Rapporti verbatim tad-dibattiti

Il-Ħamis, 22 ta' Ottubru 2009 - Strasburgu

1. Ftuħ tas-seduta

PRESIDE: MIGUEL ANGEL MARTÍNEZ MARTÍNEZ
Vicepresidente

(Se abre la sesión a las 9.00 horas)

2. Trasferiment ta' approprjazzjonijiet: ara l-Minuti

3. Dokumenti mressqa: ara l-Minuti

4. Problema ta' aċċess limitat tal-pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw għal ċerti vaċċini (dibattitu)

  El Presidente. − El primer punto del orden del día es la pregunta oral a la Comisión sobre la problemática planteada por el acceso limitado de los países en desarrollo a determinadas vacunas, de Charles Goerens, en nombre del Grupo de la Alianza de los Demócratas y Liberales por Europa (O-0100/2009 – B7-0214/2009).

  Charles Goerens, auteur. − Monsieur le Président, dans le cadre de la présente question à la Commission, j'aimerais contribuer à explorer des voies susceptibles de mettre fin à une injustice qui consiste à priver 80 % de la population mondiale de l'accès au vaccin contre la grippe A(H1N1) en particulier et de l'accès au vaccin en général.

Le problème n'est pas nouveau. En effet, la question se pose tous les ans en rapport avec la grippe saisonnière. En général, les nouveaux virus de la grippe saisonnière apparaissent pour la première fois dans les pays en développement. Dès ce moment, les laboratoires des pays industrialisés se lancent dans la production d'un nouveau vaccin. Ils ne peuvent démarrer la production que s'ils obtiennent au préalable des souches en provenance des pays – en général un pays en développement – où le nouveau type de grippe s'est manifesté en premier lieu. Le vaccin, une fois mis au point, suffit tout juste à protéger les populations des pays industrialisés. Il s'ensuit que les populations du Sud restent sans défense face aux pandémies.

Je m'adresse à la Commission pour lui demander ce qu'elle entend faire en vue de mettre fin à cette injustice. Est-il moralement défendable de faire dépendre le degré de protection sanitaire d'une population des moyens financiers dont dispose son pays? Aussi aimerais-je savoir si la Commission peut nous renseigner sur les moyens qu'elle est à même de mobiliser pour combler cette lacune. Quelle serait, le cas échéant, la stratégie de la Commission, ses partenariats avec les États concernés ainsi qu'avec les institutions du système des Nations unies ou avec le secteur privé dans la démarche permettant aux ressortissants des pays en développement d'avoir accès au vaccin?

Le régime de protection de la propriété intellectuelle de l'OMC, que je n'avais pas mentionné dans ma version écrite, constitue-t-il un obstacle à la production de vaccins par les pays en développement? Dans l'affirmative, l'Union européenne serait-elle prête à initier un débat au sein de l'OMC visant l'élimination dudit obstacle?

J'aimerais ajouter une dernière question. La Commission pourra-t-elle indiquer les mesures à prendre pour améliorer le niveau des infrastructures de santé des pays en développement, condition sine qua non à un accès plus équitable aux vaccins?

  Leonard Orban, Membru al Comisiei. − Mulţumesc distinsului parlamentar Charles Goerens pentru întrebarea domniei sale, care îmi oferă posibilitatea să tratez atât aspecte legate direct de pandemia de gripă A H1N1, cât şi să abordez mai pe larg aspecte legate de contribuţia Comisiei Europene la îmbunătăţirea sistemelor de sănătate din ţările în curs de dezvoltare.

În faţa pandemiei de gripă A H1N1, Comunitatea a reacţionat, atât pe plan intern, cât şi pe plan extern. De fapt, este vorba de o criză care presupune o abordare globală, atât din motive de eficacitate, în ceea ce priveşte protejarea cetăţenilor noştri, cât şi din considerente legate de solidaritatea cu ţări mai puţin dezvoltate.

Vorbim de eficacitate deoarece sistemele de alertă rapidă, urmărirea atentă a evoluţiei pandemiei şi a virusului în sine, evaluarea eficacităţii măsurilor preventive şi curative în ţările în care pandemia s-a manifestat mai întâi sunt elemente indispensabile pentru pregătirea şi adaptarea propriilor răspunsuri, însă vorbim şi de solidaritate deoarece Uniunea, în calitate de prim finanţator al ajutorului public pentru dezvoltare şi partener privilegiat al unui mare număr de ţări în curs de dezvoltare, trebuie să le fie alături acestor ţări pentru a face faţă acestor noi ameninţări.

Pentru a răspunde acestora, Comisia şi Uniunea în întregime nu pleacă de la zero. Precedentul gripei aviare, ca urmare a virusului H5N1, a permis instituirea, împreună cu organizaţii internaţionale, precum Organizaţia Mondială a Sănătăţii, Banca Mondială şi altele, a unor proceduri eficace pentru schimbul de informaţii, pentru coordonarea asistenţei tehnice, precum şi instrumente financiare, ca de exemplu un fond fiduciar la Banca Mondială. Aşa cum remarca doamna Chan, directoarea generală a Organizaţiei Mondiale a Sănătăţii, lumea nu a fost niciodată atât de bine pregătită în faţa unei pandemii. Comisia a jucat şi joacă în continuare un rol deosebit de important în cadrul acestor sisteme ale căror componente sunt acum extinse la toate tipurile de ameninţări de gripă.

În ceea priveşte accesul generalizat al ţărilor în curs de dezvoltare la vaccin, pandemia de gripă nouă a relansat dezbaterea care este în curs de mai bine de doi ani în cadrul OMS şi al Grupului de lucru pentru pregătirea pandemiei gripale, grup constituit la solicitatea Adunării Mondiale a Sănătăţii, ca urmare a deciziei Indoneziei invocată de către distinsul parlamentar.

În această sătămână, la Geneva, OMS prezintă primele sale recomandări, ale grupului în cadrul căruia Comunitatea a participat în mod activ. În conformitate cu rezoluţia Adunării Mondiale, recomandările finale vor trebui prezentate consiliului executiv al OMS care se va desfăşura la sfârşitul lunii ianuarie. În acel moment va trebui identificat cel mai bun echilibru posibil între, pe de o parte, stimularea cercetării şi a dezvoltării rapide de noi produse medicale, care provin în mare parte din cercetarea în sectorul privat, pentru care drepturile de proprietate intelectuală reprezintă astăzi instrumentul privilegiat de stimulare şi, pe de altă parte, echitatea în ceea ce priveşte accesul la produsele acestei cercetări.

Comunitatea Europeană îşi exprimă rezerva în faţa oricărei limitări a schimburilor de materiale biologice necesare pentru desfăşurarea activităţilor de cercetare. Colaborarea activă la nivel internaţional în mod transparent şi sub coordonarea instituţiilor legitime precum OMS şi reţeaua sa este indispensabilă pentru elaborarea şi difuzarea rapidă a instrumentelor de răspuns la pandemie.

În cazul specific al gripei A H1N1, pentru care nu existau stocuri de vaccinuri, s-a pus, de asemenea, problema capacităţilor de producţie şi a preemţiunii asupra acestor capacităţi prin comenzi masive efectuate de ţările care dispun de mijloacele necesare. Angajamentul unor productori de vaccinuri şi, mai recent, al unor state de a constitui rezerve de ordinul 10% din producţia sau comenzile lor pentru donaţii sau vânzări la preţ redus pentru ţările în curs de dezvoltare este un semn încurajator al solidarităţii mondiale.

Pentru Comisie, ajutorul în favoarea ţărilor terţe pentru a face faţă pandemiei este indispensabil şi nu trebuie să se limiteze doar la accesul la vaccinuri, atunci când acestea vor fi disponibile. Este primordială continuarea sprijinului pentru consolidarea sistemelor de sănătate, acordat de Comisie şi statele membre sub diverse forme, precum ajutorul pentru proiecte, sprijin bugetar sectorial sau general pentru ţările partenere, chiar sprijin pentru organizaţiile internaţionale.

Respectarea principiului asumării de către ţări a propriei dezvoltări, precum şi angajamentele pentru eficacitatea ajutorului, vor trebui asigurate prin garantarea, în special, a faptului că atenţia va fi menţinută asupra patologiilor şi intervenţiilor prioritare. Răspunsul la pandemie are la bază de fapt, înainte de toate, sisteme de sănătate mai bine echipate pentru a identifica şi trata din timp cazurile, pentru a pune la dispoziţie, în mod echitabil, instrumente de prevenire atunci când acestea sunt disponibile.

În caz de criză severă, Comisia Europeană va putea mobiliza instrumentele sale de intervenţie umanitară şi de urgenţă şi va putea face dovada flexibilităţii în utilizarea mijloacelor alocate deja ţărilor partenere solicitante. În cadrul unor astfel de crize severe organizaţiile neguvernamentale ca, de altfel, şi marile reţele instituţionale vor avea cu siguranţă un rol major, iar Comisia ştie că poate conta pe mobilizarea şi eficacitatea acestora.

  Gay Mitchell, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, the inevitable arrival and recurrence of a flu pandemic has thrust the issue of vaccination to the forefront of the news agenda. However, this has been a long-standing and persistent problem for the developing world. The oral question this morning raises an excellent point about the hypocrisy and inequity of the Western world demanding materials for vaccines from developing countries to protect their rich citizens, and then having the audacity to sell the selfsame vaccines back to the poor.

Above and beyond the need for the developing world to have similar access to flu vaccinations, we must strive to set up a system whereby the poorest people of the world, who are almost invariably more exposed to disease, have the opportunity which we in the West take for granted to protect themselves from preventable diseases. Tuberculosis is a good example of the contrast between us and our neighbours in the developing world. In Europe, children are routinely given the BCG vaccination, which has greater than 80% effectiveness. This has led to a situation in Europe where TB is not the persistent threat is once was.

Contrast this with the developing world, where 26% of avoidable deaths are caused by tuberculosis. The effect of TB in these countries is exacerbated by the fact that it is a highly infectious airborne disease that spreads easily within confined spaces such as the squalid shanty towns so prevalent in many developing nations. Add to this the fact that 50% of AIDS patients in sub-Saharan Africa where HIV/AIDS is rife will develop TB, and we can see how lucky we are to be in the relatively controlled immunised area, having programmes such as we do.

For a shining success story of the power of immunisation and the need for development aid in general, look no further than the example of measles in Africa, where, largely due to vaccination programmes, deaths from the disease fell from 90% between 2000 and 2006.

Mr President, it is clear that vaccination works and it is clear that we have a responsibility to the people who are suffering from the absence of vaccinations. I urge that we in this house keep the pressure on to ensure that this facility is made available to the poorest of the poor.

May I make a point of order before I sit down: please do something about the lifts in this House. I was going up and down in the lift when the doors jammed and I could hardly get here in time for the debate. Everybody complains about it. Something has to be done.

  El Presidente. − Señor Mitchell, en cuanto a la cuestión de los ascensores que usted ha suscitado, quiero revelarle algo que a lo mejor es un secreto de los debates de la Mesa del Parlamento. En la última reunión de la Mesa, yo denuncié la situación que acaba usted de describirnos y que, desgraciadamente, no sólo se produce en Estrasburgo: también en Bruselas hemos tenido unas semanas en las cuales realmente era imposible moverse entre los distintos laberintos que son nuestros edificios, porque los ascensores no funcionaban.

Transmitiremos la cuestión desde la Mesa a los servicios correspondientes para que se mejore de una u otra manera el servicio de ascensores.

  Michael Cashman, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, I would like to bring the House away from lifts and back to vaccines which prevent deaths. I think that is exactly what we should be focusing on. Of course I support the call that we have heard relating to the A (H1N1) virus but I want to look much wider: in fact, Commissioner, there are systems that work, and vaccines do work. Look at pneumococcal disease. It is a bacterial infection that causes pneumonia, meningitis and sepsis, and is relatively unknown despite its deadly status as the leading vaccine-preventable killer of children under five worldwide.

Pneumococcal bacteria are the leading cause of pneumonia, which takes the lives of two million children every year. This is a global health challenge with solutions. It might interest you to know that the Commission and many Member States have already made pledges to support immunisation in the world’s poorest countries by supporting GAVI, the International Finance Facility for Immunisation, and the pneumococcal Advance Market Commitment (AMC), something you did not mention.

But we can and we must do more to prioritise pneumococcal disease within existing health and development efforts and to work with developing countries to do the same. The pneumococcal AMC offers an unprecedented opportunity for countries to protect their children from this preventable killer. Yet the sad fact is that, of the 71 countries that are eligible, fewer than 20 have applied for AMC funding that will save so many lives.

I would remind the House that expanded access to essential vaccines is a key lever to achieving Millennium Development Goal 4: a two-thirds reduction in child mortality by 2015. We must make sure that we put these vaccines in the hands of countries that need them most. It is a simple step that will quite simply save millions of children’s lives. There is before this House a written declaration on this matter, including the pooling of patents. I urge Members to sign this and do something that matters.

  Frédérique Ries, au nom du groupe ALDE. – Monsieur le Président, c'est cette semaine, on le sait, que la plupart de nos États membres lancent la première vague de vaccination contre la grippe A, alors que, dans le même temps, force est de constater le peu d'avancées réalisées dans ce même domaine de l'accès au vaccin pour les pays en voie de développement.

Cela vient d'être dit: des millions de personnes, et des enfants en priorité, meurent chaque année dans ces pays de toute une série de pathologies, évoquées notamment par mon collègue Mitchell, précédemment.

Je ne suis pas en train de dire que la solution est simple, notamment – pas seulement, mais notamment –, parce que la question de l'accès au vaccin n'est pas tout à fait comparable à celle de l'accès aux médicaments, avec au moins deux spécificités: le nombre réduit de producteurs et la maîtrise de la chaîne du froid qui reste difficile. Il y a des éléments positifs, en revanche, le fait que, pour le moment, le virus ne mute pas ainsi que la disponibilité annoncée de 3 milliards de doses chaque année. Ce sont des éléments qui parlent d'évidence et qui imposent, qui favorisent la mise en place d'une stratégie à l'échelle mondiale.

Dans le temps limité qui m'est accordé, je conclus, Monsieur le Président – je pense dès lors que l'Union européenne doit soutenir sans retenue l'appel de l'OMS pour une distribution équitable des vaccins, en priorité dans les zones de haute mortalité, et que nous devons aussi créer les conditions et favoriser le développement de partenariats privés et publics pour lutter efficacement contre la pénurie de vaccins dans le monde.

  Marisa Matias, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, antes de mais quero reforçar a importância desta questão que foi colocada pelo Deputado Goerens, uma questão da mais elementar justiça. Sabemos todos perfeitamente que, numa situação de pandemia de gripe A, serão os países do Sul que mais sofrerão com este problema e com as consequências da proliferação do vírus, e não os países do Norte. Nós assistimos todos os anos, com total passividade, à morte de milhões de cidadãos e de cidadãs em resultado de pandemias que já foram ou erradicadas ou têm tratamento nos países do Norte, uma lista imensa: malária, dengue, febre amarela, tuberculose. Não temos limites para esta lista e assistimos com passividade a este problema.

Nós usamos os países do Sul efectivamente como fornecedores, a título gratuito, das amostras das novas estirpes do vírus para podermos melhorar o tratamento nos países do Norte mas, contudo, ficamos sem resposta efectiva a estes problemas e, portanto, às questões que foram colocadas eu gostaria apenas de acrescentar mais algumas.

Nós queremos efectivamente tratar este problema como um problema de saúde pública ou como um negócio? Porque se for como um problema de saúde pública temos que garantir a igualdade de acesso ao tratamento em todas as regiões do mundo e, para isso, os esforços têm que ser mais efectivos. Por outro lado, gostaria de perguntar, e espero que não seja o caso, se estamos à espera que afinal os stocks das vacinas na Europa fiquem tão sobrelotados ou que os efeitos secundários se revelem tão negativos neste plano para aí, sim, termos um acto de generosidade e repentinamente começarmos a enviar as necessárias vacinas para os países do Sul.

Por último, queria apenas perguntar se a União Europeia, se nós Europeus, se a Comissão se sente confortável com um sistema ou com um modelo onde os países do Norte tratam as pandemias através de um modelo de prevenção e nos países do Sul se trata como paliativos ou apenas com as sobras.

  El Presidente. − A continuación tiene la palabra el señor Guerrero Salom, y quiero decir que me produce una gran alegría y una cierta emoción dar la palabra por primera vez a quien durante muchos años ha sido un grandísimo amigo y compañero.

  Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D). - Muchas gracias por sus amables palabras, señor Presidente. El honor es mío por trabajar en la Institución que usted vicepreside en estos momentos.

Intervengo para apoyar el interés que suscita esta pregunta, que no es otro que el de apoyar a los países en desarrollo en la manera de prevenir y de luchar contra la pandemia de la gripe H1N1.

Pero, más allá de esta pandemia, también quiero subrayar que las enfermedades golpean hoy en el mundo de manera desigual a los países desarrollados frente a los países en desarrollo. Muchas enfermedades que ya han desaparecido de los países desarrollados cuestan la vida, todavía hoy, a decenas de millones de personas que habitan en los países en desarrollo.

Esos países tienen la obligación de garantizar la salud de sus habitantes, la salud de sus nacionales, pero no cuentan con los medios para hacerlo. Esos países, para luchar contra el sida, contra la tuberculosis, contra la malaria, contra otras enfermedades de carácter infeccioso, necesitan vacunas que hoy no tienen y que tampoco pueden comprar.

Animo a la Comisión, en el sentido en que se ha expresado el Comisario, a que busque alianzas, a que impulse programas, a que active a los países donantes y a que trabaje para que los países en desarrollo puedan acceder a los medicamentos genéricos a precios asequibles para sus nacionales.

  Leonard Orban, Membru al Comisiei. − La ce am adăugat la începutul prezentării mele, aş mai dori să subliniez următoarele lucruri. Comisia Europeană îşi aduce permanent sprijinul financiar în domeniul sănătăţii pentru numeroase ţări în curs de dezvoltare, în cadrul proiectelor, programelor şi ajutoarelor bugetare.

Pentru respectarea priorităţilor naţionale, Comisia va studia împreună cu partenerii săi modul prin care, prin aceste mijloace, se poate contribui la consolidarea modalităţilor de combatere a pandemiei. După cum am spus-o implicit şi o repet explicit, Comisia Europeană nu dispune de instrumentele tehnice şi financiare pentru a cumpăra ea vaccinurile.

Cu toate acestea, în strânsă colaborare cu Organizaţia Mondială a Sănătăţii şi prin formarea de alianţe şi acorduri cu diferite părţi interesate, vom pregăti împreună răspunsurile la cererile în acest sens.

  El Presidente. − Queda cerrado este punto.

5. Is-Sitwazzjoni finanzjarja u ekonomika fil-Moldova (dibattitu)

  El Presidente. − El punto siguiente es la declaración de la Comisión sobre la situación económica y financiera en Moldova.

  Leonard Orban, Membru al Comisiei. − Alegerile repetate de la 29 iulie din Republica Moldova, au reprezentat un test decisiv pentru capacitatea ţării de a-şi consolida dezvoltarea democratică şi de a continua să înainteze pe calea apropierii de Uniunea Europeană. Ne bucurăm că alegerile s-au desfăşurat într-un climat de linişte şi ordine şi că noul guvern nu numai că şi-a exprimat intenţia fermă de a privilegia o orientare proeuropeană, dar a şi luat deja o serie de măsuri în această direcţie.

Pe de altă parte, noile autorităţi din Republica Moldova se confruntă cu dificultăţi uriaşe. Una dintre cele mai grave crize, una dintre cele mai mari dificultăţi este necesitatea de a face faţă consecinţelor crizei economice şi financiare. Dintre vecinii răsăriteni ai Uniunii Europene, Republica Moldova se află, probabil, în situaţia economică cea mai fragilă. Comerţul şi producţia industrială s-au prăbuşit pe fondul crizei, dar şi al frământărilor politice generate de alegerile parlamentare din aprilie.

Sumele transferate de către cetăţenii moldoveni din străinătate, care reprezntau până anul trecut, peste o treime din produsul intern brut al ţării, au scăzut mult sub nivelul obişnuit. Exporturile şi importurile s-au redus drastic. La fel şi cererea internă şi producţia industrială. Pentru 2009 se prevede o scădere abruptă, chiar cu mai bine de 10% a produsului intern brut.

Având în vedere că Republica Moldova este deja cea mai săracă ţară din Europa, acest regres este deosebit de dureros şi va accentua şi mai mult greutăţile cu care se luptă populaţia şi, în special, persoanele cele mai vulnerabile. Pentru a veni în ajutorul Republicii Moldova şi al populaţiei sale, Uniunea Europeană este dispusă să sprijine această ţară, oferindu-i o asistenţă macrofinanciară, în plus faţă de cea care poate fi acoradată de Fondul Monetar Internaţional şi în coordonare cu acesta. De asemenea, vom furniza asistenţa specializată şi vom accelera plata ajutorului nostru obişnuit pentru această ţară.

