zeiten der Globalisierung und der Digitalisierung das Markenzeichen europäischer Kulturpolitik sein.

Auch ich möchte heute die Gelegenheit nutzen, der Kollegin Ruth Hieronymi für die sehr gute Kooperation und dafür zu danken, dass es hier im Hause gelungen ist, deutlich zu machen, Kultur hat zwar auch immer eine wirtschaftliche Seite, aber sie ist immer mehr als eine Ware. Es geht wirklich um Identität, um Vielfalt, um – im besten Sinne – kulturelle Auseinandersetzung, denn das ist es, was die Menschen im Herzen und auch in ihren Köpfen bewegt. Europa noch viel mehr zuzutrauen als bisher, das muss unsere Verpflichtung für die Zukunft sein. Und darum, liebe Ruth Hieronymi, vielen Dank für die gute Kooperation und alles Gute für Ihre persönliche Zukunft!

(Beifall)

  Věra Flasarová, za skupinu GUE/NGL. – Pane předsedající, paní komisařko, dámy a pánové, děkuji paní Hieronymi za skvělou práci a přeji jí mnoho dalších úspěšných let. Rozvoj mezinárodního audiovizuálního prostření si zaslouží naši pozornost proto, že se jedná o zajímavou oblast činnosti a o velký prostor pro spolupráci uvnitř Evropské unie i s jinými státy světa. Další prohloubení této spolupráce včetně rozpočtu na projekt MEDIA pro léta 2011–2013 ve výši 15 milionů EUR rozšíří nabídku pro spotřebitele a přinese kulturně rozmanitější produkty na evropský i mezinárodní trh. To zároveň napomůže vzájemnému porozumění lidí s odlišnými kulturními tradicemi. Velice cennou součástí těchto projektů Evropské unie jsou také průběžné vzdělávací kurzy pro profesionály v audiovizuální oblasti, různá propagační činnost směřující do sféry kinematografie a možnost zvýšeného oběhu těchto děl. Zároveň je zřejmé, že audiovizuální oblast je doménou především mladé generace, která televizi a tyto prostředky fungující prostřednictvím internetových protokolů a vícekanálových digitálních televizí využívá jako jeden ze základních informačních zdrojů spolu s dalšími internetovými technologiemi. Proto podpora těchto systémů prostřednictvím projektu Evropské unie může pomoci zkvalitnit nabídku pro tyto spotřebitele.

Chtěla bych ale v této souvislosti zdůraznit ještě jednu věc, kterou považuji za klíčovou. Všechna internetová média představují svobodnou alternativu vůči klasickým sdělovacím prostředkům. Ty i v demokratických společnostech bohužel často selhávají díky komerčním zájmům nebo proto, že jejich management náleží k určitému politickému prostředí a nepřímo nutí své zaměstnance k autocenzuře. Díky tomu se mnoho informací dostává k adresátovi ve zkreslené nebo selektivní podobě. Naproti tomu obrovský rozvoj internetu a jeho prostřednictvím šířené kinematografie a informace nabízejí opravdu svobodné pluralitní mediální prostředí bez monopolů a kartelů. Je proto třeba podporovat všechny projekty, které tuto alternativu vůči mainstreemovému mediálnímu světu posílí, a jsem ráda, že k úspěšnému završení projektu MEDIA Mundus přispělo i české předsednictví.

  Ljudmila Novak (PPE-DE). - S programom MEDIA Mundus smo na dobri poti, da bolje promoviramo evropski film in tudi evropsko znanje. S pomočjo filma beležimo, ohranjamo, predstavljamo in prodajamo kulturno raznolikost Evrope. Ob hitrem razvoju sodobnih tehnologij pa je potrebno tudi nenehno izobraževanje. Škoda bi bilo, da prav zaradi zaostanka v razvoju in pomanjkanja znanja v nekaterih državah in na manj razvitih kontinentih ne bi nastajali filmi, ki beležijo življenje, naravno in kulturno dediščino ter zanimive zgodbe in zgodovino prebivalcev teh držav.

Zaradi prevlade ameriškega filma, ki ima veliko tržišče, evropski film težje konkurira na svetovnem tržišču, čeprav ima mnogokrat več kvalitet kot marsikatera ameriška limonada ali veliki spektakel. Zato je program MEDIA Mundus dobra poteza za navezovanje stikov s filmskimi ustvarjalci in distributerji v tretjih državah za izmenjavo informacij in znanja s tega področja. Evropska unija je tudi na tem področju igra povezovalno vlogo med kontinenti in gledalci iz različnih držav.

Dobili bomo nov uspešen program, izgubili pa našo poročevalko in poznavalko za to področje. Tudi sama se osebno zahvaljujem tebi, Ruth, za tvoje delo, za tvojo širino in sodelovanje. Ko sem prišla pred petimi leti kot nova poslanka v Evropski parlament, je bila prav Ruth tista, na katero sem se najprej obrnila za nasvete in informacije, in vedno je bila pripravljena razumeti in pomagati. Tako da se še enkrat najlepše zahvaljujem in ti želim, da bi bila še naprej srečna v družini in tudi uspešna pri delu, ker vem, da ne boš počivala v prihodnje.

Nekateri poslanci veste, da se boste vrnili, jaz tega ne vem – seveda si to tudi želim, in se tudi tukaj sedaj zahvaljujem vsem članom iz odbora, sekretariatu, Parlamentu, da sem imela možnost delati v Odboru za kulturo in izobraževanje, kjer je bilo delo zelo prijetno, lepo. Ne glede na politično skupino smo se skupaj trudili za dobrobit kulture, izobraževanja, mladih, športnikov. In kljub temu, da sem iz majhne države, so tudi moje ideje prodrle v tem odboru in so bile potem potrjene tudi v Parlamentu. Hvala za sodelovanje.

  Mikel Irujo Amezaga (Verts/ALE). - Señor Presidente, la Declaración Universal de la UNESCO sobre la Diversidad Cultural aconseja promover, entre otras actividades, la elaboración de producciones audiovisuales de calidad, favoreciendo, en particular, el establecimiento de mecanismos de cooperación que faciliten la difusión de las mismas, tal como ha tenido muy en cuenta la Comisión Europea al elaborar esta iniciativa.

Es obvio que MEDIA Mundus aprovechará el creciente interés y las oportunidades que ofrece la cooperación a escala mundial en la industria audiovisual y ampliará el abanico de posibilidades abiertas a los consumidores, aportando a los mercados europeos e internacionales productos culturalmente más diversos, además de crear nuevas oportunidades comerciales para los profesionales audiovisuales de Europa y de todo el mundo.

Estoy convencido, y no dudamos en absoluto de ello, de que la Comisión sabrá gestionar perfectamente el presupuesto para que éste tenga el mayor impacto posible y no se difumine entre varios proyectos. Como ha dicho un prestigioso catedrático, el programa MEDIA Mundus de cooperación audiovisual con terceros países es la constatación de que el paisaje audiovisual internacional ha cambiado considerablemente, en particular en el ámbito tecnológico. Esta iniciativa busca desarrollar las posibilidades de cooperación del mercado audiovisual, potenciando, además de la financiación de proyectos de coproducción, la investigación y la formación, para impulsar la cooperación entre profesionales de lo audiovisual.

Y no quiero terminar también sin sumarme a los agradecimientos. Ha sido un placer haber trabajado estos dos años en la Comisión de Cultura con todos mis colegas. Eskerrik asko, laster arte.

  Elisabeth Morin (PPE-DE). - Monsieur le Président, je voudrais d'abord exprimer ma très grande reconnaissance à Ruth Hieronymi et à la commission de la culture et de l'éducation. Le développement de l'industrie cinématographique européenne à travers le monde devient possible grâce à ce nouveau programme MEDIA Mundus.

En fait, ce programme est ancré dans une politique. Il a été préparé par l'action MEDIA International axée depuis 2007 sur le développement des relations de l'Union européenne avec les marchés audiovisuels des pays tiers. Cette action avait pour objectif de satisfaire les besoins immédiats des pays tiers et de renforcer l'efficacité globale de MEDIA 2007. Il fallait faire face aux problèmes et aux défis nouveaux découlant de l'internationalisation des marchés qui touche le secteur audiovisuel européen.

Ainsi, cette action préparatoire a ouvert la voie à un programme d'aide élargie de l'Union européenne pour une coopération mondiale dans le secteur de l'industrie audiovisuelle. Et très rapidement, la Commission européenne – que je félicite – a adopté une proposition visant à établir le programme MEDIA Mundus. Avec un budget de 15 millions d'euros de crédits pour la période 2011-2013, le programme offrira de nouvelles possibilités de coopération internationale et de mise en place de réseaux – et cette notion de réseaux est extrêmement importante – entre les professionnels de l'Union européenne et de pays tiers, dans le domaine de l'industrie audiovisuelle. Les médias audiovisuels sont aimés des jeunes. C'est un énorme moteur de dialogue culturel et il s'agit, là aussi, de mettre en place de nouveaux équilibres mondiaux dans ce secteur entre les États-Unis et entre d'autres continents, qui sont de grands producteurs, et l'Europe, qui a toute sa place.

Le programme est ouvert à des projets reposant sur des partenariats associant au minimum trois partenaires, chaque partenariat étant coordonné par un professionnel de l'Union européenne. Développer les échanges d'information, la formation, la bonne connaissance des marchés, accroître la compétitivité et la distribution transnationale des œuvres audiovisuelles dans le monde, la diffusion et la visibilité des œuvres audiovisuelles dans le monde ainsi que la demande de diversité culturelle de la part du public, tout cela est pris en compte dans ce programme.

Nous soutenons la proposition de la Commission européenne, qui permet l'établissement de ce programme consensuel sur lequel nous nous sommes tous retrouvés. J'apporte mon soutien plein d'espoir à ce texte parce qu'il correspond à mes convictions, mes convictions de respect, de dialogue interculturel, mes convictions de soutien à la création, à la formation, à l'industrie audiovisuelle, et j'adresse ma grande reconnaissance à Ruth Hieronymi. Je sais que, dans la prochaine législature, nous lui devrons de continuer de travailler dans ce sens.

  Μανώλης Μαυρομμάτης (PPE-DE). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρία Επίτροπος, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, η πρόταση της Επιτροπή για το πρόγραμμα Media Mondus καλωσορίζεται από όλους όσους θέλουν να δουν τον ευρωπαϊκό οπτικοακουστικό τομέα να αναπτύσσεται, να γίνεται ολοένα πιο δυνατός και ανταγωνιστικός, αλλά και να εξάγεται στον υπόλοιπο κόσμο. Η ευρωπαϊκή οπτικοακουστική βιομηχανία έχει αναπτυχθεί και βελτιωθεί σημαντικά τα τελευταία χρόνια και η διεθνής παρουσία της έχει μεταμορφωθεί την τελευταία εικοσαετία, ιδίως λόγω των τεχνολογικών εξελίξεων. Σε ορισμένες αγορές αυτό προκάλεσε έντονη οικονομική ανάπτυξη, επενδύσεις και επομένως αυξανόμενη ζήτηση οπτικοακουστικού υλικού. Υπάρχουν, όμως, δυστυχώς εμπόδια που επηρεάζουν την κυκλοφορία των ευρωπαϊκών έργων στις ξένες αγορές -μεταξύ άλλων και η ανεπαρκής χρηματοδότηση των ευρωπαϊκών οπτικοακουστικών εταιρειών.

Η κοινοτική υποστήριξη του οπτικοακουστικού τομέα λαμβάνει υπόψη το γεγονός ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και τα κράτη μέλη της ευνοούν τη συνεργασία με τις τρίτες χώρες και τους αρμόδιους διεθνείς οργανισμούς στον πολιτιστικό τομέα, γιατί υπογραμμίζεται η σημασία του σεβασμού των διαφόρων πολιτιστικών διαστάσεων, έτσι ώστε να προωθείται η διαφορετικότητά της και τέλος διότι ο τομέας της διανομής καθορίζει την πολυμορφία των οπτικοακουστικών έργων και τις επιλογές των καταναλωτών. Η κυκλοφορία των ευρωπαϊκών οπτικοακουστικών έργων στη διεθνή αγορά παραμένει περιορισμένη, ενώ τα οπτικοακουστικά έργα τρίτων χωρών -εκτός των αμερικανικών- αντιμετωπίζουν παρόμοια προβλήματα περιορισμένης κυκλοφορίας στις ευρωπαϊκές αγορές. Οι Ευρωπαίοι διανομείς είναι κατά βάση μικρές εταιρείες με περιορισμένο εξοπλισμό για να αποκτήσουν πρόσβαση στις διεθνείς αγορές. Επομένως το νέο πρόγραμμα διαθέτει πόρους προκειμένου να λαμβάνονται μέτρα για τη βελτίωση της διανομής, της κυκλοφορίας και της προβολής των ευρωπαϊκών οπτικοακουστικών έργων στις τρίτες χώρες και κατ' επέκταση των τρίτων χωρών στην Ευρώπη.

Τέλος, θα ήθελα να συγχαρώ τη συνάδελφο Ruth Hieronymi για μια ακόμα εξαιρετική δουλειά της και να της ευχηθώ καλή πορεία στην κοινωνική ζωή και στο ρόλο της από δω και στο εξής μετά την εξαιρετική παρουσία της στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο. Επίσης, με την ευκαιρία αυτή θα ήθελα να ευχαριστήσω την Επίτροπο Reding και όλους τους συναδέλφους της Επιτροπής Πολιτισμού, Παιδείας, Μέσων Μαζικής Επικοινωνίας, Αθλητισμού και Πολυγλωσσίας για την αγαστή συνεργασία που είχαμε σε αυτή τη θητεία των πέντε ετών.

  Iosif Matula (PPE-DE). - Sectorul cultural contribuie în mod cert la atingerea obiectivelor de natură economică, având în vedere faptul că implică aproximativ 5,8 milioane de lucrători, dar şi a obiectivelor de natură socială, prin promovarea valorilor Uniunii Europene în lume, ca să nu mai vorbim de extinderea posibilităţilor de alegere ale consumatorilor, prin creşterea competitivităţii industriei audiovizuale în Uniune.

Programul este relevant şi pentru că ia în calcul impactul dezvoltărilor tehnologice în domeniu, cu atât mai mult cu cât a fost generată, astfel, o cerere tot mai mare de conţinut audiovizual. Este binevenit un program coerent de promovare a operelor audiovizuale europene în lume, ţinând cont de fragmentarea pieţei de profil la nivel de continent, în comparaţie, spre exemplu, cu industria audiovizualului în Statele Unite ale Americii.

Nu în ultimul rând, sunt convins că va fi exploatată mai bine valoarea adăugată pe care o aduce industria cinematografică din statele membre. Pot aduce ca exemplu cinematografia din ţara mea, România, care a confirmat până acum prin premiile importante obţinute la nivel european şi mondial.

Felicit pe doamna raportor şi îi urez mult succes în viaţa de după Parlamentul European.

  Margarita Starkevičiūtė (ALDE). - Gerbiami kolegos, aš penkerius metus dirbau Ekonomikos ir pinigų politikos komitete. Tačiau pasiremdama savo šalies Lietuvos, patirtimi turiu pabrėžti programų, kurias jūs svarstote, svarbą šalies ekonomikai ir taip pat mažos šalies kultūrai.

Mūsų kino industrija prieš keletą metų pergyveno sunkius laikus. Atsistoti ant kojų jai padėjo būtent bendradarbiavimas su trečiosiomis šalimis. Per tą laiką Lietuvos kino industrija sustiprėjo, sukūrė ekonominę bazę ir dabar įneša nemažą indėlį į darbo vietų kūrimą. Kita vertus, tai sudarė terpę atsirasti talentingiems režisieriams ir šiuo metu Lietuvos kino režisieriai gauna tarptautinius apdovanojimus, yra plačiai žinomi pasaulyje ir Europoje.

Todėl norėčiau pabrėžti, kad Europos Sąjunga turėtų skirti daug dėmesio tokioms programoms įgyvendinti, nes tai padeda šalių ir kultūrų klestėjimui.

  Erna Hennicot-Schoepges (PPE-DE). - Monsieur le Président, je voudrais tout d'abord rendre hommage à la rapporteure, Mme Ruth Hieronymi, qui a guidé la commission de la culture, avec toute l'expertise qu'elle possède dans ce domaine précis. Merci, Ruth, pour tout ce que tu as fait.

Madame la Commissaire, vous avez encore réussi à boucler ce projet, un projet important, mais qui doit être relativisé quant à l'importance qui lui est donnée, qui ne correspond certainement pas à vos ambitions, en termes de financement. Il faudra donc prévoir, pour les prochaines perspectives financières, d'augmenter les moyens de ce programme. Encore faudra-t-il accorder au statut de ces gens, en situation de mobilité, toutes les possibilités et toutes les libertés, et là, nous nous heurtons trop souvent encore à des problèmes de visa, de sécurité sociale, de statut d'artiste, qui ne sont pas résolus. Il reste donc tout un chantier à mettre sur pied pour mettre en œuvre la vraie mobilité des artistes.

Pour le reste, je pense que l'image est le meilleur véhicule de la diversité culturelle. Appuyons donc ce secteur qui est encore jeune. Peut-être que l'idée, qui était déjà là, du Fonds de garantie, constituerait le moyen d'appuyer les finances qui sont un peu en retrait par rapport aux ambitions.

  Ewa Tomaszewska (UEN). - Panie Przewodniczący! W Polsce rozpowszechniane są dość często filmy z krajów trzecich. Rzadko są one na wysokim poziomie, tymczasem nasze filmy europejskie dużo trudniej docierają na rynki krajów trzecich, dużo trudniej trafiają do widza. Tymczasem jest to niezwykle ważne dla wspierania rozpowszechniania naszej kultury. Konieczna jest promocja filmów europejskich w innych krajach. Konieczne jest zapewnienie lepszej pozycji tych filmów na rynkach krajów trzecich, ale wzmocnienie kinematografii zapewni też wyższy poziom sztuki filmowej. To też będzie istotna wartość.

Uważam, że ważny jest tu efekt synergii, uzyskiwany dzięki współpracy z krajami trzecimi, dzięki mobilności. Wzmocnienie ochrony wartości intelektualnej to istotna kwestia, którą niesie ze sobą ten program, także jeśli chodzi o wspieranie wdrażania konwencji UNESCO.

Chciałabym ogromnie podziękować pani Hieronymi za pracę nad tym programem, za to, że zdążyła zakończyć ją przed końcem tej kadencji. Jest to nasze wspólne dokonanie, ale jej wkład jest największy. Chciałabym bardzo serdecznie podziękować wszystkim członkom Komisji Kultury, z którymi współpracowałam w tej kadencji.

  Viviane Reding, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, thank you to all those who have contributed to making our cultural diversity, not only in Europe, but also transcending borders. I would like, at the end of this speech, to give you some concrete examples of how this can work and how it has already worked.

We have developed 11 training partnerships with Latin America, India, Canada, Turkey, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia covering films, TV shows, animation, documentaries. For example, a cartoon connection between the EU and Latin America and Canada for training and developing a cartoon specialist. For instance Prime Exchange, a workshop for authors and producers from India and Europe, to understand better the financing and the marketing elements of films. And the promotion on the distribution has been done, for instance, by the European Producers Club, which organised co-producing workshops in China and in India.

Dolma organised a documentary month in Chile, the Paris Project made co-produced productions between Japan and South Korea and Europe, and EuropaCinema has included a network of 230 European cinemas and 148 cinemas in the rest of the world, in order to exchange films between them. So here we can see very concrete action. It is not about big words but about deeds, in order to help the professionals to do themselves what they can best do: that is, to make films, to show films, to make films travel. Thanks to all those who have helped this to become a reality.

  Ruth Hieronymi, Berichterstatterin. − Herr Präsident! Ich bedanke mich für die unterstützende und konstruktive Debatte. Ich bin sicher, mit diesem Elan wird dieses Programm MEDIA Mundus – wie hier zu Recht angesprochen – in den nächsten Jahren nicht nur großen Erfolg haben, sondern auch zusätzliche Unterstützung mobilisieren können.

Wer die fehlende oder unzureichende Ausstrahlung europäischer Kultur in der Welt beklagt – dafür gibt es Gründe –, der muss sich über dieses Programm MEDIA Mundus freuen, der muss mit Begeisterung dafür stimmen, denn das ist ein hervorragendes Beispiel, wie wir unsere kulturelle Botschaft in die Welt bringen können. Deshalb meine herzliche Bitte: Vermitteln Sie das auch verstärkt unseren Regierungen. Eine gemeinsame europäische Förderung von Kultur bedeutet für all unsere Länder und Mitgliedstaaten in der Europäischen Union nicht weniger kulturelle Identität, sondern es stärkt die jeweilige nationale Identität und es bringt unsere europäische Kultur zusammen, so dass wir ein starker Botschafter in der Welt sein können.

In diesem Sinne – herzlichen Dank! All diejenigen, die jetzt noch darüber sprechen möchten, wie wir schon anfangen könnten, lade ich ganz herzlich in die Abgeordneten-Bar ein!

  El Presidente. − Se cierra el debate.

La votación tendrá lugar hoy a las 12.00 horas.

7. Abbozz ta' regolament tal-Kummissjoni dwar ir-reġistrazzjoni, l-valutazzjoni u l-awtorizzazzjoni tas-sustanzi kimiċi, kif ukoll ir-restrizzjonijiet applikabbli għal dawn is-sustanzi (REACH) skont l-Anness XVII (dibattitu)

  El Presidente. − El siguiente punto es el debate sobre la pregunta oral a la Comisión sobre el proyecto de Reglamento relativo al registro, la evaluación, la autorización y la restricción de las sustancias y preparados químicos, (REACH), en cuanto a su anexo XVII, de Miroslav Ouzký y Guido Sacconi, en nombre de la Comisión de Medio Ambiente, Salud Pública y Seguridad Alimentaria (O-0071/2009 - B6-0230/2009).

  Guido Sacconi, Autore. − Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la discussione che abbiamo oggi è di particolare importanza, com'è noto, per due ragioni: primo perché trattiamo di una delle sostanze che ha prodotto più danni e morti fra i lavoratori e fra i cittadini degli impianti che ne fanno uso e che producono, mi riferisco all'amianto. In secondo luogo, per il fatto che discutiamo di una delle prime misure applicative di quell'importantissimo regolamento che ha un po' segnato questa legislatura, vale a dire REACH.

Con l'interrogazione che noi abbiamo presentato e col progetto di risoluzione che oggi voteremo – lo dico subito anche per rassicurare la Commissione e il Vicepresidente Tajani che è qui presente a suo nome – noi non ci opponiamo al progetto di regolamento applicativo, che in proposito la Commissione ha adottato. Infatti, mi riferisco al punto 2.6 di questo progetto, in questa misura che riempie quell'allegato 17 che rimaneva vuoto e che dovrà invece recepire quanto previsto nell'allegato 1 della direttiva 76 – quella sulle sostanze pericolose, che viene superata da REACH, abrogata quindi – ecco in questo punto 2.6 si estende il divieto alla immissione sul mercato delle fibre di amianto e dei prodotti contenenti amianto.

Per la verità, in questa stessa decisione però, si confermano quelle deroghe, quella possibilità di deroghe per gli Stati membri – per la cronaca sono quattro – che hanno la possibilità di mantenere sul mercato gli articoli immessi prima del 2005 e di mantenere anche i diaframmi contenenti amianto crisotilo, adottati nella produzione di impianti di elettrolisi esistenti. Naturalmente hanno, gli Stati membri, la possibilità di usare queste deroghe se rispettano tutte le norme comunitarie in materia di tutela dei lavoratori e risulta effettivamente che questi impianti, essendo poi fondamentalmente a ciclo chiuso, non producono problemi per la salute dei lavoratori.

Noi non ci opponiamo per una ragione: queste deroghe si confermano, ma dobbiamo dare atto alla Commissione di avere previsto, diciamo, un meccanismo attraverso il quale si procederà nel tempo – esattamente nel 2012 – a una revisione di queste deroghe attraverso delle relazioni che gli Stati membri interessati dovranno fare e sulla base delle quali l'Agenzia europea per le sostanze chimiche dovrà istruire un dossier che dovrà consentire di procedere a un graduale superamento di queste deroghe.

Ecco, noi non ci opponiamo, ma certamente con quella risoluzione diamo uno stimolo forte, vogliamo dare a voi, Commissione un input perché si vada un po' oltre, un po' più lontano e un po' più veloci, diciamo così, soprattutto tenendo conto del fatto che, almeno per gli impianti ad alta tensione, esistono già sostituti dell'amianto crisotilo e che per la verità le imprese interessate hanno avviato dei programmi interessanti di ricerca per procedere a sostituzione anche negli impianti a bassa tensione.

Ecco, in due direzioni va il nostro stimolo, il nostro input. La prima è quella di darci una data, una scadenza – noi diciamo il 2015 – entro la quale superare queste deroghe attivando una vera e propria strategia di superamento, anche attraverso le misure necessarie poi per lo smantellamento di questi impianti in sicurezza e la sicurezza anche nell'esportazione.

Infine, il secondo impegno che chiediamo alla Commissione – e vorremmo una risposta anche su questo – riguarda un punto per noi critico, il fatto cioè che ancora non si sia adottato un elenco comunitario degli articoli contenenti amianto e per i quali è prevista una deroga, e naturalmente chiediamo che invece, in tempi più rapidi possibile, si arrivi, al 2012, ad avere questo elenco che consenta un maggiore controllo e una maggiore conoscenza.

PRESIDE: MIGUEL ANGEL MARTÍNEZ MARTÍNEZ
Vicepresidente

  Antonio Tajani, Vice-président de la Commission. − Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, permettez-moi, tout d'abord, de vous présenter les excuses de mes collègues, le vice-président Verheugen et M. Dimas, qui ne peuvent malheureusement pas être là ce matin pour participer à ce débat. Je sais que M. Verheugen a eu des contacts intensifs et fructueux avec le rapporteur, M. Sacconi, que je tiens à remercier pour son excellent travail, même à titre personnel.

La Commission souscrit entièrement à l'objectif des professions de la santé humaine et de l'environnement, en prévenant, d'une part, toute exposition à l'amiante et, d'autre part, en travaillant à une interdiction totale de toute utilisation de l'amiante, sous toutes ses formes.

Dans l'Union européenne, la mise sur le marché, l'utilisation, l'exportation et l'élimination des fibres d'amiante sont très strictement réglementées. La mise sur le marché et l'utilisation de toutes les fibres d'amiante ont déjà été complètement interdites par la directive 1999/77/CE.

En ce qui concerne les autres usages, les États membres peuvent autoriser l'utilisation d'une forme d'amiante chrysotile dans les installations d'électrolyse qui étaient déjà en service en 1999 jusqu'à ce qu'elles atteignent la fin de leur vie utile, et la mise à disposition de substituts appropriés, sans amiante.

Quatre États membres utilisent cette dérogation. Une révision, en 2006-2007, a démontré que toutes les limites d'exposition sur le lieu de travail étaient respectées et qu'il n'y avait pas d'alternative disponible pour le moment en ce qui concerne certains procédés très spécifiques. Cette limitation existante sera incorporée dans l'annexe XVII du règlement REACH et la dérogation pour les diaphragmes contenant du chrysotile sera de nouveau révisée en 2011.

Les États membres devront faire rapport, en juin 2011, sur leurs efforts visant à développer le diaphragme sans chrysotile, sur les mesures prises pour protéger les travailleurs, sur les sources et sur les quantités de chrysotile utilisées. La Commission demandera ensuite à l'Agence européenne des produits chimiques d'examiner les informations transmises en vue de mettre un terme à cette dérogation.

La directive 87/217/CEE concernant la prévention et la réduction de la pollution environnementale par l'amiante prévoit des mesures pour contrôler les émissions d'amiante durant certaines opérations de démolition, de décontamination ou d'élimination afin d'assurer que ces activités ne causent pas de pollution par des fibres d'amiante ou de la poussière.

La directive 83/477/CEE, telle que modifiée par la directive 2003/18/CE concernant la protection des travailleurs contre les risques liés à l'exposition à l'amiante pendant le travail, contient une série de mesures pour assurer une protection adéquate de la santé des travailleurs, lorsqu'ils sont soumis aux risques liés à une exposition à des fibres d'amiante. Les entreprises doivent fournir la preuve de leur capacité à conduire des travaux de démolition ou d'enlèvement d'amiante. Elles doivent, préalablement aux travaux de démolition ou d'enlèvement d'amiante, établir un plan qui doit spécifier les mesures nécessaires pour assurer que les travailleurs ne soient pas exposés à une concentration d'amiante en suspension dans l'air supérieure à 0,1 fibre d'amiante par cm3 pendant une durée moyenne de travail de huit heures.

La directive-cadre 2006/12/CE relative aux déchets et la directive 1999/31/CE concernant la mise en décharge de déchets, de concert avec la décision du Conseil sur les critères d'admission des déchets dans les décharges, obligent les États membres à assurer l'élimination contrôlée des fibres d'amiante et des équipements contenant des fibres d'amiante. Les États membres doivent assurer que les déchets soient récupérés ou éliminés sans mettre en danger la santé humaine et sans exiger l'utilisation de procédés ou de méthodes qui pourraient nuire à l'environnement.

Il y a des exigences détaillées concernant le procédé selon lequel l'amiante doit être éliminée et mise en décharge; par exemple, la zone de stockage doit être recouverte chaque jour et avant chaque opération de compactage. La décharge doit être recouverte d'une couche finale afin d'éviter une dispersion des fibres. Des mesures doivent être prises pour éviter une éventuelle utilisation du terrain après la fermeture de la décharge. Les exportations éventuelles des fibres d'amiante sont réglementées par le règlement (CE) no 689/2008 et, depuis 2005, un seul cas d'exportation de fibres d'amiante de l'Union européenne vers un pays tiers a été notifié.

En outre, les décisions relatives à l'amiante figurant dans l'annexe XVII de REACH vont interdire la fabrication des fibres d'amiante dans l'Union européenne et, en conséquence, les exportations seront exclues. Les déchets contenant de l'amiante sont des déchets dangereux. La Convention de Bâle et le règlement (CE) no 1013/2006 concernant les transferts des déchets interdisent l'exportation des déchets d'amiante vers les pays non membres de l'OCDE. Quant au transfert entre États membres de l'Union européenne et de l'OCDE, ils sont soumis à une procédure de notification et de consentement écrits préalables.

En conclusion, et au vu de ces éléments, je peux vous assurer que la Commission examinera s'il y a lieu de proposer d'autres mesures législatives concernant l'élimination contrôlée des fibres d'amiante ainsi que la décontamination ou l'élimination des équipements contenant des fibres d'amiante, qui vont au-delà de la législation en vigueur, tant pour la gestion des déchets que pour la protection des travailleurs.

Signor Presidente, onorevoli deputati, per quanto riguarda la lista degli articoli contenenti amianto, che potranno essere autorizzati nel mercato di seconda mano, non è ancora disponibile – rispondo subito alla richiesta dell'onorevole Sacconi – ma la Commissione prevede di rivedere la situazione nel 2011 al fine di stabilire una lista armonizzata valida in tutta l'Unione europea. Spero così di aver soddisfatto la sua richiesta.

  Anne Ferreira, au nom du groupe PSE. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, en 1999 – cela a déjà été dit –, l'Union européenne avait adopté une directive interdisant l'amiante pour le 1er janvier 2005, autorisant cependant une dérogation pour les diaphragmes des cellules d'électrolyse existantes jusqu'à leur fin de vie.

Cette dérogation, qui devait être réexaminée avant le 1er janvier, devait permettre aux entreprises concernées de planifier la fin de l'usage de l'amiante. Nous y sommes aujourd'hui, avec un retard de 18 mois; il serait donc tout de même temps d'avancer. Certes, dans le cadre de la révision de l'annexe XVII de REACH, la Commission propose d'étendre l'interdiction actuelle relative à l'utilisation et à la mise sur le marché de fibres d'amiante et de produits concernant ces fibres, mais elle maintient la possibilité d'utiliser de l'amiante dans les installations d'électrolyse d'usines, sans limite de temps, alors que des alternatives ne faisant pas intervenir l'amiante existent et sont utilisées par de nombreuses entreprises.

En outre, la Commission adopte une disposition qui autorise la mise sur le marché d'articles contenant de l'amiante suivant un régime qui pourrait varier d'un pays à l'autre. Ce n'est pas acceptable, car l'utilisation de ce produit est responsable d'un grand nombre de maladies liées à l'exposition aux fibres d'amiante, et le nombre de malades atteints devrait continuer d'augmenter dans les prochaines années, en raison de l'utilisation de ce produit il y a encore quelques années. Les effets de l'amiante sur la santé sont connus depuis longtemps.

Par ailleurs, la décision de la Commission sape certaines dispositions de REACH, et notamment le principe de substitution; c'est un mauvais signal envoyé aux autres entreprises. La crise économique actuelle ne peut pas justifier cette prorogation.

En outre, cette position de la Commission, suivie par une majorité d'États membres au Conseil, n'est pas cohérente avec la position de l'Union européenne, qui veut aboutir à une interdiction mondiale de l'amiante.

Et enfin, un dernier point: la Confédération européenne des syndicats affirme aujourd'hui ne pas avoir été consultée sur le sujet et indique que seul l'avis de certaines entreprises aurait été entendu et retenu. La Commission, quant à elle, prétend le contraire. Est-ce que vous pouvez nous éclairer sur ce point?

  Satu Hassi, Verts/ALE-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, hyvät kollegat, asbestin historia on surullinen ja varoittava esimerkki siitä, miten voi käydä, kun varovaisuusperiaatetta ei kunnioiteta. Asbesti otettiin käyttöön teknisiltä ominaisuuksiltaan erinomaisena aineena ja myöhemmin huomattiin, että se tappaa ihmisiä. Esimerkiksi omassa maassani asbestin aiheuttamien kuolemien määrä vuosittain ei ole vieläkään kääntynyt laskuun. Taudin kehittymiseenhän saattaa mennä jopa 40 vuotta.

Tämän käsiteltävänä olevan päätöslauselman tarkoitus ei ole kumota komitologiapäätöstä, johon se viittaa, mutta sen tärkeimmät kohdat ovat mielestäni 8 ja 9 kohdat, eli se, että komission tulee tämän vuoden kuluessa tehdä lainsäädäntöehdotus siitä, miten asbesti ja asbestikuidut ja niitä sisältävät laitteet ja rakenteet hävitetään täydellisesti.

Meillähän on vielä suuri määrä taloja, myös julkisia rakennuksia, laivoja, tehtaita ja voimalaitoksia, joissa on asbestia sisältäviä rakenteita, ja esimerkiksi rakennusten remonttitöiden yhteydessä ihmiset altistuvat asbestille, mikäli ei käytetä tiukkoja suojatoimia. Nämä asbestia sisältävät rakenteet tulee kartoittaa ja purkaa, ja asbesti tulee hävittää turvallisesti sellaisella tavalla, että ihmisiä ei altisteta uudestaan.

Asbestin surullisesta tarinasta ja kokemuksista pitää ottaa oppia myös uusien, nyt esillä olevien terveysriskien suhteen. Esimerkiksi nanohiiliputkista tutkijat ovat todenneet, että niiden terveysvaikutukset ovat hyvin samantyyppiset kuin asbestin. Siksi meidän tulee ottaa tästä kokemuksesta oppia ja toimia varovaisuusperiaatteen mukaisesti esimerkiksi nanomateriaaleja koskevia säädöksiä tehdessämme.

  Vittorio Agnoletto, a nome del gruppo GUE/NGL. – Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, sembra proprio che le migliaia di morti che ci sono stati finora per l'amianto, che le decine di migliaia di persone che rischiano di morire nei prossimi anni per un'esposizione pregressa all'amianto – il tempo di latenza, sappiamo, può arrivare a 15 e anche a 20 anni – non contino assolutamente nulla.

Sembra che non conti nulla il processo Eternit, cominciato a Torino riguardo a quanto è avvenuto a Casale Monferrato, dove non c'è una famiglia che non abbia avuto un lutto al suo interno. Avrebbe dovuto, l'amianto, essere messo al bando operativamente dagli Stati membri applicando la direttiva del '99. Gli Stati avrebbero dovuto proteggere con tutte le precauzioni possibili i lavoratori esposti, applicando la direttiva del 2003, chiudendo gli stabilimenti, effettuando bonifiche dei siti contaminati, indennizzando le vittime e le popolazioni. Questo non è successo dappertutto. Poco o nulla è stato fatto.

Ho già parlato del processo di Torino, dove sono imputati padroni svizzeri e belgi. Tutti sapevano, poco si è agito, ed è soprattutto l'industria a sottrarsi alle proprie responsabilità, ad agire tra le maglie dell'inerzia delle autorità pubbliche. Esempi di inerzia sono quanto avviene, ad esempio, in Italia, a Brioni, dove l'amianto non è stato rimosso, a Porto Marghera, a Cengio, dove si contano ancora i morti. Oggi l'industria chiede alla Commissione di tollerare ancora una deroga, già concessa a tempo delimitato, dal regolamento REACH nel 2006, alle fibre di amianto crisotilo.

È vero, hanno un'applicazione limitata gli impianti di elettrolisi a basso voltaggio, e solo in pochi impianti, ma dove gli industriali reclamano l'impossibilità a qualsiasi sostituto alternativo, pena la chiusura degli impianti. Un ricatto, ma alternative a questo processo sono state trovate in Svezia, utilizzando tecnologie nella sostituzione di membrane senza amianto, per il basso voltaggio, ed analoga soluzione è stata adottata anche per la produzione di idrogeno. Perché in alcuni Stati sì e in altri no? Perché nella lunga battaglia per la messa al bando del PCB innumerevoli sono state le omissioni e le reticenze a muoversi, anche avallate dalla DG Imprese della Commissione europea. Anche in questo caso non è stato dato il buon esempio.

La direttiva del '99 sul divieto dell'amianto imponeva che la revisione di tale autorizzazione dovesse essere preceduta da un parere del comitato scientifico sulla tossicologia, mai prodotto. È così che la Commissione rispetta le direttive? Per non parlare del sindacato che dice di non essere neanche stato consultato.

