Rapporti verbatim tad-dibattiti

Il-Ħamis, 17 ta' Settembru 2009 - Strasburgu

1. Ftuħ tas-seduta

PRÉSIDENCE DE MME ISABELLE DURANT
Vice-présidente

(La séance est ouverte à 9 heures)

2. Kriżi fis-settur tal-produzzjoni tal-ħalib (dibattitu)

  La Présidente. - L'ordre du jour appelle le débat sur la question orale à la Commission sur la crise dans le secteur de la production laitière de Paolo De Castro, au nom de la commission de l'agriculture et du développement rural (O-0085/2009 - B7-0208/2009).

  Paolo De Castro, Autore. − Signor Presidente, signora Commissaria, onorevoli colleghi, il settore lattiero-caseario sta attraversando una delle fasi più gravi e profonde degli ultimi decenni: il calo dei prezzi del latte e la più generale emergenza nel mercato lattiero-caseario sono diventati ormai una fonte di preoccupazione in tutta Europa; si tratta di una crisi congiunturale, determinata dalla difficile situazione economica, che ha fatto diminuire i consumi di latte e ha generato una stagnazione dei mercati, con prezzi pagati ai produttori in caduta libera.

I prezzi del latte alla produzione sono crollati ovunque, raggiungendo nell'Unione europea una media di 24 centesimo per litro. La situazione di molti operatori economici è ancora più grave, con prezzi al di sotto di 21-20 centesimi a fronte di costi economici che ammontano a non meno di 40 centesimo a litro.

Segnali allarmanti si stanno manifestando inoltre su altri mercati, come quello dei cereali, dell'olio d'oliva e dell'ortofrutta. Su questo fronte innanzitutto è opportuno continuare ad avvalersi di tutte le misure in nostro possesso per stabilizzare il mercato e per stimolare la ripresa dei consumi, ma al tempo stesso è necessario saper guardare al futuro con politiche di medio e lungo periodo e fare tutto il possibile per individuare delle soluzioni condivise e durature, che vadano verso la minimizzazione del rischio di fluttuazioni dei prezzi.

In tale contesto, le proposte della Commissione esecutiva, che prorogano il periodo di intervento per il burro e il latte scremato in polvere, sono state apprezzate e condivise in commissione agricoltura, come dimostra il voto unanime dello scorso 2 settembre. Riteniamo però che tali proposte siano insufficienti per arginare le gravi conseguenze della crisi del settore. Ecco perché, sempre nell'ambito dell'approvazione della proposta della Commissione europea, la commissione agricoltura ha adottato un emendamento alla mia relazione che ripristina anche l'aiuto allo stoccaggio privato dei formaggi, soppresso nell'ambito health check sulla politica agricola comunitaria del novembre 2008.

Una decisione assunta all'unanimità, signor Presidente, signora Commissario, sintomo di una sostanziale identità di vedute dei componenti della commissione agricoltura che mi onoro di presiedere, ed espressione della volontà di dare un segnale forte al Consiglio e alla Commissione in momento delicato per un settore importantissimo per l'agricoltura europea.

Una misura che, oltre a rappresentare una prima importante manifestazione di un protagonismo positivo di cui vogliamo farci carico come Parlamento europeo in vista della codecisione anche in materia agricola, può dare anche immediate risposte alle esigenze dei produttori lattiero-caseari alle prese con un mercato sempre più difficile e con un calo evidente a drammatico delle vendite.

Tuttavia, queste prime misure, su cui oggi ci esprimeremo, non sono sufficienti per sostenere i produttori in crisi ed è per questo che la commissione agricoltura con un'interrogazione orale e una risoluzione che ci apprestiamo a votare, chiede alla Commissione europea nuove e efficaci misure di contrasto alla crisi e di sostegno al settore.

Vogliamo sollecitare e al tempo stesso supportare la Commissione europea nel processo di definizione delle scelte necessarie per risolvere definitivamente la crisi europea del settore lattiero. In tale senso ci auguriamo che la Commissione dia una risposta esauriente alle nostre domande e prenda in seria considerazione le nostre proposte, affinché la collaborazione interistituzionale dia i frutti che l'agricoltura europea si merita e mostri solidarietà e supporto concreto agli allevatori europei in crisi che oggi reclamano il nostro aiuto.

  Mariann Fischer Boel, Member of the Commission. − Madam President, would you allow me to use a bit more than the three minutes’ speaking time allocated to me, because on this important and serious issue I think three minutes would not actually be sufficient.

First of all, I would like to say that I am very happy with the questions put by the Committee on Agriculture, because this gives me an excellent opportunity to clarify the actions that have already been taken.

Let me also thank Parliament for its ongoing work in this area. We are all committed to finding solutions. You are, and so am I.

Not everyone agrees with my preferred solutions, but I strongly believe that these solutions are working, that they will work, and they are also solutions that we can defend politically.

Mr Paolo De Castro asked on behalf of the Committee that we say what we are actually doing. The top line is good news: prices are improving. For example, in the course of one month butter prices went up by 4% in France, 8% in Germany and even more in the UK.

Skimmed milk powder also went up by 4% in France and Germany, and 2-3% if we look at the average all over Europe.

Average milk prices have been going up, and Albert Deß just told me this morning that the spot market prices are now at 30 cents in certain areas.

We can see that intervention buying on cheese has almost stopped because the market price is higher than the intervention price, which is another positive signal.

We are not yet where we want to be, but we are heading in the right direction. This makes me more confident than ever before that the policy approach that we have been taking from the very beginning is the right one.

You know the key elements of what we have been doing. We have been using all the market measures available and here we expect to spend approximately EUR 600 million over a 12-month period.

We have indicated the possibility for Member States to start the direct payment of the single farm payment to farmers from 16 October instead of 1 December, and we decided under the 2003 reform to decouple the dairy premium – EUR 5 billion every year – and transport it directly into the single payment scheme.

We have the recovery package and the decisions taken in the health check that provide another EUR 4.2 billion to face the new challenges, including restructuring in the dairy sector. All this of course is on top of what we can do under the rural development policy.

Just for clarification to Paolo De Castro, intervention for cheese was actually abolished in 1994. I think there must be some confusion between intervention and private storage because private storage was abolished by the decisions in the health check.

As I said, our current approach seems to be working. I am therefore more determined than ever before not to go back to the future in ways which would hurt our dairy sector in the long term and leave our farmers without any kind of predictability.

In other words, making a U-turn on the health check decision is not an option and something that the European Council, the heads of state, explicitly asked me not to do.

So, the idea of keeping the quota system after 2013 is not on the table. Freezing quotas is not on the table, and neither is any return to the use of certain expensive but inefficient market instruments of the past. They are not on the table.

This certainly does not mean that we have now done the job in terms of policy. I think it is time for further action. We need to follow up on the dairy report from this July, use the measures in there and then decide on other actions for the longer term.

If I could start with the report, I will look first at state aid. The report floated the idea that Member States could temporarily offer aid of up to EUR 15 000 for farmers under this temporary crisis framework. The Commission has actually already launched the boat and expects to change the rules in the coming weeks.

The second point is streamlining the procedures for responding to prices in the dairy sector. At this moment, milk is not actually included in Article 186 of the single Common Market Organisation which allows the Commission to take temporary actions quickly under its own power during times of market disturbances. I am therefore proposing that we include the dairy sector in Article 186, and this will enable us to spring into action in the future if we hit serious problems in the dairy sector.

For example, our recent extension of intervention had to be approved by the Council, and Parliament voted on this as well, but, if the dairy sector had been included in this Article 186, we could have acted immediately.

More generally speaking, we could with almost immediate effect mobilise measures stimulating demand and/or we could limit the marketing of milk, and all this would only be put in place on a temporary basis and under the condition that we had the necessary financing available.

The third follow-up point from the report concerns the buying-up schemes by Member States. One way to restructure is that Member States can actually buy quotas from farmers and put these quotas into the national reserve.

As you know, the national reserve counts in a sense as part of the Member States’ total quota, so if individual producers go over their quota, but Member States as a whole do not exceed their quota, with the national reserve included, then no super levy is actually paid.

What I intend to propose is that bought-up quota kept within the national reserve will not count as part of the national quota when it comes to deciding whether we have to add or to ask the farmers to pay the super levy or not.

If the super levy should then be collected anyway, then the part corresponding to the bought-up quota could then be used for restructuring. It might sound a bit complicated, but it is actually a very efficient tool.

All of these steps are actions that we are taking now with an almost immediate impact on the markets, but we also need to do something about steps for the medium and longer term. I would like to thank France and Germany here for their ideas and their input on these different possibilities.

The first longer-term issue is about using contractual relations between milk farmers and the dairy industry to better balance supply and demand in the dairy market.

I believe that this is a much, much better approach than the quota system, and it already works in parts of the European Union.

Milk producers and dairies have clear agreements which remove a lot of the uncertainty. On the other hand, some Member States simply do not use this possibility, but this can be changed by looking for a legal framework for these contractual relations, whilst clearly safeguarding fair competition.

The second long-term issue is about the balance of power, and you know that we have had this discussion a lot of times. We need to be able to see within the whole chain from primary producer to supermarket chains where the added value is disappearing.

We will look into future markets as well and, finally, I think a lot can be done on production costs and innovation.

In order to deal properly with all these ideas for the medium and long term, I want to establish a working group with experts from the Member States and the Commission so they can go to the heart of these issues.

For me, the problem in the dairy market is not only an issue between the Commission and Member States. Parliament actually plays an important role as well, and I am looking forward to the discussion here today on this important issue.

Thank you for being so patient.

  Albert Deß, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Es ist natürlich äußerst schwierig, diese Problematik in zwei Minuten darzustellen, doch ich will es stichpunktartig versuchen.

Die Milchwirtschaft ist in einer schwierigen Situation. Viele Milchbauern sind in einer existenzgefährdenden Lage. Hauptursache dafür ist ein massiver Absatzeinbruch bei den Milchprodukten. Hier hätte die Kommission etwas schneller reagieren müssen.

Ich hätte auch stärkere absatzfördernde Maßnahmen anstelle von größeren Interventionsmengen bevorzugt, wie etwa, dass Butterfett wieder in der Speiseeisindustrie verwendet wird. Voriges Jahr, als der Butterpreis kurzfristig mehr als 4 Euro betrug, ist die Speiseeisindustrie weitgehend aus der Verarbeitung von Butterfett ausgestiegen. Aus Deutschland sind mir Zahlen bekannt: Es geht dort um etwa 100 000 Tonnen, die die Lebensmittelwirtschaft nicht mehr verarbeitet hat, das entspricht einer Million Tonnen Milch. Hier müssen wir versuchen, den Absatz wieder anzukurbeln, damit diese Mengen vom Markt sind.

Ich bedanke mich heute bei den Fraktionen, die an der Ausarbeitung unseres Gemeinsamen Entschließungsantrags mitgewirkt haben. Leider hat sich die Fraktion der Grünen an dieser Diskussion nicht beteiligt.

Frau Kommissarin, wir fordern als kurzfristige Maßnahme eine Anhebung der De-minimis-Beihilfen gemäß einem Zusatzantrag, der mit 40 Unterschriften eingebracht worden ist, weil dies eine Möglichkeit wäre, gerade auch den kleineren Milchbauern zu helfen. Sinnvoll wäre es auch, eine Vorruhestandsregelung einzuführen. Ich kenne viele Landwirte, die 58 Jahre alt sind und demnächst aufhören wollen. Hier wäre eine entsprechende Regelung notwendig.

Frau Kommissarin, herzlichen Dank für Ihre Arbeit! Ich bitte Sie, sinnvolle Regelungen zu finden, die die Situation unserer Milchbauern verbessern. Vielleicht haben Sie noch Gelegenheit, dies in nächster Zeit nachzuholen.

(Die Präsidentin entzieht dem Redner das Wort.)

  Luis Manuel Capoulas Santos, em nome do Grupo S-D. – Senhora Comissária, a Comissão e o Conselho têm tardado em reagir à profunda crise que atinge o sector. Todos estamos de acordo com isso. A dramática situação que se vive exige uma acção rápida e decidida, sob pena de assistirmos à ruína de muitos milhares de agricultores por toda a Europa.

O meu grupo político fez um grande esforço para que fosse possível chegar ao compromisso contido na resolução que estamos aqui hoje a discutir. Espero que as propostas mereçam a sua atenção, Senhora Comissária, porque só actuando simultaneamente para reduzir a oferta e estimular a procura é possível reequilibrar o mercado e colocar os preços a níveis remuneradores para os produtores.

Lamento que o compromisso não tenha incluído a suspensão temporária do aumento de quotas ou a introdução de um prémio também temporário para a redução da produção. Contudo, as medidas que propomos constituem um bom contributo para superar a crise mais depressa. Cabe-lhe, Senhora Comissária, dar-lhe o devido seguimento.

  George Lyon, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, as we have heard from other speakers, there is a crisis in the milk sector. There is no doubt that we must take action to alleviate their pain, but let me make it very clear that this is a short-term crisis which requires short-term market measures by the Commission, as outlined in the resolution.

Let us also be clear that, for too long, European consumers have paid for a dysfunctional agricultural policy which has failed both farmers and consumers. This crisis should not therefore be used as an excuse to turn our backs on the road to further reform and liberalisation of the CAP. That is why we have tabled amendments to this effect and why I welcome your reassurance on this matter.

We also want to see the Commission focused on sorting out the market, which is clearly failing. Consumers are losing out as they fail to get the benefits from the fall in milk prices. Farmers are losing out because they do not receive a fair share of the retail milk price. We welcome the Commission’s investigations into the food chain but, Commissioner, we want you to go further.

Will you commit to action that will root out supermarket abuse of their monopoly positions? Will you commit to a competitive market that allows producers a fair share of the cake, and will you commit to a functional milk market that gives a fair deal to farmers and a fair price to consumers?

I look forward to your response, Commissioner.

  José Bové, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, depuis des mois, les éleveurs alertent la Commission et le Conseil sur la gravité de la crise. Ce sont des dizaines de milliers d'emplois qui sont détruits dans les zones rurales. L'Union européenne avait parié sur une croissance de la demande mondiale. Ses experts se sont lourdement trompés. La crise financière et économique que nous connaissons a des répercussions directes sur l'agriculture et la consommation.

La décision de Mme la commissaire à l'agriculture de maintenir la hausse des quotas et la volonté du Conseil de les démanteler en 2015 sont une provocation pour les producteurs de lait. Les temps ont changé. La politique européenne doit s'adapter à un nouveau contexte global. Les prix du lait imposés aux producteurs ne couvrent pas les coûts de production. Sur chaque litre de lait, certains paysans perdent jusqu'à 30 centimes. Bon nombre d'entre eux, à la fin de l'année, n'auront pas gagné un seul euro et, même, en auront perdu. Et certains, ce sont des responsables régionaux qui nous le disent, certains, aujourd'hui, vont jusqu'au suicide.

Face à cette crise sans précédent, l'Union européenne doit prendre rapidement des mesures importantes. Nous appelons les chefs d'État et de gouvernement qui se réunissent ce soir pour préparer le G20 à mettre la question de la crise laitière à l'ordre du jour de leur réunion pour prendre des mesures propres à répondre aux éleveurs.

L'Union européenne doit renforcer les capacités de négociation des éleveurs laitiers pour qu'ils ne subissent plus le diktat de l'agroalimentaire. Elle doit également mettre en place un filet de sécurité qui garantisse un prix rémunérateur pour que, jamais, le prix ne soit en dessous des coûts de production. L'Union européenne doit arrêter son programme de restitution aux exportations. Elle vient d'engager la somme pharaonique de 480 millions d'euros, adoptée main dans la main par différents groupes parlementaires de droite et de gauche, pour brader ses excédents sur les marchés mondiaux. Elle ruine des centaines de milliers d'emplois de paysans du sud et les pousse cyniquement à l'exode ou à l'immigration.

Surtout, l'Union européenne doit immédiatement réduire de façon draconienne, de 5 %, les quotas laitiers européens, et ce de manière inversement proportionnelle au volume livré par les paysans, pour rétablir rapidement un équilibre entre l'offre et la demande. La politique de laisser-faire est insoutenable. Elle a des conséquences terribles en termes d'emploi et d'occupation du territoire.

Il n'y aura pas d'Europe sans paysans!

  James Nicholson, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, I feel very strongly that the Commission was very late in acting on this particular problem. They sat on their hands for too long, and many farmers have suffered grievously for that. We can either decide to help the industry, or we can decide that we will ultimately let our farmers go out of business: then we can import from abroad with all the problems that brings us.

I welcome your remarks for the future, Commissioner, but I am not happy about your remarks for the short term. I think we need to do more in the short term to help the industry through this present crisis. Those short-term measures require immediate action.

Of course I remember the time of the milk lakes and the butter mountains, and I do not want to go back to that. I do not think anybody in the industry wants to go back to that situation: neither the farmer, nor the processors, nor the Commission nor we in this Parliament. We do not want to return to that, but one of the main problems I see at this moment in time is that, while the farmers have taken a drastic reduction in what they are receiving for their milk, consumers are paying almost the same as they paid before.

Until we tackle the power of the supermarkets in this area we will not have the answer. They have to be controlled. We need an ombudsman, someone who can tell the supermarkets that they are acting beyond their remit, that they are ripping the people off, ripping the farmers off and putting them out of business in the process.

  Ilda Figueiredo, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Senhora Presidente, mais uma vez só posso lamentar as posições do Conselho e o que aqui acaba de ser dito pela Sra. Comissária, que persiste em não ir ao fundo da questão, em não reconhecer a necessidade de rever as decisões tomadas sobre o desmantelamento das quotas do leite e, pelo contrário, quer prosseguir na desregulamentação do sector contra os agricultores.

Por isso, insistimos na defesa da necessidade da manutenção do sistema de quotas, embora com reajustamentos, adaptadas às necessidades de cada país, incluindo a anulação do aumento anual de 1% até 2015. Não acha que, num momento de crise tão grave do sector leiteiro, mais importante do que a desregulamentação do sector e a liberalização do comércio internacional, é a defesa da agricultura e da fileira do leite nos Estados-Membros, visando a promoção do mundo rural e do emprego com direitos? Não considera essencial criar, ao nível comunitário, um fundo extraordinário de apoio ao sector leiteiro, com incidência sobre os produtores e países mais afectados, e definir novas ajudas para a produção do leite e da carne? Eu considero que é necessário.

  Giancarlo Scotta', a nome del gruppo EFD. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, volevo sottolineare i miei dubbi relativamente alla proposta di prolungamento del periodo di intervento 2009-2010 per il burro e il latte scremato in polvere, in quanto questa proposta rischia di trasformare misure di breve periodo, congiunturali all'attuale crisi di mercato, in misure di carattere strutturale che riporterebbero di fatto il mercato lattiero-caseario alla situazione ante quote.

Al fine di dare maggiore equilibrio alle misure di mercato, non dando benefici solo agli Stati membri interessati dalla produzione di burro e di latte scremato in polvere, chiedo la reintroduzione dell'aiuto comunitario per l'ammasso privato dei formaggi a lunga stagionatura.

Infine vorrei attivare la vostra attenzione sul tema dell'indicazione dell'origine e dell'etichettatura dei prodotti lattiero-caseari e sulla tracciabilità dei prodotti: questa è una richiesta che viene direttamente dai consumatori europei – in modo sempre più crescente e che ci aiuterebbe ad affrontare la crisi nel settore lattiero-caseario. Mi auguro che anche i colleghi degli altri gruppi possano sostenere questa proposta.

  Diane Dodds (NI). - Madam President, I would like to thank the Commissioner for her words to us today. In my country, in Northern Ireland, the dairy sector is of vital importance. When the dairy sector struggles, the rest of the rural economy struggles. Currently dairy farmers receive just over 20 cents per litre for milk amid escalating costs. In Northern Ireland not only have they had to contend with poor milk prices and high costs, but we have suffered a third consecutive wet summer and this has had a devastating effect on the dairy industry in Northern Ireland.

It was distressing last night to see farmers in Belgium so angry and feeling so helpless that they are spraying milk onto their fields in protest at the poor price of milk and the difficulties that they too are encountering. The Commission has taken welcome steps to put a base on the market but we cannot sustain prices at an uneconomically low level.

I call on the Commission to take short-term measures to help: measures that will increase demand for milk; measures that will cut the cost of production; measures that will address the supply chain with its decreasing farm-gate prices and high supermarket prices; and measures that in the long term will create a sustainable industry and a future for young farmers who are experiencing severe difficulties with low prices and high bank charges.

  Mairead McGuinness (PPE). - Madam President, when farm women start protesting you know there is a serious difficulty. At the weekend I met a group of Irishwomen called ‘Farm Women for a Fair Price’ and I think we should note the words ‘fair price’ because producers are not getting a decent or fair price – and that is what this debate is about.

It would be churlish not to welcome the comments from the Commissioner about a stability coming into the market place, although at a very low level, and I acknowledge that the Commission has taken steps and spent money to bring stability to the market place. It is just that it is not enough and it did not happen quickly enough and we have a severe crisis.

I want to say that, in relation to the future, your comments are particularly welcome. I am worried that this House is divided on the issue of milk quotas because when we have codecision, if the Lisbon Treaty comes into force, we are going to have to think more coherently as a group and give clear signals to farmers rather than divided messages, so let me repeat that your comments about making links between producers and processors, about production levels, are something we need to explore, something we have to have a further debate on.

But we need to ask you, Commissioner, what type of market support measures do you think will exist in the absence of quotas that can ensure a fair and decent price to our producers? And, also, please tackle the marketplace: it is not working. Everybody says they are making no money from milk, including the supermarkets –which I doubt profusely – but we need more clarity, and we need fairness for farmers.

  Stéphane Le Foll (S-D). - Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, je vais être court.

Je pense qu'il y a deux éléments dans ce débat. La question conjoncturelle: comment sortir de cette crise? Toutes les mesures qui vont de l'aide aux agriculteurs aux mesures d'intervention sont nécessaires et absolument nécessaires. Il faut les soutenir et même envisager qu'elles soient plus importantes. C'est ce que nous proposons avec un certain nombre de collègues, ici, au Parlement.

Puis, deuxièmement, il y a une question posée de manière structurelle sur la gestion du marché du lait, et c'est là qu'il y a une divergence avec vous, Madame la Commissaire. Vous proposez d'aller dans le sens de la contractualisation. Je vous le dis par avance: contractualiser entre industriels et agriculteurs fera qu'on engagera, à terme, les industries étant concurrentielles entre elles, une concurrence à l'échelle de l'Europe.

Nous avons besoin, pour réguler un marché, d'une régulation publique. Il n'y a pas d'autre solution. C'est là que le débat devra s'engager après cette crise. Je pense que sur ce débat-là, il faut respecter toutes les opinions et toutes les options, et je crains que nous soyons allés trop vite au moment du bilan de santé pour régler une question comme les quotas, qui jusqu'ici, je le dis à tous ceux qui sont intervenus, ont permis à la fois de maintenir une production laitière en Europe, d'assurer une industrie laitière extrêmement développée et, en même temps, de préserver un prix pour les consommateurs, qui était jusqu'ici tout à fait supportable.

  Liam Aylward (ALDE). - Madam President, in the last 12 months the majority of dairy farmers in Ireland and across the European Union have been selling their milk for less than the cost of production. The livelihoods of dairy farmers are under serious threat.

While the Commission’s decision to extend the intervention period for butter and skimmed-milk powder until 2010 is very much welcome, short-term measures would not alleviate the pressure on dairy farmers in the long term. Actions must be taken now that will manage, not just the current difficulties, but are long-term and will ensure a sustainable and successful industry into the future. Financial assistance is required by dairy farmers immediately. The creation of an EU dairy fund of EUR 600 million, as called for by Parliament in the 2009 budget procedure, is urgently needed. Dairy farmers are entitled to fair prices, and an appropriate system of price supports is required to guarantee milk producers a reasonable minimum price per litre and a reasonable income for them to survive. Irish and European dairy farmers must not be forced out of business and I urge the Commission and the Council to take immediate and effective action.

Commissioner, may I say to you that you have been a very successful Commissioner, and I pay tribute to the immense work you have done. You have recently announced that you are stepping down, and I would urge you to solve, or to make as much of a contribution to solving this problem as possible, before your departure.

  Oriol Junqueras Vies (Verts/ALE). - ¡Bon dia! Me dirijo a este Parlamento sin poder hacerlo en mi lengua propia, el catalán, hablada por más de diez millones de ciudadanos europeos.

Hoy, en nombre de mi Grupo, quiero transmitir nuestra solidaridad con el conjunto del sector agropecuario y, muy especialmente, con la huelga de productores de leche y sus movilizaciones en toda Europa. La situación actual es insostenible y exige una solución política. Es evidente que, hasta ahora, las medidas adoptadas por la Comisión no ofrecen una vía para paliar la crisis ni una alternativa viable al sistema de sustitución de cuotas previsto para 2015. Así, por ejemplo, en Galicia, en el Estado español, los 14 000 productores lácteos han tenido que adaptarse a una reestructuración feroz, con la intención de trabajar y vivir en la tierra, pero hoy están al borde de una inminente desaparición.

Por todas estas razones, del mismo modo que la Comisión ha intervenido en otros sectores, también tiene que intervenir en el mercado de la leche, regulando la producción, redistribuyendo las cuotas, ofreciendo medidas compensatorias temporales, fomentando la trazabilidad de los productos y contribuyendo a acercar a los productores y los consumidores, corrigiendo las disfunciones provocadas por el oligopolio de la distribución.

¿Por qué la Comisión no interviene, de forma decidida, para evitar las consecuencias negativas de dicha actividad oligopólica de los grandes distribuidores?

¿Por qué no garantizamos la implantación rural de nuestros productores de leche —y de los agricultores, en general— que ofrece externalidades económicas, sociales y ambientales extremadamente positivas?

  Hynek Fajmon (ECR). - Vážená paní předsedající, dámy a pánové, krize v sektoru produkce mléka ukazuje, že celý systém evropské regulace založený na kvótování je špatný a neefektivní. To, co potřebujeme, není další regulace a manipulace s kvótami, ale úplné odstranění kvót u mléka. Mléko musí mít možnost produkovat hlavně ti, kteří mají nízké náklady a dosahují zisku. Cestou k překonání mléčné krize je co nejrychlejší odstranění kvót u mléka. Podporuji snahu paní komisařky odstranit kvóty do roku 2015, ale nezlobil bych se, pokud by to bylo i dříve.

  Patrick Le Hyaric (GUE/NGL). - Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, en écoutant votre communication, je suis encore plus inquiet. Elle ne répond pas à la gravité des souffrances sociales que subissent les producteurs de lait et tous les agriculteurs.

Il s'agit d'une crise structurelle et non pas conjoncturelle, comme vous l'avez dit, due aux déréglementations successives. Voilà pourquoi nous demandons donc une réunion exceptionnelle du Conseil européen pour sauver l'agriculture paysanne.

Celui-ci devrait décider, premièrement, de la création d'un fonds exceptionnel d'aide à la production laitière non industrielle, deuxièmement, de la fixation immédiate d'un prix minimum intraeuropéen que les centrales d'achat seraient obligées de respecter sans augmentation des prix à la consommation, et troisièmement, du blocage des quotas de production nationaux et de l'arrêt des importations extracommunautaires abusives.

  John Bufton (EFD). - Madam President, I have major concerns for the dairy industry in the UK. I feel that the biggest problem lies with the retail industry, which is making huge profits off the backs of our dairy farmers. When we see what the supermarkets are charging consumers for milk, and then look at what the dairy farmer actually receives, the difference is just incredible.

The work and the major cost in producing milk are borne by the farmer, but at the same time the supermarkets are reaping huge profits. The margin that the farmer receives is so unfair. We need to put pressure on the supermarkets to pay a fair price to the industry, and it is my view that the price of milk in the supermarkets will not have to change. The consumer will not have to pay any more for their milk. The supermarkets need to reduce their profit margins. It is quite scandalous when we see the massive profits that these supermarkets are enjoying every year and at the same time our dairy industry is struggling. If action is not taken on the issue in the very near future then I really do believe that many of our dairy farmers in Wales, and the rest of the UK, will go out of business.

I have one quick point on what the Commissioner said this morning about the super levy. I am concerned by those comments. I think it will hit our most efficient producers – those who have risen to the challenge, responded to the market and invested heavily in their farms, following a lead from the Commission that quotas will be abolished. Imposing a super levy goes against the structural changes which both the EU and the UK Government claim to support.

  Димитър Стоянов (NI). - Г-жо Председател, Комисията отново е много оптимистична, носи добри новини, обаче аз не разбирам и не намирам нищо добро в това да виждам как хиляди тонове мляко се изсипват в знак на протест на досега водената политика.

Истината е, че г-н De Castro и останалите преждеговоривши са напълно прави, че Комисията и Съвета не направиха достатъчно по време на "health check"-а, за да предотвратят тази криза. Къде са между другото представителите на Съвета да вземат отношение, тъй като Съветът има решаващия глас в случая с каквито и да е било реформи?

Аз с моите колеги от Източна Европа в комисията по земеделие предупреждавахме многократно, искайки по-голямо увеличение на квотите или тяхното премахване, защото в нашите страни тази криза се усети първа, бидейки нови за системите на Европейския съюз. За съжаление нашият глас остана гласът на викащия в пустинята и Парламентът има вина в това отношение.

Много съжалявам, че ние реформаторите, които искаме наистина да има реформи в селскостопанската политика, бяхме пак лошите пророци. Вземете си поуките за в бъдеще.

  Rareş-Lucian Niculescu (PPE). - Multe voci au cerut în această perioadă, încă de la începutul crizei, o îngheţare a creşterii cotelor de lapte. O astfel de măsură nu numai că nu ar reprezenta o soluţie, dar ar constitui o greşeală cel puţin din următoarele puncte de vedere.

În primul rând, nu există nicio legătură fundamentată economic între creşterea cotelor de lapte şi scăderea preţurilor pe piaţă. Cotele au crescut, producţia a scăzut. Nu văd unde este legătura. Piaţa însăşi este explicaţia pentru scăderea preţurilor. Cred că impunerea unor cote rigide ar determina în timp creşterea preţurilor. Cei care vor beneficia vor fi din nou nu producătorii, ci, din nou, procesatorii şi comercianţii. Dacă vrem să limităm producţia, ar trebui să-i încurajăm pe producători eventual să renunţe în mod voluntar la creşterea animalelor prin stimulente, şi nu prin măsuri care ar putea distorsiona piaţa. Ce se va întâmpla în ipoteza unei îngheţări a cotelor în momentul în care se va relua, de exemplu, cererea pe piaţa mondială? Ce ar putea face producătorii europeni? Pentru că producţia de lapte nu are un robinet pe care să îl închidem şi să îl deschidem…

(Preşedinta a întrerupt vorbitorul)

Spuneam, ce ar putea face producătorii europeni în ipoteza unei reluări a cererii pe piaţa mondială? Pentru că producţia de lapte nu are un robinet pe care să îl putem închide şi deschide după bunul plac. Dacă am reduce acum producţia, oamenii ar înceta, evident, să crească vaci, iar refacerea şeptelului ar fi foarte dificilă în momentul în care ne vom da seama că ceea ce unii îşi imaginează acum că ar fi o măsură bună, în realitate reprezintă o mare greşeală.

  Ulrike Rodust (S-D). - Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin, sehr geehrter Rat! Ich möchte mich zuallererst bei meinem Kollegen Luis Capoulas Santos bedanken, der diese Entschließung möglich gemacht hat.

Es geht heute um unsere Milchbauern und darum, ob wir sie im Stich lassen oder ehrlich mit ihnen umgehen. Ich bin der Meinung, dass wir sie nicht im Stich lassen dürfen und ehrlich mit ihnen umgehen müssen. Ja, kurzfristige Maßnahmen, um die Krise zu überwinden, sind dringend notwendig. Ja, Intervention, wenn der Milchpreis ganz unten ist, ist für einen kurzen Zeitraum in Ordnung. Ja, weitere Zuschüsse, Kredite und Gelder gegen die Krise sind vertretbar. Was aber gar nicht geht, ist erstens, die Diskussion um die Milchquote wieder aufzumachen, und zweitens, mit Steuergeldern finanzierte Exporterstattungen für Lieferungen in die Dritte Welt wieder einzuführen. Diese Einbahnstraße haben wir bereits 2003 verlassen, und ich appelliere an Sie, dass es dabei bleibt, und zwar auch im Interesse unserer Milchbauern.

  Britta Reimers (ALDE). - Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, meine Damen und Herren, werte Kollegen! Die Weltwirtschaftskrise hat den globalen Markt aus dem Gleichgewicht gebracht. Wir Milcherzeuger leiden unter einem Rekordtief bei den Auszahlungspreisen. Es werden nun immer wieder Stimmen laut, man solle die beschlossenen Regelungen bezüglich der Milchquote verändern. Davor kann ich als Milchbäuerin nur warnen.

Auch ist es mit Interventionsmaßnahmen der Kommission gelungen, ein weiteres Absinken der Milchpreise zu verhindern. Der Markt scheint sich zu entspannen. Allerdings halte ich die Intervention nicht für ein wirklich gutes Mittel, weil hierdurch Lagerbestände aufgebaut werden, die später einen sich erholenden Markt belasten könnten. Deswegen fordere ich die Kommission auf, darzulegen, wie sie mit dieser Problematik umgehen möchte.

  Richard Ashworth (ECR). - Madam President, can I compliment the Commissioner on her vision for the future of the industry, and may I say that I strongly support her intention to abolish milk quotas. I think this is the right decision to make. I also welcome her proposals to meet this current crisis as a sensible and appropriate way to support producers through a difficult time.

There are, however, two points that I want to make. Firstly, in my view, the implementation of the super levy at this time would be inappropriate. It is a short-term, knee-jerk reaction. It will send all the wrong messages and it will only effectively penalise efficient producers who are making plans to stay in the industry for the long term.

Secondly, we need to recognise that there is little or no direct relationship between the price in the retail sector and the raw material price received at the farm gate. That is what I term a dysfunctional price-chain mechanism.

The major influence will always be the global marketplace, and we have to recognise that the global marketplace will always be volatile. I therefore urge the Commission in the long term to come forward with plans to ensure that there will be some sort of stability mechanism for the benefit not only of producers but also, of course, of consumers in the long term.

  Esther Herranz García (PPE). - Señora Presidenta, señora Comisaria, acababa usted sus palabras diciéndonos que hay una crisis en el sector lácteo, pero comenzaba diciéndonos que ya había tomado todas las medidas y que la cosa se solucionaba.

Mire, rectificar es de sabios. Y ése es un dicho español que podría aplicarse muy bien al caso que hoy nos ocupa. El sector lechero sufre desde hace meses una de las crisis más graves de su historia y, a pesar de ello, por no querer dar usted su brazo a torcer, o la Comisión Europea o algunos de los Gobiernos —entre los que parece también incluirse el mío, el Gobierno español—, que se niegan a dar marcha atrás en cuanto a las decisiones del chequeo de salud de la PAC ...

Dichas decisiones se adoptaron sin tener en cuenta la fragilidad de este sector, y en un contexto de mercado muy distinto del que surgió después de que se cerrara ese compromiso. Da la sensación de que los Estados miembros o no quisieron o no pudieron ver, en ese momento, la tormenta que se avecinaba. La reforma quedó desfasada en poco tiempo, debido al giro tan grande que ha dado el mercado, un giro que demuestra que el sector se encuentra a total merced de la volatilidad de los precios.

Que grandes productores como Francia y Alemania —países que lograron, en términos absolutos, en ese acuerdo el mayor aumento de sus cuotas nacionales de producción—, que esos países sean ahora los que están pidiendo una revisión de las decisiones del chequeo da mucho que pensar.

A mi modo de entender, los Estados miembros se equivocaron y debieron haber escuchado con más atención las voces, entre las que me encuentro, que pedíamos aplazar a 2011 cualquier tipo de decisión definitiva sobre el futuro del sector.

Es una pena que no nos escucharan. ¡Háganlo ahora!

  Iratxe García Pérez (S-D). - Señora Presidenta, señora Comisaria, el debate de hoy se hace imprescindible para dejar clara nuestra preocupación con respecto a la crisis del sector lácteo, para superar una situación que está poniendo en peligro el futuro de una gran parte de explotaciones de leche en la Unión.

Estamos ante una crisis de carácter europeo, que debemos afrontar con una perspectiva europea, con ambición y aplicando todas las herramientas comunitarias a nuestro alcance, algo que de momento la Comisión no ha sido capaz de plantear.

Señora Comisaria, no pase la pelota a los Estados miembros para que ayude quien pueda, busque soluciones comunes.

Por ello, este Parlamento tiene una responsabilidad importante a la hora de exigir medidas dirigidas a reactivar la demanda, no sólo las que se plantean en la resolución, sino todas las disponibles por la OCM.

Otra cuestión importante es la derivada de la gran diferencia entre los precios pagados al productor y el precio final que pagan los consumidores, algo que no sólo afecta al sector lácteo sino a la totalidad de los productos agrícolas y ganaderos.

Son muchos los hombres y las mujeres que, frente a la actual incertidumbre, necesitan de una señal clara y contundente, por nuestra parte, con el fin de garantizar el mantenimiento de esta actividad.

  Marc Tarabella (S-D). - Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, hier en Wallonie, plus de trois millions de litres de lait ont été déversés par des agriculteurs désabusés par la plus grave crise que l'on ait connue dans ce secteur. Ils ne reçoivent, eux, que 19 centimes par litre. Il y a une crise à cause d'une offre de lait trop abondante qui fait chuter les prix. La dérégulation provoque la volatilité, et la réalité du marché d'hier est complètement inversée aujourd'hui.

Madame la Commissaire, arrêtez de vous entêter en vous retranchant derrière des options prises l'an dernier et tenez compte de la réalité du terrain d'aujourd'hui!

Le Conseil est aussi coupable, d'abord de ne pas être là pour écouter le débat, mais aussi de ne pas décider, car il est davantage mû par des intérêts purement nationaux que par une vision européenne de l'agriculture.

Le marché ne marche pas. Il y a surproduction. Il serait si simple de geler l'augmentation de 1 % des quotas, voire de diminuer tout de suite de 3 à 5 % ces mêmes quotas, parce qu'il est urgent d'envisager des solutions à court terme. En adoptant cette mesure, nous ferions d'une pierre deux coups: on restaurerait un prix décent pour les producteurs et, en diminuant la production, on réduirait la facture européenne de centaines de millions d'euros en interventions diverses, dont les restitutions aux exportations.

  Wojciech Michał Olejniczak (S-D). - Działania, które zostały podjęte (jestem po rozmowie dzisiaj z polskimi rolnikami i polskimi przetwórcami), wskazują na to, że nastąpiła – nieznaczna jeszcze, ale nastąpiła – poprawa sytuacji przetwórców mleka, ale absolutnie nie zmieniła się bardzo trudna sytuacja polskich i europejskich rolników. Oni otrzymują cały czas bardzo mało za swoją produkcję, poniżej kosztów opłacalności. Dotyczy to też tych rolników, którzy zainwestowali ogromne pieniądze, wykorzystując środki unijne i wykorzystując kredyty. Ta sytuacja wpędza ich w coraz większe tarapaty, nie radzą sobie z zobowiązaniami.

W kontekście tego chciałbym nawiązać do przyszłości. Dzisiaj trzeba reagować w tym momencie, ale trzeba myśleć o tym, co przed nami, i trzeba tak planować wspólną politykę względem również rolników, i powtarzam tu: wspólną politykę względem rolników produkujących mleko, aby planować rozsądne inwestycje w tym sektorze, tak żeby nie wydawać pieniędzy, które później poprzez zwiększenie produkcji wpędzają nas w dzisiejsze tarapaty. Także liczę, że porozumienie co do kwot w przyszłości będzie zawarte przez wszystkie siły polityczne.

  Csaba Sándor Tabajdi (S-D). - Az előttem szólók teljesen jogosan hivatkoznak arra, hogy nem kellene a kvótához és az exporttámogatáshoz visszatérni, ugyanakkor az a politika, amit a Bizottság folytatott, az teljes csődöt mutatott. Nem csökkent a válság, ezért Le Foll képviselőtársammal együtt javasoljuk, hogy átmenetileg azonnal fagyasszuk be a kvótákat, de átmenetileg.

Az új tagállamok meg különösen hátrányos helyzetben vannak a phasing-in miatt, hogy mi a támogatásoknak csak 60%-át kapjuk meg a brüsszeli borítékból ebben az évben. Ennek ellensúlyozására javasolta a magyar kormány a kvótaalapú támogatások növelését, de se erre, se a franciák javaslatára, a francia minisztérium javaslatára a Bizottság nem reagált pozitívan. Végezetül kérem képviselőtársaimat, hogy támogassák a Le Foll és társai módosítóit, és támogatjuk Elisabeth Jeggle képviselőasszonynak a 600 millió eurós tejalap létrehozására irányuló javaslatát és az iskolatej program kiterjesztését.

  Christel Schaldemose (S&D). - Fru formand! Tak til kommissæren for en god indledning - også til debatten her. Altså, jeg anerkender, at vi har en krise, der er stor for vores mælkebønder i Europa. Men jeg forstår simpelthen ikke, at mine kolleger mener, at I ikke har gjort nok i Kommissionen. Jeg vil godt opfordre dig, Mariann Fischer Boel, til at gentage, hvad det er, I har gjort. Jeg synes, at listen af tiltag fra Kommissionen er så lang, at den næsten er for lang. Det er næsten lige før, at vi ødelægger de fremskridt, vi gjorde i forbindelse med sundhedstjekket. Og jeg vil også godt sige, at den indsats, der er gjort på nuværende tidspunkt for mælkebønderne, har vi jo ikke set tilsvarende for de arbejdere i bilindustrien, der har mistet deres arbejdspladser, eller de arbejdere i skibsværftsindustrien, som har mistet deres arbejdspladser som følge af den krise, vi har.

Så jeg kan kun opfordre til, at vi passer lidt på med, hvordan vi håndterer denne krise, og at vi også sørger for, at vi ikke ødelægger de gode fremskridt, der trods alt er sket med sundhedstjekket. Det der med at fastfryse mælkekvoterne, det er helt håbløst! Og vi kan heller ikke gå tilbage til gammeldags modeller med at lave eksportrestitutioner - det ødelægger bare markedet for nogen andre i verden. Vi bliver nødt til at være forsigtige. Men, fru kommissær, jeg må bede dig om at gentage den lange liste af indsatser, som I allerede har foretaget, så mine kolleger kan få syn for, at der vist ikke er brug for, at vi gør vanvittig meget mere for at ødelægge de gode fremskridt, der har været.