În ceea ce priveşte asistenţa macrofinanciară, aşa cum este necesar pentru acest tip de asistenţă, sprijinul nostru va depinde de încheierea unui acord asupra unui program de sprijin între Republica Moldova şi Fondul Monetar Internaţional. Reprezentanţii FMI se află în prezent la Chişinău şi aşteptăm cu interes raportul lor. Nu putem avansa cu pregătirea unui program de asistenţă macrofinanciară înainte de lansarea programului cu FMI. Ca atare, este prea devreme să putem şti ce formă va îmbrăca programul de asistenţă macrofinanciară pe care l-ar putea acorda Comisia Europeană.

Ne aşteptăm ca autorităţile să solicite sprijin, nu numai pentru consolidarea rezervelor valutare, ci şi pentru acoperirea deficitului bugetar. Trebuie menţionat că Republica Moldova este eligibilă atât pentru granturi, cât şi pentru împrumuturi. Din ce se va compune, în final, această asistenţă depinde, fireşte, de nevoile care vor fi identificate.

Între timp, Comisia Europeană, a trimis deja o misiune de experţi la Chişinău, sub conducerea Direcţiei Generale - Afaceri economice şi financiare DG ECFIN, pentru a oferi asistenţa autorităţilor din Republica Moldova la elaborarea programului lor economic. Obiectivul misiunii, cu ocazia recentei întrevederi cu autorităţile de la Chişinău, a fost de a le ajuta să evaleze reacţia ţării la actuala situaţie economică. Serviciile Comisiei s-au folosit de acest prilej pentru a culege informaţiile necesare pentru pregătirea unui program de asistenţă macrofinanciară.

Comisia îşi menţine disponibilitatea de a oferi în continuare autorităţilor de la Chişinău, consultanţă de specialitate în acest domeniu. Totodată, ne străduim să accelerăm plăţile aferente operaţiunilor de sprijin bugetar din cadrul Instrumentului european de vecinătate şi parteneriat. În luna septembrie Comisia Europeană a aprobat o majorare de la 30,5 milione de euro la 34,5 milioane de euro a plafonului plăţilor destinate sprijinului bugetar pentru acest an. Fireşte, scopul asistenţei noastre, sub forma sprijinului bugetar, este în primul rând, de a încuraja reformele în sectoarele convenite, nu doar de a umple golurile din buget.

În actuala situaţie însă nu este doar un mijloc de a completa resursele bugetare limitate. Este şi o modalitate de a ajuta la depăşirea greutăţilor reale cu care se confruntă populaţia din Republica Moldova.

Salutăm în mod deosebit faptul că membrii Parlamentului European au solicitat sprijin urgent pentru Republica Moldova. În lunile care vor urma, vom face apel la dumneavoastră pentru eforturile pe care le depunem în această privinţă. Suntem încrezători că Parlamentul va aproba cu promptitudine pachetul de asistenţă macrofinanciară pentru Republica Moldova, atunci când acesta îi va fi prezentat. Vom putea astfel să asigurăm acordarea la timp a asistenţei.

Înainte de a încheia, doamnelor şi domnilor, această declaraţie, permiteţi-mi să mă refer, pe scurt, la situaţia din Transnistria. Întâi de toate, pentru a sublinia cât este de important să nu pierdem din vedere această problemă în contextul schimbărilor politice semnificative care au loc în Republica Moldova. Convorbirile pentru soluţionarea conflictului ar trebui reluate cât mai curând posibil în aşa numitul format 5+2. Suntem optimişti în acest sens deoarece noul guvern a reafirmat sprijinul pentru acest principiu în programul său. Uniunea Europeană are o influenţă din ce în ce mai importantă în acest proces.

Contăm pe noua conducere de la Chişinău că aceasta va aborda proactiv această problemă, ceea ce va ajuta la soluţionarea conflictului. În ceea ce ne priveşte, tocmai am lansat două pachete de proiecte de consolidare a încrederii, cu finanţarea Comisiei Europene în domeniile sănătăţii, protecţiei mediului, social şi economic. Această acţiune se înscrie într-un cadru mai larg al eforturilor noastre neîntrerupte în favoarea reglementării conflictului.

Doamnelor şi domnilor, sub aspect politic, ca şi din punct de vedere economic, Republica Moldova se află la o răscruce de drumuri. Suntem pe deplin angajaţi în susţinerea dezvoltării viitoare a ţării şi ne vom da toată silinţa, în continuare, pentru ca, în această conjunctură deosebit de critică, sprijinul nostru să fie substanţial şi eficace şi să parvină la momentul potrivit.

  Marian-Jean Marinescu, în numele Grupului PPE. – Republica Moldova traversează o gravă criză economico-financiară şi instituţională, determinată de contextul economico-financiar internaţional, dar mai ales de 8 ani de guvernare comunistă.

Alegerile anticipate din iulie 2009 şi victoria Alianţei pentru Integrare Europeană sunt un important pas înainte către îndeplinirea aspiraţiilor europene ale cetăţenilor moldoveni. Victoria a fost obţinută prin efortul partidelor din Alianţă împotriva metodelor comuniste, a influenţei situaţiei din Transnistria şi a influenţei Federaţiei Ruse. Sunt de admirat cei care au obţinut această victorie aproape singuri, reuşind să câştige încrederea cetăţenilor.

Moldova are nevoie de ajutor. De aceasta depinde stabilitatea noii puteri de la Chişinău, precum şi viitoarea evoluţie a acestui fost stat sovietic către vest sau către est. Sunt convins că Moldova va primi ajutor din mai multe direcţii. Noi trebuie să fim una dintre aceste direcţii.

Uniunea Europeană nu are decât o singură opţiune - să răspundă pozitiv la eforturile Alianţei pentru Integrare Europeană din Moldova, şi anume: să negocieze cât mai curând un acord de asociere între Uniunea Europeană şi Moldova, să demareze foarte rapid un dialog constructiv pentru liberalizarea regimului de vize pentru cetăţenii moldoveni şi să sprijine financiar Republica Moldova pentru ca aceasta să-şi acopere deficitul bugetar. Comisia Europeană trebuie să acorde cât mai curând Moldovei asistenţa macrofinanciară de care are atâta nevoie.

Domnule comisar, am ascultat cu atenţie ceea ce spuneaţi, mă bucură că în atenţia Comisiei este Republica Moldova şi că pregătiţi acel pachet de asistenţă macrofinanciară, numai că totul depinde şi de colaborarea cu FMI. Rugămintea ar fi ca dumneavoastră, Comisia şi cu FMI să nu meargă în paralel în Moldova, ci să colaboreze astfel încât să nu se ajungă în situaţia ca FMI să aştepte Comisia şi Comisia să aştepte FMI.

  Кристиан Вигенин, от името на групата S&D. – С особено задоволство изслушах г-н Орбан за намеренията на Европейската комисия и за подхода й към Молдова. Смятам, че ние трябва да дадем много ясни сигнали от страна на европейските институции и Европейския съюз като цяло към Молдова, и да окажем необходимата подкрепа, и финансова, икономическа, но подчертавам и политическа, за сегашното правителство и за опитите му да извади Молдова от тежката ситуация, в която се намира страната. След два поредни избора, очевидно това правителство се стреми да се обърне към реалните проблеми на хората, нещо, което като че ли беше останало на заден план в предишните месеци, да не кажа години. Заедно с това, ние трябва да имаме предвид, че политическата ситуация в Молдова, макар и да изглежда по-стабилна, по-позитивна, в момента може много бързо да се насочи в друга посока. Имам предвид това, че все още има пълна неяснота около това ще успее ли Молдова да избере своя президент и ако това не стане, очевидно страната ще тръгне към нови избори догодина. Това би било най-негативното развитие, не просто за страната като страна, но и за хората на Молдова.

Затова ние подкрепяме усилията на Комисията. Нашата група и Парламентът вярвам ще подкрепят намеренията на Европейската комисия, но заедно с това трябва много ясно да дадем нашия сигнал към Молдова, към управляващите, но и към опозицията в момента, че е време Молдова да се обърне с лице към реалните проблеми на хората и политическите игри не бива да бъдат за сметка на гражданите. Струва ми се, че един такъв силен сигнал ще бъде разбран в Молдова и от опозицията в момента. Ние подкрепяме също идеята за едно по-бързо сключване на споразумение за асоцииране, което както нашият колега Marinescu спомена, би следвало да включва и либерализиране на визовия режим, един сериозен проблем, който създава напрежение между Молдова и Румъния, което би следвало да включва и създаване на зона за свободна търговия. Ние смятаме също така, че освен спешните мерки, които Комисията предлага, трябва да направим така, че източното партньорство, лансирано в средата на тази година, да почне да действа реално и да покажем реални резултати и по линия на тази политика на Европейския съюз.

  Cristian Silviu Buşoi, în numele grupului ALDE. – Republica Moldova se află într-o situaţie foarte dificilă din punct de vedere economic. Criza financiară din Uniunea Europeană a atins şi ţările vecine nouă şi este de datoria noastră să-i ajutăm.

Criza economică din Moldova nu este doar consecinţa crizei mondiale, ci în primul rând a lipsei acţiunilor imediate ce se impuneau de la momentul declanşării acesteia în Republica Moldova. Astfel, din motive electorale, fosta guvernare comunistă a dezechilibrat bugetele locale prin alocări preferenţiale către administraţiile controlate de comunişti. În plus, a decis şi menţinerea unui curs leu-euro artificial la un nivel care trebuia să asigure populaţia că statul vecin nouă este neafectat de criză. Aşa că acum, în prag de iarnă, administraţiile locale riscă să intre în incapacitatea de plată a energiei termice, iar guvernul va avea dificultăţi să plătească salariile şi pensiile.

Salutăm lansarea negocierilor guvernului Republicii Moldova cu FMI şi Banca Mondială şi îmi exprim încrederea că acestea vor fi finalizate cu un acord ce va ţine cont de realităţile economice, politice şi sociale din Republica Moldova. Republicii Moldova nu trebuie să i se pună acum condiţii imposibil de îndeplinit, dată fiind situaţia politică şi economică delicată.

Am avut, din aprilie, mai multe momente în care am discutat despre Republica Moldova în Parlamentul European şi toţi am fost de acord că Uniunea Europeană trebuie să-şi asume un sprijin financiar. Cu atât mai mult acum când la putere sunt forţe liberale de orientare proeuropeană. De aceea, în numele grupului liberal, cer în mod clar Comisiei ca propunerea pe care o va face să conţină oferte tangibile în ceea ce priveşte asistenţa macrofinanciară, pentru că Republica Moldova are nevoie de un ajutor imediat ca să poată acoperi deficitul bugetar ce va atinge probabil la sfârşitul anului 2009, 14% din produsul intern brut.

Pe termen mediu, un instrument important poate fi şi parteneriatul estic, care trebuie să devină funcţional în cel mai scurt timp şi trebuie să-i fie acordate fonduri suficiente. Şi noi cerem, de asemenea, ca în viitorul acord de asociere să existe propunerea de creare a unui spaţiu comun de comerţ liber, aprofundat şi cuprinzător, precum şi propunerea de liberalizare a vizelor pentru cetăţenii moldoveni.

  Werner Schulz, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Herr Kommissar! Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Möglicherweise wird sich die politische Situation in Moldawien schon morgen durch die Wahl eines Präsidenten, der von der Koalition der Europäischen Integration getragen wird, entspannen. Anderenfalls würde es – wie wir gehört haben – zu vorgezogenen Neuwahlen kommen, und falls es dazu kommt, sollte die EU konstruktive Hilfe leisten.

Das kann sich natürlich nicht nur auf Wahlbobachtung beschränken, sondern ich will hier ein Problem ansprechen, wie die Wahlbeteiligung gesteigert und das Ergebnis an Klarheit gewinnen kann. Ca. 1 Million Moldawier arbeitet und lebt im westlichen Ausland, vorwiegend in Italien, Portugal und Österreich. Ihre Wahlbeteiligung lag bei der letzten Wahl im einstelligen Prozentbereich, und das hat logistische Gründe. Zum Beispiel gab es in Italien nur die Möglichkeit, in Rom und Bologna abzustimmen und das haben viele der im Land verstreuten Moldawier aus Kostengründen nicht genutzt.

Wir, das EP, die Kommission, der Rat, aber auch die moldawische Regierung, sollten dafür sorgen, dass bei der nächsten Wahl mehr Wahlurnen und Sonderwahllokale eingerichtet werden, damit die im Ausland lebenden Moldawier sich an der Wahl beteiligen können. Denn gerade von Ihnen ist ja ein klares Bekenntnis zu Europa zu erwarten, und deswegen möchte ich Ihr Interesse, Ihren Fokus eben nicht nur auf die wirtschaftliche und finanzielle Unterstützung lenken, sondern wir sollten ganz bewusst und konstruktiv politische Unterstützung leisten.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, Moldova is Europe’s poorest country and is also landlocked, but has recently had a successful democratic election. The new parliament must now wisely choose its president.

However, it would undoubtedly be more prosperous and secure if it did not suffer from an artificial territorial division. Very little progress has been made towards a resolution of the frozen conflict in Transnistria – a problem which goes back some 17 years. This is largely because Russia bankrolls the illegal regime in Tiraspol and continues to garrison troops in Transnistria.

We can usually judge Russia’s sincerity by its degree of commitment to resolving conflicts like this one, but the fact is that in Transnistria, as well as in Georgia and Ukraine, Russia cannot resist interfering. Russia maintains that Moldova, as a former Soviet Republic, is in its sphere of influence. Such concepts are outdated. Moldova, as a manifestly sovereign and European country, could one day join NATO and even the EU.

The EU must redouble efforts now to resolve outstanding issues in Moldova and give it the appropriate financial assistance it requires, but this will not happen by naively resetting relations with the Kremlin.

  Jiří Maštálka, za skupinu GUE/NGL. – Já si dovolím mluvit hned k oběma problémům, i k té následující zprávě, která se týká Gruzie. Je nám dán příliš krátký čas na posouzení příliš složitých problémů. Nemohu si odpustit poznámku, že prezident České republiky Václav Klaus se nemýlil jak v konstatování ve vztahu k situaci v Moldavsku, tak ke konfliktu na gruzínsko-ruské hranici. To je ovšem minulost a před námi stojí nové problémy dnešního dne, a to přesto, že máme pouze předsedu Komise a nemáme novou Komisi.

Chtěl bych ocenit, alespoň co se týče zprávy o gruzínsko-ruském konfliktu, snahu o objektivní posouzení celé situace. Vyhlásili jsme ambiciózní program Východního partnerství a dovole mi, abych stručně, a to na adresu obou států, tedy Moldavska i Gruzie, uvedl následující návrhy. Zaprvé, projekt Východního partnerství nesmí být chápán jako nástroj politiky proti Rusku, ale jako nástroj řešení společně s Ruskem. Zadruhé, otázka územní celistvosti Moldavska i Gruzie musí být řešena podle mezinárodního práva, nikoli tzv. Solanovo-kosovskou variantou. Zatřetí, obě země projevily zájem o bližší spolupráci s Evropskou unií a tomu musí odpovídat finanční i reálná politická podpora, např. usnadnění vízového režimu. Začtvrté, obě země potřebují výraznou pomoc v oblasti poradenství, zejména fungování veřejných institucí, jako je úřad prezidenta, parlamentu, prokuratury atd. Zapáté, obě země nezbytně potřebují pomoc zejména při vytváření právního rámce pro svobodu slova, svobodu médií, a tím vytváření důvěry u vlastních občanů.

Aby to vše bylo naplněno, musí být Evropská unie připravena a schopna politickou, finanční podporou, ale i dalšími mechanismy naplnit svoji integrační roli subjektu pro novou Evropu. Jinak bude Východní partnerství chápáno jen jako geopolitická šachovnice zájmů a zůstane jenom prázdným pojmem. V opačném případě riskujeme jenom rozčarování a na konci našeho volebního období budou opět znít slova o nezbytnosti nových oranžových, karafiátových či jiných revolucí. Tyto sice zaplatíme, ale nepovedou k reálnému vyřešení situace a zlepšení podmínek obyvatel.

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de EFD-Fractie. – Voorzitter, over de financiële en economische situatie in Moldavië kunnen wij kort zijn. Zij is ronduit catastrofaal, zo informeerde mij gisteren Dr. Aneli Gabani, een van Europa's beste Moldaviëspecialisten. Er mag dan in Chişinău per 25 september een nieuwe regeringsploeg zijn aangetreden met een hoopvolle naam en programma, de Alliantie voor Europese integratie, maar de onverminderd sterke Communistische Partij bereidt al haar terugkeer naar de macht voor door, zoals verwacht, nieuwe verkiezingen te forceren.

Wenst de Europese Unie de Europese koers van de huidige Moldavische regering te steunen, dan moet Brussel daar nu heel snel werk van maken. Raad en Commissie moeten er derhalve bij het IMF op aandringen Moldavië zo spoedig mogelijk te hulp te schieten zonder meteen sociale bezuinigingen te eisen. Gun het hervormingsgezinde kabinet een politieke adempauze. Vanzelfsprekend moet de Europese Unie in dit geval ook zelf financieel ruim over de brug komen. Per slot van rekening staat de politieke toekomst van Moldavië vandaag hier op de Europese agenda.

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). - Vreau să salut şi eu intenţia Comisiei de a sprijini Republica Moldova. Republica Moldova are nevoie de un sprijin şi este vorba de un sprijin care trebuie să ţintească populaţia; numai astfel, cetăţenii Republicii Moldova vor căpăta încrederea de care au nevoie pentru a găsi o cale de stabilizare şi de creştere.

Asistenţa macrofinanciară care a fost convenită aici trebuie, evident, construită cât mai urgent; lucrurile nu trebuie amânate pentru că, dacă se amână, în locul încrederii vom avea dezamăgire în Moldova şi, dincolo de aceasta, cred că trebuie sprijinit politic guvernul de la Chişinău, pentru că, după o lungă perioadă de timp, există în fine o deschidere sinceră către Uniunea Europeană. Numele pe care l-a ales coaliţia guvernamentală nu este întâmplător: sunt partide care au într-adevăr o opţiune diferită de ceea ce a însemnat Moldova până acum.

Acest sprijin politic este esenţial, cu atât mai mult cu cât există riscul, şi o spun aici foarte apăsat, ca problema Moldovei să fie privită ca o problemă locală, la limită ca o problemă a românilor din Uniunea Europeană. Nu-i deloc aşa, este o problemă europeană şi mă bucur că astăzi sunt voci foarte diverse care intervin pe această temă, pentru că Moldova este aproape de Europa şi ea trebuie sprijinită în momentul în care există acolo această deschidere; dacă nu, riscăm să cădem din nou într-o logică a amânărilor şi a tergiversărilor care au fost caracteristice guvernării Voronin.

Evoluţiile democratice şi sprijinul venit din partea Uniunii pot conduce, de altfel, şi la o soluţionare a situaţiei din Transnistria, pentru că Transnistria a fost blocată, pentru că guvernul de la Chişinău a fost un guvern care nu vroia să deblocheze şi care a avut o poziţie ambiguă şi neconstructivă.

Un ultim cuvânt, este nevoie de vize pentru cetăţenii din Moldova. Situaţia de acolo nu este deloc mai rea decât situaţia din Balcanii de Vest şi cetăţenii din Republica Moldova trebuie să beneficieze de libertatea călătoriei.

  Cătălin Sorin Ivan (S&D). - Am spus-o şi luni, aici în Parlamentul European, Moldova are nevoie de gesturi concrete şi nu de promisiuni. Situaţia economică în care se află azi Moldova este cea mai dificilă dintre toate statele de pe continentul nostru. Tocmai de aceea instituţiile Uniunii Europene trebuie să identifice soluţii pentru acordarea unui suport macrofinanciar imediat Republicii Moldova.

Acest ajutor este menit să acopere deficitul bugetar de 14% din PIB. Lansarea negocierilor pentru noul acord cu Moldova era o necesitate de foarte multă vreme. Astăzi ele au devenit posibile şi să sperăm că se vor derula într-un ritm cât mai accelerat. Parlamentul de la Chişinău este însă într-o poziţie dificilă. Riscul de noi alegeri este încă prezent. Alegerea noului preşedinte, programată iniţial pentru mâine, a trebuit amânată pentru încă 10 zile.

Mă încântă entuziasmul cu care Comisia anunţă lansarea acestor negocieri şi sper ca acest entuziasm să continue. Nu ne putem permite să dezamăgim poporul moldovean. Acesta are nevoie de noi, de Europa.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). - Panie Przewodniczący! Mówiono tutaj o Mołdowie wiele zwracając uwagę na bardzo złą sytuację gospodarczą tego kraju, ale powiedzmy sobie wprost – ta sytuacja jest dzisiaj wyraźnie lepsza niż rok temu. Widzimy wyraźny progres na drodze Mołdawii do gospodarki, która zapewni obywatelom dobrobyt. Paradoksalnie Mołdowa jest w tej chwili w sytuacji lepszej niż rok temu, a Ukraina, która była stawiana jako pewien wzór dla wszystkich, jest w sytuacji gorszej niż rok temu.