Il Parlamento europeo il proprio sforzo lo fa per rincorrere inadempienze di altri. Questa risoluzione chiede alla Commissione di colmare entro il 2009 un vuoto legislativo sulla messa al bando dei prodotti di seconda mano contenenti amianto, pezzi di tetto, di aerei e quant'altro dovrebbe essere smaltito definitivamente. Si fissano date precise, ancora una volta per una strategia di messa al bando, entro il 2015, di tutti i tipi di amianto, ma erano obiettivi già scritti nel '99. Sono trascorsi 10 anni e si è continuato a morire.

La GUE aveva rivendicato, tra le prime iniziative di questa legislatura, la costituzione di un fondo comunitario di indennizzo alle vittime, di fondi ad hoc per la decontaminazione. La richiesta era specifica verso la Commissione, che oggi invece si appiattisce dietro la volontà delle multinazionali. È necessario invece passare a fatti ed impegni concreti. Solo quando questi vi saranno a partire dalle stesse richieste di questa risoluzione, solo allora potremo essere comprensivi. Oggi questa volontà non è palesata, per questo votiamo contro la concessione della deroga.

  El Presidente. − Tiene la palabra el señor Bowis, a quien, por el cariño y respeto que le tenemos, nos alegramos mucho de ver restablecido.

  John Bowis, on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. – Mr President, you are very kind. Thank you for those words. It is good to be back for what is my last week in this Parliament – or any parliament. After 25 years of elected politics that is an adequate sufficiency, I think.

I just want, on this last occasion, to say that many of us in this House have invested a lot of ourselves in the REACH process: Guido Sacconi and many colleagues have laid the foundations for a safer, better chemicals framework. My message to the next Parliament is, ‘Be vigilant; keep an eye on the process’.

Similarly, as Satu Hassi has said, we have a long history on asbestos, and we have a very strong feeling that we need to watch out for that. When I was lying on my hospital bed, having my heart bypass and feeling sorry for myself, I was watching on the television the earthquake in Italy, and that put my problems into perspective. But it also, of course, reminded me in this context that, when you have a disaster like that, asbestos can be released into the atmosphere. Asbestos is very often safe while it is covered. As soon as it breaks out, that is when the dangers occur, and so one of the messages has to be that we need to look at the at-risk areas of our European Union to see where we should be highlighting the risk and monitoring it for the future.

Having said that, I would just say thank you to my colleagues for their friendship, their support and their messages in recent weeks. I shall treasure my 10 years in this Parliament, and I shall watch with interest as the next Parliament takes on the projects that perhaps we have been able to start.

(Applause)

  El Presidente. − Muchas gracias, señor Bowis. Tenga usted la certeza de que muchos le mantendremos siempre en nuestro recuerdo y en nuestro agradecimiento, por su esfuerzo y por su dedicación al trabajo de la Cámara.

  Guido Sacconi, Autore. − Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, esatto, ci metto anch'io un po' del personale.

Prima di tutto però devo dare atto alla Commissione che nella risposta che ci ha fornito ha risposto in modo sostanzialmente positivo alle questioni concrete che noi poniamo con la nostra risoluzione. Naturalmente sarà compito del nuovo Parlamento verificare e controllare che gli impegni delineati siano rispettati e rispettati nei tempi previsti.

Ci metto anch'io qualcosa di personale, due cose. Primo, un saluto di cuore a John Bowis, con il quale abbiamo collaborato moltissimo. Forse faremo un club, noi due, degli osservatori del Parlamento europeo, in particolare sulle materie sulle quali abbiamo molto lavorato insieme, mi pare con grandi risultati.

Secondo, devo dire, un po' simbolicamente, il fatto che il mio ultimo intervento in quest'Aula sia su REACH, sull'applicazione di REACH, che mi ha impegnato fin dall'inizio di questa legislatura, quando sembrava che non avremmo mai potuto arrivare a conclusione di quell'iter legislativo, vabbè, dimostra che sono una persona fortunata, una persona fortunata anche perché ho potuto conoscere persone come voi, come lei, Presidente, con la quale ci siamo molto intesi come molti altri colleghi coi quali, collaborando, abbiamo prodotto risultati credo davvero importanti per i cittadini europei.

  El Presidente. − Gracias, señor Sacconi. Tenga la certeza de que también a usted le vamos a echar de menos por su trabajo y su dedicación. Buena suerte y mucha felicidad para su actuación futura, que, ciertamente, seguirá la línea de lo que ha venido usted haciendo entre nosotros.

  Antonio Tajani, Vicepresidente della Commissione. − Signor Presidente, onorevoli deputati, anch'io, prima di concludere questo dibattito, ci tengo a ringraziare l'onorevole Sacconi e l'onorevole Bowis, e lo faccio come loro ex compagno di scuola, essendo stato per tanti anni seduto sui banchi di questo Parlamento.

Li voglio ringraziare per il lavoro che hanno svolto, sia pur seduti su schieramenti diversi hanno reso onore al nostro Parlamento. Quindi, come parlamentare e oggi come Commissario e Vicepresidente della Commissione, li voglio ringraziare per il contributo altamente qualificato che hanno dato ai lavori del Parlamento, dimostrando che si può essere – al di là di quello che a volte scrivono certi giornali – dei buoni parlamentari essendo presenti e rendendo veramente un servizio alle istituzioni, che rappresentano mezzo miliardo di cittadini europei. Per questo ci tenevo a ringraziarli anche in occasione di questo mio ultimo intervento in questa legislatura come Commissario.

Dicevo, volevo ringraziare l'onorevole Sacconi comunque, anche per la commissione dell'ambiente, per aver messo all'ordine del giorno questo argomento che è particolarmente importante, e l'onorevole Bowis con il suo intervento e le sue osservazioni hanno dimostrato quanto il tema sia sentito da parte di tutti i cittadini. Credo che questo dibattito, e lo spero, abbia permesso di dissipare ogni dubbio e ogni preoccupazione: la Commissione farà regolarmente rapporto al Parlamento sull'applicazione del regolamento e, sia chiaro, non transigerà sulla protezione dei lavoratori, della salute e dell'ambiente.

Per quanto riguarda le osservazioni che hanno fatto gli onorevoli Ferreira e Agnoletto, voglio ricordare a nome della Commissione che la Confederazione europea dei sindacati dei lavoratori è stata consultata, e in modo particolare i lavoratori chimici si sono dichiarati a favore del mantenimento della deroga.

Vorrei inoltre sottolineare che non risponde a verità che non esistono limiti di tempo, visto che quando un prodotto sostitutivo è disponibile la deroga viene abrogata. Inoltre, lo ricordo, la Commissione effettuerà una revisione generale nel 2011. Grazie ancora per le osservazioni e per l'impegno che avete profuso su un argomento così sensibile che riguarda la salute dei lavoratori, ma direi la salute di tutti quanti i cittadini dell'Unione europea.

  El Presidente. − Para cerrar el debate, se ha presentado una propuesta de resolución⁽¹⁾, de conformidad con el apartado 5 del artículo 108 del Reglamento.

Se cierra el debate.

La votación tendrá lugar hoy a las 12.00 horas.

Declaraciones por escrito (artículo 142 del Reglamento)

  Richard Seeber (PPE-DE), schriftlich. – Die weitere Zurückdrängung von Asbest in Europa ist rückhaltlos zu begrüßen.

Da schon seit Jahrzehnten die krebserregende Eigenschaft von Asbestfasern bekannt ist und die EU 2003 auch ein Verbot gegen die Verwendung dieses gesundheitsschädlichen Stoffes bei neuen Produkten eingesetzt hat, sollten nun langsam auch die letzten Relikte der Asbestanwendung aus Europa verschwinden.

Der Großteil der Mitgliedstaaten geht bereits alternative Wege. Besonders im Bereich Elektrolyseanlagen können statt Asbest häufig auch andere Materialien verwendet werden.

Im Lichte der immer besseren Aufklärung der europäischen Bevölkerung in Gesundheitsfragen und der sehr hohen europäischen Schutzstandards im Umwelt- und Gesundheitsbereich geht es nicht an, dass in Europas Produktionsstätten immer noch krebserregende Stoffe im Umlauf sind.

(1) Véase el Acta.

8. Regoli komuni għall-allokazzjoni ta' slots f'ajruporti tal-Komunità (dibattitu)

  El Presidente. − El siguiente punto es el informe de Paolo Costa, en nombre de la Comisión de Transportes y Turismo, sobre la propuesta de Reglamento del Parlamento Europeo y del Consejo por el que se modifica el Reglamento (CEE) nº 95/93 relativo a normas comunes para la asignación de franjas horarias en los aeropuertos comunitarios (COM(2009)0121 – C6-0097/2009 - 2009/0042(COD)) (A6-0274/2009).

  Paolo Costa, relatore. − Signor Presidente, signor Vicepresidente, onorevoli colleghi, ho il piacere di avviare questo dibattito, come dire, in maniera conclusiva, raccomandando, come facciamo in questo momento, a quest'Aula, di approvare l'emendamento che io e tutti i colleghi rappresentanti dei gruppi della commissione abbiamo presentato per chiudere in prima lettura questa relazione ed ottenere quindi l'approvazione del regolamento.

Lo facciamo con grande senso di responsabilità. Credo che il Vicepresidente Tajani converrà che il modo in cui abbiamo cercato di rispondere a un'oggettiva esigenza e difficoltà delle compagnie aeree in questo momento – quella di consentire loro di conservare le bande orarie anche in assenza di utilizzo durante il prossimo semestre estivo – è una misura necessaria, ma molto rozza, una misura che ha bisogno di essere affinata.

Essa ha bisogno di essere affinata perché abbiamo potuto constatare, nel breve tempo che ci è stato concesso di discussione attorno a questo tema, che esistono diversi interessi tra le compagnie aeree, tutti interessi assolutamente legittimi, che ci sono compagnie che attendono di poter sostituirne altre, laddove le prime non siano in grado di mantenere i loro impegni, che ci sono interessi ormai differenziati tra le compagnie aeree e gli aeroporti, cosa che fino a poco tempo fa non succedeva, e soprattutto che vi sono interessi dei passeggeri, soprattutto di coloro che sono serviti da aeroporti e da linee nelle regioni più periferiche, che si troverebbero maggiormente a rischio qualora la scelta delle bande orarie da mantenere o da sopprimere fosse lasciata soltanto alla profittabilità delle stesse per le compagnie.

Sono tutti temi che abbiamo potuto toccare molto rapidamente, ma che abbiamo posto sul tavolo. Abbiamo anche immaginato, in fondo, di dover affrontare il problema base, che è quello di considerare, come dobbiamo considerare, le bande orarie come dei beni pubblici che possono essere assegnati, concessi, agli operatori privati, come sono le compagnie aeree o come sono gli aeroporti, ma che non possono essere trasferiti in proprietà.

Questo è un tema molto delicato, un tema sul quale credo occorrerà ritornare, e devo dire che il motivo, il compromesso, se vogliamo, il compromesso nobile che sta sotto la nostra rapida approvazione della proposta nelle forme che qui verranno presentate sta proprio in questo, sta nell'essere sicuri che verrà onorato l'impegno, da parte della Commissione, di ritornare sull'argomento in maniera più meditata, in maniera più profonda, ed affrontando una volta per tutte quello che è un tema cruciale, non soltanto per superare la crisi oggi, ma per completare quel processo di ristrutturazione e di liberalizzazione del mercato aereo mondiale, così come di costruzione di un miglior mercato aereo dentro l'Europa.

Questo è il motivo per il quale, credo, combinando esigenze di questo momento con esigenze di più lungo periodo, mi sento di raccomandare di approvare questo rapporto.

Approfitto anch'io degli ultimi venti secondi che ho a disposizione, signor Presidente, per approfittare del clima da ultimo giorno di scuola nel ringraziare i compagni di scuola e coloro con i quali ho avuto la possibilità di lavorare in questi dieci anni, dal momento che ho il grande piacere oggi di chiudere il mio ultimo giorno di presenza a Strasburgo con un ultimo contributo credo non del tutto secondario.

  El Presidente. − Gracias, señor Costa, y también felicidades por su buen trabajo. Su nombre queda ligado a una serie de importantes informes y, por lo tanto, su esfuerzo también forma parte de la historia del Parlamento en los últimos años.

  Antonio Tajani, Vicepresidente della Commissione. − Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi parlamentari, ancora una volta, proprio come ex collega, voglio ringraziare la commissione trasporti e il suo presidente per il lavoro proficuo che ha svolto quando ero parlamentare e per la collaborazione che mi ha dato da quando ho avuto l'onore di essere sostenuto, con il voto del Parlamento, come Commissario europeo ai Trasporti. E questa proficua collaborazione, signori deputati, la si vede anche oggi, perché io non posso, anche in questa occasione, non ringraziare il Parlamento, e in modo particolare ancora la commissione trasporti, presieduta dall'on. Costa, per la rapidità con cui hanno trattato la proposta della Commissione europea sulle bande orarie.

Una serie di fatti – la crisi economica, finanziaria, il nuovo virus dell'influenza A – stanno ulteriormente aggravando la situazione nel settore del trasporto aereo, e questa situazione mostra fino a che punto siano urgenti e indispensabili delle misure di sostegno, non tanto alle compagnie aeree, ma anche ai lavoratori dipendenti delle compagnie aeree.

Detto questo, io condivido la preoccupazione del presidente Costa. La proposta della Commissione non è una proposta risolutiva e definitiva. Forse è una proposta che punta ad affrontare un'emergenza, ma che necessita poi di un riesame approfondito per ridisegnare l'intero sistema, tant'è che il 15 di aprile, nel rispondere alle preoccupazioni e alle osservazioni del presidente Costa ho annunciato a lui, come presidente della commissione, che i servizi della Direzione generale Trasporti ed energia della Commissione europea stanno già lavorando al fine di presentare rapidamente una proposta di revisione del regolamento.

La sospensione della norma sull'utilizzo delle bande orarie è già stata utilizzata due volte in passato per far fronte alla crisi. È una risposta globale di fronte a una crisi globale, una risposta che ovviamente non interessa uno o due Stati membri, interessa il sistema del trasporto aereo dell'intera Unione europea e, nei momenti di crisi più grave – gli attentati dell'11 settembre e la crisi della SARS, la sindrome respiratoria acuta grave – furono adottate misure analoghe. E la crisi che colpisce oggi il settore del trasporto aereo probabilmente è più grave delle precedenti e non abbiamo ancora contezza di quando si potranno cominciare a vedere dei miglioramenti.

La realtà è che il traffico è in calo continuo. La sospensione della norma dello "use it or lose it" per la stagione estiva andrà a vantaggio di tutte le compagnie, europee o meno, senza alcuna discriminazione, come hanno peraltro sottolineato la IATA e anche molte compagnie non europee. Sono certo che questa misura, che sarà limitata nel tempo e di carattere isolato – la sospensione sarà in vigore infatti per il periodo compreso tra il 29 marzo e il 26 ottobre di quest'anno per poi permettere di conservare gli slot nella stagione estiva del prossimo anno – darà un certo respiro a tutte le compagnie, consentendo loro di far fronte al calo della domanda.

Inoltre si eviteranno situazioni paradossali come quella attuale, in cui le compagnie, pur di non perdere gli slot, si vedono costrette a volare a vuoto, cosa che oltretutto mi pare assolutamente inaccettabile anche dal punto di vista ambientale, oltre che dannosa per le economie delle compagnie – noi sappiamo che quando un'impresa è in difficoltà, sono in difficoltà anche i lavoratori che fanno parte di quell'impresa.

Sono certo che questa misura sia necessaria e urgente, per questo non posso che sostenere il compromesso raggiunto tra il Parlamento e il Consiglio, che consentirà l'adozione immediata della proposta. Per questo ringrazio ancora una volta il presidente della commissione trasporti e l'intero Parlamento.

  Georg Jarzembowski, im Namen der PPE-DE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrter Herr Vizepräsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die EVP-ED-Fraktion unterstützt die von der Kommission vorgeschlagene einmalige Aussetzung der achtzigprozentigen Mindestnutzungsregel für die den Fluggesellschaften gewährten Start- und Landerechte auf den Flughäfen für den Sommerflugplan 2010 und dankt dem Berichterstatter Paolo Costa für seine zügige und effektive Behandlung dieses Dossiers.

Mit dieser Suspendierung ist es den Fluggesellschaften nun möglich, über die vorgesehene Mindestnutzung hinaus Flüge entsprechend der nachlassenden Nachfrage entfallen zu lassen, ohne dass sie ihre Start- und Landerechte für die nächste Saison verlieren. Dies ist meiner Meinung nach einmalig gerechtfertigt – wie der Vizepräsident gesagt hat –, weil es aufgrund der internationalen Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise unvorhersehbare Einbrüche bei den Passagierzahlen gegeben hat und weil es für die Fluggesellschaften bisher nicht absehbar ist, wie sich die Passagierzahlen künftig entwickeln werden. Diese Suspendierung dient auch dem Umweltschutz, da Fluggesellschaften sich ansonsten genötigt fühlen könnten, Flüge mit geringer Auslastung durchzuführen, nur um die Slots zu behalten.

Aber, Herr Kommissar, Herr Vizepräsident, die EVP-ED-Fraktion hat von vornherein die auch von Ihnen vorgeschlagene Regelung abgelehnt, die Kommission zu ermächtigen, ohne echte Mitentscheidung des Parlaments, schlicht im Komitologieverfahren, die Suspendierung der Regel zu verlängern. Denn wir glauben, dass das Parlament, wenn Sie einen solchen Vorschlag für den Winterflugplan machen wollten, diesen sorgfältig prüfen muss, weil wir die Interessen der Fluglinien – und zwar unterschiedlichster Arten von Fluglinien –, die Interessen der Flughäfen und die Interessen der Passagiere dann sorgfältiger untersuchen müssten. Also, einmalige Aussetzung ja, aber keine Verlängerungsmöglichkeit ohne Beteiligung des Parlaments.

Und ehrlich gesagt, ich glaube – die Schweinegrippe scheint doch nicht so stark zu sein, wie wir es befürchtet haben –, langsam müssten die Fluggesellschaften in der Lage sein, zu ahnen, welche möglichen Passagierzahlen, welche Relationen sie in den nächsten Jahren zu erwarten haben. Denn wir müssen von den Fluggesellschaften erwarten, dass sie realistische Planungen vorlegen, damit die Flughäfen die Chance haben, nicht genutzte Slots anderen Fluggesellschaften anzubieten. Unser Interesse muss es sein, dass die Flughäfen die Kapazitäten im Interesse der Kunden, der Passagiere am besten nutzen können. Hierzu noch eine Anmerkung für die neue grundsätzliche Überarbeitung der Slot-Richtlinie: Nach meiner Auffassung gehören die Slots, die Zeitnischen, der Öffentlichkeit, weder den Flughäfen noch den Fluggesellschaften, und deshalb muss man dies in Zukunft besonders beachten.

Erlauben Sie mir zum Schluss dieser Debatte, zum Schluss dieser Plenartagung und zum Schluss meiner parlamentarischen Tätigkeit, meinen Kollegen im Verkehrsausschuss und im Sekretariat des Verkehrsausschusses herzlich zu danken, genau wie dem Vorsitzenden des Verkehrsausschusses sowie den Vizepräsidenten der Kommission und seiner ganzen Mannschaft DG TREN. Wir haben die letzten fünf Jahre im Interesse der Bürger gut zusammengearbeitet. Ich drücke Ihnen die Daumen, dass das die nächsten fünf Jahre so weitergeführt wird. Der Verkehrsausschuss ist ein wichtiger Ausschuss, und ich danke für die gute Zusammenarbeit!

  El Presidente. − Gracias, señor Jarzembowski, y mucha suerte, mucha fortuna y mucha felicidad para los próximos años y en sus próximas actividades.

  Brian Simpson, on behalf of the PSE Group. – Mr President, I would like to thank our chair, Paolo Costa, not only for producing this report but also for his work as chair of the committee over the past parliamentary period. We are very indebted to his hard work.

This report is a microcosm of Paolo Costa’s work, because it is a report that clearly shows that the wisdom of Solomon, allied to the diplomatic skills of the United Nations, is often needed when dealing with such technical details like ‘use it or lose it on the slot’. Our chair has been a very good Solomon and a very good United Nations diplomat during his time.

But yet again the civil aviation industry has demonstrated its ability to be disunited on this important issue, with big airlines clamouring for a suspension while low-cost airlines and airports are demanding no suspension. What concerns me is that the big airlines, backed up by their various alliances, will not be satisfied with one suspension but will demand others and, knowing the unhealthy, undemocratic influence that some of them have both in this and national parliaments, I believe today is a mere start of a process, sadly not the end.

My group will support the compromise proposed by our rapporteur and endorsed by the Committee on Transport and Tourism, but I stress that this suspension, as my colleague Georg Jarzembowski often says of the ‘use it or lose it’ clause, is a one-off for one period and does not represent a green light for further suspensions. If the Commission feels that further suspensions are needed, then they must be made part of a revised regulation, fully involving this Parliament and fully respecting the rights of this Parliament. It is ‘yes’ to debate, it is ‘yes’ to cooperation, but it is ‘no’ to comitology.

I recognise the perilous state that the aviation industry and airlines in particular face. I also understand that slots are not just about take-off and landings. They have become capital collateral on airlines’ financial books and our rapporteur is right when he states that this aspect needs to be revisited in the future.

Suspension of ‘use it or lose it’ will not affect London Heathrow, Frankfurt, Paris Charles de Gaulle or Amsterdam Schiphol, but it will affect regional airports serving those hubs, because it is those routes the airlines will suspend. What airlines need to remember is that there are other stakeholders, not just them, that will be affected by this suspension.

Because the economic situation is not good and because we recognise the nonsense of flying empty aircraft, we will support our rapporteur on this occasion, but I hope our caveats to this have been duly noted for future reference, not only in this Chamber, but by the wider aviation industry as a whole.

Finally, as the Socialist coordinator, can I thank all my team, but also my fellow coordinators from other groups for the sterling work and the cooperation that we have shared with each other during the last five years. I also extend those thanks to Commissioner Tajani and his team in the time that he has been in the Transport Commissioner’s seat.

  Erminio Enzo Boso, a nome del gruppo UEN. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io mi trovo per la prima volta a parlare in quest'emiciclo. Però è la prima volta perché sono un parlamentare nuovo, e ho visto delle cose che non mi piacciono, cioè il presidente Costa ha fatto un deliberato con la sua commissione e poi troviamo che ci sono gli intrallazzi. Forse saranno anche giusti, però questi intrallazzi fatti al di fuori della commissione...

Si parla di democrazia in Europa. Mi sembra di no, Presidente. Democrazia vorrebbe dire trasparenza, e qua c'è stata poca trasparenza nel rispetto del presidente Costa, nel rispetto dei cittadini del servizio aeronautico, nel rispetto delle persone, nel rispetto degli aeroporti, nel rispetto di chi lavora.

Qua vogliamo parlare di liberalizzazione. Qua si sta parlando di monopolio. Monopolio, perché questa partenza e monopolio per Alitalia-Air France, per l'aeroporto di Linate e di Malpensa, abbiamo Linate, che è in una situazione drammatica, 160 000 posizioni di difficoltà. Lasciamo congestionato Linate per permettere chi, l'aeroporto di Frosinone voluto dal sottosegretario Letta? Allora io mi chiedo, tutti questi non-servizi vengono dati perché Alitalia non ha gli aerei per coprire questi servizi, queste ore di lavoro? Allora perché non li diamo ad altre compagnie che possono dare un servizio?

Giustamente il presidente Costa dice: "Noi cerchiamo di fare il meglio". Io so, il presidente Costa facilmente è antipatico a qualcheduno – a me no – però a qualcheduno sì, perché non gli si fa uno sgarbo di questo genere.

Vede, Presidente, noi ci troviamo oggi di fronte... Ecco, 126 000 liste d'attesa ha Linate. E fuori c'è Alitalia-Air France che non vogliono fare questi passaggi. Ma devono vivere anche gli aeroporti. Devono abbattere i costi dei voli. Perché, visto che si sta parlando di diritto pubblico delle bande di volo, non gli si comincia a insegnare a lavorare, a Alitalia, a Air France e anche e ad altrettante compagnie aeree?

Allora, di fronte a questo, io non vorrei che ci fosse qualche opportunità elettorale. Vede, Presidente, in Europa si chiamano "lobby" questi sistemi, i sistemi lobbistici, in Italia si chiamano "entità economica", "mafia", "camorra" e "'ndrangheta".

  Johannes Blokland, namens de IND/DEM-Fractie. – Voorzitter, vice-voorzitter van de Commissie, rapporteur, na een periode van vijftien jaar zal dit mijn laatste inhoudelijke bijdrage zijn aan een debat in het Europees Parlement. Het is voor mij dus een bijzondere bijdrage, en dat in een kenmerkend debat. De opschorting van de regeling van de zogenaamde airport slots voor de duur van een half jaar.

Ik heb me de afgelopen jaren ingezet voor een groen transportbeleid, met het doel de toekomst van de transportsector veilig te stellen. Ik denk dat we daar ook met dit verslag weer in zijn geslaagd. Een verlaging van 80% naar 75% zou de problemen niet oplossen. Vliegtuigmaatschappijen zouden bij een dergelijke wijziging er nog steeds niet over peinzen te stoppen met leegvliegen.

Het bereikte compromis voorziet gelukkig wel in oplossingen, die allereerst goed zijn voor het milieu, maar daarnaast de door de economische crisis ernstig getroffen luchtvaartsector een steuntje in de rug geeft. Bij dit dossier moeten we wel concluderen dat er iets mis is met de huidige wetgeving betreffende airport slots. Zolang die slots zo kostbaar zijn dat leegvliegen loont, is de huidige wetgeving niet nuttig.

Ik ben daarom tevreden met de tekst die aangeeft dat eventuele verdere opschorting van het slotsysteem gepaard moet gaan met een volledige wijziging van de wetgeving. Uiteraard moeten het dan wel twee verschillende dossiers worden, zodat noodmaatregelen vlug kunnen worden genomen en voor een omvangrijke herziening voldoende tijd is. Ik hoor graag van commissaris Tajani of dit laatste uitgangspunt in acht zal worden genomen.

Voorzitter, ik ga afronden. Afronden met de speech, en afronden met het werk in dit Parlement. Het is me altijd een genoegen geweest samen te werken met de collega's in de Commissie vervoer. Ik wil daarom alle collega's danken, in het bijzonder voorzitter Costa, mede voor zijn verslag dat we nu aan het bespreken zijn en voor zijn bereidheid mee te werken aan een verstandig compromis met betrekking tot airport slots.

  El Presidente. − Gracias, señor Blokland. También a usted le deseamos fortuna y felicidad para sus futuras actividades fuera del Parlamento.

  Luca Romagnoli (NI). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, a me sembra assolutamente opportuno che la deroga alla vigente normativa comunitaria consenta alle compagnie aeree il mantenimento delle bande orarie.

Questa deroga è proposta per fronteggiare una crisi che è sotto gli occhi di tutti e di cui tante volte abbiamo argomentato. È una deroga che, va anche ricordato, può in qualche modo, e a mio giudizio positivamente, ostacolare il subentro di compagnie di paesi terzi che, a differenza dei vettori comunitari, spesso operano in condizioni di usufruire di aiuti di Stato e non solo, e anche questo andrebbe a mio giudizio considerato.

Del resto la mia sensibilità è tutta sociale, e in tal senso va letto il mio sostegno a questa iniziativa. Piace qui ricordare che chi, invece, è in modo convinto liberista, questa volta deve seguire logiche assolutamente opposte, chissà che non si ravveda – e questo mi farebbe molto piacere.

Ecco, colgo l'occasione – questo è il mio ultimo intervento in questa sessione, difficilmente sarò nuovamente qui la prossima legislatura – per ringraziare tutti, colleghi che senza pregiudizi mi hanno consentito di collaborare con loro e mi hanno dato modo di avere quindi un'esperienza umanamente e politicamente incommensurabile senz'altro.

Faccio a tutti tanti auguri, voglio ringraziare in particolare i colleghi della commissione trasporti, il presidente Costa, il Commissario Tajani e tutti i colleghi, e vorrei solamente concludere facendo un appello alla maggior trasparenza, che mi auguro la prossima legislatura offrirà realmente, perché purtroppo quanto a situazione degli stagiaire, degli assistenti, di tanti nostri collaboratori, questa trasparenza l'abbiamo votata, ma è ancora di là da essere realizzata, e soprattutto pongo l'accento su quanto si deve noi offrire in termini – concludo signor Presidente – in termini di trasparenza sulla nostra attività che svolgiamo qui, perché la stampa, soprattutto gran parte della stampa italiana, su questo opera in maniera demagogica e assolutamente irreale.

I dati di presenza devono essere pubblici, i dati di lavoro dei singoli parlamentari devono essere pubblicati ufficialmente dal Parlamento europeo.

  El Presidente. − Gracias, señor Romagnoli, y le deseo éxito en su futura actividad.

  Reinhard Rack (PPE-DE). - Herr Präsident! Zu diesem wichtigen Text für die Luftfahrt und für die Menschen, die von der Luftfahrt abhängig sind – als Mitarbeiter oder als Passagiere – ist alles Wichtige und Richtige bereits gesagt worden. Nur noch nicht von mir. Ich möchte daher ganz bewusst nicht das wiederholen, was hier bereits angesprochen wurde, sondern diesen Anlass dazu nutzen, um beim Thema Krise einzuhaken.

Herr Vizepräsident, Sie haben darauf hingewiesen, dass das nicht die erste und vermutlich leider auch nicht die letzte Krise der Luftfahrt ist, mit der wir uns, genauso wie die Luftfahrt, auseinanderzusetzen haben. Es ist richtig, dass wir in solchen krisenhaften Situationen rasch reagieren und versuchen, vernünftige Lösungen zu finden. Dies ist hier gelungen. Aber wir sollten uns nicht täuschen, dass die Krise mitunter auch als Vorwand genutzt wurde, genutzt wird und genutzt werden wird, um sich hier Regelungen zu organisieren, die nicht wirklich der Luftfahrt und den Menschen dienen, sondern bestimmten Interessen.

Wir haben das letzte Mal bei der denied boarding-Richtlinie mit relativ unpräzisen Formulierungen zum Thema „Außerordentliche Verhältnisse“ den Fluggesellschaften die Möglichkeit gegeben, diesen Begriff sehr extensiv zu interpretieren. Sie tun das zu Lasten der Passagiere. Wir haben es bei dieser Richtlinie auch versäumt, Geldbußen für Verspätungen zu verhängen. Die Fluglinien haben vor allem in den letzten Wochen und Monaten die Tatsache, dass sie nicht für Verspätungen bezahlen müssen, sondern im Grunde genommen nur Passagierrechte minimaler Art gewähren müssen, dies zum Schaden der Passagiere ausgenutzt. Wir sollten diesen Fehler kein zweites Mal machen.

Bringen Sie bitte daher in der nächsten Wahlperiode – Sie oder derjenige, der dieses Dossier übernimmt – einen Vorschlag ein, der diesen Rechtstext verändert.

Ein weiterer Punkt: Auch für mich ist das der letzte Schultag hier in diesem Haus, wie für viele Kollegen auch. Normalerweise bekommt man am ersten Schultag eine Schultüte, vielleicht gibt es auch am letzten Tag eine Tüte mit Süßigkeiten. Herr Vizepräsident, eine Bitte um eine „Süßigkeit“: Schaffen Sie so rasch wie möglich den Unsinn ab, den wir seinerzeit mit der Regelung über die Flüssigkeiten und die Sicherheitskontrollen an den Flughäfen geschaffen haben. Diese Regelung hat niemandem genutzt, sie hat niemanden geschützt, sondern nur Ärger verursacht. Nur, weil keiner tapfer und mutig genug ist, das den Menschen zu sagen und diese Abschaffung auch tatsächlich durchzuführen, leiden wir alle noch unter dieser unsäglichen Regelung. Bitte füllen Sie diese Schultüte und schaffen Sie diesen Unsinn ab!

Vielen Dank an alle, mit denen ich in den letzten Jahren zusammenarbeiten durfte!

  El Presidente. − Gracias, señor Rack. Tenga la seguridad de que la Cámara le echará de menos y también le deseamos todo lo mejor de ahora en adelante.

  Gilles Savary (PSE). - Monsieur le Président, j'ai écouté M. Bono tout à l'heure et je ne sous-estime pas le fait qu'il y a des cas particuliers, notamment en Italie, où l'on préfèrerait aujourd'hui voir une libéralisation des créneaux horaires. Mais je crois qu'il faut que l'on garde la tête froide et que l'on constate en effet que la crise touche l'aérien avec une rapidité et une profondeur inouïes. C'est sans doute un des premiers secteurs d'ajustement des budgets, budget des entreprises pour ce qui est de la clientèle d'affaires, budget des ménages pour ce qui est de la clientèle estivale. L'autre choix aurait été de rouvrir complètement les créneaux, pour se retrouver probablement dans un scénario où les compagnies les plus puissantes auraient fait tourner sur les meilleurs créneaux leurs avions à vide, auraient abandonné les créneaux d'aménagement du territoire les moins rentables et où les low cost, qui ont un modèle économique différent, en auraient profité pour brader quelques créneaux horaires.

Bref, cela aurait été probablement une redistribution des cartes dans les plus mauvaises circonstances qui n'aurait rien eu à voir avec une économie réelle, avec un marché qui fonctionne, mais aurait probablement relevé en revanche d'un dumping social ou de la défense de positions acquises pour les compagnies les plus puissantes. C'est la raison pour laquelle je considère que ce moratoire est la moins mauvaise des solutions, à condition qu'il soit provisoire, que l'on suive bien les événements de crise et l'impact de cette crise, que l'on revienne devant le Parlement, et que l'on rouvre le marché des slots en prenant le temps de changer la politique et de stabiliser une politique nouvelle de l'Union européenne.

C'est ma dernière intervention devant cette Assemblée. C'est un privilège considérable, après dix ans de mandat, dans la même commission, que d'intervenir pratiquement en fin de législature dans un des tout derniers débats, au milieu de ses amis, et je voudrais dire combien j'ai eu de plaisir – et j'en garderai des souvenirs – à travailler auprès d'aussi fortes et d'aussi brillantes personnalités. Cette commission a été une commission d'élite, je crois qu'il faut le dire. Elle a remarquablement travaillé, elle honore le travail parlementaire, elle honore le Parlement européen. Je voudrais en remercier l'ensemble de mes collègues, de tous les groupes politiques. Je pense que je ne retrouverai pas d'expérience politique aussi riche, aussi honnête, aussi sincère, aussi profonde que celle-ci.

Je voudrais aussi dire à Antonio Tajani que je le félicite d'avoir accepté, en cours de législature, un mandat et un portefeuille aussi difficiles que les transports, et qu'il mériterait, parce qu'ici patience et longueur de temps font compétence, de retrouver ce portefeuille dans le cadre du prochain mandat de la Commission. Mes chers collègues, merci pour tout.

  El Presidente. − Gracias, Gilles. Alguna de las cosas que has dicho sobre la comisión te identifican perfectamente también en tus cualidades y en el esfuerzo que has desarrollado en el trabajo del Parlamento. Seguro que en el futuro vas a tener experiencias tan enriquecedoras como ésta.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (UEN). - Panie Przewodniczący! Zabieram głos zaraz po pośle Racku i pośle Savary, też dziękuję im za pracę w Parlamencie Europejskim, obu panom. Nie wiem, czy to będzie moje ostatnie przemówienie, to zależy od najbliższych wyborów.

Proszę Państwa! Dzisiaj omawiamy sprawę, która jest o tyle interesująca, że pokazuje konfrontację miedzy absolutnie fundamentalnym interesem linii lotniczych, które w czasach kryzysu ratują się, występując właśnie o przesunięcie do przyszłego roku możliwości – właśnie tak, jak mówiliśmy tutaj – tych limitów, a z drugiej strony interesem konsumentów, interesem pasażerów. Jeżeli pójdziemy na rękę – co myślę, że jest racjonalne – liniom lotniczym, to jednak nie mogą one czynić tego kosztem pasażerów. Sytuacja, w której rzeczywiście traktują tę sprawę jako pretekst i bezkarnie odwołują loty, jest sytuacją bardzo niebezpieczną.

Podobnie jak poseł Rack uważam, że należy w końcu znieść ograniczenia, jeśli chodzi o pulę zabierania na pokład, jest to bowiem coraz bardziej surrealistyczna i bardzo irytująca sytuacja. Przy okazji gratuluję Panu Komisarzowi Tajani jego bardzo dobrej pracy w Komisji.

  Timothy Kirkhope (PPE-DE). - Mr President, having heard from a number of speakers who will no longer be with us after the next election, I am hoping that the electorate in Britain will allow me to come back here for another term. This is the last time that I shall be speaking from this particular seat in the Chamber: I shall be relocated during the changes. Can I just congratulate Mr Jarzembowski in particular on the work he has done on behalf of us all in the committee, and thank Mr Tajani, and also Mr Costa for bringing this matter before us.

Debating the suspension of the 80/20 rule is very important, but it can only be a short-term measure and it must not be allowed to become part of the aviation policy in the longer term. The positives are obvious: helping carriers, especially the large national flag carriers, through the present economic downturn; also, not being able to fly empty planes to fulfil slot obligations is good for the environment. But the solution is not in this and it must not become permanent.

The current problems are linked to the present financial crash, but to claim the crisis in the aviation industry is wholly down to this would be wrong. The health of some of our flag carriers has been poor for a number of years, and they need to have a careful look at their own business models for the future. They must be viable business entities, not specially privileged organisations, and resorting to protectionist measures is not acceptable in general to me and to my colleagues.

We will, of course, support the Commission in this. But I do not support the use of simplified procedure in the future and I think it would be a good idea for us to have a hearing on the Slot Allocation Directive, perhaps in the autumn or winter when we come back. We must find measures to put in place market-based incentives for airlines and airports. In times of difficulty, efficiency and innovation need to be rewarded – I am a fan of regional airports in particular.