  Γεώργιος Παπαστάμκος (PPE). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κυρία Επίτροπε, δεν χωρεί αμφιβολία ότι τα μέτρα, δεν επαρκούν. Προτείνουμε και άλλες, περισσότερες στοχευμένες παρεμβάσεις, ιδίως για τις ορεινές και μειονεκτικές περιοχές της Ένωσης, ώστε να ωφελούνται όλα τα κράτη μέλη κατά τρόπο ισόρροπο. Παρεμβάσεις όπως: ενισχυμένη προστασία των ονομασιών προέλευσης -όχι μόνο στο εσωτερικό της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, αλλά και στις διεθνείς αγορές- σαφής σήμανση και υποχρεωτική αναγραφή της καταγωγής των γαλακτοκομικών προϊόντων, επανεργοποίηση, γιατί όχι, της ιδιωτικής αποθεματοποίησης στα τυροκομικά προϊόντα και πρόβλεψη ικανοποιητικής ενίσχυσης, καθώς και αύξηση των επιλέξιμων προορισμών για εξαγωγικές επιστροφές και πλήρη διαφάνεια στην αλυσίδα εφοδιασμού καθώς και μείωση της ψαλίδας μεταξύ των τιμών παραγωγού και καταναλωτή.

Κυρία Επίτροπε, δεν αποτελούμε τον ιμάντα μεταφοράς των συμφερόντων των αγροτών. Μεταφέρουμε την αγωνία, την κραυγή επιβίωσης των δημιουργικών δυνάμεων της ευρωπαϊκής υπαίθρου. Και αυτή η αγωνία επιβίωσης των ανθρώπων της ευρωπαϊκής υπαίθρου αποτελεί για μας διαρκή εντολή δράσης.

  Michel Dantin (PPE). - Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire – j'aurais aimé saluer aussi la Présidence du Conseil –, chers collègues, vous avez reconnu vous-même, Madame la Commissaire, devant la commission de l'agriculture, l'autre jour, que le prix payé aux producteurs laitiers ne couvrait plus actuellement les coûts de production. Cela veut donc dire que nos producteurs sont en train de décapitaliser.

Vous avez dressé, tout à l'heure, la liste des mesures que vous avez prises depuis neuf mois. Elles existent, nous ne pouvons que vous en donner acte. Mais elles n'ont pas produit les effets escomptés parce qu'elles nous paraissent insuffisantes en volume, et sans doute leur cible est-elle trop incertaine en termes d'efficacité.

Vous faites état, ce matin, d'un redressement du marché, mais les producteurs n'en verront sans doute la traduction que dans les paies du début de l'année prochaine. Le marché des produits agricoles n'est pas celui des métaux, ni celui de l'énergie. Il appelle des outils de régulation, parce que les cycles des saisons, les éléments naturels dictent aussi les conditions du marché.

Votre interprétation du bilan de santé, conclu sous la Présidence française, nous surprend, car les bilans d'étape qu'il a prévus en matière laitière laisse ouvertes toutes les portes, y compris celles de décisions nouvelles concernant les outils de régulation des marchés.

La délégation française à laquelle j'appartiens est convaincue qu'un système de quotas rénové sera nécessaire après 2013. La tension qui a existé sur le marché des produits alimentaires avant la crise économique actuelle a démontré la fragilité de l'équilibre mondial entre production et consommation.

Après avoir en partie démantelé les outils d'intervention, nous n'avons ni le droit, ni la légitimité de démanteler aujourd'hui les outils de production dont nous aurons besoin à court terme.

Madame la Commissaire, nous devons rendre leur dignité aux agriculteurs, à ces hommes et à ces femmes à qui le mot "travail" ne fait pas peur.

PRESIDE: MIGUEL ANGEL MARTÍNEZ MARTÍNEZ
Vicepresidente

  Antolín Sánchez Presedo (S-D). - No podemos dejar caer al sector lácteo, es vital para nuestro mundo rural, para la seguridad y la calidad alimentaria.

Los mercados de futuro y las perspectivas a medio y largo plazo del mercado de la leche y los productos lácteos de la Unión Europea presentan señales positivas. Hay que impedir que se malogren por una coyuntura negativa. Necesitamos acciones anticíclicas e iniciativas comunes.

El hundimiento de precios pone de manifiesto la insuficiencia de las medidas de apoyo. Las distorsiones en el mercado de productos lácteos, cada cadena de suministro, no funcionan ni con eficacia ni con equidad.

Los productores son víctimas de bajadas de precio que desequilibran el mercado, no se trasladan a los consumidores y retrasan la recuperación del sector. Hay que corregirlo, asegurar la competencia leal y reforzar la trazabilidad, también, en la comercialización.

  Riikka Manner (ALDE). - Arvoisa komission jäsen, mainitsitte, ettei kiintiöjärjestelmän palauttaminen tulee enää kysymykseen. Emmekö ole nähneet mitä maitosektorilla on tapahtunut sen jälkeen, kun komissio keväällä päätti poistaa nämä kiintiöt asteittain? Päätös oli todella huono ja lyhytnäköinen. Kiintiöiden täydellinen poisto tulee olemaan kuolinisku useille pienille tiloille. Tämäkö on sitä politiikkaa, jota komissio haluaa tehdä? Tosiasia on, että tarvitsemme rajoittavan järjestelmän maitosektorille. Jos kiintiöt eivät tule kysymykseen, vetoan teihin arvoisa komission jäsen, että komissio esittäisi muita ratkaisua kriisin ratkaisemiseksi. Tämä on eurooppalainen kriisi ja meidän on tehtävä sellaista maatalouspolitiikkaa, joka turvaa vähintäänkin kohtuullisen elintason viljelijöille maasta riippumatta ja alueesta riippumatta.

  Yannick Jadot (Verts/ALE). - Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, je suis un élu d'une région de l'ouest de la France, où sont concentrés énormément de producteurs laitiers, et je crois que vous n'avez pas pris acte du drame social qu'ils vivent aujourd'hui.

Madame la Commissaire, quand vous parlez de "producteurs", j'entends "industriels" et "distributeurs". Les producteurs laitiers n'ont pas besoin de votre compassion, Madame la Commissaire. Ils n'ont pas besoin de théories libérales dépassées qui nous ont entraînés dans une crise mondiale sans précédent. Les producteurs laitiers ont besoin d'une véritable politique agricole. Ils ont besoin de quotas stricts. C'est pour cela que nous demandons à ce que le Conseil renverse votre politique pour faire une véritable politique de soutien aux producteurs laitiers et pour stopper cette politique de destruction massive de ces producteurs.

  Janusz Wojciechowski (ECR). - Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Nasza debata rzeczywiście odbyła się w cieniu dramatycznych wydarzeń związanych z rozlewanym mlekiem. Wszyscy jesteśmy tym głęboko przejęci.

Chciałem nawiązać do problemu, o którym mówił mój kolega, pan Nicholson, a mianowicie o nadużyciach wielkich sieci handlowych, hipermarketów w stosunku do konsumentów z jednej strony i do dostawców, w szczególności, z drugiej. Chcę przypomnieć, że Parlament Europejski w ubiegłej kadencji w 2008 r. przyjął pisemną rezolucję, byłem jednym z jej współautorów, o konieczności położenia kresu tym nadużyciom, przeprowadzenia intensywnego śledztwa przez Komisję. Z tego, co wiem, takie działania się toczą, ale są chyba zbyt powolne i chciałem zapytać, czy pani Komisarz się tym interesuje i w ogóle jakie są perspektywy podjęcia tego typu działań.

Coś bardzo złego dzieje się z polityką gospodarczą Unii Europejskiej, bo dochody rolników wynoszą poniżej 10% wartości produktu. To się musi koniecznie zmienić i proszę Panią Komisarz o działania w tej kwestii.

  Jaromír Kohlíček (GUE/NGL). - Paní komisařko, vy vidíte jako pokrok vzestup cen hotových výrobků, jako je odstředěné mléko a máslo, o 3 až 8 %. Já si myslím, že to je výsměch našim zemědělcům. Hlavním problémem je cena, za kterou je mléko vykupováno od zemědělců. Např. v České republice je výkupní cena až o 25 % pod cenou výrobní, ale cena hotového produktu, který si potom koupíte v obchodě, ta už výrazně veškeré ty ceny, které zemědělci mají, splňuje. Takže hlavní problém je, že někde je tam velká díra. A ten je třeba řešit. V České republice je dnes už méně skotu než po napoleonských válkách. To už ohrožuje i údržbu venkovské krajiny. Pan Bové má zajisté pravdu a kolega Fajmon se hluboce ...

(Předsedající řečníka přerušila)

  Krisztina Morvai (NI). - Elnök úr! ! Tűzoltó intézkedésekre nyilvánvalóan szükség van, hiszen katasztrofális a helyzet. De nem lehet-e, hogy valahol az alapokkal van a baj? Nincs-e valami baj azzal a paradigmával, azzal a rendszerrel, amelyben - többek között Latin-Amerikából - hoznak be hatalmas mennyiségű szóját, Európában tovább növelve az amúgy is túlzott kínálatot, tönkretéve a latin-amerikai környezetet és a keletkező válságban pedig ugye azon törjük a fejünket, hogy dömpingáron kellene exportálni a harmadik világba mezőgazdasági termékeket, tönkretéve az ottani piacot, az ottani kisgazdáknak, termelőknek a helyzetét. Nem lenne-e szükség egy új paradigmára, a WTO által diktált szabadkereskedelmi logikának a mezőgazdaságra erőltetése helyett a food sovereignty, az élelmiszer önrendelkezés logikájára? A másik kérdésem: kérünk konkrét tanácsot, javaslatot, hogyan ... (Az elnök megvonta a szót a képviselőtől.)

  Astrid Lulling (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Wir haben die Banken gerettet, als es notwendig wurde. Jetzt sind wir mit einer Lage konfrontiert, wo es darum geht, zu vermeiden, dass Zigtausende Bauernbetriebe kurzfristig bankrott gehen, weil die Preise die Gestehungskosten nicht mehr decken.

Wir müssen doch sicherstellen, dass unser Produktionspotential erhalten bleibt, um die Bevölkerung mit qualitativ hochwertigen Lebensmitteln zu versorgen. Ich gehöre einer Generation an, die noch erlebt hat, dass Lebensmittel rationiert waren. Ich erinnere mich, dass ich im Winter 1944 acht Kilometer mit dem Fahrrad zurücklegen musste, um zwei Eier zu hamstern. So weit wird es hoffentlich nicht mehr kommen, aber Versorgungssicherheit – nicht nur im Energiesektor – ist auch angesagt.

Wenn wir nicht bereit sind, die Maßnahmen zu ergreifen, die in unserer Entschließung angemahnt wurden, wird der Kostenpunkt der sozialen, wirtschaftlichen, umweltpolitischen Folgen in der EU ein Vielfaches von dem sein, was ...

(Der Präsident entzieht der Rednerin das Wort.)

  Ricardo Cortés Lastra (S-D). - Señor Presidente, colegas, señora Comisaria, como afirmaba la Comisión Europea en su Comunicación del pasado 22 de julio, la situación del sector lácteo ha sufrido un dramático deterioro en los últimos doce meses.

Sin embargo, teniendo en cuenta el profundo impacto de la crisis sobre los precios de los productos lácteos y, en particular, los ingresos que perciben los productores, las medidas propuestas hasta el momento por la Comisión Europea y debatidas en el Consejo de Ministros no han sido suficientes para paliar la caída de la demanda y sus consecuencias.

La crisis actual nos plantea un reto, relanzar la disminución de la demanda, pero también una oportunidad para fomentar el consumo y la promoción de los productos lácteos, así como para asegurar que la indiscutible calidad del producto inicial llegue intacta hasta el consumidor final.

En este sentido, acciones como la mejora del etiquetaje, el incremento del consumo de la leche entre determinados sectores de la población o el uso de la leche para la alimentación de los terneros pueden contribuir a mejorar no sólo el problema actual sino también la situación estructural del sector.

  Mariann Fischer Boel, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, first of all I would like to thank Members of Parliament for this very dedicated debate. I have actually listened very carefully. But of course I have also noted the different views that I have heard among the different Members of this Parliament.

As regards the quota system; it seems to be the scapegoat of this whole situation in which we find ourselves. I do not underestimate – and I have been very precise on this since the very beginning of the discussion – that the dairy sector, not only in Europe but globally, finds itself in an unprecedented crisis. That must be very clear. So I certainly do understand the frustration that I see among farmers in different parts of Europe, not all over, but in different parts of Europe.

The abolition of the quota system was decided back in 2003 so it is not a decision that was taken overnight while nobody knew what was happening. Then, in the health check, we had the discussion on increasing the quotas to try to find a soft landing for the dairy farmers.

But I think that those who want to point their finger at the quota system for being the reason for all the problems in which dairy farmers find themselves are wrong. Because we see that even with a quota system in place, we have not been able to maintain high prices and the structural changes in the dairy sector have taken place anyway. If you look at 1984, when the quota system was introduced, we had 1.6 million dairy farmers in the old EU-10. Today in EU-10 we have 300 000 dairy farmers: less than one fifth of the number of dairy farmers today compared to 1984 with a quota system in place. So these structural changes are taking place anyway.

I do not think that going back or rolling back the decision in the health check is the right policy, and here I am supported by all heads of state saying clearly in their decisions from the meeting in June that I have to stick to the decisions from the health check. I have never, ever, during the health check discussions, signalled any openness to roll back these decisions because that would certainly jeopardise predictability for farmers within the European Union.

But, José Bové, I think you said I had not been acting with preciseness; that is, the laissez-faire attitude. I do not think it is fair to say that we have been doing nothing. I am not going to repeat all the different measures that we have been taking. I think that, if Member States want to pay specific attention to the dairy sector, they now have the possibility with the health check to reallocate the direct payments so they give a special preference to the grassland areas. That is a possibility and I know that at least one big Member State has taken the opportunity to use this possibility, and for the mountainous areas there are lots of different possibilities.

We have production in Europe today that is 45% below quota, so what would happen if we actually wanted to cut quota by 5%? We would actually damage the situation for the young farmers that have invested in the future.

Therefore, I would recommend to those countries, those Member States, who really want to help their dairy sector that they use this buy-up of quotas from those who want to leave the dairy sector. That is a much better way of securing the maintenance of those who have invested while giving a helping hand to those that want to leave the sector. That is I think the right policy.

Could I then just correct the misunderstanding on the super levy? We are not introducing a new super levy system. We are just giving the possibility that, if Member States are buying up quotas from farmers, they can reduce the number of kilos or tonnes from their ceiling, but it is not a new super levy that will punish any of the farmers.

Just on some of the promotion. We have already reserved EUR 14 million for promotion for the rest of this year. We have agreed on extending the school milk scheme; yogurt that is low in sugar – that is, containing no more than 7% sugar – will now be introduced into the school milk scheme. Labelling – I hear from different Members of Parliament that there is interest in a labelling system. Let us discuss that in the context of the quality paper that is actually on the table at the moment. So I think there are lots of possibilities.

Then, finally, on the food chain, I completely agree with you that that there is no transparency in this chain and we cannot see where the added value is disappearing. Therefore, I am looking forward to the presenting of this report before the end of the year so we can see what the situation actually looks like.

I must say that, if you look at the supermarket situation all over Europe, there are huge differences. Germany has a tradition or number of discount supermarkets. These supermarkets are using dairy or milk products, drinking milk as a produit d'appel to get the consumers in, and they are offering a very low price but they are just handing over the bill to the farmers, paying them the low price. So, I think it would be very interesting and necessary to see what is actually happening in this chain, so let us get this transparency on the table and let us, internally in the Commission, but also in Member States’ competition authorities, look into the market.

It has been a very interesting discussion here today. I hope that you have noticed the short-term measures and the long-term measures that have been worked out together with France and Germany. I am sure that we will have some very interesting discussions on the future of the dairy sector in Europe because we all want our dairy sector to have a future.

  Paolo De Castro, Autore. − Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, voglio ringraziare la Commissione per aver deciso di venire qui oggi in Parlamento a presentare nuove proposte sulla crisi nel settore lattiero-caseario. È importante che la legislatura appena iniziata sia caratterizzata da un dialogo interistituzionale tra Commissione e Parlamento, positivo, che ha di fatto già avviato il processo di codecisione.

Valuteremo, signora Commissaria, valuteremo le sue nuove proposte con molta attenzione e sarà mia cura chiedere alla commissione per l'agricoltura di esprimere subito, al più presto, un parere sulle sue nuove ipotesi.

Mi consenta però di concludere ricordando che se l'emendamento approvato all'unanimità in commissione per l'agricoltura oggi venisse approvato anche dall'Aula in plenaria, diventerà un problema politico se poi il Consiglio, dopo la ratifica di Lisbona, dovesse bocciarlo. E quindi la invito, come invito il Consiglio, a prenderlo in seria considerazione.

  El Presidente. − Para cerrar el debate se han presentado siete propuestas de resolución⁽¹⁾ de conformidad con el apartado 5 del artículo 115 del Reglamento.

Se cierra el debate.

La votación tendrá lugar hoy a mediodía.

Declaraciones por escrito (artículo 149 del Reglamento)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S-D), por escrito. – Venho de uma RUP, os Açores, onde a produção de leite é o pilar económico, social e ambiental. Nas últimas semanas estivemos com os produtores, com as suas organizações, com as indústrias transformadoras. Todos estão de acordo. É crucial que a Comissão dê uma resposta global mais eficaz, urgente, para fazer face à actual situação.

Os fluxos financeiros estão a parar no sector. É da maior importância, que as RUP sejam objecto de um olhar particularmente atento por parte da UE e sejam incluídas nas suas respostas à mitigação dos efeitos da actual crise.

É da opinião de todos que precisamos de parar com o aumento de quotas. Num mercado desequilibrado com excedentes, qualquer país que aumente a sua produção prejudica todos os outros. São também da opinião que devemos continuar a manter as quotas como mecanismo de regulação da oferta, estabilizador da sua actividade.

No actual cenário de liberalização total, é necessário estudar com urgência os seus efeitos sociais, ambientais e económicos nestas regiões e criar medidas específicas que evitem o colapso desta actividade responsável pelas nossas belas paisagens, pela qualidade do nosso ambiente e dos nossos meios rurais e pelo progresso e convergência económica que temos vindo a realizar.

  Béla Glattfelder (PPE), írásban. – A jelenlegi tejpiaci válság fő oka a tejkvótaemelés. A tejágazat jelenlegi súlyos helyzetéért az Európai Bizottság és a tagállamok kormányai is felelősek, mivel 2008-ban támogatták a tejfeleslegek kialakulásához és az árak összeomlásához vezető kvótaemelést.

Ez a döntés az Európai Bizottság téves piaci előrejelzésein alapult. Az Európai Bizottság azonban akkor sem állt el szándékától, amikor nyilvánvalóvá vált, hogy a termelés növelése ellentétes a piaci folyamatokkal.

Az Európai Uniónak ezért haladéktalanul vissza kell vonnia a tejtermelés növekedéséhez vezető intézkedéseit. Továbbra is ellenezzük a kvóták 2015 utáni végleges eltörlését is. A jelenlegi válság fontos tanulsága, hogy szükség van a tejpiac szabályozására. Enélkül az árak kiszámíthatatlanná válnak. A nagymértékű áringadozás okozta veszteségek elviselhetetlenek az európai tejtermelők számára.

Örvendetes, hogy a Mezőgazdasági Bizottság – válság enyhítése érdekében – megszavazta azon indítványomat, amely az exporttámogatások összegét 450 millióról 600 millió euróra emelné. Exporttámogatások nélkül a feleslegek egy része az EU belső piacán maradna, amely további árcsökkenéshez vezetne.

  Jim Higgins (PPE), in writing. – Milk quotas need to be cut by between 5 to 10 per cent in order to push prices back up to a sustainable level. But quotas alone will not save the dairy sector. While the Commission is correct to adopt a long-term view, it cannot detach itself from reality - and the stark reality is that the agriculture industry, in particular the dairy sector, is in real danger. The lowest milk prices since 1983, together with high costs, poor weather and lack of credit, have created an unprecedented cashflow and income crisis for dairy farm families in 2009. While the indications are that markets have bottomed out, badly needed price increases still appear some way off, and EU action is needed. I agree with IFA President Padraig Walshe and Dairy Chairman Richard Kennedy that the quickest way to speed up price recovery is for the EU Commission to make more aggressive use of all market supports such as:

- Export refunds

- Processing aids

- Extended full-price intervention

- Longer private storage scheme for butter

- Careful handling of stocks

  Anneli Jäätteenmäki (ALDE), kirjallinen. – Herra Puhemies! Viimeisen vuoden aikana maitoalan tilanne on heikentynyt dramaattisesti. Maidon tuottajahinta on laskenut ja tll hetkell useat maidontuottajat joutuvat jo myymn maitotuotteita hinnalla, joka ei vastaa tuotantokustannuksia. Maidontuottajien kestokyky on nyt vakavasti uhattuna. Herra Puhemies! Maitoalan kriisi ei ole pystytty ratkaisemaan komission thn saakka toteuttamilla toimilla. Nyt on aika kri hihat ja tehd uudenlaisia ratkaisuja. Komission on vakautettava Euroopan maitomarkkinatilanne nopeasti. Samalla sen on mys laadittava yhdess maitoalan toimijoiden ja jsenvaltioiden kanssa perusteellinen arviointi maitoalan tulevaisuudesta. Kiitos!

  Véronique Mathieu (PPE), par écrit. – Pour faire face à la conjoncture particulièrement défavorable à laquelle est confronté le secteur laitier, une intervention forte de l'Union européenne est désormais urgente. Je considère, comme la majorité des États membres, que les solutions proposées par la Commission ne sont pas satisfaisantes. Certes, je salue la flexibilité qu'elle autorise, et qui permettra d'augmenter le plafond des aides nationales de 7 500 à 15 000 euros pour les producteurs en difficulté. Il est néanmoins indispensable d'adopter des outils d'intervention plus efficaces. Pour faire face à la volatilité croissante des prix, nos marchés doivent être davantage régulés. La déclaration commune faite par seize États membres sur la situation du marché européen du lait donne à la Commission de précieuses suggestions pour mettre en place une meilleure régulation des marchés laitiers. Il me semble par ailleurs nécessaire, comme le demandent sept États membres, d'envisager une suspension temporaire de l'augmentation des quotas. Je réaffirme également mon soutien à la mise en place d'un "Fonds du lait" pour aider les organisations de producteurs et les coopératives, ainsi que pour soutenir les investissements agricoles, la modernisation, une diversification de la production laitière, les mesures liées à l'emplacement géographique et les mesures de commercialisation des produits laitiers.

  Ivari Padar (S-D), kirjalikult. – Vaadates praegust piimaturu olukorda on selge, et meie sektor ei ole veel suures osas valmis ise toime tulema maailma majanduskriisist tulenevate tagajärgedega. Sellest tulenevalt peaks ühise põllumajanduspoliitika areng olema jätkuvalt suunatud suurema konkurentsivõime ja pikemas perspektiivis vähema turukorralduse suunas. Ühise põllumajanduspoliitika „tervisekontroll” on samm õiges suunas ja sama suuna hoidmine ka 2013. aasta järgse ühise põllumajanduspoliitika aruteludes on ainsaks viisiks, kuidas sektorit tugevdada.

  Daciana Octavia Sârbu (S-D), în scris. – Traversăm acum cea mai gravă criză din sectorul laptelui, generată de criza globală şi care reprezintă pe fond decalajul dintre cerere şi ofertă. Scăderea preţurilor la lapte şi produse lactate afectează în primul rând fermele cu venituri mici; din această cauză, nu cred că sistemul de cote ar trebui îngheţat în toate statele membre, ci ar trebui ca fiecare stat să decidă cum îşi stabileşte propriile cote. Problema este că, faţă de anii 1983-84, numai 1/5 dintre producători au rămas pe piaţă şi acum riscăm ca o altă serie de ferme să se închidă. Deci trebuie să luăm măsuri urgente pentru ca acest lucru să nu se întâmple. Pentru a stopa criza din acest sector ar trebui să prevedem următoarele: extinderea măsurilor de stocare anticipate pentru unt, lapte praf şi brânzeturi, accelerarea creării unui fond pentru produsele lactate pentru a răspunde nevoilor micilor producători şi fermierilor tineri şi o înţelegere cu supermarketurile pentru a stabili un preţ decent pentru producătorii agricoli, cât şi un preţ decent la vânzare.

(1) Véase el Acta.

3. Sigurtà enerġetika (Nabucco u Desertec) (dibattitu)

  El Presidente. − El punto siguiente es la declaración de la Comisión sobre seguridad energética, en relación con los proyectos Nabucco y Desertec.

  Andris Piebalgs, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, energy will definitely continue to be the focus of this Parliament for the next five years. At the same time, we have made good progress over the last five years in establishing a robust European energy policy with three goals: security of supply, sustainability and competitiveness.

In achieving all these goals, the external dimension is extremely important for two reasons. Firstly, EU import dependency – currently, 50% of energy resources come from outside the European Union, and the trend is upwards.

Secondly, issues related to sustainability. The climate change goals cannot be achieved anywhere in the world unless energy is produced more cleanly and used more efficiently. For this reason, dialogue with the producer, transit and consumer countries is crucial.

The two projects mentioned in today’s plenary are, in a way, complementary and at the same time fit well into the overall strategy.

First of all, Nabucco. I came from Baku yesterday, and we are definitely still on course to fulfil this project. We made a major breakthrough this July. An intergovernmental agreement was signed between four European countries and Turkey, which means that we could already take a final investment decision next year with a view to having gas supplies by 2014.

We have identified three sources that are ready to commit gas volumes. Firstly, there is Azerbaijan, where the final investment decision about Shah Deniz 2 should be made in the very near future, and then there are other fields, in Turkmenistan and Iraq, which at this stage are the biggest sources of supply.

Where are the difficulties? There are always difficulties related to the particular way we operate in the energy field and how a lot of producer countries are organised. In the European Union, projects are industry-driven, which means that there is always a very clear calculation of all the commercial risks. The countries that have the resources would expect more forward-moving decisions. That means, for example, the EU decides to build a pipeline, it builds a pipeline, and then we commit the gas. The philosophies are different. At the same time there is a clear understanding that EU companies are ready to buy the gas, and we are moving forward towards it.

I believe that the transit issue is more or less solved. We are still awaiting the ratification of the intergovernmental agreement, but I would not expect too many difficulties. Also, to facilitate buying gas from regions that have particular ways of selling gas, we are developing the concept of a ‘Caspian development corporation’ that would allow for reduced risks for companies buying gas, for example at the Turkmen border, or investing in areas where the political and economic risks are quite substantial.

We are well on track, and I believe this is a good example of cooperation between industry-driven projects with political support from the EU institutions.

We have also committed some funds for the southern corridor and particularly for the Nabucco project. We have launched a call for proposals. At this stage I cannot say whether this was successful or good enough but at least the invitation was made.

Desertec is also an industry-driven initiative that is currently at an initial stage. It sounds very interesting that we use the solar energy potential of Africa and transport it to the European Union, but we need some flanking measures for this project to materialise.

First of all, there is the technological development that we have supported for many years. A large concentrated solar power plant will be inaugurated this month in Seville. This is one technology that could be used for this Desertec project, and I believe that we would not have advanced so far in this technology without EU support.

Secondly, we need to work with partners because it is very clear that we cannot just say we will take your territory, we will put solar panels in and transport electricity to the European Union. There should be common ownership of these projects, if they are to happen at all. For this reason we will have a conference in October on using renewable sources together with countries from the Mediterranean and the Gulf. It is clear that for Desertec to be successful we need common ownership of these projects, otherwise there will be no successful outcome.

Last but not least, there is definitely the issue of interconnection. There are two types of interconnection that we need to separate. One relates to the philosophy and markets. We have supported the integration of markets in North Africa for some time. Progress has been made, but we need to strengthen these measures. The second type is physical interconnection with the European Union, using cables.

I believe that Desertec will come step by step. It will not be one big project but I believe there will be elements that could ultimately fit our objectives: clean energy for the countries involved and additional exports to the European Union.

We have also provided for commercial incentives. With the Renewable Energy Directive we have established the possibility for EU countries to invest in third countries and transport electricity to the European Union, and then the goal will also be fulfilled with energy produced in the third country.

That said, it is definitely difficult at this stage to give any timetable for Desertec. It is a new initiative, which is still in its infancy, and we cannot say Desertec is part of our security of supply strategy. It is a promising move towards a climate change strategy that we need to promote, but Nabucco is there for security of supply, and it is too early at this stage to rely on Desertec.

I would like to conclude that the best security of supply measures we can take are inside the European Union. This House has been a very strong supporter of energy efficiency. Energy efficiency is not only to do with climate change. It really is a very important element in the security of supply. I would say it is more important than Desertec and Nabucco, plus even South Stream and Nord Stream, combined. It really is the biggest element. Three legal instruments are being discussed with the Council, and I would emphasise that we need to be ambitious and successful with these.

On renewable energy, I am very grateful for the support of this House for the recovery plan, and I am quite positive regarding what I have heard about the applications for offshore wind energy. It seems that all the funds that were committed to support offshore wind energy will be committed. This is not only EU money because the overall envelope was roughly EUR 600 million, but the overall size of this project is EUR 4 billion, so industry is investing most of it. I believe this is a very good combination, as renewable energy also gives security of supply.

Last but not least, I know that sometimes there is an issue about carbon capture and storage (CCS). CCS is usually needed for two reasons. One is as a global response to climate change but, from another point of view, we will also use coal and lignite for our security of supply. There has also been very good progress on applications for the financing provided with the recovery plan, so the recovery plan was successful, in my opinion. After announcing the results, we – the Commission, the Council and Parliament – definitely need to review how to channel EU funds to strengthen the European Union's security of supply. Many other steps will also definitely need to be taken to strengthen the security of supply of the European Union.

  Ioannis Kasoulides, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, we all agree to speak with one voice and have a common foreign policy on the security of energy supply.

It is acknowledged that the energy mix and energy supply differs among Member States according to geography and other distinct factors. So, diversification also covers supply.

A diversified and interconnected network can, if appropriately redirected, one day become the security of supply for all. We support the need for a southern corridor, and Nabucco is a common European project.

However, questions need to be answered on the recent agreement between Mr Putin and Turkey, on the quantity of gas from Azerbaijan vis-à-vis the investment, on Gazprom’s offer to buy all Azerbaijan’s exports, on the stability of Iraqi supply, and on the Russian promise to pump double the amount through South Stream.

The energy dialogue with Russia is a necessity based on the pragmatic and equitable principle of security of supply and security of demand. All other geopolitical considerations must be set aside.

On solidarity, we need tangible plans for emergencies, such as storage and new LNG technology. Cyprus, for example, invests half a billion euro on LNG, and I regret that the Union assists with only EUR 10 million.

  Hannes Swoboda, im Namen der S-D-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Herr Kommissar, danke für Ihren Bericht! Die Sicherheit der Versorgung unserer Bürgerinnen und Bürger wird zu einer immer wichtigeren Frage. Gerade in diesem Zusammenhang wird Ihr Ressort in Zukunft eine noch größere Rolle spielen – auch für die europäische Identität.

Dabei geht es – das haben Sie richtig erwähnt – natürlich auch um Diversifizierung. Ich kann mich dem Kollegen Kasoulides nur anschließen: Die Zusammenarbeit mit Russland wird immer wichtig sein, es ist ein wichtiger Partner für die Gasversorgung. Aber wir sollten nicht zu sehr von einem Land abhängig sein – unabhängig davon, um welches Land es sich handelt –, sondern wir sollten dementsprechend diversifizieren. Und hier ist Nabucco ein guter Ansatz.

Mein dritter Punkt betrifft die notwendige Solidarität in der EU. Hier haben Sie einige Vorschläge gemacht, wie diese Solidarität verstärkt werden soll, und wie auch die Rolle der EU als Vermittler bei Streitigkeiten, die uns betreffen, insbesondere zwischen Russland und der Ukraine, gestärkt werden kann. Sie haben auch von Desertec gesprochen. Ich glaube, beide Projekte sind mit ihrer unterschiedlichen Kurz- bzw. Langfristigkeit wichtig.

Ferner ist zu überlegen – und das wäre eine Aufgabe Ihres Nachfolgers, ob Sie das selbst sind oder wer auch immer –, wie wir uns in Europa einerseits zu einigen großen Projekten bekennen, wie z. B. Nabucco und Desertec, aber gleichzeitig auch für die Dezentralisierung gewisser Strom- oder Energieproduktionen eintreten.

Derzeit befinden sich – auch wieder industry driven – eine Reihe von Industrieprojekten in der Entwicklung, die es möglich machen, dass der Verbraucher und auch der Haushalt selbst stärker in eine Energieproduktion einsteigt, die Energiesicherheit mit sich bringt. Das geht von den Smart Meters auf der einen Seite bis zur direkten Produktion durch einzelne Haushalte. Das könnte der europäische Aspekt sein, zu sagen: Ja, wir brauchen natürlich die Versorgung von außen, wir brauchen die Versorgungssicherheit, wir brauchen große Projekte, innovative Projekte wie Desertec, wir müssen aber auch dafür sorgen, dass die Menschen, die Firmen, die Unternehmen, aber auch die einzelnen Haushalte ihren Energiehaushalt, ihren Energieverbrauch sowohl preislich als auch ökonomisch als auch ökologisch verstärkt kontrollieren können.

  Johannes Cornelis van Baalen, namens de ALDE-Fractie. – Mijnheer de Voorzitter, het is een eer om als nieuwgekozen lid voor de eerste maal in deze plenaire vergadering te spreken. Ik doe dat ook als oud lid van de Tweede Kamer en president van de Liberale Internationale, want ik wil de Europese politiek, de nationale politiek en de internationale politiek als één zien. Vooral op het gebied van de energie hebben die natuurlijk een directe connectie.

Voorzitter, ten aanzien van onze Europese positie in de wereld: wij zijn op dit moment chantabel. Wij zijn eenzijdig afhankelijk van instabiele regio's en van landen met ondemocratische regimes. Daar moeten wij dus van af. Daarom steunt mijn liberale fractie Nabucco en Desertec, en ik wijs op de grote rol die mijn voormalige fractievoorzitter Van Aertsen bij dit project heeft gespeeld.

Voorzitter, er zijn twee punten die ik zou willen maken. Ik ben blij dat de Commissie aanvaardt dat het bedrijfsleven een grote rol speelt. Het kan niet alleen de overheid zijn - de nationale overheid, Europa of internationale organen - die zich met energie bezighoudt. Het bedrijfsleven heeft een nadrukkelijke rol. Ten tweede, mijnheer de Voorzitter, het mag niet zo zijn dat wij in dit Huis taboes accepteren. Taboes bijvoorbeeld op het verder bekijken van kernenergie als onderdeel van de energiemix. Ook ten aanzien van Europa in de internationale verhoudingen. Kernenergie, kernfusie en kernsplitsing zijn van vitaal belang. Er zijn grote problemen ten aanzien van het afval, maar we moeten ervoor zorgen dat we daarbij research & development en uitwisseling van kennis een rol laten spelen. Kernenergie heeft een grote rol omdat hiermee het broeikaseffect wordt tegengegaan. Nogmaals, ook in mijn fractie is er niet een definitief standpunt. Ook wij moeten de discussie verder aangaan, maar we moeten in dit Huis kernenergie niet tot taboe verklaren. Ik hoor dan ook graag de mening van de Commissie.

  Reinhard Bütikofer, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wenn wir heute über auswärtige Energiesicherheitspolitik reden, dann sind wir uns selbstverständlich einer Grundwahrheit bewusst, von der Kommissar Piebalgs schon gesprochen hat: Die entscheidende Front für die Energieunabhängigkeit liegt innerhalb unserer Europäischen Union. Um es konkret zu sagen: Wenn wir bei unseren Gebäuden Niedrigenergiestandards oder Nullenergiestandards durchsetzen könnten, dann würden wir damit mehr Erdgas einsparen, als wir mit Nabucco und South Stream und Nord Stream insgesamt importieren könnten. Insofern ist es wichtig, dass in unserer Entschließung festgehalten wird, dass besonders die kosteneffizienten Möglichkeiten der erneuerbaren Energie, der Energieeffizienzstrategie und der Energieeinsparung im Mittelpunkt stehen müssen. Dann ist unserer Meinung nach mehr Atomstrom überhaupt nicht nötig.

Zum Zweiten: Eine wichtige Botschaft dieser Entschließung heißt: Wir brauchen eine gemeinsame auswärtige Energiesicherheitspolitik der Union – diese fehlt bis jetzt! Dies Politik sollte die Förderung von Energieeffizienz und erneuerbarer Energie im Rahmen der Nachbarschaftspolitik sowie eine gemeinsame Haltung der Union in den Verhandlungen mit den Transitländern umfassen. Die Kommission sollte auch darauf achten, dass ihre Kapazitäten dem gewachsen sind, so wie es das Parlament vor zwei Jahren in seiner diesbezüglichen Entschließung schon gefordert hat.

Nabucco ist aus unserer Sicht ein Projekt mit hoher Priorität, weil es die Energieunabhängigkeit – insbesondere gegenüber Russland – stärken würde, auch wenn ich dem Herrn Kollegen Kasoulides Recht gebe, der davon gesprochen hat, dass es da durchaus noch eine ganze Reihe offener Fragen gibt, die beantwortet werden müssen. Wir bedauern aber, dass einige Mitglieder durch ihre Förderung des Projekts South Stream, das sich offen gegen Nabucco richtet, die Politik der Energieunabhängigkeit untergraben.

Für uns Grüne ist bei der Energiepolitik auch wichtig, dass wir im Energiedialog die Menschenrechte nicht vergessen, den Menschenrechtsdialog nicht hintanstellen. Ferner ist uns wichtig, dass, wenn wir den Blick auf Desertec oder auch in die Arktis erweitern – wie wir das in unserer Entschließung tun –, wir das nicht mit einer neokolonialistischen, sondern mit einer partnerschaftlichen Haltung tun.

  Geoffrey Van Orden, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, I have three brief points to make.

Firstly, complacency over energy policy is putting us increasingly in the dangerous position of dependency on Russia. Where possible it clearly makes sense to coordinate our response, but any unified EU policy would inevitably be skewed by those countries that are already in bed with Gazprom and related interests. And we should not be handing yet another area of vital national interest to the European Commission, which sees every possible crisis as an opportunity to extend its competence. Needless to say, many of us will vote against any endorsement of the Lisbon Treaty or further efforts to take forward political integration on the back of the various energy concerns of our countries.

Secondly, diversification of sources of supply requires greater commitment to Nabucco. For the success of this pipeline, Turkish cooperation is essential, yet the opening of the energy chapter in EU negotiations with Turkey is being blocked. What are the Council and Commission doing to resolve this unhelpful situation?

Thirdly, I notice the word ‘nuclear’ does not appear in the resolution. Clearly, sustainable, diverse sources of energy supply require a greater commitment to nuclear energy and in that respect I agree with our colleague Mr van Baalen.

  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar! Energiesicherheit steht heute zu Recht auf der außenpolitischen Tagesordnung. Doch statt Macht und Einfluss und die letzten fossilen Rohstoffreserven zu sichern, statt sich vorrangig auf Abhängigkeiten zu kaprizieren, steht meines Erachtens eine zukunftsfähige Energiepolitik vor gänzlich anderen Herausforderungen.

Erstens geht es um eine globale Energiewende hin zu mehr erneuerbaren Energieträgern, um mehr Energieeffizienz und Energieeinsparung, also nicht – und vor allen Dingen nicht nur – um den Streit um Energieaußenpolitik, sondern um intelligente bezahlbare Energie für jede und jeden.

Zweitens muss Energiesicherung Teil einer verantwortungsvollen Friedens- und Entwicklungspolitik der Europäischen Union sein. Zugang zu Energie ist für jeden Menschen, für die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung und für die Armutsbekämpfung entscheidend. Ein Projekt wie Desertec darf deshalb keine Fortsetzung des Kolonialismus mit energiepolitischen Mitteln sein. Was haben denn die Menschen in afrikanischen Ländern, in denen die Bevölkerung wächst und der Energiebedarf steigt, davon? Warum wurden sie bisher nicht gleichberechtigt in die Planung und Entscheidung mit einbezogen?

Globale Energieversorgung ist auch Krisenprävention und Friedenspolitik. Diesen Ansatz vermissen wir auch in den Beziehungen der Europäischen Union zum südlichen Kaukasus oder zu Zentralasien. Als Energielieferanten – siehe Nabucco – werden diese Länder für die EU immer interessanter, doch ich vermisse Konfliktprävention und nachhaltige Entwicklungskonzeption vor Ort. Es ist an der Zeit, dass die EU eine Energieaußenpolitik beendet, die nur den Wettlauf um Öl- und Gasreserven verschärft oder Nukleartechnologie verbreitet! Echte Partnerschaften für erneuerbare Energie, für dezentrale Versorgung sind das Gebot der Stunde!

  Fiorello Provera, a nome del gruppo EFD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sappiamo per certo che la domanda di energia aumenterà e la produzione europea di gas è in costante diminuzione. È fondamentale per gli Stati membri, e quindi per l'Europa, attuare politiche di approvvigionamento abbondante e sicuro. La diversificazione delle fonti e delle reti di trasporto va incontro a questa esigenza.

Alla luce di questa premessa, non esiste alcuna concorrenza tra i diversi progetti in corso di realizzazione, come, ad esempio, Nabucco e Southstream. Queste politiche di differenziazione hanno portato, peraltro, nel corso degli ultimi anni a una diminuzione della dipendenza da parte dell'Europa nei confronti dei principali fornitori. Ad esempio la fornitura di gas russo all'Europa è passata dal 75% nel 1990 al 45% attuale. Bene quindi il progetto Nabucco e bene il progetto Southstream.

Finché l'Europa non avrà una politica energetica comune e unica, l'Italia ha non soltanto il diritto, ma il dovere di provvedere in ogni modo, dal risparmio energetico al nucleare ...

(Il presidente ritira la parola all'oratore)

  Zoltán Balczó (NI). - Július 13-án Ankarában, a Nabucco szerződés aláírásakor Barroso úr kijelentette, a gázvezetékek acélból készülnek, a Nabucco viszont cementként köti össze az abban részt vevő embereket, és stratégiai kötés az Unió és Törökország között. Putyin elnök kijelentette, mindenki annyi rozsdás vascsövet fektet a földbe, amennyit akar, csak legyen mit beletöltenie. Nos, éppen a források bizonytalansága a legnagyobb gondja ennek a projektnek. Ami biztos, a 8 milliárdos beruházás jó üzlet lesz az abban résztvevőknek.

Egyébként, ahogyan az orosz szállításban a tranzitország, Ukrajna jelenti a gondot, ugyanígy jelenthet problémát Törökország. És sokan nem értünk egyet azzal, hogy Törökországot összebetonozzuk az Európai Unióval. A Desertec, mi ez? Észak-Afrika, forgótükrök, napelemek, egyenáramú átvitel és az energiaigény 15%-ának kielégítése. Ez ma sokkal inkább illúzió, mint reális terv. A Desertec az uniós fogyasztók étlapján nem lesz főétel, sokkal inkább csak nagyon drága desszert. Ezért javaslom, hogy az atomenergia biztonságát növelő kutatásokkal foglalkozzunk, mert ez az energiafajta tiszta és olcsó is. És nem mindegy, mert az energiabiztonság a fogyasztónál ér véget, a számlánál, hogy meg tudja-e fizetni.

  Elmar Brok (PPE). - Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Energie ist eine entscheidende Lebensader für die gesamte Gesellschaft, für die einzelnen Menschen und für die Wirtschaft. Deswegen ist es wichtig, dass wir in Europa gemeinsame Lösungen finden, obwohl es sicherlich auch richtig ist, dass der Energiemix nationale Zuständigkeit bleibt, damit wir bei den gemeinsamen Überlegungen nicht unseren Streit über Atomenergie, Low carbon-Energie usw. auszufechten haben, wo ich andere Auffassungen habe als beispielsweise Herr Bütikofer.