Dostrzeżmy postępy, gdy chodzi o to, co robi Mołdowa i jej rząd. Unia Europejska powinna pokazać jednoznaczną europejską perspektywę dla tego kraju, bardzo mocno wesprzeć obecne władze tak, aby nie było powtórki z tego politycznego koszmaru. Obecna sytuacja Mołdowy jest efektem ośmiu lat rządów komunistów i jeżeli nie chcemy zafundować powrotu do władzy tamtej nieudolnej ekipy, to pomóżmy obecnemu rządowi mołdowskiemu i społeczeństwu.

IN THE CHAIR: Diana WALLIS
Vice-President

  Lena Barbara Kolarska-Bobińska (PPE). - Madam President, I would also like to thank the Commissioner and the Commission for all the declarations concerning Moldova and the steps the Commission wants to take in the future. Being from Poland I know how important such steps are and the declarations on strengthening weak democracy in transition in their countries. The developments in Moldova are important for its people but are also very important for the entire region. This is what I want to stress.

During the transition process the reforms are very fragile in many post-Soviet countries and the successes in Moldova will be an important example and an important signal to other pro-reformist groups in the post-Soviet region.

Talking about the fragility of the Government right now and the situation in Moldova, we have to remember experiences at the beginning of the 1990s in this country, when the difficult economic situation led to failure to pay pensions and salaries and to a break in reforms. Right now we are talking about helping the economic situation but we also have to remember the need to strengthen institutions. At the heart of all democracies are the institutions: political institutions, institutions concerning the rule of law, the judiciary system and the freedom of the press.

Poland has recently done much to help Moldova during the elections and prior to them, but I think in particular we have to use the Eastern Partnership as an appropriate measure, because it offers many possibilities. I think that not only is the Commission taking important steps but we in Parliament – when we receive all the documents – also need to speed up our process and our decisions, to help resolve the situation.

  Monica Luisa Macovei (PPE). - Madam President, the pro-European Government in the Republic of Moldova cannot be left to become victim of the serious economic situation. I call for more substantial assistance than the package already agreed to by the Commission and I insist on this.

Financial assistance must support the population and must support the reforms which the country has to implement, as encouraged by the Union. These reforms need to be backed by enhanced and quick financial support from the Union, coupled with a monitoring mechanism to ensure and support the proper management of its funds. Finally, the new agreement with the Republic of Moldova should be an association agreement as in the case of the other countries under the European neighbourhood policy. Visa liberalisation should be negotiated and helped to happen.

  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Criza economică este puternic resimţită şi în Republica Moldova. Relaţia României şi a Republicii Moldova este deosebit de strânsă din punct de vedere economic. Ţara mea este prima destinaţie a exporturilor din Moldova şi a doua sursă de importuri. Aceste schimburi economice au fost însă serios afectate prin introducerea abuzivă a regimului vizelor de către fostul regim comunist. Prin eliminarea lor însă, aceste schimburi au fost relansate.

Este necesar ca creditul de 100 de milioane de euro promis de Comisie să fie urgentat. În acest sens, este posibil ca o misiune a FMI să se afle la Chişinău într-un viitor apropiat. De asemenea, şi Polonia a promis un ajutor substanţial. Uniunea Europeană trebuie să ţină cont de faptul că prin votul din iulie, cetăţenii Republicii Moldova şi-au arătat deschiderea faţă de Europa.

Este necesară o intervenţie substanţială, acum, din partea Uniunii Europene, înainte de venirea iernii, pentru a nu lăsa astfel posibilitatea forţelor antieuropene să profite de situaţia grea în care se află Republica Moldova acum. Până în prezent, niciun euro nu a ajuns în Republica Moldova.

  Victor Boştinaru (S&D). - Prin voinţa cetăţenilor moldoveni s-a produs o schimbare radicală la Chişinău cu un guvern proeuropean care doreşte, sincer, să se angajeze pentru un proiect autentic pentru Republica Moldova, un proiect european.

Astăzi, Moldova se confruntă cu grave probleme economice şi sociale, iar Uniunea Europeană trebuie să arate că acest cuvânt simbolic - solidaritate - este bun nu doar în campaniile electorale. Trebuie să arătăm că noi, Uniunea Europeană, putem fi la înălţimea aşteptărilor cetăţenilor acestei ţări. În faţa dezastrului lăsat de regimul Voronin, în faţa efectelor crizei economice, în faţa iernii, da, a iernii, Republica Moldova are nevoie de ajutor acum şi nu trebuie să uităm, vorbim de FMI, multe state membre ale Uniunii Europene sunt actori majori în cadrul Fondului Monetar Internaţional şi decizia trebuie să fie luată acum.

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D). - Iš tikrųjų teko stebėti rikimus Moldovoje, ir šita situacija žinoma iš vidaus. Tai yra valstybė, kuri turi iš tikrųjų gana sudėtingą istorinę praeitį – yra Padniestrė, yra Gagauzija, yra Moldova ir daugelis kitų dalykų. Beveik visos valstybės, kurios yra išėjusios iš postsovietinės sistemos, pirmiausia reikalauja tam tikros finansinės paramos. Ir todėl tikrai skatinčiau kuo greičiau pradėti derybas ir inicijuoti derybas su Tarptautiniu valiutos fondu, nes šią valstybę ir šią vyriausybę, kuri yra susiformavusi po paskutinių rinkimų ir eina demokratijos keliu, mes visi iš tikrųjų turėtumėm paremti. Aš manau, kad labai gerai buvo kolegų pasakyta dėl tam tikrų ateities žingsnių, tai yra dėl laisvos prekybos zonos galimybės atvėrimo, dėl vizų režimo, – tai yra kasdieniai klausimai, kuriuos ateityje mes taip pat turėsime išspręsti.

  Agustín Díaz de Mera García Consuegra (PPE). - Señora Presidenta, quiero dejar constancia de mi testimonio.

Me pronuncio a favor del apoyo de la Unión a Moldova ante una situación crítica. Me pronuncio a favor del apoyo del Fondo Monetario Internacional y de la Unión Europea: apoyo y ayuda financiera urgente al pueblo moldovo. Me pronuncio a favor del apoyo político al gobierno de coalición en Chisinau: supone una puerta abierta a la esperanza. Y esa puerta abierta tiene que tener ayuda financiera.

Los moldovos tienen que poder salir de su país y moverse, por lo que me pronuncio a favor de una política correcta de visados. Me pronuncio también, de forma contundente y afirmativa, a favor del estatuto de acuerdo de asociación. Cien millones de euros me parecen insuficientes, señora Presidenta. Es muy necesaria una ayuda inmediata y urgente.

  Ioan Enciu (S&D). - Mesajele din ce în ce mai încurajatoare pe care Uniunea Europeană le transmite în ultimul timp Chişinăului sunt recepţionate acolo cu mare entuziasm şi aceasta pentru că majoritatea cetăţenilor acestei ţări îşi pun mari speranţe în integrarea lor europeană. Aceste aspiraţii sunt uşor de înţeles.

Uniunea Europeană a demonstrat, nu o dată, capacitatea de a-şi scoate asociaţii săi din situaţii economice dificile şi că dispune de mecanismele necesare în acest sens. Există motive care trezesc totuşi o anumită îngrijorare legată de pericolul scăderii entuziasmului moldovenilor. Mai întâi de toate pentru că modelul de acord propus Moldovei nu oferă aceleaşi garanţii de integrare ca şi cel de asociere şi stabilizare oferit statelor din Balcanii de Vest. Pe de altă parte, negocierile acordului vor necesita mai mult timp, fapt declarat din start.

În opinia mea, este necesar ca Uniunea Europeană să propună rapid şi o variantă de alternativă, cum ar fi un plan de ajutor economic masiv, poate chiar un mini plan Marshall pentru Moldova.

  Leonard Orban, Membru al Comisiei. − Am remarcat un lucru extrem de important: sprijinul politic care există la nivelul Parlamentului în ceea ce priveşte consolidarea relaţiilor cu Republica Moldova, apropierea acestei ţări de Uniunea Europeană.

Am să răspund punctual la câteva din chestiunile care au fost menţionate în momentul de faţă. Una dintre cele mai importante a fost legată de coordonarea dintre Comisia Europeană şi Fondul Monetar Internaţional în ceea ce priveşte acordarea unei asistenţe macrofinanciare. Aşa cum am spus înainte, colaborăm îndeaproape cu FMI în ceea ce priveşte coordonarea modalităţilor de asistenţă. Este încă devreme să ne pronunţăm cum vor arăta aceste acorduri, dar considerăm că este posibil ca Uniunea Europeană să vrea să se asigure că programul de ajustare cuprinde şi o serie de reforme pe care le considerăm esenţiale pentru asigurarea unei bunei guvernări şi a unei creşteri sustenabile în viitor.

Raportându-ne la experienţa programelor de asistenţă macrofinanciară destinate altor ţări, este posibil ca în cadrul negocierilor asupra modalităţilor precise ale acestei asistenţe să survină unele condiţii specifice legate, de exemplu, de buna guvernare, care a fost menţionată de câţiva vorbitori, şi de armonizarea în cadrul politicii europene de vecinătate. Vreau să subliniez încă o dată următorul fapt: prin regulile pe care trebuie să le urmăm nu putem să acordăm o asistenţă macroeconomică singuri. Deci, este nevoie de încheierea unui acord între autorităţile din Republica Moldova şi Fondul Monetar. Fără acest acord nu este posibilă acordarea asistenţei macrofinanciare despre care am vorbit mai precis.

Pe de altă parte, vreau să vă asigur că ne coordonăm acţiunile cu Fondul Monetar Internaţional. O delegaţie a FMI se află în prezent la Chişinău şi, de asemenea, aşa cum v-am spus, colegii noştri de la DG FIN sunt la Chişinău şi îşi coordenează dialogul cu Fondul Monetar, dar şi cu autorităţile din Republica Moldova.

O altă chestiune care s-a menţionat este: ce alt ajutor poate acorda Uniunea Europeană Republicii Moldova, ajutor care să meargă orientat către populaţie, prin care să arătăm că, de fapt, vrem să sprijinim nu numai autorităţile din Republica Moldova, dar şi populaţia. O să vă dau doar câteva exemple. Această asistenţă comunitară a adus şi va continua să aducă avantaje concrete populaţiei.

Cofinanţăm proiecte de infrastructură rutieră, modernizarea aeroportului din Chişinău, extinderea spitalului republican din Chişinău, care este cel mai mare din ţară, şi consolidarea asistenţei medicale primare. În primăvara acestui an am furnizat echipamente medicale în valoare de 4,5 milioane de euro pentru 60 de clinici din Republica Moldova.

Această ţară este cel mai mare beneficiar de asistenţă comunitară pe cap de locuitor după teritoriile palestiniene. În cadrul politicii europene de vecinătate, bugetul pentru asistenţă, care se ridica la 40 de milioane de euro în 2007, a crescut anul acesta la 62 de milioane de euro şi este prevăzut să crească în continuare.

Dimensiunea asistenţei financiare, atât a celei macroeconomice, cât şi a celorlalte programe şi sprijinului pe care îl acordăm nu poate fi în momentul de faţă clar cuantificat. El va fi cuantificat în momentul în care vom ajunge în faza încheierii unui acord cu autorităţile din Republica Moldova, acord care să răspundă concret la nevoile pe care această ţară le are.

Au mai fost două chestiuni care au fost ridicate. Cea privitoare la calendarul negocierilor în vederea încheierii unui nou acord de asociere cu Republica Moldova. Vreau să vă spun că săptămâna trecută Comisia Europeană a trimis o delegaţie la Chişinău pentru consultaţii tehnice cu autorităţile privind negocierea unui nou acord.

Pe agenda acestor convorbiri se află formatul, obiectivele şi calendarul negocierilor, precum şi elementele viitorului acord. Deci, suntem în negocieri pentru această chestiune.

O ultimă chestiune la care vreau să mă refer este cea privind problematica liberalizării regimului de vize. În concordanţă cu declaraţia comună din 7 mai 2009 care a marcat lansarea parteneriatului estic, Uniunea Europeană va lua măsuri graduale în direcţia liberalizării vizelor, cu obiectiv pe termen lung în relaţia cu fiecare ţară parteneră a acestui parteneriat. Condiţiile sunt: îndeplinirea cerinţelor legate de buna gestionare şi securitate, şi asigurarea securităţii mobilităţii.

În stadiul actual, Comisia Europeană aşteaptă cu deosebit interes să se discute în Consiliu problematica lansării unui dialog structurat privind liberalizarea vizelor cu Republica Moldova. Până atunci, am adresat şi adresăm un îndemn energic autorităţilor din Republica Moldova să continue reformele în domeniul justiţiei, libertăţii şi securităţii care, fără îndoială, vor facilita discuţiile cu privire la facilitarea regimului de vize.

  President. − The debate is closed.

Written statements (Rule 149)

  Sebastian Valentin Bodu (PPE), în scris. – Raportul Comisiei Europene asupra situaţiei economice şi financiare a Republicii Moldova nu lasă loc la interpretări: Guvernul de la Chişinău trece prin momente grele provocate nu numai de recesiunea economică globală, ci şi de decizii economice greşite sau prea mult amânate de fosta putere. Dincolo de acest lucru, certitudinile cu care lucrăm în acest moment sunt că Republica Moldova şi-a afirmat clar opţiunea europeană şi doreşte să fie mult mai mult decât un simplu stat de la graniţa Uniunii.

În acest moment, Moldova caută sprijin pentru a ieşi din picaj economic, îşi caută aliaţi. Moldova face, indisolubil, parte din Europa şi sprijinul blocului comunitar ar putea să devină concret, dincolo de încurajări şi declaraţii de susţinere şi apropiere. Trăim într-o Europă globală, interconectată şi niciun guvern nu poate face miracole de unul singur, mai ales când ele sunt aşteptate peste noapte de un popor uitat, pentru prea mult timp, de propriii conducători.

O mână întinsă de Europa Moldovei, o mai mare apropiere a Chişinăului de Bruxelles înseamnă o mai mare încredere a investitorilor în această ţară. Iar pe termen lung acest lucru se traduce prin stabilitate şi evoluţie.

  George Sabin Cutaş (S&D), în scris. – Republica Moldova a traversat un drum dificil spre democraţie şi s-a întors cu faţa către Europa. Noua majoritate guvernamentală de la Chişinău deţine, însă, poziţii fragile, după cum reiese şi din amânarea votului din parlament pentru desemnarea preşedintelui Republicii.

Totodată, situaţia economică dificilă cu care se confruntă noul guvern poate avea grave repercusiuni sociale şi politice. În aceste condiţii, se simte nevoia unui suport urgent şi masiv al Uniunii Europene pe mai multe planuri, inclusiv pentru cele trei componente ale viitorului Acord de Asociere: acordul politic, cel de liber schimb şi liberalizarea regimului vizelor.

Sprijinul financiar este decisiv pentru a asigura stabilitatea acestui stat şi pentru a încuraja reformele democratice şi economice, iar UE şi FMI trebuie să canalizeze un ajutor macroeconomic substanţial pentru acoperirea deficitului bugetar şi a costurilor sociale ale perioadei următoare.

Ţin să-mi exprim speranţa că scrutinul prezidenţial din Moldova şi schimbările ce vor surveni la nivelul Comisiei Europene şi al preşedinţiei UE nu vor afecta caracterul prioritar al asistenţei europene pentru acest stat din imediata noastră vecinătate, pe teritoriul căruia se află conflictul îngheţat cel mai apropiat de frontierele UE. Acest aspect nu trebuie neglijat pentru că priveşte direct stabilitatea estului Europei şi securitatea graniţelor europene.

  Rafał Kazimierz Trzaskowski (PPE), na piśmie. – Republika Mołdowy jest bardzo ważnym partnerem dla Unii Europejskiej, sytuacja wewnętrzna tego kraju odbija się na stabilności całego regionu. W przyszłości nowy rząd chciałby wejść do Unii Europejskiej, dlatego też musimy go wesprzeć, by utrzymać zmiany zachodzące w tym kraju na właściwym torze. Ogromnie ważne jest wykorzystanie w tym kontekście szansy jaką daje współpraca w ramach Partnerstwa Wschodniego, w tym podpisanie układu o stowarzyszeniu i zliberalizowanie polityki wizowej. Unia musi pamiętać o tym jak ważne jest wspieranie krajów postsowieckich w dążeniu do demokratyzacji ich życia politycznego.

  Iuliu Winkler (PPE), în scris. – Anunţul preşedinţiei suedeze de a începe cât mai curând negocierile pentru un nou acord cu Republica Moldova, menit să înlocuiască actualul Acord de parteneriat şi cooperare este mai mult decât binevenit în noua conjunctură politică din acest stat. Vocaţia europeană a Republicii Moldova a fost consolidată de majoritatea proeuropeană formată în parlamentul de la Chişinău.

Cred că mai ales acum, într-o perioadă în care criza economică se resimte profund, Republica Moldova trebuie să fie sprijinită de Uniunea Europeană inclusiv din punct de vedere financiar, identificându-se mecanisme care să încurajeze accelerarea reformelor în Republica Moldova, reforme care să aducă acest stat mai aproape de dezideratul său de aderare. Mecanismele cooperării economice şi acordurile comerciale reprezintă instrumente puternice pentru materializarea vocaţiei europene a Republicii Moldova.

Preferinţele comerciale acordate de către Uniunea Europeană, cu începere din 2006, precum şi participarea Moldovei la CEFTA, din 2007, alături de toate statele din Balcanii de Vest, unele dintre ele candidate la aderare, conectează economia acestei ţări la piaţa unică europeană şi reprezintă o anticameră la perspectiva integrării sale în UE. Consider că instituţiile europene trebuie să acorde o importanţă deosebită atât relaţiilor politice, cât şi celor economice şi comerciale cu Republica Moldova.

6. Rapport tal-Missjoni għall-Istħarriġ Internazzjonali Indipendenti dwar il-Konflitt fil-Ġeorġja (dibattitu)

  President. − The next item is the Commission statement on the report of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Conflict in Georgia.

  Vytautas Landsbergis (PPE). - Madam President, on a point of order, I wish to protest against manipulation by somebody in the secretariat. A list was provided for the debate on the fact-finding mission to Georgia, but names of certain speakers, including mine, have been deleted. I therefore request my speaking time in accordance with what had been arranged until the last minute. I request the floor after Mr Kasoulides.

  President. − Mr Landsbergis, it appears that there are only speakers on behalf of the groups, and you already have a speaker on behalf of the PPE Group. However, what I can offer you is to take you under the catch-the-eye procedure.

  Leonard Orban, Membru al Comisiei. − Mă bucur că astăzi am ocazia să discut cu dumneavoastră despre Georgia. La mai puţin de un an de la conflictul armat cu Rusia, Georgia se confruntă cu provocări multiple care interesează în mod direct Uniunea Europeană şi trebuie să-i acordăm acestei ţări întreaga noastră atenţie.

Raportul misiunii de anchetă internaţională independentă referitoare la conflictul din Georgia, raport condus de doamna ambasador al Elveţiei, Heidi Tagliavini, a fost întocmit la solicitarea Uniunii Europene prin decizia Consiliului, dar are un caracter absolut independent şi Uniunea Europeană nu a fost implicată nici în procesul de redactare, nici în ceea ce priveşte conţinutul acestuia. Prin urmare, nu voi detalia rezultatele acestuia.

Considerăm că raportul şi-a atins scopul principal şi anume, de a oferi clarificări cu privire la evenimente care au avut loc în august 2008, precum şi la cauzele principale ale conflictului. Raportul evidenţiază în mod clar că, aşa cum se întâmplă adesea în situaţii de conflict, vina nu aparţine unei singure părţi. Atât Georgia, cât şi Rusia sunt criticate pentru acţiunile lor. O altă lecţie desprinsă din raport este nevoia unei acţiuni mai rapide şi mai ferme din partea comunităţii internaţionale în situaţii foarte tensionate care pot degenera în violenţă.

Uniunea Europeană îşi menţine cu fermitate angajamentele asumate în ceea ce priveşte integritatea teritorială a Georgiei şi, în prezent, ar trebui să ne concentrăm eforturile asupra evitării conflictelor viitoare şi a soluţionării paşnice a tensiunilor care persistă, aceasta fiind singura cale către prosperitate şi stabilitate pe termen lung în regiune.