Lastly, let us just mention the plight of pilots: the suspension of ‘use it or lose it’ may well see some pilots out of a job. Speaking as a pilot myself: can the Commission please explain why the pilots’ associations were not consulted in this matter, and could it also confirm that the concerns of pilots and other people working in this industry will be fully taken into account?

  Emanuel Jardim Fernandes (PSE). - Senhor Presidente, Senhor Vice-Presidente, Colegas, a Comissão Europeia adoptou, com carácter de urgência, uma alteração do Regulamento (CEE) n.º 95/93 relativo à atribuição de faixas horárias nos aeroportos, que tinha como objectivo fundamental suspender a Regra 80/20, ou seja, evitar que sejam leiloadas faixas horárias adquiridas anteriormente e que não tenham sido utilizadas. Não como princípio ad eternum, não como direito de propriedade, como acabou de dizer há pouco o presidente da comissão, Paolo Costa, mas como medida transitória.

Esta suspensão baseia-se na consciência de que a crise económica provocou uma queda generalizada do tráfego aéreo de passageiros e de carga, com um impacto substancial nas transportadoras nacionais e noutros sectores económicos e, consequentemente, num momento preocupante do emprego. Incumbe-nos, por isso, o dever de não obrigar as transportadoras a fazer voos com custos económicos e ambientais dispensáveis, apenas para manterem as respectivas faixas horárias. Daí o meu apoio à suspensão desta Regra 80/20.

Dito isto, aproveito para questionar se esta comissão será suficiente para responder eficazmente à crise global que afecta este sector ou se, como penso, a Comissão deve ponderar e propor um programa de apoio a este sector para o colocar, após a crise, num processo de estabilidade e crescimento.

Lembramos que muitas empresas, como é o caso da empresa bandeira do meu país, superaram crises económicas, e consolidaram-se economicamente para se encontrarem hoje numa situação de crise de difícil ultrapassagem, crise que não criaram, mas que sofrem.

Senhor Presidente, caros Colegas, esta é a última intervenção que faço neste mandato e poderá ser a última, dado que depende dos eleitores. E, por isso, não podia deixar passar esta oportunidade sem mostrar a minha gratidão pelo apoio e pela cooperação que sempre recebi dos colegas no meu contributo modesto para a construção de um projecto europeu e de resposta aos cidadãos.

Por isso quero aqui manifestar o meu agradecimento e a minha gratidão a Vossa Excelência, Senhor Presidente, ao Sr. Vice-Presidente Tajani e a todos os colegas do meu partido. Recordo os que agora aqui falaram, Simpson, Gilles Savary e de outros partidos, como o presidente da nossa comissão, Paolo Costa, com quem tive o prazer de trabalhar em vários relatórios, e Georg Jarzembowski, que não esquecerei, como um líder do seu partido nesta área dos transportes, que foi sempre cooperando, muitas vezes dizendo-me não, dizendo que me compreendia, mas sempre com grande elegância e com grande sentido democrático.

Quanto mais não seja, é isto que levo para casa, para consolidar aquela que deve ser a boa democracia, a democracia do respeito pelo pluralismo e pela prossecução dos objectivos que são os nossos.

  El Presidente. − Gracias, señor Fernandes. Esperemos que el electorado portugués aprecie su gestión como la apreciamos los demás y que pueda usted, efectivamente, volver a ocupar su escaño.

  Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE-DE). - Alocarea sloturilor este o problemă direct legată de insuficienţa capacităţilor aeroportuare, în special în aeroporturile mari. Criza economică şi scăderea relativă a traficului determinată de aceasta nu face decât să amâne, pe termen scurt, adevărata problemă, respectiv dificultăţile create de saturarea marilor noduri aeroportuare, precum şi de potenţiala saturare a aeroporturilor mici.

Avem datoria să găsim soluţii la problemele ivite pe moment, însă nu trebuie să pierdem din vedere rezolvarea problemelor de perspectivă. Parlamentul a solicitat Comisiei Europene un master plan coerent pentru creşterea capacităţilor aeroportuare. Un număr de aeroporturi europene au astfel de planuri, însă coordonarea lor la nivel european, în contextul cerului unic recent aprobat, este imperios necesară. Sunt convins că, prin crearea Observatorului European în noiembrie anul trecut, acest deziderat se va realiza în viitorul apropiat. Acest plan este esenţial pentru dezvoltarea durabilă a sectorului transporturilor aeriene, sector vital pentru economia europeană.

Problema sloturilor nu este doar o problemă europeană. Traficul de pe aeroporturile europene nu provine numai din Europa. Din acest motiv, chestiunea sloturilor trebuie să îşi găsească o rezolvare şi la nivel internaţional, cu sprijinul IATA, Eurocontrol şi al tuturor actorilor interesaţi din acest domeniu. De aceea, consider că recomandarea adresată astăzi Comisiei de către Parlament, de a reanaliza, în viitorul apropiat, impactul crizei asupra traficului aerian şi a de a revizui, în acest context, Directiva 95/93, reprezintă cea mai potrivită formulă pe care o putem propune în acest moment incert.

Fără o analiză atentă, riscăm să prejudiciem în mod nepermis atât principiul concurenţei, fundamental pentru economie, cât şi companiile aviatice emergente, a căror dezvoltare depinde încă, din păcate, de regula „utilizezi sau pierzi”. Cei care ar pierde sunt, în primul rând, pasagerii, şi acest lucru nu trebuie să se întâmple.

  Nina Škottová (PPE-DE). - Pane předsedající, dámy a pánové, jak zde již zaznělo, leteckou dopravu ovlivňují různé kritické situace včetně SARS a chřipky z Mexika. A rovněž byl konstatován pokles cestujících. Chtěla bych poukázat na jeden z faktorů, který se může podílet na poklesu cestujících, a tím je kvalita a kapacita služeb na letištích, a zvláště bezpečnostní prohlídky. Musím říct, že jsou nejen nedůstojné – jako zouvání bot a průchody bosýma nohama přes kontroly – tak z hlediska hygieny naprosto selhávající a zdraví ohrožující. Nedivila bych se, kdyby se snížil počet cestujících díky obavám z infekce, k čemuž přispívají v současné době i média. Přála bych si tedy, aby Evropská unie měla lepší kontrolu nad hygienou bezpečnostních kontrol na letištích a zlepšila tak pohodu, bezpečí a komfort cestujících. Protože naposledy vystupuji před tímto shromážděním, děkuji všem za spolupráci a přeji hodně štěstí do dalšího života.

  El Presidente. − También felicidad para su futuro, querida colega.

  Miloslav Ransdorf (GUE/NGL). - Já bych chtěl říci, že současný stav nejvíc charakterizuje rozpor mezi technickými možnostmi, které jsou stále větší, a bezpečnostními opatřeními, která ztěžují život nejenom cestujícím, ale také personálu na letištích. Myslím si, že naším zájmem je, abychom zejména v ekonomické krizi, která dnes sužuje celý svět – a patrně přijde na podzim další vlna této krize, další úder finanční nejistoty – udělali všechno pro to, aby tento sektor překonal svou krizi a expandoval. Jsem toho názoru, že ti, kteří mají určité možnosti a nevyužijí je, jsou předurčeni k tomu, aby jejich cesta zamířila dolů. Chtěl bych, aby se Evropská unie vyhnula těmto možnostem a abychom byli na čele pokroku, pokud jde o dopravní sektor.

  Antonio Tajani, Vicepresidente della Commissione. − Signor Presidente, la ringrazio come ringrazio tutti i parlamentari che hanno partecipato a questo dibattito che riguarda un provvedimento temporaneo – e sottolineo temporaneo – del settore del trasporto aereo. Ringrazio innanzitutto tutti i parlamentari che lasciano il Parlamento, li ringrazio anch'io per il lavoro svolto.

Je veux remercier également M. Savary, qui n'est plus là maintenant. Je partage son sentiment; j'espère donc retravailler avec lui dans les prochaines années, même s'il n'est plus député au Parlement européen.

Voglio ringraziare veramente i parlamentari che lasciano questa Assemblea, per il contributo che hanno dato alla Commissione, per le osservazioni intelligenti e anche per le critiche che hanno rivolto. Il Parlamento deve svolgere questo ruolo e nessuno più di me ne è convinto, perché ritengo che, senza il lavoro forte del Parlamento, le istituzioni europee sarebbero monche, non potrebbero tutelare nel modo migliore gli interessi dei cittadini.

E proprio per questo voglio tranquillizzare anche l'onorevole Jarzembowski che mi ha posto un problema per quanto riguarda la comitologia: il compromesso che la Commissione condivide pienamente prevede l'uso della codecisione per quel che riguarda eventuali rinnovi per la stagione invernale. Si tratta di ipotesi, perché, sottolineo, il provvedimento è temporaneo e riguarda soltanto sei mesi. Comunque, una eventuale futura proposta di rinnovo dovrà essere sempre preceduta da una valutazione d'impatto, che prenda in considerazione gli effetti sui consumatori e sulla concorrenza, oltre a far parte di una revisione generale del regolamento Slot, che è un impegno che io ho assunto sia di fronte al Consiglio, su proposta del ministro dei Trasporti del Regno Unito, e che ho confermato più volte anche di fronte ai parlamentari.

Però è la crisi che provoca questo intervento urgente. Anche i dati forniti dall'Associazione europea degli aeroporti ci dicono che l'80% degli aeroporti europei hanno un decremento del traffico, a gennaio, tra l'8 e il 10% per quanto riguarda i passeggeri, e tra il 25 e il 30%, per quanto riguarda i cargo. Quindi c'è una situazione di difficoltà. Mi auguro anche io e condivido la speranza e l'auspicio espresso da alcuni parlamentari sul fatto che l'influenza attuale sia meno preoccupante di quanto si era ritenuto in un primo momento. Ma non possiamo nascondere che la proposta di sospendere i voli da tutta l'Unione europea verso un Paese o verso le zone dove c'erano i primi focolai di epidemia è stata all'ordine del giorno sia del Consiglio dei ministri dei Trasporti la scorsa settimana, sia del Consiglio dei ministri della Sanità. Quindi, eventuali ripercussioni, poi non c'è stata alcuna decisione in merito perché non si è ritenuta la situazione così preoccupante: però evidentemente il dibattito su questo settore c'è e un calo, con qualche equipaggio anche che ha deciso di non partire alla volta di località dove si manifestava la sindrome influenzale, hanno provocato un ulteriore calo nelle presenze nel settore del trasporto aereo.

Io credo che per quanto riguarda, –visto che è un tema sottolineato da molti autorevoli parlamentari – i diritti dei passeggeri, ritengo che quel che conta è conservare i collegamenti e le frequenze a vantaggio proprio dei cittadini, e poi superare la crisi. La solidità e la sostenibilità finanziaria delle nostre compagnie aeree sono parametri chiave per salvaguardare i vantaggi del mercato interno, e grazie al mercato interno i passeggeri hanno accesso ad una varietà di collegamenti, di rotte e di prezzi che non hanno precedenti in Europa. Io voglio che i passeggeri possano continuare a godere di questa possibilità di scelta. Per quanto riguarda i regolamenti in materia di controllo, noi dobbiamo intanto rafforzare il controllo e l'applicazione del regolamento 261. Per questo la Commissione pubblicherà – e lo dico all'onorevole Rack – nel secondo semestre del 2009 una comunicazione sull'applicazione del regolamento. Sulla base delle analisi trarremo eventuali conclusioni per quanto riguarda il futuro.

Per quel che riguarda i liquidi, come sapete abbiamo già pubblicato l'annesso sul quale si basava – precedentemente era segreto – e grazie all'uso di nuove tecnologie più efficienti dal punto di vista della sicurezza, speriamo di poter rivedere la situazione prima del 2010. Ero molto scettico, quando ero parlamentare, sulla storia dei liquidi: lo rimango ancora oggi e sto lavorando proprio per raggiungere questo obiettivo. Per quanto riguarda le preoccupazioni espresse anche da altri parlamentari per alcuni aeroporti che potrebbero, a seguito di questo provvedimento, avere dei problemi – mi riferisco in modo particolare ad un aeroporto europeo che fa parte di uno dei progetti prioritari dell'Unione europea, l'aeroporto di Malpensa – posso riferire qualche dato che riguarda compagnie aeree differenti da quella principale italiana a partecipazione francese. Cito qualche dato: all'aeroporto di Malpensa una compagnia aerea tedesca, la Lufthansa, aveva, nel 2008, 8741 slot e alla data del 24 marzo 2009 ne ha 19.520, con un aumento di oltre il 100% della capacità. Sempre a Malpensa, una compagnia aerea low-cost, easyJet, aveva, nel 2008, 15.534 slot e nella data del 24 marzo 2009 ne ha 22.936, quindi un aumento importante che riguarda il 47% della capacità. È noto, tra l'altro, che la nuova compagnia aerea Lufthansa Italia ha previsto, come si evince dal sito, quindi pubblico, della stessa compagnia aerea, dove è scritto che la compagnia espande il suo network, ci sono voli nuovi da Milano a Roma e verso le città di Napoli, di Bari e verso altre città europee – Barcellona, Bruxelles, Bucarest, Budapest, Lisbona, Madrid e Parigi. Quindi posso dire con assoluta certezza che questo provvedimento non arrecherà alcun danno al, e lo dico come commissario europeo ai trasporti, a un aeroporto, a un hub europeo che è quello di Malpensa che fa parte dei progetti prioritari dell'Unione.

Io voglio concludere ringraziando ancora una volta il Parlamento sul dibattito, confermando quello che ho detto all'inizio del mio intervento, rispondendo agli onorevoli Jarzembowski, Simpson e Blokland, per quanto riguarda l'impegno che prendo oggi come commissario ai trasporti – e mi auguro di poterlo ancora fare come futuro commissario ai trasporti – per quanto riguarda la codecisione per argomenti che attengono alla questione degli slot. Alcune delle idee che sono emerse, come quelle incluse dal relatore nei suoi primi emendamenti, meritano di essere accuratamente studiate nel quadro della futura revisione del regolamento sull'assegnazione delle bande orarie e – lo ripeto – sono disponibili i servizi, che ringrazio ancora per il prezioso contributo che hanno dato in queste settimane di difficile lavoro, e sono all'opera per preparare il nuovo testo. Al tempo stesso la Commissione seguirà attentamente l'evoluzione della crisi del settore aereo come previsto nella modifica che discutiamo oggi e vi proporrà le necessarie misure opportune per farvi fronte, annettendo grandissima importanza alla tutela dei diritti dei passeggeri. Questo lo farò non soltanto nel settore del trasporto aereo ma anche in quello del trasporto marittimo, ferroviario e su autobus. È un impegno che abbiamo preso: ci sono provvedimenti legislativi in discussione. Mi auguro che la prossima legislatura li possa portare a conclusione perché il nostro primo obiettivo è sempre e comunque quello di dare risposte ai cittadini che eleggono questo Parlamento e che, attraverso i consensi di questo Parlamento, danno anche fiducia alla Commissione europea, che è l'esecutivo comunitario.

Signor Presidente, ringrazio ancora lei, ringrazio tutti i parlamentari che hanno partecipato a questo dibattito e il presidente Costa per la proficua collaborazione. L'impegno che assumo è di continuare a lavorare con i parlamentari e con la commissione trasporti di questo Parlamento, per fare in modo che l'istituzione democratica rappresentante dei cittadini europei possa svolgere sempre di più un ruolo determinante. Mi auguro che con il trattato di Lisbona il prossimo Parlamento possa ancora far sentire più forte la voce dei cittadini europei.

  Paolo Costa, relatore. − Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, credo che dobbiamo solo ribadire tre concetti. Il primo: sul tema specifico, abbiamo trovato un compromesso, un compromesso va rispettato. Sappiamo che è un compromesso tra istituzioni che rispetteranno i loro impegni. È un intervento temporaneo e non ci sarà un secondo intervento: se ci sarà un secondo intervento dovrà essere nell'ambito di un'analisi e di una proposta più completa relativa agli slot.

Due suggerimenti soltanto, che mi auguro possano essere di una qualche utilità: il primo è di seguire attentamente gli effetti di questa sospensione perché, intuitivamente, questo produrrà una riduzione e un non utilizzo di alcuni slot e quindi un non utilizzo di alcune linee. La selezione di che cosa fare e che cosa non fare sarà nelle mani delle singole compagnie. Credo che sia meglio domani pensare che, se si dovesse ritornare a ridurre questa attività, che ci sia un controllo pubblico della selezione, e non lasciarla soltanto ai criteri di profittabilità delle singole imprese.

L'ultimo suggerimento: indipendentemente dalla crisi o meno, il tema degli slot va affrontato di fondo, di per sé. Riportare gli slot al concetto di beni pubblici che possono essere concessi in uso ma non possono divenire di proprietà delle imprese è un tema fondamentale, anche se va trattato con molta cautela, perché questo non deve diventare al contrario uno strumento con cui si mette a rischio l'attività di molte delle imprese aeree su cui tutti noi contiamo. Grazie ancora a tutti della collaborazione.

  El Presidente. − Se cierra el debate.

La votación tendrá lugar hoy a las 12.00 horas.

Para mí también es el último debate que presido en esta legislatura y quiero dar las gracias a todos. Este debate ha tenido un extraño sabor, por tantos colegas a los que ha habido que despedir y desear fortuna. En cualquier caso, la reflexión que yo hago es que va a costar mucho trabajo y mucho tiempo que los nuevos que vengan estén a la altura de los que ahora nos dejan.

Declaraciones por escrito (artículo 142 del Reglamento)

  Christine De Veyrac (PPE-DE), par écrit. – Je me réjouis qu'un accord ait été trouvé sur ce texte afin de permettre le gel des créneaux aériens pour la saison d'été.

Il était nécessaire que nous agissions rapidement et efficacement face à la crise importante que subit le transport aérien.

C'est déjà la troisième fois que, suite à une chute importante du trafic aérien, l'Union doit utiliser ce mécanisme de reconduction automatique des créneaux.

La règle relative à l'obligation de remplir 80% des créneaux, si elle est nécessaire pour l'équilibre du secteur, est parfois en décalage avec la réalité du marché comme nous l'avons constaté récemment.

Faire voler des avions vides est un non-sens tant du point de vue économique qu'écologique.

À l'avenir, nous pourrions réfléchir aux moyens d'assouplir cette règle tout en prenant en compte la situation des aéroports.

Par ailleurs, je constate avec satisfaction que le compromis qui a été négocié entre le Parlement et le Conseil demande une étude d'impact complète en cas de reconduction du gel des créneaux.

Le texte que nous votons est une mesure d'urgence mais si la situation devait se prolonger, il faudrait effectivement prendre en compte non seulement la situation des compagnies, mais aussi celle des consommateurs et des aéroports.

(La sesión, suspendida a las 11.23 horas a la espera del turno de votaciones, se reanuda a las 12.00 horas.)

PRÉSIDENCE DE M. GÉRARD ONESTA
Vice-président

  Le Président. - Nous allons commencer une séance de vote un petit peu spéciale, car pour toutes celles et tous ceux qui, comme moi, vont quitter le Parlement, je pense que ce dernier moment que nous allons passer ensemble sera chargé d'un petit peu d'émotion. Je vais profiter du temps que nous laissent certains collègues retardataires qui s'installent pour rendre hommage au service de la séance, qui a permis que notre Tour de Babel ne s'écroule jamais.

(Vifs applaudissements)

Merci à Birgitte Stensballe et à toute son équipe, aux huissiers qui font que les documents arrivent toujours à la bonne place, au bon moment, aux techniciens, aux secrétaires, aux traducteurs. Bien évidemment, merci aux interprètes, auxquels je présente mes plus plates excuses. Je sais le stress que je vous ai causé en présidant très rapidement.

(Applaudissements)

Je sais que vous espérez secrètement que mon record de 900 amendements votés en une heure ne sera jamais battu!

Pour conclure, je vais vous révéler un petit secret, le temps que les derniers collègues s'installent. Vous vous demandez peut-être comment nous classons nos amendements: l'amendement x écrit, en letton, est-il plus proche du texte original portugais que l'amendement y écrit en slovène? Qui fait ce tri-là? Eh bien, la réponse est assise à côté de moi. C'est ce monsieur qui a la redoutable tâche de faire ce tri sémantique. Pourquoi la lui confie-t-on? Tout simplement parce Paul Dunstan parle 27 langues.

(Applaudissements)

Je crois que nous pouvons tous être très fiers de la qualité et du dévouement de notre personnel.

  Gary Titley (PSE). - Mr President, I rise under Rule 145 in order to make a personal statement.

Yesterday, during the debate with President Pöttering, Mr Farage – during a harangue he gave Parliament – accused me of calling him ‘reactionary’. I have to say to Parliament that this is entirely true – he is a reactionary!

(Laughter)

That is as nothing compared to the comments I have had from members of his party in e-mails. I have been described by members of UKIP as a ‘paedophile’ and a ‘big fat git’. Indeed, when I had a bomb in my office, UKIP members wrote to me, and Mr Farage put out a press release, basically saying that it was what I deserved. Recently I have had UKIP e-mails telling me that the heir to the British throne is better known as ‘Big Ears’. That tells you all you need to know about the UK Independence Party.

(Applause)

  Le Président. - Votre déclaration personnelle est bien évidemment enregistrée, conformément à notre règlement.

Nous n'ouvrons pas de débat, s'il vous plaît, chers collègues.

Je vous donne 30 secondes mais, je vous avertis, ce sera 30 secondes, par courtoisie, parce que ce sont vraiment les derniers moments de la législature.

  Michael Henry Nattrass (IND/DEM). - Mr President, that was not a point of order and most of it was rubbish. UKIP people do not write that kind of stuff, and they do not waste their pens on the kind of person that says that kind of thing. That is absolutely outrageous.

  Le Président. - Je vous précise qu'il s'agissait bien d'un rappel au règlement, sur la base de l'article 145, pour faits personnels. La demande de M. Titley de prendre la parole devant notre Assemblée était parfaitement fondée.

9. Ħin tal-votazzjonijiet

  Le Président. - L'ordre du jour appelle l'Heure des votes.

(Pour les résultats des votes et autres détails les concernant: voir procès-verbal)

9.1. Jitqiesu l-ugwaljanza bejn is-sessi fir-relazzjonijiet esterni tal-UE kif ukoll fil-kostruzzjoni tal-paċi u l-konsolidazzjoni nazzjonali (A6-0225/2009, Libor Rouček)

- Avant le vote

  Libor Rouček, rapporteur. − Mr President, the EU and its Member States have committed themselves to pursuing gender equality and women’s empowerment as one of the key priorities of the international agenda.

Yet, closer inspection reveals that the practical implementation of gender mainstreaming in the EU’s external policies is still weak. For instance, only eight of the 27 Member States have adopted national action plans on the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325.

Furthermore, women are still seriously underrepresented in high-level posts in the Commission and the Council. In fact, there is not a single female EU special representative at the moment. For this reason, the report stresses that the EU needs to fully implement its commitments in this field. For instance, the Commission should speed up its work on an EU action plan on gender equality. I am convinced that this is key to strengthening the gender dimension in EU foreign policy.

Let me conclude by saying that women’s rights are part of the broader concept of human and civic rights. Without addressing gender equality and promoting women’s rights in the EU’s foreign policy, that policy cannot be effective.

(Applause)

9.2. L-irwol ġdid u r-responsabiltajiet ġodda tal-Parlament fl-implimentazzjoni tat-Trattat ta' Liżbona (A6-0145/2009, Jo Leinen)

- Avant le vote

  Jo Leinen, Berichterstatter. − President, dear collegues! Just a few words in German. Die Tatsache, dass dieses Haus zum Schluss seiner Arbeiten in dieser Wahlperiode gleich fünf Berichte verabschiedet, die mit dem Lissabon-Vertrag zusammenhängen, ist ein wichtiges Signal für die Europawahlen und für die Zeit danach.

Dieses Haus hat immer kontinuierlich und konsequent für den Reformvertrag gearbeitet, auch in Zeiten, in denen es schwierig war und Viele Zweifel hatten und das Projekt schon aufgeben wollten. Gestern sind wir mit dem Ja im tschechischen Senat ein gutes Stück vorangekommen. Meinen Glückwunsch an das Land, das die Präsidentschaft innehat!

(Beifall)

Wir haben jetzt den berechtigten Optimismus, dass dieses Reformprojekt mit einem positiven Votum in Irland zum Ende des Jahres 2009 in Kraft treten kann.

Das neu gewählte Europa-Parlament wird eine ganze Menge neuer Möglichkeiten und Kompetenzen haben. Und diese neu gewählte Bürgerkammer in der EU kann das Versprechen wahrmachen, dass wir eine bessere EU mit mehr demokratischer Kontrolle und mit mehr Transparenz verwirklichen wollen. Ich danke allen, die im Ausschuss für konstitutionelle Fragen mitgearbeitet haben, besonders den heutigen Berichterstattern, aber auch der übergroßen Mehrheit in diesem Haus, die wir bei all den Berichten hatten, um diese Fortschritte zu verwirklichen. Vielen Dank!

(Beifall)

  Le Président. - Notre collègue Hans-Peter Martin demande la parole, il faut vraiment que ce soit pour un rappel au règlement.

  Hans-Peter Martin (NI). - Herr Präsident! Eine Frage: Wenn die Iren wieder Nein sagen, wie oft müssen sie dann noch abstimmen gehen? Ein drittes, ein viertes, ein fünftes Mal? Das ist nicht Demokratie, das ist ein Karaoke-Parlament!

  Le Président. - Ce n'était pas un rappel au règlement, mais j'ai eu la courtoisie de ne pas faire de vous un martyr.

  Proinsias De Rossa (PSE). - Mr President, I want to make a personal statement in relation to what Mr Martin just said. The Irish Parliament is not a ‘karaoke parliament’, and I object to it being described as such by that man.

(Applause)

9.3. L-aspetti finanzjarji tat-Trattat ta' Liżbona (A6-0183/2009, Catherine Guy-Quint)

- Avant le vote

  Catherine Guy-Quint, rapporteure. − Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, vous allez être déçus. Vous allez être déçus de la brièveté de mon propos. Tout d'abord, je voudrais que nous fassions une rectification technique sur le paragraphe 16, à la note 2, le dernier chiffre est "2021" au lieu de "2022". C'est une question d'arithmétique.

J'ajoute quelques propos politiques pour, tout d'abord, remercier tous ceux qui m'ont accompagnée dans l'élaboration de ce rapport qui, peut-être, vous semble extrêmement technique, mais qui est éminemment politique. Il est très important que notre Parlement vote ce rapport, parce qu'il clarifie l'avenir des pouvoirs budgétaires du Parlement en tant qu'autorité budgétaire.

Souvent, vous votez le budget comme un instrument de gestion, alors que c'est l'essence même de la politique et que, de sa mise en œuvre, dépendra le rôle du Parlement. C'est ce que nous avons voulu traiter dans ce rapport; je souhaite qu'un jour vous le lisiez. Mais laissez-moi vous dire que les nouveaux parlementaires devront s'en emparer et savoir que, pour faire une politique européenne, il faut du courage budgétaire et que, de ce courage que, j'espère, ils auront tous et que nous aurons tous, dépend l'avenir de l'Union.

(Applaudissements)

9.4. Fond Ewropew għar-Refuġjati għall-perjodu 2008-2013 (A6-0280/2009, Bárbara Dührkop Dührkop)

9.5. Standards minimi dwar l-akkoljenza ta' min ifittex l-ażil (Tfassil mill-ġdid) (A6-0285/2009, Antonio Masip Hidalgo)

9.6. Talba għal protezzjoni internazzjonali ddepożitata għand wieħed mill-Istati Membri minn ċittadin ta' pajjiż terz jew persuna mingħajr Stat (tfassil mill-ġdid) (A6-0284/2009, Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert)

9.7. It-twaqqif tas-sistema 'Eurodac' sabiex jitqabblu l-marki tas-swaba' (tfassil mill-ġdid) (A6-0283/2009, Nicolae Vlad Popa)

- Avant le vote

  Nicolae Vlad Popa, rapporteur. − Mr President, the Eurodac report is a recast and would make the system work more efficiently. Rapid data collection and transmission can shorten the period of granting, or not, human rights, and that is very important.

This is the last plenary session I shall be attending as an MEP. I want to thank you all and say optimistically: goodbye, auf Wiedersehen, au revoir, arrivederci, hasta luego, la revedere!

(Applause)

9.8. It-twaqqif ta' Uffiċċju Ewropew ta' Appoġġ fil-Qasam tal-Kenn (A6-0279/2009, Jean Lambert)

9.9. Ftehim bilaterali bejn Stati Membri u pajjiżi terzi dwar kwistjonijiet settorjali u li jkopri l-liġi applikabbli għall-obbligi kuntrattwali u mhux kuntrattwali (A6-0270/2009, Tadeusz Zwiefka)

9.10. Programm MEDIA Mundus ta' koperazzjoni fil-qasam awdjoviżiv ma' nies professjonisti minn pajjiżi terzi (A6-0260/2009, Ruth Hieronymi)

9.11. Regoli komuni għall-allokazzjoni ta' slots f'ajruporti tal-Komunità (A6-0274/2009, Paolo Costa)

9.12. Ftehimiet bilaterali bejn Stati Membri u pajjiżi terzi dwar sentenzi u deċiżjonijiet fi kwistjonijiet matrimonjali, ir-responsabbiltà tal-ġenituri u l-obbligi tal-manteniment (A6-0265/2009, Gérard Deprez)

9.13. Sitwazzjoni fir-Repubblika tal-Moldova

- Avant le vote

  Hannes Swoboda (PSE). - Herr Präsident! Wir als Sozialdemokraten konnten aus technischen Gründen die gemeinsame Entschließung nicht rechtzeitig unterschreiben, haben es aber später getan. Wir stehen als gesamte Fraktion – ich sage das auch insbesondere für unsere rumänischen Kollegen mit Adrian Severin an der Spitze – voll dahinter.

- Avant le vote sur le paragraphe 10

  Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE-DE). - Mr President, I want to propose the following oral amendment to paragraph 10: I wish to add the name of Mr Sergiu Mocanu. The text would read: ‘... politically-motivated arrests, such as those of Anatol Matasaru, Sergiu Mocanu and Gabriel Stati;’.

(L'amendement oral n'est pas retenu)

9.14. Rapport Annwali (2008) dwar id-Drittijiet tal-Bniedem fid-Dinja u l-politika tal-Unjoni Ewropea dwar il-kwistjoni (A6-0264/2009, Raimon Obiols i Germà)

- Avant le vote

  Hartmut Nassauer (PPE-DE). - Herr Präsident! Ich möchte Sie namens der EVP-ED-Fraktion bitten, gemäß Artikel 151 Absatz 1 und 3 den Änderungsantrag 45a der Liberalen Fraktion, soweit er sich mit Äußerungen von Papst Benedikt befasst, als unzulässig zurückzuweisen, und zwar aus folgenden Gründen: Diese Äußerung stammt aus dem Jahr 2009, der Bericht befasst sich mit Menschenrechtsverletzungen aus dem Jahr 2008. Deswegen ändert dieser Antrag den Text nicht, den er ändern soll. Zum anderen vergleicht dieser Änderungsantrag die Äußerungen des Papstes mit Menschenrechtsverletzungen schwerster Art, der Anwendung der Todesstrafe, Menschenrechtsverletzungen in China, Folter allüberall. Dieser Vergleich ist eine zynische Missachtung der Opfer von Menschenrechtsverletzungen in aller Welt!

(Beifall)

Er ist zum anderen ein solch unglaublicher Anwurf, eine solch unglaubliche Diskriminierung des Papstes, dass sich die ALDE-Fraktion damit identifizieren mag, das Europäische Parlament sollte das allerdings unter keinen Umständen tun!

(Lebhafter Beifall)

  Le Président. - Chers collègues, je vais vous donner l'avis du service juridique et du Président du Parlement européen car, bien évidemment, il a été consulté conformément à notre règlement.

  Daniel Cohn-Bendit (Verts/ALE). - Monsieur le Président, je voulais simplement dire, sur le plan juridique, à M. Nassauer, que le Pape ne compte pas les années, car il compte l'éternité.

  Le Président. - S'il vous plaît, s'il vous plaît... Le service juridique a donc vérifié cela avec soin, sur le plan technique, sur le plan des éléments cités, sur le plan du contenu et sur le plan de la période mise sous examen.

Le service juridique est d'avis que l'amendement est recevable, et c'est également l'avis du Président du Parlement européen. C'est donc uniquement l'avis de M. Pöttering qui fait foi. Donc, Monsieur Nassauer, je suis désolé, mais l'amendement est recevable.

- Avant le vote sur le paragraphe 25

  Raimon Obiols i Germà, Ponente. − Quiero, señor Presidente, hacer referencia, estrictamente, a una actualización de información, porque el texto denunciaba el encarcelamiento de un líder sudanés que ha sido liberado.

(L'amendement oral est retenu)

- Avant le vote sur l'amendement 2

  Alexander Graf Lambsdorff (ALDE). - Herr Präsident! Lieber Kollege Nassauer, das Recht auf Selbstbestimmung ist ein Menschenrecht und das schließt die sexuelle Selbstbestimmung mit ein. Insofern war das auch schon 2008 aktuell und das, was da geäußert wurde, ist ausgesprochen unglücklich.

Ich lese den geänderten Änderungsantrag 2 vor, es handelt sich dabei zum einen um eine sachliche Richtigstellung und zum anderen um eine etwas ausgewogenere Formulierung:

‘Underlines the importance of promoting sexual and reproductive health rights, as a precondition for any successful fight against HIV/AIDS, which causes enormous loss in terms of human lives and economic development, affecting particularly the poorest regions in the world; is concerned about declarations made by Pope Benedict XVI, which create the impression that condom use could even lead to an increased risk of contagion; is of the opinion that those statements will severely hamper the fight against HIV/AIDS;’. The remainder of the amendment remains unchanged.

(Applause from the left)

  Hartmut Nassauer (PPE-DE). - Herr Präsident! Der Änderungsantrag ist im Tonfall nicht so rüpelig wie die Urgestalt, aber in der Sache unverändert. Deswegen lehnen wir den mündlichen Änderungsantrag ab!

(L'amendement oral n'est pas retenu)

- Après le vote sur l'amendement 16

  Christopher Beazley (PPE-DE). - Mr President, forgive me for interrupting your chairing, but my understanding was that Amendment 16 was actually rejected, and yet you announced it was adopted. Could you just clarify the situation?

  Le Président. - Oui, excusez-moi, ma langue a fourché. En effet, la majorité était contre. C'était bien de le faire vérifier, mais les services avaient déjà rectifié mon erreur.

Merci pour votre précision.

9.15. L-iżvilupp ta’ żona tal-Unjoni għall-ġustizzja kriminali (A6-0262/2009, Maria Grazia Pagano)

9.16. L-impatt tat-Trattat ta' Liżbona fuq l-iżvilupp tal-bilanċ istituzzjonali ta' l-UE (A6-0142/2009, Jean-Luc Dehaene)

- Avant le vote

  Jean-Luc Dehaene, Rapporteur. − Voorzitter, vooral een technische opmerking. Ik heb begrepen dat amendement 1 niet bedoeld was om de tekst te vervangen, maar bedoeld was als toevoeging aan de tekst. Het is in die zin dat ik met het amendement akkoord ben gegaan.

Ik wil van de gelegenheid gebruik maken om de hele Commissie te danken voor de zeer goede samenwerking en te wijzen op het belang van een goede interinstitutionele samenwerking in het kader van het Verdrag van Lissabon vanaf het begin. Vandaar ook dat er in de overgangsperiode tussen Nice en Lissabon sprake moet zijn van goed overleg met de Europese Raad, willen we niet in volle verwarring de volgende zittingsperiode beginnen.

  Le Président. - Je confirme effectivement que l'amendement 1 se présente sous forme d'ajout.

9.17. L-iżvilupp tar-relazzjonijiet bejn il-Parlament Ewropew u l-parlamenti nazzjonali fil-qafas tat-Trattat ta' Liżbona (A6-0133/2009, Elmar Brok)

9.18. L-implimentazzjoni tal-inizjattiva taċ-ċittadini (A6-0043/2009, Sylvia-Yvonne Kaufmann)

- Avant le vote

  Daniel Cohn-Bendit (Verts/ALE). - Monsieur le Président, article 1er du code d'honneur du Parlement européen, au nom de mon groupe, je voudrais vous remercier pour les sessions que vous avez dirigées. Vous étiez l'un des meilleurs. Merci.

(Vifs applaudissements)

  Le Président. - Il est vrai que nous arrivons à l'ultime vote, permettez-moi un bref mot personnel pour vous remercier de votre confiance et de l'amitié que vous me témoignez depuis si longtemps. Pour la dernière fois de la législature, et pour la dernière fois de mon existence, je vais donc vous inviter à voter. Nous allons ensuite nous séparer.

Je suis persuadé qu'au-delà de nos différences politiques et de nos parcours, nous resterons tous fidèles aux idéaux européens, mais sachez que, pour moi, depuis dix ans, avoir eu le bonheur de présider ces débats, dans cette ambiance de collégialité, restera à jamais un très grand honneur dans ma vie.

(Vifs applaudissements)

9.19. Abbozz ta' regolament tal-Kummissjoni dwar REACH, fir-rigward tal-Anness XVII

- Après le vote

  Joseph Daul (PPE-DE). - Je voudrais aussi te remercier, et je signale que l'article 2 comporte l'erreur de ne plus te mettre sur la liste. C'est vraiment dommage!

(Applaudissements)

  Le Président. - Merci.