Dennoch müssen wir versuchen, zu gemeinsamen Positionen zu kommen, was die auswärtigen Aspekte der Energiesicherheit angeht. Was die innenpolitischen Aspekte angeht, stimme ich völlig mit dem Herrn Kommissar überein, dass die Fragen erneuerbare Energie, Einsparung usw. eine große Rolle spielen, ebenso wie die Erforschung neuer Möglichkeiten.

Aber um die Abhängigkeit nach außen abzubauen, müssen wir diversifizieren. Desertec und Nabucco sind wichtige Instrumente dafür. Wir müssen auch Fragen in Zusammenhang mit den Partnerschafts- und Kooperationsabkommen und der Energiesicherheit mit Russland verhandeln, nachdem Russland – zu Unrecht, nicht zu Recht! – aus der Energiecharta ausgestiegen ist. Auch dies ist eine wichtige Aufgabe! Aber wir müssen feststellen, dass wir mit Ländern zu tun haben, die nicht unbedingt zuverlässig sind, und dass wir leider gar nicht zwischen zuverlässigen und unzuverlässigen Ländern unterscheiden können.

Deswegen müssen wir der Liefermacht die Verbrauchermacht der Europäischen Union entgegensetzen. Die Interconnectivity, die Frage von gemeinsamen Gaslagern – all dies ist wichtig, damit nicht ein Land abgeschaltet werden kann. Wenn alle allen helfen, sind wir so stark, dass uns niemand abstellen kann! Das ist die entscheidende Frage, die wir hier durchsetzen müssen.

Dabei müssen wir auch deutlich machen, dass Privatinvestitionen notwendig sind – ohne die geht es nicht. Vieles ist bereits unternommen worden, aber unser übergeordnetes gemeinsames Sicherheitsinteresse muss mit wirtschaftlichen Interessen in Verbindung gebracht werden, um auf diese Art und Weise die beste Lösung zustande zu bringen. Das darf man nicht als Gegensatz begreifen! Ich glaube, dann werden wir auch eine entsprechende Lösung finden. Das bedeutet auch, dass Fragen des Wettbewerbsrechts hier miteinbezogen werden müssen. Wettbewerbsrecht nämlich auch in dem Sinne, dass nicht die große Liefermacht, etwa von Gazprom oder auch anderen Firmen ...

(Der Präsident entzieht dem Redner das Wort.)

  Teresa Riera Madurell (S&D). - Señor Presidente, quiero destacar la oportunidad de esta resolución y también valorar positivamente el esfuerzo hecho por todos los Grupos para lograr una resolución común.

Ciertamente, señorías, para evitar que se repita la situación de desamparo que sufrieron muchos de nuestros ciudadanos cuando Rusia decidió cortar el suministro de gas a través de Ucrania, es de vital importancia diversificar al máximo las fuentes de energía y diversificar el transporte de gas. En este sentido, es urgente construir nuevos gasoductos, que, como Nabucco y otros proyectos, ayuden a mejorar la seguridad del suministro en Europa Central. Sin embargo, para asegurar el suministro en todos los países de la Unión Europea, estos esfuerzos deben completarse con el suministro desde el sur del continente.

Dicho esto, quisiera subrayar ―como ha hecho el Comisario― otra dimensión del problema. La reciente crisis nos mostró que la Unión no sufrió una falta de existencias de gas, sino un problema de capacidad de transmisión, de ahí la importancia de centrar nuestro esfuerzo en mejorar las interconexiones dentro de la Unión. Y, creánme, señorías, hay un margen importante para mejorar la situación que tenemos.

Les voy a poner el ejemplo de mi país. Como saben, España puede convertirse en un importante eje de tránsito para Europa gracias a su conexión con Argelia a través del gasoducto Medgaz, ya en fase avanzada de construcción, y a sus seis plantas de gas natural licuado, cuya capacidad podría verse redoblada si se repitiera una situación de emergencia. Sin embargo, España no puede contribuir sin aumentar su capacidad de interconexión en los Pirineos.

Por último, hemos de ser conscientes de que la construcción de grandes infraestructuras es sólo una parte —importante, cierto, pero sólo una parte— de la política de la Unión Europea en materia de seguridad del suministro. La seguridad del abastecimiento pasa, sobre todo, por el ahorro energético y por el uso de energías renovables, y es en este contexto donde consideramos importante la cooperación con los países del norte de África en el desarrollo de energías renovables, porque está relacionado con mi apelación a reforzar el suministro desde el sur de Europa.

Por ello, señor Comisario, también el Plan Solar Mediterráneo, impulsado por la Unión para el Mediterráneo, es una idea atractiva que queremos apoyar desde este Parlamento.

  Graham Watson (ALDE). - Mr President, we have three great challenges in this area – security of energy supply, the inefficiency of our internal market in energy and the imperative of combating climate change. Desertec and Nabucco are central to meeting these challenges.

If we succeed in developing high-voltage solar thermal power in North Africa, we can give a sense of purpose to the Union for the Mediterranean, we can assist in water provisioning in the countries on the southern Mediterranean rim and we can develop electricity generation technology, for which there is a massive world market. If we can convince Member States of the political need for greater energy independence, and stop Berlin and Paris from undercutting it at every turn, Nabucco can help us diversify our supply of oil and gas.

The motion for a resolution before us today says little about what we need to do here in the European Union. We need to develop renewable energy production – solar thermal and other. We need to build high-voltage DC electricity distribution capacity through a smart grid – some EUR 50 billion of investment, but creating many jobs – and we need oil and gas storage facilities and, even more, a storage policy to reduce our dangerous dependence on Russia.

Our energy provision will continue to rely on oil and nuclear power but, as we prepare for the World Climate Change conference in Copenhagen, the only big idea is the switch to renewables. Wind could meet all the new electricity demand in China in the next 20 years and replace 23% of their coal generation. Deserts get more energy from the sun in six hours than humankind uses in a year. Commissioner, you said this is not part of our strategy for security of energy supply. Well, it should be, and it must be.

  Franziska Katharina Brantner (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, energy security is for us to a large extent a question of energy independence, as many have said, and, as Mr Piebalgs said correctly, the most effective strategy is that of efficiency, savings and renewables.

But we, as Greens, are also realistic and realise that, in the medium term, we will need gas supplies. Therefore, we are in favour of diversification and also see the Nabucco project as a European priority project.

But let me say why we do not believe that a nuclear strategy is a strategy of independence, certainly not of energy independence. After all, uranium is imported, and not only from countries we like. And, if we speak about security, we have to mention the security implications of nuclear energy, namely nuclear proliferation, and we see the problems that we have with that in other very high-profile security issues. We cannot neglect that, and we cannot say that nuclear energy is completely separate from the question of nuclear proliferation.

In addition, our group strongly believes that all projects have to address concerns about transparency and corruption and cannot stand in the way of a frank and strict human rights dialogue with the cooperation countries, as well as a holistic and political approach to these countries.

Elnököl: Pál SCHMITT
alelnök

  Konrad Szymański (ECR). - Od czasu podpisania porozumień dotyczących budowy Nabucco i South Stream rozpoczął się wielki wyścig. To czas właśnie zdecyduje czy Nabucco odegra swoją rolę dla polityki bezpieczeństwa Unii Europejskiej. Dlatego ze zdumieniem obserwuję politykę Komisji Europejskiej wobec Rosji w tej sprawie.

Komisja się głęboko myli uznając, że South Stream nie jest projektem konkurencyjnym wobec Nabucco. Komisja myli się, nie reagując na dalszą penetrację europejskiego rynku energetycznego przez Gazprom. Komisja myli się ponadto, udzielając pasywnej zgody na realizację projektów Gazpromu na Morzu Bałtyckim i Morzu Czarnym.

Nabucco powiedzie się tylko wtedy, gdy otrzyma trwałe gwarancje polityczne. Dlatego potrzebujemy aktywnej polityki w Azji Środkowej w regionie Morza Czarnego. Energetyczne powiązanie tych krajów z Europą umocni ich suwerenność, poprawi nasze bezpieczeństwo, a być może otworzy drogę do oczekiwanych przez nas reform.

Jeśli Afganistan jest testem dla NATO, to sprawdzianem kondycji i dojrzałości Unii Europejskiej jest bez wątpienia bezpieczeństwo energetyczne. Powodzenie tych planów zależy tylko i wyłącznie od naszej woli politycznej. Zmiany traktatowe są tutaj tematem zastępczym.

  Jacky Hénin (GUE/NGL). - Monsieur le Président, l'indépendance énergétique de notre territoire et la sécurité des installations et des consommateurs ne sauraient aller de pair avec le mépris des intérêts des peuples des pays producteurs de gaz et des nations de transit, au risque de conflits. La concurrence entre projets de gazoducs apparaît non seulement comme une source de gâchis, mais elle est aussi un facteur de tensions en Europe de l'Est, dans le Caucase et en Asie centrale. Soustraire le gaz et les autres sources d'énergie des ravages des marchés spéculatifs par des accords tarifaires respectant les pays producteurs et les pays de transit et sécurisant les consommateurs européens permettrait d'assurer toutes les sécurités.

Telle pourrait être la mission d'une agence européenne de l'énergie sous le contrôle du Parlement et du Conseil, dont la seule ligne de conduite serait celle de la coopération et de l'intérêt public. Pourquoi donc avons-nous, dans cette affaire, le sentiment que les intérêts mercantiles prévalent sur l'intérêt des peuples européens?

Par ailleurs, je mets solennellement la Commission en garde contre la tentation d'utiliser le projet Nabucco comme un cheval de Troie, pour faire entrer par effraction la Turquie dans l'Union. Le respect de la laïcité, des droits des femmes et des droits du peuple kurde, ainsi que la reconnaissance du génocide arménien doivent rester les critères décisifs d'une éventuelle adhésion de la Turquie.

  Νίκη Τζαβέλα (EFD). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, σας χαρακτηρίζει πραγματισμός και ρεαλισμός, αλλά θα έλεγα με όλο το σεβασμό, ότι το δεδομένο του αγωγού Nabucco, δεν το θεωρώ τελικά και τόσο δεδομένο. Εξετάζοντας τη δυναμικότητα αυτού του αγωγού, διαπιστώνουμε ότι, για να είναι βιώσιμος και αποτελεσματικός, απαιτούνται 31 δισεκατομμύρια κυβικά μέτρα αερίου ετησίως.

Μόλις επιστρέψατε από το Αζερμπαϊτζάν και αισθάνεστε ασφαλής ότι είναι χώρα προμηθευτής. Το Αζερμπαϊτζάν υπόσχεται σε όλους ότι θα δώσει αέριο. Το πού θα βρεθεί το αέριο που θα γεμίσει τον αγωγό είναι ένα ζήτημα που εξακολουθεί να βασανίζει τις χώρες που συμμετέχουν στο Nabucco. Μέχρι στιγμής, το Μπακού λέει "θα δώσω αέριο σε όλους σας", αλλά δεν είναι σε θέση να το εγγυηθεί, ούτε βέβαια την ασφαλή διέλευσή του. Όσο για το Ιράν που αναφέρατε, κύριε Επίτροπε, έχει ακόμα μακριά, περιπετειώδη και ίσως εκρηκτική σχέση με την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, έως ότου γίνει προμηθευτής μας αερίου.

Η διεθνής ενεργειακή επιχειρηματική αγορά λέει ότι πίσω από τους αζέριους είναι η Ρωσία και ότι θα βρεθούμε μπροστά σε αυτούς. Ερώτημα: πριν δεσμευτείτε οικονομικά, μπορείτε να διασφαλίσετε, παρακαλώ, τον προμηθευτή μας:

  Martin Ehrenhauser (NI). - Herr Präsident! Nabucco war Giuseppe Verdis erster großer Opernerfolg. Im Gleichklang mit dem neuen italienisch-russischen Remix South Stream läuft das gleichnamige Energieprojekt jedoch Gefahr, zu einem Ladenhüter zu verkommen. Wenn man dann noch bedenkt, dass ein vermeintlich Grüner wie Joschka Fischer einen Lobbyingvertrag über eine sechsstellige Summe unterzeichnet, dann klingt die Gesamtkomposition doch eher wie ein vermeidbarer Popsong für einen oligopolistischen Markt als wie eine Sinfonie aus Nachhaltigkeit und Sparsamkeit.

In den nächsten Jahren wird Strom aus Solarenergie nämlich deutlich billiger werden. Mit der gesamten Investitionssumme könnte man insgesamt 8 000 Megawatt Windenergie erzeugen. Wenn jetzt noch dazukommt, dass Erdgasfelder im Iran und im Irak für Europa erschlossen werden sollen, dann wird es uns vermutlich so ergehen wie Verdi selbst. Denn auch er ist nach seinem Nabucco-Projekt jahrelang nicht mehr zur Ruhe gekommen.

  Pilar del Castillo Vera (PPE). - Señor Presidente, señor Comisario, muchas gracias, porque ha sido muy claro en su explicación del momento actual en relación con Nabucco y las posibilidades y la viabilidad que tiene, a lo que parece ―por lo que nos ha dicho―, a corto plazo, y también por la información que ha dado acerca del proyecto Desertec.

No cabe duda de que el sol es una fuente de energía extraordinaria, y convertir esa energía en energía de uso para las personas es algo que ha tenido un gran desarrollo a lo largo de los últimos veinte años, pero que, sin duda, todavía tiene un proceso que recorrer hasta que tecnológicamente alcance, sobre todo en proyectos como el que estábamos comentando ―Desertec― todo su potencial y toda su viabilidad. Bienvenido sea, hay que apoyarlo e irá avanzando en la medida en que se resuelvan los problemas tecnológicos también.

Pero llama poderosamente la atención que —cuando se habla de eficiencia energética, en este caso, sobre todo, de seguridad en el suministro, por tanto, de diversificación de las fuentes de energía— se ignore hasta tal punto una fuente de energía como la nuclear. Se discrimina de una manera sistemática esta fuente de energía, porque no se corresponde ni con lo que pasa en muchos países de la Unión Europea, ni con la tendencia mundial, ni con las necesidades energéticas que tiene en este momento la humanidad.

Por tanto, hay que convertir esto exactamente en lo contrario, en una actitud de integración de las distintas fuentes energéticas, donde todas ellas cumplan su papel, y que no vivamos en este Parlamento tan manifiestamente de espaldas a esta realidad.

  Кристиан Вигенин (S-D). - Г-н Комисар, колеги, не е случайно, че темата за енергетиката и за енергийната сигурност занимава нашия парламент доста често, особено след ситуацията от началото на тази година, когато няколко страни в Европейския съюз на практика останаха без никакви доставки на газ. Може би това беше и една точка на пречупване в отношението на Европейската комисия и на страните-членки като цяло към този важен въпрос.

Днес ние дискутираме не толкова техническите въпроси и детайлите, свързани с развитието на енергетиката в рамките на Европейския съюз, а повече външните аспекти на тази енергийна сигурност и на развитието на Европейския съюз в тази сфера, защото в края на краищата този въпрос има две страни. И той е важен, защото засяга всеки един гражданин в края на краищата.

Ние трябва да си дадем ясна сметка, дискутирайки и „Набуко”, който безспорно е едни от най-важните приоритетни проекти в тази сфера, както и „Дезертек”, но трябва да си даваме ясно сметка, че има страни в Европейския съюз, които са зависими не само от един единствен доставчик, но са зависими от едно единствено трасе.

В този смисъл аз не мога да приема противопоставянето на „Набуко” на проекти като „Южен поток”, а и в някакъв смисъл и „Северен поток”, които са проекти, които целят да докарат газ от Русия директно в страна-членка на Европейския съюз, така че Европейският съюз да не бъде зависим от транзит през страни, които са нестабилни и политически, и икономически.

В този смисъл Европейската комисия е права, заявявайки, че няма противопоставяне и че ние трябва да се опитаме да интегрираме всички тези проекти в една обща стратегия, където подчертавам, разбира се, „Набуко” има своя важен приоритет.

Ние очакваме Комисията да излезе със свое предложение, свързано с повишаването на резервите от газ в рамките на Европейския съюз, което е много важно, както и развитието на една система от връзки между страните-членки с по-висок капацитет, което е много важен елемент от гарантирането на сигурността, както на гражданите, така и на бизнеса в рамките на Европейския съюз.

И разбира се, не бива да подценяваме въпроса за енергийната ефективност, който също е важен елемент от нашата политика по гарантиране на енергийната сигурност на Европейския съюз.

  Fiona Hall (ALDE). - Mr President, I want to thank the Commissioner for reminding this House that there is also a demand side to energy security. The decision to take incandescent light bulbs off the European market will save the equivalent of the annual electricity generation of Finland.

This autumn we are seeking agreement with the Council on a package of energy efficient measures. Forty per cent of the energy we use is consumed in buildings, so it matters a great deal for the future of energy security that we set high standards of efficiency for both new and existing buildings. I hope that Member States in the Council will support the Parliament’s proposals, which are designed to put a stop to the utter waste of energy which is currently used in heating, cooling and lighting. If nothing else, Ministers should support those proposals out of self-interest because it will considerably ease their job and their responsibility of keeping the lights on and the gas flowing.

  Indrek Tarand (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, we have three main concerns with Nabucco. The project is being developed too slowly and in a lacklustre way, and we do not like the Commission’s position, reiterated by Mr Landaburu a week ago, which stated that the Commission is neutral between South Stream and Nabucco. The Commission should be in favour of Nabucco.

Secondly, we wish the Commission to become more active vis-à-vis those Member State governments that time and again seek to gain a competitive edge and advantages at the expense of other Member States. I will not mention those countries today other than to say that one has a capital called Rome.

If we do not move quickly with Nabucco we will witness unpleasant events similar to those in Hungary where the Surgutneftegas company obtained a critical amount of shares in the Hungarian company MOL. A similar situation also prevails in Baumgarten, Austria.

Otherwise, Mr Commissioner, we wish you good luck in creating the common energy policy still missing in the EU.

  Sajjad Karim (ECR). - Mr President, Europe’s future depends on securing energy. As both the Nabucco Agreement and the Desertec initiative show, Turkey is an essential gateway, and in this regard I echo Mr Van Orden’s point. It is critical at this time to be building greater trust and deeper ties with countries who will be our energy partners, including Middle Eastern and North African states. In relation to many of these there is a connected development issue. With Desertec the mass generation of electricity from solar power is a unique opportunity for revenue generation, which must be used for the benefit of their people also. This opportunity must not be squandered.

Unfortunately, some Member States – including my own – have not used the recent past to prepare a coherent energy strategy. My own constituency, the North West of England, has been identified as a prime area for wind power generation, and yet the UK’s planning laws are an obstruction. Whilst we must look outward for future energy supplies, Member States must also make the best use of the resources and potential they already have.

  Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL). - Senhor Presidente, tenho estado a ouvir-vos com atenção e gostaria apenas de levantar três questões: a primeira é de que é que falamos, afinal, quando falamos de segurança energética e quando falamos de energia? Estamos a falar das pessoas, das pessoas a quem temos de garantir o acesso igual à energia e garantir a segurança para que não fiquem sem energia durante o Inverno, estamos a falar das relações de força entre grandes potências, afinal, ou, pior do que isso, estamos a usar a segurança energética e estes projectos, como o Nabucco ou o Desertec, enquanto pretextos para enviar recados a outras regiões do mundo ou a outros países? Se é para enviar recados, com que autoridade moral é que o fazemos?

O segundo ponto que quero deixar é que, sempre que falamos contra movimentações não transparentes de entidades estrangeiras dentro do mercado europeu, pedimos uma acção imediata à Comissão. Gostaria de saber em que medida é que fica esse nosso pedido em relação às movimentações não transparentes dentro do mercado europeu pelos próprios europeus e, para terminar, Senhor Presidente, uma terceira nota, só acho que nós perdemos todos uma grande oportunidade de ter uma política a médio e a longo prazo, ficámos pelo curto prazo e ficámos, mais uma vez, com o reforço dos interesses do mercado interno e das grandes indústrias.

  Herbert Reul (PPE). - Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Dass Versorgungssicherheit jetzt als ein zentrales Problem der Energiepolitik erkannt wird, war auch höchste Zeit. Leider ist es nicht so einfach, wie es manchmal auch in politischen Diskussionen dargestellt wird. Wir reden heute über zwei Projekte: Nabucco, ein ganz konkretes Projekt, an dem gearbeitet werden kann, und Desertec, ein interessantes Projekt oder eine interessante Idee, eine Vision, wobei wir alle noch nicht genau beurteilen können, ob und wo und wie das realisiert werden kann.

Wir müssen uns um konkrete Dinge kümmern und daran arbeiten. Wir müssen auch visionäre Projekte vorantreiben, aber wir müssen uns davor hüten, zu glauben, dass es nur eine Lösung für ein Problem bzw. ein Konzept zur Lösung der Probleme gibt. Und deshalb ist der Hinweis von vielen Kollegen, der hier vorgetragen wurde, vollkommen richtig: Es wird nicht nur eine, sondern viele Antworten geben.

Dazu gehört zum Beispiel, dass wir vermeiden müssen, aufgrund einer sehr intensiven Debatte über die CO2-Problematik immer mehr in eine Gasabhängigkeit zu geraten, die uns dann erst wieder in Schwierigkeiten bringt, weil wir neue Leitungen brauchen. Wir müssen auch ja zur Kohlepolitik sagen; daher brauchen wir neue Kraftwerkstechnologien. Wir müssen ja zur CCS sagen, wir müssen ja zur Kernenergie sagen, ja zur erneuerbaren Energie, ja zur Einsparung. Nicht entweder – oder, sondern sowohl – als auch! Alles andere finde ich außerordentlich unmoralisch, unverantwortlich, und ich glaube, wir tun uns damit keinen Gefallen.

Übrigens betrifft das auch die Frage der Lieferquellen und Transportwege. Auch da gibt es nicht nur eine Antwort. Wer glaubt, er könne nur auf eine Pipeline-Debatte setzen, irrt natürlich auch. Denn wenn man weniger Abhängigkeiten will, dann muss man sich unterschiedliche Möglichkeiten bis hin zu LNG offenhalten und sich darum kümmern. Dann bleibt auch die Frage offen – und das ist eine ganz wichtige Frage –, wie wir uns darum kümmern, dass das nötige Kapital zur Verfügung gestellt wird, um die notwendigen Projekte zu realisieren. Was nützen tolle Pläne, wenn keiner da ist, der das Geld in die Hand nimmt und investiert?

Deshalb ist auch die Art und Weise, wie wir Energiepolitik betreiben, wie wir mit denjenigen umgehen, von denen wir Investitionen erwarten, nicht ganz unwichtig. Unternehmen müssen ermutigt werden! Wir müssen uns davor hüten, zu glauben, wir könnten alles erzwingen und bis ins letzte Detail vorherbestimmen. Manche Lösung im letzten Winter hat auch funktioniert, ohne dass politische Beschlüsse da waren, weil kluge Menschen an unterschiedlichen Stellen klug zusammengearbeitet haben und weil die Kommission hilfreich vermittelt hat.

  Marita Ulvskog (S&D). - Herr talman! Det är naturligtvis oacceptabelt att människor i Europa kan bli av med sin energiförsörjning mitt i vintern, eller att människor tvingas ut i arbetslöshet för att de industrier där de arbetar inte klarar av att betala de höga energipriserna och därför tvingas säga upp folk eller helt enkelt måste lägga ner sin verksamhet. Därför är det av stor vikt att vi fattar kloka beslut för att trygga energiförsörjningen.

Samtidigt måste kraven på de stora infrastrukturprojekt som krävs vara entydiga när det gäller både miljökonsekvenser och länders oberoende. Medlemsländer får inte försättas i ett läge där de riskerar att utsättas för godtycke från en annan stat. Miljökonsekvensanalyserna måste göras av tillförlitliga och oberoende instanser innan stora projekt tillåts rulla igång.

Detta gäller naturligtvis alla utpekade stora projekt, men jag vill särskilt nämna Östersjön som är ett stort och känsligt innanhav. Det krävs analyser och beslut som garanterar att Östersjön inte förvandlas till ett dött hav på grund av att vi i Europaparlamentet inte varit tillräckligt långsiktiga och krävande när vi har fattat våra beslut. Det är vi skyldiga våra barn och barnbarn.

  Adina-Ioana Vălean (ALDE). - Mr President, everyone wants energy security, so why do we not have it? Maybe it is because there are 27 interpretations of what energy security means.

Personally, I interpret it as meaning, among other things, diversifying the sources and moving away from our gas dependency on Russia. We do not have to look too far for evidence of this, just at some of our Member States which, being too far from Russia to have a pipeline, do not have all the problems attendant on dependency.

I think we should focus on LNG, developing technologies, building LNG terminals and bringing gas from all over the world. We should also contribute to establishing a global market for LNG such as there is for oil and commodities.

Concerning the Nabucco pipeline, I think the project should be quickly redesigned to take into consideration gas from various sources, and reconsider a shorter route which might lead from Georgia, Ukraine, under the Black Sea to Romania. We just have to look at the map.

The fact that Member States have different interpretations of, or interests in, energy security is also proven by the fact that some countries involved in Nabucco have also signed up for South Stream, thereby lowering Nabucco’s credibility and the chances for a common European energy policy. South Stream definitely means increasing dependency on Russian gas.

  Paweł Robert Kowal (ECR). - Zastanawiam się, słuchając Państwa, czy obywatele państw Unii są skazani tylko na nasze słowa. Mogliśmy to sprawdzić w styczniu tego roku podczas kryzysu energetycznego. My przecież uchwalamy rezolucje, bo czujemy wszyscy, że Unia nie daje sobie rady z odpowiedzią na kwestie bezpieczeństwa energetycznego. I widzimy, Panie Komisarzu, że spada zainteresowanie Nabucco, ale nie wszystkimi projektami energetycznymi wśród państw Unii. Na północy jest Nordstream i to jest bardzo poważny krok przeciw wspólnej polityce zagranicznej. Na południu Southstream. Tu też państwa Unii chętnie się angażują, a kiedy chodzi o Nabucco słyszmy zaklęcia i ani wystarczających pieniędzy, ani politycznego poparcia.

Dyskutujemy w Strasburgu, a nad Bałtykiem betoniarki pracują na rzecz Nordstream. Chciałbym wiedzieć, czy mogę trzymać entuzjastów traktatu lizbońskiego za słowo, że kiedy zostanie on przyjęty, nie będą więcej popierali ani Nordstream, ani Southstream. Nabucco może być bardzo dobrym krokiem na rzecz bezpieczeństwa energetycznego. Jeśli nadal poprzestaniemy na słowach, to przy kolejnych kryzysach energetycznych będziemy mogli wysłać obywatelom państw Unii broszurki z naszymi rezolucjami, a wtedy oni je spalą.

  Gabriele Albertini (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, concordo con il Commissario Piebalgs. Le sue recenti dichiarazione confermano che Southstream non è il concorrente di Nabucco ma un ulteriore contributo alla diversificazione delle fonti di approvvigionamento energetico dell'Europa. La sicurezza energetica europea si basa su una varietà di fonti, di rotte e di paesi di approvvigionamento.

La domanda futura è valutata a crescita 0 da 100 a 150 miliardi di m3 di gas addizionali da oggi al 2020. Da queste premesse lo sviluppo di varie opzioni è una necessità e Southstream non è alternativo a Nabucco ma integrativo. La Commissione considera il corridoio Sud come un insieme di progetti tra cui rientrano Nabucco, Southstream e l'interconnessione Turchia, Grecia, Italia (ITG). La polemica antirussa è dunque in contraddizione con quello che vedremo nei prossimi anni.

È importante che dal Parlamento europeo arrivi un richiamo al pragmatismo e soprattutto alla coerenza di scelte che l'Unione europea ha già sostanzialmente fatto: con il piano europeo per la ripresa economica, con la decisione 1364 del 2006 del Parlamento e del Consiglio che stabilisce orientamenti per le reti transeuropee nel settore dell'energia e con la seconda strategia di sicurezza energetica.

La diversificazione delle fonti, delle rotte e dei paesi di approvvigionamento è il vero pilastro della politica di sicurezza energetica dell'Europa e la sfida Southstream - Nabucco, al di là degli interessi politici ed economici dei vari paesi più direttamente coinvolti, va analizzata realisticamente, senza le lenti deformanti dell'ideologia ma piuttosto con la lucida visione di ciò che è necessario fare.

  Άννυ Ποδηματά (S-D). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, για να αντιμετωπίσουμε με τρόπο αξιόπιστο και βιώσιμο το πρόβλημα της ενεργειακής μας ασφάλειας, χρειαζόμαστε μία συνολική στρατηγική, που θα απαντά στην ανάγκη διαφοροποίησης των ενεργειακών πηγών, αλλά και θα θεσπίζει κοινούς κανόνες σε ότι αφορά τις χώρες διέλευσης. Γιατί όσο επιζήμια είναι η εξάρτηση μας από μία και μόνο ενεργειακή πηγή, άλλο τόσο επιζήμια είναι και η εξάρτησή μας από μία και μόνο χώρα διέλευσης.

Χρειάζεται λοιπόν μία ισορροπία και αυτό δεν μπορεί να γίνει, ούτε με την υιοθέτηση ψυχροπολεμικών τόνων απέναντι στη Ρωσία, από την οποία έτσι και αλλιώς έχουμε και θα έχουμε ενεργειακή εξάρτηση, αλλά ούτε και με την υποστήριξη ενός και μόνο εναλλακτικού αγωγού, του Nabucco, τη στιγμή που εξακολουθεί να υπάρχει ασάφεια ως προς τις δυνατότητες προμήθειας και ως προς τις πολιτικοοικονομικές συνθήκες των χωρών της Κασπίας και του Καυκάσου.

Για να έρθω στο Desertec. Συμφωνώ με πολλές από τις ενστάσεις που διατυπώθηκαν και θέλω να προσθέσω το εξής: στρατηγικός στόχος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης πρέπει να είναι η σταδιακή απεξάρτηση μας από τις εισαγωγές ενέργειας και όχι η υποκατάσταση των εισαγωγών φυσικού αερίου από τις εισαγωγές ηλεκτρικής ενέργειας από ΑΠΕ.

Εάν θέλουμε, πραγματικά, να καταστούμε μακροπρόθεσμα ενεργειακά αυτάρκεις και ανεξάρτητοι, θα πρέπει να προωθήσουμε την ενεργειακή αποδοτικότητα και να αξιοποιήσουμε, όσο το δυνατόν καλύτερα και περισσότερο, τις μοναδικές εγχώριες πηγές ενέργειας που είναι οι ανανεώσιμες.

  Toine Manders (ALDE). - Voorzitter, collega's, commissaris, ik wil u prijzen voor uw geïntegreerde aanpak van dit voorstel. De diversificatie is geweldig belangrijk en ik steun daarin ook de woorden van mijn collega Hans van Baalen, die zegt 'we moeten alle soorten energie bekijken, dus ook kernenergie'. Maar - zoals ik op de basisschool heb geleerd - de zon is de bron van alle kracht en ik denk dat we daar in de toekomst op moeten focussen.

Als het gaat over diversificatie, dan hebben we het niet alleen over de energiesoorten, maar ook over de leveranciers. Veel collega's hebben gesproken over Rusland. Rusland heeft nog altijd geleverd als wij vroegen, maar in de toekomst zal het belangrijk zijn om meerdere leveranciers te hebben. Vervolgens, hoe kunnen we dan die energiezekerheid garanderen? Die kunnen we alleen garanderen als we ze ook kunnen bereiken via de netwerken en ik denk dat uw belangrijkste taak - u heeft nu een aantal hobbels genomen, Nabucco, Desertec - de komende jaren zal worden om een geïntegreerd netwerk te realiseren waarin de landen, alle Europese lidstaten, de neus in dezelfde richting hebben en ook geïntegreerd het energiebeleid willen gaan uitvoeren. U kunt daarbij institutionele beleggers, private investeerders vragen om het geld te krijgen, maar ik denk dat het nodig is dat u vanaf morgen gaat werken aan een geïntegreerd netwerk, een soort supergrit, een ringleiding door Europa waardoor iedere eindgebruiker kan worden bereikt.

  Jean-Pierre Audy (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, l'énergie n'est pas une compétence de l'Union européenne. Bravo, Monsieur le Commissaire Piebalgs, pour tout ce que vous faites.

L'énergie et l'accès, ce sera la guerre, parfois militaire, parfois politique, parfois économique. S'agissant du gaz, nous aurons la guerre du gaz. Nous ne saurons d'ailleurs pas si le gaz sera la cause de la guerre ou si sera une conséquence, mais nous aurons la guerre du gaz.

Nous connaissons les chiffres: dans les pays du Caucase, deux siècles de réserves; en Russie, un siècle; en Afrique du Nord, un demi-siècle; dans la Baltique, un demi-siècle; en Europe, une vingtaine d'années. Nous devons donc préparer nos importations.

Oui, Nabucco est un bon projet, et nous devons le soutenir, mais, Monsieur le Commissaire, nous devons soutenir financièrement et politiquement toutes les diversifications de sources d'approvisionnement en énergie, qu'il s'agisse de Nord Stream ou de South Stream, du Nord ou du Sud.

Nous devons également nous appuyer sur nos industriels, qui sont compétents, loyaux, et qui ont une éthique, mais ne soyons pas naïfs. Monsieur le Commissaire, je vous prie d'étudier sans délai les propositions de certains États membres qui souhaitent que nous ayons un instrument européen opérationnel pour agir sur le marché du gaz, c'est-à-dire créer une centrale d'achat européenne de gaz, comme d'ailleurs vous le faites pour le Caucase avec la Caspian Development Corporation.

Concernant Desertec, bravo. Nous connaissons les chiffres: 1 km2 de désert reçoit l'équivalent de 1,5 million de barils de pétrole. C'est un excellent projet pour l'Euroméditerranée. Nous savons que 0,3 % des déserts de la planète pourraient alimenter tout le monde en énergie.

Nous savons que nous réglerons nos problèmes de l'énergie par le génie humain et la science, mais avec l'éthique et la conscience.

Vous faites un très bon travail, Monsieur le Commissaire, car nous avons là l'Europe des résultats, une Europe qui protège, une Europe qui agit. Bravo, et continuez, vous aurez le soutien du Parlement européen.

  Justas Vincas Paleckis (S-D). - „Nabucco“ dujotiekis leistų pasijusti Europai tvirčiau ir saugiau. Tačiau Kaspijos regione ne visos valstybės žengia demokratijos keliu ir kelia pasitikėjimą. Daug kas priklausys nuo santykių su Turkija. Jeigu dabar ir nėra galimybių atverti duris tos šalies narystei ES, tai būtina neatstumti jos ir nesukelti ten antieuropietiškų nuotaikų. DESERTEC projektas itin reikšmingas tuo, kad jis nukreiptas į ateitį. Kalbėdami apie energetinį saugumą per mažai dėmesio skiriame atsinaujinantiems energijos šaltiniams ir ypač energijos taupymui. Malonu, kad komisaras šiandien pabrėžė būtent tai. Sąjungos mastu reikėtų sukurti finansinius ir ekonominius mechanizmus, kurie skatintų ES valstybes ir atskiras kompanijas taupyti energiją, pereiti prie naujausių, švariausių technologijų ir tai būtų labai svarus indėlis į energetinį saugumą ir į kovą su klimato kaita.

  Arturs Krišjānis Kariņš (PPE). - Godājamais priekšsēdētāj, godājamais komisār! Kā latviešu politiķis labi zinu, ko nozīmē valstij būt enerģētiski atkarīgai. Kaut gan Latvija saražo apmēram trešo daļu no visiem enerģijas apjomiem ar pašmāju atjaunojamajiem resursiem, pārējās divas trešdaļas mūsu enerģētiskās bilances nāk pārsvarā no vienas piegādātājvalsts — Krievijas. Kā maza valsts ar lielu enerģijas piegāžu atkarību labi saprotam, cik dārgi šī atkarība var maksāt gan gala patērētājam cenas ziņā, gan valstij kopumā, politiskās ietekmējamības ziņā. Katras Eiropas Savienības dalībvalsts enerģētikas bilances situācija ir atšķirīga, taču mums visiem rūp viens un tas pats jautājums — enerģijas piegāžu drošība. Piegāžu drošība ir sasniedzama caur enerģijas piegāžu avotu dažādošanu, jo vairāk mums ir piegādātāju, jo mazāk atkarīgi esam no jebkura individuāla piegādātāja. Krievija ir nozīmīgs partneris Eiropas Savienībai gāzes piegādes sfērā. Eiropā mēs kopēji importējam apmēram ceturto daļu visas patērētās gāzes no Krievijas. Dažas valstis, kā Latvija, ir pat simtprocentīgi atkarīgas no Krievijas gāzes piegādēm, un ar katru gadu Eiropas kopējai atkarībai no šīs valsts piegādēm ir tendence pieaugt. Viens no alternatīviem piegādes avotiem ir plānotais Nabucco gāzes vads, kas piegādātu Eiropai gāzi no Vidusāzijas valstīm, pievedot to caur Turciju. Uzskatu, ka ir ļoti svarīgi, ka Eiropas Parlaments īpaši atbalsta šo projektu, jo tas tiešā veidā pastiprinās mūsu kopējo gāzes piegādes drošību, taču Nabucco gāzes vads ir tikai sākums mūsu kopējās gāzes piegādes drošības risināšanai. Mums ir jāpanāk vienota Eiropas enerģētikas politika, kas koordinētu mūsu darbību visos enerģētikas jautājumos. Paldies par uzmanību!

  Edit Herczog (S-D). - Elnök úr! Először is hadd köszönjem meg, hogy magyarul szólhatok ebben a Házban, és úgy köszönthetem az alelnök urat. Azzal szeretném kezdeni, hogy ha majd visszatekintünk az előző öt évre, valószínűleg Pielbags biztos úr az egyik legsikeresebb biztos lesz, a kiegyensúlyozott és előremutató politikákért, amiket a Parlamenttel eddig közösen elfogadtunk.

Pielbags biztos úr januárban, Magyarországon, Budapesten rendezett Nabucco-konferencián mondta ki először, hogy az Európai Unió politikai és pénzügyi támogatást kíván nyújtani a Nabucco-projektnek. A 3300 km-es vezeték mintegy 8 milliárd euróra becsült költségét kell előteremtenünk. Az előttünk álló legfontosabb két feladat, hogy mintegy 2 milliárd eurót az Európai Unió költségvetésében találjunk, másfelől kidolgozzuk azokat a feltételeket, amelyekkel ez a projekt könnyebben, egyszerűbben, jobb feltételekkel juthat hitelhez.

Az eredeti ígéret mintegy 30 millió euróról szólt. Látnunk kell, hogy tovább kell lépni. Én biztos vagyok abban, hogy a biztos úr az elkövetkezendő néhány hónapban, ami még előtte áll, mindent megtesz, illetve a következő biztosra hagyja azt a feladatot, hogy ez a projekt sikerüljön. Mindannyiunknak tudni kell, gazdasági válság esetén nem a háztartásokat sújtja először az áramkimaradás, energiakimaradás, hanem a vállalatokat. Ezeknél a vállalatoknál, tisztelt képviselőtársaim, a mi választóink, a mi állampolgáraink dolgoznak, az ő munkabérüket kockáztatjuk az energiabiztonság kockáztatásával.

  Mario Mauro (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sicuramente la sicurezza energetica è una priorità fondamentale, che occorre migliorare rafforzando prima di tutto l'efficienza energetica, diversificando i fornitori, le fonti, le rotte di approvvigionamento, ma soprattutto promuovendo gli interessi energetici dell'Unione nei confronti dei paesi terzi.

Ora il Consiglio europeo di marzo ha dichiarato che per conseguire gli obiettivi della sicurezza energetica l'Unione europea collettivamente, ma anche ciascuno degli Stati membri, devono essere preparati ad abbinare solidarietà e responsabilità. Questo è, a mio modo di vedere, il punto fondamentale: la politica energetica europea deve essere legata indissolubilmente alla politica estera dell'Unione, perché se continuiamo a ripetere che la nostra azione in politica estera sarà davvero efficace quando si parlerà con una voce sola, questo è altrettanto vero per quanto concerne la politica energetica.

Ma proprio qui sta il punto; fino a quel momento, cioè fino a quando non saremo in grado di parlare con una voce sola, gli sforzi di molto governi che si sono implicati in operazioni complesse come Nordstream e Southstream, vanno visti non in contraddizione con il sostegno al Nabucco ma come parte di una medesima strategia nella quale pragmatismo e realismo devono essere affiancati per poter sostenere gli interessi dei nostri cittadini.

Per questo, sì convinto da parte nostra al Nabucco, ma in altrettanta forte maniera la decisione di sostenere gli sforzi che i nostri governi fanno perché la diversificazione degli approvvigionamenti sia garanzia del benessere delle nostre popolazioni.

  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău, (S-D). - În 2008, deficitul comercial al Uniunii Europene a înregistrat un nivel record de 242 de miliarde de euro, datorită, în principal, creşterii preţului la energia importată. Proiectul Nabucco va trece prin Turcia, Bulgaria, România, Ungaria şi Austria şi va furniza anual Uniunii 30 de miliarde de m3 de gaz natural din Marea Caspică. Cele 200 de milioane de euro alocate în prim-planul european de redresare economică sunt insuficiente. Solicităm ca Uniunea să suplimenteze în mod semnificativ fondurile alocate. Desertec va utiliza energia solară din nordul Africii şi va include şi realizarea unui plan mediteranean pentru captarea energiei solare şi construirea unei reţele de transmitere a energiei electrice ce va lega Uniunea Europeană de Orientul Mijlociu şi de nordul Africii. Uniunea trebuie să investească mai mult în diversificarea surselor de aprovizionare cu energie. Ca raportor pentru performanţa energetică a clădirilor solicit Uniunii să furnizeze instrumente financiare inovative care să stimuleze investiţiile în utilizarea energiilor regenerabile şi în creşterea eficienţei energetice, în special pentru clădiri şi în domeniul transporturilor.

  Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE). - Nabucco va asigura o parte importantă din cererea de gaz a Uniunii Europene. Ceea ce este şi mai important, însă, este aspectul politic: se va elimina dependenţa de o sursă unică. Crizele repetate au demonstrat că situaţia actuală, cu Rusia ca singură sursă şi Ucraina, ca singură ţară de tranzit, nu asigură securitatea economiei şi a cetăţenilor Europei. Dezvoltarea unor noi rute de aprovizionare cu energie trebuie să aibă aceeaşi importanţă ca şi dezvoltarea relaţiilor cu Rusia. Întârzierea demarării proiectului Nabucco s-a datorat, din păcate, intereselor individuale ale unor state membre. Statele membre trebuie să înţeleagă că de avantajele acestui proiect nu vor beneficia doar ţările pe care le traversează, sau societăţile comerciale participante, ci toţi cetăţenii europeni cărora guvernele naţionale trebuie să le asigure bunăstarea şi securitatea.