Doamnelor şi domnilor, războiul i-a marcat profund pe georgieni şi ţara se confruntă în continuare cu probleme fundamentale, precum nevoile esenţiale ale miilor de persoane strămutate. Prin urmare, am plăcerea de a declara că punerea în aplicare a pachetului de asistenţă postconflict, elaborat de Comisia Europeană cu sprijinul statelor membre şi a altor părţi, funcţionează bine. După cum ştiţi, pachetul Comisiei Europene furnizează asistenţă de până la 500 de milioane de euro pentru perioada 2008-2010. Printre altele, pachetul se concentrează asupra nevoilor persoanelor strămutate în interiorul şi asupra măsurilor economice pentru a se genera creştere economică şi a se stimula crearea de locuri de muncă. În plus, Comisia Europeană a propus ca Georgia să beneficieze de asistenţă macrofinanciară în valoare de 46 de milioane de euro pentru a ajuta această ţară să depăşească impactul crizei financiare şi economice.

Astăzi, misiunea de monitorizare a Uniunii Europene în Georgia rămâne singura prezenţă internaţională de monitorizare a situaţiei din această ţară. Această misiune joacă un rol esenţial dar, în continuare, dorim să vedem extinderea activităţilor sale pe întreg teritoriul. Convorbirile de la Geneva, coprezidate de Uniunea Europeană, OSCE şi ONU, oferă unica oportunitate de dialog politic cu toţi partenerii. Vom continua să depunem eforturi în vederea unor discuţii constructive care să conducă la rezultate concrete.

În prezent, grupul de lucru privind persoanele strămutate în interiorul ţării şi aspectele umanitare, coprezidat de Comisia Europeană şi ICENUR, discută pe marginea unui set de măsuri care urmează a fi acceptate privind întoarcerea refugiaţilor, a persoanelor strămutate în interiorul ţării şi altor persoane strămutate, în timp ce, atât în Abhazia, cât şi în Osetia de Sud, cele două mecanisme de prevenire şi reacţie pentru incidente dau unele rezultate pozitive în reducerea incidentelor şi facilitarea trecerii graniţelor de către persoanele în cauză.

Luând în considerare evinementele din trecutul apropiat, este important să se consolideze stabilitatea, securitatea şi prosperitatea în Georgia. Nevoia de reforme economice şi politice în această ţară este mai mare ca niciodată. Parteneriatul estic, lansat la Praga în luna mai, reprezintă un cadru important pentru întărirea sprijinului pe care îl acordăm Georgiei, atât bilateral, cât şi prin cooperare multilaterală cu alţi parteneri din regiune. Un element cheie este propunerea de stabilire a unor relaţii politice şi comerciale consolidate. În conformitate cu Parteneriatul estic, Consiliul relaţii externe din luna septembrie a convenit că directivele de negociere a noilor acorduri trebuie să fie pregătite pentru toate cele trei ţări din Caucazul de Sud, inclusiv Georgia.

Pe lângă consolidarea relaţiilor noastre politice, vom propune ca noul acord cu Georgia să includă crearea unei zone de liber schimb aprofundate şi cuprinzătoare. Este important de menţionat că o astfel de zonă ar asigura alinierea treptată a economiei Georgiei la piaţa internă a Uniunii. În mod clar, acest ambiţios obiectiv pe termen lung va necesita ca, în continuare, Georgia să depună şi să susţină eforturi în vederea realizării de reforme. Negocierile privind zona de liber schimb aprofundată şi cuprinzătoare vor începe numai după îndeplinirea condiţiilor necesare.

Permiteţi-mi să adaug că, în ceea ce priveşte relaţia cu Georgia, acţiunea noastră de intensificare a contactelor între persoane înregistrează progrese. Comisia a încheiat negocierile referitoare la un acord de facilitare a eliberării vizelor şi de readmisie, al cărui text se află în prezent la Consiliu. Sperăm că procedurile pot fi finalizate cât mai curând posibil.

Doamnelor şi domnilor, cred că suntem de acord cu toţii că Georgia reprezintă o componentă esenţială a vecinătăţii noastre. Prin urmare, este extrem de important să ne menţinem angajamentele în această ţară pentru a o ajuta să soluţioneze multiplele provocări cu care se confruntă, în special în ceea ce priveşte continuarea programului de reformă. Întrucât Georgia face progrese reale în punerea în aplicare a reformelor politice şi economice, relaţiile Uniunii cu Georgia vor deveni mai aprofundate şi mai strânse.

  Ioannis Kasoulides, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, first of all we take note of the report just given to us on the independent fact-finding mission. It is very difficult in circumstances like these to say who started things and who followed. What is important is that the facts remain on the ground a year after this conflict, and that they violate a number of principles which the European Union has to support.

First, as you said Mr Commissioner, there is the principle of support for the territorial integrity of Georgia. All our diplomatic and other actions should never encourage UDIs or separatisms. Faits accomplis created by the use of force are not acceptable and can never be acceptable.

Secondly, there is the right of displaced persons to return to their homes and properties: the basic freedom of movement, as you said, to cross the dividing lines. Ownership of property and settlement should be at the centre of our policies and initiatives need to be undertaken to address these humanitarian and human rights issues independently of the outcome of any political settlement.

Thirdly, the hostilities in South Ossetia have proven that there is no such thing as a frozen conflict. The term frozen has a notion of appeasement. A lack of interest on the part of the international community may lead to chronicity and an unsettled conflict is a potential threat to peace and stability. One year after the conflict, I underline once more the successful role of the European Union and the French Presidency in achieving a speedy ceasefire and the mission which monitors it. The presence of European monitors is a guarantee that no side can claim from now on arbitrarily that the other has started hostilities. Efforts now should be diverted towards a political settlement, however difficult this is, and the political negotiations launched in Geneva immediately after the hostilities should be encouraged to continue.

We support the efforts for a new association agreement, under the framework of the Eastern Partnership, which goes beyond opportunities for trade and investment. We also support an agreement to facilitate the procedures for issuing short-stay visas and on readmission between the European Community and Georgia, and we are satisfied with the post-conflict assistance package, which is operating well.

  Zoran Thaler, v imenu skupine S&D. – Gospa predsedujoča, kolegice in kolegi, predstavniki Komisije, pozdravljamo nepristransko in neodvisno preiskavo ter kasnejše poročilo o konfliktu v Gruziji leta 2008, ki jo je opravila mednarodna preiskovalna misija na čelu s švicarsko diplomatko Heidi Tagliavini. Pred izbruhom sovražnosti v noči s 7. na 8. avgust 2008 v Južni Osetiji, kar je povzročilo veliko žrtev med civilisti, smo bili priče – mesece – provokacij z vseh strani. Ruska vojaška akcija, vključno z invazijo na Gruzijo je bila nesorazmerna in neupravičena. Obe strani v spopadu sta zagrešili kršitve mednarodnega humanitarnega prava, kar je potrdilo tudi poročilo ter razne organizacije, kot na primer Human Rights Watch.

Kaj storiti zdaj? Rusija mora popolnoma upoštevati sporazum o premirju. Predvsem se mora umakniti z območij, ki jih je zasedla po 7. avgustu 2008. Članom nadzorne misije Evropske unije in mednarodnim agencijam, med njimi tudi Združenim narodom, naj omogoči takojšen prost in neomejen dostop v Južno Osetijo, da bi nadzorovali premirje in skrbeli za humanitarno pomoč. Približno petindvajset do trideset tisoč Gruzijcev je še vedno izgnanih iz njihovih domov v Južni Osetiji. De facto oblasti v Južni Osetiji jim morajo omogočiti vrnitev na svoje domove.

Gruzijska teritorialna integriteta ne sme biti vprašljiva. Vendar skrbijo nas znaki avtoritarizma v Gruziji. Zloraba pravnega sistema s strani predsednika, naraščajoča nestrpnost do drugačnega mnenja, vedno manjša svoboda govora, včasih konfrontacijska nacionalistična retorika škodi Gruziji. Samo z ideali, ki jih je Gruzija podprla v rožnati revoluciji se lahko ta država vrne na proevropsko in demokratično pot ter postane atraktivna za ostale v regiji. Vsi akterji naj bona fide uporabijo možnosti, ki jih dajejo ženevski pogovori. Situacija na Kavkazu mora biti resno obravnavana na naslednjem vrhu EU-Rusija.

  Kristiina Ojuland, fraktsiooni ALDE nimel. – Proua eesistuja, head kolleegid! Rääkides ALDE fraktsiooni nimel, on mul kõigepealt võimalus avaldada tunnustust raporti koostajatele. Raport omab ülimalt suurt rolli kasvõi selles mõttes, et lükkab ümber üle aasta levinud müüdi - Vene Föderatsiooni poolt levitatud müüdi -, nagu oleks Gruusia sõda alustanud. Samas on see raport tasakaalukas ja kritiseerib mõlemaid konfliktipooli, kasvõi selle eest, et nad ei suutnud konflikti ära hoida. Raporti tähtsus on kindlasti ka selles, et väga selgelt tuuakse välja see, et Vene Föderatsioon - vahetult enne konflikti algust - korraldas väljaõpet Lõuna-Osseetia territooriumil, varustas Lõuna-Osseetiat sõjalise tehnikaga ning muu sõjalise varustusega.

Veel üks oluline moment selles raportis on kindlasti pasportiseerimise küsimus, mida Vene Föderatsioon on läbi viinud palju aastaid nii Abhaasias kui Lõuna-Osseetias, ning tekitades sellega vastuolu rahvusvahelise õigusega, rääkimata heanaaberlike suhete õõnestamisest. Kuid raport ütleb ka väga selgelt, et see pasportiseerimine ei muutnud Lõuna-Osseetias ega Abhaasias elavaid inimesi Vene Föderatsiooni kodanikeks, vaid de jure on nad endiselt Gruusia kodanikud ning seetõttu Vene Föderatsiooni väide, et nad kaitsesid või läksid kaitsma oma kodanikke Lõuna-Osseetiasse, kindlasti vett ei pea. Veel üks oluline moment raportis on kindlasti see, et räägitakse väga selgelt etnilisest puhastusest Lõuna-Osseetia territooriumil asunud gruusia külades. See on väga oluline moment. Küll ei käsitle raport kahjuks etnilist puhastust, mida Vene Föderatsioon on Abhaasias läbi viinud juba alates 1991. aastast, mil Gruusia iseseisvus ja mille tõttu ligi veerand miljonit grusiini on olnud sunnitud Abhaasiast, oma kodukohast, lahkuma.

Ning lõpetuseks, proua president, tahan öelda seda, et kõige olulisem ja tähtsam mõistagi on raportis viide sellele, et Gruusia iseseisvust, sõltumatust, suveräänsust ja territoriaalset terviklikkust tuleb austada. Meie jaoks on täna küsimus selles, kuidas seda reaalselt teha, ja kui me nüüd õige pea tähistame 20. aastapäeva Berliini müüri langemisest, siis ma tahaks küsida, kolleegid, millal me saame tähistada seda päeva, mil Abhaasia ja Lõuna-Osseetia saavad taas Gruusiaga ühineda.

  Ulrike Lunacek, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, I would like to join the previous speakers in warmly congratulating Mrs Tagliavini and her team for the report they were able to deliver.

The report made it very clear that both sides were responsible for the escalation to the conflict that finally took place in August 2008. It is clear that Russia had been building up a military presence in South Ossetia, which was Georgian territory. However, it is also clear that those provocations led to an overreaction by Georgia’s President Saakashvili. It is important to have said that both sides were responsible, and we now have to look at how things can develop in the future. That was the very big achievement of this report. I also agree very much with everybody who has said that the territorial integrity of Georgia, and of all countries, has to be respected. International law has to be respected.

However, it is also important to look into some of the reasons: the aggressive language, xenophobic language and nationalistic language that were part of the build-up to this conflict. Another thing is to ask what the EU will do now. We have a monitoring mission, which is important, but it has to have access to all parts of Georgia in order to support displaced persons and others.

In our discussions now - the member of the Commission has suggested moving to a free-trade zone with Georgia, and Parliament will be discussing microfinancial assistance for Georgia - it is clear that the EU also has to consider placing conditions on Georgia, for example to reduce the amount of its military budget. The defence budget has been building up over the past years in Georgia, which is then short in other areas, such as social issues, civil society and media freedom. The EU has to monitor that very closely. In brief, it is important that the EU support the efforts to tone down the aggressive language, and financial assistance has to come with conditions.

  Milan Cabrnoch, za skupinu ECR. – Vážená paní předsedkyně, kolegyně a kolegové, jménem politické skupiny ECR i jménem delegace Evropského parlamentu pro spolupráci s parlamentem Gruzie, které předsedám, vítám zprávu, kterou Komise předkládá. Zpráva je důvěryhodná, ani jedna ze stran konfliktu ji nezpochybnila. Situaci v Gruzii pečlivě sledujeme a sledujeme také informace o přípravě členství Gruzie v NATO. Jednoznačně podporujeme územní celistvost a svrchovanost Gruzie jako nezávislého státu. Nemůžeme přijmout představu o tom, že by se Gruzie či jiné země měly nacházet v oblasti výlučného zájmu Ruské federace či kterékoli jiné země. V souvislosti s válečným konfliktem, který v Gruzii proběhl před rokem, sledujeme s velkým znepokojením situaci zejména v Jižní Osetii. Jsme znepokojeni stavem dodržování dohod o zastavení bojů, a zvláště znepokojeni situací uprchlíků, kteří byli nuceni opustit své domovy a nemohou se do nich vrátit. Humanitární pomoc Evropské unie se bohužel v současné době do oblastí Abcházie a Jižní Osetie nedostává. V těchto oblastech trpí jak etničtí Gruzínci, tak ostatní obyvatelé. A v těchto oblastech k naší velké lítosti nemohou pracovat ani nezávislí míroví pozorovatelé vyslaní do Gruzie Evropskou unií.

Zpráva konstatuje, že obě strany konfliktu porušily mezinárodní právo. Naší úlohou není soudit, nicméně ze zprávy vyplývá, že kroky Ruské federace výrazně přesahují obecnou představu o nutné obraně. Velice nás znepokojují informace o etnických čistkách a násilí proti civilnímu obyvatelstvu, které podle zprávy proběhlo jak během konfliktu, tak i po jeho skončení. V další práci meziparlamentního výboru budeme podporovat okamžité ukončení veškerého násilí, okamžité uvolnění blokád, které brání doručování humanitární pomoci těm, kdo ji skutečně potřebují, a přístupu mezinárodních mírových pozorovatelů, a maximální zmírnění dopadu konfliktu na nevinné civilní obyvatelstvo. Budeme podporovat veškeré kroky, které povedou k ukončení konfliktu a k obnovení územní celistvosti a svrchovanosti Gruzie.

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de EFD-Fractie. – Voorzitter, er zijn geen overwinnaars, zo stelt het zinvolle rapport van de onderzoekscommissie over het gewapend conflict in Georgië in de zomer van 2008. Deze conclusie deel ik niet.

Natuurlijk was en is er een overwinnaar: Rusland. Met hulp van de Georgische president rondt het Kremlin militair en resoluut de politieke inlijving van Abchazië en Zuid-Ossetië af. Verliezer is de Georgische staat, die zich overigens nog kan troosten met de steun van de Russisch-orthodoxe kerk, want die blijft vasthouden dat Abchaziërs en Zuid-Ossetiërs Georgische staatsburgers zijn. En deze prijzenswaardige opstelling van het Moskouse patriarchaat wens ik hier te onderstrepen. Daaraan kunnen wankelmoedige EU-staten zeker een voorbeeld nemen.

Terecht hekelt de Tagliavini-commissie het massaal verstrekken van Russische paspoorten aan Georgische staatsburgers in Abchazië en Zuid-Ossetië als strijdig met internationaal recht. Deze uitholling van de Georgische soevereiniteit weerspiegelt zich vandaag in de identieke ondermijning van de Oekraïense staatkundige soevereiniteit op de Krim. Ook daar biedt Rusland op gulle wijze Oekraïense staatsburgers nieuwe paspoorten aan.

Een belangrijke politieke les van het Taglivini-rapport voor de Europese Unie is derhalve Kiev metterdaad bij te staan in de verdediging van de nationale onafhankelijkheid tegen welke buur dan ook. Europese projecten op de Krim zijn daarbij een uitgelezen kans en zo ook in Georgië.

  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Frau Präsidentin! Der Kaukasus-Konflikt im Jahr 2008, der auch 5-Tage-Krieg genannt wird, war ein bedauerlicher bewaffneter militärischer Konflikt auf georgischem Staatsgebiet zwischen Georgien und Russland, von dem auch die sogenannten „abtrünnigen Provinzen“ Südossetien und Abchasien betroffen waren.

Aufgrund der leider oftmals sehr einseitigen Berichterstattung der internationalen Medien über die Tatsachen und Hintergründe des Krieges möchte ich hier einige Klarstellungen vornehmen: Die USA verurteilten Russlands Militäraktion auf das Schärfste, stellten diese als reine Einschüchterungs- und Machtdemonstration dar und verteidigten Georgiens Haltung. Hierzu ist zunächst zu sagen, dass Russland in diesem Fall nicht der Aggressor war, sondern in Reaktion auf die Eröffnung des Krieges durch Saakaschwili handelte. Letzterem war bei der Umsetzung seines Wiedervereinigungsprogramms sehr wohl bewusst, dass ihm ein übermächtiger Gegner gegenüberstand, aber er rechnete mit der Rückendeckung der NATO und der USA. Daher entschloss er sich, abtrünnige Provinzen gewaltsam zurückzugewinnen.

Russlands Reaktion war zweifellos übertrieben, geschah aber völkerrechtlich in einer sogenannten Notwehrsituation. Die Unterstützung Georgiens durch die USA hatte demnach offensichtlich nicht nur den Zweck, das demokratische Selbstbestimmungsrecht zu schützen, sondern auch – und das muss gesagt werden – militärpolitische Ziele, zumal Georgien als strategischer Vasallenstaat im Kaukasus an der russischen Grenze fungiert.

Die Rückendeckung durch die USA sollten die Georgier mit Vorsicht genießen. Man denke nur an Ungarn 1956, als die USA auch ihre Unterstützung anboten, wie wir wissen. Allerdings war der Ausgang verheerend: Die Ungarn wurden in ihrem Freiheitskampf von der westlichen Welt im Stich gelassen.

Zuletzt möchte ich noch auf den Bericht vom 30. September 2009 hinweisen: Die vom EU-Ministerrat eingerichtete Untersuchungskommission legte ausführlich dar, dass die völkerrechtlichen Rechtfertigungsgründe, die Georgien für den Angriff vorbrachte, juristisch nicht stichhaltig sind.

  Vytautas Landsbergis (PPE). - Madam President, Ms Heidi Tagliavini, head of the mission, wrote the following comments in a separate press summary: ‘It must be said that the conflict of 2008 was predictable and preventable’; ‘But the international community looked the other way, as if it had given up not only on solving the underlying conflict, but also on upholding an increasingly fragile cease-fire.’ Who would prefer to uphold increasing uncertainty and armed violence with an openly approaching tragic outcome?

Ms Tagliavini noted three legal personalities as defining the indifferent international community: the United Nations, the OSCE and the European Union. Now we, the European Parliament, are among the three great hypocrites who saw, knew and did not want to prevent the recent bloody stage of that 17-year war.

Other main conclusions of the mission remain of global importance as well. They are: no more peacekeepers from a neighbouring country as they usually defend particular zones d’état but not peace. The impact of a great power’s coercive politics and diplomacy against a small and unsubordinated neighbour should be considered, not to mention eventual loss of important parts of territory through creeping annexation. There are no winners in this conflict. When the international community is among the big losers, the political culture of cooperation has suffered.

Two more quotations: ‘established principles of international law such as respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity of states were ignored’; ‘falling back from civilised standards of political interaction in Europe is a consequence’.

(The President cut off the speaker.)

  Jelko Kacin (ALDE). - Gospa predsednica, gospod komisar, sam sem bil v Tbilisiju nazadnje septembra lani. Vprašanje ozemeljske celovitosti in stabilnosti Gruzije močno vpliva na stabilnost širše regije, ki je na žalost zelo stabilna v svoji nestabilnosti. Resnica ni samo ena, resnic je več in pogosto si med seboj nasprotujejo. Kadar živci popustijo odločujočim politikom, so posledice nepredvidljive in zelo obsežne. Neposredna in stranska škoda je velika, posledice pa najprej in najbolj prizadenejo nedolžne ljudi.

Vmešavanje velikih sil in navijanje za to ali ono stran ni pot do uspeha. Potrebujemo ukrepe za vzpostavitev in krepitev zaupanja, ki ga ni. Kavkaz je kompliciran in tako kot Balkan ima več zgodovine, kot jo lahko prebavi in obvlada. Poenostavitve in ksenofobija niso pot do uspeha, nespoštovanje pravic in legitimnih potreb manjšin pa so glavni povod za konflikte. Vzroki so širši in tudi gospodarski, predvsem energetski in geopolitični. Geopolitika pa zahteva odgovorno ravnanje sil velikih, saj tam, kjer se valjajo sloni, trava slabo raste. Slonom moramo dopovedati, da vsa trava ni in ne bo njihova.