10. Spegazzjonijiet tal-vot

Explications de vote orales

- Rapport: Jo Leinen (A6-0145/2009)

  Michl Ebner (PPE-DE). - Herr Präsident! Die neue Rolle des Parlaments nach dem Lissabon-Vertrag ist eine sehr wichtige, und ich hoffe auch, dass das Parlament die Möglichkeiten entsprechend ausnutzen kann. Als Mitglied einer traditionell ansässigen ethnischen Minderheit freut mich vor allem, dass die Rechte von ethnischen Minderheiten in Artikel 2 erstmals als Individualrechte erwähnt werden, und hoffe, dass auch die Gruppenrechte so schnell wie möglich nachkommen.

Ich scheide nach fünfzehn Jahren als Parlamentarier hier in diesem Parlament und fünfzehn Jahren Parlamentarier in Rom freiwillig, gewollt, aber nicht ohne Wehmut. Als italienischer Staatsbürger, deutscher Muttersprache, österreichisch-slowenischer Abstammung, mit tiroler Wesensart – also als richtiger Europäer – habe ich mich gefreut, dass wir alle uns hier als Minderheiten wiedergefundenhaben, und dass Minderheiten hier Chancen haben. Viele haben das Empfinden, dass sie einer Minderheit angehören, noch nicht richtig mitbekommen.Aber ich hoffe, dass sie das immer mehr empfinden, auch die Staaten. Ich danke für das Verständnis für die Minderheiten, das hier aufgebracht worden ist!

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE-DE). - Aš balsavau už J. Leineno pranešimą ir rezoliuciją štai dėl kokių priežasčių. Mes esame įpratę kartoti, kad Europos Parlamentas yra vienintelė tiesiogiai žmonių išrinkta Europos Sąjungos institucija. Tačiau Europos Parlamento galios vertinant tai, kad jis yra žmonių išrinkta institucija iki šiol, mano manymu, buvo nepakankamos.

Todėl aš manau, kad tai, ką mes šiandien priėmėme, t. y., naujos Parlamento galios taikant bendro sprendimo procedūrą, tai naujos biudžeto valdymo galios, nauja pritarimo procedūra, naujos priežiūros galios yra labai svarbūs dalykai. Ir manau, kad Lisabonos sutartis sustiprins Europos Sąjungos demokratinį teisėtumą, ypač išplėsdama Parlamento galias taikant bendro sprendimo procedūrą.

  Daniel Hannan (NI). - Mr President, now I understand what the tactic is: it is simply to disregard the votes and implement the Lisbon Treaty as though the electorates of France, the Netherlands and Ireland had in fact voted ‘yes’.

One by one, its most contentious articles and provisions are being brought in: the foreign minister and the foreign policy, the Charter of Fundamental Rights and the harmonisation of justice and home affairs. Then colleagues are going to turn around to the Irish electorate and say: ‘It is too late to vote “no” now, because we have implemented the whole thing, so all you would be doing is annoying everybody and isolating yourselves when, in fact, the bulk of the Lisbon Treaty is already in force de facto, if not de jure.’

I do not know whether that is going to work. That is going to be up to the Irish electorate, but I would be rather disappointed if they gave in to pressure. It is, of course, for them to take their own decision, but these are, after all, people whose fathers saw off the might of the British Empire. If they now give in to the European Parliament, I think they would be diminished as a people.

  Syed Kamall (PPE-DE). - Mr President, may I also add to the growing numbers of tributes that were paid to you earlier on. Thank you very much for your chairmanship and your patience whenever we have risen to speak.

I think it is very important that we recognise, when it comes to the Lisbon Treaty, that it has not been ratified yet, and we should not behave as if it has been ratified. We should not ignore the will of the voters who have not yet ratified it and those countries that have not yet ratified it.

Let us also remember the rules at the start of the game and let us not try to change the rules half-way through. At the start of the constitutional process the rules were that every country had to ratify or it fell. France and the Netherlands failed to ratify so the Constitution fell. Also with the Lisbon Treaty, the rules at the beginning were that every country has to ratify, otherwise it falls. Yet when the Irish people voted ‘no’ we decided to continue and to make them vote again.

If you really want the will of the people to follow this, then I suggest to the British Government that they meet their manifesto commitment and have a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty.

  Gay Mitchell (PPE-DE). - Mr President, the Irish people will certainly be very foolish if they follow the sceptical wing of the British Conservative Party. I can assure Mr Hannan that the Irish people will not – and have never – followed the sceptical wing of the British Conservative Party.

Its agenda is not even in the best interests of Britain – it is in the best interests of the Conservative Party. It is a disgrace that a country that gave us Winston Churchill has sent these people to this Parliament to put their own narrow interests before the interests of the British people and the interests of Europe.

It is strange to see these British Conservatives bedfellows of the abstentionist Sinn Fein party, neither of whom have been in this House today or yesterday. They do not turn up to this House. They do not participate in the committees of the House. How they draw their salary and expenses, I do not know, but they told this House that to approve this and other reports was the worst thing to happen in this term, and then they do not even come here to vote. That is an absolute disgrace.

- Rapport: Antonio Masip Hidalgo (A6-0285/2009)

  Robert Evans (PSE). - Mr President, after 15 years this will be my last speech in the European Parliament and I think there are few more important issues than the whole question of asylum and how European countries face this challenge.

There is no easy response to this issue either. If there was, some country would have found it by now. In reality, I would suggest that the only way to reduce the number of desperate people who seek refuge or asylum in a country other than their own is to address the root causes that force them to leave their homes and countries of origin. That is why it is so important that we in the EU, and in all developed democratic countries, offer advice, help and support – including financial support – to those countries that are affected by war, internal violence, lack of human rights or discrimination.

Equally, we have to address the poverty around the world which contributes to migratory pressures. We should never condemn people who are forced to seek asylum or refugee status. Instead, we should offer sympathy and offer our support. That is our challenge today.

- Rapport: Jean Lambert (A6-0279/2009)

  Daniel Hannan (NI). - Mr President, the right to control your borders is a defining attribute of statehood and the bestowal of residence or nationality rights is a characteristic of nationality. When we transfer that from national to European level, we are treating the EU as a single jurisdiction with its own external borders and the other trappings of nationality. This has no mandate: nobody has voted for this creation of a European Asylum Office. But, of course, what we are doing is creating a new bureaucracy, which will now have a vested interest in the continuous harmonisation of policy at European level down the years, with or without any popular support.

I must just respond – on a different subject – to the words spoken and aimed at me by Gay Mitchell, the MEP for Dublin, a second ago. He threw Winston Churchill at me and said it was a disgrace for the party of Churchill to be sending to Strasbourg people like me.

Let me finish my speech by quoting Churchill himself on the subject. He said: ‘We have our own dream and our own task. We are with Europe but not of it. We are linked but not combined. We are interested and associated but not absorbed. And should European statesmen address us in the words that were used of old, “Shall I speak for thee to the King or the Captain of the Host?”, we should reply with the Shunamite woman “Nay, sir, for we dwell among our own people”.’

- Rapport: Ruth Hieronymi (A6-0260/2009)

  Hannu Takkula (ALDE). - Arvoisa puhemies, ihan lyhyesti haluan todeta Ruth Hieronymin mietinnöstä, että äänestin sen puolesta. Haluan myös kiittää Hieronymiä siitä, että hän on toiminut kulttuuri- ja koulutusvaliokunnassa erinomaisesti juuri näissä audiovisuaalisissa asioissa. Tiedän, että hän on jättämässä parlamentin ja tämä oli tällä erää hänen viimeinen mietintönsä meille Euroopan parlamentissa.

On erittäin tärkeää, että Media Mundus -ohjelman audiovisuaalista osuutta laajennetaan niin, että siihen pääsevät myös kolmannet maat eli Afrikan valtiot mukaan ja näin ollen yhteistyötä voidaan laajentaa. Tämä on yksi oiva muoto myös kun me puhumme kehitysyhteistyöstä ja näiden maiden rohkaisemisesta parempaan elämään, parempaan kehitykseen. Tätä kautta me kannamme myös eettistä vastuuta – niin kuin kuuluukin – Afrikan kansoista. Mutta ennen muuta tämä puheenvuoroni on kiitos Ruth Hieronymille hänen loistavasta työstään.

- Rapport: Paolo Costa (A6-0274/2009)

  Neena Gill (PSE). - Mr President, I rise in support of the Costa report. However, I am concerned, and I wanted to bring to the attention of this House how provisions like these are being used to stifle competition rather than protect airlines, the purpose of this legislation.

It is not unusual for airlines to hoard airport slots. Let me share an example with you: Birmingham airport in my constituency. We have seen the suspension of direct flights to Amritsar by Air India. This highly popular and profitable service was cancelled last October, forcing customers into unnecessary travel and inconvenience to go to other airports, the reason being that Air India did not want to lose its highly valuable Heathrow slots. It really takes your breath away that there are plenty of other airlines who would be filling to fill the slots but are unable to because Air India is holding onto them.

What I hope will happen as a result of this is that we will ensure that airlines do not hold on to slots unnecessarily. The Commission needs to be vigilant that this legislation is not misused. It is not just that I have a suspicious mind, but the chances are that the consumer will be left with precious few choices.

- Proposition de résolution B6-0261/2009 (Moldavie)

  Daniel Petru Funeriu (PPE-DE). - Situaţia din Republica Moldova este astăzi clară. Avem un partid comunist care are un comportament identic cu cel al partidelor comuniste sovietoide, care au înrobit jumătate din Europa secolului XX. Avem o opoziţie de inspiraţie democratică, care militează pentru o Republică Moldova ataşată valorilor europene.

Rezoluţia pe care am votat-o astăzi transmite un semnal politic puternic la Chişinău, dar acest semnal trebuie dublat în mod clar de acţiuni concrete ale Comisiei şi Consiliului. Chem aşadar Comisia Europeană să colaboreze activ cu opoziţia democratică de la Chişinău, pentru a găsi modalităţi eficiente de întărire a conştiinţei democratice în Republica Moldova. Cea mai eficientă metodă, în opinia mea, este ridicarea obligativităţii vizelor pentru cetăţenii Republicii Moldova în spaţiul comunitar.

Doresc să spun limpede Consiliului că nu trebuie să ne facem iluzii. Cheia democratizării Republicii Moldova se află încă la Moscova. Uniunea Europeană trebuie să acţioneze pentru diminuarea acestei influenţe, iar istoria ne arată că aceste acţiuni trebuie să fie energice. Cetăţenii Moldovei aşteaptă de la Uniunea Europeană exact ceea ce cetăţenii Europei de Est aşteptau de la lumea occidentală înainte de ’89.

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE-DE). - Aš balsavau už rezoliuciją dėl situacijos Moldovoje, nes balandžio 5 d. buvau viena iš tarptautinių stebėtojų, kurie stebėjo Parlamento rinkimus šioje šalyje. Mes visi buvome neramumų liudininkai, kurie kilo po rinkimų Moldovoje, tačiau praėjus mėnesiui po rinkimų, aš manau, kad ypatingai svarbu dar kartą pabrėžti, kad Europos Sąjungos ir Moldovos Respublikos ryšiai turi būti plėtojami toliau ir kad mes to norime siekdami didesnio Europos stabilumo, saugumo ir gerovės ir siekdami naujų skiriamųjų linijų.

Tačiau visas Europos Sąjungos bendradarbiavimas su Moldova turi būti siejamas su tikru ir aiškiu Moldovos valdžios institucijų įsipareigojimu siekti demokratijos ir gerbti žmogaus teises.

- Rapport Raimon Obiols i Germà (A6-0264/2009)

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE-DE). - Aš iš tikrųjų džiaugiuosi tuo balsavimo rezultatu, kuris buvo pasiektas balsuojant dėl rezoliucijos dėl pranešimo apie žmogaus teisių padėtį pasaulyje 2008 m. Ir ypatingai dėl rezultato, kurį šis Parlamentas pademonstravo balsuodamas dėl antrojo pakeitimo, kuriame buvo kalbama apie popiežių Benediktą XVI.

Aš manau, kad kalbėjimas ir teiginiai, ir žodynas, kuris buvo naudojamas toje pataisoje yra visiškai nepriimtinas, ir sunkiai galėčiau įsivaizduoti situaciją, kad šis Parlamentas galėtų baigti savo kadenciją priimdamas pareiškimą, kuriame smerkiamas popiežius Benediktas XVI dėl jo pareiškimų, dėl bažnyčios mokymo.

Todėl sveikinu Parlamentą priėmus dokumentą, svarbų dokumentą apie žmogaus padėtį pasaulyje praėjusiais metais, kuriame akcentuojamos pačios svarbiausios problemos – mirties bausmė, kankinimai, nežmoniškas, nehumaniškas elgesys, žmogaus teisių gynėjų padėtis, moterų, vaikų teisių padėtis ir daug kitų klausimų.

  Bernd Posselt (PPE-DE). - Herr Präsident! Auch ich danke dem Hohen Haus, dass es die skandalöse Attacke von Seiten der Liberalen auf den Papst zurückgewiesen hat. Auch in den etwas gepflegteren Worten des Grafen Lambsdorff wäre es eine skandalöse Äußerung gewesen. Ich muss ganz klar sagen, dass man hier versucht, die größte moralische Autorität des 21. Jahrhunderts, die weit über die Milliarde Katholiken hinaus wirkt und Europa und der Welt Rückhalt gibt, auf eine Stufe zu stellen mit Folterern, Menschenrechtsverletzern, Diktatoren, was ein unerhörter Vorgang ist, der auf die Liberale Fraktion zurückfallen wird und auch auf die deutsche FDP!

  Daniel Hannan (NI). - Mr President, whenever we discuss human rights we seem to be talking about a virtual EU: a European Union that exists only in Parliament resolutions, Commission press releases and Council communiqués. It is that wonderful, peaceful, human rights EU that spreads its values not through daisy-cutter bombs but rather through trade accords and partnership agreements.

However, I feel it is incumbent on somebody to stand back and ask where this European Union is in the real world. In the real world, Brussels is seeking to sell arms to the Communist regime in Beijing and isolating Taiwan, it is cosying up to the Ayatollahs in Tehran, it is refusing to do business with the anti-Castro dissidents in Cuba and it is trying to funnel cash to Hamas. It is running protectorates – or satrapies as they were in Ottoman days – in Bosnia and in Kosovo, and within its own borders it is disregarding the will of the people in referendums.

Perhaps when we respect that basic right of being able to change your government through the ballot box and change public policy through your vote within the European Union, then we will have earned the moral authority to lecture others.

- Rapport: Maria Grazia Pagano (A6-0262/2009)

  Syed Kamall (PPE-DE). - Mr President, one of the issues that concerns a number of my constituents in London is the massive erosion of civil liberties that we have seen in Britain under the Labour Government since 1997. What concerns them even more is when I tell them about the massive erosion of civil liberties arising at the EU level. We have seen a number of treaties, such as the Prüm Treaty, that have caused great concern. Fortunately, a recent ruling by the ECJ forced the British Government to hand back the data and profiles of people who were proven innocent, when the Government wanted to keep hold of them.

However, the decision by the British Government to only remove the profiles of innocent people after at least six years shows that it has scant regard for our freedoms. The decision highlights that in Britain ‘innocent until proven guilty’ is treated as a dismissible sound bite, rather than as a fundamental precept of our society. It is bad enough that British police forces have access to this large amount of data and personal information, but other European governments will be able to access it too.

The Prüm Treaty was forced into European law without proper democratic scrutiny. It was thought that over 3.5 million people could now have their personal information flung around the EU. This will fill few people with confidence.

- Rapports: Jean-Luc Dehaene (A6-0142/2009) et Elmar Brok (A6-0133/2009)

  Christopher Heaton-Harris (PPE-DE). - Mr President, I know this place has little concept of what the people of Europe actually want. It much prefers to tell them how we feel what they should want. I am being unkind; I guess Members in this place do understand what our electors want and how they feel about Europe. However, many of us in this place simply do not care.

They do not care about listening to minorities in this place who believe that the EU is heading in the wrong direction, and they certainly do not care to take on board the votes across the EU that go against them in referenda. They do not care if they get their way by governments – like the one in the UK – lying to their electorate, getting a false mandate, promising a referendum on these matters and then reneging on that promise. What people do care about here is time. Why? Why the big rush to get the Lisbon Treaty ratified across the 27 Member States? The answer is very simple: to deny the British people a say on this matter.

I leave this place today, hopefully to go back to my Member State Parliament, the House of Commons, to represent people in Woodford Halse, Daventry, Long Buckby, Guilsborough, Brixworth, Earls Barton and elsewhere across the constituency known as Daventry. They are people who have had enough of being ignored by the current UK Government, by people in this place and by the European Commission. Should I get to the House of Commons, I will not rest until my constituents have their say on this Treaty. Fortunately, I am led to believe that that vote in the UK will come quite quickly. So rush through what you like here. The people of Britain will get their say.

- Rapport: Elmar Brok (A6-0133/2009)

  Glyn Ford (PSE). - Mr President, I would like to make an explanation of vote on the Brok report: firstly, as a tribute to the work that Mr Brok has done in this institution; secondly, to show my support for the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty, but, more importantly, to urge my Government, when the Lisbon Treaty is ratified and when we have an extra seat coming to the United Kingdom, to allocate that seat to the people of Gibraltar.

I am proud to have represented Gibraltar for the past five years in this Parliament and I am happy to continue. But I honestly have to say that it is difficult for the seven Members who have been elected to represent Gibraltar to do full justice over the range of issues that come to us: human rights, whistle-blowing, pensions, cross-border pollution and, of course, bilateral relations with Spain.

Some people argue that the numbers do not work. It will be giving up too much to give Gibraltar a seat. Well, for many years in this institution Denmark gave a seat to Greenland. Greenland has around twice the population of Gibraltar. Denmark gave 8% of its seats to 50 000 people. I am asking the British Government to give less than 1.5% of its seats to the 26 000 people in Gibraltar.

  Daniel Hannan (NI). - Mr President, in 10 years in this Chamber I have listened to an awful lot of humbug, but I do not think I have ever heard such unadulterated piffle as I heard in the debate on this report yesterday from Paleo-federalists such as Mr Brok and Mr Corbett, canting about the sovereignty of national parliaments as though they cared about it.

The sovereignty of a parliament is shorthand for the sovereignty of the people. It is not there to guarantee the privileges of national parliamentarians. When we elect a parliament we entrust it with the safeguarding of our liberties for a temporary and contingent period. National parliamentarians have no right to make permanent derogations to those freedoms without going back and asking for an explicit mandate from the people.

We have 646 Members of Parliament in the United Kingdom. 638 of them were elected on the basis of an explicit promise that they would put the European Constitution to a referendum before they ratified it. When we hear all this stuff about how the European Constitution is now legal because all these parliamentarians have gone ahead with it, that does not invalidate the case for a referendum: it invalidates the case for representative democracy as it is.

If you want to restore honour and meaning and purpose to our existing systems of representative government, we should trust the people and give them their referendum – as we promised. Pactio Olisipiensis censenda est!

Explications de vote écrites

- Rapport: Libor Rouček (A6-0225/2009)

  Edite Estrela (PSE), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente o relatório sobre a integração da dimensão do género nas relações externas da UE. Uma maior integração das mulheres na política, nomeadamente nas relações externas e na diplomacia, é essencial a uma aplicação bem sucedida das políticas externas da UE, incluindo nas áreas da ajuda, do desenvolvimento, do alargamento, da política de vizinhança, da resolução de conflitos, da segurança e consolidação da paz e do comércio internacional.

Apesar da pluralidade de documentos políticos adoptados a nível da UE em matéria de igualdade de género e direitos das mulheres, o empenhamento real sobre esta matéria continua a ser reduzido e os recursos orçamentais especificamente afectados às questões de género insuficientes. É importante sublinhar que a integração da dimensão de género exige não só declarações políticas a alto nível, mas também a vontade política dos dirigentes da UE e dos Estados-Membros.

  Charles Tannock (PPE-DE), in writing. − British Conservative MEPs fully support a policy of equal opportunity and non-discrimination of women in all areas of public and commercial life. However, this document is over-prescriptive in its approach and tries to micromanage all areas of external action including setting up an EU Institute of Gender Equality without recognising the strides made by all EU institutions to make every opportunity available to female staff. The report talks of benchmarks and objectives highly suggestive of quotas in all but name, and advocates deploying women on ESDP missions without clarifying their combatant status. Therefore, British Conservatives abstained on this report.

- Rapport: Jo Leinen (A6-0145/2009)

  Jan Andersson, Göran Färm, Inger Segelström och Åsa Westlund (PSE), skriftlig. − Parlamentet röstade idag om ett betänkande om parlamentets nya roll och ansvar vid genomförandet av Lissabonfördraget. Betänkandet samlar yttranden från olika utskott angående de förändringar som Lissabonfördraget innebär. Betänkandet välkomnar att parlamentet får mer inflytande över EU:s lagstiftningsarbete.

Vi har valt att rösta ja till detta betänkande för att Europaparlamentet måste förbereda sig på att kunna utföra de förändringar som kommer att uppstå för parlamentets arbete om Lissabonfördraget träder i kraft. Våra röster skall emellertid inte på något vis ses som att vi föregår de enskilda medlemsländernas ratificeringsprocess. Vi respekterar fullt ut varje medlemslands rätt att själva fatta beslut om ratificering av Lissabonfördraget.

  Martin Callanan (PPE-DE), in writing. − The European Parliament has no role or responsibility to implement the Lisbon Treaty. Why not? Because the treaty has not come into force: indeed, it was rejected comprehensively by Irish voters last year. Therefore, to talk about the European Parliament’s new role and responsibilities in implementing the Lisbon treaty is breathtakingly arrogant and symptomatic of the institutional imperviousness to democratic opinion that characterises the EU.

I hope that when Irish voters go to the polls later this year they will reject the Lisbon Treaty again. The leader of my party, the Conservative Party, David Cameron, is committed to holding a national referendum on the Lisbon Treaty if it has not already entered into force. I would therefore hope that the people of Britain could have the chance to drive the final nail into the coffin of this wretched treaty. British Conservatives believe in a very different vision of the EU to the one represented by the Lisbon Treaty, and we are rightly forming a new political group in the European Parliament to champion our vision.

  Edite Estrela (PSE), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente o relatório Jo Leinen. Este relatório apresenta uma análise detalhada das novas competências do Parlamento Europeu à luz do Tratado de Lisboa, sobretudo as novas competências em matéria de co-decisão, os novos poderes orçamentais, o novo procedimento de aprovação, as novas competências de controlo, os novos direitos de informação e os novos direitos dos cidadãos.

O resultado final mostra que o Parlamento Europeu irá reforçar os seus poderes, designadamente de co-decisão, e aumentar a sua capacidade de influenciar a tomada de decisão, reforçando assim a legitimidade democrática da União Europeia.

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Esta resolução integra um pacote de cinco resoluções, hoje aprovadas pelo PE, que representa o mais claro desprezo pela vontade democrática e soberanamente expressa pelos povos francês, holandês e irlandês – que rejeitaram a dita constituição europeia e o denominado tratado de Lisboa –, inserindo-se na campanha e processo antidemocrático que visa impor esta inaceitável proposta de tratado.

Desrespeitando a vontade democrática expressa por estes povos e o consignado nos próprios tratados – que as forças irmanadas da direita e da social-democracia aprovaram –, obrigam o povo irlandês a realizar um novo referendo (ao mesmo tempo que impedem que outros povos sejam consultados por esta via) e multiplicam as pressões e as ingerências no sentido de o forçar a aceitar este tratado que aprofunda o federalismo, o neoliberalismo e o militarismo da UE.

Eis a hipócrita e cínica democracia europeia: os mesmos que, dando o dito por não dito (como o PS e o PSD), negaram aos povos o debate e a consulta popular por via do referendo sobre a proposta de tratado de Lisboa, os mesmos que só respeitam a vontade popular desde que esta esteja conforme à sua pedem agora aos povos de cada um dos países na UE que lhes dêem a sua confiança e votem neles nas próximas eleições para o PE...

É preciso descaramento...

  Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. − Lissabonfördraget, som till 96 procent sammanfaller med förslaget till konstitutionellt fördrag, har fallit genom folkomröstningsresultatet på Irland. Före det föll förslaget till konstitutionellt fördrag genom folkomröstningsresultaten i Frankrike och Nederländerna.

Majoriteten i detta parlament vägrar att erkänna sina politiska förluster. Detta är ett upprörande brott mot demokratiska principer och ett lika upprörande exempel på den maktens arrogans som präglar EU-samarbetet.

Leinens betänkande om Europaparlamentets nya roll hyllar stegen mot ett Europas förenta stater som Lissabonfördraget innebär samt att EU nu också ska ge sig in på utbildningsområdet inklusive idrott med mera.

Det hade varit önskvärt om betänkandet i stället hade behandlat problemet med detta parlaments bristande demokratiska legitimitet. Vi går återigen mot ett val där valdeltagande förutses bli mycket lågt. Fortfarande är det så att väljarna i EU-länderna känner föga engagemang för det supercentralistiska Europaparlamentet. Så länge den representativa demokratins politiska debatt är fokuserad på valen till de nationella parlamenten bör det vara de nationella parlamenten som ska vara de högsta beslutande politiska organen inom unionen, inte Europaparlamentet.

Jag har röstat nej till förslaget till betänkande.

- Rapport: Catherine Guy-Quint (A6-0183/2009)

  Martin Callanan (PPE-DE), in writing. − Why are we even talking about the Lisbon Treaty when it has yet to come into effect? Why are we effectively ignoring the democratic will of the Irish people, who voted to reject the treaty a year ago? The reason, of course, is that the EU cares very little for democratic opinion and is determined to move rapidly towards ever-closer union despite a lack of popular legitimacy. Irish voters will have to vote yet again on this treaty because the EU simply does not take no for an answer.

The chasm between the EU and its citizens is growing all the time. Referring to the Lisbon Treaty as though it were a fact of life merely serves to reinforce this democratic deficit. For this reason, and many others, I am pleased that British Conservatives will be part of a new political group in the next parliament, dedicated to reforming the EU and challenging the prevailing orthodoxy of ever-closer union which has proved so unpopular and caused so much damage in my region of North-East England.

  Charlotte Cederschiöld, Christofer Fjellner, Gunnar Hökmark och Anna Ibrisagic (PPE-DE), skriftlig. − Vi har röstat för betänkandet om de finansiella aspekterna av Lissabonfördraget som handlar om hur budgetprocessen kommer att se ut om Lissabonfördraget träder i kraft.

Vi stöder inte de punkter i betänkandet som handlar om att EU ska ha egna medel genom beskattningsrätt. Vi är även emot inrättandet av flexibilitetsfonder.

  Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. − Lissabonfördraget, som till 96 procent sammanfaller med förslaget till konstitutionellt fördrag, har fallit genom folkomröstningsresultatet på Irland. Före det föll förslaget till konstitutionellt fördrag genom folkomröstningsresultaten i Frankrike och Nederländerna.

Majoriteten i detta parlament vägrar att erkänna sina politiska förluster. Detta är ett upprörande brott mot demokratiska principer och ett lika upprörande exempel på den maktens arrogans som präglar EU-samarbetet.

Jag anser inte att Europaparlamentet ska ha större inflytande på EU:s budget. Under min tid i detta parlament har jag gång på gång noterat hur den federalistiska majoriteten frikostigt vill dela ut anslag till allt från kulturprojekt till strukturstöd och utökad EU-byråkrati. Alla olika särintressen inom regionalpolitiken, fiskerinäringen, jordbruksnäringen ska enligt majoriteten i Europaparlamentet få del av EU:s kaka. I en del fall handlar det om utgifter som är rena PR-jippon. Denna frikostiga utgiftspolitik ska EU bedriva i en tid av finanskris då man i medlemsländerna måste skära i utgifterna för vård, skola och omsorg.

Viktigast av allt - det har hittills varit tur att Europaparlamentet inte haft allt för stort inflytande på EU:s jordbrukspolitik, ty då skulle unionen hamna i en fälla av protektionism och tunga subventioner till samtliga olika grupper inom jordbruksnäringen.

Jag har röstat nej till betänkandet.

- Rapport: Bárbara Dührkop Dührkop (A6-0280/2009)

  Philip Bradbourn (PPE-DE), in writing. − UK Conservatives have voted against the asylum package as, while we believe in cooperation in this area, we do not believe in a communitarised approach to asylum and immigration policy. We believe that the protection of national borders for us remains a key element of public policy at national level.

- Rapport: Antonio Masip Hidalgo (A6-0285/2009)

  Carl Lang et Fernand Le Rachinel (NI), par écrit. – Il y a quinze jours le Parlement européen adoptait un rapport relatif à la politique commune de l'immigration pour l'Europe jetant ainsi les bases d'une immigration massive et déjà programmée par la Commission européenne. Aujourd'hui c'est au tour des demandeurs d'asile. Il s'agit de mettre en place une "Europe de l'asile".

En effet, l'objectif clairement affiché est d'assurer aux demandeurs d'asile des normes de traitement plus élevées pour leurs conditions d'accueil. Cela consiste non seulement à uniformiser les normes d'accueil minimales entre tous les États mais aussi à favoriser leur installation massive.

Pour cela, le champ d'application de cette future directive sera étendu à toutes les personnes entrant, légalement ou non, sur le territoire de l'Union. Les restrictions administratives existantes dans les États membres concernant l'accès au marché du travail devront être toutes supprimées. Des aides sociales, médicales, psychologiques, de logement ou encore une assistance juridique devront être apportées par l'État d'accueil. Les refus de ces aides seront soumis à contrôles et recours juridiques...ce n'est bien souvent pas le cas pour les ressortissants eux-mêmes...

En adoptant cette deuxième phase du "paquet asile", Bruxelles facilite et encourage l'immigration mondiale vers l'Europe.

Nous nous opposerons toujours à cette vision mondialiste qui n'a comme finalité que la destruction pure et simple des peuples d'Europe et des nations européennes.

  Martine Roure (PSE), par écrit. – Pour le dernier vote de cette mandature, nous sommes appelés à nous prononcer sur le paquet "asile". Il s'agit là de la fin d'un processus mené tout au long de cette législature. Si certaines avancées ont vu le jour, les divergences entre les États persistent toujours, hélas, dans le domaine de la reconnaissance du statut de réfugiés. J'en veux pour preuves, les limites que l'on peut noter dans la directive sur les conditions d'accueil des demandeurs d'asile. Ce sont encore les États membres qui sont en première ligne au détriment de l'unicité européenne nécessaire en la matière. J'espère qu'à la prochaine mandature, en deuxième lecture, nous pourrons inverser cet état de fait pour créer un véritable droit d'asile européen assurant une véritable protection de ces hommes et de ces femmes particulièrement vulnérables.

- Rapport: Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert (A6-0284/2009)

  Charlotte Cederschiöld, Christofer Fjellner, Gunnar Hökmark och Anna Ibrisagic (PPE-DE), skriftlig. − Vi moderater har I dag röstat ja till Hennis- Plasschaerts betänkande A6-0284/2009 om kriterier och mekanismer för att avgöra vilken medlemsstat som har ansvaret för ansökan om internationellt skydd från tredjelandsmedborgare eller statslösa.

Vi är medvetna om och har förståelse för att det stora antalet människor som anländer i båtar över Medelhavet innebär en svår situation för några av de små länderna vid EU:s södra sjögräns och instämmer i att något måste göras för att lösa situationen.

Det är viktigt att den s.k. suspensionsmekanismen inte utformas så att den riskerar att ta bort medlemsstaternas incitament att höja standarden på asylprocessen och mottagandet, vilket strider mot grundtanken om det gemensamma regelverket.

- Rapports: Antonio Masip Hidalgo (A6-0285/2009) et Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert (A6-0284/2009)

  Jan Andersson, Göran Färm, Anna Hedh, Inger Segelström och Åsa Westlund (PSE), skriftlig. − Vi Socialdemokrater välkomnar alla initiativ som förbättrar situationen för asylsökande och papperslösa. Vi förordar en generös gemensam asyl- och migrationspoltik som sätter människans behov i centrum enligt de åtaganden som medlemsstaterna har enligt Genèvekonventionerna. Även om "asylpaketet" innebär att goda steg tas så valde vi att rösta emot betänkandena från Hennis-Plasschaert och Masip Hidalgo.

Vi Socialdemokrater beklagar den politik som högermajoriteten för i asyl- och migrationsfrågorna i Europaparlamentet. Det vi framför allt tar avstånd ifrån är frågan om språkinformation inte skall behöva ges på ett språk de förstår, om kvarhållande inte skall behöva ske inom ramen för Genèvekonventionen, om läkarundersökning för att fastställa ålder samt frågan om fri rättshjälp. Vi beklagar också att högern inte ville ge asylsökande rätt tillträde till arbetsmarknaden inom 6 månader.

- Rapport: Jean Lambert (A6-0279/2009)

  Martin Callanan (PPE-DE), in writing. − The establishment of this office is yet another step towards a common EU asylum and immigration policy, which is a policy I totally reject. I believe that the issue of whom to allow into the United Kingdom should be the responsibility of elected parliamentarians and accountable ministers in the United Kingdom, not the responsibility of the EU.

Handing the EU control of asylum and immigration policy would be deeply inimical to our national interest and would potentially expose us to greater risks from terrorism and organised crime.

The progress towards a common asylum and immigration policy is another sign of the EU's determination to create a single political entity with uniform rules for everyone. That's not the vision that British Conservatives have for the EU, and we will be promoting a very different vision of the EU when we form a new political grouping in the next parliament.

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI), par écrit. – Tous les rapports sur l'asile votés aujourd'hui ont une interprétation laxiste et extensive du droit d'asile, qui nuira in fine à ceux qui ont véritablement besoin, pour sauver leur vie, leur intégrité physique ou leur liberté, d'une protection internationale.

Les droits nouveaux, sociaux, financiers, familiaux, etc... que vous voulez imposer aux États d'octroyer aux demandeurs d'asile vont se transformer en pompe aspirante pour tous les prétendants à l'immigration économique, contribuer à engorger les services en charge de ces problèmes, ralentir encore l'examen des dossiers. Parce que vous refusez de façon récurrente de prendre en compte les abus et les détournements de procédures, et que vous vous obstinez à confondre les droits et le statut que pourraient avoir les réfugiés reconnus avec celui que vous voulez octroyer aux simples demandeurs.

Mais le plus inacceptable est le rapport Lambert, qui crée une agence européenne dite "d'appui", qui pourra répartir à sa guise entre les pays de l'Union européenne les demandeurs d'asile.

Nous ne sommes pas opposés à la coopération intergouvernementale dans ces domaines, dans le respect du droit souverain des États à décider qui peut, et dans quelles conditions, entrer sur leur territoire. Mais nous le sommes à vos politiques.

- Rapport: Tadeusz Zwiefka (A6-0270/2009)

  Edite Estrela (PSE), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente o relatório Zwiefka, uma vez que penso ser de grande importância estabelecer um procedimento que permita a negociação pelos Estados-Membros de acordos internacionais em matérias da competência exclusiva da CE, nos casos em que a CE não tenha decidido exercer a sua competência.

Ou seja, neste momento Portugal está impedido de concluir acordos internacionais para agilizar a cooperação judiciária, nomeadamente em matérias relativas a divórcios, anulação de casamento, entre outras, por se considerar que a CE adquiriu parcialmente competência exclusiva sobre essas matérias. Esta proposta permite que a Comissão autorize a conclusão de tais acordos sempre que a própria Comunidade não pretenda concluir ou não tenha concluído um acordo sobre a mesma matéria com um país terceiro. Penso ser de grande importância que a negociação deste regulamento seja tão rápida quanto possível, uma vez que é do interesse não só dos cidadãos portugueses como também dos cidadãos da restante Europa.

- Rapport: Ruth Hieronymi (A6-0260/2009)

  Marie-Hélène Descamps (PPE-DE), par écrit. – Les relations qui se sont développées entre les industries audiovisuelles des Etats membres de l’Union et celles des pays tiers doivent se poursuivre et se renforcer dans l'intérêt des professionnels mais aussi des consommateurs. Le programme de coopération audiovisuelle MEDIA MUNDUS tel qu'adopté aujourd'hui par le Parlement Européen, et que je soutiens, s'inscrit dans cet objectif.

Il offre en effet un cadre idoine pour accroître la compétitivité et la distribution transnationale des œuvres audiovisuelles dans le monde. Initié par le Parlement européen, ce programme devrait de surcroit contribuer à promouvoir la diversité culturelle tout en apportant une réelle valeur ajoutée aux actions déjà menées dans ce domaine par l'Union et par les Etats membres.

Grâce aux efforts déployés par notre rapporteur pour parvenir à un accord en première lecture, de nouvelles opportunités commerciales devraient donc rapidement voir le jour et offrir aux professionnels de l'audiovisuel des perspectives de relations de travail à long terme avec ceux des pays tiers.

- Rapport: Paolo Costa (A6-0274/2009)

  Jim Higgins (PPE-DE), in writing. − I voted against the Costa report on airport slots, in order to highlight the complete lack of consultation with airport authorities, the lack of debate with MEPs and the rushed nature of the legislation. This measure will onloy exacerbate problems in the aviation sector.

- Rapport: Gérard Deprez (A6-0265/2009)

  Edite Estrela (PSE), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente o relatório Deprez. Este regulamento estabelece um procedimento para a negociação e conclusão de acordos bilaterais entre Estados-Membros e países terceiros. Penso ser de grande importância estabelecer um procedimento que permita a negociação pelos Estados-Membros de acordos internacionais, nos casos em que a CE não tenha decidido exercer a sua competência.

Exemplificando, neste momento Portugal está impedido de concluir acordos internacionais para agilizar a cooperação judiciária, nomeadamente em matérias relativas a responsabilidade parental, obrigações de alimentos, divórcio, entre outras, por se considerar que a CE adquiriu parcialmente competência exclusiva sobre essas matérias. Esta proposta permite que a Comissão autorize a conclusão de tais acordos.

Dados os estreitos laços que Portugal mantém com certos países, em especial da CPLP, e que o número de imigrantes em vários países é significativo, é muito importante que, em matéria de direito de família, Portugal possa agilizar o reconhecimento dos direitos dos cidadãos portugueses nesses países através da conclusão ou revisão de acordos bilaterais. E embora esteja a dar como exemplo o caso de Portugal, penso que é de igual importância para todos os cidadãos da UE que a negociação deste regulamento seja tão rápida quanto possível.