Erorile care au contribuit la întârzierea acestui proiect nu trebuie repetate în ceea ce priveşte asigurarea surselor pentru gaz. Există în zonă ţări precum Azerbaidjan, Turkmenistan, Kazahstan, Irak, Iran, care doresc să participe cu rezervele lor la alimentarea gazoductului. Comisia trebuie să repete ceea ce a făcut pentru acordul interguvernamental, respectiv să participe la următoarele negocieri şi să ajungă cât mai rapid la un rezultat pozitiv. Dacă nu o facem noi, alţii o vor face şi foarte sigur, nu în interesul cetăţenilor europeni.

  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). - Señor Presidente, dada la dependencia exterior de la UE en materia energética, asegurar el suministro es un asunto que debe estar siempre presente en la acción exterior de la Unión. Además, todos los estudios de prospectiva coinciden en que la demanda de energía en el mundo crecerá mucho en los próximos 25 años.

Los europeos tenemos que recortar nuestra elevada dependencia del gas ruso, especialmente después de las crisis de los últimos años. Además, hay una clara estrategia de Rusia para asegurar su dominio en Europa en el sector del gas. Ahí están proyectos como North Stream, Blue Stream II y también South Stream.

Es necesario, pues, diversificar en proveedores y en rutas. De ahí el interés de Nabucco, que dará acceso al gas de Azerbaiyán y de Iraq y también de Turkmenistán, reforzando así nuestras relaciones energéticas con Asia central, una región cada vez más importante.

Celebro pues el acuerdo del pasado julio, que nos relataba el señor Comisario, y también el apoyo explícito a Nabucco que ha hecho el Presidente Barroso en las orientaciones políticas que ha presentado recientemente.

Sé que hay dudas sobre la viabilidad de Nabucco, pero también las hubo sobre el oleoducto Bakú-Tiflis-Ceyhan, que es hoy una realidad.

Quiero subrayar que los países de la ribera sur del Mediterráneo tienen también un destacado papel en el abastecimiento de gas a Europa. Ahí está en primerísimo lugar Argelia, importante suministrador de gas a mi país y a Italia. Hemos de conseguir que pronto culminen los trabajos de Medgaz, y también quiero destacar en materia de gas países como Egipto o Libia.

En suma, en la asociación euromediterránea las cuestiones energéticas deben ocupar un lugar prioritario en beneficio de ambas partes.

Señorías, el Tratado de Lisboa incluye la energía como competencia compartida y establece que la política energética de la Unión tendrá por objetivo, entre otros, garantizar la seguridad del abastecimiento energético. Es un buen estímulo para avanzar en la creación de una política exterior común en materia de energía, cada vez más necesaria, en la que insiste la resolución que hoy aprobaremos.

Y termino, se trata de un objetivo difícil, como lo muestra nuestra carencia todavía en Europa, en la Unión, de un auténtico mercado interior energético, porque ni siquiera tenemos las interconexiones necesarias. Por eso celebro mucho los compromisos en esta materia que contiene el documento mencionado del Presidente Barroso.

  Rachida Dati (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, comme viennent de le dire mes collègues, la récente crise du gaz survenue entre la Russie et l'Ukraine révèle l'urgence d'accroître la sécurité et l'indépendance énergétique de l'Union européenne.

L'Union européenne est encore trop dépendante, notamment de ses importations de gaz, puisque d'ici 2020, elle devra probablement importer à peu près 80 % de son gaz. Cette situation ne peut perdurer, sauf à mettre durablement en péril la sécurité énergétique de l'Union européenne. Les projets d'infrastructure en cours, que vous venez d'évoquer, vont évidemment dans le bon sens.

La crise récente du gaz entre la Russie et l'Ukraine, c'était encore il y a quelques mois. Monsieur le Commissaire, qu'en sera-t-il l'hiver prochain? Parce que ceux qui ont vécu les pénuries, ceux qui les redoutent doivent absolument savoir comment l'Europe les protégera de ces éventuelles nouvelles crises.

  Michael Gahler (PPE). - Herr Präsident, liebe Kollegen! Die vorliegende Entschließung macht erneut die Notwendigkeit deutlich, eine konsistente europäische Außenpolitik auch unter dem Blickwinkel der Energieversorgungssicherheit zu entwickeln.

Zu Nabucco und Desertec ist heute schon viel gesagt worden. Zum Stichwort Diversifikation der Bezugsquellen möchte ich Ihre Aufmerksamkeit auch auf eine benachbarte Region lenken, die sich bisher durch Stabilität und Verlässlichkeit bei der Versorgung Europas auszeichnet, die darüber hinaus ein großes Erschließungspotenzial hat, und die auch durch den Klimawandel zugänglicher wird: die arktische Region. Hier gibt es einerseits bereits eine Tradition pragmatischer Zusammenarbeit, auch beispielsweise mit Russland, andererseits ist die EU als solche bisher nicht präsent, im Gegensatz zu Russland, den USA, Kanada und sogar China.

Um auch in dieser Region unsere langfristigen europäischen Interessen zu sichern, plädiere ich daher dafür, gemeinsam mit Partnern wie Norwegen und Island eine pragmatische, langfristig angelegte Strategie zu entwickeln, die die Zusammenarbeit mit Russland, den USA und Kanada zum Ziel hat, die einen Interessenausgleich dort bewirkt, und die nicht nur Fragen der gemeinsamen Versorgungssicherheit umfasst, sondern auch Umweltfragen und den Zugang zu den neuen eisfreien Transportwegen. Damit vermeiden wir auch ein Konfliktpotenzial, das sich beim Run auf die noch verfügbaren Energiequellen sonst dort ergeben könnte.

  Bastiaan Belder (EFD). - Mijnheer de Voorzitter, Turkije speelt een belangrijke rol in het verminderen van de Europese afhankelijkheid van Rusland. De vraag is nu welke prijs Europa bereid is dit land te betalen. Ondertussen speelt Turkije een dubbelspel en wil zowel van het Nabucco-project als van South Stream profiteren. Het is niet in het belang van Europa. Ik roep Raad en Commissie op ondubbelzinnig te kiezen voor het Nabucco-project. Dit project dient directe vermindering van onze afhankelijkheid van Rusland, en gezien de langzame daling van de vraag naar gas in Europa is de realisatie van twee zuidelijke aanvoerroutes overigens totaal onnodig. Turkije moet kleur bekennen en zich voor de volle 100% engageren met het Nabucco-project. De onderhandelingen met Turkije hierover dienen echter strikt gescheiden te blijven van de toetredingsonderhandelingen met dit land. Het mag niet zo zijn dat Turkije als ruil voor een coöperatieve inzet een entreebewijs voor de Unie krijgt.

  Lena Barbara Kolarska-Bobińska (PPE). - Unia Europejska potrzebuje dostawców, którzy w swoich działaniach biznesowych zachowują pełną przejrzystość i którzy wywiązują się ze zobowiązań. Karta Energetyczna oraz Protokół przejściowy do tej Karty są próbą ustalenia systemu opartego na jasnych zasadach. Niedawne zasygnalizowanie chęci wycofania się Rosji z udziału w traktacie Karty Energetycznej powinno być przestrogą. Przestrogą dla firm realizujących inwestycje w Rosji i również przestrogą dla Komisji. Powinno być także zachętą dla Komisji do podjęcia jak najszybszych działań na rzecz europejskiego systemu bezpieczeństwa energetycznego.

Możemy mieć tylko nadzieję, że Rosja będzie respektowała Kartę i że nie podejmie ostatecznych działań. Wewnętrzny rynek gazowy Unii Europejskiej musi funkcjonować bez żadnych ograniczeń, pozwalając na działanie ponadgranicznych połączeń i sieci gazowych. Europejscy odbiorcy gazu nie mogą być skazani na łaskę monopolistów.

(Przewodniczący odebrał mówcy głos)

  Matthias Groote (S-D). - Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Mir hat sehr gut gefallen, was der Kommissar heute zum Projekt Desertec hier geschildert hat. Das Projekt Desertec hat ein sehr großes Potential, und sein Charme liegt wirklich darin, dass es sich um viele kleine Einzelprojekte handelt. Das schafft Arbeitsplätze. Das bereitet einer ökologischen Industriepolitik, wie wir sie anstreben, den Weg.

Eine Frage an die Kommission: Ich hatte das Gefühl, dass in Bezug auf das Projekt Desertec ein bisschen „mit angezogener Handbremse“ gesprochen wurde. Welche konkreten Maßnahmen sind in Sachen Netzinfrastruktur – einem Riesenproblem beim Ausbau der erneuerbaren Energie – geplant? Die Idee ist ja, den Strom über Hochspannungsgleichstromleitungen aus der Wüste nach Europa zu transferieren. Welche flankierenden Maßnahmen kann die Europäische Kommission hier treffen? Ist hier schon etwas angedacht? Was können wir von der nächsten Kommission in diesem Bereich erwarten?

  Charles Tannock (ECR). - Mr President, the ECR Group supports the need for an EU common external energy security policy based on solidarity between Member States, but energy mix must remain a Member State competence. We must, of course, diversify away from overdependence on Russian oil and gas, of which even the UK, traditionally dependent on the North Sea and Norwegian gas, is now an importer.

We must develop the southern corridor and should consider the White Stream project, in addition to the Nabucco project, as a priority, but also with trans-Caspian and even trans-Saharan routes as exciting future prospects for the European Union. We need better gas-storage capacity in Europe and more integration of our pipeline and electricity grids. In the UK we are keen on new nuclear power stations as well.

I welcome investment in renewables, including the Desertec solar project, which combat climate change as well as aid diversification. We also need better energy efficiency – though the recent EU ban on incandescent light bulbs is draconian, ignores the health hazards to the skin and the environment from the mercury, and makes the EU needlessly unpopular in my country.

  Alejo Vidal-Quadras (PPE). - Señor Presidente, las proyecciones de aquí al año 2030 indican que el consumo de gas en la Unión aumentará en más del 40 % y que nuestra producción autóctona está en descenso. Esto significa que ni siquiera con todos los proyectos actualmente en curso se cubrirá la demanda. Por tanto, necesitamos todas las vías de suministro posible y, sobre todo, necesitamos coordinar todas las acciones de los Estados miembros para poder optimizar la contribución a las necesidades comunes.

Los proyectos South Stream y Nabucco tocan aspectos económicos, energéticos, históricos y políticos de gran calado, y debemos tratarlos con enorme inteligencia, con mucha prudencia y estar atentos a las inquietudes y a las necesidades de todos los países afectados. Muchos de los problemas que ahora padecemos se podrían resolver si, primero, coordinásemos con fuerza la acción de todos los Estados miembros, se construyeran más terminales de gas licuado, se mejorase el mercado interior y hablásemos, de una vez, con una sola voz.

  Derek Vaughan (S-D). - Mr President, I welcome the text put forward today by the various political groups and the earlier statement by the Commissioner, particularly the recognition of the need to diversify our energy technology and to secure our supply.

But of course there is no one answer to ensuring our supply. All technologies must be considered. There has to be a mix, including CCS, and, of course, where I come from is Wales, which still has a plentiful supply of coal.

Energy efficiency must also be improved. That is why I believe we should be spending more of European Structural Funds on energy efficiency measures to save energy, but also to boost the economy.

I would also like to make two further quick points. Firstly, on Desertec, which I believe is an exciting project, but we have to recognise that it is a long-term project. It is not a quick fix.

Secondly, the storage of gas reserves is important, but again we need to recognise that it is expensive and funding will be required.

So, I support all the texts put forward today, particularly by the S&D Group, but these are important points and I would welcome the views of the Commissioner on those points.

  András Gyürk (PPE). - Tisztelt képviselőtársaim! A határozati javaslat kitér arra, hogy a homályos tulajdonosi hátterű orosz Surgutneftgaz nemrégiben jelentős részesedést szerzett a magyar MOL olajtársaságban. Ehhez kívánnék hozzászólni. Jómagam az ügyletet követően írásbeli kérdéssel fordultam biztos úrhoz, akinek a válaszából kiderült, hogy jogosnak tartja igényünket arra, hogy erősebb védelmet biztosítsunk az európai energiavállalatoknak az átláthatóságot nélkülöző külső felvásárlások ellen. Ez jó hír. Ki kell ugyanakkor mondanunk, hogy a jelenlegi szabályozás ennek a célnak az elérésére alkalmatlan.

A transzparenciára vonatkozó előírásokat ugyanis könnyedén ki lehet játszani. Ezért arra kérjük az Európai Bizottságot, hogy lépjen ki a tétlen szemlélődés kényelmes helyzetéből. A kormányokkal együttműködésben dolgozza ki a hatékony védelem jogi kereteit az ellenséges felvásárlásokkal szemben. Elnök úr! A nyitott piac közös európai vívmány, ne hagyjuk, hogy éppen ezen a ponton váljunk sebezhetővé.

  Ivo Vajgl (ALDE). - Se pravi sistem „catch the eye“ funkcionira in vesel sem za to. Potrebujemo varno in diverzificirano oskrbo. O tem smo si enotni.

Mislim pa, da je bilo v tem našem razpravljanju zelo veliko nekega skupnega imenovalca, ki se imenuje opozarjanje na rusko nevarnost. Mislim, da to za Evropo ni produktiven način. Mislim, da bi bilo veliko bolje in koristneje, če bi razvijali partnerski odnos z Rusijo.

In veselilo bi me, če bi tudi gospod komisar lahko poročal o tem, kako daleč smo prišli v dialogu o energetski varnosti v kontekstu izboljšanih splošnih odnosov z Rusijo in uveljavljanja demokratičnih standardov, o katerih si želimo, da bi lahko več govorili tudi v Rusiji.

  Andrzej Grzyb (PPE). - We wrześniu 2007 roku, w oparciu oczywiście o decyzję Parlamentu i Rady z 2006 roku w sprawie m.in. gazociągu Nabucco, został powołany koordynator europejski tego projektu pan Josias Van Aartsen, który w 2009 roku przedstawił swoje ciekawe sprawozdanie, również z ciekawymi, interesującymi wnioskami. Między innymi jeden z tych wniosków dotyczy trudności, jakie napotykamy w realizacji projektu Nabucco. Nawet poziom jego finansowania w chwili obecnej wskazuje, że tak jest.

Chciałbym zapytać, czy nie uważa Pan, że niezależnie od pańskiego osobistego zainteresowania powołanie koordynatora dla realizacji projektu Nabucco mogłoby nadać mu sprawniejszą dynamikę realizacji, tak abyśmy mieli pewność, że to, o czym mówimy w dniu dzisiejszym tutaj i czego oczekują również państwa członkowskie, w tym również mój kraj – Polska, miałoby stuprocentową szansę realizacji.

  Andris Piebalgs, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, it would be difficult for me to answer all the questions raised, but I would like to emphasise a couple of points.

First of all, the policies we follow in the energy sector seek to promote the wellbeing of our citizens and our industry. What we are looking for is a secure supply of well-priced and clean energy. This is our overarching goal.

Secondly, we never make any side deals when we are discussing energy agreements. There are no compromises either on enlargement or on human rights. We work from the point of view that interdependence in energy supply is the most important thing and is beneficial for all – for suppliers, transit countries and consumers. It takes time to convince our partners, but that is the only way to achieve stability.

Thirdly, even if it sometimes seems that we are slow, I think that basing ourselves on the industry proposals, and on support for industry, is crucial because that makes us strong. Perhaps it does not make us a speedboat in the energy ocean, but it makes for stability. When we make a change, we have a much broader basis for it, so we are much safer. All the projects have been well checked for cost efficiency and future viability. So I believe that is the right support to give.

The next area where we have a weakness, and which we are continuing to discuss, is external energy policy and coherence. It is true that there is a lot of controversy – or at least perceived controversy – and, as a Commissioner, I would definitely be happy to see a more coherent external energy policy.

The motion for a resolution addresses exactly this issue because, although there is no in-built conflict between Member States, there is perceived conflict. All the activities pursued by the Member States also benefit the European Union. So we should follow this up and really try to build a system where we speak with one voice, not only verbally but also in terms of the points of view that we want to emphasise. For this reason the second strategic energy review is still very important. All the points that we put forward in the second energy review are still there.

At the same time, from the Commission’s point of view, we clearly see that we cannot afford to move from interdependence to dependence. That is why we particularly support diversification projects like Nabucco and LNG – not that they completely change our relationship of interdependence with other countries, but they give us additional safety margins. So that is what we are doing, but at the same time we definitely take note of what happens in the energy world.

Regarding the point on nuclear energy, we have moved away from this option. We have adopted a Nuclear Safety Directive but it is very much a national and very sensitive point. I really believe that, from the Union point of view, we should build upon the cooperation of nuclear safety regulators and try to establish a safer and more coherent system. But I doubt that we could go further than that.

Last but not least, I really believe that these issues and debates very much help to shape energy policy, but there is no single instrument that provides for it. There are many instruments, and we will come back to this debate in the future.

Thank you very much for this debate. I will be very happy also to answer questions in the ITRE Committee, or in any other committees that would like to discuss energy issues in more detail.

  Elnök. − A vitát lezárom. Hat állásfoglalásra irányuló indítványt juttattak el hozzám, melyeket az eljárási szabályzat 110. cikkének (2) bekezdésével összhangban nyújtottak be⁽¹⁾.

A szavazásra ma déli 12 órakor kerül sor.

Írásbeli nyilatkozatok (az eljárási szabályzat 149. cikke)

  Cristian Silviu Buşoi (ALDE), în scris. – Salut progresele făcute prin semnarea acordului de la Ankara privind lansarea proiectului Nabucco, respectiv prin semnarea protocolului privind acordul în vederea lansării proiectului Desertec. Proiectul Nabucco trebuie să fie prioritar întrucât reprezintă o soluţie pentru problema aprovizionării cu gaz, care s-a acutizat în ultimii ani. Ştiu că, deşi Nabucco este un proiect atât de important din punct de vedere geopolitic, trebuie să existe în acelaşi timp şi puternice raţiuni comerciale ale partenerilor din proiect pentru a deveni cât mai repede realitate. Criza economică care a redus banii pentru investiţii ale companiilor participante, cât şi unele incertitudini legate de sursele de aprovizionare ale conductei sunt obstacole care trebuie depăşite. Cele 200 milioane de euro pe care le oferim proiectului sunt binevenite, dar în plus trebuie să intensificam demersurile politice şi diplomatice pe lângă Turcia şi ţările din regiune furnizoare de gaz. De asemenea, doresc să adresez un îndemn la solidaritate către statele membre pentru a putea preveni crize ale gazului similare celor din ultimii ani. Nu ne permitem să aşteptăm intrarea în vigoare a Tratatului de la Lisabona şi finalizarea Nabucco în timp ce europenii riscă să rămână fără gaz în plină iarnă din cauza disputelor ruso-ucrainene.

  Ивайло Калфин (S-D), in writing. – За съжаление ЕС все още няма ефективна политика по отношение на енергийната сигурност. През последните години се правят първите стъпки в това отношение, за което специално искам да поздравя комисаря Пиебалгс. България също има определен принос в това отношение. Все още обаче тези процеси се развиват прекалено бавно и то на фона на особената активност от страна на Русия и други конкуренти..

Необходима е много по-ясна и активна политика. Наред с други елементи, тя задължително трябва да включва следното:

- насърчаване на изграждане на всички проекти за доставка на газ в Европа, които могат да бъдат реално осигурени с финанси на пазарен принцип, включително Южен и Северен поток;

- насърчаване на изграждането на нови мощности, които допринасят за енергийната независимост и за намаляването на емисиите на СО2, включително ядрени и с възобновяеми източници централи;

- разработване на общи правила за доставки и транзит на газ;

- активна политика към страните от Централна Азия и Кавказ за осигуряване на доставки на каспийски газ в Европа.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE) , in writing. – This debate has become an additional proof of how badly the EU needs a united energy policy. There are Members who urge the Commission and Member States to take concrete coordinated measures in the spirit of solidarity and who propose to act like the EU already had such a policy. Their efforts have not only political and moral but also practical value because as representatives of the citizens they can speed up the creation of the common energy policy. There are others who use the absence of such a policy as an excuse to justify their bilateral deals with suppliers which often ignore the requirements of transparency and fair competition, not to mention European solidarity. This is a short-sighted and risky approach which plays into the hands of those undemocratic suppliers whose political strategy is to split and weaken the EU. The Commission should provide not only political and legal but also financial assistance to companies which are engaged in efforts to diversify our energy supplies. To really advance towards genuine energy solidarity, the Member States should start to inform each other and the Commission on their agreements with third partners.

  Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), în scris. – Dat fiind că suntem la început de mandat, consider că unul dintre domeniile în care Parlamentul European trebuie să se implice activ este asigurarea securităţii energetice. În acest context, semnalez importanţa proiectului Nabucco, care va contribui la asigurarea securităţii energetice a Uniunii Europene, întrucât pe această cale se asigura accesul consumatorilor europeni la surse alternative, pe un traseu sigur. Semnarea, la 13 iulie 2009, a Acordului dintre Austria, Bulgaria, România, Turcia şi Ungaria privind proiectul Nabucco, reprezentând angajamentul politic al statelor partenere la acest proiect de a continua eforturile de materializare a gazoductului, a transmis un semnal pozitiv pentru investitori şi statele furnizoare de gaze naturale. Se impune ca, în continuare, ţările implicate în acest proiect, alături de Comisia Europeană, să-şi concentreze eforturile pentru atragerea investiţiilor şi asigurarea unor furnizori viabili pentru Nabucco.

  Rareş-Lucian Niculescu (PPE), în scris. – Pe lângă prima poziţie în topul exportatorilor de gaze, Rusia a devenit recent şi cel mai mare exportator de petrol din lume, depăşind Arabia Saudită. Această situaţie plasează Moscova într-o poziţie de influenţă deosebită, bazată pe controlul resurselor. Dar energia este o marfă, căreia trebuie să i se aplice principiile economiei de piaţă. Energia nu trebuie să poată fi folosită drept instrument de presiune politică. Crizele energetice cu care Europa s-a confruntat au demonstrat importanţa diversificării surselor de aprovizionare cu energie. De asemenea, au demonstrat valoarea adăugată pe care Nabucco o reprezintă în acest sens pentru întreaga Uniune Europeană. România a fost şi rămâne un susţinător ferm al proiectului Nabucco. De altfel, în luna iulie, România a semnat Acordul Interguvernamental privind proiectul Nabucco, alături de Turcia, Bulgaria, Ungaria şi Austria. Considerăm încheierea acestui acord un succes şi un important pas înainte. Un gazoduct de dimensiunea şi ambiţia Nabucco va trebui să facă faţă multor provocări înainte de a deveni realitate. Singura soluţie pentru a depăşi aceste provocări este perseverenţa demersurilor.

  Traian Ungureanu (PPE), in writing. – We try hard to encourage a coherent energy policy, but such a policy exists and is fully implemented. There is only one small problem: it is NOT ours. It is Russia’s. Now, we have the French EDF company signing into South Stream. Before that, we had the Russians taking over the Hungarian company MOL’s interest in Nabucco. And before that we had the Austrian gas terminal in Baumgarten being taken over by the mysterious Centrex company. We need a clear, European energy policy, and we need it now. This is possibly our last opportunity to rally behind Nabucco. Otherwise, if the Council and the Commission remain neutral, they should be prepared for very cold winters and very hot politics.

⁂

  Mario Mauro (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le chiederei di richiamare l'Assemblea al silenzio perché ci è giunta la notizia da Kabul di un gravissimo attentato contro la forza internazionale di pace e le notizie frammentarie che abbiano finora parlano di sei morti nel contingente italiano tra i paracadutisti della Folgore.

Le chiedo pertanto di richiamare l'Aula ad in minuto di silenzio proprio nel ricordo e nella memoria di coloro che si battono perché i nostri ideali di pace e di libertà si affermino in tutto il mondo.

  Elnök. − Tisztelt képviselőtársaim! Amint Mauró úrtól hallották, tragikus esemény következett be Afganisztánban: a békefenntartók hat életet vesztettek. Tisztelettel kérem Önöket, hogy a tragikus esemény tiszteletére egy perces néma felállással adózzunk.

(A Parlament feláll és egyperces csendet tart)

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΣΤΑΥΡΟΣ ΛΑΜΠΡΙΝΙΔΗΣ
Αντιπρόεδρος

(1) Lásd a jegyzőkönyvet.

4. Ħin tal-votazzjonijiet

  Πρόεδρος. - Η ημερήσια διάταξη προβλέπει την Ώρα των Ψηφοφοριών.

(Για τα αποτελέσματα και λοιπές πληροφορίες επί της ψηφοφορίας: βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά)

4.1. Perjodi ta' interventi 2009 u 2010 għall-butir u l-ħalib tat-trab (A7-0005/2009, Paolo De Castro) (votazzjoni)

4.2. Skemi ta' appoġġ dirett għall-bdiewa fi ħdan il-politika agrikola komuni (A7-0004/2009, Paolo De Castro) (votazzjoni)

4.3. SWIFT (votazzjoni)

– Πριν από την ψηφοφορία επί της τροπολογίας 2

  Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, the ALDE group does object to this change.

(Requests by the Verts/ALE Group for the text of Amendments 1 and 2 to be moved)

– Πριν από την ψηφοφορία επί της τροπολογίας 1

  Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, again the ALDE group does have an objection.

(Requests by the Verts/ALE Group for the text of Amendments 1 and 2 to be moved)

4.4. KE/Taġikistan: Ftehim ta' Sħubija u Koperazzjoni (votazzjoni)

4.5. Ftehima ta' sħubija u ta' koperazzjoni bejn il-KE u t-Taġikistan (A7-0007/2009, Alojz Peterle) (votazzjoni)

4.6. Is-Sitwazzjoni fil-Litwanja wara l-adozzjoni dwar il-ħarsien tal-minorenni (votazzjoni)

4.7. Kriżi fis-settur tal-produzzjoni tal-ħalib (votazzjoni)

4.8. Sigurtà tal-enerġija (Nabucco et Desertec) (votazzjoni)

  Πρόεδρος. - Η ώρα των ψηφοφοριών έληξε.

5. Spegazzjonijiet tal-vot

Προφορικές αιτιολογήσεις ψήφου

Προτάσεις ψηφίσματος RC-B7-0026/2009

  Tunne Kelam (PPE). - Mr President, I voted against the resolution concerning Lithuania because I found this resolution to be a premature and unbalanced reaction to a law that has not yet even entered into force, let alone in its original wording.

It is true that human rights fall within the competence of the Union. However, in this case the Union comes very close to infringing the principle of sovereignty of a Member State, and that is why I have opposed this resolution, also bearing in mind that it would have a negative result on the Irish referendum as a bad example of how the sovereignty of the Member States could be treated.

  Bogusław Sonik (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący, głosowałem przeciwko tej rezolucji, dlatego, że Litwa poradzi sobie z problemem. Prezydent Litwy powołała specjalną grupę do oceny tego prawa, które ma wejść w życie dopiero w 2010 roku i ponadto sądzę, że jest to zbyt daleko idąca ingerencja w sprawy suwerennego państwa, jakim jest Litwa. Ponadto w tej rezolucji pojawiło się zdanie, aby zwrócić się o opinię prawną do Agencji Praw Podstawowych. Agencja Praw Podstawowych nie jest powołana do tego, żeby oceniać poszczególne kraje i wydawać im opinie. Byłby to zbyt niebezpieczny precedens.

  Bernd Posselt (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Ich bin ein begeisterter Europäer und Befürworter einer europäischen Verfassung und auch des Lissabon-Vertrages. Ich bin auch ein Kämpfer für die Menschenrechte. Aber diese Entschließung schadet Europa schwer, vor allem im Vorfeld des irischen Referendums, und sie missbraucht das Thema Menschenrechte für ideologische Zwecke. Das litauische Gesetz hat nichts mit Menschenrechten zu tun, und wenn überhaupt, dann schützt es die Menschenrechte litauischer Kinder und verletzt sie nicht. Deshalb empfinde ich diese Entschließung als eine ideologische Schande. Die Linke und die Liberalen dieses Hauses haben mit dieser Entschließung Europa und den Menschenrechten schwer geschadet.

  Philip Claeys (NI). - Voorzitter, onze Litouwse vrienden zullen het zich ongetwijfeld wel anders hebben voorgesteld. Nadat ze zich hadden bevrijd van het juk van de Sovjet-Unie, wilden ze zo snel mogelijk lid worden van die andere Unie die zich toch zo graag voorstelt als een uniek verbond van vrije naties. Maar nu blijkt eens te meer dat de ene voogdij gewoon werd vervangen door een andere, zij het een meer subtiele. Ook nu is Litouwen niet meer vrij: als het Litouwse parlement een wet aanneemt die gericht is op de bescherming van minderjarigen, wordt het daarvoor verketterd en in de ban gedaan. Geen enkel gebied is nog vrij van Europese bemoeizucht en dit zal de komende jaren zeker niet verbeteren. Wel, integendeel, de nieuwe Eurocommissaris voor mensenrechten - what's in a name - zal de Europese voogdij nog versterken. Dank u, Verhofstadt, dank u, andere mandarijnen van de Commissie, onder meer voor deze vrijheidsverstikking.

  Daniel Hannan (ECR). - Mr President, see how the thicket of EU regulation grows. See how Brussels shoots its tendrils into every crevasse, every nook of national life.

Issues like this, the protection of minors, are for many of our constituents sensitive and ethical issues. If we in this Parliament presume to legislate for the nation states, what is the point of them? Is there no limit to our presumption?

Let me make my position absolutely clear on this. When the United Kingdom had the closest equivalent to this legislation, which was called Section 28, I was virtually the only Conservative to oppose it. I was years before the rest of my party in pushing for full equality for gay people, including on the equalisation of the age of consent, and on civil partnerships. I am delighted that the rest of my party has now reached that point of view.

But I am not a Lithuanian legislator! The people who should determine this issue in Lithuania are those who are answerable through the democratic mechanisms and procedures of that country. If we are not prepared to allow them to do that, we might as well mothball our national parliaments, turn them into museums and lock the door.

Προτάσεις ψηφίσματος RC-B7-0047/2009

  Peter Jahr (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Das Überleben vieler landwirtschaftlicher Betriebe ist ernsthaft gefährdet. Deshalb bin ich froh, dass wir heute einen fraktionsübergreifenden Entschließungsantrag zur Krise auf dem Milchmarkt beschlossen haben. Ich bedauere zutiefst, dass sich die Fraktion der Grünen an der Erarbeitung dieses Antrags nicht beteiligt hat.

Es muss deutlich gesagt werden, dass dieser Krise mit den von der Kommission vorgeschlagenen Maßnahmen alleine nicht beizukommen ist. In erster Linie müssen wir den Verbrauch von Milchprodukten steigern, um den Markt zu entlasten. Dabei gilt: Absatzförderung geht vor Lagerhaltung. Sinnvolle Vorschläge wie die Verwendung von Milchpulver für die Kälberfütterung, die Festlegung von Mindestpreisen für Käseprodukte, eine klare Kennzeichnung von Analogkäse und die unterstützende Verwendung von Butterfett in Speiseeis bzw. Backwaren liegen seit Längerem vor und bereit. Warum sie bisher von der Kommission nicht umgesetzt wurden, ist mir unverständlich.

Ich möchte die Kommissarin eindringlich bitten, die im Entschließungsantrag enthaltenen Vorschläge dringend zu beachten und umzusetzen!

  Oldřich Vlasák (ECR). - Vážený pane předsedo, dámy a pánové, dovolte mi vysvětlit mé hlasování ke krizi v odvětví mléka a mléčných výrobků, ve kterém jsem se zdržel hlasování. Je smutnou skutečností, že situace v sektoru mléka je navýsost kritická. Přestože spotřebitelské ceny vzrostly v posledních letech o 14 %, výkupní ceny mléka poklesly téměř o 40 %. Řada evropských producentů mléka tak stojí v současnosti před krachem. Např. v České republice je podle generálního ředitele Madety pana Teplého 15 českých mlékáren ve stavu ekonomické klinické smrti. Situaci je však třeba řešit systémově dlouhodobým managementem sektoru, nikoli pouze krátkodobými podpůrnými opatřeními, jako jsou subvence, intervenční nákupy a podpora soukromého skladování. Ty pouze způsobují distorzi na trhu a nezabraňují cenové nestabilitě. Současně je třeba nastavit rovné podmínky pro zemědělce ze všech členských zemí, a to nejen v sektoru mléka.

  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Herr Präsident! Der hier vorliegende Vorschlag der Kommission ist an und für sich zu begrüßen und macht aus ökonomischer und realpolitischer Sicht jedenfalls Sinn. Allerdings soll schon ergänzend festgestellt werden, dass der Preisverfall bei einer differenzierten Sicht der Dinge nicht nur aufgrund eines Nachfragerückgangs entstanden ist.

Man muss auch hier durchaus die Problematik der Milchbauern in Österreich bzw. im Alpenraum in Betracht ziehen. Die klein strukturierten heimischen Landwirtschaftsbetriebe können mit den Riesenbetrieben in Norddeutschland und Holland nicht wirklich mithalten. Dadurch entsteht Ungleichgewicht. Eine gänzliche Freigabe der Milchmenge würde Milchbetriebe bei uns zur Aufgabe zwingen, hätte fatale und unabsehbare Folgen, auch für die Kulturlandschaft.

Einige Multis würden den europäischen Markt beherrschen. Welche Folgen dies auch für die Qualität der Lebensmittel hätte, kann man sich gut vorstellen.

  Mario Borghezio (EFD). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in questi giorni si attua in tutta Europa la protesta sacrosanta dei produttori di latte per i prezzi e per i mancati interventi dell'Unione europea, per consentire, non in un futuro ma immediatamente, l'etichettatura, soprattutto dei falsi prodotti caseari.

Noi sulle tavole dei nostri consumatori vogliamo prodotti freschi, di cui possiamo conoscere l'origine, e non la porcheria che ci viene da altri paesi: latte in polvere contrabbandato da latte fresco della nostra produzione. Da domani, in Padania, verrà versato il latte, come nel resto dell'Europa – ed è una protesta importante, perché sostiene la qualità dei nostri prodotti. In Europa vogliamo mangiare prodotti sani, del nostro territorio: il buon latte fresco, il latte che io ovviamente bevo. Noi della Padania beviamo in ricordo del sacrificio dei nostri produttori che quest'Europa deve difendere.

La Commissaria europea ha escluso dai provvedimenti i formaggi a lunga conservazione, tutela solo i produttori del latte in polvere. È una vergogna!

  Krisztina Morvai (NI). - Olyan időket élünk, kedves Elnök úr, amikor még a gazdag nyugati országokban is, mint Franciaországban is, nap mint nap lesznek öngyilkosok, tejes gazdák. Nagyon nagy tehát a tragédia: Azért szavaztam igennel De Castro úr mindkét jelentésére, mert azonnali, tűzoltásszerű beavatkozásra is szükség van. Tudjuk azonban, hogy az intervenciós raktárakban felhalmozott tejpor, illetőleg vaj, ki fog kerülni az intervenciós raktárakból és akkor fogja majd megint csak lenyomni az árakat. Ez az egyik problémám.

A másik pedig, hogy sokkal inkább a nagygazdákat segíti ez az intézkedés, mint a kicsiket, és nem szabad elfelejtenünk, hogy kisgazdáknak az alapvető megélhetéshez van szükségük azonnali segítségére, míg a nagyobbaknak inkább csak a nyereségüknek a biztosítására vagy növelésére. Alapvető változásokra van szükség, a WTO által diktált szabadkereskedelmi logika helyett végre az élelmiszer önrendelkezés biztosítására, ahogy az előttem szólók mondták, helyben megtermelt élelmiszerre, helyi gazdák által.

  Daniel Hannan (ECR). - Mr President, like all those who have spoken I am aware of the extent of the crisis in our agrarian sector. Any Member who represents farmers knows that. But the crisis is a product of our existing agricultural system – the common agricultural policy – which has had calamitous consequences for farmers in my part of the United Kingdom. And not only for farmers: for our consumers, for our taxpayers, and indeed for the poor of the Third World who find that their markets are denied and that they then have surpluses dumped on them.

We were gradually moving, in the European Union, away from the system of direct support that had such deleterious environmental and economic consequences, and now we are rushing back in. I can tell you that in the United Kingdom people have clear memories of how the milk quota system worked. We were allocated a quota that was less than our national production, so we have the extraordinary sight of British farmers using milk as fertiliser or pouring it away down the drain and then having to re-import milk from the Netherlands, France or other parts of the European Union to get up to the level of demand. We were just beginning to get away, and now this House has voted to bring it all back.

Anyone who thinks that the European Union is going in the direction of doing less and devolving power need only look at today’s vote.

  Syed Kamall (ECR). - Mr President, last week saw the re-release of several albums by the band The Beatles in digitally remastered form. This week we are debating the milk quota system in a remastered form. They might not have much in common at first glance until you consider the title of one of the Beatles’ songs, Back in the USSR. That, I think, sums it all up. Here we have a system where prices and quotas are decided by bureaucrats, not by the needs of consumers or even the needs of suppliers. Here we have a system where consumers pay twice over for higher prices and higher taxes to support a system that did not complain when prices were high.

I remember towards the end of the last mandate, Martin Schulz saying that at last he had seen a social democratisation of the EPP. Well, actually I think his dream has gone further and we are seeing the Sovietisation of the EU. Are we really looking at an ‘EUSSR’?

  Jens Rohde (ALDE). - Hr. formand! Fra dansk liberal side har vi stor sympati med de landmænd, som står over for store økonomiske udfordringer for tiden, og vi har også egentlig stor sympati for tanken om at give kortvarig hjælp til dem, som er betrængt. Der er bare det problem, at kortvarige systematiserede støtteordninger aldrig forbliver kortvarige trods de mange fine hensigtserklæringer. De ender altid med at blive permanente, og det ved vi jo godt, alle os, der har været med til at gennemføre det, hvad enten det er her eller i de hjemlige parlamenter. Derfor frygter vi - og med rette mener vi - at de tiltag, som denne beslutning anbefaler, og Kommissionens tiltag sådan set også, de facto vil føre til en mere permanent vej væk fra den fornemme reformproces, som kommissær Fischer Boel har stået for til gavn for de effektive landbrug, og derfor måtte vi afvise denne beslutning.

Προτάσεις ψηφίσματος RC-B7-0040/2009

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S-D). - Mr President, I voted in favour because the issue of energy supply security is of paramount importance today for all Member States of the European Union.

The recent Russian-Ukrainian crisis has clearly demonstrated existing problems in the energy sector, and especially the total dependence of some Member States on single suppliers of natural gas.

The Baltic countries, which are isolated from the rest of Europe, are left to the mercy of gas suppliers from eastern Europe. Now it is more important than ever to develop a comprehensive common energy policy based on solidarity, the diversification of energy sources and defence of common interests.

I would like take this opportunity to thank the Commission and especially the Swedish Presidency for presenting the Baltic Sea Strategy, which will allow effective mobilisation of structural funds to be used more efficiently to achieve common goals.

I am convinced that, if properly implemented, the strategy will become an example of regional success.

Finally I would like to urge the Commission to take a leading role in the implementation of the Baltic Sea Strategy in order to ensure that in certain cases the interests of individual Member States do not take precedence over the achievement of common strategy goals.

  Bogusław Sonik (PPE). - Głosowałem za tą rezolucją, bo kwestia energii to jest taki wielki sprawdzian solidarności europejskiej. Kraje członkowskie muszą ze sobą w tej sprawie współpracować.

Polityka energetyczna musi być połączona z polityką zagraniczną. Komisja musi spojrzeć również na zróżnicowanie sytuacji bezpieczeństwa energetycznego w różnych krajach Europy. Walka z ociepleniem klimatycznym powoduje, że energetyka oparta na węglu może się znaleźć w dramatycznej sytuacji finansowej. Ceny wtedy uderzą w obywateli. Najwyższa pora na prowadzenie wspólnej wspólnotowej europejskiej polityki w tym względzie. Komisja musi jasno powiedzieć, że będzie walczyć z egoizmem krajów członkowskich, które nie widzą niebezpieczeństwa w dalszym uzależnianiu się od jednego dostawcy, np. gazu, jak to jest w przypadku Rosji.

Potrzebne są czyny i wola polityczna jasno wyrażana przez Komisję Europejską i komisarza ds. energii.

  Iosif Matula, (PPE). - Domnule Preşedinte, am votat pentru această rezoluţie şi o să explic de ce. Uniunea Europeană este dependentă de importurile de energie, consumul este în continuă creştere, dar rezervele naturale sunt limitate. Securitatea energetică presupune, în acelaşi timp, diversificarea surselor şi a rutelor de transport, dar şi o interconectare foarte eficientă între statele membre, aşa cum se lucrează astăzi prin proiecte cu finanţare europeană la magistralele de gaz dintre România şi vecinii ei, Ungaria şi Bulgaria. Iată, mi-am spus, unde suntem, dar ce mai avem de făcut?

Aş face o comparaţie, poate îndrăzneaţă, dar simplă, cu energia electrică. Astăzi, curentul electric ajunge în casele noastre fără să mai ştim de unde vine. Printr-o reţea diversificată a gazelor naturale şi multiple reţele de transport, trebuie să atingem exact acelaşi scop: asigurare de gaz în orice situaţie şi indiferent de situaţie. Iată de ce am susţinut şi susţin proiectul Nabucco dar, în paralel, şi trecerea spre diversificarea surselor de energie regenerabilă.

Written explanations of vote

- Report: Paolo De Castro (A7-0005/2009)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S-D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente o Relatório sobre a proposta de regulamento do Conselho no que respeita aos períodos de intervenção de 2009 e 2010 para a manteiga e o leite em pó desnatado porque considero que estas medidas constituem a continuidade de uma medida positiva, e com efeitos imediatos, na regulação da oferta excedentária que afecta o mercado do leite e dos produtos lácteos. A queda dos preços no mercado do leite e dos produtos lácteos nos últimos doze meses a nível mundial foi originada pelo aumento generalizado da produção e a queda da procura mundial, devido à crise económico-financeira, o que justifica a continuação da intervenção pública para a manteiga e para o leite em pó.

  Jean-Pierre Audy (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté, sur la base du rapport de mon collègue Italien Paolo de Castro, la proposition de règlement du Conseil portant dérogation au règlement relatif à l'organisation commune des marchés (OCM) en ce qui concerne les périodes d'intervention 2009 et 2010 pour le beurre et le lait écrémé en poudre. Après la flambée des prix en 2007 de toutes les denrées alimentaires dans le monde et donc du lait, les douze derniers mois ont été caractérisés par un effondrement des prix. Je soutiens la Commission qui a institué, début 2009, une aide au stockage privé du beurre pour soutenir le marché. Étant donné le caractère exceptionnel de la situation, je soutiens la prolongation, jusqu'au 28 février 2010, de la période d'intervention publique en cours pour le beurre et le lait écrémé en poudre au moyen d'une procédure d'adjudication. Par ailleurs, compte tenu de l'incertitude quant au temps qu'il faudra pour que le marché des produits laitiers se reprenne, j'ai soutenu l'autorisation donnée à la Commission de prolonger, également par une procédure d'adjudication, la période d'intervention 2010/2011 si la situation du marché l'exige.

  David Casa (PPE), in writing. − This report refers to the proposal for a Council regulation which derogates from the Single CMO Regulation with regard to the intervention periods for butter and skimmed-milk powder. Due to the fact that there is a serious crisis in the dairy sector I have voted in favour of this report.