  Paweł Robert Kowal (ECR). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Ja myślę, że dzisiejsza debata przebiega według schematu, że zastanawiamy się głównie jak leczyć objawy poważnej sytuacji w Gruzji. Gruzja to jedno z takich miejsc, gdzie decyduje się dzisiaj reputacja Unii Europejskiej jako poważnej siły na arenie międzynarodowej. Prawda jest taka: plan Sarkoziego nie jest respektowany, został już właściwie przełożony do archiwów historycznych. Prawda jest taka, że Rosja postępuje w integracji wojskowej z Abchazją i Osetią. Prawda jest taka, że Unia nie potrafi zbudować swojej pozycji jako poważnej siły, która jest w stanie wypowiedzieć się na temat sytuacji w Gruzji, a najlepszym tego dowodem jest to, że w dzisiejszej debacie nie bierze udziału pani komisarz Ferrero-Waldner, tylko pan komisarz Orban przedstawia nam stanowisko, a pani przewodnicząca uważa tę sprawę, widać, za nie dosyć ważną, ponieważ bardzo restrykcyjnie ogranicza czas i możliwości wypowiadania się w tej kwestii.

  Csaba Sógor (PPE). - Nagyhatalmi kérdés, pedig emberjogi helyzet. Mindig a nagyhatalmak játékszeréül a civilek, a kisebbségek és a demokrácia esik áldozatul. Ahol válás és szakadás van, ott a biztonság helyett a bizalmatlanság, a tárgyalás helyett a fegyverek beszélnek. Mit lehet tenni? Az Európai Uniónak hitelesnek kell lennie. Olyan kisebbségpolitikája kell, legyen az EU-nak, ami Franciaországban is, Romániában, Görögországban és Szlovákiában is garantálja az anyanyelvehez, kultúrához és autonómiához való jogokat. Oroszország, Grúzia, Dél-Oszétia és Abházia helyzetének a kulcsa az EU-ban van. Itt kell megoldani és itt kell tudni példát mutatni ezeknek az országoknak.

  Charles Tannock (ECR). - Madam President, although it is factually correct that President Saakashvili did indeed launch an attack on South Ossetia in 2008, this was only after provocation including severe economic sanctions and a build-up of Russian troops in the occupied territories.

The report does not seem in my view to fully reflect the fact of the disproportionate response by Russian forces, which involved bombing civilian areas of Georgia like Gori and allowed systematic ethnic cleansing of Georgians from South Ossetia and the occupation of Georgian territory by Abkhazian forces.

Saakashvili, in my view, was indeed intemperate in seeking to regain control of sovereign Georgian territory, and made a terrible political mistake – though it was, after all, Georgian sovereign territory. However, Russia now is determined illegally to establish a sphere of influence in other countries in its neighbourhood, the so-called ‘near abroad’, which are of course sovereign territories which should be respected in international law.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE). - Madam President, there is one conclusion to draw from the conflict, which is that the international community has for far too long and too readily agreed to the existence of so-called frozen conflicts which, as my colleague, Mr Kasoulides, has put it, equals appeasement. The central fact of this conflict is that Georgia did not invade Russian territory, whereas Russia invaded Georgian territory with massive military force and was about to occupy its capital. It was an unprecedented breach of international law and undermines the credibility of Russia as a reliable partner.

As international reaction to this invasion has remained ambiguous, Russia can feel itself a winner, which means that there is a likelihood of similar aggressions, for example in the Crimea or even in the Baltic Sea area. Therefore, we need a clear commitment from the EU to be present in Georgia and to guarantee its free choice and territorial integrity. It will be of utmost importance to have a presence there.

  Leonard Orban, Membru al Comisiei. − Aş dori să fiu foarte scurt şi să încep prin a spune că, aşa cum a fost precizat de foarte mulţi vorbitori, principiul integrităţii teritoriale a Georgiei este fundamental în acţiunile pe care le desfăşurăm, este o chestiune esenţială pe care o avem în vedere în toate demersurile pe care le facem.

Aş vrea să fiu foarte clar în a spune că, în continuare, Comisia va continua în diferite multiple planuri să sprijine cooperarea şi legăturile cu Georgia, permiţând acestei ţări să avanseze, să se apropie de Uniunea Europeană. Acest sprijin şi aceste eforturi se vor desfăşura, aşa cum spus, pe mai multe planuri.

Vom continua să fim prezenţi la negocierile de la Geneva, unde există un dialog politic în care toate părţile sunt implicate, un lucru esenţial pentru rezolvarea acestei situaţii; de asemenea, vom continua să acordăm asistenţă persoanelor strămutate; de asemenea, suntem în pregătire pentru lansarea negocierilor în ceea ce priveşte acordul de asociere, inclusiv un acord de liber schimb şi, bineînţeles, inclusiv chestiunile legate de facilitarea regimului de vize.

Aş dori să închei spunând că în pregătirea acestor negocieri, dorim, desigur, ca autorităţile din Georgia să îndeplinească anumite condiţionalităţi, anumite obligaţii ce ţin de statul de drept, ce ţin de respectarea drepturilor omului, respectarea drepturilor fundamentale şi desigur, alte condiţii economice şi legate de schimburile comerciale.

  President. − The debate is closed.

(The sitting was suspended at 10.55 and resumed at 11.05.)

PRZEWODNICZY: JERZY BUZEK
Przewodniczący

***

  Ana Gomes (S&D). - Senhor Presidente, nos termos do artigo 151.º do Regimento, relativo a assuntos de natureza pessoal, eu gostaria de declarar que considero abusiva a utilização do meu nome em alterações ao orçamento sobre aborto coercivo, que foram apresentadas pelos Srs. Deva e Szymański. A alteração a que eles aludem e que submeti num parecer sobre o relatório "Um lugar especial para as crianças na acção externa da União Europeia" dizia o seguinte, e cito:

‘Calls on the EU to firmly pursue the elimination of all forms of discrimination against girls (since conception) and commit adequate resources to overcome the subsequent asymmetries’.

O meu texto procura proteger as raparigas de discriminação antes do nascimento, designadamente contra abortos selectivos em função do sexo, mas não visa impedir toda e qualquer actividade ligada à interrupção da gravidez.

O meu texto é diferente, na linguagem e nos propósitos, do dos Srs. Deva e Szymański nas alterações a este orçamento e, portanto, não é correcto associá-los e, muito menos, invocar o meu nome nesse sentido, o que considero uma condenável tentativa de manipulação política.

Declaro que vou votar contra as alterações 727, 732 e 734, apresentadas pelos Srs. Deva e Szymański.

7. Premju Sakharov 2009 (tħabbir tar-rebbieħ)

  Przewodniczący. − Na początek ważna informacja dotycząca nagrody Sacharowa 2009. Podczas dzisiejszego porannego posiedzenia Konferencja Przewodniczących Parlamentu Europejskiego wybrała laureatem nagrody imienia Sacharowa 2009 organizację Memoriał w składzie Oleg Orłow, Siergiej Kowaliow, Ludmiła Aleksiejewa i wszystkich obrońców praw człowieka w Rosji, których reprezentuje ta organizacja. Nadaliśmy tegoroczną nagrodę Memoriałowi. Wierzymy głęboko, że przyczynimy się tym samym do zniszczenia pierścienia strachu, niepewności, a także przemocy otaczającego obrońców praw człowieka w Federacji Rosyjskiej.

Chcieliśmy wzmocnić nasz przekaz mówiący o tym, że aktywiści organizacji obywatelskich na całym świecie muszą posiadać wolność w korzystaniu z ich najbardziej podstawowych praw, takich jak wolność myśli, słowa, wolność także słowa pisanego. Musimy posiadać wolność realizowania naszych myśli, ponieważ jest to niezbędne w poszukiwaniu prawdy.

Chciałem się podzielić z Państwem wielką satysfakcją, że ogłaszam tę nagrodę jako Przewodniczący Parlamentu Europejskiego, równocześnie jako człowiek wywodzący się z Solidarności. Mieliśmy kiedyś poważne problemy, bardzo podobne do tych, które mają dzisiaj nasi koledzy i nasi partnerzy z Federacji Rosyjskiej. Cieszę się ogromnie, że ostatecznie wygrywa zawsze prawda i ostatecznie wygrywa zawsze wolność. Tak było w wielu krajach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Fakt, że dzisiaj Rosjanie szukający prawdy nie mogą podejmować swobodnie swoich działań jest wielkim problemem dla całej Europy, jest także tragedią osobistą dla nich samych. Ta nagroda ma wyrażać wielkie wsparcie nas – członków Parlamentu Europejskiego – dla ich działań.

(oklaski)

Chciałbym jeszcze dodać parę uwag ogólnych – od roku 1988, czyli już ponad 20 lat, w duchu Andrieja Sacharowa Parlament Europejski przyznaje coroczną nagrodę na rzecz wolności myśli i uhonorowania osób lub organizacji za ich wkład i rozwój w ochronę praw człowieka oraz podstawowych wartości.

Wspominamy dzisiaj także te wszystkie niezwykłe osoby, które przez własny wysiłek i poświęcenie przeciwstawiają się okrutnym realiom ucisku, prześladowania, wygnania. To są często tzw. zwykli ludzie, którzy demonstrują wyjątkową odwagę i poświęcenie. Często bardzo wiele ryzykują, także własne życie. Przyznawaliśmy tę nagrodę pisarzom, dziennikarzom, politykom, profesorom, prawnikom, organizacjom walczącym o wolność pracy, a nawet zrzeszeniu kobiet protestujących przeciwko wymuszonym zniknięciom. Wolność myśli jest wartością uniwersalną.

Chciałem przy tej okazji powiedzieć, że te dwie kandydatury, które nie zdobyły nagrody Sacharowa w tym roku, uzyskały nasze ogromne poparcie i powinniśmy również wymieniać ich nazwiska jako osób, które wyjątkowo mocno zaistniały w naszej pamięci. To, że dyskutowaliśmy ich nazwiska, to, że byli wśród nas, wśród tylu rozmów, bardzo wiele znaczy o naszym wielkim przywiązaniu do tego, co zrobili. A więc nie tylko główny laureat, także ci, którzy znaleźli się na liście, należy się im nasz wielki szacunek i nasze wielkie uznanie.

(oklaski)

Uroczystość wręczenia nagrody odbędzie się w środę 16 grudnia w Strasburgu.

8. Ħin tal-votazzjonijiet

  Przewodniczący. − Kolejnym punktem porządku jest głosowanie.

(Wyniki i inne szczegóły głosowania: zobacz protokół)

8.1. Abbozz ta' Baġit Ġenerali tal-Unjoni Ewropea - Sena Finanzjarja 2010 (votazzjoni)

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania:

  László Surján, rapporteur. − Mr President, in the Committee on Budgets we voted on more than 1 100 amendments to the 2010 draft budget. Inevitably there are a small number of technical adjustments that I hereby request be put to the vote in plenary.

Regarding the European Economic Recovery Plan, the Committee adopted two new paragraphs to be added to budget lines 06 04 14 01, 06 04 14 02 and 06 04 14 03. They should be in addition to the existing budget remarks but, due to a technical error, they are shown as replacing them. Amendment 832 should, therefore, be adjusted accordingly.

After verification of the margins, the vote in committee left a margin of EUR 1 775 000 in Heading 3b. I propose allocating this amount to the Europe for Citizens programme. This would mean that Amendment 889 on budget line 15 06 66 should be modified to give total commitment appropriations of EUR 32 255 000 and the retabled Amendment 547 is therefore covered.

The words ‘sustainable and environmentally friendly actions ... (Green New Deal)’ should be added to the remarks instead of the words ‘Green New Deal’ in the remarks adopted on the following budget lines:

04 02 17 ESF – Convergence

04 02 19 ESF – Competitiveness

13 03 16 ERDF – Convergence

13 03 18 ERDF – Competitiveness

Similarly, on the budget line 13 03 20 ERDF – Operational technical assistance for the European Regional Development Fund, the first two new paragraphs should be replaced by the following:

‘Part of the appropriation is intended for financing sustainable and environmentally friendly actions (Green New Deal) that provide for reconciling economic, social and environmental development requirements and for recovery of European regions after the economic and financial crisis’.

The budget line number of the Pilot Project on an all-inclusive cooperation between public authorities, commercial firms and not-for-profit enterprises on integrating people into society and employment should be changed to another line, 04 03 12, for technical reasons.

The budget line number of ‘Preparatory Action – Erasmus for journalists’ should be changed to 09 06 05 for technical reasons.

If Amendment 943 on the EPSO budget line 26 01 20 is adopted, the corresponding budgetary annex for this Office should be adjusted accordingly.

I ask the Sittings Service to make the necessary corrections in the Minutes – if the plenary will support me. Thank you for your attention.

Mr President, just allow me to say a word of thanks to the Secretariat for the enormous work they have done. This adjustment list usually features every year and represents good work from the Secretariat. We discussed it with the groups and coordinators and I received support for this change, which is in the spirit of the general proposal.

The most important thing is that we in the Committee on Budgets were united in using all the legal possibilities that we have to fill up the margin almost in each heading, which means that any vote which gives additional money is risking the legality of the budget. I draw your attention to this and I hope that the spirit of cooperation will remain. We have slightly different views but this is normal.

(Applause)

(Poprawki ustne zostały przyjęte)

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania nad poprawką 870:

  Helga Trüpel (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, according to the voting lists, Amendment 464 from the Green/EFA Group will fall if Amendment 870 from the Committee on Budgets is adopted. The voting list follows the rule introduced in formulae by Thomas von der Vring, according to which the amendments adopted by the Committee on Budgets shall be put to the vote first in plenary, and if these are adopted all other amendments to the same budget line fall.

However, this practice, which is not included in Parliament’s Rules of Procedure, was introduced for the sole purpose of ensuring that the overall position on the budget adopted by Parliament would remain within the financial limits set for the European Parliament. As Amendment 464 only proposes to place funds in the reserve, it definitely cannot pose a problem of exceeding the limits. In fact the two amendments are in no way mutually exclusive and can therefore definitely both be voted on.

I therefore urge you to apply Rule 161 of the Rules of Procedure and also allow a vote on Amendment 464.

(Applause)

  Przewodniczący. − Proszę Państwa! Taka kolejność została ustalona wcześniej i została dokładnie sprawdzona, ale ja chciałbym o wypowiedź prosić pana sprawozdawcę. Bardzo proszę, Pan ma głos jako osoba, która na tym się zna najlepiej.

  László Surján, rapporteur. − Mr President, it is not usually the rapporteur who decides on whether something is incorrect or not. We have a practice and a custom. I must inform the plenary that if we vote first on the Committee on Budgets amendments, which were not questioned by the Verts/ALE Group, then their subsequent amendment will decrease the European Regional Development Fund by EUR 300 million in payments.

So that is a real contradiction. On the one hand there would be an increase, and on the other hand a decrease. We should stick to our decision, for it is written clearly in Amendment 464 that the payment is not increased. There is zero increase. Therefore it is in conflict – there cannot be an increase of EUR 300 million and at the same time no increase.

  Przewodniczący. − (...) żebyśmy przystąpili do głosowania. To jest opinia naszych służb, które badały sprawę i pana sprawozdawcy. Dlatego proponuję przystąpić do głosowania.

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania nad poprawką 812:

  Luis Manuel Capoulas Santos (S&D). - Senhor Presidente, peço a palavra ao abrigo do artigo 173.º do nosso Regimento, que trata do incumprimento do Regimento. Venho solicitar a alteração da ordem de votação, uma vez que me parece que a ordem que consta da lista de votações viola o artigo 161.º do nosso Regimento.

Solicito, por isso, que a alteração n.º 70, que propõe uma dotação de 600 milhões de euros para apoio ao sector do leite, que vive uma situação gravíssima, como todos sabemos, seja votada imediatamente antes da alteração 812, que propõe uma dotação de 300 milhões. Recordo que esta dotação de 600 milhões de euros foi aprovada por unanimidade na Comissão da Agricultura e mereceu o apoio largamente maioritário deste plenário, na nossa última reunião do dia 17 de Setembro, quando votámos uma resolução sobre o apoio ao sector do leite e à crise que ele vive.

  Przewodniczący. − Dziękuję Panu. Jest to oczywiście kwestia środków finansowych, którymi dysponujemy. Tak, że decyzja w tej sprawie jest poważna. Bardzo chcielibyśmy pomóc, ale musimy wiedzieć jakimi środkami dysponujemy. Tu jest propozycja głosowania najpierw nad zmianą 812, taka jest propozycja. Chciałbym prosić pana sprawozdawcę o wypowiedź w tej sprawie. Jak wyglądają sprawy finansowe, możliwości finansowe?

  László Surján, rapporteur. − Mr President, again, the order of vote is not my decision. It was stated by my colleague, Mrs Trüpel, a few minutes ago that there is a so-called informal rule that the Committee on Budget’s amendment is to be voted on first. Why? Because the Committee on Budgets is the parliamentary body in which we can measure whether we have leeway or not.

It is not in our interest to change the rules during the voting procedure, and I am against that. The voting list has been distributed. The groups have decided how to vote. Any change will result in confusion and later on will produce a lot of difficulties. If we change our rules for one case, for whatever reason, we will be lost. Each body should respect its own customs, rules and regulations.

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania nad poprawką 445:

  María Paloma Muñiz De Urquiza (S&D). - Señor Presidente, ha habido un error en mi máquina y mi intención era votar en contra de la enmienda 444.

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI). - Monsieur le Président, je comprends très bien l'argument qui a été donné par le rapporteur, conduisant à voter en premier lieu l'amendement 812.

Mais, s'il s'agissait d'un argument de pure procédure, le vote favorable de l'amendement 812 n'impliquait pas nécessairement la caducité de l'amendement 70.

Il est d'usage dans les assemblées parlementaires que l'on vote par priorité, comme l'a demandé M. Capoulas Santos, les amendements les plus éloignés du texte initial. Nous dérogeons pour les raisons qui ont été exposées par le rapporteur....

(Le Président retire la parole à l'orateur)

  Przewodniczący. − Dziękuję Panu. Zrozumieliśmy to, co Pan powiedział. Mieliśmy ustalony jednoznacznie sposób głosowania. Proszę pana sprawozdawcę, żeby się wypowiedział. Według służb i naszej oceny, ta druga poprawka odpada. Czy pan sprawozdawca to potwierdza?

  László Surján, rapporteur. − Even after the vote there is no reason to start the debate again. We are now in favour of voting.

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania nad poprawką 603:

  Michael Cashman (S&D). - Mr President, this is just to be helpful. Some of us have been hearing different numbers being called. So that we avoid any misunderstandings, can we pay attention to the screen up here? Just in case there are any problems with us hearing or with communication. I am not blaming anyone, but let us be clear and watch the screen.

  Przewodniczący. − W porządku. Wszyscy będziemy się tym kierować. Być może za szybko czytam liczby. Będę wolniej czytał liczby. Dziękuję.

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania nad poprawką 937:

  Godfrey Bloom (EFD). - Mr President, I rise very quickly and on a point of order. You said a few minutes ago that you were bound by the rules, and what can you do when you are bound by the rules? I fully understand that, and so does the House.

Can I assume, and can we assume, that you will be bound by the rules of this House for your whole term of office? Because your predecessor felt he was not bound by the rules, and on the basis of explanations of vote he tore the rule book up because he did not feel bound by it. I leave it with you, sir.

  Przewodniczący. − Dziękuję bardzo. Koleżanki i Koledzy! W czasie głosowań w szczególności, my możemy się zgłaszać jedynie w tak zwanym point of order. Proszę nie zgłaszać innych uwag, niż uwagi point of order, bo jeśli będziecie zgłaszali inne uwagi, to nie możemy prowadzić głosowania. To bardzo nam przeszkadza, wszystkim nam przeszkadza.

(oklaski)

8.2. Abbozz ta' baġit ġenerali (sezzjoni III - Kummissjoni) (A7-0038/2009, László Surján) (votazzjoni)

8.3. Abbozz ta' baġit ġenerali (sezzjoni I, II, IV, V, VI, VII, VIII, IX) (A7-0037/2009, Vladimír Maňka) (votazzjoni)

8.4. Aġġustament tas-salarji bażiċi u tal-allowances applikabbli għall-persunal tal-Europol (A7-0040/2009, Claude Moraes) (votazzjoni)

8.5. Proposta għal emenda tar-Regolament (KE) Nru 1234/2007 "OCM uniku" (votazzjoni)

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania nad ustępem 79:

  Syed Kamall (ECR). - Mr President, I would first of all like to apologise to colleagues for this intervention, but I wonder if someone could explain what ‘CMO’ actually stands for.

  President. − It stands for ‘common market organisation’, although it will be slightly different in different languages!