Rapports: Tadeusz Zwiefka (A6-0270/2009) et Gérard Deprez (A6-0265/2009)

  Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. − EG-domstolen har fastställt att gemenskapen har exklusiv behörighet att ingå internationella avtal med tredjeländer inom vissa områden. Enskilda medlemsländer som tidigare ingått bilaterala avtal med tredjeland, eller som i framtiden vill göra det, är enligt samma bestämmelser förhindrade att göra så då det inte anses förenligt med EG-fördraget. EU kan dock, i undantagsfall, bemyndiga medlemsstaten att ingå bilaterala avtal: om gemenskapen inte har något intresse av avtal med det tredje landet, om den enskilda medlemsstaten har ett särskilt intresse av avtalet och avtalet inte inverkar negativt på gemenskapsrätten.

Junilistan är för den inre marknadens förverkligande och stödjer arbetet för att på EU-nivå söka lösningar på de miljöutmaningar som Europa står inför. På dessa områden accepterar vi en viss grad av överstatlighet. Vi motsätter oss dock ovanstående, överstatliga lagstiftningsåtgärd. Enskilda medlemsländer måste givetvis kunna ha möjlighet att ingå bilaterala juridiska avtal med tredjelandsländer om de bedömer att sådana överenskommelser är bättre för dem än de som finns på EU-nivå! Att en liten möjlighet till självbestämmande nu föreslås, genom införande av ett förfarande till förhandling, är visserligen bra, men ändå en klen tröst som inte förändrar det tydliga om än outtalade målet att skapa en EU-stat!

Jag har därför röstat nej till betänkandet.

- Proposition de résolution B6-0261/2009 (Moldavie)

  Erik Meijer (GUE/NGL), schriftelijk. − Met betrekking tot de recente protesten tegen de verkiezingsuitslag in Moldavië heeft mijn fractie een afzonderlijke resolutie ingediend, die afwijkt van het compromis tussen vier fracties. Tussen beide resoluties bestaat geen verschil als het gaat om de keuze voor vrije en eerlijke verkiezingen. Er bestaat wel verschil waar het gaat om de beoordeling van de regering en de meerderheidspartij in dat land.

Mijn fractie volgt de redenering dat de protesten zijn georganiseerd door niet-democratische krachten die de herhaalde keuze van de helft van de kiezers voor de communistische partij willen aanvechten. Bovendien wordt ervan uitgegaan dat die protesten zijn georganiseerd vanuit het buurland Roemenië, dat Moldavië wil inlijven. Op grond van die overweging stemt mijn fractie in meerderheid tegen de gezamenlijke resolutie. Ik zal daarentegen vóór deze resolutie stemmen.

Veel Moldaviërs hebben de Roemeense nationaliteit aangevraagd. Politieke contacten met de huidige regeringspartij mogen niet verhinderen dat we de eventuele wens van een groot deel van de bevolking voor aansluiting bij Roemenië respecteren. Die wens wordt gestimuleerd, doordat verdere uitbreiding van het aantal lidstaten binnen de EU geen steun meer heeft van de publieke opinie. Aansluiting bij Roemenië wordt dan de enige weg om de EU binnen te komen.

  Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE-DE), na piśmie. − Mołdawia przeżywa duże trudności polityczne i gospodarcze. Dramatyczne wydarzenia powyborcze w dniach 5, 7 i 8 kwietnia na ulicach Kiszyniowa, wskazuje, że społeczeństwo, zwłaszcza młodzież pragnie zmian i szybkiego zjednoczenia z Unią Europejską. Komuniści blokują niezbędne reformy i pertraktują z Rosją, mimo że oficjalnie deklarują zbliżenie ze strukturami europejskimi.

Trzeba Mołdawii pomoc na tej drodze. Większe zaangażowanie UE pozwoli rządowi i narodowi mołdawskiemu mieć większą pewność, że UE jest dla nich realna i perspektywa członkostwa możliwa.

Rząd musi wprowadzić podstawowe reformy, aby normalnie rozwijać się w obszarze politycznym i gospodarczym. Wprowadzać reformy prowadzące do gospodarki rynkowej, demokratyzacji życia społecznego i przestrzegania praw obywatelskich.

  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (PSE), în scris. − Am votat pentru rezoluţia Parlamentului European privind situaţia din Republica Moldova. Consider ca fiind extrem de important că toate grupurile politice au acordat atenţia şi sprijinul cuvenit acestui subiect.

Ca membru al Grupului Socialiştilor Europeni din Parlamentul European, susţin ca Uniunea Europeana să continue să acorde tot sprijinul necesar Republicii Moldova pentru ca această ţară să-şi împlinească destinul european, pe măsura aspiraţiilor poporului său. Este importat ca Republica Moldova să se dezvolte economic şi să ofere cetăţenilor condiţii cât mai bune de viaţă, şansa de a se realiza. Consider că România, ca stat membru al Uniunii Europene vecin cu Republica Moldova, trebuie să contribuie, în condiţiile şi pe baza unui acord de cooperare, bună vecinătate şi respect reciproc, la dezvoltarea economică şi socială a acestei ţări.

- Rapport: Raimon Obiols i Germà (A6-0264/2009)

  Martin Callanan (PPE-DE), in writing. − One of the positive aspects of the EU is the way in which it seeks to spread values of democracy, human rights and good governance throughout the world by way of its relationships with third countries. It is, however, deeply ironic that the EU places so much emphasis on democracy elsewhere while ignoring democracy within the EU itself, as can be seen by the reaction to Ireland’s rejection of the Lisbon Treaty.

I wish to draw attention to two parts of the world: firstly, Central Asia. Although I recognise the strategic importance of this region to the EU, I believe that continued engagement on the EU’s part must be matched by advances in human rights and democratisation in Central Asia.

Secondly, I would like to contrast the human rights situation in the authoritarian Communist dictatorship of China with the vigorous and free democracy of Taiwan. Taiwan enjoys an exceptionally high standard of human rights in east Asia and can serve as an example to China of what societies can achieve when they take the bold decision to become truly free.

  Avril Doyle (PPE-DE), in writing. − This report on the Annual Report on Human Rights 2008 evaluates the state of human rights actions around the world and calls for improvements in some key areas.

Regarding Amendment 2, while I disagree strongly with Pope Benedict’s quoted stance on the prophylactic use of condoms to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS, I could not support this amendment because of the gratuitous and inaccurate drafting.

  Edite Estrela (PSE), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente o relatório anual 2008 relativo aos direitos humanos. Este relatório tem dois objectivos essenciais. Por um lado, pretende ser uma base documental de referência para conhecimento, debate e avaliação das acções que aconteceram ao longo do ano, com a finalidade de melhorar, corrigir ou desenvolver acções futuras. Por outro lado, pretende-se informar um público tão vasto quanto possível sobre as acções levadas a cabo na União Europeia para promover os direitos humanos em todo o mundo.

Penso que é de grande importância proceder a um debate com vista a estabelecer prioridades, identificar questões que exigem uma intervenção europeia, manter e avaliar periodicamente situações que requerem uma maior vigilância.

Este relatório inclui também a problemática dos direitos das mulheres e mostra que existe um défice que deve ser colmatado, no desenvolvimento de políticas e acções específicas da UE em prol dos direitos humanos das mulheres.

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Bastaria conhecer o conteúdo da resolução sobre a situação na Palestina para constatar o quanto esta é um inaceitável exercício de hipocrisia e cinismo por parte da maioria do PE relativamente aos direitos humanos (no mundo).

A resolução não tem uma palavra de condenação da cruel agressão de Israel ao povo palestiniano, que nada pode justificar. A resolução branqueia a barbárie que se abateu sobre a população palestiniana na Faixa de Gaza – que a resolução do Conselho de Direitos Humanos da ONU denunciou e condenou – e não tem uma palavra de solidariedade para com o povo palestiniano, vítima das mais brutais violações dos direitos humanos, perpetradas pelo exército israelita, pelo terrorismo de Estado de Israel.

Os aspectos contidos na resolução que poderão merecer o nosso acordo não colocam em causa que, na sua essência, esta iniciativa anual do PE não é mais que um pérfido exercício de instrumentalização dos direitos humanos e da sua inadmissível utilização como arma de ingerência das grandes potências da UE (e seus grandes interesses financeiros e económicos) contra povos que afirmem a sua soberania e direitos.

Uma vez mais, afirmamos, contem connosco para defender os direitos do Homem, não contem connosco para exercícios de hipocrisia.

  Filip Kaczmarek (PPE-DE), na piśmie. − Głosowałem za przyjęciem sprawozdania Raimona Obiols i Germà w sprawie sytuacji praw człowieka na świecie w roku 2008 i polityki UE w tej dziedzinie. Głosowałem „za” dlatego, że udało się odrzucić skandaliczną poprawkę atakującą papieża Benedykta XVI. Jeżeli papież miałby zostać uznany za zagrożenie dla praw człowieka, to znaczyłoby, że świat staje na głowie. Nie rozumiem autorów tej poprawki.

Na świecie mamy niestety bardzo wiele przypadków łamania praw człowieka, które wymagają naszego zaangażowania, napiętnowania i przeciwdziałania. Kościół katolicki i wiele innych wyznań są naszymi sojusznikami w walce o poszanowanie ludzkiej godności. Atakowanie papieża jest jedynie dowodem przedwyborczego cynizmu i szkodliwego radykalizmu. Szkoda, że pod koniec kadencji niektórzy posłowie wikłają się w tak żenujące rozgrywki.

  Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. − En självständig utrikespolitik är nödvändig för upprätthållandet av den nationella suveräniteten. Varje medlemslands utrikesförbindelser måste vara föremål för demokratisk kontroll. EU ska inte bedriva en gemensam utrikespolitik, eftersom en sådan utveckling riskerar att frånta folket dess möjligheter att hålla sina förtroendevalda politiker ansvariga för deras agerande i sina relationer med främmande land.

Föreliggande betänkande innehåller flera viktiga skrivningar till stöd för specifika aspekter av de mänskliga rättigheterna. Dessa har jag givetvis röstat ja till. Betänkandet i sin helhet är emellertid ett sätt att flytta fram EU:s positioner i utrikespolitiken.

Jag har därför röstat nej i slutomröstningen.

  Søren Bo Søndergaard (GUE/NGL), skriftlig. − Jeg anerkender vigtigheden af beslutningens sigte mod at forbedre menneskerettighedssituationen i en række udsatte lande. Jeg deler dens ambition om at afskaffe brugen af dødsstraf og forbedre arbejdssituationen for menneskerettighedsforkæmpere og ngo'er. Samtidig er jeg enig i, at der skal stilles krav til menneskerettighederne i EU's samarbejdslande.

Alligevel kan jeg ikke stemme for beslutningen, da jeg er stærkt imod, at den omtaler en forsinket ratificering af Lissabontraktaten, hvilket er en fornærmelse mod det irske folks nej til traktaten. Samtidig er jeg imod ambitionen om at have fælles strukturer og personale til at skabe egentlige EU-ambassader. Jeg mener, at EU hverken har eller bør have kompetence på dette område.

  Charles Tannock (PPE-DE), in writing. − I take issue with amendment 2, which criticized the Roman Catholic Church and its leader Pope Benedict for his views on the use of condoms, but wisely the House rejected this amendment. There is little evidence that promoting the use of condoms actually prevents the transmission of AIDS.

Pope Benedict is entitled to his views as his own human right, whether or not others agree with them. I wonder whether this report would have dared to criticize a leader of another major world religion in the same hostile way. It is the role of the Roman Catholic Church to lead the faithful, not to be led. We should accord more respect to a Church and a religion on which the values of our Union are founded.

British Conservative MEPs support high standards of human rights in the world, but overall abstained on the report in the final vote as it included issues like ‘Reproductory Rights’ – which effectively mean abortion – and the death sentence, which are individual conscience matters, as well as advocating policy areas like the ICC, and the Lisbon Treaty, which we have a party position opposing.

  Geoffrey Van Orden (PPE-DE), in writing. − I am the strongest supporter of genuine human rights and therefore have no difficulty with many aspects of this report. I was personally responsible for introducing a paragraph asking the Council and Member States to take more effective action over the human rights catastrophe caused by the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe.

However, the report consistently and unaccountably refers to the EU as if it were a sovereign state – references that I and other Members attempted unsuccessfully to remove at the committee stage. The idea that individual Member States should surrender their national prerogative on matters of human rights to the European Union, whether in the forum of the United Nations or elsewhere, is totally unacceptable. I also object to the gratuitous and unnecessary references to the Treaty of Lisbon, which Conservatives and many others have consistently opposed. I therefore abstained on the final vote on the report.

  Anna Záborská (PPE-DE), písomne. − V článkoch 84 a 96 sa správa zaoberá dodržiavaním ľudských právach na Kube. Treba konštatovať, že napriek medzinárodnému tlaku pretrváva sústavné zastrašovanie, výsluchy a sofistikované násilie voči Dámam v bielom, ktoré pokračovali aj v roku 2008. Pred niekoľkými týždňami sa im režim snažil všemožne zabrániť v tichom proteste na 6. výročie uväznenia ich manželov. Ako znak spoluúčasti sa v Bratislave 28.4.2009 konal Pochod solidarity s Dámami v bielom a ich manželmi. Zo 75 aktivistov uväznených pred šiestimi rokmi, za ktorých sa jasne postavila aj EÚ, zostáva vo väzení 54. Len ak budeme sledovať ich osud dosiahneme aby sa dostali z väzenia predtým ako sa z nich stanú ľudské trosky. Nezabúdajme, že si onedlho pripomíname 20. výročie pádu komunizmu v krajinách strednej a východnej Európy. To čo môžeme urobiť pre kubánskych väzňov a ich manželky teraz, je ponechanie paragrafov o porušovaní ľudských práv na Kube v texte správy.

Nedá mi nespomenúť pozmeňovací návrh č. 2, ktorý ostro odsudzuje pápeža Benedikta XVI. Tento návrh osočuje hlavu Katolíckej cirkvi. Okrem toho dáva na rovnakú úroveň jeho výroky so zločinmi, ktoré sa páchajú v krajinách kde sa zneužíva trest smrti, ľudia sú mučení a zabíjaní za slobodu prejavu a nie sú rešpektované tie najzákladnejšie ľudské práva. Odmietnime tento pozmeňovací návrh.

- Rappot: Maria Grazia Pagano (A6-0262/2009)

  Philip Bradbourn (PPE-DE), in writing. − UK Conservatives believe that, while cross-border cooperation in criminal justice is important, the report seeks to create a common justice area at an EU level, which would significantly compromise the traditions of those countries which base their legal system on common law. Therefore, we cannot support this proposal.

  Martin Callanan (PPE-DE), in writing. − Criminal justice is rightly the responsibility of EU Member States. I can accept that Member States need to cooperate in trans-national matters related to criminal justice but I do not accept the development of an EU criminal justice area. Extending the EU’s so-called ‘competence’ into criminal justice would be an unwarranted and unacceptable intrusion into British sovereignty. People in my region of North-East England want criminal law to be made by accountable British parliamentarians and applied by British judges.

The fact that the EU is seeking to extend its powers into areas hitherto reserved for Member States exclusively shows the true aim of the EU: to create a federal superstate. People in my region do not want to see that occurring. They reject the conventional wisdom of ever-closer union and want to see a looser, more flexible system of intergovernmental cooperation. I hope the new group in which British Conservatives will sit in the next parliament will be able to deliver what most Britons want from Europe.

  Carl Lang (NI), par écrit. – Sous couvert de la lutte contre les mafias et organisations criminelles de tous genres, les eurocrates bruxellois veulent encore imposer leurs vues fédéralistes destructrices des nations, des peuples et des identités.

En effet, alors qu'il ne fait de doute pour personne que chaque État membre de l'Union a ses propres lois, traditions juridiques, ou codes, voici un énième assaut de ces euro-fédéralistes forcenés: la volonté de créer une "culture judiciaire européenne".

Pour cela devraient alors être créés: une École européenne des professions judiciaires pour les juges, les procureurs, les avocats de la défense, une Académie du droit européen et tous les autres acteurs intervenant dans l'administration de la justice.

Quid des écoles judiciaires nationales? Quid des différences inextricables existant entre les législations découlant du droit coutumier et celles du droit écrit?

Aucune réponse n'est apportée, évidemment.

Concrètement, ce sont les systèmes judiciaires et pénaux entiers des États qui, face à cette harmonisation forcée (donc, par le bas), disparaîtront.

Ces apprentis sorciers de l'Europe n'ont rien compris, seuls les États-Nations, éléments premiers de l'Europe, pourront l'enrichir et lui redonner toute sa place dans le monde.

L'Europe ne doit pas se construire au détriment de ses nations et de ses peuples.

- Rapport: Jean-Luc Dehaene (A6-0142/2009)

  Jan Andersson, Göran Färm, Inger Segelström och Åsa Westlund (PSE), skriftlig. − Parlamentet röstade idag om ett betänkande om Lissabonfördragets konsekvenser för utvecklingen av EU:s institutionella balans. Betänkandet föreslår att de extra ledamöter, som Sverige och andra medlemsländer kommer att ges om Lissabonfördraget träder i kraft, väljs redan i det kommande valet till Europaparlamentet och därefter får observatörsstatus i parlamentet. Rapporten föreslår också att utnämningen av en ny ordförande för kommissionen, utförs i Lissabonfördragets anda. Detta innebär att valet av ordförande skall återspegla den politiska majoriteten i Europaparlamentet, samt att valet av kandidat skall föregås av diskussioner mellan rådet och de politiska grupperna i parlamentet.

Vi har valt att rösta ja till detta betänkande för att Europaparlamentet måste förbereda sig på att kunna utföra de förändringar som kommer att uppstå för parlamentets arbete om Lissabonfördraget träder i kraft. Våra röster skall emellertid inte på något vis ses som att vi föregår de enskilda medlemsländernas ratificeringsprocess. Vi respekterar fullt ut varje medlemslands rätt att själva fatta beslut om ratificering av Lissabonfördraget.

  Edite Estrela (PSE), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente o relatório sobre o impacto do Tratado de Lisboa no desenvolvimento do equilíbrio institucional da UE. O presente relatório analisa o impacto do Tratado de Lisboa no desenvolvimento do equilíbrio institucional da União Europeia, sublinhando a importância da aplicação das novas disposições e das primeiras nomeações.

A eventual entrada em vigor do Tratado de Lisboa até ao final de 2009 requer um acordo político entre o Conselho e o Parlamento Europeu a fim de garantir que o procedimento relativo à escolha do próximo Presidente da Comissão e à nomeação da futura Comissão respeite sempre os novos poderes que o Tratado de Lisboa concede ao Parlamento Europeu relativamente a esta matéria.

Assim sendo, o relatório apresenta uma série de recomendações com o objectivo de um balanço institucional e sublinha que o Tratado de Lisboa fortalece cada uma das Instituições europeias no seu campo de competências.

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Esta resolução integra um pacote de cinco resoluções, hoje aprovadas pela maioria do PE, que representa o mais claro desprezo pela vontade democrática e soberanamente expressa pelos povos francês, holandês e irlandês – que em referendo rejeitaram a dita constituição europeia e o seu irmão gémeo, o denominado tratado de Lisboa –, inserindo-se nas múltiplas iniciativas que visam impor esta inaceitável proposta de tratado.

Em vez de enterrar de vez o tratado de Lisboa, o PE volta a aprovar uma resolução glorificadora do antidemocrático equilíbrio institucional da UE nele proposto, mistificando, entre muitos outros exemplos, que aquele:

- Transfere competências soberanas do povo português para as instituições supranacionais da UE, dominadas pelas grandes potências, de que é exemplo a gestão dos recursos biológicos marinhos da nossa Zona Económica Exclusiva;

- Amplia a aplicação da regra de maioria na tomada de decisão, o que significa o reforço do poder das grandes potências e o impedimento de Portugal vetar decisões que firam o interesse nacional;

- Acentua o esvaziamento das instituições democráticas nacionais (as únicas que resultam directamente da vontade democrática dos povos), de que é exemplo a transferência de competências dos parlamentos nacionais, que perdem poder de decisão em áreas fundamentais, transformando-se numa espécie de órgãos consultivos sem direito de vetar decisões comunitárias contrárias aos interesses nacionais.

  Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. − Lissabonfördraget, som till 96 procent sammanfaller med förslaget till konstitutionellt fördrag, har fallit genom folkomröstningsresultatet på Irland. Före det föll förslaget till konstitutionellt fördrag genom folkomröstningsresultaten i Frankrike och Nederländerna.

Majoriteten i detta parlament vägrar att erkänna sina politiska förluster Detta är ett upprörande brott mot demokratiska principer och ett lika upprörande exempel på den maktens arrogans som präglar EU-samarbetet.

Det är anmärkningsvärt att det i punkt 4 i Dehaenes betänkande skrivs (citat): "Europaparlamentet välkomnar att det fastställs i Lissabonfördraget att Europeiska rådet, enhälligt och med parlamentets samtycke samt under förutsättning att inget nationellt parlament motsätter sig det, får utvidga beslutsfattandet med kvalificerad majoritet samt det ordinarie lagstiftningsförfarandet till att gälla nya områden som ännu inte omfattas."

Trots att väljarna i en mängd medlemsländer är klart skeptiska till en alltmer överstatlig union pekar Europaparlamentets federalistiska majoritet på möjligheten att enligt Lissabonfördraget göra unionen än mer överstatlig och flytta ännu mera makt till EU utan att man behöva komma överens om ett nytt fördrag.

Jag har röstat nej till betänkandet.

- Rapport: Elmar Brok (A6-0133/2009)

  Jan Andersson, Göran Färm, Inger Segelström och Åsa Westlund (PSE), skriftlig. − Parlamentet röstade idag om ett betänkande om utvecklingen av förbindelserna mellan Europaparlamentet och de nationella parlamenten enligt Lissabonfördraget. Detta betänkande välkomnar de nya befogenheterna som ges till de nationella parlamenten genom Lissabonfördraget. Rapporten utreder också möjligheterna för framtida utveckling av relationerna mellan Europaparlamentet och de nationella parlamenten.

Vi har valt att rösta ja till detta betänkande för att Europaparlamentet måste förbereda sig på att kunna utföra de förändringar som kommer att uppstå för parlamentets arbete om Lissabonfördraget träder i kraft. Våra röster skall emellertid inte på något vis ses som att vi föregår de enskilda medlemsländernas ratificeringsprocess. Vi respekterar fullt ut varje medlemslands rätt att själva fatta beslut om ratificering av Lissabonfördraget.

  Edite Estrela (PSE), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente o relatório Elmar Brok. Este relatório felicita os novos poderes dados aos parlamentos nacionais pelo Tratado de Lisboa e examina as possibilidades de cooperação futura entre os parlamentos nacionais e o Parlamento Europeu.

A aprovação do Tratado de Lisboa na República Checa representa um passo importante para a sua rápida entrada em vigor. Este relatório mostra quão importante é este novo Tratado da União Europeia.

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI), par écrit. – Nous avons voté contre ce rapport d'abord parce qu'il est sans objet: le traité de Lisbonne n'existe pas, il a été rejeté par trois référendums.

Ensuite, parce qu'il prône la subordination des parlements nationaux au Parlement européen: ce dernier, fort de sa supériorité et sans doute de son insupportable arrogance, apporterait son soutien aux parlements nationaux, sans doute composés à ses yeux de béotiens et d'incultes, pour examiner les textes européens. Soutien ou pression? Il s'inviterait dans les plénières des assemblées nationales, jouerait les conseillers, influencerait la manière dont elles transposent les textes pour encourager l'uniformité, s'imposerait pour débattre des budgets de défense... leur dicterait aussi la manière dont ils doivent contrôler les gouvernements et leurs activités au sein du Conseil?

Enfin, parce qu'il repose sur une double hypocrisie: les parlements nationaux n'ont obtenu qu'un droit de contrôle très compliqué à mettre en œuvre, donc peu opérant, sur le respect du principe de subsidiarité; ce principe est un leurre puisque de nombreuses compétences de l'Union européenne, dites exclusives, sont sanctuarisées et que la définition de la subsidiarité donnée par les traités favorise de facto les pouvoirs de Bruxelles.

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Esta resolução integra um pacote de cinco resoluções, hoje aprovadas pela maioria do PE, que representa o mais claro desprezo pela vontade democrática e soberanamente expressa pelos povos francês, holandês e irlandês – que em referendo rejeitaram a dita constituição europeia e o seu irmão gémeo, o denominado tratado de Lisboa –, inserindo-se nas múltiplas iniciativas que visam impor esta inaceitável proposta de tratado.

Esta resolução sobre o desenvolvimento das relações entre o PE e os parlamentos nacionais ao abrigo do Tratado de Lisboa é um mimo de mistificação.

O PE congratula-se com as atribuições e os direitos dos parlamentos nacionais ao abrigo do Tratado de Lisboa (...), que reforçam o seu papel nos processos políticos da União Europeia. Seria caso para rir se não fosse grave. O PE escamoteia que, quanto ao apontado reforço do papel dos parlamentos nacionais no processo de decisão, o que efectivamente acontece com o tratado de Lisboa é que estes perdem muito mais do que (falsamente) ganham, tendo em conta a maior transferência de competências para as instituições da União Europeia. Mesmo o (pseudo) controlo do respeito pelo dito princípio da subsidiariedade (sobre o exercício pelas instituições comunitárias de competências entretanto transferidas para a UE pelos parlamentos nacionais) não confere a cada um dos parlamentos nacionais o poder de veto.

  Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. − Lissabonfördraget, som till 96 procent sammanfaller med förslaget till konstitutionellt fördrag, har fallit genom folkomröstningsresultatet på Irland. Före det föll förslaget till konstitutionellt fördrag genom folkomröstningsresultaten i Frankrike och Nederländerna.

Majoriteten i detta parlament vägrar att erkänna sina politiska förluster. Detta är ett upprörande brott mot demokratiska principer och ett lika upprörande exempel på den maktens arrogans som präglar EU-samarbetet.

Broks betänkande hyllar det konvent som tog fram ett förslag till konstitutionellt fördrag. Detta konvent har fått stark kritik för att ha varit helt odemokratiskt och toppstyrt av dess ordförande Giscard d´Estaing.

Broks betänkande borde enligt min mening ha kommit till slutsatsen att så länge den representativa demokratins politiska debatt är fokuserad på valen till de nationella parlamenten bör det vara de nationella parlamenten som ska vara de högsta beslutande politiska organen inom unionen, inte Europaparlamentet.

Jag har röstat nej till betänkandet.

- Rapport: Sylvia-Yvonne Kaufmann (A6-0043/2009)

  Jan Andersson, Göran Färm, Inger Segelström och Åsa Westlund (PSE), skriftlig. − Parlamentet röstade idag om ett betänkande med en uppmaning till kommissionen om att lägga fram ett lagförslag om medborgarinitiativet så snart Lissabonfördraget ratificerats. Medborgarinitiativet innebär att en miljon personer som kommer från ett betydande antal medlemsländer, får ta initiativ till att uppmana kommissionen att lägga fram ett lagstiftningsförslag. Därmed ges medborgarna samma rätt att uppmana kommissionen att initiera lagförslag som Rådet.

Vi har valt att rösta ja till detta betänkande för att Europaparlamentet måste förbereda sig på att kunna utföra de förändringar som kommer att uppstå för parlamentets arbete om Lissabonfördraget träder i kraft. Våra röster skall emellertid inte på något vis ses som att vi föregår de enskilda medlemsländernas ratificeringsprocess. Vi respekterar fullt ut varje medlemslands rätt att själva fatta beslut om ratificering av Lissabonfördraget.

  Richard Corbett (PSE), in writing. − I and my Labour delegation colleagues support the introduction of the Citizens’ Initiative in the event of the successful ratification of the Lisbon Treaty. It would strengthen citizens’ rights of participation in the European political process and be additional to the valuable existing right to petition the Parliament.

However, I am concerned that Mrs Kaufman’s proposals would lead to the citizens’ initiative process becoming bogged down or hampered by onerous bureaucratic requirements (like Member States having to check every signature and pre-certification by the Commission that it is legal). To encourage more participation, we should follow the spirit of the Citizens’ Initiative – namely that it should be as accessible and easy to use as possible. Therefore, we had no alternative but to abstain on this report.

  Edite Estrela (PSE), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente o relatório sobre a aplicação da iniciativa de cidadania. O Tratado de Lisboa introduz a Iniciativa dos Cidadãos Europeus, ou seja, o direito dos cidadãos intervirem no processo legislativo europeu. É um instrumento completamente novo que fortalece a democracia e os direitos dos cidadãos.

Esta é sem dúvida uma forma de aproximar os cidadãos europeus das instituições europeias e torná-los mais atentos e participativos na tomada de decisão.

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI), par écrit. – Le rapport Kaufmann vise à orienter la manière de mettre en œuvre une "initiative citoyenne", telle que définie à l'article 11 du traité mort-né sur l'Union européenne: "des citoyens de l'Union, au nombre d'un million au moins, ressortissants d'un nombre significatif d'États membres, peuvent prendre l'initiative d'inviter la Commission européenne, dans le cadre de ses attributions, à soumettre une proposition appropriée sur des questions pour lesquelles ces citoyens considèrent qu'un acte juridique de l'Union est nécessaire aux fins de l'application des traités".

Le rapport définit donc des conditions précises de recevabilité et des procédures concrètes qui rendent, au passage, fort difficile l'aboutissement d'une telle "initiative".

Je veux mettre ici en garde les citoyens. Ce nouveau "droit" est un leurre. Il ne prévoit qu'une chose: la possibilité de demander à la Commission de nouvelles lois européennes, mais pas d'abroger ou de changer celles qui existent; pas de changer les politiques. Et de toute façon, la Commission n'a absolument aucune obligation de les écouter.

Si les eurocrates tiennent tant que cela à donner des droits aux citoyens d'Europe, alors qu'ils commencent par respecter leur vote et à comprendre enfin que "non", c'est "non", en français, en néerlandais, en anglais, en gaélique, comme dans toutes les langues.

  Pedro Guerreiro (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Esta resolução integra um pacote de cinco resoluções, hoje aprovadas pela maioria do PE, que representa o mais claro desprezo pela vontade democrática e soberanamente expressa pelos povos francês, holandês e irlandês, inserindo-se nas múltiplas iniciativas que visam impor a inaceitável proposta de tratado denominado de Lisboa.

No caso da presente resolução, o que a caracteriza é o seu contra-senso e hipocrisia.

Bem pode o PE enaltecer retoricamente o exercício normal, transparente e eficaz do direito de participação dos cidadãos e a dita iniciativa de cidadania introduzida na proposta de tratado, agora denominada de Lisboa; a verdade é que as forças que dirigem e promovem a dita integração europeia e este tratado de Lisboa tudo fizeram e fazem para impedir que os povos debatam e conheçam o conteúdo desta proposta e sejam consultados por via do referendo.

Mais, depois de o povo irlandês ter rejeitado esta proposta de tratado federalista, neoliberal e militarista, tudo fazem para impor a realização de um novo referendo neste país (quantas vezes as necessárias para que o povo irlandês diga sim).

Isto é, impedem que os povos possam expressar a sua vontade democrática e soberana por via do referendo e depois, com falinhas mansas, mandam areia para os olhos, enaltecendo uma denominada iniciativa de cidadania, logo à partida mais que condicionada.

  Nils Lundgren (IND/DEM), skriftlig. − Lissabonfördraget, som till 96 procent sammanfaller med förslaget till konstitutionellt fördrag, har fallit genom folkomröstningsresultatet på Irland. Före det föll förslaget till konstitutionellt fördrag genom folkomröstningsresultaten i Frankrike och Nederländerna.

Majoriteten i detta parlament vägrar att erkänna sina politiska förluster. Detta är ett upprörande brott mot demokratiska principer och ett lika upprörande exempel på den maktens arrogans som präglar EU-samarbetet.

Kaufmanns betänkande säljer skinnet innan björnen är skjuten. Det är exceptionellt arrogant mot demokratin och framför allt det irländska folket, som än en gång ska tvingas till folkomröstning därför att de enligt politikeretablissemanget röstade "fel". Det finns ingen anledning i detta läge att behandla detta betänkande i Europaparlamentet. Förslaget till medborgarinitiativ är i sig är ett ytterst oklart förslag till medborgarpåverkan gentemot valda politiker. De senare kan välja att nonchalera dessa initiativ fullständigt om det så passar dem.

Jag har röstat nej till betänkandet.

- Proposition de résolution B6-0258/2009 (Substances chimiques)

  Kartika Tamara Liotard (GUE/NGL), schriftelijk. − Hoewel het een goede resolutie is, heb ik tegen gestemd omdat, het Europees Parlement er in e resolutie mee instemt dat de Commissie een uitzondering maakt op het asbestverbod voor bepaalde elektrolyse-installaties. Ik vind dat als je zegt dat je in Europa een algeheel asbestverbod hebt, je consequent moet zijn en dus geen uitzonderingen moet maken. Nog steeds zijn er mensen die doodziek zijn van asbest en ik vind het onbegrijpelijk dat de Commissie hier geen rekening mee houdt. Uit solidariteit met de slachtoffers van asbest heb ik tegen de resolutie gestemd.

11. Korrezzjonijiet u intenzjonijiet għall-vot: ara l-Minuti

(La séance, suspendue à 13 h 20, est reprise à 15 heures)

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΡΟΔΗ ΚΡΑΤΣΑ-ΤΣΑΓΚΑΡΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ
Αντιπρόεδρος

12. Approvazzjoni tal-Minuti tas-seduta ta’ qabel: ara l-Minuti

13. Dibattiti dwar każijiet ta' ksur tad-drittijiet tal-bniedem, tad-demokrazija u ta' l-istat tad-dritt

13.1. Iran: il-każ ta' Roxana Saberi

  Πρόεδρος. - Το επόμενο σημείο είναι η συζήτηση επί 6 προτάσεων ψηφίσματος σχετικά με το Ιράν: η περίπτωση της Roxana Saberi⁽¹⁾

  Tunne Kelam, author. − Madam President, Iran is notorious for its human rights record, as was noted just yesterday during the debate on the human rights situation in the world.

Today we are addressing the case of Roxana Saberi, a journalist who had her trial just three weeks ago and was condemned to eight years in prison for so-called espionage. The fact is that Ms Saberi has had no access to her lawyer for more than a month. There was no chance of a fair or transparent trial, because the trial was held in camera. She was on hunger strike for at least two weeks. It is true that she has ended this, but her health is in a very precarious state.

Therefore, we are here today to address a message to the Iranian authorities that we clearly condemn the sentence pronounced by the Iranian Revolutionary Court on 18 April 2009 and ask that Ms Saberi be immediately and unconditionally freed on the basis that the trial was held in camera, without legal process.

I would like to add that Iran is notorious for its massive, systematic public executions, whether by stoning or by hanging, including of juvenile offenders. That, too, is part of our message.

  Erik Meijer, Auteur. − Tweeëneenhalve minuut, Voorzitter. Deze vijf jaar zijn er veel debatten gevoerd over Iran. Mijn fractie had sympathie voor de revolutie eind jaren '70, niet vanwege verwantschap met de religieuze scherpslijpers, maar omdat de voorafgaande regering van de familie Pahlavi het volk niet vertegenwoordigde. Die regering kon slechts overleven door een nauwe binding met Amerika en Europa.

Doordat een eerdere regering onder leiding van premier Mossadeq, die veel meer steun van het volk had, als gevolg van buitenlandse druk was verjaagd, kreeg de brede volksbeweging tegen de regering een uitgesproken antiwesters karakter. Het Westen werd niet gezien als bondgenoot in de strijd voor democratie en vooruitgang, maar als een koloniale profiteur en onderdrukker.

Inmiddels bestaat er geen twijfel meer over dat de macht in handen is gekomen van groepen die niet alleen graag het conflict met Amerika en Israël zoeken, maar ook uitgesproken conservatief, intolerant en ondemocratisch zijn. Zij onderdrukken hun inwoners, hebben rechtspraak en leger in de vaste greep van de religieuze fanatici gebracht, en verhinderen dat de kiezers kunnen stemmen voor mensen met gematigder opvattingen. Rechten van vrouwen, van etnische minderheden en van religieuze minderheden worden terzijde geschoven, doodstraffen vaak op de meest wrede wijze in het openbaar uitgevoerd, als middel om afwijkend gedrag uit te schakelen.

Oppositioneel gedrag binnen Iran leidt tot opsluiting. Opposanten die naar het buitenland zijn gevlucht, worden achtervolgd en verdacht gemaakt bij de regeringen, de media en de publieke opinie in de landen waar ze nu wonen. Dat zagen we bij de pogingen om de oppositie in ballingschap op een lijst van terroristische organisaties te plaatsen alsook bij de pogingen om het vluchtelingenkamp Ashraf in Irak te laten sluiten. Terecht heeft dit Parlement zich recent tegen die twee zaken uitgesproken.

(De Voorzitter ontneemt hem het woord.)

  Paulo Casaca, Autor. − Senhora Presidente, o dia 1 de Maio, que é um dia de festa para nós no Ocidente, continua, infelizmente, a ser um dia de luto no Irão, este ano marcado não só pela já habitual brutal repressão das manifestações dos trabalhadores iranianos, mas também pelo enforcamento de uma jovem, Delara Darabi, condenada por um crime que tudo indica não cometeu com a idade de 17 anos.

De acordo com a Amnistia Internacional, no dia anterior à sua execução, a jovem tinha contado à sua mãe os seus planos para o futuro, na esperança de que a vasta campanha para a sua libertação fosse bem sucedida.

Delara Darabi é mais uma mártir do fanatismo religioso, como tantas outras cuja execução aqui denunciámos.

Foi também nesta semana que organizações de defesa dos direitos humanos confirmaram a informação, difundida em primeira mão pelo Conselho Nacional da Resistência Iraniana, da lapidação na prisão de Lakan de um homem acusado de adultério e que anunciaram a iminente lapidação de um outro na província de Gilan, desmentindo, uma vez mais, as pretensas moratórias iranianas a esta prática bárbara.