  Lena Ek, Marit Paulsen, Olle Schmidt och Cecilia Wikström (ALDE), skriftlig. − Vi är fullständigt medvetna om att mjölkböndernas situation är ohållbar. Vi är dock lika medvetna och övertygade om att interventioner från EU:s sida inte är lösningen. Tiden är nu mogen för en övergång till ett marknadsbaserat, försäkringsmässigt system som befriar bönderna utan att rubba vare sig den inhemska eller den globala marknaden. Det är också hög tid att se över konkurrenssituationen inom den storskaliga insatsindustrin och den nästan lika storskaliga livsmedelsindustrin som ligger mellan bonden och konsumenterna.

  Jarosław Kalinowski (PPE), na piśmie. − Nawiązując do poprawek proponujących zamrożenie kwot mlecznych pragnę stwierdzić: po pierwsze, nie ma podstaw do stwierdzenia jakoby zapowiedź zwiększenia kwot produkcyjnych (co było wynikiem przeglądu WPR) wpłynęła na kryzys w branży.

Po drugie, zamrożenie zwiększenia kwot (co proponują poprawki do rezolucji PE) doprowadziłoby do karania rolników w państwach, które są dziś na granicy wykorzystania swych kwot. Nieuczciwa i wręcz niemoralna jest zmiana reguł gry w trakcie meczu. Po trzecie, przypomnę, że na szczycie w Kopenhadze w 2002 r. negocjowaliśmy (m.in. Polska) kwoty mleczne wiedząc, że kwotowanie miało obowiązywać do roku 2007. W Luksemburgu przesunięto kwotowanie do 2014 r. juz bez naszego udziału i prawa głosu.

Nie można naprawiać sytuacji w branży mleczarskiej w taki sposób, że jednym producentom dajemy szanse poprawy kosztem innych producentów. Myślenie i działanie powinno być takie, żeby wszystkim dać szansę, niezależnie z jakiego kraju pochodzą – ze starej 15-tki czy nowej 12-tki.

  Jörg Leichtfried (S-D), schriftlich. − Ich stimme der kurzfristigen Lösung der Kommission durch den Ankauf von Butter und Milchpulver zu, verlange aber eine langfristige Lösung der Milchkrise z. B. durch flexible Mengensteuerung, die zu einem kostendeckenden Milchpreis führt. Der Milchüberschuss muss durch europäische Vorgaben national eingedämmt werden.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Die Krise auf dem Milchsektor hat auch zu einem Einbruch bei den Preisen für Butter und Magermilchpulver geführt. Ich begrüße den Vorschlag der Kommission, die Stützung des Marktes und die Interventionen bis einschließlich 28. Februar 2010 fortzusetzen. Es ist zu hoffen, dass sich der Markt in der Folge erholt und die Preise wieder von Angebot und Nachfrage bestimmt werden. Für die begrenzte Zeit erachte ich die Interventionen aber für notwendig, weshalb ich auch für den Vorschlag des Berichterstatters gestimmt habe.

  Cristiana Muscardini (PPE), per iscritto. − La grave crisi del settore lattiero sta mettendo a rischio la sopravvivenza stessa della zootecnia da latte, pertanto ritengo opportuno mantenere una posizione di contrarietà rispetto alla gestione individuale delle quote in quanto, di fatto, ciò comporterebbe il superamento delle operazioni di compensazione di fine periodo, meccanismo invece fondamentale per la realtà produttiva italiana; sono invece favorevole ad un aumento temporaneo del prezzo di intervento, a iniziative e azioni volte a un equilibrio all'interno della filiera e al rafforzamento dell'informazione ai consumatori e all'importanza di avere un'etichettatura di origine del latte e prodotti lattiero-caseari.

In particolare, per un riequilibrio della domanda e dell'offerta, sarebbe opportuno sostenere la proposta di congelare, temporaneamente, una parte delle quote attribuite ai singoli Paesi e prevedere un meccanismo di indennizzo per i produttori costretti ad abbattere una parte della mandria in relazione alla percentuale di quota latte congelata.

  Daciana Octavia Sârbu (S-D), în scris. − Uniunea Europeană travesează acum una dintre cele mai grave crize înregistrate de sectorul laptelui, criza datorată creşterii producţiei şi scăderii semnificative a cererii la nivel mondial. Având în vedere situaţia dramatică în care se află producătorii de lapte din Europa, este necesar să continuăm perioada de intervenţie publică (adică de cumpărare şi stocare a laptelui praf degresat şi a untului), până cel puţin în luna februarie a anului viitor sau pâna în 2011, dacă este considerat necesar. Nu cred că ne permitem să asistăm la o desfiinţare a fermelor europene, pentru că după un an am fi nevoiţi să importăm lapte şi produse din lapte din spaţiul extracomunitar şi, dacă luam în considerare faptul că standardele sanitare nu vor fi în niciun caz cele dorite de noi, am avea mult prea mult de pierdut. Raportul este binevenit în acest context, dar pentru a soluţiona într-adevar problema din sectorul laptelui trebuie să luăm măsuri conexe, pentru că acest stoc implică alocarea de resurse importante şi s-ar putea ca la un moment dat stocul să fie inutil. Trebuie să investim acum într-o agricultură sustenabilă capabilă să ofere necesarul de hrană, chiar dacă suntem în perioada de criză financiară, pentru a preveni mai târziu o criză alimentară.

- Report: Paolo De Castro (A7-0004/2009)

  David Casa (PPE), in writing. − This is a proposal that amends the direct support schemes for farmers that are currently in place. Due to the fact that I am in agreement on the need for such amendments I have voted in favour.

  Daciana Octavia Sârbu (S-D), în scris. − Suntem la început de mandat, când stabilim priorităţile pentru politicile viitoare ale Uniunii Europene. Ştiu că suntem tentaţi să ne focalizăm atenţia asupra unor chestiuni pe care le considerăm extrem de importante şi să omitem altele. În acest sens, vreau să subliniez faptul că putem renunţa la multe, dar nu putem renunţa la mâncare, de aceea agricultura trebuie să rămână un domeniu prioritar pentru UE. Sunt de părere că este necesară o creştere a cuantumului ajutorului de minimis acordat agricultorilor, peste limita de 15.000 de euro stabilită de Comisie, precum şi acordarea unui buget mărit pentru promovarea sectorului laptelui şi produselor lactate. Recomand cu tărie sprijinirea fermierilor producători de lapte şi carne, în vederea stabilizării pieţelor, prin includerea în cadrul temporar de criză pentru ajutoare de stat.

De altfel, este nevoie ca sistemele de ajutor direct să ţină cont şi de particularităţile noilor state membre, în care sectorul agricol joacă un rol important în economia naţională şi să asigure menţinerea sprijinului pentru agricultură, astfel încât să permită depăşirea problemelor structurale şi atingerea obiectivului de convergenţă, prin creşterea nivelului de dezvoltare în sectorul agricol, eliminarea decalajelor de eficienţă şi de competitivitate faţă de vechile state membre.

- Motion for a resolution: SWIFT B7-0038/2009

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S-D), in writing. − The fight against terrorism has been high on the agenda of this House. However, we must strike the right balance between the security measures and the protection of civil liberties and fundamental rights. We also need to ensure the utmost respect for privacy and data protection. Balance and proportionality must be the key principles on which the fight against terrorism is based. The European Union has always demonstrated a firm commitment to the protection citizens’ privacy, and that must be maintained. The Community is based on the rule of law and all transfers of European personal data to third countries should respect procedural guarantees and defence rights.

It goes without saying that any transfers must comply with data protection legislation at national and European level. SWIFT is a key infrastructure, and we must ensure that any requests for data transfers are duly justified, based on targeted cases and strictly subject to judicial authorisation. The Community must take a firm stance in the negotiations with the US to ensure that SWIFT data cannot be used for any other purposes than those linked to terrorism financing.

  Göran Färm, Anna Hedh, Olle Ludvigsson, Marita Ulvskog och Åsa Westlund (S&D), skriftlig. − Vi Socialdemokrater valde att lägga ned våra röster i omröstningen om ändringsförslag 1. Att Europarlamentet och de nationella parlamenten får tillgång till handlingarna och förhandlingsdirektiven inför förhandlingarna med Förenta staternas myndigheter om tillgång till betalningsuppgifter är av största vikt för den demokratiska kontrollen. Europas medborgare måste kunna lita på att överföringen av deras bankuppgifter varken strider mot nationell rätt eller EU-lag. Samtidigt inser vi vikten av att framöver effektivt kunna utreda terrorismbrott, dock inte till vilket demokratiskt pris som helst.

  Sylvie Guillaume (S-D), par écrit. – J'ai apporté ma voix en soutien à la résolution commune sur l'accord international envisagé pour mettre à la disposition du ministre du trésor des États-Unis des données de messagerie financière dans le cadre de la prévention et du financement du terrorisme. En tant que représentants des citoyens et sachant la sensibilité de ce sujet, qui touche aux droits fondamentaux, nous exigeons toutefois des garanties fortes en préalable à toute conclusion d'accord avec les États-Unis sur SWIFT: que les données soient transférées uniquement pour combattre le terrorisme; qu'un mécanisme de réciprocité oblige les États-Unis à transférer des informations financières pertinentes sur demande des autorités européennes; que cet accord intérimaire soit limité à un maximum de 12 mois; qu'un nouvel accord soit négocié ultérieurement, une fois le traité de Lisbonne entré en vigueur, avec une pleine participation du Parlement européen et des parlements nationaux.

Je souhaite également que soit levé le voile du secret, qui a largement recouvert le cœur de ce dossier, et que nous soyons, en tant qu'élus européens, bien davantage informés des modalités définies dans cet accord que nous ne l'avons été jusqu'à présent.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Dem geplanten internationalen Abkommen zufolge sollen dem Finanzministerium der Vereinigten Staaten Finanztransaktionsdaten zum Zwecke der Prävention und Bekämpfung des Terrorismus und der Terrorismusfinanzierung zur Verfügung gestellt werden. Die Übermittlung von Finanztransaktionsdaten an ausländische Mächte stellt einen schwerwiegenden Eingriff in die Grundrechte unserer Bürger dar, insbesondere dann, wenn der Empfänger der Daten die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika sind.

Sie haben in der Vergangenheit mehrmals gezeigt, dass sie Datenschutzbedenken nicht wirklich ernst nehmen, vor allem wenn es um die Verwirklichung und Umsetzung der vom regierenden System festgelegten Projekte und Ziele geht. Der vorliegende Entschließungsantrag enthält zwar gut gemeinte Absichten zum Schutz der europäischen Bürger, letztlich kann die zweckwidrige Verwendung dieser wichtigen Daten aber nicht ausgeschlossen werden. Aus diesem Grund habe ich gegen den Entschließungsantrag gestimmt.

- Motion for a resolution: CE/Tadjikistan B7-0025/2009

  David Casa (PPE), in writing. − Tajikistan occupies an important geographical position since it is situated at a key intersection between Europe and Asia and therefore plays an important role in enhancing the stability of the region. I have voted in favour of this resolution which seeks to identify a number of important issues that should be addressed in Tajikistan.

- Report: Alojz Peterle (A7-0007/2009)

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S-D), in writing. − I very much welcome the proposed EC-Tajikistan Partnership and Cooperation agreement which provides a framework for future EU cooperation with Tajikistan. The Central Asia region is very important in economic and political terms for the Community and this agreement will help to consolidate and strengthen the EU’s political and economic and trade relations and presence in Tajikistan and Central Asia in general.

Moreover, it will also promote economic growth and support sustainable development, actions against poverty, and stability in Tajikistan and the Central Asia region. I am delighted to see that this agreement also incorporates such issues as actions against terrorism and weapons of mass destruction, trafficking, the drug trade and organised crime. From now on, both the EU and Tajikistan will pursue a close political dialogue which will open the way for deeper relations in a great number of fields.

  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − La UE adoptó en 2007, bajo la Presidencia alemana, una estrategia para el Asia Central hacia una nueva asociación. El Acuerdo con Tayikistán está incluido en esta estrategia y se ha señalado que su principal ambición en la región son los recursos naturales, en particular el gas. He votado en contra del informe sobre un Acuerdo de colaboración y cooperación entre la Unión Europea y la República de Tayikistán, porque el interés que la UE tiene en ese país son sus recursos naturales y su posición geoestratégica, ya que Tayikistán hace frontera con Afganistán y con China.

Las relaciones de la UE con terceros países deberían estar basadas en otros intereses, en intereses mutuos, siempre dentro del respeto de la soberanía de las dos partes y, por supuesto, del respeto de la gestión de los recursos de los mismos.

- Joint motion for a resolution: Situation in Lithuania following the adoption of the law on the protection of minors (RC-B7-0026/2009)

  Robert Atkins (ECR), in writing. − I and my British Conservative colleagues can agree with much of this report. We remain wholeheartedly supportive of providing equal rights and opportunities for people regardless of their disability, race, religion, or sexuality, and abhor discrimination in all its forms. However, we do have serious misgivings with regard to the involvement of the Fundamental Rights Agency and the European Union on issues which we believe to be the preserve of individual nation states.

That is why we have decided to abstain on this resolution.

  Martin Callanan (ECR), in writing. − Members of the European Conservatives and Reformists strongly support equal treatment for all regardless of race, religion, sexuality, or disability, and strongly condemn discrimination in all its forms. 

However, we do have serious misgivings with regard to the involvement of the Fundamental Rights Agency and the European Union on issues which we believe to be the preserve of individual nation states. As a democratic nation, we believe this matter should be decided by the Lithuanian parliament and the Lithuanian people.

Therefore, we have decided not to support this resolution.

  Edite Estrela (S-D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente a resolução do Parlamento Europeu sobre a Lei lituana de Protecção de Menores contra os Efeitos Nocivos da Informação Pública, pois considero que a lei aprovada pelo Parlamento lituano em 14 de Julho de 2009, nos termos da qual é proibido "difundir directamente a menores [...] informação pública que promova relações homossexuais, bissexuais ou poligâmicas", por ter "um efeito nocivo sobre o desenvolvimento dos menores", dever ser urgentemente revista. De acordo com os princípios da União Europeia, todas as formas de discriminação e, em particular, a discriminação com base na orientação sexual deverão ser eliminadas, pelo que a Agência dos Direitos Fundamentais deverá emitir um parecer sobre a lei em causa e as respectivas alterações à luz dos Tratados da UE e do Direito comunitário.

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI), par écrit. – La proposition de résolution qui nous est présentée aujourd'hui est proprement hallucinante. Un pays est montré du doigt parce que son parlement démocratiquement élu est en train d'examiner une loi qui vise la protection des mineurs, comme dans la plupart des États membres, et qui veut notamment les protéger de toute propagande en faveur de l'homosexualité, de la bisexualité ou de la polygamie. Quoi de plus naturel, à l'égard des enfants? Eh bien, non, il paraît que c'est de la "discrimination", et toute l'Union se mobilise contre la pauvre Lituanie, "coupable" de prohiber le prosélytisme et d'encourager les valeurs familiales.

Ce qui est encore plus stupéfiant, c'est que le groupe PPE, qui se réclame théoriquement de la démocratie chrétienne et d'un certain nombre de valeurs morales, ait cosigné cette absurdité dont la gauche a eu l'initiative. Comme d'habitude, le droit des enfants n'est rien face aux pressions de certains lobbies. Il faut dire qu'en leur temps, certains membres de ce Parlement prônaient la pédophilie au nom de la liberté de tous et du droit de chacun, aussi jeune soit-il, à la sexualité. Cette résolution n'est pas seulement criminelle, elle est répugnante!

  Sylvie Guillaume (S-D), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu la résolution dénonçant la loi lituanienne relative la protection des mineurs contre les effets néfastes de l'information publique, qui vise à interdire toute information sur l'homosexualité à partir du moment où elle est accessible aux mineurs. Cette loi est en complète contravention des lois européennes, en particulier sur ce qui touche la lutte contre les discriminations bases sur l'orientation sexuelle, avec un contenu largement homophobe, et se pose aussi comme obstacle à la liberté d'expression. Elle a été largement condamnée par des ONG, parmi lesquelles l'ILGA (International Lesbian and Gay Association) et Amnesty International, ou encore le Conseil de l'Europe. Nous devons offrir aux jeunes la vision d'une société ouverte sur la diversité et fondée sur le principe du respect d'autrui, quelle que soit sa différence. De son côté, la Commission européenne, gardienne des Traités, devra faire preuve de responsabilité et engager une procédure d'infraction à l'encontre de la Lituanie si cette décision devait être maintenue. Par ce vote, nous invitons les parlementaires lituaniens à se ressaisir et à rejeter ce texte qui signifie un retour vers un passé que, pour ma part, je réprouve.

  Jim Higgins, Seán Kelly, Mairead McGuinness and Gay Mitchell (PPE), in writing. − This is an explanation of vote on behalf of the Fine Gael Delegation to the European Parliament. The Fine Gael MEPs abstained on the votes on Lithuania as the legislative/legal processes have not yet been completed there. When the Lithuanian legal process has been finalised the question as to whether it conflicts with EU Treaties can be examined. This is the normal and correct procedure. We also note that the resolution sets one form of discrimination above others and is in itself a form of discrimination.

  Filip Kaczmarek (PPE), na piśmie. − Głosowałem przeciwko rezolucji, która może stanowić niebezpieczny dla UE precedens. Moim zdaniem jej treść i przedmiot są niezgodne z zasadą pomocniczości. Rezolucje tego typu mogą zwiększyć nastroje eurosceptyczne, bo potwierdzają tendencję do ingerencji Unii w wewnętrzne sprawy państw członkowskich. Zasada nieingerowania w sprawy wewnętrzne nie ma charakteru absolutnego, ale przecież na Litwie nie dzieje się nic, co zmuszałoby nas do interwencji. Ci, którzy chcą lepszej Europy, powinni głosować przeciw tej rezolucji. Dlatego ja właśnie tak postąpiłem. Dziękuję bardzo.

  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − El Parlamento lituano ha aprobado unas enmiendas a la Ley sobre la protección de los menores contra los efectos perjudiciales de la información pública. Esta ley pretende impedir la difusión de la información pública que «hace campaña en favor de las relaciones homosexuales» y «desafía los valores familiares».

Por ese motivo es necesario que las autoridades lituanas modifiquen la ley o la deroguen y que se abstengan de aprobar las enmiendas a los Códigos penal y administrativo, con el fin de asegurar que las leyes sean compatibles con los derechos humanos y las libertades fundamentales, como se establece en el Derecho internacional y europeo.

Es un buen paso en este camino que la nueva Presidenta de Lituania pidiera al Parlamento lituano que examinase de nuevo la ley para velar por el respeto de los principios constitucionales del Estado de Derecho, la seguridad jurídica y la claridad legislativa y para que no se violen las garantías de una sociedad abierta y de una democracia pluralista.

Por estos motivos, y por la urgente necesidad de revisar esta ley, he votado a favor de la resolución común del Parlamento Europeo.

  Rareş-Lucian Niculescu (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté contre cette résolution, qui constitue un précédent dangereux, par le fait que les points de vue exprimés ne respectent pas le principe de la subsidiarité et interviennent dans l'activité souveraine du Parlement d'un État membre, dans un moment où la loi invoquée n'était même pas entrée en vigueur.

- Joint motion for a resolution: Crisis in the dairy farming sector (RC-B7-0047/2009)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S-D), por escrito. − Subscrevi e votei favoravelmente a alteração n.º 28 a esta resolução onde se solicitava à Comissão e aos Estados-Membros que tomassem imediatamente medidas suplementares, intervindo sobre o nível actual da produção comunitária por meio de um congelamento temporário dos aumentos de quotas, decididos aquando das últimas reformas da Política Agrícola Comum, porque esta mesma ia de encontro aos interesses de todos os produtores de leite portugueses e, muito em especial, colhia o apoio dos produtores de leite açorianos. Lamentamos, por isso, esta alteração no ter tido o apoio da maioria dos Deputados ao Parlamento Europeu.

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S-D), in writing. − I voted for this joint resolution because, contrary to the European Commission’s prognosis on the substantial increase in the prices of dairy products, the dairy market is witnessing a dramatic deterioration, with falling milk prices despite intervention and export subsidies. The economies of many Member States are heavily dependent on agriculture and farming. Unfortunately, there is now a big difference between the prices paid by consumers for agricultural products in the supermarkets and the money received by producers. Many EU dairy farmers are now at serious risk and are forced to sell dairy products below their production costs. The Commission must take adequate measures in both the short and long term to overcome this crisis and to save the EU dairy market. In this regard, I very much support the request to create an EU Diary Fund to aid producers and to support farm investments. If we want to have a well-functioning diary market we must support farm investments in modernisations, small producers and young farmers. And most importantly, to ensure that farmers receive a fair and adequate price for their production.

  David Casa (PPE), in writing. − The past 12 months have seen the deterioration of the dairy market with prices of milk falling below 21 cents per litre and leaving many farmers with no alternative but to sell dairy products at a loss. This is an extremely serious situation and therefore I have voted in favour of this resolution.

  Ole Christensen, Dan Jørgensen, Christel Schaldemose och Britta Thomsen (S-D), skriftlig. − Vi har stemt imod forslagene om øget landbrugsstøtte til mejerisektoren. Gruppen stemmer konsekvent for at nedbringe landbrugsstøtten og fortsætte reformerne af EU's landbrugspolitik. I forbindelse med beslutningen herom stemte Den Socialdemokratiske Gruppe imod ændringsforslagene 16, 17 og 19, da disse - til trods for et sympatisk indhold - ikke var relevante for den aktuelle diskussion.

  Edite Estrela (S-D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente a proposta de resolução comum sobre a crise no sector leiteiro por considerar que são necessárias medidas urgentes que permitam superar a crise profunda que o sector atravessa, designadamente através de estímulos à procura, que permitam reequilibrar o mercado. De lamentar, no entanto, que o compromisso alcançado no Parlamento Europeu não inclua a suspensão temporária do aumento das quotas ou outras medidas de redução da produção, que seriam muito importantes para apoiar os agricultores europeus a enfrentarem esta crise.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − A profunda crise que assola o sector leiteiro torna urgente a adopção de medidas mais eficazes de apoio aos produtores e uma reflexão sobre a bondade da eliminação das quotas leiteiras em 2015.

A estabilização do mercado do leite e dos produtos lácteos não será alcançada apenas com medidas pontuais, como o não aumento das quotas, destinadas a minorar os efeitos imediatos e conjunturais desta crise. Pelo contrário, haverá que considerar soluções de médio-longo prazo e avaliar as causas do funcionamento deficiente deste mercado e as melhores formas de manter a produção de forma sustentada, sem descurar o direito dos consumidores a um preço justo.

Relevo, neste tocante, a situação de particular fragilidade competitiva das regiões ultraperiféricas fortemente centradas na actividade leiteira, como os Açores, e lamento alguma insensibilidade da Comissão Europeia e, no caso nacional, a má gestão deste processo por parte do Governo português. Em tempos de crise é particularmente relevante a capacidade de acção e de defesa dos interesses nacionais por parte dos nossos governantes. Lamentavelmente, não foi esse caso. Positivamente, destaco o sucesso das alterações de que sou co-autor e que defendem o aumento dos pagamentos de minimis. Não é a solução ideal, mas é um contributo útil.

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − Voto favoravelmente a resolução, embora a considere insuficiente. Neste momento, para estabilizar os preços, é urgente retirar o bónus de 2 por cento de aumento anual para além da quota. É ainda necessária a continuação do sistema de quotas leiteiras após 2015 ou a sua substituição por outro mecanismo de regulação. É imperioso ajustar a produção de leite à procura interna europeia garantindo um preço justo para a sua produção. É fundamental a transparência do mercado sugerindo para o efeito a criação de um observatório europeu que ajude a monitorizar e regular o mercado desde a produção à distribuição.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − A resolução aprovada contém medidas positivas e necessárias no actual contexto de profunda crise que se vive no sector. Daí o nosso voto favorável. Todavia, trata-se apenas de medidas pontuais, que não resolvem os problemas de fundo do sector, em particular dos pequenos e médios produtores, para os quais se perspectiva um agravamento da situação no futuro, tendo em conta a intenção anunciada de supressão das quotas leiteiras.

A luta que os produtores de leite vêm travando, para além dos seus objectivos imediatos - escoar a produção a preços que lhes assegurem a sobrevivência - tem igualmente um significado e alcance mais amplos, que se prendem com o tipo de agricultura que queremos no futuro. A um modelo de agricultura neoliberal, que promove o encharcamento do mercado com produtos provenientes de países com maior capacidade produtiva, que promove a produção intensiva em alguns países e o abandono agrícola e a dependência alimentar noutros, há que opor um modelo que se baseie no conceito de soberania e segurança alimentares, no direito de cada país a produzir, de forma sustentável. Um modelo em que os instrumentos públicos de controlo da produção - as quotas, adaptadas às necessidades de cada país - são essenciais.

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI), par écrit. – Quand une politique mène des agriculteurs au suicide, quand elle conduit des hommes à détruire volontairement le fruit de leur travail parce que ce n'est pas pire que ce que leur offre cette politique, il est temps d'en changer. La libéralisation de l'agriculture, en général, et du secteur du lait, en particulier, est un désastre. Combien de fois faudra-t-il répéter ici que, parce qu'elle nourrit les hommes, parce qu'elle permet l'embellissement des paysages et le maintien des populations en zone rurale, l'agriculture ne peut pas être considérée comme une activité économique comme une autre. Les denrées alimentaires ne sont pas des produits sur lesquels on peut spéculer sur des marchés déconnectés de toute réalité. Il est absurde d'encourager l'importation de produits qui ne répondent même pas aux critères de qualité imposés à nos fermiers. Il est scandaleux de laisser ces mêmes fermiers sous la férule des transformateurs et des prédateurs de grandes centrales d'achat, qui font du profit à la fois sur le dos des producteurs et sur celui des consommateurs. Les timides ou vagues propositions du texte ne sont ni suffisantes, ni totalement satisfaisantes, mais elles ont au moins le mérite d'exister. C'est pourquoi nous avons voté pour.

  Pascale Gruny (PPE), par écrit. – La situation du marché laitier s'est considérablement dégradée au cours des douze derniers mois: le prix du lait a diminué de 30 % en un an, soit la plus forte baisse jamais enregistrée depuis vingt ans. Il devient donc urgent d'instaurer de nouvelles formes de régulation à l'échelle européenne pour que le secteur laitier ne dépende pas des seules règles du marché mais puisse y faire face. Aujourd'hui, l'instabilité des revenus des producteurs ne permet pas une allocation optimale des ressources indispensables aux investissements d'avenir pour la filière. Dès lors, la Commission européenne se doit de faciliter les relations contractuelles au sein de la chaîne agroalimentaire, de façon à équilibrer les relations entre les différents acteurs de la filière, à stabiliser les marchés et à prévenir les risques du marché. Elle doit également encourager une meilleure organisation des filières. En outre, il convient d'étudier si l'augmentation des quotas laitiers pourrait avoir un impact positif sur les prix à la production. C'est maintenant que l'Europe doit agir. On ne peut plus attendre. Nous prendrions sinon le risque de voir le secteur laitier européen souffrir de dommages durables et nous priverions ainsi nos zones rurales fragiles de leur poumon économique.

  Sylvie Guillaume (S-D), par écrit. – La grève du lait ne cesse de prendre de l'ampleur dans nos pays, avec ses images fortes de lait déversé dans les champs. Face à l'inquiétude des producteurs laitiers, le Parlement européen a pris position. Dans ce contexte, j'ai voté en faveur de la création d'un fonds de 600 millions d'euros dans le budget prévu par l'UE en 2010 pour venir en aide aux producteurs de lait, qui subissent actuellement une crise profonde et sans précédent de leur secteur, aux prises avec les lois de l'offre et de la demande sur le marché laitier mondial.

Avec mes collègues socialistes, nous avons également présenté un amendement demandant la suspension des quotas laitiers tels qu'ils sont prévus actuellement, et ce afin de faire remonter les prix. Nous devrions également adopter des mesures conjoncturelles en complément des mesures de gestion du marché déjà prises, qui se sont avérées inefficaces face à la volatilité des cours.

  Elisabeth Jeggle (PPE), schriftlich. − Wir befinden uns im Milchsektor in einer Krise von unvorhergesehenen Ausmaßen: Erzeugerpreise sind drastisch zurückgegangen, Verbraucherpreise sind angestiegen, viele landwirtschaftliche Betriebe in der EU stehen vor der Existenznot. Die Kommission hat dieser Entwicklung viel zu lange zugesehen. Mit unserem Entschließungsantrag, der von fast allen Fraktionen unterstützt wird, machen wir deutlich, dass die im November 2008 im Rahmen des Health Check gefassten Beschlüsse für die aktuelle Situation nicht ausreichend sind. Die umfassende Agrar-Reform, die wir beschlossen haben, ist zu wenig.

Wenn sich die Rahmenbedingungen geändert haben, muss von der Kommission eine entsprechende Initiative ergriffen werden, um den Bäuerinnen und Bauern in der Europäischen Union zu helfen. In der Resolution fordern wir umfassende Maßnahmen: Stabilisierung des Marktes, Absatzförderung, ein umfassendes Schulmilchprogramm, Anhebung des Höchstbetrags der Mindestzahlungen von 7.500? auf 15.000? für alle landwirtschaftlichen Produktionsbereiche, Vorruhestandsregelung / Herauskauf von Quoten, Stärkung von Erzeugergemeinschaften, korrekte Kennzeichnung von Milchprodukten, Exportkreditversicherung ähnlich den USA und für besondere Maßnahmen der Milchfonds. Mit dieser Entschließung sind wir bereit, Verantwortung für die europäische Landwirtschaft zu übernehmen. Deshalb habe ich der vorliegenden Entschließung entsprechend der Abstimmung zugestimmt.

  Marine Le Pen (NI), par écrit. – Le secteur du lait est en péril. Depuis des mois, les producteurs laitiers produisent à perte alors que le prix du lait n'a pas baissé pour les consommateurs, au bénéfice de la grande distribution. La faillite menace des milliers de petits producteurs français. La grève générale du lait, ultime sursaut pour se faire entendre et ne pas mourir dans l'indifférence générale, est en train de se répandre dans de nombreux pays européens, mettant en danger, par corrélation, de nombreux emplois dans les autres filières du secteur laitier. Il y a urgence à trouver des solutions efficaces pour ce secteur clé de l'agriculture française et européenne et changer radicalement de politique, car disons-le sans détour, c'est la Commission européenne, le Conseil, le Parlement européen et leur ultralibéralisme qui sont les seuls responsables de cette tragédie. Il faut d'urgence: maintenir le principe des quotas après 2015; imposer la baisse immédiate de ces quotas afin d'arrêter la chute du prix du lait; appliquer la fixation des prix en fonction des charges réellement supportées par les producteurs indépendants; et instaurer une transparence totale dans la fixation des prix de la grande distribution. Les agriculteurs attendent un geste fort.

  Astrid Lulling (PPE), schriftlich. − Wir haben die Banken gerettet, als es notwendig wurde. Das wurde von allen verantwortungsvollen Politikern anerkannt und gebilligt.

Jetzt sind wir konfrontiert mit einer Lage in der Landwirtschaft, wo es darum geht zu vermeiden, dass besonders im Milchsektor Betriebe kurzfristig Bankrott gehen, weil die Preise die Gestehungskosten nicht mehr decken. Wir müssen sicherstellen, dass unser Produktionspotenzial ausreicht, um die Bevölkerung in der EU mit qualitativ hochwertigen Lebensmitteln zu versorgen.

Ich gehöre einer Generation an, die noch erlebt hat, dass Lebensmittel rationiert waren, dass wir hamstern mussten, um uns ausreichend zu ernähren. Soweit wird es hoffentlich nicht mehr kommen. Aber diejenigen, die nie hungern mussten, verstehen nicht, wie wichtig eine starke Gemeinsame Agrarpolitik für Europa ist.

Versorgungssicherheit, nicht nur im Energiesektor, ist angesagt.

Ich gebe zu bedenken, dass, wenn zu viele Betriebe in zu vielen Regionen zur Aufgabe gezwungen werden, weil wir nicht imstande und bereit sind, die erforderlichen kurzfristigen Maßnahmen zu ergreifen, die in unserer Entschließung angemahnt sind, der Kostenpunkt für die EU und die Mitgliedstaaten ein Vielfaches von dem wäre, was die richtigen, kurzfristigen Maßnahmen im Rahmen der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik kosten.

Das Heer der Arbeitslosen ist groß genug. Landwirtschaftliche Betriebe kaputt gehen zu lassen, wäre aus sozialen, wirtschaftlichen und umweltpolitischen Gründen unverantwortlich.

Ich hoffe, dass unsere Warnung gehört wird.

  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado a favor de la resolución común, a pesar de considerarla insuficiente. La propuesta de acabar con el sistema de cuotas lecheras en el 2015, y hasta entonces aumentar la cuota en un 1 % anual supondrá, a efectos prácticos, la legalización de los excedentes existentes en algunos países, que ya están produciendo por encima de sus cuotas, exportando a precios muy bajos, lo que empuja los precios del mercado a la baja, en muchos países por debajo del coste de producción. Estas medidas que intenta aplicar la Comisión tienen como último objetivo la desregulación y, por tanto, la liberalización del sector lácteo en Europa.

Estamos totalmente en contra de estas medidas, ya que sirven, del mismo modo que las reformas de la PAC, a las grandes empresas en detrimento de los pequeños productores. Estamos a favor de las medidas de regulación del mercado lácteo.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − In den letzten Monaten ist es zu einer für viele Milchbauern bedrohlichen Situation auf den Milchmärkten gekommen. Die Preise für ihre Erzeugnisse sind rapide gesunken. Davon betroffen sind insbesondere kleinere und mittlere Betriebe, die auf ihre Rücklagen zurückgreifen müssen, um überhaupt überleben zu können. Aus diesem Grund ist rasches Handeln von Seiten der EU gefragt. Die Kommission hat bisher viel zu zaghaft versucht, die von ihr durch die Erhöhung der Lieferquoten mitverschuldete Krise in den Griff zu bekommen.

Die Initiativen des Parlaments, die vor allem auch in diesem Entschließungsantrag zum Ausdruck kommen, sind daher umso mehr zu begrüßen. Dazu zählen in erster Linie die Schaffung eines mit 600 Millionen Euro dotierten Milchfonds, Maßnahmen zur Steigerung der Nachfrage nach Milchprodukten, eine verstärkte Qualitätskontrolle und genaue Kennzeichnungspflichten. Es war daher für mich selbstverständlich, im Sinne der Unterstützung unserer Bauern für den vorgeschlagenen Entschließungsantrag und die darin enthaltenen Maßnahmen zu stimmen.

  Frédérique Ries (ALDE), par écrit. – Un cri d'alarme: telle est la substance de notre résolution, qui appelle la Commission et le Conseil à prendre des mesures d'urgence pour sortir de la crise qui touche de plein fouet les producteurs de lait. Une crise qui a pris une autre dimension hier en Belgique avec le déversement, par plus de 2 000 producteurs, de 3 millions de litres de lait à Ciney. Le débat est tronqué si l'on se contente d'en attribuer l'unique responsabilité à la levée des quotas. Raison pour laquelle je me suis opposée à l'amendement 28, par trop simpliste, qui appelle à les geler. Les causes principales sont ailleurs: baisse de la demande, concurrence mondiale effrénée, et surtout, et de nombreuses associations de consommateurs le dénoncent, les marges inacceptables des filières de distribution. C'est ce qui m'a amenée, dans les paragraphes 17 et 18, dont je suis l'auteur, à demander à la Commission qu'une enquête détermine d'éventuelles ententes. Il y va de sa crédibilité. J'ai en revanche soutenu l'amendement 1, qui relaie l'initiative de seize États membres et demande de rétablir l'équilibre entre les différents acteurs de la filière. Je suis personnellement favorable à ce qu'un prix minimum du lait soit défini dans chaque pays.

  Marc Tarabella (S-D), par écrit. – En prévision du vote de la résolution sur la crise dans le secteur de la production laitière, j'avais proposé et soutenu des amendements visant à une régulation à court terme du marché du lait, notamment par un gel de l'augmentation des quotas, voire par la réduction temporaire de ceux-ci (de 3 % à 5 %). Or, toutes ces mesures ont été rejetées par le Parlement européen. Les producteurs sont en droit de s'attendre à ce que le Parlement propose les mesures radicales dont ils ont besoin. Malgré certains points positifs, cette résolution ne répond pas à ces attentes: c'est pourquoi je me suis abstenu lors du vote final.

- Joint motion for a resolution: Energy security (RC-B7-0040/2009)

  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. − A Europa é altamente dependente da importação de energia. Para reduzir a dependência energética deve-se actuar na eficiência energética, na diversificação das fontes de energia recorrendo cada vez mais a fontes renováveis, assim como à diversificação dos países de origem e dos países de trânsito. A consolidação do mercado interno de energia a nível europeu também é muito importante para aumentar a segurança energética. A existência de uma rede eléctrica e de uma rede de gasodutos que cubram todo o território europeu dever ser uma prioridade. Neste sentido, dois dos projectos contidos no plano de recuperação económica são de grande importância para Portugal: a ligação eléctrica entre Portugal e Espanha que contribuirá para a consolidação do Mercado Ibérico de Electricidade; e a ligação entre Espanha e França para evitar que a Península Ibérica se torne uma ilha do ponto de vista energético. É solicitada especial atenção à Comissão e ao Conselho para que o desenvolvimento de projectos de energias renováveis nos países do Sul da Europa com grande potencial renovável, seja incentivado. Grande parte da região alentejana tem o maior potencial solar de toda a Europa como tem sido demonstrado pelos mapas de distribuição da radiação solar.

  Edite Estrela (S-D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente a resolução do Parlamento Europeu sobre os aspectos externos da segurança energética porque considero que a criação de uma verdadeira política comum no domínio da energia será determinante para garantir a segurança do aprovisionamento energético na União Europeia. No entanto, um mercado interno da energia que funcione correctamente, bem como a diversificação das fontes de energia, terão igualmente uma enorme importância para prevenir futuras crises e interrupções no aprovisionamento energético. Nesse sentido, penso que o aumento do investimento em energias renováveis e na eficiência energética, deverá constituir um elemento central das políticas europeias.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − É conhecida e vem sendo amplamente discutida a dependência energética da União Europeia, a necessidade estratégica de a reduzir e os desafios à estabilidade da União que aquela fragilidade concita.

O meu país apresenta, a esse título, níveis de dependência que ultrapassam largamente a média europeia, revelando o absoluto falhanço dos sucessivos governos nesta matéria e fazendo temer com particular intensidade uma eventual crise dos mercados energéticos.

Conhecidas as dificuldades nas relações com alguns dos principais fornecedores e os limites na diversidade de fontes de energia e a existência de uma capacidade de aprovisionamento insuficiente, considero relevante para todos os Estados-Membros que a União Europeia possa agir em bloco na defesa dos interesses comuns e se mostre apta a impô-los num contexto negocial muito exigente.

De igual modo, acredito que os Estados não podem eximir-se das suas próprias responsabilidades, devendo optar por “cabazes energéticos” variados nos quais todas as principais alternativas, incluindo a nuclear, devem ser estudadas, equacionadas sem preconceitos e postas em prática quando se revelarem úteis, privilegiando-se as formas mais eficientes, seguras e limpas de produção.

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI), par écrit. – L'Europe ne pourra pas, du moins dans un proche avenir, s'affranchir de sa dépendance extérieure pour ses approvisionnements énergétiques. Il est vrai que pour alléger ces contraintes, il faut diversifier nos dépendances, tant du point de vue des sources d'énergie que de celui des pays fournisseurs. Mais franchement, je ne vois pas l'intérêt, dans une démarche plus motivée, semble-t-il, par l'hostilité à la Russie que par un souci énergétique, de se mettre sous la coupe de la Turquie, point de passage obligé de votre fameux gazoduc Nabucco, systématiquement privilégié par rapport à d'autres projets. Ce pays disposerait d'un moyen de pression considérable.

Et en ce qui concerne Desertec, je ne vois pas non plus l'intérêt de dépendre de ce qui est, pour l'instant, un projet relevant d'une initiative privée. En fait, j'estime qu'il est contradictoire de vouloir mener une politique énergétique centralisée dans les mains de la Commission en même temps qu'on livre le secteur européen de l'énergie aux acteurs privés, ce qui entraîne une hausse des prix et une réduction des prestations, et influe dans le mauvais sens sur les choix énergétiques. Et surtout, j'estime que l'énergie est une chose trop cruciale pour la laisser sous la responsabilité des fonctionnaires de la Commission ou pour l'abandonner aux appétits de profits de quelques firmes.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Der vorliegende Gemeinsame Entschließungsantrag zu den externen Aspekten der Versorgungssicherheit enthält wichtige Weichenstellungen für die zukünftige Energiepolitik Europas. Insbesondere die signifikante Erhöhung des Anteils erneuerbarer Energieträger am derzeitigen Energiemix erachte ich als besonders wichtig, weshalb ich auch dem Projekt Desertec, das von einer privaten Investorengruppe geplant wird, positiv gegenüberstehe.

Damit soll nicht zuletzt auch die Abhängigkeit der EU von einzelnen Staaten, von denen wir bis dato unsere fossilen Energieträger beziehen, reduziert werden. Das geplante Nabucco-Projekt trägt leider nicht dazu bei, da es die EU im Hinblick auf den geplanten Beitritt der Türkei zur EU erpressbar macht. Das Projekt in seiner derzeitigen Form, mit dem unmittelbaren Einfluss des islamischen Regimes in der Türkei, ist daher abzulehnen. Aus diesem Grund habe ich mich trotz zahlreicher positiver Aspekte im Text in der Endabstimmung über den Gesamttext der Stimme enthalten.

  Geoffrey Van Orden (ECR), in writing. − We recognise the different concerns of our various allies. However, from a British perspective, efforts to achieve a more coherent EU approach to energy security do not require the Lisbon Treaty or the extension of European Commission competence. Sufficient mechanisms are already in place which would enable EU Member States to speak with one voice in dealing with Russia, should we so wish.

The references in this resolution to the Lisbon Treaty are highly detrimental. British Conservatives are vehemently opposed to the ratification of this Treaty and to further attempts at EU political integration. I regret also the failure to make any reference to nuclear energy among the mix of sustainable and diverse energy supply sources that will be required in the coming years. Energy security is first and foremost the responsibility of our own governments.

6. Korrezzjonijiet u intenzjonijiet għall-vot: ara l-Minuti

(The sitting was suspended at 12.55 and resumed at 15.00.)

ELNÖKÖL: Pál SCHMITT
alelnök

7. Approvazzjoni tal-Minuti tas-seduta ta’ qabel: ara l-Minuti

8. Is-sitwazzjoni fit-Tajwan wara t-tifun reċenti (dibattitu)

  Elnök. − A következő pont a Bizottság nyilatkozata a Tajvani helyzetről a közelmúltbeli tájfunt követően.