8.6. L-istat ta' progress tal-SIS II u l-VIS (votazzjoni)

8.7. Appoġġ għal tmexxija demokratika fil-qafas tar-relazzjonijiet barranin (votazzjoni)

8.8. L-aspetti istituzzjonali tal-ħolqien ta' servizz Ewropew għall-azzjoni barranija (A7-0041/2009, Elmar Brok) (votazzjoni)

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania nad poprawką 3:

  Elmar Brok, Berichterstatter. − Frau Präsidentin! Ich möchte den Grünen einen Vorschlag für einen mündlichen Änderungsantrag machen. Wenn sie den annehmen könnten, würde ich für Ja plädieren. Wenn man in den Änderungsantrag den Satz: "There should be no duplication of external service in the Council or in the European Council" einfügen würde, dann würde ich dem Plenum ein Ja empfehlen.

(Poprawka ustna została przyjęta)

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania nad poprawką 56:

  Corien Wortmann-Kool (PPE). - Mr President, we could vote en bloc. I propose we vote from 56 to 28.

(Applause)

(Parliament did not accept the proposal.)

8.9. Tħejjija għal-laqgħa tal-Kunsill Ekonomiku Trans-Atlantiku u għall-Laqgħa Għolja bejn l-UE u l-Istati Uniti (2 u 3 ta' Novembru 2009) (votazzjoni)

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

9. Spegazzjonijiet tal-vot

Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

- Exercice 2010

  Daniel Hannan (ECR). - Mr President, at a time when the national governments are having to trim their budgets and when all our constituents are having to make savings in their household budgets, how typical that the European Union, uniquely, should presume to be substantially increasing its budget.

This is going to have immediate and tangible fiscal consequences in the Member States. In my own nation, for example, our budget contributions will rise by 60% over the next 12 months. To put that in context, my last party conference saw our party pledging to make annual savings of GBP 7 billion a year across the whole of government spending. We are spending twice that simply on this one item of our gross contributions to the EU budget.

You can disguise it as stimulus spending and a reaction to the credit crunch and all the rest of it, but you know that is not true. What we are actually doing is taking money out of people’s private pockets or purses and spending it on their behalf through bureaucracies. If that had been the more efficient way of allocating resources, we would have lost the Cold War. We now see the truth, which is that the core function of the EU is the employment of its own employees, which is why its budget always rises.

  Diane Dodds (NI). - Mr President, I would like to make it clear that I supported draft Amendments 732 and 733 and it is a pity that this House did not support them. I welcome any measure that prevents the funding of family planning programmes which will involve a course of abortion programmes and forced sterilisations.

Furthermore, the mandating of those receiving funding to actively combat sex-selective gender imbalance for babies born in certain Asian countries is to be welcomed. This amendment would have given the opportunity for the EU to back up its words of condemnation with positive action and to deny support for such schemes.

- Bericht: László Surján (A7-0038/2009)

  Zuzana Roithová (PPE). - Pane předsedo, já bych chtěla také vyjádřit, že jsem roztrpčena, že jsme dnes nedokázali odhlasovat v rozpočtu pro rozvojovou pomoc podmínku, že z evropských peněz nesmí být placeny takové aktivity, jako je plánování rodičovství vynucenými potraty či nařízenými sterilizacemi. Protestuji proti metodám, kdy v řadě zejména asijských zemí jsou ženy přinucovány k potratům, a to zejména v případech, kdy je jejich plod ženského pohlaví. Říká se, že se tak nenarodilo 35 milionů dívek. Ty, kdo tohle organizují, nesmíme podporovat a už vůbec ne jim posílat peníze z Evropy. Dnešní černé hlasování liberálů, komunistů a části socialistů zablokovalo takovouto pojistku při přijetí našeho rozpočtu.

  Zoltán Balczó (NI). - A módosító indítványok sokaságában volt egy szövegszerű módosítás, amely a lényeget érintette. Így hangzik: visszautasítja a közösségi költségvetés igénybevételét egy mind inkább militalizáródó és egyre neoliberálisabb Európai Unió finanszírozására. A Parlament ezt a módosítást elvetette. Ezzel azt igazolta, hogy nem tanult az elmúlt évek kríziséből, nem tanult abból, amit már a liberális piac hajdani apostolai is levontak következtetésként, hogy ma ezt az utat tovább nem lehet folytatni. Az Európai Unió költségvetése változatlanul a liberális piac mindenhatóságában bízik, ezzel Európa lakosságának olyan súlyos károkat okoz, amelyeket a közelmúltban tapasztalhattunk.

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI). - Monsieur le Président, alors que des instituts, des programmes divers, qui vont tous dans le sens politiquement dominant pour la communication, l'éducation ou la rééducation des populations, ont reçu des milliards d'euros, un artifice de procédure a privé nos producteurs laitiers de l'aide qu'ils étaient en droit d'attendre.

En effet, deux amendements nous étaient présentés: l'amendement 812, qui avait peut-être l'aval du Conseil pour seulement 300 millions d'euros et l'amendement 70, pour 600 millions d'euros. Il tombe sous le sens que l'amendement 70 devait être mis aux voix le premier. C'est d'ailleurs le texte, on ne peut plus clair, de notre règlement article 61, paragraphe 2: "si deux ou plusieurs amendements qui s'excluent mutuellement s'appliquent à la même partie de texte, celui qui s'écarte le plus du texte initial a la priorité et doit être mis aux voix le premier".

Le rapporteur a invoqué un règlement informel, mais le règlement formel a la priorité sur les prétendus règlements informels, et on s'est servi de cette procédure pour déclarer caduc le deuxième amendement qui portait à 600 millions cette dotation.

C'est un scandale!

- Bericht: Vladimír Maňka (A7-0037/2009)

  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D). - Aš balsavau už 2010 m. biudžetą, nes iš tikrųjų tos lėšos, kurios yra numatytos šiame biudžete, bent šiek tiek palengvins situaciją Europos Sąjungos valstybių piliečiams dėl ištikusios ekonomines, socialinės ir finansinės krizės. Be to, šiame biudžete numatoma daugiau lėšų socialinėms reikmėms, o tai yra ypatingai svarbu dabartiniu laikotarpiu. Taip pat palaikiau ir tas nuostatas, kurios numato papildomas lėšas dėl užimtumo didinimo ir darbo vietų išsaugojimo. Ir dar yra labai svarbu, kad numatėm tam tikras lėšas pieno sektoriui. Žinoma, buvo galima pieno sektoriui skirti dagiau lėšų, kaip siūlė ir socialistų demokratų partijos atstovai, tačiau gerai, kad nors dalis lėšų jau yra numatyta šiame projekte.

  Peter van Dalen (ECR). - Voorzitter, ik heb tegen de begroting gestemd omdat alle posten gelijk blijven of verhoogd worden, terwijl men in alle lidstaten aan het worstelen is met dalende inkomsten. En dan gaan wij hier in Europa meer uitgeven! Ik begrijp dat niet.

Ook heb ik tegen gestemd omdat nu vaststaat dat ieder Parlementslid naast zijn salaris en reis- en onkostenvergoeding recht heeft op 4.202 euro voor algemene onkosten. De leden worden geacht dit forse bedrag te besteden aan o.a. bureau- en telefoonkosten, maar geen enkel Parlementslid is verplicht verantwoording af te leggen voor de besteding van dit geldbedrag. Hierdoor wordt per maand aan ieder EP-lid een blanco cheque afgegeven waar zelfs Sinterklaas van opkijkt.

Ik vind dit volstrekt verwerpelijk. Als dit Parlement zichzelf serieus neemt, moet het die praktijk stoppen. Dat kan als men, net zoals ik, tegen de begroting stemt en tevens roep ik iedere collega op vrijwillig over te gaan tot controle van de besteding van die 4.202 euro.

- Modification du Règlement (CE) N°1234/2007 "OCM unique"

  Krisztina Morvai (NI). - Természetesen magszavaztam a tejágazat válságát enyhíteni hivatott javaslatot, hangsúlyozom ismét, hogy mindössze csak könyöradományról van szó, ami még tűzoltásnak sem elég, mindazonáltal helytelennek tartottam volna nemmel szavazni. Felháborít és elszomorít, hogy nem kaptam választ, többszöri nekifutásra sem három kérdésemre. Az első úgy szólt, hogy mit óhajt tenni az Európai Unió az ellen, hogy a továbbiakban is válságról válságra haladjon, és akár a tejágazatban, akár máshol hasonló válságokra kerüljön sor. Milyen tanulságot szűrt le az Európai Unió ebből a tragikus válságból, amely számos családnak az életét tette és teszi tönkre. A második kérdésem az lett volna biztos asszonyhoz mikor itt volt, illetőleg a Bizottság előtt is, hogy hogyan lehet ezeket a pénzeket úgy elosztani a tagállamoknak, vagy lehet-e, hogy elsősorban a kistermelők kapják, akiknek a megélhetésük van veszélyben. A harmadik, nem kaptam választ arra, hogy mit óhajtanak tenni az új tagállamok diszkriminált helyzete ellen a piacaink 100%-át kellett... (Az elnök megvonta a szót a képviselőtől)

  Peter Jahr (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Ich möchte drei Anmerkungen zur Beschlussfassung zum Milchsektor machen: Erstens begrüße ich es ausdrücklich, dass die Kommission bei Marktstörungen im Milchsektor jetzt schneller handeln kann. Zweitens freue ich mich, dass es uns gemeinsam gelungen ist, den europäischen Milchbauern finanzielle Unterstützung zu gewähren. Drittens: Gerade weil Geld nicht alles ist, müssen wir jetzt gemeinsam die Zeit nutzen, um uns auf die Zeit nach der Milchquote vorzubereiten. Dazu wünsche ich mir einen intensiven Dialog zwischen Politik und Berufsstand, denn die Frage, wie unsere Milchbauern den Milchmarkt nach 2015 gestalten sollen, ist nach wie vor unbeantwortet, und darin besteht aus meiner Sicht das Hauptproblem.

  Zuzana Roithová (PPE). - Plně podporuji rozšíření působnosti článku 186 i na sektor mléka a mléčných produktů. Umožní to pružně reagovat na nenadálé změny na světovém i evropském trhu s mlékem, aby nedošlo k negativnímu ovlivnění producentů či narušení hospodářské soutěže. Pochybuji však o efektivitě odkupu kvót financovaného z rozpočtu jednotlivých členských států pro řešení krize v sektoru mléka. Ne všechny státy Společenství mají stejné možnosti, pokud jde o financování tohoto opatření. Myslím, že to naruší konkurenceschopnost farmářů v těchto státech a samozřejmě i hospodářskou soutěž. Jako zástupce České republiky proto v tomto ohledu preferuji financování odkupu kvót z rozpočtu Společenství, který by mohly využívat všechny státy ve stejné míře. Proto jsem se zdržela hlasování.

  Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Po wielu miesiącach oczekiwań, długich dyskusjach w Komisji Rolnictwa Parlamentu Europejskiego, ogromnych protestach rolników w różnych krajach członkowskich przyjęliśmy dodatkowe formy wsparcia dla rolników produkujących mleko. Ale to nie daje satysfakcji, gdyż rolnicy ponieśli ogromne straty, wielu z nich znalazło się na skraju bankructwa, ucierpiał autorytet Unii, a także nas posłów.

Czy tak musiało się stać? Dlaczego Komisja tak późno zareagowała? Czy to oznacza, że nie mamy właściwego monitoringu rynku? To źle świadczy o sprawności administracji unijnej. Przecież my, posłowie, od wielu miesięcy ten problem podnosimy.

Pamiętajmy, że spóźniona interwencja jest dużo mniej skuteczna i więcej kosztuje. Z tego przykładu powinniśmy wyciągnąć wnioski na przyszłość. Wreszcie musimy stworzyć długookresową stabilizację dla tej trudnej, pracochłonnej i kosztownej produkcji, jaką jest produkcja mleka. To jest nasz obowiązek w stosunku do ciężko pracujących rolników.

  Der Präsident. − Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege Siekierski! Ich habe zwei weitere Stimmerklärungen vorliegen. Bei beiden Mitgliedern handelt es sich um neue Mitglieder. Ich darf darauf hinweisen, dass nach Artikel 170 Stimmerklärungen nicht mehr beantragt werden können, sobald die erste Erklärung zu einem Bericht begonnen hat. Ich werde ausnahmsweise die beiden Wortmeldungen zulassen, möchte aber vielleicht die Dienste bitten, die Fraktionen nochmals in geeigneter Weise darauf hinzuweisen. Wenn wir bei den Stimmerklärungen nicht einigermaßen geradlinig vorgehen, dann ufert die Sache aus.

Ich darf das Wort Herrn Kollegen Seán Kelly erteilen.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). - Mr President, firstly I would like to say that I too am delighted that we have today voted through the budget funding for the dairy sector, which does show that the European Union listens and reacts – obviously within the limits of its budget. It would be better if we could have more money to give to the dairy sector but hopefully we can improve that matter in the future. Half a loaf is better than no bread at all.

Secondly, I would like to point out that in the English interpretation today a number of mistakes were made. Mr Buzek very kindly said that it may have been because he was speaking too quickly. It does not matter, and it is not a question of blaming anybody, but 908 was called 909, 444 was called 445, and 440 was called 444, so, if there are queries subsequently, that matter should be taken into consideration. Of course, the screen unfortunately did not work for a while either, but that was an electronic error, not a human one.

  Jarosław Kalinowski (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Głosowałem za zmianą rozporządzenia ustanawiającego wspólną organizację rynków rolnych, choć mam wątpliwość, czy nowy sposób naliczania kar za przekroczenie krajowych kwot powinien obowiązywać od 1 kwietnia tego roku. Jest to cofanie prawa wstecz, godzi to w zasadę pewności prawa. Jednak głosowałem za, bo ta zmiana daje możliwość wsparcia producentów mleka kwotą 280 mln euro. To daje nadzieję na to, że producenci mleka najgorsze mają już za sobą.

Pozostaje jednak zasadnicze pytanie co do przyszłości produkcji mleka w Unii Europejskiej, a w tej kwestii najważniejsza jest przyszłość kwotowania. W tej chwili są sprzeczności w działaniach podejmowanych przez Komisję. Z jednej strony propozycja zwiększania kwot i likwidacja kwotowania w piętnastym roku. Z drugiej strony w dzisiejszej przegłosowanej propozycji – propozycja ograniczania podaży. Trzeba się na coś zdecydować. Ja jestem za przedłużeniem kwotowania.

- Entschliessungsantrag RC-B7-0118/2009

  Daniel Hannan (ECR). - Mr President, the French philosopher René Descartes famously conjectured that all our senses might be being manipulated by a malicious demon.

Sometimes when I listen to these reports I get the impression that we are inhabiting that Cartesian universe, a world in which the European Union stands only for the values of democracy and freedom and justice and extends its values through trade accords, rather than war. And then, back in the real world, what is the European Union doing? It is cosying up to the tyrants in Beijing and isolating Taiwan. It is refusing to talk to the anti-Castro dissidents in Cuba. It is trying to jolly the ayatollahs out of their nuclear ambitions. It is the chief paymaster of Hamas-controlled Palestine.

There is no connection between this report about spreading democracy and the actual behaviour of our institutions. I do not say that the European Union is hypocritical because of course we apply the same standards within our own borders, happily swatting aside referendum results when we deem them to have gone the wrong way. Externally, as well as domestically, we disdain representative government and we are contemptuous of the democratic will. Let me repeat that the Lisbon Treaty should be put to a referendum. Pactio Olisipiensis censenda est!

  Syed Kamall (ECR). - Mr President, I do not think anyone can disagree with the need to promote and support democracy throughout the world, and outside the EU as well as within the EU. However, if you look back at lessons from history, I remember when the United States used to go and promote democracy around the world and people would say, ‘What about your own backyard, what about the African-Americans who cannot vote or who are denied the ability to vote?’ Years ago Britain and other colonial masters used to say to the colonies ‘Let us spread democracy’, yet denied the vote to women.

Now you look at what the EU is doing. The EU is talking about spreading democracy across the EU, and my colleague Mr Hannan has already given many details of such hypocrisy. But there is one thing that we should remember. When we talk about spreading democracy, let us make sure we have our own house in order. When the French and the Dutch voted ‘no’ in the referendum on the Constitutional Treaty we said we would have a period of reflection, and then we ignored the votes. When the Irish voted ‘no’ first time round, we said ‘Oh, tell you what, we agree with democracy but only if you vote the right way. We will give you another chance.’ It is time we put our own House in order.

- Bericht: Elmar Brok (A7-0041/2009)

  Daniel Hannan (ECR). - Mr President, once again I find myself having to remind colleagues that the European Constitution or Lisbon Treaty is not technically in force. Every clause, every article of the Brok report is based on that Treaty already having justiciability, which of course it does not.

I have to say there is something a little bit suspicious about having held back this report until the Irish referendum was safely in the bag and all the votes counted, and then suddenly coming out with a proposal to have EU embassies around the world answerable to this House and a single European diplomatic corps.

Of course we all know the reality that an EU foreign policy exists de facto if not de jure. We have delegations around the world, which dwarf any of the national missions; we have, in all but name, EU ambassadors; and now once again we see that a report is belatedly regularising what had become practice over many years in the European Union.

So now, when we object, we are told there is no point in complaining now because this has been common practice for many years. Thus do European policies go from being unthinkable to inevitable without any intervening stage.

- Entschliessungsantrag RC-B7-0095/2009

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D). - Mr President, I supported this resolution because I attach great importance to the upcoming EU-US summit. At the recent G20 meeting, many promises were given which will be difficult to achieve if countries act on their own.

In this regard, the EU and the US should take the leading role in the implementation of G20 commitments. Therefore, we need better and more effective coordination between the measures taken by the US and the EU. We do not need to have a strategic EU-US partnership. I hope that the Commission will take this request by the European Parliament on board.

  Syed Kamall (ECR). - Mr President, I would like to thank everyone for their patience and I include all the interpreters, who do a wonderful job. We all agree on the importance of the EU-US relationship and I think we all welcome the summits and discussions at the TEC level and the various other transatlantic dialogues. But it really is important that we recognise that the whole world looks at these summits and look at the moral leadership that we can offer, not only at EU level but also the US Administration. Surely one of the best ways of stimulating our economies, particularly in this time of crisis, is to make sure that we really live the word when we talk about open trade.

I have been very disturbed when we look at our common agricultural policy, and we seem to be supplementing our common agricultural policy and increasing protectionism, which does great harm to farmers in the developing world. Also, if you look at the Obama Administration and its recent tariffs on Chinese tyres, we are descending into a spiral of protectionism. It is about time we went back to our principle of open trade to stimulate the world economy.

Schriftliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

- Exercice 2010

  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. − O contributo do orçamento europeu para 2010, para o incentivo ao crescimento económico, à competitividade, à coesão e à protecção dos postos de trabalho, é fundamental como resposta à recente crise económica.

Destaco, como particular estímulo à economia europeia, o Plano Europeu de Recuperação Económica, que incentiva, entre outros, projectos no sector energético (rede eléctrica, rede de gás natural e projectos de captura e armazenamento de carbono), financia medidas relativas à Internet de banda larga, fazendo chegar às comunidades rurais as chamadas auto-estradas da informação, cria um Fundo para o Sector Leiteiro, enquanto novo desafio da Política Agrícola Comum, e outros programas de ajuda comunitária, tais como de distribuição de fruta e de leite nas escolas.

Gostaria de dar especial relevo à alteração apresentada pelo PPE ao projecto do Orçamento Geral 2010, que introduz como objectivo adicional do Programa Erasmus a promoção do primeiro emprego dos jovens através de acções de formação conjunta com as empresas, estágios e cursos de empreendedorismo.

  Lena Ek (ALDE), skriftlig. − Den grupp av ändringsförslag till EU:s budget 2010 som utgör det s k "Block 3" innehåller interventioner och stödåtgärder som jag av princip motsätter mig. Det handlar t ex om olika lagringsåtgärder, bl a för alkohol, samt omfattande EU-stöd till vinsektorn. Det rör sig också om EU-stöd till mjölk och frukt i skolan, någonting som må vara viktigt, men är ingenting som EU ska besluta om. Samtidigt innehåller gruppen viktiga satsningar på bl a djurskydd och kontroll av djurtransporter, vilka jag välkomnar. Då omröstningsförfarandet dock tvingar mig att ta ställning till gruppen av ändringsförslag i dess helhet har jag därför valt att avstå från att rösta om Block 3.

Ändringsförslag 886 var till för ett lovvärt syfte - satsningar på idrott. Men detta är en fråga som inte hör hemma på EU-nivå. Därav röstade jag nej.

Ändringförslag 905 var baserat på en attityd gentemot migranter som jag av princip inte kan acceptera, till exempel var pengar anslagna för att berätta för personer boende i Afrika hur farligt det är att ta sig till Europa. Vi ska inte bygga murar kring vår kontinent. Därför röstade jag mot tillägget.