Como denuncia o movimento de luta pela abolição da pena de morte Tire as Mãos de Caim, o Irão é o país onde existem mais execuções per capita do mundo, sendo que hoje, mesmo pela manhã, na prisão de Evin foram enforcadas 4 pessoas, a juntar-se às 8 enforcadas na prisão de Taibad no passado dia 2 de Maio.

A prisão de nacionais de países terceiros, como a americana Roxana Saberi, é também uma prática de rotina para a chantagem junto de outros países para obter concessões diplomáticas.

A esse propósito, é extremamente certeiro, e condensa o que há de mais importante, o comentário feito pelo Secretário de Tire as Mãos de Caim, Sergio D'Elia: A brutalidade do regime dos Mullah não é só da responsabilidade do regime fundamentalista iraniano. Os governos europeus consentem-na, pelo silêncio, tolerância e um irrestrito desejo de agradar, e sucumbem à chantagem política e comercial iraniana. O regime de Teerão ameaça a paz e a segurança do mundo e, de forma ainda mais óbvia, os seus próprios cidadãos, através de actos que pratica há décadas. Em vez de ter isto em conta, a Europa faz do Irão a solução para os problemas do Médio Oriente, quando ele é o principal problema.

Nesta última vez que uso da palavra no Parlamento Europeu, faço votos para que aqueles que aqui se vão sentar na próxima sessão não abandonem os Iranianos aos seus carcereiros e não abandonem os povos do Grande Médio Oriente à voragem do fanatismo religioso.

  Marios Matsakis, author. − Madam President, I will not repeat what was said already regarding the ruthless Iranian theocratic regime. I agree with those positions, but I want to approach the subject from an angle similar to that used by my fellow MEP, Mr Mayer, who has just left.

Iran, a country with thousands of years of civilisation and culture, is today in a sorry state of affairs as far as democracy, civil rights and justice are concerned. Some of our countries in the West are not free from blame for this situation. Let us not forget that governments such as those of the USA and Britain have for years supported, armed and kept in power the well-known monstrous dictatorship of the Shah of Iran. It was inevitable that, when the Shah was finally overthrown by popular uprising, Islamic extremists would find fertile ground to root themselves in power and cultivate feelings of hate towards the West.

Then came the excessively aggressive behaviour of successive US administrations and the position of drastic sanctions, which only caused further suffering to ordinary Iranian people and further aggravated their hostile feelings towards the West. Hopefully the new President of the USA, Mr Obama, who has shown signs that he prefers to fight with his brain rather than with his fists, as the previous President, Mr Bush, so unsuccessfully did, will give new hope for the improvement of the likes of the Iranian people and the betterment of relations with the West.

Such an approach will help ordinary Iranian citizens understand that the West wants to be their friend, not their enemy, and eventually the people of Iran will themselves overthrow the Islamic fundamentalist regime that so undemocratically controls their lives and causes them so much suffering, as in the case at the centre of our debate here today.

  Ewa Tomaszewska, autorka. − Pani Przewodnicząca! Roxana Saberi jest trzydziestodwuletnią dziennikarką o podwójnym obywatelstwie, amerykańskim i irańskim, która ukończyła studia na kilku fakultetach w Stanach Zjednoczonych, Wielkiej Brytanii i Iranie. Prowadząc swą działalność zawodową w Iranie, także po wygaśnięciu akredytacji, została aresztowana i skazana na osiem lat więzienia pod fałszywym zarzutem szpiegostwa na rzecz Stanów Zjednoczonych. Protestując przeciw fałszywym oskarżeniom i brakowi uczciwego procesu, podjęła głodówkę. Jest bardzo wycieńczona. Pod opieką lekarzy zaczęła pić słodzoną wodę. Obecnie przerwała głodówkę, czeka na apelację. Jej zdrowiu i życiu nadal zagraża niebezpieczeństwo.

Iran jest znany z drakońskich kar, także z publicznego wykonywania wyroków śmierci, również na nieletnich. Wzywamy do uwolnienia pani Saberi! Wzywamy do zapewnienia jej uczciwego procesu! Myślę, że społeczność międzynarodowa powinna wywrzeć presję na Iran dla zakończenia tych drakońskich praktyk.

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė, PPE-DE frakcijos vardu. – Mes kalbame apie Roxaną Saberi, Amerikos ir Irano žurnalistę, kuri dirbo ABC radijui, BBC, Pietų Afrikos televizijai. Ji, apkaltinus šnipinėjimu, nuteista aštuoneriems metams, įkalinta, paskelbė bado streiką. Gegužės 1 d. labai silpnos būklės buvo perkelta į kalėjimo ligoninę. Mums žinoma, kad jai penkias savaites nebuvo leista pasinaudoti advokato paslaugomis. Jos teismo procesas nebuvo nei sąžiningas, nei skaidrus.

Vakar BBC pranešė, kad apeliacinis teismas gegužės 12 d., t. y. kitą savaitę nagrinės Roxanos Saberi apeliaciją, bet tai vėl ketinama daryti uždarame teismo posėdyje. Mes smerkiame nepagrįstą Irano Revoliucinio Teismo paskelbtą nuosprendį Roxanai Saberi. Ir dar, aš manau, labai svarbu dar kartą paraginti Irano valdžios institucijas laikytis visų tarptautinių žmogaus teisių dokumentų, kuriuos Iranas ratifikavo. Ypač Tarptautinio pilietinių ir politinių teisių pakto ir Visuotinės žmogaus teisių deklaracijos, kurie užtikrinta teisę į teisingą teismo procesą, nuostatų.

  Justas Vincas Paleckis, PSE frakcijos vardu. – Paskutinę šios kadencijos dieną, tokią gražią pavasario dieną, kažkaip norėtųsi tikėtis, kad šioji tema, žmogaus teisių pažeidimų tema, mūsų Parlamente kada nors bus išsemta, kad šioje gražioje salėje apie tai nebeturėsime kalbėti. Bet, deja, tai tik iliuzija ir šiandien, kaip ir visada, darbotvarkė perkrauta ir į ją pateko ne visi skausmingi atvejai iš įvairiausių pasaulio šalių.

Ne pirmą kartą plenarinėje sesijoje kalbame apie Iraną. Ši kartą mes susirūpinę Roxanos Saberi neteisėtu įkalinimu. Pradžioje ji suimta lyg ir dėl smulkmenos, nors Irane tai ir yra nusikaltimas – vyno pirkimas, paskui kaltinimas, kad ji be akreditacijos dirbo žurnaliste, o paskui kaltinimai virto tuo, kad ji yra Amerikos agentė. Irano valdžia surengė vienos dienos uždarą teismą be liudininkų ir konkrečių, viešai paskelbtų kaltinimų.

Tai jau ne pirmas atvejis, kai Irano valdžia pamina žmogaus teises, neteisėtai kalina, vykdo tarptautinėms normoms prieštaraujančius nuosprendžius. Dilaros Darabi nužudymas, žurnalisto Maryam Maleko ir darbuotojų teisių gynėjų sulaikymai – tai tik keli pavyzdžiai. Tenka pripažinti, kad Irano fundamentalistai ir toliau ruošia politinius teismus, siekdami dar labiau įbauginti laisvai mąstančius žmones. Apmaudu, kad taip Iranas tęsia savo paties izoliacijos politiką, neišnaudodamas tarptautinės bendrijos ir naujosios JAV administracijos iniciatyvos normalizuoti santykius.

Aš visada sakau, kad dialogas ir tarpusavio supratimas yra geriau, negu konfrontacija, tačiau šiuo atveju aš siūlau labai griežtai ir kietai reaguoti į šį atvejį ir pareikalauti Irano režimo garbingo teismo su visais tarptautiniais standartais.

  Struan Stevenson (PPE-DE). - Madam President, the jailing of the journalist Roxana Saberi on trumped-up spying charges is shameful and another appalling crime in the long list of criminal abuse by the fascist regime in Tehran.

Last Friday, as Paulo Casaca told us, their executioners took a 23-year-old girl from her cell and led her to the gallows without first allowing her access to her parents. They hanged Dilara Darabi for a crime she denied committing at the age of 17.

This is what passes for justice in Iran. The medieval torture and execution of women – even pregnant women – and children is commonplace. The abuse of human rights is a daily fact of life, and yet we have people in this Parliament who support this corrupt and evil regime: just like those European companies which continue to do business with Iran, their eyes and ears are closed to the screams of the oppressed. Shame on them and shame on the brutal mullahs. They should remember the lessons of history: every fascist regime is doomed to fail; freedom and justice will always prevail over evil.

  Erik Meijer (GUE/NGL). - Voorzitter, mijn spreektijd was ten onrechte ingekort, want die bedroeg tweeëneenhalve minuut en het slot van mijn betoog was: Verandering komt er niet door buitenlandse interventies en andere vormen van militair geweld. Die aanpak heeft in het verleden juist het ontstaan van het huidige regime veroorzaakt. In het geval van buitenlandse interventies scharen ook veel mensen in Iran, die de huidige regering haten, zich tóch achter die regering om het vaderland te verdedigen.

Maar ook het volstrekte tegendeel daarvan moeten we niet doen. Het is fout om samenwerking met dit regime te zoeken vanuit de gedachte dat de huidige groep duurzaam aan de macht zal blijven, of dat steun voor de stabiliteit in dit land gunstig is voor de Europese energievoorziening. Consequent opkomen voor de mensenrechten en steun aan de democratische oppositie is de enige weg naar verbetering, ook voor het slachtoffer waar nu het debat over ging.

  Christopher Beazley (PPE-DE). - Madam President, I wish to support my colleague – even though he is Scottish – Struan Stevenson.

Persia, as we all know, was one of the great civilisations of our continent and this world. There are many Iranians who are decent and good people. Struan spoke from the heart, and he is right. No man kills women and children and lives to boast of it. What are we going to do? We are merely Members of the European Parliament. We can merely shout in rage against this form of brutality, this form of inhumanity.

My only conclusion is that we should support those democratic, civilised Iranians and work with them to secure a decent, humanitarian, civilised government for the good people of Iran and let the murderers be condemned.

  Leonard Orban, Member of the Commission. − Madam President, the Commission is following closely the case of Ms Roxana Saberi, including the preparations for the appeal process that will begin early next week. The Commission is concerned about Ms Saberi’s health, weakened by a hunger strike that, according to Ms Saberi’s father, she started after she was sentenced to eight years in jail for alleged espionage by the Revolutionary Court of Tehran last month.

The Commission considers that Ms Saberi’s trial, held behind closed doors, did not meet the minimum standards required for a fair and transparent trial. The Commission fully supported the declaration issued by the Czech Presidency of the Council on Ms Saberi’s case on 22 April 2009. We hope that the Iranian judiciary will ensure a fair and transparent appeal trial without any delay, with all the guarantees provided by the Iranian legislation.

The Commission is deeply concerned at the steady deterioration of the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Iran. The recent execution of Ms Delara Darabi, hanged on 1 May for a crime she allegedly committed when she was a minor, is another confirmation of this dismal situation. Also in this case the EU issued a statement strongly condemning the execution.

The Commission has repeatedly urged, and will continue to do so, the Iranian authorities to respect their international commitments on human rights, including in relation to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Universal Declaration on Human Rights. The improvement of the human rights situation in Iran is, for the Commission, essential to enhance its political dialogue and cooperation with Iran in the near future.

  Πρόεδρος. - Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί μετά τη λήξη της συζήτησης.

Γραπτές δηλώσεις (άρθρο 142 του Κανονισμού)

  Glyn Ford (PSE), in writing. – The sentencing of Roxana Saberi on 18 April 2009 for ‘spying’ was done without her having any access to a lawyer and on the basis of a trial that was neither fair nor transparent.

I am not naive. The US does engage in spying but, if Roxana Saberi was a spy, the Iranian authorities by their actions did nothing to convince anyone of that case. The bias and manipulation of the trial and the accused were a travesty of any sense of justice.

I can only welcome the resolution’s demand that Roxana Saberi should be released immediately on the grounds that the trial was held in camera without due legal process and there was a complete failure to comply with international norms.

(1) Βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

13.2. Il-Madagaskar

  Πρόεδρος. - Το επόμενο σημείο είναι η συζήτηση επί 6 προτάσεων ψηφίσματος σχετικά με τη Μαδαγασκάρη.⁽¹⁾

  Mikel Irujo Amezaga, Autor. − Señora Presidenta, tal como indica la propia Resolución, tras dos meses de duros enfrentamientos, Andry Rajoelina, antiguo alcalde de la capital de Madagascar, dio un golpe de Estado en dicho país el pasado 17 de marzo, con el apoyo del Ejército y una autoproclamada «Alta autoridad de transición», presidida por él mismo, y suspendió la Asamblea Nacional y el Senado. Además, debido a la presión de los rebeldes, el presidente democráticamente elegido se vio obligado a abandonar Madagascar.

Pero, a su vez, el pasado mes de febrero, el señor Rajoelina, que en diciembre de 2007 había sido elegido alcalde de Antananarivo, había sido destituido a la fuerza por el anterior Gobierno. Y hay que añadir que el malestar de la población se vio acentuado por un plan del anterior Gobierno de arrendar a una empresa coreana una superficie de un millón de acres ubicada en el sur del país.

Obviamente, nos sumamos a la condena del golpe de Estado y de todos los intentos de tomar el poder por medios no democráticos. Consideramos, además, que el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas y las organizaciones internacionales de las que Madagascar es miembro no reconocen este régimen de facto y piden que se restablezca la gobernanza constitucional. Pedimos asimismo el restablecimiento inmediato del ordenamiento legal y constitucional en el país e instamos a todos los partidos malgaches a que cumplan íntegramente las disposiciones de la Constitución de Madagascar para resolver esta crisis.

Pero también consideramos que la democracia no consiste únicamente en la celebración de comicios y debemos denunciar irregularidades enormes en el —a priori— Gobierno legítimo de Madagascar.

No obstante, estamos convencidos de que el restablecimiento del orden constitucional debe basarse en los objetivos y principios que ya figuran en el considerando K de esta Resolución, a saber: un calendario claro para la celebración de elecciones libres, justas y transparentes; la participación de todos los grupos políticos y sociales interesados del país, incluidos el Presidente legítimo Marc Ravalomanana y otras personalidades destacadas; la producción, en tercer lugar, de un consenso entre los partidos malgaches; el respeto, en cuarto lugar, de la Constitución de Madagascar; y, en quinto y último lugar, el cumplimiento de los instrumentos relevantes de la Unión Africana y de los compromisos internacionales de Madagascar.

De todos modos, estamos una vez más ante una situación en la que los derechos humanos son constantemente violados. Mientras la clase dirigente de Madagascar se disputa el poder mediante golpes de Estado y se disputa grandes y lucrativos contratos económicos, el 70 % de la población vive con menos de un dólar al día. Y esto, y sólo esto, es lo que tenemos que remediar. Esperamos, pues, que la UE adquiera el papel que le corresponde en todo este asunto.

Señora Presidenta, cambiando absolutamente de tema y aprovechando que el Comisario Orban está en esta última sesión de esta legislatura, quisiera agradecerle personalmente toda su gestión en su Dirección General.

  Bernd Posselt, Verfasser. − Frau Präsidentin! Bayern unterhält – und seine Kommunen unterhalten – vielfältige Kontakte in alle Welt, und nicht zuletzt die Katholische Universität von Eichstätt tut dies, und ich begrüße eine Delegation von Bürgermeistern aus dieser Region.

Gerade Madagaskar ist ein Land, mit dem wir besonders eng und intensiv zusammenarbeiten. Es gibt vielfältige kulturelle, wirtschaftliche und wissenschaftliche Kontakte und auch eine starke Präsenz kirchlicher Hilfe. Deshalb bedaure ich es umso mehr, dass in diesem landschaftlich so schönen und kulturell so reichen Land solche entsetzlichen Missstände herrschen. Es besteht die tatsächliche Gefahr, dass Madagaskar in seiner strategisch wichtigen Lage zu einem Failed State wird, so wie wir andere in Afrika kennen, allen voran Somalia.

Und deshalb ist es wichtig, so rasch wie möglich dort wieder geordnete und demokratische Verhältnisse herzustellen. Deshalb bin ist froh, dass sich vor wenigen Tagen die Kontaktgruppe getroffen hat, um erste konkrete Schritte zu besprechen. Wir müssen eine Art Struktur schaffen, die Neuwahlen unter Führung des gestürzten demokratisch gewählten Präsidenten vorbereitet, den wir nach wie vor als einzig legitimes Staatsoberhaupt anerkennen.

Es muss ein Dialog unter Einbeziehung des Premierministers geführt werden, der sich im Gefängnis befindet und der unverzüglich freigelassen werden muss. Es muss nicht nur die humanitäre Hilfe, sondern auch die für die Menschen lebensnotwendige Entwicklungshilfe in vollem Umfang weitergehen, gerade auch die Versorgung auf medizinischem Gebiet.

Aus allen diesen Gründen sind wir als Europäische Union gefragt, nicht nur als humanitärer Faktor und nicht nur als wirtschaftlicher Faktor, sondern vor allem als politischer Friedensfaktor, der sich dort in die Verhandlungen mit einschaltet. Dabei setzen wir sehr stark auf die Zusammenarbeit mit der Afrikanischen Union, die hier wieder einmal die Gelegenheit hat, sich Schritt um Schritt als Faktor einer demokratischen Stabilisierung – Stabilisierung kann ja auch antidemokratisch sein – zu etablieren, was wir intensiv mit unseren Mitteln unterstützen wollen.

(Beifall)

  Erik Meijer, Auteur. − Voorzitter, in Madagaskar is de zittende president na volksprotesten tot aftreden gedwongen. Hij maakte afspraken met buitenlandse bedrijven die op korte termijn inkomsten opleverden voor zijn regering, maar die schadelijk waren voor zijn volk. Dat maakte zijn positie onhoudbaar.

Daarna is met behulp van het leger de oppositieleider, tevens oud-burgemeester van de hoofdstad, benoemd tot voorlopig president, ondanks het feit dat hij daarvoor volgens de wet te jong was. Deze procedure, en vooral de interventie van het leger, geeft aanleiding tot kritiek. De Afrikaanse Unie ziet dit als een illegale staatsgreep en wijst de nieuwe regering af.

Ik denk dat we ook een vergelijking zouden kunnen maken met recente gebeurtenissen in een Europees land, IJsland. Ook daar moest de regering na volksprotesten aftreden. Er kwam een minderheidsregering met een geheel andere partijpolitieke samenstelling aan de macht. Niemand vond dat een staatsgreep. Ondertussen zijn daar wel nieuwe verkiezingen gehouden, waarbij de nieuwe regeringscoalitie een ruime meerderheid achter zich heeft gekregen. Een soortgelijke uitkomst is mogelijk in Madagaskar, voorwaarde is dat de verkiezingen dan wel binnen afzienbare tijd worden gehouden.

  Glyn Ford, author. − Madam President, I speak on behalf of the Socialist Group and as the Party of European Socialists’ shadow rapporteur on the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the group of southern African countries that included Madagascar. In April we overwhelmingly approved that Economic Partnership Agreement with reservations about the situation in Zimbabwe. If we were debating that EPA today, we would have to enter our reservations regarding Madagascar.

Yet only 15 years ago there seems to have been the potential for Madagascar to be so different. I can remember in 1993 the visit of the then newly elected President Albert Zafy. But, of course, by 1996 he had been impeached for corruption and the abuse of power. Since then, Madagascar has been troubled by unstable governments with threats of secession and impeachment punctuating a rough politics.

Now we have a situation – an army coup d’état – partly triggered by a plan by the former government to lease one million acres of land in the south of the country to a Korean firm for intensive farming, when a substantial majority of the population live on less than one euro a day. This unconstitutional change of government is a serious setback for democratisation.

We welcome the fact that the UN has appealed for nearly USD 36 million worth of humanitarian aid, anticipating the food shortages that will result later this year from the current political events in Madagascar, but we strongly condemn the coup d’état and all attempts to seize power by undemocratic means. We call for the immediate restoration of the legal and constitutional order in the country and ask all Malagasy parties to comply fully with the provisions of the constitution. We want to see the suspension of the National Assembly and Senate lifted and urge that the mandates and immunities of parliamentarians be respected.

But this is only going to happen if the international community can work together to step up its efforts and exercise pressure to end the political violence and the political impasse in that country.

  Thierry Cornillet, auteur. − Madame la Présidente, nous ne pouvons pas garder le silence sur la situation à Madagascar et nous ne serons pas les seuls à condamner cette situation. L'Union africaine, la Communauté de développement de l'Afrique australe, l'Organisation internationale de la francophonie, l'Union interparlementaire, l'Union européenne s'exprimant par la voix de la Commission, les USA, un grand nombre de pays, dont le mien et la Norvège – pour parler de pays du continent européen – ont condamné le coup d'État – parce qu'il faut appeler un chat un chat – qui a eu lieu à Madagascar.

Nous ne pouvons pas rester silencieux et nous demandons un retour à la légalité constitutionnelle. Nous ne demandons jamais qu'un retour à la case départ avec, si cela est nécessaire, un arbitrage par le peuple malgache au moyen d'une consultation sous forme de scrutin présidentiel ou de référendum. Il appartient aux assemblées et aux responsables politiques de Madagascar de déterminer la forme de consultation la plus opérante.

Donc, ce que nous demandons avec cette résolution commune, c'est de rajouter notre voix à celle de la communauté internationale pour signifier clairement à celles et ceux qui ont pris le pouvoir de façon tout à fait non démocratique sous la forme d'un coup d'État – aussi habillé soit-il – de revenir à la légalité constitutionnelle de Madagascar, qui est un des garants du développement à venir de cette grande île de l'océan Indien.

  Ewa Tomaszewska, autorka. − Pani Przewodnicząca! Kryzys polityczny na Madagaskarze doprowadził do niekonstytucyjnej zmiany władzy. Towarzyszyły jej zamieszki, w których śmierć poniosło ponad 130 osób.

Madagaskar do 1960 roku był pod panowaniem Francji. Jest krajem w sytuacji trudnej, potrzebuje pomocy humanitarnej, w szczególności żywnościowej, i taka została Madagaskarowi przyznana. Dotychczasowe władze i kolejne ich wybory wspierane były przez wojsko. Utraciwszy wsparcie armii prezydent Ravalomanana zrezygnował z pełnienia swej funkcji 17 marca 2009 roku. Rządy objął desygnowany przez zbuntowaną armię Rajoelina.

Unia Europejska nie uznaje tej nowej władzy ze względu na fakt niedemokratycznie dokonanej zmiany. Unia Afrykańska zawiesiła członkostwo Madagaskaru, podchodząc krytycznie do usunięcia Ravalomanany siłą. Zagroziła sankcjami, jeśli w ciągu 6 miesięcy nie zostanie przywrócony porządek konstytucyjny.

Wzywamy do przywrócenia tego porządku na Madagaskarze! Wzywamy wspólnotę międzynarodową do wsparcia przywrócenia prawnych zasad funkcjonowania tego państwa! Uważam, że proces wyborczy powinien być ściśle kontrolowany, obserwowany przez przedstawicieli organizacji międzynarodowych, także i w szczególności naszego Parlamentu.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg, w imieniu grupy PSE. – Pani Przewodnicząca! W pierwszych tygodniach marca byliśmy świadkami dramatycznego zamachu stanu na Madagaskarze. Trwająca od kilku lat rywalizacja pomiędzy obalonym prezydentem a liderem opozycji doprowadziła wyspę na skraj wojny domowej. 17 marca 2009 r., w dzień po zdobyciu przez wojsko pałacu prezydenckiego, Andry Rajoelina ogłosił się nową głową państwa. Malgaski Sąd Najwyższy stwierdził, że były burmistrz Antananarywy pełni tę funkcję zgodnie z postanowieniami konstytucji. Pojawiły się jednak wątpliwości choćby dlatego, iż zapis w ustawie zasadniczej mówi, że prezydentem może być osoba, która ukończyła 40 lat, a nowy prezydent ma dopiero 34.

Przejęcie władzy oraz decyzja sądu najwyższego budzą powszechne kontrowersje. Ceremonia zaprzysiężenia została zbojkotowana przez większość zagranicznych dyplomatów, a Unia Afrykańska zawiesiła Madagaskar w prawach członka. Kryzys polityczny doprowadził do powszechnego chaosu i destabilizacji w kraju, gdzie większość ludności od lat żyje w strasznym ubóstwie za 1 dolara dziennie, mając ograniczony dostęp do żywności, wody, a także podstawowych usług medycznych czy edukacji. Mieszkając przez sześć lat na Madagaskarze poznałam te problemy dogłębnie, dlatego bardzo wspieram apel ONZ o pilną pomoc humanitarną dla jego mieszkańców.

Parlament Europejski powinien stanowczo potępić zamach stanu oraz wszystkie próby przejęcia władzy podejmowane wbrew zasadom demokracji. Unia Europejska powinna wezwać do wznowienia prac obu izb parlamentu, które zostały zawieszone przez nowy reżim. Należy ponadto wesprzeć wysiłki specjalnego wysłannika Unii Afrykańskiej oraz przedstawicieli ONZ w rozmowach z przedstawicielami lokalnych partii oraz wszystkich zainteresowanych stron w celu niezwłocznego przywrócenia konstytucyjnego porządku w kraju, zaś społeczność międzynarodowa powinna zwiększyć zdecydowanie swoje wysiłki na rzecz pomocy humanitarnej dla żyjących na skraju ubóstwa mieszkańców wyspy.

  Marios Matsakis, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, Madagascar, which is a former French colony, seems to be undergoing the sad – but not unusual – post-colonial turmoil in its political life, with the consequent suffering for its people.

Many other colonies of European countries have suffered – or are still suffering – for the same reason. There are many examples. My own country, Cyprus, is one. Having partly gained independence from its colonial master, Britain, in 1960, British foreign diplomacy hawks managed in 1963 to manipulate an inter-community struggle which eventually resulted in the division of the island in 1974.

This is a division that persists today and a state of affairs which suits Britain. A divided Cyprus cannot successfully attempt to get rid of the remaining two British colonial areas of Akrotiri and Dhekelia, which Britain uses for military purposes, and which the British Government has in fact managed to disgracefully keep outside the EU so that the acquis cannot be applied to the thousands of Cypriot civilians – now EU citizens – who live there.

  Leonard Orban, Member of the Commission. − Madam President, firstly I would like to underline the Commission’s great concern at the current volatile situation in Madagascar. I would also like to stress the Commission’s continued commitment to the Malagasy people.

The situation in that country after the forced removal of President Ravalomanana on 17 March deserves and requires our full attention and, like the European Parliament, the Commission is following events very closely.

The Commission has fully endorsed the Czech Presidency statement issued on behalf of the European Union on 20 March condemning the transfer of power and calling on the Malagasy parties to comply fully with the provisions of the Constitution of Madagascar.

The Commission considers that there has been a flagrant violation of essential elements of the Cotonou Agreement and that this is a ‘case of special urgency’ within the meaning of Article 96 of that Agreement. The Commission has therefore launched the procedure to propose to the Council to open consultation with the authorities in power in order to examine possible solutions to the crisis, aimed at the re-establishment of constitutional order.

The Commission will continue to use all the dialogue means it has at its disposal to find an overall solution to the current crisis. To that end, it is enhancing the political dialogue, based on Article 8 of the Cotonou Agreement, with all the relevant stakeholders in Madagascar.

It is also participating in the main international efforts deployed, notably in the framework of the international contact group set up recently by the African Union. At this stage, the prevailing view is that the relevant Malagasy political stakeholders agree on a road map for a return to constitutional order and the holding of elections.

  Πρόεδρος. - Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί μετά τη λήξη της συζήτησης.

(1) Βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

13.3. Il-Veneżwela - il-każ ta' Manuel Rosales

  Πρόεδρος. - Το επόμενο σημείο είναι η συζήτηση επί 3 προτάσεων ψηφίσματος σχετικά με τη Βενεζουέλα.⁽¹⁾

  Pilar Ayuso, Autora. − Señora Presidenta, señor Comisario, he firmado esta Resolución y he pedido intervenir en este Pleno porque yo fui testigo de la llamada «expulsión» —que en el fondo fue un secuestro— de nuestro compañero Luis Herrero. Además, pude constatar que son norma habitual en Venezuela la persecución política, el abuso de poder por parte del régimen chavista, la intimidación del adversario, la amenaza, el desprecio a la dignidad de las personas y el uso torticero de la justicia, entre otras cosas.

El caso de Manuel Rosales es la gota que ha colmado el vaso y que ha dado lugar a esta Resolución, pero hay miles de casos, tan sangrantes como el suyo, que se citan en la Resolución y otros que no se citan, como es el caso de Eligio Cedeño, que nació en el humilde barrio caraqueño de Petare –bien conocido por su peligrosidad y porque votó a un alcalde que no era del régimen chavista–. Eligio estudió gracias a la ayuda de los demás y, concretamente, del Citibank; logró fundar su propio negocio –el Banco de Caracas– y luego vivió de manera normal y ayudando a los más necesitados. Hoy, sin embargo, pena en una cárcel caraqueña ilegalmente, tras dos años de haber sido detenido sin ninguna imputación coherente. Su único delito ha sido formar parte de la oligarquía económica.

Otro caso es el de Nixon Moreno, líder estudiantil de la Universidad de los Andes, elegido varias veces para el Consejo Universitario y Presidente de la Federación de Centros Universitarios. Ganó en el año 2003 las elecciones a la Federación frente al actual Ministro del Interior y Justicia, y éste es su crimen. Hoy está acusado de homicidio en grado de frustración y actos lascivos violentos; todo ello, a pesar de haber sido exonerado de tales acusaciones.

Situaciones como la suya son la vida diaria en este país, donde la persecución del adversario con ánimo de excluirle de la vida política y de desalentar a la disidencia se ha convertido en parte de la vida cotidiana. Sin embargo, desde aquí es necesario mandar un mensaje de esperanza a la democracia venezolana: a pesar de las dificultades, estoy segura de que se impondrá la democracia y el Presidente Chávez será depuesto en las urnas.

  Marios Matsakis, author. − Madam President, the case of Manuel Rosales is another example of the arrogance and paranoid behaviour sometimes exhibited by the increasingly more authoritarian Government of Venezuela. The political persecution of Mr Rosales and many others is regrettable and should be condemned in the strongest possible terms. We will call on the Government of that country in earnest to start behaving sensibly and democratically and to stop violating the human rights of its citizens.

Madam President, since this is the last time I will be making a speech in the plenary, permit me to take the opportunity to thank you and all our colleagues who have faithfully attended the Thursday afternoon human rights debates and have contributed towards making our world a better place to live in.

Let me also take the opportunity, as I have so often done in the past, to remind my colleagues of the plight of my own country, Cyprus, which for the past 35 years has been suffering under the military occupation of its northern part by Turkey. The citizens – EU citizens – of areas such as Kyrenia, Famagusta, Karpasia and Morfou have been living in exile since the devastating Turkish invasion of 1974. We are looking towards the EU for the fulfilment of their humble wish to return to their homes and live there in peace and security. I hope the EU will not let them down.

  Ewa Tomaszewska, autorka. − Pani Przewodnicząca! Gdy zmiany polityczne wskazują na ograniczanie praw opozycji do swobodnego publicznego wypowiadania się, należy się mieć na baczności. To mocny sygnał, że demokracja jest zagrożona. Aresztowania opozycji to sygnał jeszcze mocniejszy.

Tak się dzieje dziś w Wenezueli. Manuel Rosales, mer Maracaibo, kontrkandydat prezydenta Chaveza w wyborach 2006 roku, musiał uciekać z kraju. W krótkim czasie po wygranym przez prezydenta Chaveza referendum, gwarantującym możliwość pełnienia funkcji w kolejnych kadencjach, wydano nakaz aresztowania na pana Rosalesa. Udało mu się wcześniej zbiec do Peru, gdzie się ukrywa.

Sprawa ta powinna być przedmiotem kolejnego posiedzenia Eurolatu. Wenezuela jest zobowiązana do respektowania podpisanych przez siebie konwencji, gwarantujących przestrzeganie praw człowieka.

  Bernd Posselt, im Namen der PPE-DE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Vor 20 Jahren ist beim Pan-Europa-Picknick an der österreichisch-ungarischen Grenze der Sozialismus zusammengebrochen. Ich hatte die Ehre, dies mit vorbereiten zu dürfen, und ich werde nie vergessen, wie wenig später der Kanzler der Einheit, Helmut Kohl, und Papst Johannes Paul II., zwei Vorkämpfer dieser Entwicklung, durch das Brandenburger Tor geschritten sind und gesagt haben: An die Stelle des Sozialismus soll nicht Raubtier-Kapitalismus, sondern Freiheit und soziale Marktwirtschaft treten.

Heute erleben wir in Lateinamerika eine gefährliche Rückwärtsentwicklung zu sozialistischer Diktatur und Unterdrückung. Der Keim, von dem das ausgeht, ist leider Gottes Venezuela. Präsident Chávez versucht, die Freiheit in ganz Lateinamerika mittels Ölgeldern zu ersticken. Deshalb ist dieser Fall von Herrn Rosales sehr bedeutend. Herr Rosales ist nicht nur ein herausragender Demokrat, für den wir uns einsetzen müssen, sondern er ist auch eine Symbolfigur für die Demokratie in Lateinamerika. Wir wollen ihn unterstützen und weiterhin für die Freiheit der lateinamerikanischen Völker eintreten!

  Pedro Guerreiro, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Através de mais um grotesco exercício de deturpação da realidade, uma vez mais somos confrontados com a ignóbil operação de ingerência a partir do Parlamento Europeu visando a Venezuela. No fundo, tal operação inscreve-se nas manobras daqueles que conspiram contra o processo democrático e soberano de emancipação e progresso social iniciado há uma década pelo povo venezuelano e reafirmado em 14 processos eleitorais.

Mais uma vez, o que verdadeiramente incomoda os promotores da presente iniciativa é que, apesar de todos os problemas, ameaças, perigos e ingerências, o povo venezuelano tem sido um exemplo de que vale a pena lutar e é possível erguer um país – e um mundo – mais justo, mais democrático e de paz.

Aí o estão a demonstrar a conquista de amplos espaços de participação popular, a redução das taxas de pobreza, desigualdade social e desemprego, o combate ao analfabetismo e a extensão da oferta educativa a todos os níveis, o acesso de milhões de venezuelanos à saúde, a rede nacional de mercados alimentares a preços subsidiados, a nacionalização de facto da petrolífera estatal e de sectores estratégicos da economia, a utilização das terras produtivas pelos camponeses, a solidariedade com outros povos, entre muitos outros exemplos.

E perguntemos: afinal que moral tem este Parlamento, que quer impor uma proposta de tratado rejeitada pelos povos francês, holandês e irlandês, que aprova a desumana directiva de retorno, violadora dos direitos humanos dos imigrantes, muitos deles oriundos da América Latina, e que não tem uma palavra de condenação para a bárbara agressão de Israel ao povo palestiniano na Faixa de Gaza, para dar lições de democracia e de respeito dos direitos humanos?

Pela enésima vez afirmamos: deixem de ter a pretensão de que podem dar lições ao mundo.

  Erik Meijer (GUE/NGL). - Voorzitter, ik ben een voormalig inwoner van Venezuela en ik ken de vroegere toestand in dat land. Vooral tijdens de dictatuur van Marcos Pérez Jiménez in de jaren '50. Armoede en onrecht waren de kenmerken van het leven op dat moment, en de regering van Hugo Chávez beschouw ik als een zeer belangrijke verbetering die hard nodig was.

Desondanks vind ik dat ook sympathieke regeringen netjes moeten optreden tegenover hun tegenstanders en geen technieken moeten toepassen die de tegenstanders het extra moeilijk maken.

Dat zal ook de reden zijn waarom ik wél voor de gezamenlijke resolutie zal stemmen omdat die kritisch is met betrekking tot de bewaking van de democratie in het algemeen en niet gericht is op het omverwerpen van het, naar mijn mening, positieve regime van Hugo Chávez.

  José Ribeiro e Castro (PPE-DE). - Senhora Presidente, Senhor Comissário, caros Colegas, eu queria corrigir o colega Guerreiro, que está mal informado, porque, segundo os indicadores do PNUD, do plano das Nações Unidas, a Venezuela, nos últimos dez anos, não reduziu a pobreza numa décima.

Chavez o que tem feito é demagogia e ditadura. Infelizmente, com apoio nas urnas, mas com muita intimidação sobre os cidadãos, como este caso de Manuel Rosales mais uma vez confirma.

Eu conheci Manuel Rosales. Tive a honra de o conhecer numa visita à Venezuela. E lastimo profundamente a sorte que se abateu sobre ele, porque quer ser um homem livre no seu país e não pode ser um homem livre no seu país. Este é o problema da Venezuela.

Conheci-o como governador eleito do Estado de Zulia. Foi eleito, pelo seu povo, presidente da câmara de Maracaibo, e não pode viver no seu país porque, na Venezuela, as pessoas são perseguidas e difamadas. São difamadas como está a acontecer miseravelmente com Manuel Rosales. É a pior pena que se pode infligir a um político, e nós, que somos políticos nesta Casa, tínhamos que ter todos consciência disso.

Podemos combater pelas ideias, mas não temos o direito de difamar quem quer que seja para o perseguir e o encostar a uma cadeia. Isto é o que se está a passar na Venezuela.

É tempo, caros Colegas, de definirmos uma estratégia para a América Latina. Uma estratégia, uma diplomacia activa para a América Latina. Com certeza ao lado do progresso social, em coerência com os muitos milhões que investimos todos os anos no desenvolvimento e na cooperação, mas 100% ao lado da democracia, 100% ao lado do pluralismo, 100% ao lado das liberdades fundamentais. Viva a Venezuela livre!