  Meglena Kuneva, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, first of all, let me express my sympathy to the people of Taiwan who suffered as result of Typhoon Morakot and its consequences. The European Community Mechanism for Civil Protection made a contribution to the overall relief effort and showed Europe’s solidarity with the population of Taiwan.

On 7 August 2009 Taiwan was hit by Typhoon Morakot, causing major flooding and mudslides. Over 150 people were killed and tens of thousands displaced. Transport infrastructure, including roads and bridges, was damaged and communication networks were interrupted. Around 700 000 homes were left without drinking water. Taiwan requested international assistance on 12 August 2009. In response the European Commission activated the Community Civil Protection Mechanism. The mechanism facilitates and coordinates Member States’ in-kind assistance during major emergencies.

The European Commission deployed a coordination and assessment team to Taiwan to assess the needs and to assist the Government in its relief efforts. The team undertook several assessment missions to the affected regions, sharing its findings and recommendations with the local authorities and international partners. The mechanism team also facilitated the delivery of in-kind assistance such as water purification equipment donated by Sweden and Poland, which was delivered to the most affected areas in Taiwan.

The rapid delivery of this assistance ensured a tangible expression of European solidarity. The presence of the European team on the ground was also received positively. The Community Civil Protection Mechanism is a very visible sign of European solidarity with countries worldwide, and I am convinced that it will continue to grow in strength and effectiveness.

Natural disasters can affect any country in the world. They often carry a heavy human, economic and environmental cost. In the future, climate change makes it likely that we will face more disasters. In this regard, solidarity with other countries hit by disaster remains one of the pillars of the European disaster-management policy. I look forward to continuing to work with the European Parliament to make sure our European emergency-management tools are fit for purpose.

  Thomas Mann, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Republik Taiwan wurde am 8. August in ihren Grundfesten erschüttert. Mit unbändiger Kraft fegte der Taifun Morakot über die Insel hinweg und löschte mehr als 750 Menschenleben aus. Tausende verloren Hab und Gut, Landstriche wurden verwüstet. Der Schaden beträgt mehr als 2,5 Milliarden Euro. Der Wiederaufbau einer vielerorts zerstörten Infrastruktur wird Monate dauern. Als Zeichen der Solidarität war es uns Europäern ein Anliegen, die taiwanesische Bevölkerung im Rahmen der Katastrophenhilfe zu unterstützen.

Die EVP, Frau Kuneva, unterstützt die Initiativen, die die Europäische Kommission in Gang gebracht hat. Umso verwunderlicher ist es, dass die taiwanesischen Botschaften angewiesen wurden, jede ausländische Hilfe abzulehnen. Das führte zu heftiger Kritik und am 13. August zu notwendigen Korrekturen eines völlig fehlgeschlagenen Krisenmanagements. Kurz darauf trat Ministerpräsident Liu Chao-shiuan zurück.

Eine weitere Irritation gab es jetzt beim mehrtägigen Besuch des Dalai Lama Anfang September in Taiwan. Er wollte mit den Überlebenden für die Opfer beten, mehr nicht. Mitgefühl ist seit Jahren die Botschaft der vielbeachteten Reden und Bücher des Dalai Lama. Erneut protestierte die chinesische Regierung lautstark und übte massiven Druck aus. Es ist empörend, dass Peking aus einer rein humanitären Aktion des Dalai Lama wieder einmal ein Politikum gemacht hat. Taiwan muss sich die Frage gefallen lassen, auf wessen Seite es eigentlich steht. Staatspräsident Ma Ying-jeou hatte die Einreise des Friedensnobelpreisträgers erst nach heftigen Protesten aus der eigenen Bevölkerung gestattet.

Wir, Frau Kommissarin, sind gefordert, den Dialog mit Taiwan zu intensivieren – in humanitären Fragen, aber auch in Fragen unserer grundsätzlichen Orientierung. Demokratie, Menschenrechte und Solidarität gehören untrennbar zusammen, auch in diesem aufstrebenden asiatischen Land!

  Victor Boştinaru, on behalf of the S-D Group. – Mr President, first of all, please let me express my sincere sorrow for the huge tragedy that hit Taiwan on 8 August and in particular for all the people that were killed by the incredible energy of the devastation from this major disaster.

Morakot was the deadliest typhoon to hit Taiwan in nearly 50 years, ravaging the island in early August and leaving about 700 people dead or missing, forcing the evacuation of thousands and burying hundreds of village homes in mudslides.

On this occasion China showed great sensitivity by sending immediate aid to help Taiwanese victims. Not only was the Chinese Government ready to assist the island, but also private companies and organisations of different kinds including the Association for Relations across the Taiwan Straits and the mainland Red Cross Society.

Also, the Chinese population afforded help with fundraising events organised to relieve the island from the disaster.

According to the last figures, the Chinese mainland has so far donated to the typhoon victims about a CNY 1 billion, which is the equivalent of nearly USD 150 million. An important role in this situation was played by the several hundreds of prefabricated houses that were sent from China to Taiwan in order to put a roof over those who had lost their dwellings.

I would like to underline the fact that the European Union, attached to the One China policy, welcomes the help that China offered Taiwan on this tragic occasion because this shows an improvement in the relations between the two territories, and it is clear that an improvement in such relations can lead to greater stability in this region.

I also think, and with this I conclude, that, given the dimension of the disaster, the European Union should make use of one of its core values – solidarity – and offer Taiwan additional material and financial assistance in order to help with the massive task of reconstruction.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, the scenes of devastation and destruction caused by Typhoon Morakot will remain in our minds for a long time, but many people in Taiwan will be living with the consequences of this tragedy for years to come. Over 700 people lost their lives and thousands of others have faced major disruption.

The Taiwanese Government under President Ma responded promptly by deploying soldiers to the worst-affected communities and areas, and requesting assistance from the international community. The Swedish EU Presidency and the Commission should be congratulated on their work in activating the Community Civil Protection Mechanism. I do hope now that the Commission will commit to longer-term assistance to Taiwan to enable full recovery of its people and economy and the rebuilding of the infrastructure.

I have no doubt of the gratitude of the people and Government of Taiwan for the solidarity and support shown by the EU. Furthermore, as chairman of the EP Taiwan Friendship Group, I look forward to finding out the latest situation when I lead a delegation of MEPs to Taiwan next month.

The calamity that has affected Taiwan may well become more commonplace, both in Taiwan and around the world, as a result of climate change. It is therefore essential that Taiwan, as an island vulnerable to such meteorological phenomena and as a major global industrial power, is enabled to participate meaningfully and with dignity in appropriate international organisations, not least those related to weather and climate change. In particular, Taiwan should be allowed to participate in the United Nations Framework Convention for Climate Change and the World Meteorological Organisation.

Both the Council and the Commission support Taiwan’s meaningful participation in United Nations bodies now, and I hope they will use the opportunity, arising from this disaster, that has now been presented to Taiwan to promote Taiwan’s involvement in these structures.

  Fiorello Provera, a nome del gruppo EFD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, insieme alle mie condoglianze e alla solidarietà per la popolazione di Taiwan, vorrei sottolineare la tempestività dell'impegno umanitario dell'Unione europea in questa catastrofe.

La Commissione ha fatto la sua parte e molti Stati membri hanno inviato aiuti o squadre di esperti. La stessa Repubblica popolare cinese ha aiutato le autorità taiwanesi e questo è un gesto che io considero molto significativo. Ma se vogliamo aiutare in futuro e in maniera strutturale le autorità taiwanesi e i paesi dell'area a far fronte a minacce di questo tipo, l'Unione europea dovrebbe sostenere l'ammissione di Taiwan, in veste di osservatore, nell'Organizzazione mondiale per la meteorologia e nella Convenzione quadro delle Nazioni Unite sul cambiamento climatico.

L'adesione di Taiwan in veste di osservatore ha già dato buoni frutti in altre organizzazioni internazionali settoriali come WTO e anche in questo caso l'adesione di Taiwan potrebbe costituire una modalità di prevenzione concreta e limitare i pericoli in futuro per i 23 milioni di abitanti dell'isola e per l'intera regione.

  Astrid Lulling (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, Taïwan émerge à peine d'une terrible catastrophe naturelle, comme ce pays n'en avait plus connue depuis un demi-siècle. Il est de notre devoir, non seulement d'exprimer notre solidarité, mais aussi de participer activement à la reconstruction des parties dévastées de l'île.

La Commission et le Conseil ont heureusement répondu présents après le passage du typhon Morakot. Je les presse maintenant de fournir, concrètement, l'aide nécessaire au gouvernement et à la population de ce pays, car il y a énormément à faire. Des instruments adéquats existent au niveau de l'Union européenne. Ils doivent être pleinement utilisés.

Cette catastrophe pose à nouveau, comme certains de mes collègues l'ont déjà dit, la question de la participation de Taïwan aux différentes agences des Nations unies. Les institutions de l'Union européenne l'encouragent sur le principe, mais il est grand temps d'agir pour changer les choses. Les autorités de Taïwan ne disposaient pas d'informations météorologiques indiquant la gravité du typhon. Ce n'est pas acceptable. Une participation de Taïwan à la convention-cadre des Nations unies sur les changements climatiques est absolument nécessaire pour la mettre en position d'éviter le pire car, immanquablement, d'autres dépressions climatiques suivront.

Je suis la présidente de l'association Taïwan-Luxembourg et je dois dire qu'il ne faut plus reculer devant le chantage de la Chine communiste, en ce qui concerne nos relations avec Taïwan. Un soutien clair et net de la Commission et du Conseil sur cette question est absolument indiqué.

  Κρίτων Αρσένης (S-D). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρία Επίτροπε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι θα ήθελα και εγώ να εκφράσω τη βαθιά μου λύπη για την ανθρωπιστική καταστροφή στην Ταϊβάν, και πραγματικά πιστεύω ότι θα πρέπει να βοηθήσουμε ως Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση με κάθε δυνατό τρόπο.

Γνωρίζουμε, πλέον, ότι είναι 640 οι νεκροί από τον τυφώνα Μαρακότ και πάνω από 192 οι αγνοούμενοι. Μια κατολίσθηση, μάλιστα, έσβησε ένα ολόκληρο χωριό

από το χάρτη και οδήγησε σε εκατοντάδες νεκρούς. Όλα αυτά όμως δεν είναι τυχαία. Είχε προηγηθεί μία εκτενής λειψυδρία, που μείωσε την ικανότητα της γης να απορροφήσει τη βροχή.

Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, ξηρασία, πλημμύρες και ραγδαία αύξηση των καιρικών φαινομένων είναι φαινόμενα που σταδιακά θα εντείνονται λόγω της κλιματικής αλλαγής. Ένας τυφώνας δημιουργείται σε θαλάσσιες περιοχές με επιφανειακή θερμοκρασία 27ο C. Η άνοδος της θερμοκρασίας θα αυξήσει σημαντικά τόσο τους τυφώνες όσο και την έντασή τους. Έως σήμερα, 120 εκατομμύρια άνθρωποι ζουν σε περιοχές που πλήττονται από τυφώνες. Μεταξύ του 1980 και του 2000 είχαμε 250.000 θύματα από τυφώνες.

Για όλους αυτούς τους λόγους, οι καρδιές όλων μας πρέπει να είναι στην Κοπεγχάγη, όπου το Δεκέμβριο θα αποφασίσουμε, αν η κάθε χώρα μας ξεχωριστά θα υπερασπισθεί τα δικά της προσωρινά, βραχυπρόθεσμα συμφέροντα, ή αν όλοι θα δώσουμε τη μάχη για τον πλανήτη -το σπίτι μας- τη μάχη για να αναστρέψουμε την κλιματική αλλαγή.

Θα σταματήσει λοιπόν ο ανεπτυγμένος και αναπτυσσόμενος κόσμος να συμβάλει σε καταστροφές, όπως αυτή της Ταϊβάν; Αυτό όμως απαιτεί πράξεις. Απαιτεί να δεσμευτούμε ότι θα λάβουμε τις αναγκαίες δεσμεύσεις για την απαραίτητη μείωση, προκειμένου να μην αυξηθεί η θερμοκρασία πάνω από 2ο C , απαιτεί επίσης να βάλουμε και το χέρι στην τσέπη για να βοηθήσουμε οικονομικά τον αναπτυσσόμενο κόσμο ώστε να γίνει μέρος της λύσης και να συμβάλει στην αντιμετώπιση της κλιματικής αλλαγής.

Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, εμείς είμαστε, ο αναπτυσσόμενος κόσμος, που δημιουργήσαμε την κλιματική αλλαγή. Εμείς είμαστε ο "ρυπαίνων" και σύμφωνα με την αρχή που εμείς οι ίδιοι άλλωστε θεσπίσαμε - "ο ρυπαίνων πληρώνει" - πρέπει να πληρώσουμε. Πρέπει να πληρώσουμε ενισχύοντας οικονομικά τις αναπτυσσόμενες χώρες.

  Bastiaan Belder (EFD). - Mijnheer de Voorzitter, deze ramp was voor Taiwan van ongekende omvang. In de bergen is het een groot drama. Hele dorpen zijn verdwenen en naar schatting zijn er duizend doden respectievelijk vermisten. Duizenden, zo niet meer, overlevenden verblijven momenteel in militaire kampen. Zo schetste de hoogste vertegenwoordiger van mijn land, Nederland, in Taiwan, Menno Goedhart, de verwoestende gevolgen van de tyfoon Morakot. Vanaf deze plaats wil ik dan ook allereerst mijn medeleven uitdrukken aan regering en burgers van Taiwan.

In aanvulling op de praktische hulpverlening die Menno Goedhart aan zijn Taiwanese vrienden vandaag verleent, en ook onder waardering voor wat al van Europese zijde is gebeurd, zou ik de Europese Commissie toch een tweetal vragen willen stellen die versterking van de Europees-Taiwanese relaties beogen. Allereerst komt de Commissie volgende maand met een voorstel voor de versoepeling van het visa-regime voor Taiwanezen. Het Verenigd Koninkrijk en Ierland hebben reeds het goede voorbeeld gegeven. Ten tweede toont een recent Europees rapport glashard aan dat er voor Taiwan en de Europese Unie enorme winst zit in het afspreken van trade enhancing measures, TEM. Kan de Commissie zich in deze urgente conclusie vinden?

Tot slot, mijnheer de Voorzitter, kan ik mij volledig aansluiten bij de collega's die al hebben gepleit voor het doorbreken van het onwaarschijnlijke internationale isolement van Taiwan. Dat is werkelijk onverdraaglijk, zeker als het gaat om de levens van burgers, waar dan ook.

  Ville Itälä (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, Taiwania kohtasi suuri inhimillinen hätä 8. elokuuta. Uhrien määrä oli valtava, taloudelliset vahingot olivat mittavat. Nyt on meidän aika auttaa, meidän aika osoittaa Taiwanin kansalaisille solidaarisuutta. Meidän on osoitettava myötätuntoa, mutta myötätunnon lisäksi meidän on annettava taloudellista tukea, ja kuten komission edustaja täällä totesi, meidän on nyt otettava kriisinhallintavälineet käyttöön. Taiwanilaisille on annettava nyt kaikki inhimillisesti mahdollinen apu. Haluan myös tukea kollega Tannockin esittämää ajatusta pidempiaikaisesta tuesta Taiwanille, jotta saadaan aikaan mahdollisimman hyvä tulos ja voimme todella osoittaa, että hekin ovat ihmisiä ja ennen kaikkea he ovat meidän ystäviämme.

  Janusz Władysław Zemke (S-D). - Chciałem podziękować Pani Komisarz za informacje, ale moje pytanie ma charakter nieco inny. Nie tak dawno tragedię przeżywał Tajwan, ale dobrze wiemy, że tego typu nieszczęść było wiele i może być wiele. W związku z tym pytanie, które chciałem Pani Komisarz zadać jest następujące: czy Unia Europejska, a Komisja w szczególności, ma jakieś standardy postępowania w takiej sytuacji? Czy istnieje pakiet podejmowanych działań o charakterze doraźnym, oferty dla danych państw i czy istnieje także pakiet działań o charakterze długofalowym?

Myślę, że byłoby źle, gdybyśmy na takie tragedie reagowali w różny sposób w sytuacji różnych państw. Sądzę, że tak, jak to bywa w wojsku, trzeba mieć przygotowany standard pewnych działań w sytuacjach kryzysowych – chciałem właśnie o to Panią spytać.

  Johannes Cornelis van Baalen (ALDE). - Mijnheer de Voorzitter, de ALDE-Fractie leeft, zoals vele fracties in dit Parlement, mee met de getroffen bevolking van Taiwan en ze is blij dat de Europese Commissie gereageerd heeft zoals ze dat heeft gedaan. Daar moet de Commissie ook mee doorgaan. Maar het grote probleem naast deze menselijke ramp is natuurlijk het isolement van Taiwan. Je kunt best een één-China-beleid handhaven en tegelijkertijd goede werkbare verhoudingen met Taiwan creëren. Taiwan zou best in de Wereldgezondheidsorganisatie een rol kunnen spelen als waarnemer. Hetzelfde geldt voor de Wereld Meteorologische Organisatie of de VN-Conventie op het gebied van klimaatsverandering. Dat is allemaal mogelijk en staat het één-China-beleid niet in de weg. Ik sluit mij aan bij de heer Belder ten aanzien van het versoepelen van het visa-regime en ook zijn goede woorden aan de heer Goedhart, de Nederlandse vertegenwoordiger in Taipei Ik vind dat we dus niet moeten doorgaan met het isoleren van Taiwan. Werkbare relaties, daar gaat het om.

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE). - Mr President, first of all I would like to express my deep condolences to the families of those who died during the Morakot typhoon.

It is regrettable that hundreds have died, others lost their loved ones, and many more were injured.

As many observers have noted, the number of victims could have been lower if the Government had reacted in a more coordinated manner to the typhoon. The Government failed to predict the seriousness of the tropical storm approaching the island. At the same time, we know that Taiwan has a highly developed high-tech sector and is one of the largest manufacturers of GPS systems in the world.

Part of the blame should be attributed to the fact that Taiwan is not yet a member of the World Meteorological Organisation (WMO), as has already been mentioned by some colleagues. Taiwan could have been better pre-warned if the WMO provided it with timely information. I am therefore convinced that the time is right again to raise the issue of Taiwan’s membership in the WMO, not only for political reasons but also for humanitarian ones.

  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S-D). - Domnule Preşedinte, doamnă comisar, taifunul care a lovit Taiwan-ul a afectat viaţa a sute de mii de oameni şi a distrus zeci de mii de locuinţe. Ajutorul umanitar al Uniunii Europene trebuie să fie necondiţionat. Scopul trebuie să fie acela de a ajuta victimele în cel mai scurt timp posibil.

Uniunea Europeană este un donator activ care lucrează cu organizaţiile neguvernamentale şi cu agenţiile specializate ale Organizaţiei Naţiunilor Unite pentru a furniza fonduri pentru tratamente medicale, precum şi sprijin logistic şi pentru reconstrucţia zonelor devastate. Conferinţa de la Copenhaga discută foarte mult şi ne pregătim pentru a lua nişte măsuri pentru un viitor acord post-Kyoto pentru reducerea emisiilor poluante. Deci, discutăm mai mult de măsuri de reducere a cauzelor care conduc la schimbările climatice.

Solicit ca în contextul Conferinţei de la Copenhaga să se acorde o atenţie deosebită şi măsurilor de adaptare, deoarece vom avea în continuare de-a face cu furtuni puternice, inundaţii, secetă prelungită sau incendii de păduri. De asemenea, solicit sprijin ca Uniunea Europeană să acorde sprijin umanitar pentru Taiwan şi pentru reconstrucţie şi, în special, pentru sprijinul populaţiei.

  Meglena Kuneva, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, I will take the questions in order.

First of all, on the assistance which the Commission is providing to Taiwan to meet the ongoing needs of its people, which was the main point of the question by Mr Mann: Taiwan has been informed of the Commission’s post-disaster needs-assessment mechanism, but we have not received any requests so far. If such a request comes, we will take it into consideration.

Then, on the Commission position regarding the current state of cross-Strait relations, which was the question from Mr Boştinaru, the Commission welcomes the rapprochement between Taiwan and China during the last year. This has made it possible to improve cross-Strait relations, reducing tensions between the two, and to promote bilateral issues such as direct air and sea links.

We strongly support the bilateral discussions between the two parties that may allow further progress. We also welcome the Chinese assistance.

On the question concerning the participation of Taiwan in the World Meteorological Organisation from Mrs Lulling and Mrs Andrikienė, and also from Mr van Baalen and Mr Tannock: in line with the position expressed by the European Union in a statement issued in September 2008 and the EU’s One China policy, the European Commission supports, where appropriate, the meaningful participation of Taiwan in international organisations. We will continue to do so.

On the questions from Mrs Lulling and Mr Mann, as to the assistance provided, the Community’s Civil Protection Mechanism provided assistance from Sweden and Poland. This help was received with gratitude which was acknowledged by President Ma to Commission President Barroso.

On the question concerning the visit by the Dalai Lama to Taiwan in the aftermath of the typhoon, the visit by the Dalai Lama was a decision taken by the Taiwanese authorities, and the European Commission has no comment on it.

On the question raised by Mr Belder, about the Commission position on granting visa-free access to Taiwanese visiting the EU: the Commission is considering, within the framework of the revision of the appropriate legislation, the possibility of updating the list of countries and entities which may not be subject to visa requirements in respect of visits to the European Union, especially the Schengen Area, and in this context it will also consider the case of Taiwan.

Coming to the question by Mr Zemke on the issue of standard procedures in the event of disasters and how we will proceed in future in such cases, the Commission focuses on two priorities: the first is continuing work on preparedness and response, and the second is the prevention of disasters.

First, we deem it important to ensure the availability of EU assistance at all times. With Parliament’s support, in 2008 we launched a pilot project and a preparatory action on the EU rapid-response capability. From this initial experience, if appropriate, the Commission will present further proposals for the development of the EU rapid-response capability, funded from national resources earmarked for EU operations.

Second, we aim to have a comprehensive approach to disaster prevention at EU level. In February 2009 the Commission published a communication on a Community approach to the prevention of natural and man-made disasters. We would welcome Parliament’s feedback on this communication.

  Elnök. − A vitát lezárom.

9. Dibattiti dwar każijiet ta' ksur tad-drittijiet tal-bniedem, tad-demokrazija u ta' l-istat tad-dritt (dibattitu)

9.1. Imwiet ta' difensuri tad-drittijiet tal-bniedem fir-Russja

  Elnök. − Hat állásfoglalásra irányuló indítványt⁽¹⁾ juttattak el hozzám az emberi

jogi jogvédők ellen elkövetett gyilkosságokról Oroszországban (az eljárási szabályzat 122. cikke).

  Heidi Hautala, laatija. − Arvoisa puhemies, oikeastaan meidän pitäisi viettää täällä muistohetkeä ja sytyttää kynttilä viime aikoina Pohjois-Kaukasiassa murhattujen ihmisoikeusaktivistien muistoksi. Meidän on muistettava, että Natalia Estemirova, Zarema Zadulajeva ja Ali Zabrailov ja monet muut, jotka ovat joutuneet kärsimään ja menettämään henkensä puolustaessaan ihmisoikeuksia, ansaitsevat kaiken meidän tukemme. Valitettavasti me emme heitä heidän elinaikanaan tarpeeksi voineet tukea.

On hälyttävää, että Venäjällä ei ole kyetty saamaan aikaan riittävät standardit täyttäviä rikosoikeudellisia tutkimuksia näiden murhien selvittämiseksi ja syyllisten saattamiseksi tuomioistuimen eteen. Olen pannut merkille, että Euroopan unioni on kirjelmöinyt tästä asiasta Venäjälle. Aivan ilmeisesti meidän ponnistelumme eivät kuitenkaan riitä ja meidän täytyy pohtia vakavasti sitä, millä tavalla saamme oikeusvaltion toimimaan Venäjällä, miten voimme ottaa tämän asian esille nykyistä paljon vakavammin, kun neuvotellaan uudesta yhteistyö- ja kumppanuussopimuksesta Venäjän kanssa.

On myös pohdittava sitä, miten me voisimme tukea Venäjän ihmisoikeuspuolustajia nykyistä paremmin. Meidän tulisi pohtia, voimmeko tarjota suojaa vaarassa oleville ihmisille, voivatko EU:n toimielimet järjestää heille pikaisesti viisumeja, jotta he voivat paeta Venäjältä, jossa he ovat ja heidän henkensä on vaarassa. Vihreiden mielestä olisi tärkeää, että Euroopan parlamentissa olisi tällainen keskus, joka välittää tietoa vaaranalaisessa tilanteessa elävien ihmisoikeuspuolustajien tilanteesta ja pyrkii auttamaan heitä yhdessä muiden toimielinten kanssa. On todella paljon mitä me voimme tehdä. Anna Politkovskaja sanoi eläessään, että länsi voi tehdä niin paljon, mutta länsi tekee niin vähän.

(Suosionosoituksia)

  Véronique De Keyser, auteur. − Monsieur le Président, je vais prendre le peu de temps que j'ai pour préciser la position de mon groupe, qui n'a pas signé la déclaration conjointe et qui présente une résolution séparée.

Je voudrais vous dire, d'abord, que nous sommes entièrement d'accord avec la résolution conjointe en ce qui concerne Natalia Estemirova, Zarema Sadulayeva et Alik Dzhabrailov.

Nous avons été bouleversés par ces nouveaux assassinats qui, effectivement, ne sont que des assassinats parmi d'autres, parmi les militants des droits de l'homme en Tchétchénie.

Nous avons demandé, dans notre résolution, exactement la même chose que dans la résolution conjointe, c'est-à-dire que nous condamnons l'attaque, que nous demandons une enquête, que nous nous préoccupons du climat de détérioration des droits de l'homme pour les militants en Russie.

Là où notre position diverge, c'est sur l'extension qui a été donnée, dans la résolution conjointe, à tous les défenseurs des droits de l'homme et à la situation dans le nord du Caucase en général. Nous pensons qu'il y a peut-être d'autres lieux pour cela – et je m'engage à le faire –, notamment dans la résolution qui précédera le Sommet Union européenne-Russie. Nous voulons que cet agenda des militants des droits de l'homme et de la défense de ces militants fasse partie de cette résolution, mais aussi de toutes les négociations que nous entreprendrons avec la Russie.

Donc, c'est simplement ici, et je le précise, un problème de timing et un problème de lieu. C'est une question politique qui doit être traitée de façon politique et pas seulement ici, aux urgences. C'est la raison pour laquelle nous avons préféré faire le distinguo mais, bien entendu, sur le fond du problème, nous sommes entièrement d'accord avec les autres groupes.

  Renate Weber, author. − Mr President, allow me to present the Chamber with a few facts. Only this year in January, Stanislav Markelov, the human rights lawyer who represented the assassinated journalist Anna Politkovskaya, was gunned down in the middle of the afternoon in downtown Moscow. On the same occasion, Anastasia Baburova, a journalist who tried to protect him, was also shot and died.

In July, Natalia Estemirova, a well-known Russian human rights activist and journalist, was found dead in Ingushetia after being abducted by armed men in neighbouring Chechnya. Less than a month later, another non-governmental activist, Zarema Sadulayeva, and her husband were abducted and killed.

In August, journalist Malik Akhmedilov was shot dead shortly after leaving his home in Dagestan. Six outstanding journalists and human rights activists dead in less than eight months.

These abductions and murders are only the peak of what results from the deterioration of the human rights situation in Russia, where independent voices, including lawyers, journalists and other activists, face increasing violence, threats and unjustified prosecution.

Human rights violations in Russia, and especially in North Caucasus, can no longer be ignored. We cannot be so naive as to believe that super-powerful Russia, with one of the strongest intelligence services in the world, is not capable of finding the perpetrators and bringing them to justice.

We all, regardless of our political colour, have to understand that impunity for attacks against human rights defenders will contribute to more violence and a growing culture of lawlessness. The Russian authorities must ensure the physical safety and freedom of movement and expression of human rights defenders, in accordance with the United Nations Declaration on human rights defenders.

  Bernd Posselt, Verfasser. − Herr Präsident! Unser früherer Alterspräsident Otto von Habsburg wurde einmal gefragt, ob er bedauere, dass er nicht Kaiser, sondern Europaabgeordneter ist. Er hat gesagt: Nein, denn wenn ich Kaiser wäre, müsste ich einen Esel Exzellenz nennen, und so kann ich einen Esel einen Esel nennen. An diese Geschichte muss ich denken, wenn es um Fragen der Menschenrechte geht.

Wir sind kein diplomatisches Gremium, wir sind ein politisch-parlamentarisches Gremium. Wir können die Wahrheit sagen. Es gibt ein Sprichwort, das sagt: Der Fisch fängt vom Kopf an zu stinken. Es ist eben nicht so – und ich danke der Kollegin Weber, dass sie das so klar angesprochen hat –, dass diese Zwischenfälle und Ermordungen im Kaukasus irgendwelche Zufälle oder das Wirken irgendwelcher dunklen Mächte sind, sondern seit der Machtergreifung von Herrn Putin, die mit dem Thema Tschetschenien zusammenhängt, mit den mysteriösen Explosion von Häusern in Moskau, ist seit vielen Jahren eine Blutspur da, die immer wieder nach Tschetschenien führt und unschuldige Menschen trifft: die Zivilbevölkerung und vor allem auch Menschenrechtsaktivisten, die sich wie die Genannten – und viele haben wir ja persönlich gekannt – nicht nur für die Menschenrechte der Tschetschenen einsetzen, sondern für ein demokratisches Russland, für die Völkerverständigung zwischen Tschetschenen und Russen und für den Frieden im Kaukasus. Diese Menschen werden wirklich einer nach dem anderen ermordet.

Deshalb, liebe Kollegin De Keyser, war es notwendig, eine Dringlichkeitsdebatte abzuhalten. Wir machen uns doch lächerlich, wenn eine Frau, die hier im Haus Preise erhalten hat, die uns aufgrund ihres Engagements für die Menschenrechte in Straßburg besucht hat, vor unseren Augen ermordet wird und wir das Thema auf irgendeine spätere Debatte vertagen.

Man schaut in Russland ganz genau, ob wir in der Lage sind, sofort zu reagieren. Und wir müssen sofort reagieren, indem wir klar sagen: Schluss mit dem Morden, Schluss mit der Verletzung der Menschenrechte, Freiheit für Tschetschenien und für Russland, aber vor allem Schluss mit den systematischen Menschenrechtsverletzungen und Morden vor mysteriösem Hintergrund!

  Tomasz Piotr Poręba, autor. − Po raz kolejny na wokandę Parlamentu Europejskiego powraca kwestia łamania praw człowieka w Rosji.

Do systematycznych prześladowań mniejszości religijnych i etnicznych dochodzą dzisiaj regularne zabójstwa obrońców praw człowieka. Praca dziennikarzy i działaczy pozarządowych Rosji wiąże się z codziennym narażaniem życia. Groźby, uprowadzenia, tortury, bezpodstawne przetrzymywanie w aresztach i zabójstwa stają się codziennością. Bierność władz rosyjskich w prowadzeniu dochodzenia w sprawach popełnionych zbrodni, brak konkretnych rezultatów i pozostający na wolności przestępcy są nie tylko dowodem kompletnego braku skuteczności, co niemego przyzwolenia i obojętności.

Poszanowanie praw człowieka powinno być jedną z kluczowych kwestii w dalszym rozwoju stosunków Unii Europejskiej z Rosją. Naszym obowiązkiem jest żądanie od Rosji przeprowadzenia rzetelnych i skutecznych dochodzeń, ukarania winnych i położenia kresu bestialskim morderstwom.

  Cornelia Ernst, Verfasserin. − Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Lassen Sie mich als Parlamentsneuling hier zunächst feststellen, dass Menschenrechtsfragen auch für meine Partei, die deutsche Linke, eine riesengroße Rolle spielen, und dass es uns darum geht, tatsächlich jede Verletzung der Menschenrechte zu verurteilen – und zwar unabhängig davon, wo und von wem sie begangen wurde. Das hat nichts mit Einmischung in nationale Angelegenheiten zu tun!

Ich bin seit Jahren wirklich beunruhigt und empört darüber, dass wiederholt Menschenrechtsaktivisten getötet werden, die sich mit der Situation in Tschetschenien beschäftigen. Natalja Estemirowa, Stanislaw Markelow, Sarema Sadulajewa, das sind Beispiele dafür, die einen wirklich erschüttern müssen. Deshalb ist es auch wichtig, dass wir uns hier damit beschäftigen.

Ich bin beunruhigt, dass Fälle wie der Mord an Anna Politkowskaja nicht aufgeklärt werden. Wenn dieser Prozess jetzt wieder aufgerollt wird, hoffe ich wirklich inständig, dass die Schuldigen gefunden und gefasst werden, weil sonst neue Bluttaten drohen und dies zu einem Freibrief für solche Taten wird. Was wir erwarten ist schlicht, dass diese Morde sofort und uneingeschränkt aufgeklärt werden, dass das wirklich schonungslos angegangen wird, dass Russland nicht länger wartet, sondern sich den Kampf um die Wahrung der Menschenrechte auf die eigene Fahne schreibt. Es kann nicht sein, dass die Wahrung der Menschenrechte Menschen gewissermaßen zum Todesurteil führt. Ich glaube auch, dass der kommende EU-Russland-Gipfel sich dringend mit diesen Fragen beschäftigen muss, und zwar nicht unter ferner liefen, sondern tatsächlich an gebührender Stelle.

Ich persönlich erwarte auch hier einen ehrlichen Umgang mit Menschenrechtsfragen. Ich wünschte, dass wir so etwas nicht am Donnerstagnachmittag behandeln, und ich glaube, dieses Thema sollte uns auch dann berühren, wenn es um Wirtschaft und Handel geht. Da spielen solche Fragen häufig nur eine untergeordnete Rolle. Das wollen wir ändern, und das wollte ich auch hier sagen!

  Filip Kaczmarek, w imieniu grupy PPE. – Panie Przewodniczący! W kraju o wysokich wskaźnikach przestępczości można lansować tezę, że obrońcy praw człowieka giną przypadkowo. Przypadkowo, bo w takich krajach w ogóle wiele osób jest ofiarami pospolitej przestępczości. Dziś, 17 września, muszę przypomnieć o smutnej rocznicy, 70. rocznicy agresji sowieckiej na Polskę. Po tym ataku Sowieci rozstrzelali co najmniej 21768 polskich obywateli. Dlaczego o tym mówię? Dlatego, że dzisiaj w Rosji mówi się, że to była pospolita zbrodnia, czyli tak samo, jak pospolite jest zabijanie obrońców praw człowieka.

Skala zabójstw obrońców praw człowieka w Rosji powoduje, że interpretowanie tego zjawiska jako wyniku pospolitej przestępczości jest całkowicie karkołomne. Teza, że są to przypadkowe morderstwa jest nie do obrony. Systematyczność tych wydarzeń powoduje, że musi być coś w klimacie, w atmosferze społecznej, politycznej Rosji, co powoduje, że te morderstwa tak często się zdarzają. Bagatelizowanie tego wynika z kolei z kryzysu moralnego w tym kraju, z trywializacji śmierci, dehumanizacji, relatywizmu i zaniku wartości. Myślę, że nasza rezolucja jest wywarzona i pomoże Rosjanom rozwiązać ten problem.

  Justas Vincas Paleckis, S-D frakcijos vardu. – Socialdemokratų frakcija negali išlikti abejinga pastarojo meto žmogaus teisių aktyvistų žmogžudystėms Rusijoje. Anos Politkovskojos, Natalijos Estemirovos, Zaremos Sadulajevos, Andrejaus Kulagino žūtys neturi likti beprasmės. Griežtai smerkiame šių žiaurių akcijų kaltininkus ir tai, kad deja kai kuriuose Rusijos regionuose susidaro nebaudžiamumo atmosfera, politinės žmogžudystės neišaiškinamos.

Rusijos Prezidentas Dmitrijus Medvedevas pažadėjo, kad žmogžudysčių kaltininkai bus surasti ir nubausti. Jo reakcija buvo griežtesnė negu buvusio prezidento, tačiau kol kas tai tik pareiškimai. Laikas parodys ar Rusijos valdžia sugebės įvykdyti priimtus įsipareigojimus, taip svarbius šalies piliečiams ir tarptautinei bendrijai. Mūsų nuomone, siūlomoje rezoliucijoje Rusijos veiksmų Šiaurės Kaukaze vertinimai peržengė rezoliucijos taikymo sritį, todėl socialdemokratai nusprendė priimti savo atskirą dokumentą. Socialdemokratai įsitikinę, kad žmogaus teisių padėtis Rusijoje tikrai pagerėtų, jeigu būtų paspartintos ES ir Rusijos konsultacijos dėl žmogaus teisių. Prie šių konsultacijų turi aktyviai prisidėti Europos Parlamentas, valstybės Dūma, pilietinės, visuomeninės ir žmogaus teisių organizacijos ES ir Rusijoje. Pabrėžiame, kad žmogaus teisių apsauga turi būti išsamiai aptarta artimiausiame ES ir Rusijos vadovų susitikime. Šis klausimas tampa neatsiejama naujo ES ir Rusijos susitarimo dalimi.

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE). - Ši diskusija ir Europos Parlamento rezoliucija dėl kovotojų už žmogaus teises žmogžudysčių Rusijoje yra itin svarbi ir ypatingai dabar kai girdime vieną po kitos pranešamas žinias apie žmogaus teisių gynėjų Natalijos Estemirovos, Aliko Džabrailavo, Zaremos Sadulajevos ir kitų nužudymus Rusijoje. Europos Sąjunga negali likti abejinga brutaliam susidorojimui su kovotojais už žmogaus teises. Santykiuose su Rusija mes privalome pabrėžti ir pabrėžiame, kad šių žmogžudysčių tyrimai trunka per daug ilgai ir kaip taisyklė jie baigiasi nenustačius kaltų asmenų. Tokia nepriimtina praktika tampa įprasta Rusijoje, ypač dėl nusikaltimų Čečėnijoje, kur nebaudžiamumas klesti. Viena iš pamatinių mūsų vertybių yra pagarba žmogaus teisėms, žmogaus orumui, žmogaus gyvybei ir jokie pragmatiniai interesai negali būti aukščiau šių vertybių. Manau, kad Rusijos Prezidento Dmitrijaus Medvedevo garbės reikalas turėtų būti padaryti viską, kad žmogaus teisių gynėjų grobimų ir žudymų bylos būtų ištirtos iki galo, o kaltieji patraukti atsakomybėn.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE). - Mr President, the human rights situation in Russia has changed for the worse. We now call on the Russian authorities to do everything in their power to ensure the protection of human rights defenders. We know that the crucial thing that is lacking is a will to do that ‘everything’. It can be done, as the Kremlin exercises a decisive influence on Russia’s power structures and judiciary. Because of this, the failure of the Russian judiciary to protect human rights defenders makes one assume the complicity of the regime in these crimes.

Our message today should be addressed to the EU governments and the Commission. As long as the Kremlin assumes that worries about the fate of human rights defenders remain on the level of declarations, with no consequences on economic relations, Mr Putin and Mr Medvedev can conclude that the EU has not been able to draw lessons from the blatant murder of Anna Politkovskaya.

  Bogusław Sonik (PPE). - W jakże symbolicznym dniu mówimy dzisiaj o deptaniu praw człowieka w Rosji. Dokładnie 70 lat temu, 17 września 1939 roku Armia Czerwona w porozumieniu z Hitlerem zajęła 1/3 terytorium Polski walczącej wówczas z niemieckim najeźdźcą. Stalinowskie wojsko mordowało wówczas tysiące Polaków, setki tysięcy wywożono do łagrów. Na rozkaz Stalina dokonano mordu na tysiącach oficerów polskich w Katyniu. 17 września pozostanie dla nas na zawsze dniem hańby stalinowskiej Rosji.

Dzisiejsza Rosja nie ma odwagi zmierzyć się z tą straszną prawdą. Jej dzisiejsze władze szukają pokątnych tłumaczeń dla ówczesnego przymierza z Hitlerem. Do dziś Moskwa odmawia ujawnienia archiwów w sprawie katyńskiego mordu.

W historii wielu państw zdarzają się rzeczy straszne. Miarą dojrzałości narodów jest umiejętność zmierzenia się ze swoją przeszłością i potępienia tego, co potępić należy w swojej historii. Takim przykładem są dzisiejsze Niemcy. Tylko wówczas przeszłość przestanie ciążyć dzisiejszej Rosji i pozwoli wejść z podniesionym czołem do grona narodów wolnych i demokratycznych, tylko Rosja, która pozbędzie się raz na zawsze swojego stalinowskiego, strasznego bagażu stanie się państwem, które będzie potrafiło zaprzestać walki ze swoimi obywatelami, którzy dziś z narażeniem życia walczą w tym kraju o przestrzeganie podstawowych wolności i praw człowieka.

Chwała tym, którzy padli ofiarami skrytobójczych mordów. Będziemy o Was pamiętać.

  Rui Tavares (GUE/NGL). - Boa tarde a todos. O assassínio de Natalia Estemirova foi seguido nesta casa com muita emoção por todos nós, uma vez que soubemos do seu rapto no próprio dia em que reunimos pela primeira vez e, só algumas horas depois, do seu assassinato. É algo que não pode deixar de comover qualquer pessoa em qualquer parte do mundo em que se encontre e, como já disse a minha colega Cornelia Ernst, eu creio firmemente que a esquerda deve defender os defensores dos direitos humanos e os direitos humanos em toda a parte, independentemente do país em que ocorram.

Os efeitos destes ataques, deste assédio aos activistas dos direitos humanos na Rússia, são muito preocupantes, funcionam como intimidação e serão, certamente, muito traumatizantes para toda a gente que queira defender os direitos humanos na Rússia e, portanto, são uma primeira camada de uma ofensiva que depois acaba por deteriorar toda a situação dos direitos humanos, para além dos direitos humanos dos próprios activistas.

Portanto, os efeitos destes assassinatos são imprevisíveis, são preocupantes. Sem uma investigação judicial rápida e eficaz, sem garantias de que a segurança dos activistas dos direitos humanos será respeitada, a situação pode, de facto, ter uma evolução muitíssimo preocupante. É por isso que terei todo o gosto em votar favoravelmente esta resolução e em seguir os seus apelos às autoridades russas para que protejam os activistas dos direitos humanos.

Eu venho de Portugal, do outro extremo da Europa, e irei na próxima semana para a Rússia. Amanhã mesmo irei buscar o meu visto à embaixada da Rússia, e creio que as relações entre a Europa e a Rússia são da maior importância e que a Europa deve muito à Rússia. A primeira coisa que a Europa deve à Rússia é franqueza e clareza também na defesa dos direitos humanos e das liberdades dos nossos concidadãos europeus russos.

  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, teidän äidinkielenne on niin kaunis, että minä päätin yrittää kiittää unkariksi: kösönöm. Kollega Tavares, haluaisin reagoida teidän kommenttiinne. Työ ihmisoikeuksien puolesta ei ole pelkästään vasemmiston huoli, se huolettaa myös meitä keskustaoikeistossa, ja tämä rohkaiskoon meitä yhteistyöhön. Kollega Ernst kiinnitti huomiota aivan oikeaan seikkaan. Me keskustelemme täällä, kun täysistunnossa suurin osa jäsenistä on jo kotimatkalla, ja meidän on tehtävä yhdessä työtä, että saamme tämän todella politiikan teon keskiöön.