Ändringsförslag 909 innehöll medel åt övervakning av europeiska medborgare. Någonting som jag inte accepterar och därför röstade jag nej.

  Nigel Farage (EFD), in writing. − UKIP members voted in favour of these amendments fundamentally because we oppose ANY increase in the budget and because the limitation in the use of these budget lines, as proposed by the ECR, may result in a reduction in payments out of the budget. However,we wish to emphasis also that EU-money, which is amply funded by the British taxpayer, should not be used to impose policies, such as coercive abortion, on minority- and other populations, which are suffering under anti-democratic regimes. Such use is against the law in the UK. It is also against the law in other client-states of the EU, and in contravention of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights of the United Nations, to which the UK is a signatory, and against the European Convention on Human Rights, to which the UK is also a signatory. Whether or not the sum involved runs into millions, the local populations affected would have been justified in associating the UKIP with the tyranny of their own governments, if the UKIP-delegation had voted against these amendments.

  Patrick Le Hyaric (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Je vote en faveur de l'amendement 812 du bloc 3 pour ne pas pénaliser l'aide aux agriculteurs laitier aussi ridicule soit-elle (280 millions d'euros). Mais il est intolérable que l'adoption de cet amendement entraine le rejet de l'amendement 70 qui accorde une aide de 600 millions d'euros au lieu de 280, comme le demande la commission AGRI du Parlement. Je m'élève contre cette règle du moins-disant budgétaire au dépends des agriculteurs.

  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − Considero insuficientes as medidas anunciadas pela Comissária Fischer Boel, à saída da reunião do Conselho de Ministros da Agricultura, no Luxemburgo, e na Comissão da Agricultura, em Estrasburgo (no dia 19 de Outubro). O pacote, ainda a ser aprovado pelo Conselho Ecofin, no dia 19 de Novembro, está orçado em 280 milhões de euros e será entregue sob a forma de envelope financeiro aos Estados-Membros, com base na produção e nas quotas anuais. De acordo com os cálculos, Portugal receberia um envelope financeiro de 6 a 7 milhões de euros para combater a quebra de preços na produção, que é de mais de 50 por cento em relação aos preços de 2007-2008. Considero que 0,003 euro por litro de leite produzido em Portugal (cálculos apresentados pelos produtores) é escasso para um problema que se arrasta desde há já bastantes meses, sobretudo se o Ministro da Agricultura utilizar este dinheiro para reformas antecipadas, como já anunciou.

Este montante de 280 milhões de euros é importante enquanto sinal da Comissão Europeia, mas é insuficiente relativamente àquilo de que os produtores realmente necessitam para sair da situação de crise.

  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. − A negociação do orçamento é dos mais importantes processos comunitários no qual o Parlamento, Comissão e Conselho partilham o poder decisório. Hoje, ao completar-se a primeira leitura, o Parlamento reafirma o seu papel de autoridade orçamental tendo conseguido aumentar tanto as dotações para autorizações, como para pagamentos, relativamente à proposta do Conselho, embora ainda aquém daquilo que gostaríamos. O PPE vê confirmadas questões cruciais que tem vindo a defender no que respeita ao relançamento das economias europeias no contexto da actual crise, através de um enfoque na política de coesão que potencie o crescimento e a competitividade, sobretudo das PME, principais motores da criação de emprego.

Como eurodeputado do PSD, tenho razões para estar particularmente satisfeito com a aprovação, por larga maioria, de uma alteração da nossa delegação, que visa a criação de um Programa Erasmus para o 1º Emprego, uma das propostas que pusemos em cima da mesa nas últimas eleições europeias. A ajuda aos produtores de leite e a garantia de mais segurança aos cidadãos, também no que diz respeito ao fornecimento de energia, foram igualmente salvaguardadas. Este não é o fim do processo, já que as três Instituições terão que chegar a uma posição comum que será votada em segunda leitura, em Dezembro.

- Bericht: László Surján (A7-0038/2009)

  Regina Bastos (PPE), por escrito. − No actual contexto de crise económica, financeira e social, era essencial que o Orçamento da União Europeia para 2010 tivesse particular atenção a esta situação e que se tornasse um instrumento eficaz para ultrapassar a crise. Assim, votei favoravelmente o Projecto de Orçamento da UE para 2010, considerando que responde globalmente a estas necessidades.

O Parlamento Europeu está determinado a fazer todos os possíveis para garantir o financiamento adequado de todas as actividades e políticas que incentivem o crescimento e a criação de emprego e que dêem soluções aos cidadãos europeus, nomeadamente uma maior segurança energética, o aumento do apoio à investigação e inovação, particularmente no domínio das tecnologias limpas, a promoção das Pequenas e Médias Empresas e o reforço da aprendizagem ao longo da vida. Nesse âmbito, tal como proposto pelos Deputados Europeus do PSD, recordo a importância da criação de um Programa Erasmus-Emprego, destinado a jovens à procura do primeiro emprego, para ajudar a cumprir estes objectivos.

Finalmente, não posso deixar de sublinhar que discordo das reduções adicionais do Conselho em rubricas orçamentais de apoio à Estratégia de Lisboa, visto que tal é contrário ao que deveria ser feito para incentivar o crescimento e a recuperação económica.

  Sophie Briard Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – Alors que la politique de cohésion joue un rôle essentiel dans la lutte contre la crise économique et le changement climatique, le Conseil avait proposé de réduire de façon conséquente les crédits de paiement lui étant consacrés en 2010. Conscients de l'importance des fonds européens et de l'attente qui existe sur le terrain, il était indispensable que les parlementaires européens rétablissent, voire même dans certains cas, augmentent les montants suggérés préalablement par la Commission européenne.

Ce vote est l'expression de l'Europe politique dont nous avons besoin, celle qui est capable de faire des choix budgétaires qui assurent un bel avenir à la solidarité, à la compétitivité et à la croissance, et ceci au service des citoyens. Aujourd'hui, les députés européens ont confirmé leur soutien à une politique européenne de cohésion ayant réellement les moyens de ses ambitions. Approuvant également l'orientation générale des rapports de Messieurs Surján et Maňka sur le projet de budget de l'Union européenne pour l'exercice 2010, c'est donc avec détermination que j'ai approuvé leur adoption.

  Carlos Coelho (PPE), por escrito. − Apoio o Relatório Surjan como o compromisso possível relativamente ao Orçamento da União Europeia. Lamento que o Conselho tenha reduzido ainda mais o anteprojecto de orçamento da Comissão que, na minha opinião, já estava aquém das necessidades. Não podemos ter mais Europa com um orçamento miserável e manifestamente insuficiente. Discordo especialmente das reduções feitas nas rubricas orçamentais de apoio à Estratégia de Lisboa. O contraste entre as declarações públicas de prioridade ao combate à crise económica e à aposta na "competitividade para o crescimento e o emprego" e as dotações previstas neste projecto de orçamento não podia ser maior. Aplaudo o aumento das dotações na área da Liberdade, Segurança e Justiça e sublinho que a construção da Europa dos cidadãos passa também por uma boa aplicação destas rubricas orçamentais.

  Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D), în scris. − Nu am votat iniţiativa creării unui fond de 300 milioane de euro ca și sprijin imediat destinat producătorilor de lapte deoarece consider că producătorii de produse lactate se confruntă cu o prăbuşire a preţurilor care duce la nesiguranţă, iar poziţia Grupului Socialiştilor şi Democraţilor din Parlamentul European (S&D) pentru un fond de 600 de milioane de euro ar fi fost o acţiune mult mai rapidă și mult mai eficientă de combatere a cauzelor, dar mai ales a efectelor care au dus la această puternică deteriorare a pieţei produselor lactate ce persistă pe fondul crizei economice actuale. De asemenea, consider că setul de măsuri de sprijin adoptate de Comisia Europeană vine destul de târziu, iar fondul de 600 de milioane de euro ar fi reprezentat un sprijin real pentru statele membre care se confruntă cu această criză.

  Lena Ek, Marit Paulsen, Olle Schmidt och Cecilia Wikström (ALDE), skriftlig. − Den grupp ändringsförslag till EU:s budget för 2010 som utgör "Block 3" innehåller interventioner och stödåtgärder som vi av princip motsätter oss (på samma sätt som vi är kritiska - och röstar nej - till EU-stöd till tobaksodling). Det handlar t.ex. om olika lagringsåtgärder, bl.a. för alkohol, och omfattande EU-stöd till vinsektorn. Det rör sig också om EU-stöd till mjölk och frukt i skolan, en i sig viktig fråga som vi dock anser hellre bör hanteras på nationell nivå. Samtidigt innehåller gruppen ändringsförslag i Block 3 viktiga satsningar på bl.a. djurskydd och kontroll av djurtransporter som vi i princip skulle välkomna eftersom vi kraftfullt driver dessa frågor i andra sammanhang, men eftersom omröstningsförfarandet tvingar oss att ta ställning till gruppen ändringsförslag i sin helhet har vi valt att avstå från att rösta om Block 3.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − Considero os aumentos propostos pelo Parlamento para as diferentes rubricas e o montante de 1,5 mil milhões de euros para financiar o plano europeu de relançamento da economia relevantes para que a UE recupere da crise económica em que nos encontramos, bem como para fortalecer o papel da União Europeia no mundo.

Como referi anteriormente, considero em especial fundamental a atribuição de verbas necessárias para que as Pequenas e Médias Empresas, umas das principais vítimas da crise, beneficiem de apoios que lhes permitam sobreviver a esta crise. O aumento relativo ao Programa-Quadro de Competitividade e Inovação permitirá a promoção do espírito empresarial e a inovação fundamental para a afirmação da UE no mercado global e para o desenvolvimento socioeconómico no mercado interno.

No entanto, lamento a atribuição de apenas 300 milhões de euros para a criação de um Fundo para o sector leiteiro. A grave crise actualmente vivida neste sector justificaria, a meu ver, uma afectação maior de verbas, inicialmente de 600 milhões de euros, para ajudar os produtores a superarem as dificuldades com que actualmente se deparam. Considero assim, 300 milhões de euros insuficientes e espero que a atribuição deste montante possa ainda ser substancialmente revista tendo em conta as necessidades das partes afectadas por esta decisão.

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − Relativamente à posição do Parlamento Europeu, destaco: a) as alterações no sentido da reposição de verbas apresentadas pela Comissão e posteriormente retiradas pelo Conselho; b) o Plano de Relançamento da Economia Europeia como prioridade para o Parlamento Europeu, devendo disponibilizar dinheiro "fresco" para o seu financiamento; c) as propostas de reforço do financiamento para a segurança energética, a investigação e desenvolvimento, o apoio às PME, e a formação ao longo da vida; d) a criação de um Fundo para o leite no valor de 300 milhões de euros, cujo valor é insuficiente, mas que é o montante máximo possível (considero essencial a existência de um mecanismo de regulação e a manutenção das quotas leiteiras); e) o financiamento da banda larga para o mundo rural a partir da margem disponível na rubrica 2; f) a proposta de alteração que apresentámos para reforço e alteração do programa ERASMUS, de modo a que este seja também um instrumento que crie oportunidades de primeiro emprego para os jovens.

Espero que o montante do orçamento com valores de pagamentos na ordem dos 127 mil milhões de euros seja utilizado na íntegra, já que há um atraso na execução dos Fundos correspondente a um exercício orçamental.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Em plena crise económica e social, com efeitos dramáticos para o emprego e as condições de vida das populações, a proposta de orçamento comunitário para 2010, hoje em discussão, fica muito aquém do necessário e evidencia, uma vez mais, o verdadeiro significado da "solidariedade europeia". Em vez de dar resposta à crise social, uma parte significativa do orçamento é para o reforço das despesas militares e para o apoio aos grupos económicos e financeiros, na linha do reforço das orientações militaristas e neoliberais da União Europeia.

A proposta do Parlamento Europeu, apesar de representar um aumento relativamente à proposta de orçamento do Conselho e da Comissão Europeia, fica ainda aquém do acordado no Quadro Financeiro Plurianual (2007-2013) para 2010, em cerca de 6 mil milhões de euros, sendo que o montante final - a decidir em Dezembro - é ainda uma incógnita. Valorizamos, no entanto, a aprovação da nossa proposta que cria uma nova rubrica orçamental para acções no domínio do sector têxtil e calçado, com vista à criação de um programa comunitário para o sector. Uma proposta visa dar resposta à crise no sector, devida ao aumento exponencial das importações de países terceiros, nomeadamente nas regiões mais dependentes do sector.

  Gunnar Hökmark (PPE), skriftlig. − EU:s budget 2010 Vi stödjer grundprinciperna för EU:s budget för 2010 och vill understryka att den skall ge medborgarna god valuta för pengarna. De ramar som satts upp genom det finansiella perspektivet bör respekteras och därför välkomnar vi att budgeten med god marginal kommer att hålla sig inom dessa. Vi vill skära ner jordbruksstöden och regionalstöden drastiskt och minska den totala budgeten. Vi vill i större utsträckning använda de gemensamma pengarna till forskning och utveckling, tillväxt, infrastruktur och säkerhet.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE), por escrito. − Gostaria de começar por lamentar que o Conselho tenha reduzido ainda mais o anteprojecto de orçamento da Comissão e que, apesar de se assumir que a prioridade do orçamento 2010 são os cidadãos e o combate à crise económica, não exista o financiamento adequado da rubrica 1a - Competitividade para o Crescimento e o Emprego. As reduções orçamentais efectuadas pelo Conselho retiram fundos à implementação da Estratégia de Lisboa, o que é contrário ao combate à actual crise económica.

Gostava, contudo, de me congratular pelo facto de ter sido aprovada a emenda efectuada pelos eurodeputados do PSD, e que foi um compromisso eleitoral com os eleitores portugueses, no que se refere à criação do conceito Erasmus 1º Emprego como forma de promover o emprego para os jovens e ajudar a combater a crise económica.

Finalmente, discordar com as reduções introduzidas pelo Conselho na rubrica 1b -  Coesão para o Crescimento e o Emprego num periodo em que os Fundos Estruturais e de Coesão são importantes para incentivar o crescimento e a recuperação económica, mas também porque um grande numero de políticas importantes que visam lutar contra as alterações climáticas e apoiar o crescimento e o emprego são financiadas por esta sub-rubrica.

  Daciana Octavia Sârbu (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru instituirea unui nou fond destinat produselor lactate, care să vină în sprijinul producătorilor pentru depăşirea crizei din acest sector, deși acest sprijin trebuia prevăzut cu mult timp înainte. Îmi pare rău că votul nostru nu a putut să aducă 600 de miliarde de euro aşa cum, aşa cum prevedea raportul de initiaţivă votat în 1 septembrie de Comisia AGRI si asa cum si-ar fi dorit Grupul Socialist. Daca fermierii din UE nu pot beneficia de mai mult sprijin din partea UE, se datorează relei voinţe a dreptei europene.

  Γεώργιος Τούσσας (GUE/NGL), γραπτώς. – Ο προτεινόμενος αντιλαϊκός προϋπολογισμός της ΕΕ για το 2010 καθρεφτίζει ανάγλυφα τους αντιδραστικούς στόχους της, αποδεικνύοντας για μια ακόμη φορά ότι η ΕΕ είναι διακρατική ιμπεριαλιστική ένωση στην υπηρεσία του κεφαλαίου. Η καπιταλιστική κρίση αξιοποιείται για βαθιές, αντιδραστικές, καπιταλιστικές αναδιαρθρώσεις σε βάρος της εργατικής τάξης για την αύξηση των κερδών των μονοπωλιακών επιχειρήσεων. Χρηματοδοτούνται προγράμματα για την ανατροπή των σχέσεων εργασίας, την κατεδάφιση των εργασιακών και κοινωνικών δικαιωμάτων, την προώθηση των ελαστικών μορφών εργασίας, την ανατροπή των όρων των συλλογικών συμβάσεων.

Ενισχύονται τα συστήματα της ανασφάλιστης εργασίας και της εργασιακής ομηρίας των νέων, όπως τα Stage και η δια βίου κατάρτιση. Ενισχύεται η συγκέντρωση της γης και το ξεκλήρισμα των αγροτών από την εφαρμογή της ΚΑΠ προς όφελος της βιομηχανίας τροφίμων και των εμπόρων. Αυξάνονται τα μέσα και ενδυναμώνονται οι μηχανισμοί δίωξης και καταστολής του εργατικού κινήματος; όπως οι FRONTEX, Europol, Eurojust, και οι βάσεις ηλεκτρονικού φακελώματος, καθώς και οι μηχανισμοί επιβολής της ιμπεριαλιστικής πολιτικής της ΕΕ, της ΚΕΠΠΑ, της Πολιτικής Ασφάλειας και Άμυνας, οι στρατιωτικές υποδομές.

Η υπερψήφιση του προϋπολογισμού της ΕΕ από τα κεντροδεξιά και κεντροαριστερά κόμματα στο ευρωκοινοβούλιο σηματοδοτεί τη σφοδρή επιδρομή ενάντια στα λαϊκά στρώματα. Καταψηφίζουμε τον προϋπολογισμό της ΕΕ γιατί υπηρετεί τα συμφέροντα του μεγάλου κεφαλαίου, προκαλώντας ακόμα περισσότερα δεινά για τους λαούς.

- Bericht: Vladimír Maňka (A7-0037/2009)

  Robert Atkins (ECR), in writing. − British Conservatives continue to believe in better value and greater accountability within the European Parliament budget.

However, once again the Parliament has sought to greatly increase the budget beyond that set by the Council of Ministers. Therefore, Conservatives have voted to decrease many areas of EU spending.

We continue to support areas where the EU adds value, such as research into new technologies, access to information for EU citizens, the European Ombudsman and the Court of Auditors. However, we have also voted against a large number of other budget lines which are unjustified and wasteful in a time when we should all be showing economic prudence.

Specifically, we have voted against funding for the Committee of the Regions, and we have supported moves to scrap some of the most profligate budget lines such as tobacco subsidies, as well as a number of other lines regarding agricultural subsidies and schemes, and waste in administration.

  Martin Callanan (ECR), in writing. − The ECR Group believe in better value and greater accountability within the European Parliament budget.

However, once again the Parliament has sought to greatly increase the budget beyond that set by the Council of Ministers. Therefore, the ECR have voted to decrease many areas of EU spending.

We continue to support areas where the EU adds value, such as research into new technologies, access to information for EU citizens, the European Ombudsman and the Court of Auditors. However, we have also voted against a large number of other budget lines which are unjustified and wasteful in a time when we should all be showing economic prudence.

Specifically, we have voted against funding for the Committee of the Regions, and have supported moves to reduce some of the most profligate budget lines regarding agricultural subsidies and schemes, and waste in administration.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − Neste debate relativo ao Orçamento Geral da União Europeia, demonstro a vontade de que as condições particulares da crise que actualmente vivemos sejam tidas em conta quando discutimos a alocação de verbas aos diferentes sectores da economia europeia.

Chamo a atenção para a urgência da criação de um Fundo para o sector leiteiro devido às difíceis circunstâncias em que os produtores se encontram, e espero que uma medida efectiva de apoio para este sector de actividade seja adoptada.

A atribuição de verbas necessárias para que as Pequenas e Médias Empresas, umas das principais vítimas da crise, beneficiem de apoios que lhes permitam sobreviver a esta crise, é fundamental. O aumento para o Programa-Quadro de competitividade e inovação permitirá a promoção do espírito empresarial e a inovação fundamental para a afirmação da UE no mercado global e para o desenvolvimento socioeconómico no mercado interno.

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − Congratulo-me por ter sido adoptada a política de orçamento base zero no início de cada legislatura, que apresentei em nome do PPE. Deste modo, o orçamento do Parlamento passará a reflectir as necessidades reais e aumentará a transparência, o rigor orçamental e a eficiência. Sou ainda defensor da separação entre despesas fixas e despesas variáveis, sendo estas últimas justificadas através de uma análise custo/benefício. Esta análise custo/benefício em áreas como a política de comunicação é importante para melhores resultados e gestão de recursos.

Realço que esta proposta de orçamento não inclui as exigências resultantes da eventual entrada em vigor do Tratado de Lisboa, o que levará provavelmente à elaboração de um orçamento rectificativo. Destaco que a excelência legislativa deve ser a principal prioridade do Parlamento, devendo ser afectados, para este efeito, os recursos necessários. Considero ainda crucial que se adopte uma política imobiliária de longo prazo, onde deverão estar incorporados os custos de manutenção dos edifícios.

  Sylvie Guillaume (S&D), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de la première lecture du budget 2010, soit 127.5 milliards d'euros en paiements, en souhaitant que la deuxième lecture nous permette d'aboutir à des résultats plus ambitieux, en particulier sur les moyens accordés pour un plan de relance à la hauteur des défis à affronter en termes d'emplois, de cohésion sociale, de changement climatique et de lutte contre la pauvreté. Il s'agissait surtout pour moi de défendre le soutien au microcrédit qui constitue une priorité pour les socialistes en donnant des moyens d'actions à l'économie sociale, tout en maintenant le programme Progress dans son intégrité. Les moyens de ce budget restent certes limités, en raison notamment des perspectives financières étriquées qui l'encadrent. Un combat important devra être engagé dans la discussion des nouvelles perspectives budgétaires.