  Zita Pleštinská (PPE-DE). - Chudoba je vždy živnou pôdou pre totalitných vodcov, ktorí sa rozhodli byť spasiteľmi a zachrániť svoj ľud. V skutočnosti to však robia iba pre vlastný prospech. Najprv Hugo Chávez nehovoril o socializme, len o práve na lepší svet. Postupom času ale začal o socializme hovoriť. Jeho oponenti neboli prizvaní k spolupráci a stali sa jeho úhlavnými nepriateľmi, neskôr politickými väzňami. Potom nastal zásah do slobody médií a tie, ktoré nehrali do karát, boli zrušené. Jednostranné informácie, vodca-záchranca, porušovanie ľudských práv, nesloboda, jednoducho totalita. Prípad Manuela Rosalesa moje slová iba potvrdzuje.

V týchto vodách loví nie len Hugo Chávez, ale aj Castrovi pohrobkovia, Lukašenko a im podobní. Ďakujem všetkým kolegom, že z Európskeho parlamentu aj prostredníctvom týchto štvrtkových popoludní počas plenárnych zasadnutí Európskeho parlamentu sme mohli vyslať jasný signál do celého sveta, že porušovanie ľudských práv vo svete Európsky parlament nikdy tolerovať nebude.

Vážená pani predsedníčka, milá Rodi, ďakujem za tvoje vedenie našich schôdzí v Európskom parlamente, za spoluprácu, aj za osobné priateľstvo.

  Zdzisław Zbigniew Podkański (UEN). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Kadencja obecnego Parlamentu Europejskiego dobiega końca, pora więc na pewne podsumowanie. I trzeba sobie obiektywnie powiedzieć, że wykonaliśmy ogromną pracę, ale że wśród tych naszych wyników wyraźnie widać zaangażowanie i efekty po stronie obrony praw człowieka. Widać to zwłaszcza w krajach trzecich. Potrafimy dokładnie przeanalizować, tak jak dzisiaj, sytuację w Iranie, na Madagaskarze, w Wenezueli, przyjąć odpowiednie rezolucje, nawet nadać im bieg publiczny. Różnie bywa ze skutecznością, ale przecież funkcjonujemy daleko od krajów, które mają te problemy, od tych społeczeństw i nie zawsze ta komunikacja i możliwość skutecznego wdrażania i przekazywania naszych myśli jest dobra.

Gorzej, moi drodzy Państwo, jest z demokracją i z obroną praw człowieka wewnątrz Unii Europejskiej. To jest dla nas sprawa przykra, ale wstydliwa. Dzisiaj miliony ludzi pracują na czarno. A więc, gdzie prawa człowieka? Kwitnie handel dziećmi, kobietami. A więc, gdzie w Unii prawa człowieka? Jak my je chronimy? Dlaczego nie mamy skuteczności?

I doszło też, trzeba powiedzieć, do przykrego incydentu – kiedy tu na sali manifestowaliśmy za referendum, pan przewodniczący Pöttering wezwał służby, naruszając tym samym prawa człowieka, nasze prawo do manifestowania i głoszenia poglądów. Niemniej bilans jest pozytywny i myślę, że trzeba koniecznie kontynuować w następnej kadencji tego typu debaty, tego typu działania.

  Christopher Beazley (PPE-DE). - Madam President, I rise on a point of order under our Rules of Procedure to make a personal statement. This is my valedictory speech to the European Parliament, since I was first elected a quarter of a century ago and my father was elected 30 years ago – Peter Beazley, a Member of the European Parliament for Bedfordshire and North Hertfordshire.

I wish to thank all my fellow Members of this House, particularly our President, Hans-Gert Pöttering, with whom I had the honour of securing British Conservative membership of the Group of the European People’s Party.

I wish to recall the service of Lord Plumb – Henry Plumb – as President of this Parliament, of British Commissioners of all parties – Roy Jenkins (President), Arthur Cockfield, Chris Patton, Prime Minister Ted Heath and Winston Churchill – all true Europeans.

The leader of my party, Mr David Cameron, has made a serious mistake. He is in error: he thinks that by becoming anti-European in the House of Commons this will secure him the premiership of my country. I, as a British Conservative, reserve the right to object – that is my final word. There are British Tories, Socialists, Liberals. We are Europeans. We will stand with our partners and our allies and, if my party leader seeks to rip up 30 years of work by British Tory pro-Europeans, he is wrong!

(The House accorded the speaker a standing ovation.)

  Leonard Orban, Member of the Commission. − The Commission is closely following the situation in Venezuela with concern. The Commission is aware of the case of Manuel Rosales. He was granted political asylum in Peru after being charged with corruption in Venezuela. The Commission has taken note of the explanation provided by the president of Rosales’ party, according to which he has gone into hiding for his own protection.

The Commission believes that the request for asylum made by Manuel Rosales, and its acceptance by the Peruvian Government, is a bilateral case and that it is not for the Commission to pronounce itself on the merits of this request.

We are aware that recently the judicial institutions have opened some judicial processes against opposition leaders in Venezuela. We know that some sectors of Venezuelan society have criticised the proliferation of measures which they consider adversely affect the right to freedom of expression and the freedom to exercise political rights. This same sector considers that the Government is showing an intolerant attitude towards criticism. We are conscious of these facts and we are closely following the political situation in Venezuela.

I would like to underline the importance that the European Union attaches to freedom of expression and opinion, a fundamental human right and a cornerstone of democracy and the rule of law. We hope that the democratic institutions of Venezuela will respect the rule of law and preserve democracy in the country, whilst complying with the obligation arising from the international agreements signed and ratified by Venezuela, including the American Convention on Human Rights and, specifically, the provisions on political rights set out in Article 23.

I wish to assure Parliament that the Commission will continue to follow developments in Venezuela closely. The Commission’s commitment to supporting and strengthening democracy and the protection and promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms will continue to be reflected in our cooperation policies and relations with Venezuela.

  Πρόεδρος. - H συζήτηση έληξε.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί αμέσως.

(1) Βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

14. Ħin tal-votazzjonijiet

  Πρόεδρος. - Το επόμενο σημείο είναι η ψηφοφορία.

(Για τα αποτελέσματα και λοιπές πληροφορίες επί των ψηφοφοριών: βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά)

14.1. Iran: il-każ ta' Roxana Saberi

- Πριν από την ψηφοφορία

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE-DE). - Madam President, my proposal is that the words ‘Iranian authorities’ at the beginning of paragraph 3 should be replaced by ‘Appeals Court at its hearing of 12 May’. Paragraph 3 would then read: ‘Urges the Appeals Court at its hearing of 12 May to release Roxana Saberi...’.

(Η προφορική τροπολογία κρατείται)

- Πριν την ψηφοφορία

  Marios Matsakis, author. − Madam President, after this joint motion for a resolution was agreed and submitted, the news came of yet another disgracefully brutal case of stoning to death of a citizen in Iran.

Therefore we thought it was appropriate to add to paragraph 7 the following: ‘in this context insists that the authorities of Islamic Republic of Iran urgently abolish the practice of stoning; condemns strongly the recent execution by stoning of Vali Azad, and expresses great concern over the pending execution of Mohammad Ali Navid Khamami and Ashraf Kalhori;’. I understand that this meets with the approval of the other groups’ representatives.

(Η προφορική τροπολογία κρατείται)

14.2. Il-Madagaskar

– Πριν από την ψηφοφορία

  Glyn Ford, author. − Madam President, concerning the next vote, on ‘Venezuela: the case of Manuel Rosales’, the Socialist Group, of course, has withdrawn its signature from the compromise resolution. We have not taken part in the debate and we will not take part in the vote.

14.3. Il-Veneżwela - il-każ ta' Manuel Rosales

– Μετά την ψηφοφορία

  Πρόεδρος. - Σας ευχαριστώ πολύ. Ήταν ιδιαίτερα συγκινησιακά φορτισμένη η συνεδρίαση, όχι μόνο για τα θέματα των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, αλλά και γιατί ήταν η τελευταία μας συνεδρίαση. Σας ευχαριστώ για τη συμμετοχή σας.

  Zdzisław Zbigniew Podkański (UEN). - Niech mi będzie wolno w imieniu wszystkich parlamentarzystów, posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego, a także naszych służb, asystentów serdecznie podziękować na Pani ręce, Pani Przewodnicząca, osobiście Pani, całemu Prezydium, całemu kierownictwu za dobre prowadzenie obrad, za dobrą współpracę i za wzajemne zrozumienie. Życzymy dalszych osiągnięć, ponownych wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego i wiele satysfakcji w działalności publicznej i szczęścia w życiu osobistym.

  Πρόεδρος. - Σας ευχαριστώ πολύ και, με την ευκαιρία αυτή, θα ήθελα να ευχαριστήσω και τους συνεργάτες της Υπηρεσίας της Συνόδου, που ήταν πάντα πολύτιμοι.

15. Korrezzjonijiet u intenzjonijiet għall-vot: ara l-Minuti

16. Talba għat-tneħħija ta' l-Immunità Parlamentari: ara l-Minuti

17. Iffirmar ta’ atti adottati b’kodeċiżjoni: ara l-Minuti

18. Approvazzjoni tal-Minuti tas-seduta ta’ qabel: ara l-Minuti

19. Dikjarazzjoni ta' interessi finanzjarji: ara l-Minuti

20. Tressiq ta' testi adottati matul is-seduta attwali: ara l-Minuti

21. Dikjarazzjonijiet bil-miktub imniżżla fir-reġistru (Artikolu 116 tar-Regoli ta' Proċedura): ara l-Minuti

22. Dati tas-seduti li jmiss: ara l-Minuti

23. Interruzzjoni tas-sessjoni

  Πρόεδρος. - Κηρύσσω τη λήξη της συνόδου του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου.

(Η συνεδρίαση λήγει στις 4.15 μ.μ.)

Is the Council aware of the deep economic problems facing the EU dairy sector and if so, why hasn't more action been taken to address the problems as a matter of urgency?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the May 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council shares the concern expressed by the Honourable Member regarding the difficult situation on the milk market. After an unprecedented period of record prices for milk and dairy products in 2007 and early 2008, European producers now face weak and uncertain markets characterised by a sharp drop in global dairy product prices.

On 23 March the Council held an extensive exchange of views on the difficult situation on the milk market and took note of a memorandum presented and supported by a number of delegations.

The legal framework regulating the milk and dairy market has changed considerably over the course of the last two years, with the adoption by the Council of the so called "mini-milk package" in September 2007, the increase of national quotas for milk by 2% as from 1 April 2008 and the adoption of the "Health Check" package in January 2009.

This new legislative framework was set with the long term competitiveness of European producers in mind. Short-term market effects have to be countered by the existing instruments of market support measures.

The Honourable Member will be aware of a number of market support measures taken by the Commission. These include the reactivation of export refunds for all dairy commodities, the introduction of private storage aid for butter and intervention for butter and skimmed milk powder. The Commission updates the Council regularly on the situation in the milk market.

It is for the Commission to present further proposals to the Council on this matter. The Commission has declared its readiness to examine the possibilities for extending the dairy products eligible for the "school milk scheme". However it stated that it was not ready to re-open any discussion on the "health-check" package.

Μετά από 20 χρόνια διαπραγματεύσεων, η ΕΕ και το ΣΣΚ ακόμη δεν έχουν συνάψει συμφωνία ελεύθερων συναλλαγών, ενώ τον περασμένο Δεκέμβριο τα κράτη του ΣΣΚ αποχώρησαν μονομερώς από τις διαπραγματεύσεις.

Πώς σκοπεύει το Συμβούλιο να αναζωογονήσει το ενδιαφέρον των χωρών του Κόλπου για τις διαπραγματεύσεις προκειμένου να ολοκληρωθεί η συμφωνία το συντομότερο δυνατόν; Ποια ειδικότερα ζητήματα εκκρεμούν και δεν επιτρέπουν την επίτευξη της συμφωνίας; Πώς σκοπεύει να εμπλέξει πιο δυναμικά τα κράτη του Κόλπου στη συζήτηση για την αναμόρφωση των διεθνών οικονομικών θεσμών, ιδίως του Διεθνούς Νομισματικού Ταμείου και της Παγκόσμιας Τράπεζας, δεδομένου ότι η Σαουδική Αραβία συμμετέχει στη σύνοδο G-20 και έχει μάλιστα εκφράσει το ενδιαφέρον της για την αναμόρφωση των θεσμών αυτών; Ποια ζητήματα θα απασχολήσουν ιδίως το προσεχές 19ο Κοινό Συμβούλιο και την Υπουργική Σύνοδο μεταξύ της ΕΕ και των χωρών του Κόλπου;

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the May 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The conclusion of the negotiations on a Free Trade Agreement with the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) remains high on the agenda of the Council and has been a priority for both the former Presidencies and the present Czech Presidency of the Council. The Presidencies and the Commission, that negotiates the Agreement on behalf of the EU, have been in close contact with the GCC side in order to take forward the negotiations. At the 19th EU-GCC Joint Council and Ministerial Meeting in Muscat on 29 April 2009 both sides reviewed their recent consultations on a Free Trade Agreement and agreed to continue these consultations between them on all outstanding issues towards the resumption of negotiations.

The discussions at the ministerial meeting included issues of common interest such as the Middle East Peace Process, Iran and Iraq as well as number of global issues including counter-terrorism and non-proliferation. In the light of the importance of the global financial crisis, the EU and the GCC have expressed their deep concern at the impact of crisis on the global economy. They also welcomed the six key messages and recommendations of the G-20 summit and called for immediate and decisive measures to implement these decisions and recommendations in order to restore confidence to global markets and stability to financial markets.

Jak Rada ocenia wyniki szczytu USA - UE w kontekście walki z protekcjonizmem gospodarczym?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the May 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

At the EU Heads of State and Government informal meeting with President Obama on 5 April 2009 in Prague, three topics were discussed, namely the economic and financial situation, climate change and energy security and external relations (Peace in the Middle East, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran). As far as the economic and financial situation is concerned, Heads of State and Government expressed satisfaction with the results achieved at the London G20 meeting on 2 April, while stressing the importance of implementing the measures agreed at that meeting as soon as possible. The Heads of State and Government agreed on the need to fight all forms of protectionism and expressed their support for an early conclusion of the Doha Round. In the context of keeping trade and investments flows open, the role of co-operation within the Transatlantic Economic Council was also highlighted.

The Council is satisfied that the informal discussions with President Obama were fully in line with the language agreed by the European Council on 19-20 March on the leading international action necessary to promote a swift return to sustainable economic growth.

In particular, as concerns the need to combat economic protectionism, the European Council agreed to keep markets open and avoid all forms of protectionist measures (no new barriers to investment or to trade and no new export restrictions), and to strive to swiftly reach agreement on modalities for the Doha Development Agenda with an ambitious and balanced outcome.

While Article 103 of the Treaty on European Union says that neither the Community nor the Member States shall be liable for or assume the commitments of central governments without prejudice to mutual financial guarantees for the joint execution of a specific project, Article 100 states that where a Member State is seriously threatened with severe difficulties caused by exceptional occurrences beyond its control, the Council, acting by a qualified majority, may grant, under certain conditions, Community financial assistance to the Member State concerned.

Has the Council considered what these exceptional occurrences may be and does it have a definition of this? Does the Council foresee in the current economic situation that these circumstances will occur for any of the Member States?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the May 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The second paragraph of Article 100 of the Treaty establishing the European Community, which appears to be the paragraph to which the Honourable Member is referring in her question, has never been the legal basis for any proposal examined by the Council. Similarly, the Council never examined any proposal based on the second paragraph of Article 103a of the EC Treaty as inserted by the Maastricht Treaty, which was the corresponding provision prior to the paragraph in question.

No definition of "exceptional occurrences beyond the control of a Member State" exists and the Council has never discussed it. Similarly, the Council has never discussed the possibility of invoking "exceptional occurrences" in the context of the current economic situation.

The Council stands ready to examine any proposal from the Commission based on Article 100(2) of the EC Treaty, should the Commission present such a proposal. In accordance with Article 114(2) of the EC Treaty, the Economic and Financial Committee would be involved in the preparation of the Council's examination of any Commission proposal based on Article 100(2).

The Council recalls the terms of the Declaration on Article 100 of the Treaty establishing the European Community, which is attached to the Nice Treaty. According to this declaration, "decisions regarding financial assistance, such as are provided for in Article 100 and are compatible with the 'no bail-out' rule laid down in Article 103, must comply" with the provisions of the inter-institutional agreement on budgetary discipline and financial perspectives.

Το Νοέμβριο του 2007, το Κοινοβούλιο ενέκρινε ψήφισμα (P6_TA(2007)0507) με στόχο την ολοκληρωμένη αντιμετώπιση των σεισμών από την ΕΕ (πρόληψη, αντίδραση και αποκατάσταση), με το οποίο ζητούσε τη λήψη συγκεκριμένων μέτρων σε θέματα πολιτικής προστασίας, θωράκισης των κτιρίων (με ειδική έμφαση στα κτίρια ιστορικής και πολιτισμικής σημασίας), χρηματοδότησης, έρευνας, ενημέρωσης του κοινού κ.ά.

Πώς έχει ανταποκριθεί το Συμβούλιο στο παραπάνω ψήφισμα; Σε ποιες ενέργειες έχει προβεί μέχρι σήμερα και ποιες πρωτοβουλίες προτίθεται να αναλάβει για να υλοποιήσει τις προτάσεις του; Αντέδρασε άμεσα στον πρόσφατο φονικό σεισμό στην Ιταλία και πώς; Ενεργοποιήθηκε ο μηχανισμός αντίδρασης της ΕΕ σε φυσικές καταστροφές; Έχουν δρομολογηθεί μέτρα αποκατάστασης της ΕΕ, σε πολιτικό και οικονομικό επίπεδο;

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the May 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council is aware of the European Parliament's Resolution on an integrated approach to earthquakes by the EU. It had already on 5 March 2007 adopted a decision establishing a Civil Protection Financial Instrument aimed at providing financial assistance to improve the effectiveness of response to major emergencies as well as to enhance preventive and preparedness measures for all kinds of emergencies. Following the resolution, the Council adopted on 8 November 2007 the Council also adopted a new Decision establishing the Community Civil Protection Mechanism aimed at providing, support in the event of major emergencies and to facilitate improved coordination of assistance intervention provided by the Member States and the Community. In addition, the Council adopted in November 2008 conclusions which called for the strengthening of the civil protection mutual assistance between Member States and for the establishment of a European Disaster Management Training Arrangements. The Presidency believes that those acts and initiatives will improve significantly the technical and financial resources available for better needs assessments, joint interventions of Member States' civil protection teams as well as their transport and coordination.

After the earthquake that hit the Abruzzo region in Italy, on 6 April 2009, the Presidency wishes to express its condolences with the relatives of those who lost their lives and to pay tribute to all first responders, other professionals and volunteers who worked constantly and risked their lives during the whole campaign in order to save lives and limit the damages on properties and the environment.

On 10 April 2009 the Italian Civil Protection Department requested through the Monitoring and Information Centre (MIC), established according to the Community Civil Protection Mechanism, technical experts to support Italy in assessing the stability of buildings. Following this request, , 6 technical experts started their assessment of the situation on 18 April. As the MIC is established and managed by the Commission, the Honourable Member is invited to raise any additional questions to the Commission.

Finally I would like to draw your attention your attention of the fact it is for the Commission to decide whether assistance can be granted through the European Union Solidarity Fund which can be mobilised in case of natural disasters, such as earthquakes.

Στις 3 και 4 Απρίλη, στη διάρκεια της Συνόδου Κορυφής του ΝΑΤΟ στο Στρασβούργο, οι γαλλικές αρχές παρεμπόδισαν με κάθε τρόπο τις εκδηλώσεις που είχαν προγραμματιστεί από φιλειρηνικές οργανώσεις από όλη την Ευρώπη, τρομοκρατώντας τους κατοίκους της πόλης ώστε να μη συμμετάσχουν σε αυτές, ενώ -σε συνεργασία με τις γερμανικές αρχές- απαγόρευσαν την είσοδο στην πόλη σε χιλιάδες διαδηλωτές της ειρήνης. Μετέτρεψαν το κέντρο του Στρασβούργου σε απαγορευμένη ζώνη κυκλοφορίας με πολυάριθμα αστυνομικά μπλόκα. Είναι χαρακτηριστικό ότι σε ένα τέτοιο μπλόκο, μακριά μάλιστα από το χώρο των εκδηλώσεων, αστυνομικοί σταμάτησαν ως ύποπτο και τον ερωτώντα ευρωβουλευτή, τον οποίο –παρότι τους ανέφερε την ιδιότητά του και τους επέδειξε ταυτότητα του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου και διπλωματικό διαβατήριο- κράτησαν «υπό έλεγχο» για πάνω από μισή ώρα!

Πώς κρίνει το Συμβούλιο αυτή τη συμπεριφορά των γαλλικών και γερμανικών αρχών που παραβιάζει βάναυσα το δικαίωμα του φιλειρηνικού κινήματος να εκφράζει την αντίθεσή του στα επιθετικά σχέδια του ΝΑΤΟ σε βάρος των λαών; Είχε συμμετοχή, και εάν ναι ποια, στο σχεδιασμό και την υλοποίηση αυτών των μέτρων καταστολής;

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the May 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council can confirm that the French and German authorities have notified their EU partners and the Commission in advance that controls at their common land border would be reintroduced for a few days, for safety reasons related to the organisation of the NATO summit, based on the provisions of Title III, Chapter II of the Schengen Border Code⁽¹⁾.

Otherwise, the Council did not discuss the issues raised by the Honourable Member.

Πρόσφατα, στο χωριό Σβιρπλιάϊ της Λιθουανίας, βρέθηκε ζωγραφισμένο το πορτραίτο του ιστορικού ηγέτη της Οχτωβριανής Επανάστασης Βλαντιμίρ Λένιν. Αμέσως, η Αστυνομία διέταξε έρευνα, προκειμένου να ασκήσει δίωξη σε βάρος των «δραστών», με την κατηγορία της «δημόσιας προβολής κομμουνιστικών συμβόλων». Πρόκειται για ενεργοποίηση της γνωστής αντικομμουνιστικής νομοθεσίας, με την οποία ήδη από το 1991 τέθηκε εκτός νόμου το Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα της χώρας, ενώ το 2008 απαγορεύθηκε η χρήση συμβόλων της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης και του κομμουνισμού.

Οι ενέργειες αυτές εντάσσονται και έρχονται να προστεθούν στην αντικομμουνιστική υστερία στην οποία πρωτοστατούν θεσμικά όργανα της Ε.Ε., με την ανιστόρητη προσπάθεια ταύτισης του φασισμού με τον κομμουνισμό, την επιχείρηση ποινικοποίησης της κομμουνιστικής ιδεολογίας, την απαγόρευση χρήσης κομμουνιστικών συμβόλων, δράσης και λειτουργίας των ΚΚ. Η ιστορία έχει αποδείξει ότι ο αντικομμουνισμός και οι διώξεις των κομμουνιστών αποτελούν πάντα τον προπομπό μιας συνολικής επίθεσης ενάντια στους εργαζόμενους, τα δημοκρατικά δικαιώματα και τις λαϊκές ελευθερίες.

Καταδικάζει το Συμβούλιο την εξελισσόμενη αντικομμουνιστική ενεργοποίηση αλλά και την ίδια την ύπαρξη της απαράδεκτης αντικομμουνιστικής νομοθεσίας, που επιχειρεί να βάλει φραγμό στην ελεύθερη διακίνηση των ιδεών και την απρόσκοπτη πολιτική δράση στη χώρα αυτή, αλλά και σε άλλα κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ;

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the May 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council has not discussed this issue as it is an internal matter of the Member State concerned.

During recent months we have been witnessing intense maritime piracy activity and several cases of ship seizures. At present, 16 Bulgarian citizens are being held as hostages and their whereabouts is unknown.

Having regard to the Resolution of the European Parliament of 23 October 2008 on piracy at sea (P6_TA(2008)0519 - B6-0537/2008) and the recent debates on the third maritime safety package, what measures is the Council taking to improve cooperation in the field of maritime traffic safety and to ensure the release of the kidnapped European citizens? Since 22 of the EU Member States are coastal countries, does the Council envisage the consolidation of common measures to counter this form of maritime terrorism?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the May 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The issue of piracy off the coast of Somalia and within the Gulf of Aden is a matter of considerable concern, and has been raised in the Council on a number of occasions, most recently on 30 March when there was agreement on the need to step up all possible measures in order to make this important sea package safe for all merchant fleets and ships carrying humanitarian aid.

Combating piracy is also being extensively discussed within the framework of the International Maritime Organization (IMO) Maritime Safety Committee.

Following the adoption of UNSCR 1816 (2008), the Council decided on 8 December 2008 to launch a European Union maritime operation (Atalanta) to contribute to the deterrence, prevention and repression of acts of piracy and armed robbery off the Somali coast. The purpose of this operation is to contribute to the security of maritime traffic in the area.

This operation is part of a wider effort by the international community that involves a number of countries affected by piracy, as well as the maritime community. The headquarters of the operation have established the necessary structures and processes to ensure maximum coordination with other actors in the region and with representatives from the maritime industry.

When it comes to shaping and implementing EU responses to the issue of sea-dumped chemical weapons, how does the Council assess and utilise the existing international documents and arrangements including the London Convention of 1972 and its Protocol of 1996 prohibiting disposal of chemical and biological agents, the Chemical Weapons Convention, the Convention for the Protection of the Marine Environment of the North-East Atlantic (the OSPAR Convention), the work of the Helsinki Commission and the decision of the European Parliament and of the Council (Article 2 (b), Decision 2850/2000/EC⁽¹⁾) in setting up the Community framework for cooperation in the field of accidental or deliberate marine pollution?

How could the Council support the promotion of cooperative activities with governments and the relevant international organisations and interested partners with a view to improving their capabilities for response in the case of incidents with sea-dumped chemical weapons in various parts of the world, as well as national and international responses to them?

How will the Council promote cooperation between the Baltic Sea States in exchanging and furthering the experience of those states in dealing with chemical weapons dumped in the Baltic Sea?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the May 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Community and Member States are active parties to most major conventions and agreements covering regional seas around Europe, such as the 1992 Helsinki Convention for the protection of the Baltic Sea, the 1983 Bonn Agreement for the protection of the North Sea, the 1976 Barcelona Convention for the protection of the Mediterranean Sea and the 1992 Convention for the Protection of the Marine Environment of the North-East Atlantic (OSPAR).

At Community level, the framework established by the European Parliament and the Council for cooperation in the field of accidental or deliberate marine pollution, for the time period 2000-2006 provided support to Member States in their efforts to protect the marine environment. This framework concerned in particular discharges of harmful substances into the seas, including substances linked to the presence of dumped material such as munitions.

Under this framework a Community information system, hosted by the Commission, was set up with the aim of exchanging information amongst Member States on intervention capacities and measures in place in the event of marine pollution.

In October 2001, a Community Civil Protection Mechanism was set up by the Council in order to improve coordination of assistance provided by Member States and the Community and to mobilise assistance from them when inter alia marine pollution accidents occur. The Community Civil Protection Mechanism was recast by the Council Decision on 8 November 2007.

Particular reference should be made, in this specific area, to the role of the European Maritime Safety Agency (EMSA), established by Regulation (EC) Nº 1406/2002 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 June 2002. To reduce the risk of all kinds of marine pollution from ships, including sea dumped chemical weapons; this agency provides technical assistance to the Commission and to the Member States of the EU on the implementation, monitoring, development and evolution of relevant EU and international legislation.

The Presidency would like also to recall that the Council, in its conclusions of December 2008 on the integrated maritime policy, welcomed progress on the proceedings on the proposal for a Directive of the EP and the Council⁽²⁾ on pollution caused by vessels and the introduction of penalties for infringements, currently examined by the Council.

Furthermore, the Council encouraged Member States to begin work required for the implementation of the Marine Strategy Framework Directive, adopted in 2008, which establishes a framework within which Member States shall take the necessary measures to achieve or maintain good environmental status in the marine environment by the year 2020 at the latest.

As regards the specific question raised by the Honourable Parliamentarian of promoting Baltic States cooperation, the European Council in December 2007 invited the Commission to present an EU strategy for the Baltic Sea region at the latest by June 2009. Such a strategy should, inter alia, help to address the urgent environmental challenges related to the Baltic Sea. The Council, in its conclusions of 8 December 2008, reiterated the importance of the future strategy for the Baltic Sea for the integrated maritime policy of the European Union.

The broadcasting of the outlawed terrorist media ‘Al-Manar TV’ into Europe by the Egyptian satellite provider Nilesat continues to be in direct violation of the EU-Egypt Action Plan and constitutes a threat to European security.

Did the Council take steps to raise the broadcasting of ‘Al-Manar TV’ into Europe via Nilesat during the EU-Egypt Association Council meeting on 27 April 2009? If not, when does the Council intend to raise this violation of the EU-Egypt Action Plan with Egypt?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the May 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council understands the concern of the honourable Member that some material broadcast by the Al-Manar television station in question might amount to incitement to hatred.

The Council addressed these concerns in its statement for the last EU-Egypt Association Council, which took place on 27 April 2009. It was stated that "The EU encourages Egypt to continue to pursue efforts aimed at fighting discrimination on all grounds and at promoting tolerance in matters related to culture, religion and beliefs and minorities. In this context, the EU is concerned about the discriminatory content in some of the broadcasts of the Al-Manar television channel distributed by the Egyptian satellite Nilesat. The EU condemns any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence".

Furthermore, the EU raised its concerns during the EU-Egypt expert meeting on Counter-terrorism, which took place on 31 March in Brussels. The Egyptian side took note of this issue.

The Council believes that dialogue with Egypt, through the institutional structure of the sub-committees and political dialogue, is the most effective way to encourage the Egyptian government to progress in the area of human rights. The sub-committee on political matters with Egypt, whose second meeting is scheduled for 7 July, might also allow for issues related to the fight against racism, xenophobia and intolerance to be raised. These include the undertaking in the joint EU-Egypt Action Plan to “strengthen the role of media in combating xenophobia and discrimination on the grounds of religious belief or culture” and encouraging the media “to assume its responsibilities in this regard”.

The Council will continue to pay close attention to this issue and may raise it on other occasions within the EU’s regular political dialogue with Egypt.

An unprecedented law limiting freedom of speech and freedom of the press has recently been introduced in the Czech Republic, namely the Czech Act of 5 February 2009 which amends Act No 141/1961 Coll., on criminal court proceedings (Criminal Code), providing for up to five years in prison and a heavy fine of up to EUR 180 000 for publishing any account from police wiretapping.

Is the Council aware of whether the recently adopted Czech Act has a precedent in any other EU country?

Does the Council recognise that the newly-adopted Czech Act is in clear contradiction with the European Human Rights Court Judgment of 19 March 2007 in the case of Radio Twist, A.S. v. Slovakia stating that publishing police wiretapping records in the public interest overrides the right to privacy protection?

Does the Council think that the aforementioned Czech Act complies with the basic principles of freedom and liberties, as outlined by the Charter of Fundamental Rights and Article 6 of the TEU on which the European Union is based?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the May 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council considers that freedom of expression is a fundamental right as recognised by Article 6(2) of the Treaty on the European Union and reflected in the Chapter of Fundamental rights of the European Union. Member States are answerable for restrictions imposed in respect of the exercise of this freedom to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.

The Council cannot take a position on the issue raised by the Honourable Member, which concerns an internal matter of the Member State concerned.

The Presidency can only inform that a constitutional complaint on this issue has been lodged to the Czech Constitutional Court in April 2009.

Šiuo metu rengiama Baltijos jūros strategija. Svarbus vaidmuo šioje strategijoje yra numatytas Šiaurės matmens politikai, kuri yra regioninė ES bendradarbiavimo su Rusija, Norvegija ir Islandija išraiška. Kuriamoje Šiaurės matmens transporto logistikos partnerystėje Rusijos Federacija yra labai svarbus partneris. Tačiau šiuo laikotarpiu Rusija rezervuotai žiūri į bendradarbiavimą su ES transporto srityje, pvz, nuo kovo mėnesio ji įvedė kelių mokesčius ES vežėjams. Tai sunkus smūgis, ypač kaimyninių ES valstybių transporto kompanijoms.

Kokia EK pozicija šiuo klausimu? Kaip EK planuoja skatinti bendradarbiavimą su Rusija visose transporto srityse, tarp jų ir Šiaurės matmens transporto logistikos srityje? Kaip EK siekia paskatinti Rusiją atsisakyti protekcionistinės politikos transporto srityje?

As requested by the European Council the Commission is currently preparing an EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region. Some parts of the Strategy and in particular of its Action Plan will call for cooperation with our external partners, such as the Russian Federation. Northern Dimension policy and the structures within it, especially existing and future Partnerships, will provide good formats for pursuing this cooperation.

The Northern Dimension is a common policy between the EU, Russia, Norway and Iceland. In addition it is the regional reflection of the four Common Spaces agreed between the EU and Russia. It is clear that the issues of transport and logistics form an important part of this cooperation.

The Northern Dimension Ministerial meeting which took place last October 2008 in St. Petersburg decided to establish a Northern Dimension Partnership on Transport and Logistics. Work is still underway to solve the few outstanding issues with the aim of the Partnership becoming fully operational as from 1 January 2010. The Partnership will play a crucial role in addressing various transport/logistics related bottlenecks as well as facilitating key infrastructure projects agreed by all partners.

An important concern remains the imposition of a new road user charge scheme by Russia, which it has implemented as of 1 February 2009. The Commission urged Russia to remove these discriminatory tariffs, which give an unfair advantage to Russian hauliers in a market that should be balanced and fair. In this context, agreeing to revitalise the EU-Russia Transport Dialogue and the discussion of Commissioner in charge of Transport on this issue with Russian Transport Minister Levitin in February are two steps in the right direction. The Commission is presently in contact with Russia with a view to re-energising our Transport Dialogue and convening Working Group meetings covering all areas of mutual concern. The Commission will make further efforts to stop implementation of the scheme so as to avoid raising new barriers in our trade and transport relations.

The Commission is determined to pursue constructive cooperation with Russia also in the field of transport and logistics. Our bilateral transport dialogue as well as the Northern Dimension Partnership will be important tools in this regard.

A recent report published in Ireland highlighted the fact that only 5% of Irish citizens are aware of their rights when they travel by plane.

What is the Commission doing to ensure that European air travellers are fully protected and aware of their rights?

La Commission s'est engagée depuis des années dans de multiples initiatives et actions visant à sensibiliser les passagers sur les droits qui leur sont conférés par le droit communautaire et à assurer leur respect effectif.

Tout d'abord, la Commission a distribué à large échelle en 2007 de nouvelles affiches et des brochures, disponibles dans toutes les langues officielles de l'Union. Par l'intermédiaire de l'ACI (l'association internationale des aéroports), l'affiche de la Commission, qui offre un aperçu des différents types de droits dont les passagers sont bénéficiaires, est désormais présente dans la large majorité des aéroports communautaires. Ces affiches et brochures sont gratuites et peuvent, en outre, être commandées via internet sur le site web de la Commission.

A travers le "Contact Center Europe Direct" les passagers peuvent aussi recevoir par téléphone, e-mail ou "chat" l'information qui leur est nécessaire. Ce centre d'information, financé par la Commission, répond aux demandes d'information dans toutes les langues officielles de l'Union.

Le Commissaire chargé des Transports a mis en place au mois de novembre 2008 un nouveau point de contact accessible sur son site web et celui de la DG TREN⁽¹⁾ où les passagers peuvent adresser leurs demandes d'information sur tous les règlements communautaires portant sur leurs droits. Ces demandes d'information obtiennent une réponse dans des délais très courts via le service Europe Direct.

Ensuite, la Commission a vérifié que la très large majorité des autorités compétentes nationales (les NEB) ont aussi établi des sites web qui fournissent dans leur langue nationale l'information nécessaire sur le règlement 261/2004, concernant les droits des passagers en cas d'annulation, de longs retards et de refus d'embarquement, et sur le règlement 1107/2006, en matière de droits des passagers handicapés et des passagers à mobilité réduite lors d'un trajet aérien.

Les NEB effectuent aussi des inspections afin de vérifier que les compagnies remplissent leur obligation d'information écrite aux passagers, directement à l'enregistrement et en cas d'incident dans le cadre du règlement 261/2004.

Enfin, la Commission a lancé une vidéo en 2008, au moment de l'entrée en vigueur du règlement 1107/2006 sur les droits spécifiques des personnes à mobilité réduite lors d'un trajet aérien, qui a également été distribuée comme outil de communication à tous les aéroports membres de l'ACI. L'information sur le règlement 1107/2006 et son application est régulièrement à l'agenda des réunions du Groupe à Haut Niveau, auquel participent les représentants les plus directement concernés de la société civile au niveau européen.

Το διάστημα 2000-2008, οι εφοπλιστές στην Ελλάδα εισέπραξαν 226.822.254,98 ευρώ, ως επιδοτήσεις για τα ακτοπλοϊκά δρομολόγιά τους στα νησιά των «άγονων γραμμών». Οι επιδοτήσεις εκτοξεύτηκαν στα ύψη με την εφαρμογή του Ν.2932/2001 της κυβέρνησης του ΠΑΣΟΚ, σε εφαρμογή του Κοινοτικού Κανονισμού (ΕΟΚ) αριθ. 3577/92⁽¹⁾. Τo 2003, που μπήκε σε εφαρμογή ο νόμος, οι επιδοτήσεις από 12.000.000 το 2002 εκτινάχτηκαν στα 25.180.000 ευρώ. Το σκάνδαλο των επιδοτήσεων των εφοπλιστών με χρήματα του ελληνικού λαού συνεχίζεται και από τη σημερινή κυβέρνηση της ΝΔ, που μόνο για την περίοδο 2008-2009 εξασφάλισε στους εφοπλιστές πάνω από 100.000.000 ευρώ, κέρδος δηλαδή 267.315, 41 ευρώ ανά δρομολόγιο. Την ίδια χρονική περίοδο οι τιμές των εισιτηρίων αυξήθηκαν κατά 376%.