Olen aikaisemmin ollut jäsenenä ulkoasiainvaliokunnassa ja sitten kun ihmisoikeusvaliokunta perustettiin, olin jäsenenä siinäkin. Kun tein muutosesityksiä, joskus jätin ne ulkoasiainvaliokunnan puolelle ja kollegani sanoivat, että miksi sinä näitä ihmisoikeusmuutosesityksiä tänne enää teet, meillähän on ihmisoikeusalivaliokunta sitä varten. Silloin ajattelin, että jokin ei ole nyt kohdallaan, jos meidän ihmisoikeusvaliokunnastamme tulee sellainen ghetto tai sellainen umpioitunut luukku näiden asioiden käsittelyä varten. Tehkäämme yhdessä työtä ettei niin kävisi ihmisoikeuksille.

  Кристиан Вигенин (S-D). - Г-н Председател, г-жо Комисар, бях провокиран от изказването на г-н Posselt. Искам да подчертая, че постиженията на г-жа De Keyser в сферата на защитата на човешките права не могат да бъдат поставени под въпрос в една подобна дискусия. Тя се е доказала като един много важен човек в този парламент, който работи по тази тема.

В никакъв случай не позволявам и не смятам, че е редно да поставяме под въпрос ангажимента на Групата на социалистите и демократите по отношение защитата на човешките права, защото ние го правихме и тогава, когато Вашата група, г-н Posselt, се опитваше да омаловажи престъпленията в Гуантанамо и отношението на американските военни към затворниците в Ирак.

По отношение на човешките права в Русия, да, има сериозен проблем, ние разбираме този проблем и нашата резолюция, която предлагаме, е достатъчно твърда и остра. Ние смятаме, обаче, че този парламент трябва да се концентрира върху въпросите и не всеки път да прави един дълъг списък от проблеми в отношенията с Русия, когато след това те не предизвикват никакъв ефект там.

В тази връзка, това което ние правим е още през следващата седмица да изпратим делегация на Групата на социалистите за разговори в Москва, където този конкретен въпрос ще бъде поставен. Недейте да използвате спешни случаи като този за защита на човешките права, за да правите дълъг списък от проблеми. Не това е смисълът на днешната дискусия.

  Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE). - Dovoľte mi vyjadriť smútok a hlboké znepokojenie nad udalosťami, ku ktorým došlo v júni tohto roku v Ruskej federácií. Som otrasený brutálnymi vraždami ruských aktivistov, ako napríklad Natalia Estemirova a Andrej Kulagin a ďalší, ktorí sa angažovali za dodržiavanie ľudských práv a ktorí sa zasadzovali za pravdu a spravodlivosť. Je potrebné vyvinúť všetku snahu na zadržanie a potrestanie vrahov. Vítam a podporujem opatrenia, ktoré je nevyhnutné zaviesť na objasnenie týchto vrážd.

K porušeniu medzinárodných dohôd došlo taktiež v auguste 2008, keď počas ozbrojeného konfliktu medzi Ruskom a Gruzínskom ruské ozbrojené sily útočili na obývané časti a nepodarilo sa im ochrániť civilné obyvateľstvo pred porušovaním ich práv ozbrojencami z Južného Osetstka na územiach, ktoré de facto patrili pod ruskú kontrolu. Je potrebné, aby ruská vláda ukázala jasné stanovisko, že porušenie ľudských práv nebude tolerovať.

  Charles Tannock (ECR). - Mr President, a culture of criminal impunity is developing in Russia with regard to the abuse of human rights activists. Journalists who dare to challenge the official view of things are harassed; ethnic minorities suffer disproportionately from violent crime, which seems to go unsolved; campaigners for greater freedoms are at best marginalised and at worst forcibly silenced.

It is hard to see precisely where the threat to human rights defenders in Russia comes from, but time and again we see wanton abuses going unpunished and a lackadaisical approach from the judicial authorities.

Russia has got used to the equivocation of the EU. This is clear from the way the Union has reacted to Russia’s bullying of Ukraine or Russia’s invasion and occupation of sovereign Georgian territory last summer.

Clearly there are vital strategic questions at stake in the EU having good relations with Russia, but we cannot allow these questions to erase our obligation to speak out for our fundamental freedoms and shared European common values, freedoms and values the Russian people themselves should be enabled to share fully in peace and security.

  Krisztina Morvai (NI). - Negyed százada hivatásom az emberi jogok védelme. Jogászként ezért különleges és mély együttérzéssel gondolok azokra a kollegáimra, akik ezzel a küldetéssel, ezzel a gyönyörű küldetéssel összefüggésben vesztették el az életüket, és ezúton is szeretném kifejezni őszinte együttérzésemet szeretteikkel, hozzátartozóikkal.

Mi lenne ilyenkor a helyes eljárás? Követelni az azonnali, alapos kivizsgálást az érintett állam szervei részéről. Szeretném, hogy ha ennek a Parlamentnek erre hitele és erkölcsi felhatalmazása lenne. Attól tartok azonban, hogy ez nincs így. Miért? Mert csak külső államokkal szemben vannak ilyen követeléseink, és amikor az Európai Unió egyik tagállamában sértik meg durván az emberi jogokat, mint az én hazámban, Magyarországon, ahol szemeket lőttek ki, jelenleg elnöklő, Schmitt Pál alelnök úr pártja által rendezett több tízezres tömegmegemlékezésen az 1956-os forradalom és szabadságharc évfordulóján. Ezt az esetet és az azóta is tartó krízishelyzetet nem vizsgáltatta ki ez a Parlament.

Attól tartok, hogy amíg ez meg nem történik, és amíg olyan ember lehet a Parlament Szabadságjogi és Rendészeti Bizottságának alelnöke, aki a szemkilövető kormánynak tagja volt, addig nincs igazi hitelünk és erkölcsi felhatalmazásunk másik államban, Unión kívüli államban ilyenfajta kivizsgálást kérni. Azt kérem tehát Önöktől, hogy kezdeményezzék és követeljék a magyarországi emberi jogi jogsértések azonnali kivizsgálását. Köszönöm.

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). - Voiam să spun în primul rând că sunt dezamăgit de faptul că atunci când s-a discutat despre criza laptelui sala era plină şi când se discută despre drepturile omului, nu cred că mai suntem 40 în sală. E păcat că lucrurile stau aşa. Nu vreau să spun prin asta că o problemă cum este laptele nu este o problemă importantă, dar o problemă cum este cea a drepturilor omului este extrem de importantă politic pentru fiecare dintre noi.

Aş vrea să vă mai spun, de asemenea, faptul că anul acesta, aşa cum se ştie, mai multe ţări din Europa Centrală şi Orientală aniversează 20 de ani de la căderea comunismului şi ideea că în apropierea noastră o putere care a fost la originea acestor regimuri comuniste are asemenea manifestări de indiferenţă faţă de crime la adresa activiştilor pentru drepturile omului, este inacceptabilă. Cred că desprinderea de totalitarism trebuie să fie clar afirmată de fiecare dintre noi.

  Meglena Kuneva, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, today’s debate on the situation of human rights defenders in Russia is timely and very appropriate. The recent wave of violence against human rights defenders has put the spotlight on the grave dangers they run in the course of their work. Many have paid the ultimate price for bringing to light violations of human rights. We pay tribute to all those who have lost their lives and to those who continue their work in such an environment.

Much of the violence against human rights defenders has taken place in the North Caucasus, against the background of growing instability. The Commission knows many of them. They are highly respected partners in the implementation of human rights projects. Innocent civilians, law enforcement personnel and government officials have lost their lives in the ongoing struggle in the region.

Violence against human rights defenders is not restricted to the North Caucasus. There are reports of activists, lawyers and independent journalists across the Russian Federation facing violence, harassment and intimidation. The EU must continue to speak out against this violence and insist that Russia uphold the commitments it has entered into as a member of the United Nations, the OSCE and the Council of Europe.

It is crucial that the attacks and violent deaths of civil society activists are properly investigated and that the perpetrators are promptly identified and punished. It is only through the effective and lawful prosecution of these killings that the climate of fear and impunity can be dissipated.

President Medvedev has spoken out against what he has termed the ‘legal nihilism’ prevailing in Russia. The EU stands ready to support Russia in its continuing reform of the judicial system. The EU highly values the opportunity it has to discuss its concerns on human rights with the Russian authorities. We welcome the more open attitude President Medvedev has taken to discussions with the EU on these issues.

The next EU-Russia summit is another opportunity to continue these discussions. This must be complemented by exchanges among experts. The regular EU-Russia human rights consultations offer an opportunity to broaden the scope of these discussions and the range of interlocutors with whom we discuss human rights issues.

The safety of human rights defenders must be the first concern. We urge the Russian authorities to make every possible effort to ensure that those who work on shedding light on violations of human rights are able to do so without fear of violence or intimidation.

  Elnök. − A vitát lezárom.

A szavazásra a vita végén kerül sor.

(1) Lásd a jegyzőkönyvet.

9.2. Il-Każakstan: il-każ ta' Evgeniy Zhovtis

  Elnök. − Öt állásfoglalásra irányuló indítványt⁽¹⁾ juttattak el hozzám Kazahsztánról: Jevgenyij Zovtisz esetéről (az eljárási szabályzat 122. cikke értelmében).

  Heidi Hautala, laatija. − Arvoisa puhemies, haluan kommentoida tätä äskeistä keskustelua vielä kommentoida siten, että olen ihmisoikeusalivaliokunnan puheenjohtajana lähettänyt hiljattain kirjeen puheenjohtajakokoukselle, jossa pyysin harkitsemaan näiden keskustelujen siirtämistä aikaisemmaksi, jotta parlamentti voi olla täysilukuinen ja jotta myös neuvosto voi olla täällä paremmin paikalla keskustelemassa. Toivon, että kollegat eri ryhmissä keskustelevat ryhmiensä puheenjohtajien kanssa tästä kysymyksestä, koska parlamentin arvovaltaa jatkuvasti nakerretaan sillä, että meitä on täällä näin vähän.

Nyt sitten Zhovtisin tapaukseen. Kazakstan on tärkeä Keski-Aasian valtio, ja siitä on tulossa ETYJ-järjestön puheenjohtaja ensi vuonna. Nyt ei ole siis lainkaan samantekevää, millä tavalla rikoksista tuomitaan valtiossa, joka tulee olemaan kaikkien valtioiden demokratiapyrkimysten johtaja laajalla Euroopan alueella. Sen takia on syytä kiinnittää huomiota ihmisoikeuspuolustaja Jevgeni Zhovtisin tapaukseen. Hänet on hyvin epämääräisissä olosuhteissa todettu syylliseksi tappoon ja tuomittu neljäksi vuodeksi avovankilaan, kun hän oli törmännyt autollaan jalankulkijaan heinäkuussa tänä vuonna.

On otettava huomioon, että myös ETYJin piirissä on herännyt kysymys siitä, onko tässä menettelyssä, jonka kohteeksi Zhovtis on joutunut, mahdollisesti rikottu oikeudenmukaisen oikeudenkäynnin periaatetta, joka on taattu Kazakstanin perustuslaissa. Euroopan parlamentin on syytä pitää esillä tätä keskustelua myös neuvoston ja komission kanssa, jotta ne ottaisivat esille tämän tapauksen ja vaatisivat oikeudenmukaisen oikeudenkäynnin toteuttamista.

Arvoisa puhemies, Euroopan parlamentti voi merkittävästi vaikuttaa siihen, että Keski-Aasian valtiot vahvistavat oikeusvaltioperiaatetta pitämällä yllä näitä yksittäisiä tapauksia, ja Jevgeni Zhovtisin tapaus on epäilemättä yksi niistä.

  Justas Vincas Paleckis, Autorius. − Artėjant pirmininkavimui Europos saugumo ir bendradarbiavimo organizacijoje Kazachstanas deja tolsta nuo įsipareigojimų lygiuotis į europinius standartus. Šalis nepateisinamai pabrėždama savo ypatingumą ir specifiką, neatsižvelgia į ESBO rekomendacijas dėl rinkimų įstatymų ir žiniasklaidos laisvės. Besikartojantys žmogaus teisių pažeidimai ir jų gynėjų teisiniai persekiojimai vis labiau kelia abejones ar ši valstybė gali tinkamai vadovauti organizacijai, kovojančiai už demokratinių principų įgyvendinimą. Raginame Astaną imtis konkrečios pažangos demokratizacijos, žmogaus teisių apsaugos, teisės viršenybės, žiniasklaidos laisvės srityse. Žmogaus teisių aktyvistų Jevgenijaus Žovčio, o taip pat Jesingepovo ir Dubanovo teisminiuose procesuose būtina tinkamai ir skaidriai taikyti tarptautinėmis teisės konvencijomis grindžiamus Kazachstano įstatymus. Reikia tikėtis ir reikalauti, kad nuosprendžiai būtų bešališki, kad kaltinamųjų dalyvavimas žmogaus teisių sąjūdyje neturėtų pasekmių nuosprendžiui. Raginame Tarybą iškelti šių žmogaus teisių gynėjų bylų klausimą kitame Europos Sąjungos ir Kazachstano žmogaus teisių dialogo susitikime spalio mėnesį. Kviečiame Europos Komisiją pasiūlyti intensyvią pagalbą Kazachstanui jam besiruošiant pirmininkauti ESBO, kad ši svarbi tarptautinė organizacija nebūtų kompromituojama.

  Renate Weber, author. − Mr President, first of all I would like to express my sympathy to the family of the victims of the car accident in which Mr Yevgeny Zhovtis was involved. A human tragedy which unfortunately occurred where a man lost his life. At the same time, please allow me to express my concern in relation to the current situation of Mr Yevgeny Zhovtis.

Indisputably every person who commits a criminal offence must accept that legal sanctions will be applied undiscriminatingly and Mr Zhovtis, as an outstanding human rights lawyer, knows this better than anybody. But at the same time we want to make sure that the Kazakh authorities do not use this unfortunate situation to punish Mr Zhovtis for anything else other than the car accident in which he was involved. Mr Zhovtis must not be punished for his human rights activity and for being a very critical voice of the Kazakh Government.

Therefore, I think it is of the utmost importance that the Kazakh judicial authorities carry out immediately, and with full respect for transparency and the rule of law, a second full and fair investigation into the circumstances related to the incident and to a review of Mr Zhovtis’ conviction and sentence.

  Elisabeth Jeggle, Verfasserin. − Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Lassen Sie mich zunächst feststellen, dass meine Fraktion etwas überrascht war, die juristische Bewertung eines dramatischen Autounfalls als Entschließung im Rahmen der Dringlichkeiten zu Menschenrechtsfragen auf der Tagesordnung wiederzufinden.

Für die EVP ist es daher wichtig, festzustellen, dass wir Urteile, die von einem unabhängigen Gericht gefällt werden, grundsätzlich zuerst einmal nicht in Frage stellen wollen, es sei denn, es handelt sich um offensichtliche Schauprozesse, die keinerlei Rechtsgrundsätzen genügen. Das haben wir ja gerade im Iran erlebt. Hier muss ein klarer Trennstrich gezogen werden. Für uns ist ein unabhängiges Justizsystem Kernelement jeder demokratischen Grundordnung. Insoweit müssen wir das vorliegende Urteil zunächst einmal zur Kenntnis nehmen.

Weiters muss man als Faktum zur Kenntnis nehmen, dass ein Mensch bei einem Autounfall zu Tode gekommen ist – das muss uns leidtun, das tut uns leid –, dass aber auch eine juristische Aufarbeitung stattgefunden hat. Die Tatsache, dass mit Jevgenij Zhovtis ein bekannter Bürgerrechtler in diesen Fall verwickelt ist, hat ihm die weltweite Aufmerksamkeit verschafft und das Echo hervorgerufen, aufgrund dessen wir uns heute damit befassen.

Die EVP erkennt Kasachstans Bemühungen und Fortschritte auf dem Weg hin zu Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit an. Wir versichern Kasachstan unsere ausdrückliche Unterstützung und ermutigen dieses Land, diesen Weg entschlossen weiterzuverfolgen. Mit Blick auf den konkreten Fall fordern wir die kasachischen Behörden im eigenen Interesse auf, mit möglichst ausführlichen Informationen an die Öffentlichkeit zu gehen und ihre Sicht der Dinge darzulegen und Herrn Zhovtis ein faires, rechtsstaatliches Berufungs- bzw. Revisionsverfahren zu ermöglichen.

Kasachstan soll Vorsitzender der OSZE werden. Das ist eine ganz besondere Herausforderung!

  Struan Stevenson, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, I have to agree with Mrs Jeggle. I am utterly astonished that, in front of the whole Parliament here in Strasbourg, we are having an urgent debate on a traffic accident in Kazakhstan, albeit an accident where somebody was tragically killed and where the driver of the car happens to a human rights activist who has been duly sentenced in a court of law to four years in prison – but even in a low-security prison, which has suddenly become, in the terms of the resolution, 'a labour camp'. I am afraid that bringing this kind of matter before this House really brings the reputation of this House into disrepute and it means that the good work that we try to do in human rights is devalued, when we start talking about traffic accidents.

Are we seriously suggesting the Kazakh Government threw a civilian under the car wheels of a human rights activist? Are we seriously suggesting that the sentence is too harsh for somebody who was convicted of manslaughter? We cannot go on traducing a country like Kazakhstan, simply because of political motivation, to try and bring down their reputation before they chair the OSCE next year. This is politically motivated, and it is a disgrace that it is on the agenda. I hope the House will throw out these resolutions and support the amendments.

  Janusz Wojciechowski (ECR). - Panie Przewodniczący! Mam podobne wątpliwości, jak mój przedmówca, pan poseł Stevenson. Kazachstan jest ważnym krajem, Kazachstan robi duże wysiłki w stronę demokratyzacji. Oczywiście, póki co, wzorem demokratycznych swobód nie jest, ale stan swobód obywatelskich w tym kraju – znam trochę ten kraj, bo kilkakrotnie w nim byłem – jest znacznie lepszy niż w większości sąsiednich państw w tym regionie i nie ma tam na szczęście aż takich problemów, jakie na przykład istnieją w Rosji, o czym mówiliśmy przed chwilą.

Podzielam pogląd pana Stevensona, że Parlament Europejski nie powinien angażować całego swojego autorytetu dla wyrażania stanowiska w kwestii jednej, dramatycznej sprawy sądowej. Być może jakieś wyjaśnienia byłyby w tej sprawie potrzebne, ale na pewno nie rezolucja Parlamentu, bo dewaluujemy wartość rezolucji i po prostu głos Parlamentu przestanie być słuchany, jeżeli będzie rozdrabniał się na sprawy, które nie zasługują aż na generalną debatę i na rezolucję parlamentarną.

  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, Kazakstanilla on tärkeä turvallisuuspoliittinen ja taloudellinen rooli Keski-Aasiassa, ja maan yhteistyö EU:n kanssa on kasvanut. Kuuntelimme tyytyväisenä, kun Kazakstanin ulkoministeri Maradtazin lupasi ETYJin puheenjohtajuutta enteillen viime vuonna ja jälleen tämän vuoden toukokuussa parannuksia maan ihmisoikeustilanteeseen. Kansainvälisestä huomiosta huolimatta mediaan kohdistuva kontrolli on kuitenkin tiukentunut ja uskonnonvapauden taso on heikko, ja lisäksi olemme kuulleet useista mielivaltaisista ihmisoikeusaktivistien pidätyksistä.

Myös ihmisoikeusaktivisti Jevgeni Zhovtisin saama tuomio herättää kysymyksiä, ja on Kazakstanin hallituksen oma etu, että nämä epäilykset selvitetään perin pohjin, ja se on myös tulevan ETYJin kauden kiistaton etu. Toivomme parasta ja asioiden selvittämistä.

  Bernd Posselt (PPE). − Herr Präsident! Zunächst einmal möchte ich sagen: Ich freue mich, dass Heidi Hautala wieder zurück ist. Aber sie war einige Jahre nicht da, und in dieser Zeit hatten wir den Rat am Donnerstagnachmittag hier. Die tschechische und die deutsche Ratspräsidentschaft waren am Donnerstag hier. Ich finde nicht, dass wir die Debatte verlegen müssen, denn wir können nicht alles am Mittwoch machen, sondern wir müssen da sein und wir müssen den Rat zwingen, auch am Donnerstagnachmittag da zu sein. Das – und nicht die Konzentration der ganzen Tagesordnung auf den Mittwoch – ist die Antwort.

In der Tat ist das ein sehr schwieriger Fall. Aber gerade weil wir der Regierung in Kasachstan in punkto Rechtsstaatlichkeit noch nicht voll vertrauen können, müssen wir darauf bestehen, dass der Fall objektiv untersucht wird. Da unterstütze ich Elisabeth Jeggle voll und ganz. Deshalb haben wir die Entschließung unterschrieben. Die Angelegenheit muss objektiv untersucht werden. Da darf nichts vertuscht oder beschönigt werden.

  Meglena Kuneva, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, the Commission has noted with concern reports of procedural violations during the trial of Kazakh human rights defender Mr Yevgeny Zhovtis, who has been convicted of manslaughter following a fatal road accident. As you are aware, the Kazakh authorities have rejected claims that the judgment against Mr Zhovtis was politically motivated.

The Commission fully supports the EU Presidency statement on this case at the OSCE Permanent Council of 10 September. Given the seriousness of the alleged flaws in the investigations and the court trial, we call on Kazakhstan, which is the incoming chair of the OSCE, to ensure that the appeal is handled with full respect for national law and international standards. The Commission will continue to follow this case closely.

  Elnök. − A vitát lezárom.

A szavazásra a viták végén kerül sor.

(1) Lásd a jegyzőkönyvet

9.3. Is-Sirja: il-każ ta' Muhannad Al Hassani

  Elnök. − Hat állásfoglalásra irányuló indítványt⁽¹⁾ juttattak el hozzám Szíriáról: Muhannad Al Hasszani esetéről (az eljárási szabályzat 122. cikke értelmében).

  Franziska Katharina Brantner, author. − Mr President, I would like to present the case of Mr Muhannad Al Hassani. He has been imprisoned because he defends the human rights of his compatriots in Syria.

He played a very important role because he observed all trials before the Supreme State Security Court and made regular evaluations of detention conditions in Syria. He is now himself detained and imprisoned.

With regard to Syria, we ask that it fulfil its obligations and therefore comply with the international covenant on civil and political rights and with the UN Convention against torture, to which Syria is actually a party; that Syria reverse its policy of repression against human rights defenders and their families; and that it release the human rights defenders, prisoners of conscience and peace activitists who are in prison.

We also have a request with regard to the EU. With respect to the signature of an association agreement we, the Greens and EFA, have proposed the adoption of a road map prior to the signature of the Association Agreement which would articulate our objectives in terms of improvements to be made in the human rights field.

International law sets a series of obligations that states have to respect, and it is also our responsibility, and in particular of the entire EU, to ensure that respect thereof enters the association agreement as a way to enforce that further.

We will work in that direction. Thank you for your support for the resolution.

  Véronique De Keyser, auteur. − Monsieur le Président, je vous avoue que je suis à la fois perplexe et assez triste et déçue.

Perplexe, pourquoi? Parce que, incontestablement, sur le plan des relations internationales, la Syrie a fait beaucoup de chemin ces deux dernières années. Elle est entrée dans l'Union pour la Méditerranée. Elle a, à diverses reprises, servi de médiateur dans des situations internationales difficiles, notamment encore tout récemment lors de l'arrestation d'une jeune Française en Iran. Je pourrais dire que le fait que l'accord d'association, qui n'est pas encore signé, Madame Brantner, mais qui pourrait l'être assez prochainement, le fait que cet accord d'association soit relancé est, en même temps, quelque chose de très positif.

Sur le plan interne, c'est vrai qu'il y a aussi de très bons côtés en Syrie. Ils ont reçu un million et demi de réfugiés irakiens, ils s'en occupent, ils ont un niveau d'éducation élevé, ils ont une liberté de culte qui est importante. Cependant, sur le plan de la liberté politique et de la pluralité politique, on n'a pas avancé d'un pouce. Il y a, à répétition, et il continue à y avoir, et je le regrette infiniment, de la répression et des emprisonnements de militants et de défenseurs des droits de l'homme, et nous sommes intervenus, à de multiples reprises, au cours des dernières années, pour la libération de ses prisonniers politiques.

Par deux fois, nous avons réussi à en faire libérer. Mais il reste encore dans les prisons syriennes des gens comme Al-Labwani, Al-Bunni et maintenant Al-Hassani. Je voudrais donc adresser mon message à la Syrie: nous sommes là et nous sommes désireux de tirer la Syrie de l'isolement dans lequel elle a été placée à un moment donné.

Nous pensons qu'elle est un acteur important sur la scène internationale et notamment pour la paix au Proche-Orient. Mais de grâce, pour sa propre image, et je pense qu'elle est assez forte pour admettre la pluralité politique et les défenseurs des droits de l'homme dans son pays, de grâce, libérez les prisonniers politiques, respectez la convention contre la torture, comme on l'a dit, et contre les traitements dégradants!

C'est de l'intérêt de la Syrie et c'est de l'intérêt de la paix dans le monde, et notamment de la paix au Moyen-Orient.

  Renate Weber, author. − Mr President, Muhannad Al Hassani is another human rights defender arbitrarily detained by the Syrian authorities. He is another Syrian political prisoner whose only guilt was his wish to protect the right of the people to freely express themselves, their right to engage in political activities and their right to a fair trial.

For more than five years he was forbidden to travel. His office telephone communications and e-mails were under constant surveillance by Syrian security forces. After weeks of increasing harassment over his role in monitoring the practices of Syria’s Supreme State Security Court, he was in the end arrested by the Syrian state security and later charged with several criminal offences, all referring to his right to free speech.

On the topic of arbitrary detention, let us not forget Mr al-Labwani, the outstanding human rights defender, who was sentenced to 12 years in prison for what the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention considered to be ‘the peaceful expression of his political views’.

The Syrian Government must free Mr Al Hassani, Mr al-Labwani and the other political prisoners immediately and unconditionally and guarantee their physical and psychological integrity in all circumstances. The Syrian authorities must put an end to all forms of harassment against Syrian human rights defenders and civil society activists, in accordance with the provisions of the 1998 UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders.

  Charles Tannock, author. − Mr President, Syria is an important country in the Middle East and has a vital role to play in reducing the ability of Iran to support terrorist actions, via its proxies Hezbollah and Hamas, against Israel. Syria also has a habit of fomenting unrest in Lebanon, which Syria still regards as barely sovereign and within its sphere of influence.

Syria is also a secular regime. In fact, it remains the only vestige now of the once powerful Ba’athist Party which ruled Iraq as well, so things like women’s rights are advanced. However, overall it remains a brutal one-party dictatorship.

The detention of Muhannad Al Hassani as a leading human rights defender is alarming. If Syria really wants us to support an EU association agreement, it should please release Mr Al Hassani immediately and end the persecution of human rights defenders such as Mr Al Hassani.

  Eija-Riitta Korhola, laatija. − Arvoisa puhemies, olen tyytyväinen, että rohkenimme nostaa Syyrian ihmisoikeustilanteen tapetille juuri nyt. Välimeriyhteistyön puitteissa tehtävää EU:n ja Syyrian välistä assosiaatiosopimusta ollaan viimeistelemässä, ja koska yksi yhteistyön peruspilareista käsittää nimenomaan ihmisoikeuksien ja demokratian edistämisen, tulisi EU:n mielestäni vaatia kovemmin parannuksia tällä saralla.

Yhteistyön keskittyminen pelkän taloustilanteen parantamiseen ei riitä. Kuten olemme saaneet kuulla, johtava syyrialainen ihmisoikeusjuristi Muhannad al-Hassani on vangittu heinäkuun lopulla ilman asiallista oikeudenkäyntiä. Hänet tuomittiin kansallistunteen heikentämisestä ja valheellisten uutisten levittämisestä. Tapaus ei ole ensimmäinen lajiaan. Puutuimme parlamentissa vastaavaan viimeksi vuonna 2007. Tuolloin puolustamamme Kamal Abwani on edelleen vangittuna vaikka myös YK:n tutkimusryhmä on maaliskuussa tullut tulokseen, että kyseessä oli mielivaltainen pidätys.

Syyrialla on kauttaaltaan paljon parannettavaa mitä sanan- ja kokoontumisenvapauteen tulee. Kansalaisjärjestötoiminta maassa on vaikeaa ja siten lähes olematonta. On kovin surullista, jos emme EU:ssa uskalla asettaa selkeitä kriteereitä Syyrian kanssa tehtävän yhteistyön pohjalle. Mielestäni on suorastaan velvollisuutemme vaatia poliittisten vankien vapauttamista sekä kansainvälisten ihmisoikeussopimusten noudattamista, ennen kuin EU-Syyria-assosiaatiosopimuksen kanssa voidaan edetä.

Ihmisoikeudet maailmassa eivät ole joukko yksinäisiä saaria, pikemminkin kyse on kudelmasta, jossa kaikki vaikuttaa kaikkeen ja laiminlyöntien suvaitseminen ja sormien läpi katseleminen muualla nakertaa ennen pitkää omiakin oikeuksiamme täällä. Meidän tärkeä tehtävämme on vaalia ja valvoa niiden toteuttamista aina ja kaikkialla. Vain siten me teemme ihmisen elämän arvoista.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg, w imieniu grupy S-D. – W lipcu b.r. Muhannad Al Hassani – jeden z czołowych syryjskich obrońców praw człowieka –został aresztowany. W trakcie zamkniętego procesu, do którego nie dopuszczono prawników, oskarżono go o podważanie uczuć narodowych i rozpowszechnianie nieprawdziwych wiadomości. Wcześniej był już kilkakrotnie przesłuchiwany w związku ze swoją działalnością w zakresie praw człowieka i obrony osób aresztowanych z przyczyn politycznych. Odmawiano mu także prawa opuszczenia kraju. Muhannad Al Hassani brał udział w monitorowaniu warunków, w jakich prowadzone są postępowania przed najwyższym sądem, które zdaniem Human Rights Watch nie spełniają międzynarodowych standardów.

Niepokoi nas fakt represjonowania obrońców praw człowieka w Syrii, szczególnie w kontekście braku postępu w respektowaniu tychże praw przez tamtejsze władze. Należy żądać od władz Syrii, aby ściśle przestrzegały Konwencji ONZ w sprawie zakazu stosowania tortur oraz innego okrutnego lub poniżającego traktowania zatrzymanych.

Mając na uwadze dotychczasowe więzi polityczne, ekonomiczne oraz kulturowe pomiędzy Syrią i Unią Europejską oraz istotną rolę, jaką kraj ten odgrywa w szerzeniu stabilizacji na Bliskim Wschodzie, jestem przekonana, że Syria jest w stanie dokonać postępu w tej dziedzinie, a tym samym przyczynić się do demokratyzacji całego regionu.

  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Herr Präsident! Im Kern liegt dieser Entschließungsantrag völlig richtig, denn es ist natürlich unsere Pflicht, vor allem im Hinblick auf die geplante Assoziierung, klare Worte zu sprechen, auch hinsichtlich des Schutzes der Familie, der Angehörigen und der Mitstreitenden von Muhannad Al Hassani, und auch die in Artikel 2 des Abkommens postulierten Inhalte einzufordern. Nicht zuletzt deswegen, weil wir Europäer ja aus leidvoller Vergangenheit wissen, was es heißt, wenn Menschenrechte mit Füßen getreten werden. Es ist ja erst zwei Jahrzehnte her, dass ein kommunistisches Terrorsystem in Europas Mitte und Südosten zusammengebrochen ist.

In diesem Zusammenhang mahne ich aber auch an, die Augen nicht zu verschließen, wenn sozusagen in der Nachbarschaft von Syrien – in der Türkei – die Menschenrechte nicht so geachtet werden, wie es sein sollte. Umso mehr, als es sich bei der Türkei um einen Beitrittskandidaten handelt, der in den Bereichen Rechtsprechung, Strafvollzug, Minderheitenschutz und Religionsfreiheit bedeutende Defizite hat, auch wenn es in einem schön gefärbten Bericht der so genannten unabhängigen Kommission oder im Ahtissari-Bericht etwas anders gesehen wird.

  Bernd Posselt (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Ich bin der Meinung, dass wir uns selbstverständlich sehr kritisch mit der Menschenrechtslage in Syrien beschäftigen müssen. Es ist eine Diktatur und ein Polizeistaat. Herr Al Hassani muss freigelassen werden.

Aber wir müssen auch sehen, dass Präsident Assad – der jetzt sich und sein Land öffnet – und auch schon sein Vater als Alewiten zum Beispiel das Zusammenleben von Muslimen und Christen in einer Art und Weise gepflegt haben, dass mir ein führender syrischer Christ, nämlich Kardinal Daud, gesagt hat, dass sich Christen in Syrien sicherer fühlen als in dem von westlichen Truppen gestützten Irak.

Deshalb sollten wir in Syrien differenziert vorgehen, die Menschenrechtsverletzungen klar anprangern, nicht nachgeben, das Land auf seinem Weg der Annäherung und Öffnung jedoch unterstützen, selbstverständlich kritisch sein, aber auch anerkennen, dass es hier Ansätze gibt, die wir pflegen sollten.

  Meglena Kuneva, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, the Commission shares the concerns of the European Parliament with regard to the human rights situation in Syria. Our assessment is that the situation has deteriorated over recent months, with more arbitrary detentions, harassment of human rights defenders and travel bans.

The arrest on 28 August of Mr Muhannad Al Hassani – a well known lawyer, President of the National Organisation for Human Rights in Syria and a member of the Damascus Bar Association for 15 years – is the most recent example. Mr Al Hassani is a human rights defender and one might suspect that his arrest is politically motivated.

The EU has already expressed its concerns to the Syrian authorities. Syria must observe its international commitments, in particular the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Syria is a state party. The Commission, through its delegation in Damascus, together with Member States’ embassies, are discussing how to more effectively and efficiently act in defence of human rights’ defenders. Clearly, we have to continue calling for actions to protect human rights defenders and to ensure the observation of trials at the Supreme State Security Court. We must continue to support the civil society through our instruments, such as the non-state actors and the European instrument for democracy and human rights budget lines, and give moral support to the families.

Despite being important, these actions are, nevertheless, insufficient. We believe the EU would have a stronger leverage on Syria if the association agreement was signed. I am glad that the Presidency is contemplating its signature in the coming weeks. With this agreement we will establish a regular dialogue to advise on these issues and achieve better results.

  Elnök. − A vitát lezárom.

A szavazásra a viták végén kerül sor.

(1) Lásd a jegyzőkönyvet.

10. Ħin tal-votazzjonijiet

  Elnök. − A következő pont a szavazás.

(A szavazások eredményei és egyéb részletei tekintetében: lásd a jegyzőkönyvet)

10.1. Imwiet ta' difensuri tad-drittijiet tal-bniedem fir-Russja (votazzjoni)

- A szavazás után

  Zuzana Roithová (PPE). - Já se velice omlouvám, pane předsedající, já bych jenom chtěla do záznamu, že jsem omylem hlasovala z jiného místa, mé místo je 107 a já jsem hlasovala z čísla 67, tzn. z karty jiného poslance. Jinak jsem pro. Prostě omylem jsem si sedla na místo jiného poslance, který má vloženou kartu, a hlasovala jsem z jeho karty, což je v rozporu s naším jednacím řádem, a prosím do záznamu, že jsem pro a že neplatí hlasování kolegy.

  Elnök. − Köszönöm szépen, jegyzőkönyvbe vesszük.

10.2. Il-Każakstan: il-każ ta' Evgeniy Zhovtis (votazzjoni)

10.3. Is-Sirja: il-każ ta' Muhannad Al Hassani (votazzjoni)

11. Korrezzjonijiet u intenzjonijiet għall-vot: ara l-Minuti

12. Kompożizzjoni tal-kumitati u tad-delegazzjonijiet : ara l-Minuti

13. Deċiżjonijiet dwar ċertu dokumenti: ara l-minuti

14. Trasferiment ta' approprjazzjonijiet: ara l-Minuti

15. Dokumenti mressqa: ara l-Minuti

16. Tressiq ta' testi adottati matul is-seduta attwali: ara l-Minuti

17. Dati tas-seduti li jmiss: ara l-Minuti

18. Interruzzjoni tas-sessjoni

  Elnök. − Az Európai Parlament ülésszakát ezennel megszakítom.

(Az ülést 16:45-kor berekesztem)

Can the European Council make a statement as to the initiatives that it is pursuing to foster peace and reconciliation between the Palestinian and the Israeli peoples?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the September 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

As stated in the Presidency conclusions of the June 2009 European Council meeting, the Middle East Peace Process remains a top priority for the European Union in 2009. The same meeting also endorsed the conclusions adopted by the External Relations Council at its meeting on 15 June 2009.

The Council remains committed to a two-state solution with an independent, democratic, contiguous and viable Palestinian state, comprising the West Bank and Gaza, living side by side in peace and security with the State of Israel. this is an indispensable step towards a more stable and peaceful Middle East.

We very much welcome to US Administrator's commitment to vigorously pursue a two-state solution and we are ready to work actively with the United States and other Quartet members to achieve this goal

The EU is also ready to continue substantially to post-conflict arrangements aimed at ensuring the sustainability of peace agreements, including through regional arrangements such as the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Union for the Mediterranean. We stand ready in particular to further develop our relations with the Palestinian Authority within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy. We will help promote Palestinian state-building and will cooperate further towards additional improvements in restoring law and order. Our focus will continue to be on support in the areas of civil police and justice.

A comprehensive settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict requires a regional approach, covering the political, security and economic dimensions. Through its numerous agreements with partners in the region, the EU is uniquely placed to work on key issues of regional development . In the light of developments on the ground, we will carefully assess how our policies and programmes can promote concrete and early results on the path of a comprehensive settlement of the conflict.

Ο πρόσφατος βάρβαρος πόλεμος του Ισραήλ ενάντια στον Παλαιστινιακό λαό, η επέκταση των εποικισμών, το διαχωριστικό «Τείχος του Αίσχους» στην Ανατολική Ιερουσαλήμ και στη Δυτική Όχθη και η συνέχιση του φονικού αποκλεισμού της Λωρίδας της Γάζας επιδεινώνουν ακόμη περισσότερο την αφόρητη κατάσταση σε βάρος του Παλαιστινιακού λαού. Η ΕΕ -όπως και οι ΗΠΑ- με την πολιτική τους για τη «Νέα Μέση Ανατολή» παρέχει κάλυψη στην Ισραηλινή βαρβαρότητα. Είναι απαράδεκτο να βρίσκεται στη λίστα των ονομαζόμενων «τρομοκρατικών οργανώσεων» το Λαϊκό Μέτωπο για την Απελευθέρωση της Παλαιστίνης (PFLP) με χαλκευμένους και ανυπόστατους ισχυρισμούς, γιατί παλεύει για τα δίκαια του Παλαιστινιακού Λαού.

Καταδικάζει το Συμβούλιο το διαχωριστικό τείχος του αίσχους, τους Ισραηλινούς εποικισμούς παλαιστινιακών εδαφών, καθώς και το συνεχιζόμενο αποκλεισμό της Λωρίδας της Γάζας; Αναγνωρίζει το αναφαίρετο δικαίωμα του Παλαιστινιακού λαού στη δημιουργία ανεξάρτητου, ενιαίου Παλαιστινιακού κράτους στα εδάφη του 1967 με πρωτεύουσα την Ανατολική Ιερουσαλήμ, κυρίαρχο στο έδαφος και στα σύνορά του; Προτίθεται να διαγράψει το Λαϊκό Μέτωπο για την Απελευθέρωση της Παλαιστίνης από τη λίστα των ονομαζόμενων τρομοκρατικών οργανώσεων και να καταργήσει στο σύνολό της αυτή τη λίστα;

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the September 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

In response to the question of the Honourable member of the European Parliament the Council would like to recall its formal statements that while recognising Israel’s right to protect its citizens, the construction of the barrier in the occupied Palestinian territory is contrary to international law.

The Council has also urged the government of Israel to immediately end settlement activities, including in East Jerusalem and including natural growth, and to dismantle all outposts erected since March 2001. It reiterates that settlements are illegal under international law and constitute an obstacle to peace. Also according to the Road Map, Israel has an obligation to freeze all settlement activity, including the natural growth of existing settlements, and dismantle all outposts erected since March 2001.

The Council has also expressed its concern for the situation in Gaza and has repeatedly called for the immediate and unconditional access for humanitarian aid, commercial goods and persons to and from Gaza without which the unimpeded delivery of humanitarian aid, reconstruction and economic recovery will not be possible.

The Council would also like to assure the Honourable member of the European Parliament of its unflinching commitment to the two-state solution with an independent, democratic, contiguous and viable Palestinian state, living side by side in peace and security with the State of Israel. The EU will not recognise any changes to the pre-1967 borders other than those agreed by both parties. Indeed a two-state solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and a comprehensive peace in the Middle East is one of the central objectives of the European Union's common foreign and security policy.

The listing of terrorist organisations is one of a number of measures adopted by the European Union in order to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1373 of 2001 as part of a wide-ranging international strategy to combat terrorism and in particular the financing of terrorism.

The inclusion of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine is based on objective criteria. As within all persons, groups, and entities on the list, the PFLP is made aware of the reasons for its inclusion.

The Council reviews the list regularly and at least every six months. At the last review the Council considered that the grounds for listing the PFLP remained valid and therefore decided to maintain the group on the list which was adopted on 15 June.

Is the Council concerned at the fact that the Iraqi police force has entered Camp Ashraf and that a number of refugees have been killed and many injured, that 36 detainees are currently under arrest and on hunger strike, and that the Iraqi authorities have ignored court orders for their release, and does the Council consider that the recent election in Iran was conducted in a transparent and democratic manner? Does the Council believe that there should be fresh elections which would be jointly monitored by the United Nations and the European Union and, in the event of a refusal to hold such an election, should sanctions be imposed?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the September 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council follows developments in Iraq very closely and use every opportunity to underline the importance of respect for human rights in our contacts with Iraqi authorities.

The Council has discussed the recent events regarding the Iranian Presidential election and noted the result as announced by the Iranian Electoral Commission and also the concerns regarding the conduct of the elections expressed by several candidates. This is a matter that the Iranian authorities must address and investigate.

The Council has expressed serious concern about the violence on the streets and the excessive use of force against peaceful demonstrators. It is essential that the aspirations of the Iranian people are achieved through peaceful means and that freedom of expression is respected.

Στις 9 Ιουνίου, το λιθουανικό κοινοβούλιο ενέκρινε αρχικά τροπολογίες του ποινικού κώδικα, με τις οποίες τιμωρούνται με φυλάκιση μέχρι τρία χρόνια «η προπαγάνδα, άρνηση ή δικαίωση της γενοκτονίας που πραγματοποίησαν ο κομμουνισμός και ο φασισμός» και η «δημόσια συκοφαντία των μελών του κινήματος για την ελευθερία της Λιθουανίας που στα 1944-53 αγωνίζονταν κατά της σοβιετικής κατοχής». Οι διατάξεις αυτές επιδιώκουν να εδραιώσουν και με ποινικά μέτρα την πλαστογραφία της ιστορίας, την ανιστόρητη εξίσωση του κομμουνισμού με το φασισμό. Επιβάλλουν την αναγνώριση των φασιστών συνεργατών των ναζί στη Λιθουανία, υπόλογων για εγκλήματα κατά της ανθρωπότητας. Ποινικοποιούν την κομμουνιστική ιδεολογία, απαγορεύουν και τιμωρούν την ελευθερία του λόγου και τη διαφορετική αντίληψη για την ιστορία.