Ποια είναι η θέση της Επιτροπής απέναντι στις τεκμηριωμένες παραπάνω καταγγελίες πακτωλού επιδοτήσεων των εφοπλιστών με την «πατέντα» των «άγονων γραμμών»; Γιατί δεν δημοσιεύει την σχετική έκθεση για τις ακτοπλοϊκές συγκοινωνίες στα κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ;

En vertu du règlement du Conseil 3577/92 (sur le cabotage maritime) des contrats de service public peuvent être conclus si le marché ne fournit pas un niveau de service approprié de transport maritime vers les îles. Les Etats membres disposent d'une marge d'appréciation très large quant au caractère 'approprié' du service.

En contrepartie de services fournis, les Etats membres octroient à l'armateur en charge du service public une compensation financière. La compensation ne peut excéder ce qui est nécessaire pour couvrir les coûts du service, en prenant en compte les recettes des opérateurs et un profit raisonnable.

Les Etats membres ne sont tenus de notifier à la Commission ni les contrats de service public conclus, ni les compensations associées Pour cette raison la Commission ne dispose pas de données détaillées concernant les montants accordés aux armateurs dans les Etats membres. La Commission relève toutefois que ces compensations sont accordées par tous les Etats membres ayant des îles et faisant recours à ce type de contrats de service public.

L'honorable parlementaire suggère que certaines lignes seraient considérées comme déficitaires afin justifier les compensations, alors qu'elles seraient rentables. Si tel était effectivement le cas, la Commission estime que les lignes en question devraient être assujetties à un régime purement commercial. La Commission serait très reconnaissante à l’honorable parlementaire s’il était en mesure de lui fournir des informations détaillées portant sur les lignes en question.

Finalement, s'agissant du rapport sur l'application du cabotage maritime, une consultation est en cours avec les autorités maritimes nationales et les autres parties intéressées, visant à recueillir des informations permettant d’évaluer le fonctionnement du cabotage maritime et les effets de sa libéralisation. Le rapport auquel fait référence l’honorable parlementaire devrait être publié avant la fin de l’année.

In the context of both economic recovery and climate change there has been a lot of discussion and promotion of the idea of ‘green-collar’ jobs as a part of the solution to both challenges.

In what way is the Commissioner for Energy working in a coordinated way with the Commissioner for Employment to ensure that these proposals become a reality, rather than mere rhetoric?

The Commission recognises the importance of moving to a resource-efficient, low-carbon economy⁽¹⁾. Progress made towards this structural change will depend principally on the development of new up to date and coordinated policies in various fields, on the pace of implementation of existing policies including those aimed at reducing carbon dioxide in the Member States, the speed at which markets and technologies mature, and the degree of responsiveness of the labour markets to accommodate all these changes.

In order to mitigate and adapt to climate change and meet other environmental challenges, a comprehensive strategic approach and coordinated action by policy-makers involved are needed in several fields in addition to energy and employment (such as the environment, industry, R&D, transport and education). In relation to adaptation, the ingredients for coordinated action across different sectors and levels of governance were set out recently by the Commission in its White Paper 'Adapting to climate change: Towards a European framework for action'⁽²⁾. With regard to mitigation, the climate and energy package adopted last December is a fundamental step in the right direction and its implementation will create employment opportunities in the energy sector. E.g. the renewable energy sector is expected to have between 2,3 to 2,7 million jobs by 2020, with a high contribution from small and medium sized enterprises.⁽³⁾

Further efforts to facilitate the transition to a low-carbon economy may be facilitated under the Lisbon Strategy to help speed up the restructuring process and ensure it runs smoothly. The Economic Recovery plans for most, if not all, Member States, contain a focus on investment in green technologies, and on the aim of creating green jobs. EU policy in this area seeks to create more and better jobs and to make employment cost-effective and sustainable. Reducing the carbon footprint at the workplace would make all jobs in the EU economy greener.

Information on skills profiles in a 'green' economy is scarce, partly because not enough awareness exists of the potential effects of structural change. It is reasonable to assume that the 'greening' of skills will involve, first, the application of traditional qualifications and skills to the production/use of new 'greener' techniques, material and products, and secondly, specific 'green' skills, such as for reducing the carbon footprint. The Commission has therefore recognised two measures as important, namely developing a capacity to identify skills for the green economy and to match labour-market requirements, and the organisation of training programmes to develop the skills needed to fill new positions.

In its Communication to the Spring European Council⁽⁴⁾, the Commission underlined the importance of improvements in monitoring and anticipating skills needed, and matching and upgrading skills in line with future labour-market needs, such as for jobs required by the green economy. It will therefore support the Member States and the social partners in anticipating the forthcoming changes linked to the greening of the economy and the associated labour-market challenges. The Commission's 'New Skills for New Jobs' initiative ⁽⁵⁾ sets out a number of activities to improve knowledge of current and future labour-market demand and mobilise various Community instruments to support skills upgrading. In 2009 the Commission will accordingly step up cooperation with the ILO⁽⁶⁾ and Cedefop⁽⁷⁾ on the development of tools and methods for anticipating skills required, in particular from a 'green skills' perspective.

The Restructuring Forum which the Commission will host in June will consider issues relating to the easing of adverse effects on workers and employers due to the mitigation of and adaptation to climate change. It will also look at the issue of skills and at how to provide retraining for those affected or those who can take advantage of the opportunities associated with low-carbon technologies.

Simplifying the European Social Fund rules in line with the European Economic Recovery Plan will also make it easier to fund such measures as training and skills upgrading, activation measures for unemployed and redundant workers, and support for self-employment. The flexicurity approach⁽⁸⁾ may also assist in the process of adaptation to the structural challenges of climate change.

With ambitious spending on green economy and environmental projects (€105 billion for the 2007-2013 period), Cohesion Policy is making a considerable contribution to sustainable growth and jobs in Europe as well as to the EU objectives in the fight against climate change. In particular, Cohesion Policy is contributing €3 billion to the promotion of environmentally-friendly products and production processes in SMEs⁽⁹⁾ and to new “green-collar” jobs. One of the clear aims of funding for research and innovation is to boost overall investment in green technologies.

Is the Commission aware of the extreme difficulties facing retailers and businesses in border areas in the Republic of Ireland due to the dramatic reduction in the value of sterling, resulting in an unfair competitive advantage being given to retailers in Northern Ireland?

What action or assistance, if any, can be given to these ailing businesses?

Is the Commission aware of similar situations occurring in Member States within the Eurozone, that border non-Eurozone Member States?

Exchange rates are subject to significant fluctuations, which are generally, although not always, related to changes in economic fundamentals. The recent fall in the British pound can be related to a number of economic factors. These include financial market participants' concern about the United Kingdom's twin deficit (a large trade deficit coupled with a growing budget deficit, including large contingent liabilities), fears that the recession will be deeper in the United Kingdom than in other advanced economies and sharp interest rate cuts by the Bank of England. In addition, although to a lesser extent than the United States dollar, the euro has benefited from flight-to-safety flows since the outbreak of the financial market crisis. Furthermore, the depreciation of the pound in 2007 and 2008 started from a level where the pound was clearly above its long-term historical average.

The Commission is not aware of similar situations in other border areas, although they cannot be excluded.

Μετά από 20 χρόνια διαπραγματεύσεων, η ΕΕ και το ΣΣΚ ακόμη δεν έχουν συνάψει συμφωνία ελεύθερων συναλλαγών, ενώ τον περασμένο Δεκέμβριο τα κράτη του ΣΣΚ αποχώρησαν μονομερώς από τις διαπραγματεύσεις.

Πώς σκοπεύει η Επιτροπή να αναζωογονήσει το ενδιαφέρον των χωρών του Κόλπου για τις διαπραγματεύσεις προκειμένου να ολοκληρωθεί η συμφωνία το συντομότερο δυνατόν; Ποια ειδικότερα ζητήματα εκκρεμούν και δεν επιτρέπουν την επίτευξη της συμφωνίας; Πώς σκοπεύει να εμπλέξει πιο δυναμικά τα κράτη του Κόλπου στη συζήτηση για την αναμόρφωση των διεθνών οικονομικών θεσμών, ιδίως του Διεθνούς Νομισματικού Ταμείου και της Παγκόσμιας Τράπεζας, δεδομένου ότι η Σαουδική Αραβία συμμετέχει στη σύνοδο G-20 και έχει μάλιστα εκφράσει το ενδιαφέρον της για την αναμόρφωση των θεσμών αυτών; Ποια ζητήματα θα απασχολήσουν ιδίως το προσεχές 19ο Κοινό Συμβούλιο και την Υπουργική Σύνοδο μεταξύ της ΕΕ και των χωρών του Κόλπου;

The Commission regretted the decision of the last Summit of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC, 29 December 2008) to suspend the negotiations for an Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the EU.

Despite the suspension, the Commission, as negotiator of the Agreement, considers that an agreement is within reach if there is sufficient flexibility on the remaining issues (i.e., the political clauses, and the prohibition of export duties). It remains, therefore, committed to continuing the discussions.

The signals emerging from the 29 April 2009 EU-GCC Ministerial Meeting in Oman were positive : the GCC and the EU reviewed their recent consultations on the FTA and agreed to continue such consultations on all outstanding issues, so as to permit the resumption – and ideally the conclusion - of these long-running negotiations.

The Commission remains determined to make further efforts to find mutually acceptable solutions.

The results of the London G20 summit are very significant and deliver a strong message of global unity on both the diagnosis and the solutions in the face of the ongoing crisis. Saudi Arabia’s role was very constructive, especially with regard to regulatory reform and the reform of the International Financial Institutions. The Commission welcomes, in particular, Saudi Arabia’s support of the increase in International Monetary Fund resources.

In the light of the current international political environment, EU and GCC Ministers discussed the global economic and financial crisis and the way to address it at their Ministerial meeting in Oman held last week (29 April 2009). A detailed discussion on the current global imbalances will be the subject of the next economic dialogue between the Commission and the GCC on 15 June 2009 in Brussels.

The agenda of the EU-GCC Joint Council and Ministerial meeting (Oman, 29 April) included, like in previous years, cooperation issues and political matters of common interest for both the EU and the GCC:

- Implementation of the 1989 Cooperation Agreement: state of play and prospects of cooperation activities in fields of mutual interest, such as energy, environment/climate change, research, higher education;

- egional questions such as the Middle East Peace Process, Iran and Iraq;

- a number of global issues such as counter-terrorism and non-proliferation, climate change, human rights and the global economic and financial crisis.

On all these issues, and on the FTA, the EU and the GCC exchanged views in Oman. A Joint Communiqué was agreed between the two parties. The main outcomes of the meeting were the decision to revitalize the bilateral relation between the two parties on the basis of the existing cooperation agreement, and the decision to continue talks on the FTA with a view to resume the negotiations.

Przy Papieskiej Akademii Teologicznej w Krakowie powstała inicjatywa powołania Centrum Chrześcijaństwa Orientalnego. Centrum ma odpowiadać zapotrzebowaniu na badania dotyczące świata islamu i obecnego tam chrześcijaństwa, w tym pragnie zwrócić szczególną uwagę na dialog międzykulturowy oraz poszanowanie praw mniejszości na Bliskim Wschodzie. Obszar ten jest szczególnie interesujący w kontekście rozwoju i integracji Europy. Powołanie Centrum pozwoli na badanie wyżej wymienionej tematyki. Należy nadmienić, że Centrum będzie częściowo finansowane przez uczelnię, umożliwi to prowadzenie badań naukowych oraz nadawanie stopni naukowych. Czy Komisja może udzielić informacji na temat możliwości stałego dofinansowania prac Centrum?

With regard to the Structural Funds and in according with the principle of subsidiarity, the Commission is not involved in the selection of projects, with the exception of so-called major projects (above €25 million for environment and €50 million for all other sectors) which the Commission appraises in accordance with Article 41 of Council Regulation (EC) No 1083/2006. The responsibility for the selection of projects rests with the national or regional authorities in Poland. Since the value of the project in question does not exceed the thresholds for major projects, any decisions taken on whether the project will receive support from the Structural Funds is the responsibility of the Member State. For projects being implemented within the framework of the Regional Operational Programmes, the institution responsible for their selection is the Marshal's Office, in its role as the Managing Authority of the operational programme.

The Commission therefore suggests contacting the Malopolskie Marshal's Office.⁽¹⁾

According to the Council Regulation (EC) No 1083/2006 of 11 July 2006 laying down general provisions on the European Regional Development Fund, the European Social Fund and the Cohesion Fund, Cohesion policy should contribute to increasing growth, competitiveness and employment by incorporating the Community's priorities for sustainable development as defined at the Lisbon European Council of 23 and 24 March 2000 and at the Göteborg European Council of 15 and 16 June 2001.

More generally, with regard to culture and its funding at national level it should be remembered that such funding is a responsibility of the Member States. Action at EU level is undertaken in full respect of the principle of subsidiarity, with the role of the EU being to support and complement actions of the Member States and not to substitute these.

However, the EU Culture Programme 2007-2013 promotes the transnational mobility of cultural professionals, of works of art as well as cultural and artistic products and it stimulates intercultural dialogue. More information on the Programme can be provided by the Cultural Contact Point in Poland.⁽²⁾

Can the Commission comment on the modalities of setting up an EU register of struck-off medical professionals, in light of the fact that the European Parliament has sought to include provision for such measures in its reading of the cross-border healthcare proposal?

Member States have established their own registers in which health professionals' members of a regulated profession are listed and where mention of disciplinary actions or criminal sanctions against them are included, where appropriate.

Furthermore, Directive 2005/36/EC⁽¹⁾ on the recognition of professional qualifications has reinforced the administrative cooperation between competent authorities, as exchange of information between the home and the host Member State has become an obligation. More specifically, it concerns the exchange of information with regard to disciplinary actions or criminal sanctions taken or any other serious, specific circumstances which are likely to have consequences for the pursuit of the activities in question, as well as any information relevant to the legality of the service provider's establishment and his/her good conduct.

An electronic tool, called IMI (Internal Market Information system), has been developed and facilitates information exchange between the relevant competent authorities on the basis of standard forms, pre-translated into all languages, which contains questions relevant for the effective application of Directive 2005/36/EC. The IMI system is fully operational for the health professionals, such as doctors, dentists, nurses, midwives, pharmacists and physiotherapists.

This exchange of information between Member States has to respect personal data protection legislation provided for in Directive 95/46/EC⁽²⁾ on the protection of individuals with regard to the processing of personal data and on the free movement of such data and Directive 2002/58/EC⁽³⁾ on privacy and electronic communications.

In 2012, the Commission will provide a report on the application of Directive 2005/36/EC in which an assessment of its provisions will be made. If it then becomes clear that the various obligations and means of exchange of information remain inadequate to deal with the problems at stake, the obligations (and their modalities) related to the exchange of information may have to be reconsidered.

The Commission's proposal for a directive on patients' rights in cross border health care focuses on the rights and mobility of patients. This proposal sets out the obligation for healthcare professionals to provide all relevant information to enable patients to make an informed choice. This may include confirmation of this registration status.

In November of last year, the ACP-EU JPA adopted a report on child labour, which I co-authored, calling for the European Commission to oblige all large companies operating in the EU to take responsibility for labour practices at all levels of the supply chain, and noting that in order to support this, supply-chain compliance should be ensured by regular thorough inspections and independent audit at all levels.

What measures is the Commission taking to fulfil its responsibilities in this regard?

The question relates to the follow-up note provided by the Commission to the JPA Report on child labour.⁽¹⁾ As indicated in the follow-up note, the definition of corporate social responsibility used by the Commission and EU Member States encompasses measures undertaken by firms themselves on a voluntary basis, not as a response to compulsory regulation. Thus obligatory measures such as supply chain monitoring by public bodies or other independent audits are not foreseen.

The Commission has engaged with the private sector through the European Alliance for Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and has supported a series of workshops or "laboratories" addressing social and environmental themes. These workshops have resulted in a number of recommendations and tools to support the corporate sector, including a new web portal providing guidance for companies on social and environmental issues in the supply chain.

The Commission hosts a Multistakeholder Forum for CSR involving employers, Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), Trade Unions, academic representatives and investors. It also participates in the OECD⁽²⁾ initiative to develop and promote Multinational Guidelines, as well as encouraging EU industry to join the United Nations (UN) Global Compact. More recently, the Commission and Member States are examining the framework developed by John Ruggie, the UN Special Representative on Human Rights and Business, in his 2008 UN report entitled Protect, Respect, and Remedy. In particular, the Commission intends to launch, in cooperation with the UN Special Representative, a study on the legal framework regarding human rights and environmental issues applicable to EU companies when they operate in 3rd countries.

As indicated during the presentation of the follow-up note at the meeting of the JPA Social Committee in February 2009, the Commission would be happy to participate in the September 2009 meeting of the JPA Social Committee to discuss new developments and the outcome of further follow-up measures. One such follow-up measure will include the next meeting of the European Forum on the Rights of the Child⁽³⁾ (a permanent advisory forum on children rights in internal and external action), which is being organised for 18 June 2009 and which will focus on child labour. One of the items on the agenda will be Corporate Social Responsibility and its contribution to fighting child labour. The Commission believes that these developments provide a sound basis for the continuing discussion on Children's Rights and Corporate Social Responsibility.

Working the overnight shift has been linked to an increased risk of developing cancer. Research has found that men who work night shifts have higher rates of prostate cancer, while women have higher rates of breast cancer.

The World Health Organisation declared night work a probable carcinogen. The designation was also endorsed by the American Cancer Association.

Is the Commission aware of this link between cancer and night work? Will the Commission step up support for research on how night work is contributing to cancer in the EU? Will it look into best practices and research on how night work can be made safer and what the maximum amount of safe night work is? In terms of employment, will the Commission publish guidelines on how night work is a risk factor for cancer so that employers and employees are aware of the risk?

The Commission is aware of the suggestions of a link between cancer and night work, considered to be "probable" by the WHO International Agency for Research on Cancer.

The Commission recognises that this "probable" link is known to the scientific community, whose research is based on the preliminary assumption that night shift work can impair normal rhythmic biological cycles. This has an impact on the production of melatonin which, in turn, induces an abnormal increased production of hormones, and thus the risk of developing certain types of cancer.

The Commission is actively involved in trying to reduce the negative impact of working conditions in relation to cancer. The European Agency for Safety and Health at Work and the European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions are also actively engaged in investigating the affects of disrupted sleep patterns on health.

Nevertheless, the main scope for preventing cancer remains through taking preventative actions based on major health determinants, as set out in the European Code against Cancer. It has been estimated that around one third of all cancers could be prevented by modifying or avoiding key risk factors, such as tobacco smoking and alcohol consumption.

More generally, to support the Member States in their efforts to tackle the burden of cancer more efficiently , the Commission plans to launch the European Partnership for Action Against Cancer in September 2009. The Partnership will provide a framework for identifying and sharing information, capacity and expertise in cancer prevention and control, by bringing together relevant stakeholders across the EU in a collective effort to address cancer.

Actions regarding workers' protection from the risks triggered by any working conditions are covered by Council Directive of 12 June 1989 on the introduction of measures to encourage improvements in the safety and health of workers at work (Directive 89/391/EEC).

In addition, the Working Time Directive (Directive 2003/88/EC)⁽¹⁾ contains a number of specific protection measures for night workers. Member States must take the necessary measures to ensure that night workers are entitled under the Directive to a free health assessment, before they are assigned to night work and at regular intervals afterwards. They must also ensure that workers who suffer from health problems connected to their night work are transferred, whenever possible, to day work for which they are suited. Employers who regularly use night work must inform the competent authorities, if the authorities so request. And Member States must also ensure that employers who are setting work patterns take account of the general principle of adapting work to the worker, and of safety and health requirements.

The Commission will continue to follow the important issue of the suggested link between cancer and night work.

Directive 2004/23/EC⁽¹⁾ of 31 March 2004 sets standards of quality and safety for the donation, procurement, testing, processing, preservation, storage and distribution of human tissues and cells. The Directive is considered to be the basic framework for the procurement of cells and tissue in the European Union. The transposition of the Directive into national legislation has been seriously delayed by some Member States. As a result, certain activities related to cells and tissues are less developed in some Member States. Moreover, patients and medical practitioners are often also unaware of recent medical developments in, and the advantages of, stem cells.

Has the Commission received an up-to-date report from all Member States before 7 April 2009 on the transposition of the different provisions of the Directive, as stipulated under Article 26 of the Directive?

In view of the European Patients’ Rights Day on 18 April, is the Commission also considering stepping up its efforts to inform patients and medical practitioners about the advantages of stem cells?

The Commission sends every year a questionnaire to the Member States in order to assess the transposition and implementation process of Directive 2004/23/EC on quality and safety of human cells and tissues. The results of the questionnaire are discussed with Member States at a meeting of Competent Authorities. Summary tables of results are published on the website of the Directorate General for Health and Consumers.

The results of 2009 questionnaire will also be the basis for the report on the implementation of the requirements of Directive 2004/23/EC as established in its Article 26(3). The Commission is currently receiving the answers which will be compiled for the next meeting that will take place on 27-28 May 2009.

The aim of Directive 2004/23/EC and its implementing directives is to establish minimum standards of quality and safety for the donation, procurement, testing, processing, preservation, storage and distribution of human tissues and cells. It does not cover research using human tissues and cells neither does it interfere with decisions made by Member States concerning the use or non-use of any specific type of human cells, such as stem cells.

Εδώ και δύο τουλάχιστο μήνες, στο Μαλιακό Κόλπο της περιφέρειας της Στερεάς Ελλάδας, το τοξικό φύκι Chatonella που εντοπίστηκε στα νερά του, προκαλεί πρωτοφανείς μαζικούς θανάτους ψαριών. Συνέπεια αυτής της οικολογικής καταστροφής είναι οι ψαράδες της περιοχής να βρίσκονται σε απόγνωση και να διαμαρτύρονται δικαιολογημένα. Η ανάπτυξη αυτού του τοξικού φυκιού οφείλεται, όπως αναφέρουν οι επιστήμονες, στην αυξημένη και πολύμορφη ρύπανση του Σπερχειού ποταμού που εκβάλλει στον Κόλπο, από βιομηχανικά και άλλα απόβλητα και λύματα. Ο Κόλπος, όπως χαρακτηριστικά λένε οι κάτοικοι της περιοχής, έχει μετατραπεί σε μια μεγάλη «τοξική σούπα».

Τι θέση παίρνει η Επιτροπή για την αντιμετώπιση αυτού του σοβαρού οικολογικού προβλήματος, την ανάγκη στήριξης των ψαράδων που πλήττονται οικονομικά και γενικότερα την αποκατάσταση της οικολογικής ισορροπίας της περιοχής που έχει διαταραχθεί εξαιτίας της ρύπανσης;

The Honourable Member refers to pollution of the river Sperchios and of the Maliakos Gulf, and to related impacts on fish population and fishermen in the area.

EU environmental legislation provides clear mechanisms for protecting our waters by:

- addressing pollution at the source through Directives such as the Urban Waste Water Treatment Directive⁽¹⁾ and the Directive on Integrated Prevention and Control of Pollution (IPPC)⁽²⁾,

- setting environmental objectives for all waters (rivers, lakes, groundwaters and coastal waters) through the Water Framework Directive⁽³⁾.

The Urban Waste Water Directive required Member States to collect and treat waste water from all settlement areas of more than 2000 inhabitants (or the equivalent in waste water pollution) by either 1998, 2000 or 2005 (depending on the size of the settlement area and the characteristics of the affected waters). The Directive on Integrated Prevention and Control of Pollution (IPPC) requires industrial installations within its scope to be subject to an integrated permit, including conditions based on the best available techniques. Existing installations were required to be covered by permits compliant with the Directive by 30 October 2007.

The Commission has scrutinised implementation by Greece of both Directives and concluded that the obligations have not been adequately implemented. Therefore, the Commission has started legal infringement procedures against Greece in respect of both Directives.

The Water Framework Directive provides for an obligation to achieve/maintain good water quality ('good status') for all waters by 2015 as a rule. Member States were required to carry out an environmental analysis of pressures and impacts by December 2004 and are required to develop plans and programmes for achieving 'good status' by 22 December 2009.

The environmental analysis of pressures and impacts for the Sperchios river specifically addresses water quality problems in that river. As mentioned by the Honourable Member for the Maliakos Gulf, disturbance of the ecosystem by pollution may also lead to mass growth of certain algae including with toxic impacts on fish. 'Good status' for rivers and estuaries ('transitional waters') is defined by a range of criteria including composition and abundance of fish fauna. The plans and programmes due by December 2009 will have to address existing problems and set out measures to achieve the environmental quality objective both for the river Sperchios and the Maliakos Gulf.

As regards possible support for the fisheries sector in that area, under the European Fisheries Funds Regulation⁽⁴⁾, in the event of a natural disaster or other exceptional occurrence, Member States are allowed to take appropriate measures to contribute to the financing of aid measures for the temporary cessation of fishing activities. Whilst the general modalities and principles are defined by the Regulation, it is the responsibility of the Member States to decide whether the fishing activity concerned has to be closed as well as whether support can be given.

On 8 March the French government notified the Commission and EU Member States (under Directive 98/34/EC⁽¹⁾) of its draft law on online gaming and betting. For the first time in the EU the proposal makes provision for the introduction of a 'sports betting right', supposedly to preserve the integrity of French sporting competitions. This right would force sports betting operators to enter into compulsory financial agreements with French sport federations.

Could the Commission clarify whether such restrictions in the French online betting market are acceptable and compatible with EU law?

What evidence (statistical or other) has been provided by the French authorities to support the need for this measure? In what way does such a right safeguard 'Sports integrity'?

The Commission is in the process of analysing the draft law in question and has not finalised its position yet, but will do so before the expiry of the standstill period on 8 June 2009.

H αντιλαϊκή Κοινή Αλιευτική Πολιτικής της ΕΕ ενισχύεται σε ακόμη πιο αντιδραστική κατεύθυνση με την πρόταση κανονισμού του Συμβουλίου «Περί της θέσπισης κοινοτικού συστήματος ελέγχου για την εξασφάλιση της τήρησης των κανόνων της κοινής αλιευτικής πολιτικής» (COM(2008)0721). Η Κοινή Αλιευτική Πολιτική, συναντά τις έντονες αντιδράσεις των μαζικών φορέων των αλιέων, καθώς κατευθύνεται στη στήριξη των μεγάλων επιχειρηματικών ομίλων. Προμηνύει νέο μεγάλο «φαγοπότι» για τα μονοπωλιακά επιχειρηματικά συμφέροντα που δραστηριοποιούνται στο κλάδο, θίγει τα δικαιώματα των μικρών και μικρομεσαίων αλιέων, οδηγεί στην αύξηση των τιμών των αλιευμάτων για τους εργαζόμενους, στην εξόντωση των αυτοαπασχολούμενων και μικρομεσαίων αλιέων. Ταυτόχρονα, δεν λαμβάνει κανένα απολύτως μέτρο για τον έλεγχο της θαλάσσια ρύπανσης από τα ιχθυοτροφικά, βιομηχανικά, αστικά, γεωργικά, ναυτιλιακά και στρατιωτικά απόβλητα.

Πώς τοποθετείται η Επιτροπή στα ζητήματα αυτά και στις δίκαιες αντιδράσεις των αλιέων;

The proposal for a new fisheries control regulation (COM C (2008) 721) intends to ensure the respect of the rules of the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP), the purpose of which is to preserve the health of fish stocks for the benefit of all fishermen. The Commission does not share the view that the proposal supports the interests of major business concerns to the detriment of small and medium-sized enterprises. It is expected that the new control regulation will bring about a better compliance with the rules. Over time this will result in better fishing opportunities for all sectors of the fishing fleet including, in particular, for small and medium-sized enterprises, and will ensure a better supply for the market.

As the proposal deals with the control of fishing activities, it is not the proper instrument to address marine pollution from fish farming or industrial, urban, agricultural, shipping and military waste. These issues are addressed in the appropriate legislation relating to them.

The European Parliament and the Council adopted Decision 2850/2000/EC⁽¹⁾ setting up a Community framework for cooperation in the field of accidental or deliberate marine pollution and of the Community mechanism in the field of civil protection assistance interventions.

What has been done so far by the European Commission concerning the improvement of the 'capabilities of the Member States for response in the case of incidents involving spills or imminent threats of spills of oils or other harmful substances at sea and also to contribute to the prevention of the risk'? What does the European Commission intend to do in this field in the short- and long-term?

The Commission adopted on 22 December 2006 a Communication⁽²⁾ presenting the state of Community action in terms of marine pollution preparedness and response, and the enhancement and continuation of preparedness and response action from 1 January 2007 (after the expiry of the Community framework for cooperation⁽³⁾).

In the event of an accident, when the scale of the disaster is such that national reaction capacity is insufficient, the affected country may call on the services of the Community Civil Protection Mechanism and the Monitoring and Information Centre (MIC), laid down by Council Decision 2007/779/EC, Euratom⁽⁴⁾. The Civil Protection Mechanism was established in 2001 to provide support in the event of major emergencies and contribute to and improve the coordination of assistance provided by the Member States and the Community.

The European Maritime Safety Agency (EMSA) was established by Regulation (EC) N° 1406/2002 of the European Parliament and of the Council⁽⁵⁾. The Agency is required to provide the Member States and the Commission with technical and scientific assistance in relation to accidental or deliberate pollution by ships and to support, following a request for assistance, the pollution response mechanisms of Member States. Since March 2006, affected Member States have been able to call on the Agency to charter anti-pollution ships to supplement their efforts to combat pollution with additional resources.

The EU provided in December 2006 a multiannual funding of €154 million to the Agency in the field of response to pollution caused by ships for the period 2007 to 2013⁽⁶⁾. In line with its plan for pollution preparedness and response activities, the Agency has established a network of anti-pollution vessels covering all EU regional seas. At three occasions so far, Member States requested the mobilisation of these vessels.

Finally, it should be noted that the EU has developed other legislative measures which contribute to the prevention of pollution by vessels, the latest example being the recently adopted third maritime safety package⁽⁷⁾.

The expiry dates recently set in the revision of Annex II (Decision 2008/689/EC⁽¹⁾) to the ELV Directive 2000/53/EC⁽²⁾ (end of 2010 for new vehicle types) for the use of lead in the few remaining applications will jeopardise the introduction of environmental and safety vehicle applications where technical alternatives for lead are not available. Prolonged expiry dates are necessary.

How does the Commission guarantee that the current revision will provide a swift positive decision to give legal and planning certainty to the car industry at the earliest possible date?

How, in this context, does the Commission plan to take into account the recommendations made by the Council, the European Parliament and the Commission itself, in light of the difficult economic situation of the automotive industry, notably to avoid unnecessary administrative burdens, to avoid creating new economic burdens, to weigh up costs and benefits, and to consider the main CARS 21 principles by assessing cumulative costs of regulation, and providing predictability and legal certainty?

The Commission is regularly reviewing the list of exemptions from the "heavy metal ban" contained in Annex II to the ELV Directive 2000/53/EC⁽³⁾. At the moment, the Commission is running a study preparing grounds for the 5th adaptation of this Annex to technical and scientific progress. This study focuses specifically on the two exemptions mentioned by the Honourable Member. The first public consultation on this subject was carried out between 26 January and 9 March 2009 (see: http://rohs-elv.exemptions.oeko.info). Once all the submitted technical and scientific data are verified by the Commission's consultant, a draft Commission decision amending Annex II will be prepared. This draft will undergo a consultation with all Commission Services and with the Member States who will vote on it. In the case of a successful vote, the draft will be subject to a three-month parliamentary scrutiny. After the latter, provided the result is positive, the measure will be adopted. The Commission is aiming at the adoption of this decision by the end of year 2009.

The process of reviewing Annex II does not create new economic burdens as it has been in place since the adoption of the Directive and the industry has always been aware that any of the exemptions may undergo a review process. The Commission services make all possible efforts to ensure the predictability and legal certainty for the industry, within the context of the rules and procedures which need to be applied during any revision process of Community legislation. The Commission is in regular contacts with the industry on this issue and endeavours to provide accurate information about the status of the revision of Annex II at each of its steps.

The broadcasting of the outlawed terrorist media ‘Al-Manar TV’ into Europe by the Egyptian satellite provider Nilesat continues to be in direct violation of the EU-Egypt Action Plan and constitutes a threat to European security.

Did the Commission take steps to raise the broadcasting of ‘Al-Manar TV’ into Europe via Nilesat during the EU-Egypt Association Council meeting on 27 April 2009? If not, how does the Commission justify the repeated postponement of raising this violation of the EU-Egypt Action Plan with Egypt?

In its statement for the EU-Egypt Association Council meeting on 27 April in Luxembourg, the EU encouraged Egypt to continue to pursue efforts aimed at fighting discrimination on all grounds and at promoting tolerance in matters related to culture, religion and beliefs and minorities. The EU, in this context, expressed its concern about the discriminatory content in some of the broadcasts of the Al-Manar television channel distributed by the Egyptian satellite Nilesat. It condemns any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence.

An unprecedented law limiting freedom of speech and freedom of the press has recently been introduced in the Czech Republic, namely the Czech Act of 5 February 2009 which amends Act No 141/1961 Coll., on criminal court proceedings (Criminal Code), providing for up to five years in prison and a heavy fine of up to EUR 180 000 for publishing any account from police wiretapping.

Is the Commisson aware of whether the recently adopted Czech Act has a precedent in any other EU country?

Would the Commission agree that with reference to Article 6 of the Treaty on the European Union and recognising the legal value of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, this unprecedented law of the Czech Republic raises serious concerns with regard to the impact on freedom of expression (as guaranteed by Article 11 of the aforementioned Charter) arising in particular from the threat of severe penalties of up to five years’ imprisonment and a fine of up to EUR 180 000?

Does the Commission consider that this Act may constitute a serious breach by the Czech Republic as outlined by the Article 7 of the Treaty of the European Union?

According to information in the media, the Commission understands that a constitutional complaint has been lodged against the law referred to by the Honourable Member with the Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic in April 2009.

The Commission reiterates that freedom of expression is one of the principles upon which the European Union is founded and it is part of the constitutional traditions common to the Member States. This freedom may be subject to restrictions only if these are "prescribed by law", imposed in order to attain one or more of the legitimate ends referred to in the European Convention on Human Rights and "necessary in a democratic society" in order for these ends to be attained.

The Commission equally recalls that under the Treaty establishing the European Community and the Treaty on European Union, the Commission is not able to examine alleged violations of fundamental rights which do not have any link to Community law.

De afgelopen maanden hebben heel wat lidstaten een tijdelijk stelsel van premies ingevoerd dat er voor moet zorgen dat oude personenwagens sneller van de weg gehaald worden ten voordele van nieuwe, meer milieuvriendelijke wagens.

Kan de Commissie een overzicht geven van de effecten van de schrootpremies in de landen waar ze ingevoerd zijn? Wat is het effect op de verkoop van nieuwe wagens? Welk type wagen wordt het meest aangekocht met de premies? Wat zijn de milieuprestaties van de wagens die aangekocht worden met de schrootpremies?

Kan de Commissie inschatten hoeveel oude wagens werden verschroot onder impuls van de premies? Wat is de leeftijd van de ingeleverde wagens? Wat zijn de milieuprestaties van de ingeleverde wagens?

Is de Commissie van plan wetgevende initiatieven te nemen om de schrootpremies in te kaderen? Welke andere initiatieven heeft de Commissie reeds genomen in verband met de schrootpremies?

Welk effect hebben de schrootpremies op het milieu? Gaat het enkel om een versnelde aankoop van nieuwe wagens, of kan men spreken van een verbetering van de kwaliteit, de efficiëntie en de milieuvriendelijkheid van het wagenpark?

The Commission considers that demand-side measures such as scrapping schemes can play an important role in promoting fleet renewal and the replacement of older, more polluting cars with newer, technologically, more advanced vehicles. Therefore the Commission has welcomed relevant Member States initiatives while ensuring that these schemes are in conformity with the Community legislation.

Measures concerning demand-side which aim at improving the demand for new vehicles and assisting with the scrapping of older ones are foreseen by the European Economic Recovery Plan⁽¹⁾ adopted in November 2008. This Recovery Plan sets out the key elements of the public support for the automotive sector.

On 16 February 2009 the Commission invited Member States experts for an exchange of best practices in relation to scrapping schemes. Consequently, on 25 February 2009 the Commission has adopted "Guidance on scrapping schemes for vehicles" as part of the Communication "Responding to the crisis in the European automotive industry"⁽²⁾. In this paper the Commission has indicated its willingness to strengthen the coordination of national measures with a view to ensuring full effectiveness of the measures and prevent distortion of the Internal Market. The guidance paper gives practical guidance to Member States on how to design scrapping schemes for vehicles and explains the relevant Community legislation. Moreover, Member States have been invited to always notify their scrapping schemes to the Commission in the interest of transparency. The Commission committed itself to assess the schemes quickly and to verify compliance with Directive 98/34/EC⁽³⁾, which requires notification of technical regulations at a draft stage. The Commission, therefore, does not currently intend see any necessity for legislative action to establish a framework for scrap premiums at this point of time.

Currently, 10 Member States have scrapping schemes in place and 2 more have announced their prompt introduction in the near term. It is worth remarking that the characteristics of the existing schemes vary, especially with regard to the conditions for the minimum age of the vehicle to be scrapped (from 9 to 15 years) and the requirements for the vehicle to be acquired (i.e. Euro emissions, CO2 emissions, maximum mileage).

It is too early to assess the overall efficiency of these schemes. However, based on the available information, these schemes have proved to be successful in some Member States with positive spill-over effects to other Member States. The smaller decline of passenger car registrations in Europe recorded in March 2009 has been attributed to the scrapping schemes. Also in March 2009, in some Member States, these incentives boosted sales significantly compared to the same month last year (Germany by 40 %, Slovakia by 18 %, France by 8 %). It is also reported that the schemes increase demand for more compact, environmentally friendly and fuel-efficient cars. However, no systematic assessment is available regarding the impacts on average CO2 emissions or air pollutant emissions.