Ποια είναι η θέση του Συμβουλίου για την αποκατάσταση - και μάλιστα με την επιβολή ποινικών κυρώσεων για όσους διαφωνούν - του φασισμού και του ναζισμού, την απαγόρευση της ελευθερία του λόγου και την ποινικοποίηση της κομμουνιστικής ιδεολογίας σε μία σειρά χώρες της Ε.Ε., ιδιαίτερα στις Βαλτικές, όπου τα ΚΚ είναι απαγορευμένα και διώκονται τα στελέχη τους και άλλοι αντιφασίστες δημοκράτες;

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the September 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

As regards the piece of legislation mentioned by the Honourable Member, the Council has not taken a position. Neither does any legal instrument adopted by the Council address the issue raised, as it falls within the domestic jurisdiction of Member States.

In this context, however, I would like to mention the first the first Remembrance Day for victims of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes, which I had the honour to attend on 23 August this year. This commemoration was held across Europe following an initiative by the European Parliament and the Council of Europe, to pay tribute to the millions of people who have died in the name of Nazism and Communism.

The Remembrance Day also serves as an excellent moment to honour all the brave people who still risk their lives in the struggle against dictatorship and oppression, for freedom and democracy, in our close neighbourhood and in other parts of the world.

Human rights, democracy and rule of law are values that are fundamental to the European Union and its Member States. In this context, I should also like to mention the impressive work carried out by the European Parliament in supporting democracy movements and human rights defenders in totalitarian countries worldwide.

Considering the Union’s commitment to our shared values, it goes without saying that any legislation adopted by Member States is expected to be in conformity with both Union and Community primary and secondary law, as well as the Charter of Fundamental Rights.

The broadcasting of the outlawed terrorist channel 'Al-Manar TV' to Europe by the Egyptian satellite provider Nilesat continues to be in direct violation of the EU-Egypt Action Plan and constitutes a radicalisation threat to European security. In the Commission’s reply to Question H-0011/09 it was stated that the subcommittee on political matters with Egypt is the 'appropriate mechanism' for raising the broadcasting of 'Al-Manar TV' by Nilesat. Did the Council put the issue of Nilesat’s broadcasting of 'Al-Manar TV' on the agenda of the 2nd EU-Egypt subcommittee meeting on 'Political Matters: Human Rights and Democracy – International and Regional Issues' on 7-8 July 2009? Could the Council outline what commitments Egypt gave in order to stop the broadcasting of 'Al-Manar TV' on Nilesat?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the September 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

I am grateful to the Honourable Member for his question about the Egyptian satellite provider Nilesat, whose broadcasts of the Lebanese "Al-Manar TV" can reach the territory of the European Union. The Council understands the concern of the honourable Member that some of the material broadcast by the station could amount to incitement to hatred.

In order to achieve a lasting improvement in matters of xenophobia, intolerance, and sectarian hatred there is no better method than dialogue. It is encouraging to see, therefore, that more than 80 countries, among them Egypt, Lebanon, Gulf states and most EU member states, have joined the UN Alliance of Civilizations, whose main mission is to prevent conflicts due to prejudice and cultural or religious misconceptions. Several UN AoC programmes focus on media literacy and ethics.

Thus, the Council, considers that dialogue with Egypt is the most effective way to encourage the Egyptian government to progress in the area of human rights. This dialogue takes place through the institutional structure of sub-committees and political dialogue, and provides an opportunity for exchanges of views on a variety of issues.

The Council had already addressed the specific concerns raised by the Honourable Member in its statement related to the 5th EU-Egypt association Council, which stated that "The EU encourages Egypt to continue to pursue efforts aimed at fighting discrimination on all grounds and at promoting tolerance in matters related to culture, religion and beliefs and minorities. In this context, the EU is concerned about the discriminatory content in some of the broadcasts of the Al-Manar television channel distributed by the Egyptian satellite Nilesat. The EU condemns any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence".

At the sub-committee on political matters with Egypt, whose second meeting took place in Cairo on 7 and 8 July 2009, the issue of the broadcasting of "Al-Manar TV" was raised for the EU side within the framework of issues related to the fight against racism, xenophobia and intolerance, including the undertaking in the joint EU-Egypt Action Plan to “strengthen the role of media in combating xenophobia and discrimination on the grounds of religious belief or culture” and encouraging the media “to assume its responsibilities in this regard.

Egypt refrained from providing a reply, on the grounds that Al-Manar was an individual case. Egypt also failed to offer a commitment to address the case. The reaction of Egypt should however not prevent us from continuing the dialogue. The Honourable Member can be assured that the Council will continue to pay close attention to this issue and is ready to raise it on another occasion within the EU’s regular political dialogue with Egypt.

Obecnie w Pakistanie władzę oficjalnie sprawuje cywilny rząd. Czy Rada uważa, że cywilny rząd w pełni kontroluje sytuację w Pakistanie, czy też Rada uważa, że, jak w przeszłości, to pakistańska armia ma realną władzę w tym kraju?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the September 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The general elections in February 2008 brought democracy back to Pakistan. The Council recognises this as a major progress for Pakistan. Strengthening democracy and stability remains the EU’s main objective in its cooperation with Pakistan.

Needless to say, it is a prerequisite for a functioning democracy in Pakistan that the civilian government has control of the armed forces. Elected governments should always exercise full transparency and control over the military establishment. This is a fundament of EU policy.

The process of democratization in Pakistan is still at an early stage. The EU, together with the rest of the international community, must continue to support the government in its efforts to strengthen democratic institutions and structures. The first EU-Pakistan Summit, held on 17 June 2009, was an important step in building a stronger partnership between the EU and Pakistan in supporting democratic, civilian rule in Pakistan. The EU will use its strategic dialogue with Pakistan to further promote this objective.

Im Beschluss des Rates vom 15. September 2006 zur Festlegung seiner Geschäftsordnung, (ABl. L 285 vom 16.10.2006, S.47) erklärte der Europäische Rat, wie wichtig es ist, „den Bürgern zu ermöglichen, aus erster Hand einen Einblick in die Tätigkeiten der Europäischen Union zu erlangen, insbesondere durch mehr Offenheit und Transparenz“, und dies „insbesondere wenn der Rat über Rechtssetzungsakte berät, die unter das Mitentscheidungsverfahren fallen“.

Laut Auswertung der Tagesordnungen der Ministerratsitzungen nahm die öffentliche Behandlung von Tagesordnungspunkten in allen Ministerräten (außer den zwei Räten für "Bildung, Jugend und Kultur" sowie "Landwirtschaft und Fischerei") von 2007 auf 2008 jedoch sogar ab. So wurden im Jahr 2008 im Rat der Umweltminister nur noch 4 von 33 Tagesordnungspunkten öffentlich behandelt; dies entspricht einem zweistelligen Rückgang gegenüber 2007. Im so bedeutsamen Rat für Allgemeine Angelegenheiten und Außenbeziehungen wurde 2008 überhaupt nur einer von 130 Tagesordnungspunkten öffentlich behandelt.

In welchen Bereichen plant die schwedische Ratspräsidentschaft konkrete Initiativen, um dem Beschluss des Rates vom 15. September 2006 und auch der bekannten schwedischen Tradition in Richtung Transparenz endlich zu entsprechen?

Tritt die schwedische Ratspräsidentschaft dafür ein, auch die Sitzungen des Europäischen Rates inklusive der üblichen Arbeitsessen auf Ratsebene endlich öffentlich zugänglich zu machen?

Welche konkreten Initiativen wird die schwedische Ratspräsidentschaft ergreifen, damit bei den Ratssitzungen die Tagesordnungspunkte öffentlich behandelt werden?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the September 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Presidency would like to recall that the modification of Article 8 of the Council's Rules of Procedure, to which reference is made in the Honourable Member's question, has brought about a significant increase in the number of public deliberations and public debates during the last three years as compared to the previous four years period where the access to the decision-making process of the Council was governed by the principles established by the Seville European Council (the so-called "Seville regime").

Thus, a total of 788 topics have been dealt with at ministerial level during open Council sessions since 1 July 2006. The increase has been particularly significant as regards the number of legislative "B" items: Altogether the number of the legislative "B" items examined by the Council since 1 July 2006 in public doubled in comparison with the period July 2002 - June 2006. Moreover, a total of 128 public debates, including 118 debates on important issues affecting the interests of the European Union and its citizens, were held during the period July 2006 - June 2009, whereas only 33 such debates took place during the preceding period.

That being said, the Presidency would like to recall that the number of items listed on the Council's agenda for a public deliberation or a public debate may vary from one year to another, notably depending on the number of co-decision items to be examined and/or adopted by the Council during a given year.

Thus a total of 153 co-decision items were listed on the Council's agenda for a public deliberation in 2007, whereas the corresponding figure for 2008 was 229 co-decision. In 2009, the Council has so far dealt with 148 co-decision items in public.

The number of public debates held pursuant to Article 8 (3) of the Council's Rules of Procedure may also vary, depending on how many issues which have been identified by each Presidency as suited for a public debate.

With regard to the proceedings of the European Council, it should be recalled that the transparency rules are not applicable to the European Council.

The Swedish Presidency shares the Honourable Member’s view on the importance of increased transparency in the work of the Union. This is a very important part of the work to increase citizens’ confidence in the EU and our common institutions.

For its part, the Presidency intends to give full effect to the relevant transparency provisions, set out in Article 8 paragraphs 1 - 4, of the Council's Rules of Procedure. In principle, all deliberations on

legislative acts to be adopted in accordance with the codecision procedure will be open to the public, as provided in the Council's Rules of Procedure.

Parallel to this, the Council will continue the efforts undertaken since July 2006 with a view to further improve the quality of the web casting of the public Council sessions. This service, which is regularly updated and enhanced, offers live and on-demand access to public debates and deliberations, as well as other public events.

In qualitative terms, the Council's video streaming aims to ensure that users have easy and meaningful access to the debates they are interested in.

Moreover, since the creation of the EBS (Europe by Satellite) Plus by the end of 2008, more space is now available for re-transmission of the public deliberations and debates of the Council.

The Lisbon Treaty places increased focus on openness and transparency, which hopefully will contribute to both Council and other institutions taking steps forward in their work for more transparency. Moreover, if and when the Lisbon Treaty enters into force, the Council will systematically meet in public when considering a draft legislative act and when voting on such a draft, irrespective of the legislative procedure applicable.

W marcu bieżącego roku w Parlamencie Europejskim przyjęliśmy raport na temat specjalnego wsparcia dla osób najbardziej potrzebujących we Wspólnocie w formie Programu bezpłatnej dystrybucji żywności. Byłem przekonany, że przyjęcie opinii przez Parlament zdecydowaną większością głosów przekona sprawujące wówczas prezydencję w Unii Czechy do wznowienia dyskusji i znalezienia racjonalnego kompromisu w Radzie. Niestety moje nadzieje okazały się płonne. Jestem zaniepokojony, że także Szwecja, która przewodniczy obecnie pracom w Radzie, nic nie wspomina o wznowieniu prac nad projektem, mimo że nie ma żadnych przeciwwskazań. Czy Rada zamierza wznowić dyskusję w sprawie tak ważnego dla milionów naszych obywateli programu?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the September 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

Since 1987, Community legislation has allowed food from intervention stocks to be supplied to charities for distribution to the most deprived people in the Community.

In 2008 the Commission made a proposal to review the legislation, made necessary by the rise in certain food prices and the decrease in stocks.

Under the French Presidency, the Council held a policy debate on this proposal, but it was no possible to secure qualified majority in favour of the proposal.

A number of delegations rejected the very principle of the aid scheme, which they insisted was a matter for individual Member States.

Preşedinţia suedeză a Consiliului Uniunii Europene a declarat că printre priorităţile sale pentru perioada iulie-decembrie 2009 se numără redresarea economică, creşterea gradului de ocupare a forţei de muncă şi reducerea emisiilor de gaze cu efect de seră, teme care afectează practic viaţa fiecărui cetăţean european.

Creşterea eficienţei energetice şi utilizarea energiilor regenerabile pot genera în anii următori câteva milioane de locuri de muncă şi creează premisele unei creşteri economice durabile, oferind în acelaşi timp un avantaj competitiv Uniunii Europene. Având în vedere cele mai sus menţionate, aş dori să întreb Preşedinţia Consiliului Uniunii Europene care sunt măsurile concrete pe care le are în vedere pentru a încuraja statele membre ale Uniunii să dezvolte măsuri de stimulare a investiţiilor în eficienţa energetică şi utilizarea energiilor regenerabile, domenii care pot genera noi locuri de muncă, promovează inovarea şi pot asigura o dezvoltare economică durabilă.

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the September 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

Energy efficiency was already identified as a priority for European energy policy in the Energy Policy Action Plan which the European Council adopted in March 2007 and where the objective of 20% energy savings by 2020 was set.

The 18-month Programme of the Council adopted in June 2008 underlines that the Presidencies will, respecting the Member States' choice of energy mix, strive for a low-carbon economy that is consistent with both sustainability and cost efficiency and that positively contributes to broader growth objectives consistent with the Lisbon Strategy for Growth and Jobs. Indeed, energy efficiency does not only have a positive impact on the use of energy resources and on the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions, but stimulates at the same time, as the honourable MEP states, innovative technological developments and can thus boost the competitiveness of European industry and job creation. Energy efficiency is therefore the corner stone of not only an energy-efficient but also of an eco-efficient economy. It will help us address simultaneously the challenges of climate change, resource degradation, the global economic crisis and security of supply.

Three co-decision legislative proposals linked to energy efficiency are currently tabled before the Council and the European Parliament:

* the proposed Directive concerning the energy efficiency of buildings;

* the proposed Directive concerning the labelling of energy consumption, and

* the proposed Regulation on the fuel efficiency of tyres

and are indeed the main priorities for the Council in this semester.

Once adopted - what we hope will happen, with your help, still during this semester -, Member States will be able to introduce on their basis, also in the longer term, concrete energy efficiency measures in the buildings and construction sector as well as in the wide field of energy related products, both in the public and the private sector. In this sense, such measures will boost investments in innovative technologies which Member States can support with various types of incentives, both national and European.

Implementation of energy efficiency instruments already adopted at Community level will also trigger the creation of new jobs. This is the case for the Eco-design and the energy labelling framework Directives, where important implementing measures (related to lighting, electric motors, etc.) are in the pipeline.

This is also the case for renewable energies, where Council and Parliament adopted the

Directive 2009/28/EC on the promotion of the use of energy from renewable sources on 4 May 2009.

As for incentives, Community instruments are available for financing energy efficiency projects, such as the European Parliament and Council Regulation 1080/2006 on the European Regional Development Fund, which was revised in order to allocate € 8 bn to energy-efficiency and renewable energy investments in housing. Within the context of the European Economic Recovery Plan, where emphasis is on "smart investments" through detailed proposals for partnerships between the public and private sectors, Community, EIB and national funding will be used. In this perspective, the European Council gave its support to an increased intervention by the EIB, notably for small and medium-sized enterprises, for renewable energy and for clean transport, as well as the simplification of procedures and a faster implementation of programmes financed by the Cohesion Fund, the Structural Funds and the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development with a view to strengthening in particular investment in energy efficiency.

The European Union has established an area for the free movement of citizens.

Does the Council believe that - on any grounds - any official representative - i.e. Head of State - of any Member State may be refused entry into the territory of another Member State?

Does the Council accept the point of view that the refusal to allow any official representative of a Member State - i.e. Head of State - to enter the territory of another Member State on the basis of the Directive on the Free Movement of EU citizens, or on any other legal grounds, is seriously at odds with European values?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the September 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

As the Honourable Member rightly asserts, free movement of persons is a basic component of the internal market and of the Union as an area of freedom, security and justice. It constitutes a right of all EU citizens, enshrined by Article 18 (1) of the EC Treaty, subject to the limitations and conditions laid down in this Treaty and by measures adopted to give it effect.

It follows from the EC Treaty and Article 27 of Directive 2004/38/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 29 April 2004 on the right of citizens of the Union and their family members to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States⁽¹⁾ that any limitations to this right can only be justified on grounds of public policy, public security or public health. The application of any such limitation is subject to the control of the Court of Justice.

With regard to the specific point raised by the Honourable Member regarding the movement of Heads of State, the travel arrangements for such individuals, in view of the specific security and safety measures required, would be a matter exclusively for the Member States concerned. It is consequently not for the Council to take a view. This issue has never been discussed by the Council.

However, the Presidency welcomes the bilateral meeting between the Prime Ministers of Hungary and Slovakia held on 10 September, and considers the common statement that was published in connection to the meeting, as a positive sign. This statement seems to provide a good basis for a solution that will subvert the bilateral tensions between the two countries.

What initiatives is the EU pursuing at present to promote a greater use of newer and cleaner technologies so that the European Union's climate change targets will be reached?

A number of policy initiatives are promoting the development and wider use of cleaner technologies. They include:

- the Environmental Technologies Action Plan (ETAP) has been implemented since 2004, with actions ranging from focussing Research and Development (R&D) programmes, establishing Technology Platforms, mobilising financial instruments and public procurement, up to revising State Aid guidelines. A Green Paper on the future of ETAP will be proposed before the end of 2009;

- the Strategic Energy Technology Plan (SET-Plan), adopted in 2007 as part of the EU Climate Change and Energy package, is targeted at accelerating the development and market take-up of low-carbon technologies. The tools are European Industrial Initiatives in technologies such as renewables and Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS), the European Energy Research Alliance and enhanced international cooperation;

- the Lead Market Initiative, also adopted in 2007, aims at enlarging the market for innovative products and services in six priority areas including sustainable construction, renewable energy and recycling, with demand-side actions related to regulations, public procurement and standardisation;

- the Sustainable Consumption and Production and Sustainable Industrial Policy Action Plan (SCP-SIP), adopted in 2008, intends also to promote eco-innovation to develop greener products and leaner production processes. The voluntary targets on Green Public Procurement (50% by 2010) will contribute to an increased uptake of environmental technologies and expansion of eco-industries.

These policy initiatives are also supported by Community funding instruments, such as the 7th Framework-Programme for R&D, the new Competitiveness and Innovation Programme and the Cohesion Policy Funds.

It is estimated that about one third of the 7th Framework Programme's budget supports research projects on clean or environmental technologies in all sectors. Those investments are also promoting the engagement of the private sector, through dedicated Joint Technology Initiatives or other forms of Public-Private Partnerships.

The revised Community framework on State Aids makes it easier for Member States to support financially the development and market uptake of cleaner technologies, using related provisions in the Community Guidelines on Research, Development and Innovation, the Guidelines on Environmental Protection and the General Block Exemption.

In addition, the revised Emissions Trading Directive⁽¹⁾ reserves 300 million allowances for support of CCS and innovative renewables. The European Economic Recovery Plan includes clear measures to speed up the shift towards a low carbon and resource efficient economy, including almost €4 billion on energy projects.

Dado que uno de los principios básicos de la UE es la política integrada de medio ambiente, parece lógico que el desarrollo de las energías renovables sea compatible con la conservación de la biodiversidad, donde se debe incluir territorio, paisaje, suelo, flora y fauna.

¿Se están aplicando con rigor y carácter científico los criterios de impacto medioambiental que los parques eólicos tienen en la biodiversidad y, en especial, su repercusión en las aves rapaces y otras especies de aves, así como en paisajes naturales, históricos y urbanos de alta calidad?

En caso de que no exista suficiente base legal, ¿tiene pensado la Comisión completar la legislación existente para garantizar la compatibilidad de los parques eólicos con la conservación del medio natural y cultural?

The development of wind energy forms part of the European Community's commitment to achieve a 20% share of renewable energies in overall EU energy consumption by 2020. This is a key element of the strategy to tackle CO2 emissions in the context of climate change. It supports other EU energy and environmental policy objectives - for example in terms of reduced air pollution, reduced water consumption from conventional power generation, reduced energy import dependency and increased job creation.

However, the Commission is aware that there are environmental risks from the inappropriate location of wind farms. Wind energy developments should be carried out in a sustainable and balanced way that does not lead to significant damage to sensitive areas of conservation importance: Special Protection Areas (SPAs) designated under the Birds Directive⁽¹⁾, and Sites of Community Importance (SCIs) established under the Habitats Directive⁽²⁾, which form the Natura 2000 network.

Wind farms are also included in Annex II of the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) Directive⁽³⁾. For projects listed in Annex II, Member States are required to determine whether an environmental impact assessment is required. Criteria such as the characteristics of the project, its location and the characteristics of the potential impact are to be taken into account.

This means that an EIA is required if these projects are likely to have significant effects on the environment. The EIA must take into account different factors, such as fauna and flora, but also human beings, soil, landscape or cultural heritage.

Any developments likely to have a significant adverse effect on Natura 2000 sites must be subject to an appropriate environmental assessment under Article 6 of the Habitats Directive. The Commission has provided general interpretative and methodological guidance on the application of this provision.

For public wind energy plans the provisions of the Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) Directive⁽⁴⁾ are also applicable.

The Commission considers that this environmental legislation is sufficient to properly assess the possible impacts of wind farm projects on the natural and cultural environment.

The rigour and quality of these environmental impact assessments is a responsibility firstly of the developers and finally of the Member States' competent environmental authorities.

To help them and to improve implementation, the Commission is working on specific guidelines on wind energy and nature conservation.

Given that over the past 30 years the European Commission has adopted a substantial and diverse range of environmental measures aimed at improving the quality of the environment, and given that our environment can be protected if Member States properly implement what they have signed up to do at a European level, what steps will the Commission take to encourage Member States to continue to support agri-environment schemes such as the Rural Environment Protection Scheme (REPS) in Ireland which seeks to incentivise farmers to carry out their farming activities in an environmentally friendly manner and to bring about environmental improvement on existing farms? In this light, would the Commission agree that decisions to cease support for new entrants to REPS 4 in Ireland are contrary to EU environmental goals?

Sustainable land management is a core objective of the EU's rural development policy. At least 25% of the total contribution of the rural development funding shall be allocated to axes 2 and agri-environment support is a key measure in this respect. Therefore Ireland, like all Member States must continue to support environmentally friendly farming and environmental improvement during the programming period of 2007-2013.

Ireland has submitted a proposal in July 2009 which modifies its rural development programme. The Commission understands that although the REPS scheme will be closed, a new Agri-Environment Options Scheme will replace it. The Commission is currently analysing the proposed scheme to see if it respects both the Irish National Strategy Plan and EU priorities and will notify Ireland of our conclusions in the coming months.

Can the Commission outline the reasons why it believes Ireland should vote ‘yes’ in the forthcoming referendum on the Lisbon Treaty and also the implications of a second ‘no’ vote for Europe?

The EU has grown to 27 Member States and half a billion citizens, while its current institutional set-up was designed for a much smaller Union. The Commission considers that the Treaty of Lisbon would make the EU more democratic, efficient and transparent. It would enhance the powers of the Parliament and strengthen the role of the national parliaments. It would give a stronger voice to the citizens by allowing them to call on the Commission to bring forward new policy initiatives.

On policy issues, the Treaty would allow the Union for example to fight more effectively against cross border crime, illegal immigration and trafficking of women and children. The Treaty would also give the Union a clearer voice on the international stage, on issues such as climate change and the fight against global poverty.

If ratified, the Lisbon Treaty would enable every Member State to have a Commissioner, implementing the decision of the European Council as part of the wider package of legally binding guarantees designed to meet the concerns expressed in the 2008 Irish referendum.

De Belgische regering besliste op 15 september 2009 een nieuwe massale regularisatieprocedure voor illegale vreemdelingen te starten - in weerwil van Europese afspraken die werden gemaakt na regularisatieprocedures in andere landen.

Het is trouwens de tweede keer in enkele jaren tijd dat België een "eenmalige" massale regularisatie doorvoert.

Was de Europese Commissie vooraf op de hoogte gebracht van dit Belgische voornemen?

Is de Commissie van oordeel dat België hiermee Europese afspraken schendt en kunnen andere lidstaten maatregelen nemen om de Belgische geregulariseerden de toegang tot hun grondgebied te ontzeggen?

En premier lieu, la Commission tient à rappeler que la question des régularisations n'est pas réglementée par le droit communautaire et relève de la compétence des Etats membres. Par conséquent, l'octroi d'une autorisation de séjour à une personne en situation irrégulière est à leur discrétion dans le cadre de la législation nationale. Un permis de séjour délivré par un Etat Schengen équivaut à un visa et permet à son titulaire de circuler dans l'espace Schengen. Cela vaut également pour les permis de séjour délivrés en cas de régularisation.

Cependant, le Pacte sur l'immigration et l'asile contient l'engagement politique de tous les Etats membres "de se limiter à des régularisations au cas par cas et non générales, dans le cadre des législations nationales, pour des motifs humanitaires ou économiques". Selon les informations disponibles, il semble que la régularisation belge correspondait à cette approche.

Tenant compte du fait que des mesures en matière de migration adoptées au niveau national peuvent avoir un impact au-delà des frontières nationales, le Conseil a créé en 2006 le mécanisme d'information mutuelle (MIM) qui permet l'échange d'informations sur les mesures nationales qui sont susceptibles d'avoir un impact significatif (tels que les régularisations) sur plusieurs Etats membres. Il convient de noter que l'application pratique du MIM reste décevante, les Etats Membres n'en faisant qu'un usage extrêmement limité. Par conséquence, dans le futur, la Commission va intégrer le MIM dans le processus de suivi annuel du Pacte sur l'immigration et l'asile.

La Commission suit la question des régularisations avec attention. Elle avait publié au début 2009 une étude externe sur les pratiques de régularisation dans les Etats membres. Cette étude sera utile pour ses réflexions futures. La Communication en vue du programme de Stockholm mentionne que par rapport aux régularisations, l'échange d'informations doit être amélioré et des lignes directrices pourraient être développées.

What amount of funding has been made available to Ireland under the Rural Environmental Protection Scheme? Has the Commission received any communication from the Irish Government regarding its plans for the implementation of the REPS 4 programme?

At the start of the 2007-2013 programming period Ireland chose to allocate €2 billion to the REPS scheme, almost half of its total programme budget. The EU co-financed this at a rate of 55%. On top of this, the Irish government also made an additional €414 million of national money available for the scheme.

On 15th July, Ireland notified the Commission of its decision to close the REPS scheme to new entrants citing budgetary constraints as the reason. At the same time, it indicated its intention to replace REPS with a new Agri-Environment Options Scheme. The Commission is currently analysing the changes proposed and will notify Ireland of its conclusions in the coming months.

It should be stressed that it is Member States who decide how to divide their budget for rural development programmes between the different measures. Ireland has chosen, and will continue to invest heavily in agri-environment irrespective of the closure of REPS.

Η Επιτροπή, απαντώντας σε προηγούμενη ερώτηση (Ε-0544/09) σχετικά με τη δημιουργία ΧΥΤΑ στις περιοχές Φυλή, Γραμματικό και Κερατέα της Αττικής, τόνισε μεταξύ άλλων ότι: «η κάλυψη συγκεκριμένων όρων, [όπως η προεπεξεργασία των απορριμμάτων σύμφωνα με την οδηγία 1999/31/ΕΚ] που προβλέπονται από τις αποφάσεις και συνδέονται με τις ενδιάμεσες πληρωμές δεν θεωρείται … ικανοποιητική και στις τρεις περιπτώσεις».

Λαμβάνοντας υπόψη ότι οι κάτοικοι της περιοχής του Γραμματικού αντιδρούν έντονα στην δημιουργία του νέου ΧΥΤΑ στην περιοχή αφού δεν ικανοποιούνται οι όροι που θέτει η οδηγία 1999/31/ΕΚ⁽¹⁾ για την υγειονομική ταφή αποβλήτων, ερωτάται η Επιτροπή:

Σε ποιες άμεσες παρεμβάσεις θα προβεί για να σταματήσει τη δημιουργία ΧΥΤΑ στο Γραμματικό αφού δεν καλύπτονται οι όροι της οδηγίας 1999/31/ΕΚ;

La décision de la Commission C(2004)5509 octroyant une assistance du Fonds de cohésion au projet de construction de décharge à Grammatiko inclut une série de conditions spécifiques liées aux paiements. Ces conditions découlent principalement de la directive 1999/31/CE⁽²⁾ sur le traitement des déchets et la construction et le fonctionnement des décharges et doivent être respectées afin que la Commission effectue les paiements. Comme la Commission a déjà indiqué dans sa réponse à la question

E-0544/09⁽³⁾ citée par l'honorable parlementaire, elle considère qu'actuellement le respect de ces conditions spécifiques est insatisfaisant. Dès lors, elle ne procède pas au paiement des dépenses des projets concernés. Si cette situation de non-respect des conditions spécifiques devait continuer, la Commission se réserverait le droit de suspendre les paiements sur la base de l'annexe II, article H, paragraphe 1 du Règlement du Conseil N° 1164/94 comme modifié par le Règlement N° 1265/99⁽⁴⁾. En tout état de cause, la Commission assure l'honorable parlementaire qu'elle veille à ce que le droit communautaire soit toujours respecté quelle que soit la source de financement, y compris les exigences découlant de la directive 1999/31/CE.

Οι εκθέσεις Κουκό και Λαάκσον, που εκπονήθηκαν σε επίπεδο Συμβουλίου της Ευρώπης, καθορίζουν τον εποικισμό που η Τουρκία διενεργεί στη βόρεια κατεχόμενη Κύπρο ως έγκλημα πολέμου και ωρολογιακή βόμβα στα θεμέλια της λύσης. Ο τούρκος πρωθυπουργός Ταγίπ Ερντογάν προτίθεται, σύμφωνα με τον τουρκικό τύπο, να στείλει στην Κύπρο άλλο ένα εκατομμύριο εποίκους.

Η ΕΕ και ειδικότερα η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή στηρίζουν ή όχι μια απογραφή πληθυσμού σε ολόκληρη την Κύπρο, που θα οργανωθεί από την ΕΕ ή και από το Συμβούλιο της Ευρώπης;

Προτίθεται η ΕΕ να λάβει μέτρα και ποια σε βάρος της Τουρκίας, εάν συνεχίσει τον εποικισμό στο βόρειο κατεχόμενο τμήμα της Κύπρου;

The issue of Turkish citizens now resident in the northern part of Cyprus raised by the Honourable Member highlights the urgent need for a rapid solution to the Cyprus problem as this issue will be an essential part of the solution.

The Commission fully supports the efforts of the leaders of the two communities in Cyprus to achieve such a comprehensive settlement under UN auspices.

Achieving a solution will require hard work and the Commission is confident that in the end the two communities, with the guidance of the UN⁽¹⁾ and the support of the EU, can succeed.

The Commission also expects Turkey to put all its weight behind a solution.

The Commission strongly believes that the coming period provides a window of opportunity that should not be missed.

Further to its answer of 16 December 2008 to my question P-6503/08, could the Commission indicate whether it has initiated proceedings against the Irish authorities regarding the transposition in Ireland of Article13 of the race equality directive (2000/43/EC⁽¹⁾), or any other similar provisions of EC law, and outline the current status of these proceedings?

The Commission invites the Honourable Member to refer to its reply to priority question

P-6503/08 on the same subject.

The Commission also recalls that the Race Equality Directive (2000/43/EC) does not require the Member States to provide for any particular rate of funding or organisational structure for equality bodies. In the absence of evidence suggesting that the budget available is not sufficient for the Equality Authority to carry out its duties, the Commission cannot intervene under the terms of the Directive.

Information on infringement procedures that have been initiated against the Irish authorities in respect of the Anti-discrimination Directives can be found in the Commission's press releases in the ‘Related Documents’ section of the website at http://ec.europa.eu/social/main.jsp?catId=613&langId=en .

Τα μέτρα που υλοποιούν η ΕΕ και οι κυβερνήσεις των κρατών μελών, στα πλαίσια των αντεργατικών αποφάσεων της άτυπης Συνόδου Κορυφής της ΕΕ της 7 Μάη 2009, στην Πράγα, για την απασχόληση, συνιστούν άγρια επίθεση σε βάρος των εργαζομένων, για να διασφαλίσουν τη κερδοφορία των μονοπωλίων.

Οι εκθέσεις της ΕΚΤ, του ΔΝΤ και του ΟΟΣΑ αποτελούν το ιδεολογικό υπόβαθρο του κεφαλαίου για νέες «διαρθρωτικές αλλαγές» για τη λήψη ακόμη πιο άγριων και σαρωτικών αντεργατικών μέτρων, και συγκεκριμένα: Γενικευμένη εφαρμογή των ελαστικών μορφών απασχόλησης, χτύπημα των ΣΣΕ, δραστική μείωση μισθών και συντάξεων, αύξηση των ορίων ηλικίας συνταξιοδότησης, αύξηση της φορολογίας μισθωτών, συνταξιούχων και αυτοαπασχολουμένων. Περαιτέρω ιδιωτικοποίηση της Υγείας - Πρόνοιας και της Εκπαίδευσης.

Ερωτάται η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή: Στις κατευθύνσεις της για «μόνιμες και διαρθρωτικές μεταρρυθμίσεις» τις οποίες συζητά και συναποφασίζει με την κυβέρνηση της ΝΔ, περιλαμβάνονται και τα παραπάνω άγρια αντιλαϊκά μέτρα;

The Commission does not consider that the measures adopted by the EU and Member State governments in response to the financial and economic crisis can, in any way, be described as a ‘harsh attack on workers with the aim of safeguarding the profits made by monopolies’. The overriding aim of those measures is to stem rising unemployment and to underpin eventual recovery, so that people throughout the EU can benefit from growth as soon as possible.

The EU Employment Summit held in Prague on 7 May took no decisions. The ten recommendations published should be considered a well-balanced set of policy priorities to create new jobs, maintain people in employment and promote active social inclusion. Furthermore, the social partners, and thus the trade unions, attended and participated actively in the Employment Summit.

The Commission has advocated more flexible labour markets, but has always stressed that these should be accompanied by more security for employment. The Commission has also advocated an increase in the retirement age to reflect the greater longevity of Europeans and the need to ensure that pension systems are socially sustainable. In order to ensure the long-term adequacy and sustainability of their pension systems, all Member States, including Greece, are faced with the challenge of raising the effective age at which people stop working and of securing employment for more people to work longer. In Greece’s case, this could involve increasing the pension eligibility age in public schemes.

The broadcasting of the outlawed terrorist channel 'Al-Manar TV' to Europe by the Egyptian satellite provider Nilesat continues to be in direct violation of the EU-Egypt Action Plan and constitutes a radicalisation threat to European security. In its reply to Question H-0011/09 the Commission has stated that the subcommittee on political matters with Egypt is the 'appropriate mechanism' for raising the broadcasting of 'Al-Manar TV' by Nilesat. Did the Commission raise the issue of Nilesat’s broadcasting of 'Al-Manar TV' with Egypt during the 2nd EU-Egypt subcommittee meeting on 'Political Matters: Human Rights and Democracy – International and Regional Issues' on 7-8 July 2009? Could the Commission outline what commitments Egypt gave in order to stop the broadcasting of 'Al-Manar TV' on Nilesat?

The Commission would like to thank the Honourable Member for his question regarding the recent EU-Egypt subcommittee on political matters and the Egyptian satellite provider NileSat, which broadcasts the TV station Al-Manar.

The Commission shares the concern of the Honourable Member that material broadcast by Al-Manar may amount to incitement to hatred.

Both Egypt and the EU are committed, as set down in our joint Action Plan established in 2007 in the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy, to “co-operate to combat all forms of discrimination, intolerance, racism and xenophobia, and in particular hate or defamatory discourse based on religion, beliefs, race, or origin….” The Commission is also committed to strengthening the role of media in combating these phenomena.

The second meeting of the EU-Egypt Subcommittee on Political Matters, held in Cairo in July, was a further step towards deepening political relations with Egypt and building confidence in the process of political dialogue.

During the meeting, the Commission did indeed raise the issue of Al-Manar TV transmission via NileSat. The Commission expressed concern over the channel's content, which contravenes EU legislation against hate speech and undermines the EU’s and Egypt’s efforts to promote peace and security in the region.

Egypt did not offer comments on this occasion or make any commitment to stop the broadcasting of Al-Manar TV via NileSat.

The Commission will continue to pay close attention to this issue and may raise it on another occasion under the EU’s regular political dialogue with Egypt.

Czy i jak zareaguje Komisja Europejska na fakt pogwałcenia prawa UE w zakresie równego traktowania obywateli różnych krajów członkowskich UE w kontekście niewpuszczenia przez władze duńskie obywateli polskich, a także holenderskich, posiadających ważne bilety, na mecz eliminacji Ligi Europejskiej Broendby Kopenhaga – Legia Warszawa? Stanowi to praktykę dyskryminacyjną. Oglądania meczu odmówiono również osobom legitymującym się belgijskimi ID (dowodami tożsamości). Podobnie z kolei belgijskie władze FC Brugge odmawiały zakupu biletów Polakom-urzędnikom Komisji Europejskiej i Parlamentu Europejskiego na mecz FC Brugge – Lech Poznań (27.08.2009) w ubiegłym tygodniu. To również przykład faktycznej dyskryminacji ze względu na kraj pochodzenia. Czy oznacza to, że reguły dyktowane przez poszczególne kluby sportowe np. w Danii i Belgii są ważniejsze od prawa w Unii Europejskiej?

As regards the alleged entry ban imposed by the Danish authorities on Polish and Dutch nationals in possession of valid tickets for the Champions' League match between Brondby Copenhagen and Legia Warsawa, the Commission would welcome clarification as to whether the ban concerned the entry into the country or into the stadium as well as to if it was indeed imposed by the state authorities or the match organisers themselves. It would also be very useful to know the reasons invoked by the authorities or the match organisers when not allowing the persons concerned to attend the match.

In this context, it should be noted that it follows from the settled European Court of Justice case law⁽¹⁾ that Article 49 of the EC Treaty, guaranteeing the free provision of services throughout the EU, includes also the freedom for the recipients of services to go to another Member State in order to receive a service there, without being obstructed by restrictions unless these restrictions can be justified by overriding reasons of general interest such as security or public order and they are proportionate. This principle is also enshrined in Article 20 of the Services Directive 2006/123/EC⁽²⁾ (to be transposed by Member States by 28 December 2009) according to which Member States shall ensure

i) that the services recipient is not made subject to discriminatory requirements based on his nationality or place of residence

and

ii) that the general conditions of access to a service, which are made available to the public at large by the provider, do not contain discriminatory provisions relating to the nationality or place of residence of the recipient, but without precluding the possibility of providing for differences in the conditions of access where those differences are directly justified by objective criteria.

With regard to the right of EU citizens to move and reside freely, Directive 2004/38/EC⁽³⁾ entitles Member States to deny EU citizens entry to the territory only on grounds of public policy, public security or public health. The restrictive measures must comply with the principle of proportionality and must be based exclusively on the personal conduct of the EU citizen concerned which must represent a genuine, present and sufficiently serious threat affecting one of the fundamental interests of society.

From the above, therefore, it does not follow that an entry ban would necessarily constitute unlawful discrimination or an unjustified restriction under Community law. It is worth mentioning that according to the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) Regulations of the Champions' League, it is the home club who is responsible for order and security before, during and after the game.

As a result, to judge whether the alleged behaviour of the Danish authorities or the match organiser was in breach with Community law would require a more precise knowledge of the circumstances of the specific case.

As for the alleged denial by the Club Brugge to sell tickets to Polish nationals, officials of the EU Institutions, for the match between Club Brugge and Lech Poznan, the above reasoning with regard to non-discrimination and to unlawful restriction on free provision of services applies in a similar way. Again, more details would be needed to assess the compliance of the alleged behaviour with EC law.

Nello scorso agosto si è verificata un'escalation di violenza contro i cristiani nel Punjab – Pakistan – da parte di fondamentalisti islamici. Le autorità locali sono tolleranti verso gli estremisti che invocano l’articolo 295 della legge penale pakistana, nota come "legge sulla blasfemia". La comunità internazionale e quella cattolica condannano "l'insensato attacco alla comunità cristiana" e auspicano l'abolizione della crudele normativa. Si chiede alla Commissione come intenda comportarsi in relazione all'accordo di cooperazione con il Pakistan (2004/870/CE⁽¹⁾) nel rispetto della clausola democratica al fine di tutelare i diritti umani delle minoranze religiose.

The Commission is aware of the Gojra incidents, and the violence against Christians there can only be described as appalling. It should like to mention at the outset, though, that it is not only Christians, but also other minorities, including Shias and Ahmadis, who are suffering from extremist violence in Pakistan.

The Commission has raised the issue of religious minorities repeatedly during Joint Commissions and as part of the Troika dialogue. It will continue to raise this matter with Pakistan at every opportunity as part of the human rights dialogue.

Pakistani officials are fully aware that atrocities as the ones seen in Gojra not only cause immense personal suffering but tarnish Pakistan’s image. The Commission understands that the government has taken action in response to the incidents, including compensation for any loss of property and the establishment of a commission of enquiry. It will follow the situation closely, in particular progress in bringing the culprits to justice.

The Commission has also repeatedly brought up the blasphemy laws with the Government of Pakistan as part of the human rights dialogue. The Commission understands that, in absolute terms, the majority of those accused under the laws belong to the Muslim faith. But it is conscious of the fact that the blasphemy laws have often been applied against religious minorities, and have been given to understand that false accusations have been used as a tool to settle private disputes or for personal gain.

The Gojra incidents have given rise to renewed calls in Pakistan’s civil society to reform or repeal the blasphemy laws. The Commission would welcome such initiatives and will pass this message to the Pakistan government.

Article 1 of the Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan on Partnership and Development refers to respect for human rights and democratic principles as an essential element of the Agreement. On the occasion of the 17 June 2009 Summit, both the EU and Pakistan stressed the importance of having an open and constructive dialogue in human rights forums. The Cooperation Agreement forms the basis for such a dialogue and the Commission believes the way forward is to continue to engage Pakistan on human rights issues.

Erhalten amtierende Kommissare im Falle des (verspäteten) Inkrafttretens des Vertrages von

Lissabon höhere Pensionsansprüche oder andere zusätzliche vermögenswirksame Leistungen?

Le traité de Lisbonne n'a pas modifié le régime de pensions des commissaires, régime qui est basé sur le règlement 422/67/CEE du 25 juillet 1967⁽¹⁾.

Selon ce règlement, un commissaire acquiert des droits à pension tout au long de son mandat. Si son mandat est prolongé, ses droits augmenteront donc jusqu'à la fin effective de celui-ci.

De même, en vertu du même règlement, l'indemnité transitoire à laquelle les commissaires ont droit dans les trois ans suivant la fin de leur mandat pourrait être augmentée pour certains commissaires qui du fait de la prolongation de leur mandat atteindraient la durée requise pour passer à une autre catégorie de droits (art 7, paragraphe 1, du règlement).