  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − Congratulo-me pelo facto de o nível total do orçamento do Parlamento ficar aquém do limite auto-imposto de 20% das despesas da rubrica 5 (despesas de funcionamento) do Quadro Financeiro Plurianual. Num ano de crise, é importante o Parlamento dar uma imagem de rigor e de contenção.

O orçamento aprovado não inclui adaptações eventualmente necessárias se o Tratado de Lisboa entrar em vigor, nomeadamente no domínio legislativo. Nesse sentido, poderá ter de haver um orçamento rectificativo, caso o Tratado de Lisboa entre em vigor. É importante referir que o papel legislativo é a principal prioridade do Parlamento (para o PPE), e que se devem afectar a este os recursos necessários para que se efectue um trabalho de excelência.

No que diz respeito à política de informação, congratulo-me com o acordo sobre o financiamento dos partidos políticos a nível europeu e das fundações políticas a nível europeu, que deverá contribuir para reforçar a comunicação com os cidadãos e a sua participação na vida política da UE - solicita uma discussão mais aprofundada em matéria dos princípios orçamentais de longo prazo neste domínio.

Este relatório merece o meu voto favorável.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE), por escrito. − Gostaria de me congratular pelo facto de o nível total do orçamento do Parlamento ficar aquém do limite auto-imposto de 20% das despesas da rubrica 5 (despesas de funcionamento) do Quadro Financeiro Plurianual. É importante referir, contudo, que com a entrada em vigor do Tratado de Lisboa, e consequente aumento de responsabilidades do Parlamento Europeu, terá de ser feito um orçamento rectificativo e o limite de 20% das despesas de funcionamento dificilmente será mantido. Um papel legislativo de excelência deve ser a primeira prioridade do Parlamento Europeu e deverão ser criadas as condições necessárias para que a excelência legislativa seja uma realidade.

Gostaria também de enaltecer o trabalho realizado pelo Relator Sombra do PPE (MEP José Manuel Fernandes) que contribuiu de forma decisiva para tornar este relatório um documento da maior importância para o Parlamento Europeu. Da sua acção gostaria de destacar a proposta, agora aprovada, de se implementar uma política de Orçamento base-zero no início de cada legislatura o que permitirá que o orçamento do Parlamento reflicta apenas custos reais, e que aumentará a transparência, rigor orçamental e a eficiência.

- Bericht: Claude Moraes (A7-0040/2009)

  Carlos Coelho (PPE), por escrito. − Desde 1998 que o Parlamento Europeu rejeitou, de forma coerente, todas as iniciativas que lhe foram apresentadas quando consultado sobre questões de pormenor relativas à Europol, enquanto a Europol continuasse no âmbito intergovernamental, sem estar sujeita a controle democrático e jurisdicional. Com a aprovação da Decisão convertendo a Europol numa agência da União, financiada pelo orçamento comunitário, e tendo sido reforçado o papel de controlo do Parlamento, deixou de ser necessário manter esta linha de acção.

Por essa razão, votei a favor desta iniciativa da República Checa, que pretende dar resposta a uma questão administrativa, que é a actualização dos vencimentos de base e dos abonos e subsídios dos funcionários da Europol, de forma a proceder à sua adaptação aos aumentos do custo de vida nos Países Baixos. Realço, no entanto, que cabe ao Conselho, por unanimidade, tomar qualquer decisão relativa ao ajustamento dos salários dos funcionários da Europol.

  Elisabeth Morin-Chartier (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté pour cette proposition de décision qui vise à mettre à jour les traitement de base, les allocations et les indemnités du personnel d'Europol. Ce rapport vise donc à adapter leurs rémunérations à l'augmentation du coût de la vie aux Pays-Bas et à l'évolution des traitements dans la fonction publique des Etats membres. Ce soutien est d'autant plus nécessaire depuis qu'Europol est devenue une agence de l'Union européenne financée par le budget communautaire.

- Modification du Règlement (CE) N°1234/2007 "OCM unique"

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Votei a favor da inclusão do leite no artigo 186º com o objectivo de permitir uma resposta rápida a situações de crise por parte de Comissão, pois assim é introduzido um instrumento cuja utilização é importante. Contudo, a utilização deste instrumento não pode afastar o Parlamento deste processo, ainda para mais numa altura em que se aproxima a co-decisão, pelo que é fundamental o acompanhamento destas intervenções por parte da Comissão.

Relativamente à alteração voluntária do regime de imposição suplementar, vulgarmente designado por "multas", visando obter meios internos de financiamento para a reestruturação do sector leiteiro, penso que é uma medida que cria respostas nacionais, ainda que no meu entender fosse mais adequada a adopção de respostas europeias para uma crise que é geral na Europa.

Concluindo, julgo que depois de nos termos batido tanto pela apresentação de medidas pela Comissão, ao longo dos últimos meses, não estamos em posição de rejeitar qualquer contributo, neste momento muito difícil para os produtores de leite europeus e para as suas famílias.

  Richard Ashworth (ECR), in writing. − I voted in favour of these changes to the Single CMO because I believe that the €280 million package is realistic and will be positively received by the dairy industry. I am therefore persuaded that it will be necessary to grant temporary powers to the Management Committee under Article 186 in order to deliver this support. However, I believe that the Commission should enjoy these powers for only a maximum of two years in order to ensure the smooth delivery of this package.

I cannot, however, support the national milk quota buy-back scheme that the Commission also proposed and which included plans to raise a superlevy on producers exceeding quota. We should not be penalising the efficient, who are the future of the industry. This package is a short-term measure to address a short-term solution, yet the industry needs a clear long-term strategy for the future.

  Anne Delvaux (PPE), par écrit. – En ce qui concerne l'inclusion du lait sous l'article 186 et le régime de rachats de quotas, je me réjouis que la mise en oeuvre de cette décision n'ait pas été reportée à une date ultérieure... ce que l'on a pu craindre à un moment donné de la part de certains car l'année laitière (qui se déroule du 1er avril au 31 mars) est déjà bien amorcée! Si je suis favorable aux mesures qui ont été suggérées, j'aimerais cependant aller plus loin: en effet, ces mesures sont encore loin d’être suffisantes d’autant plus que pour le rachat de quotas, la balle est une nouvelle fois renvoyée vers les Etats membres et le financement national. Qui plus est, il s’agit de mesures de moyen et long terme.

Or il y a un besoin impératif de mesures communautaires à court terme. C’est indispensable: les attentes sur le terrain à cet égard sont très fortes. Enfin, dans le cadre de l'article 186, il faudra à l'avenir veiller à la reconduction annuelle du mécanisme, donner la possibilité à la Commission de renouveler chaque année automatiquement cette mesure. Cela permettra également au Parlement et au Conseil d'exercer une pression plus forte sur l'exécutif européen.

  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente a proposta de regulamento "OCM única" porque, considerando a grave crise que o sector do leite atravessa na Europa, são necessárias medidas urgentes para restabelecer os equilíbrios de mercado e garantir o rendimento adequado aos agricultores, tal como consta dos objectivos da PAC reafirmados no Tratado de Lisboa.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Estas propostas são um reconhecimento do falhanço da política da Comissão para o sector leiteiro. Várias razões justificam o nosso voto contra: 1) o montante proposto pela Comissão para a estabilização do mercado do leite é claramente insuficiente, sendo disponibilizado apenas em 2010, e não permitindo por isso acorrer, como seria exigível, a uma situação de manifesta urgência, especialmente no caso dos pequenos e médios produtores; 2) a inclusão do leite e dos produtos lácteos no artigo 186º, que consta desta proposta, garante poder à Comissão, atribuído pelo Parlamento e pelo Conselho, sem que esta especifique as acções que irão ser desenvolvidas; 3) as medidas agora propostas não alteram os objectivos da última reforma da OCM, de completa liberalização e desmantelamento dos instrumentos reguladores do mercado, quotas e direitos de produção - orientações que estão na raiz da crise actual; 4) as verbas aprovadas destinam-se sobretudo à reestruturação do sector, o que para a Comissão significa o abandono da actividade de milhares de produtores, com todas as consequências sociais e ambientais que daí advêm; 5) a proposta vai acentuar os desequilíbrios já existentes na distribuição de Fundos entre produtores e entre países, o que significará um agravamento das dificuldades para inúmeros produtores.

  Sylvie Guillaume (S&D), par écrit. – J’ai voté en faveur de nouvelles mesures anti-crise sur le prix du lait afin de soutenir les producteurs qui se débattent aujourd’hui dans un contexte particulièrement difficile pour leur profession. Ces mesures arrivent tardivement, alors que les producteurs laitiers évoquent leurs difficultés depuis le printemps dernier. Le budget de 280 millions d’euros proposé par les Etats membres est insuffisant, nous devons nous montrer plus ambitieux et soutenir une aide de 600 millions d’euros pour permettre à nos producteurs de sortir du marasme dans lequel ils se trouvent. Mon inquiétude reste entière sur l’avenir de cette filière car rien n’est fait pour sortir les producteurs de l’emprise des seuls mécanismes de marché, et ce alors que la Cour des comptes européenne a annoncé la nécessité d’avoir des instruments de gestion du marché du lait au risque de remettre en cause la production laitière dans de nombreuses zones vulnérables et d’ignorer que ce sont sur les produits à forte valeur ajoutée que l’Europe peut se positionner sur le marché mondial.

  Alan Kelly (S&D), in writing. − Dairy farmers are under serious pressure right now. In Ireland, where the dairy industry is strategically important, almost every dairy farmer in 2009 will be making a loss. This is not a sustainable situation for one of Europe's key industries. I voted on today's amendment to show solidarity with the farming community at a time of crisis. My only regret is that we are not voting to give them €600 million instead of €300 million as was originally suggested by this house. However the vote on that matter was blocked at committee level by the centre right parties in the parliament. €300 million is better than nothing but more drastic action is needed in future to support this industry.

  Kartika Tamara Liotard (GUE/NGL), in writing. − I abstained in the final vote on the Single CMO Regulation (Rule 142) because the proposed measures from Commission do not go far enough in my opinion.

The crisis in the dairy sector is a problem that needs urgent action, and that is also why I voted in favour of the urgent procedure under Rule 142 for the Single CMO Regulation adjustments. However, the current Commission proposal is too weak and I would like to see, in the very short term, adequate and supporting measures that are effective in combating the crisis in the dairy sector. Voting in favour of this proposal would preclude any future, more effective, measures.

  Astrid Lulling (PPE), schriftlich. − Die Krise in der Milchwirtschaft hat viele Landwirte an den Rand des Bankrotts gebracht. Nach monatelangem Abwarten auf bessere Milchpreise hat die Europäische Kommission endlich Notfallmaßnahmen für die Rettung der Milchproduzenten vorgelegt.

Die Beihilfen für die private Lagerhaltung von Käse wird auf 15 Millionen € aufgestockt, was vorwiegend den Italienern zu Gute kommt.

Der Interventionszeitraum für Milchpulver und Butter wird ausgedehnt, und die Exporterstattungen werden erhöht. Diese Maßnahmen sollen den Milchpreis mittelfristig stabilisieren.

Ein Milchfonds von rund 280 Millionen € wird auf die Mitgliedstaaten verteilt, um nationale Hilfsmaßnahmen zu finanzieren. Das ist allerdings nicht viel mehr als ein Tropfen auf den heißen Stein.

Die Kommission bietet den Mitgliedstaaten einen freiwilligen Aufkauf von Quoten an, um Milcherzeuger zur teilweisen oder endgültigen Aufgabe der Milchproduktion zu bewegen. Produktive Betriebe, die zuviel liefern, würden stärker zur Kasse gebeten. Diese Maßnahmen sind mit einem hohen nationalen Kostenaufwand verbunden. Weil in Zeiten der allgemeinen Wirtschaftskrise Krise kein Spielraum in den nationalen Budgets verbleibt, halte ich nichts davon.

Die handfesteste Maßnahme in dem Krisenpaket ist die Aufnahme der Milch in Artikel 186 der Verordnung 1234/2007, so dass die Kommission schnelle Maßnahmen zur Krisenbekämpfung ergreifen kann. Es scheint mir allerdings fragwürdig, diese Maßnahme zeitlich zu begrenzen. Unter diesen Vorbehalten habe ich der Stellungnahme unseres Parlaments zugestimmt.

  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado en contra de la resolución sobre el sector lácteo porque considero que la propuesta de la Comisión de dotar con 280 millones a esta rama llega demasiado tarde para aplicarse este año y resulta a todas luces insuficiente, por lo que he dado mi apoyo a la propuesta de 600 millones. Por otro lado, la inclusión de la leche y de sus derivados en el artículo 186 confiere poderes a la Comisión delegada del Parlamento Europeo y al Consejo sin haber especificado previamente qué acciones concretas va a emprender. Asimismo, las medidas adoptadas no modifican el objetivo de la última reforma de la Política Agraria Común: la completa liberalización del mercado lácteo que rechazamos desde nuestro grupo. Estas medidas favorecen a la industria agroalimentaria y a las grandes cadenas de distribución en detrimento de los pequeños y medianos productores y contribuyen a la concentración de la producción y al aumento de los beneficios de esta industria que se han multiplicado en los últimos años debido al descenso del precio de la leche que se le paga al productor y al incremento del precio final de compra.

  Elisabeth Morin-Chartier (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu la création d'un "Fonds laitier" pour aider le secteur en crise, notamment pour venir en aide aux exploitants ayant les problèmes les plus urgents. J'ai particulièrement voté pour l'amendement réclamant vingt millions d'euros de plus qu'annoncé par la Commission européenne, en le portant à 300 millions d'euros. C'est une modification de l'Organistion Commune de Marché (OCM) unique habillitant notamment la Commission européenne à prendre de son propre chef des mesures d'urgence en cas de fortes perturbations du marché laitier, comme c'est le cas depuis plusieurs mois. Cette enveloppe n'est évidemment pas suffisante pour sortir l'ensemble des producteurs de l'ornière dans laquelle ils se trouvent ; mais, avec les marges budgétaires actuelles, il n'aurait malheureusement pas été responsable de demander plus. Et, en demandant plus, nous prenions également le risque de ne rien obtenir du tout. Je tiens à rappeler que ce ne sont que des jalons qui sont posés. Le débat continue sur l'architecture de régulation qui devra être mise en place après 2013 et, sur cette question, le Parlement européen poursuivra ses efforts pour aboutir à un encadrement efficace et responsable des marchés agricoles. D'ailleurs, le Traité de Lisbonne nous apportera de nouvelles armes en la matière.

  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − Foram votados relatórios na sessão plenária do Parlamento Europeu, em Estrasburgo, com três medidas específicas (280 milhões de euros para ajudas directas aos produtores, regra temporária para o cálculo das compras de quota para resgate e inclusão da OCM do Leite no art. 186.º (medidas de urgência)). Considero que estas são medidas importantes, mas que se trata de medidas pontuais e insuficientes para um problema que já adquiriu dimensões estruturais muito sérias: o sector precisa de mecanismos de gestão úteis e eficazes para poder intervir no mercado quando seja necessário, bem ao contrário da linha preconizada pela Comissão Europeia, que defende uma linha liberal e desreguladora.

Esta crise do sector leiteiro demonstrou factualmente que a OCM do leite continua a necessitar de instrumentos, nomeadamente o mecanismo das quotas, para poder combater desequilíbrios do mercado.

O pacote, ainda a ser aprovado pelo Conselho Ecofin, no dia 19 de Novembro, está orçado em 280 milhões e será entregue, sob a forma de envelope financeiro, aos Estados-Membros, com base na produção e quotas anuais. De acordo com os cálculos, Portugal receberia um envelope financeiro de 6 a 7 milhões de euros para combater a quebra de preços na produção, que é de mais de 50 por cento em relação aos preços de 2007-2008...

(Declaração encurtada por força do artigo 170.º do Regimento)

  Γεώργιος Τούσσας (GUE/NGL), γραπτώς. – Τα μέτρα της Επιτροπής και των κυβερνήσεων για την κρίση της κτηνοτροφίας εντάσσονται στη γενικότερη αντιλαϊκή της ΚΑΠ και ειδικότερα στην ειλημμένη απόφαση της ΕΕ για πλήρη απελευθέρωση της αγοράς γαλακτοκομικών προϊόντων. Το πιο σοβαρό είναι ότι τα προτεινόμενα κονδύλια χρησιμοποιούνται για την επιτάχυνση των αναδιαρθρώσεων προς όφελος των κερδών της βιομηχανίας τροφίμων, ενίσχυσης των επιχειρηματικών ομίλων του γαλακτοκομικού τομέα, σε βάρος των κτηνοτρόφων. Τα μέτρα δεν αντιμετωπίζουν τα οξυμένα προβλήματα των μικρομεσαίων γαλακτοπαραγωγών που τους έβγαλαν στους δρόμους: Το υψηλό κόστος παραγωγής και τις εξευτελιστικές τιμές παραγωγού.

Πολύ περισσότερο δεν αντιμετωπίζουν τα οξυμένα προβλήματα όλων των κτηνοτρόφων, στην αγελαδοτροφία, στην κρεατοπαραγωγή, στην αιγοπροβατοτροφία. Οι εμποροβιομήχανοι κερδοσκοπούν διπλά, τόσο από την εξευτελιστική τιμή παραγωγού όσο και από την πολλαπλάσια που πληρώνει ο εργαζόμενος για να καταναλώσει το βασικό αυτό προϊόν για τη διατροφή του ανθρώπου. Καταψηφίζουμε την πρόταση, γιατί στοχεύει στην παραπέρα συγκέντρωση και συγκεντροποίηση της παραγωγής του κλάδου. Η λύση για τους φτωχούς και μεσαίους αγρότες είναι η σύγκρουση με τη φιλομονοπωλιακή πολιτική της ΕΕ και ο άλλος δρόμος ανάπτυξης, που λυτρώνει τους κτηνοτρόφους από την εκμετάλλευση, τους εγγυάται εισόδημα και μέλλον και γενικότερα εξυπηρετεί τις διατροφικές ανάγκες και την ευημερία του λαού.

- Entschliessungsantrag B7-0097/2009

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI), par écrit. – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, Le fait que les frontières intérieures de l'Union européenne soient abolies sans que parallèlement, et même préalablement, le contrôle des frontières extérieures n'ait été renforcé et les instruments de sécurité initialement prévus, pourtant minimaux, ne soient totalement opérationnels pose un vrai problème. Soumis au principe de réalité, nous ne nous opposerons pas à cette résolution qui s'inquiète des retards pris par les nouveaux systèmes d'échanges d'informations en matière criminelle et de visas. Mais en fait, tout cela n'est qu'un faux problème : le vrai problème, c'est Schengen lui même, ses pseudo-acquis désormais inclus dans les traités, et les politiques menées par Bruxelles en matière de visas, en matière d'immigration, en matière de circulation des personnes...

Et aujourd'hui, l'immigration légale et clandestine déferle sur l'Europe, l'insécurité, de plus en plus violente, explose, parce que les nations ont été dépouillées du droit de contrôler leurs propres frontières. Schengen a favorisé l'essor de la criminalité transfrontalière et des flux illégaux d'hommes et de produits eux-mêmes plus ou moins licites, sans vrai bénéfice pour les Européens. Alors, au moins, tant que ces systèmes ne sont pas opérationnels, faites jouer la clause de sauvegarde et rétablissez les contrôles !

  Joanna Senyszyn (S&D), na piśmie. − W pełni popieram rezolucję w sprawie sytuacji w zakresie SIS II i VIS. Rozbudowa SIS II przedłuża się, a liczne zaniedbania techniczne już wcześniej opóźniały wejście nowych krajów do systemu Schengen. Koniecznością jest stałe monitorowanie przez Parlament Europejski postępów w zakresie tworzenia SIS II i VIS.

SIS II jest kluczowym projektem politycznym dla całej Unii. Jego długo oczekiwane uruchomienie i sprawne funkcjonowanie jest niezbędne do dalszego rozszerzenia strefy Schengen, a co za tym idzie zapewnienia swobody poruszania się po Unii kolejnym, pełnoprawnym obywatelom (Bułgarii, Rumunii, Cypru, Lichtensteinu). SIS II jest także kluczowy w zakresie walki z przestępczością i nielegalną imigracją. Dzięki wejściu Polski do strefy Schengen już w pierwszym półroczu 2008 r. Straż Graniczna zatrzymała o połowę więcej nielegalnych cudzoziemców niż w analogicznym okresie ubiegłego roku (dane z raportu MSWiA z 2008 r.).

Na terytorium Polski zatrzymano także ponad 350 osób poszukiwanych Europejskim Nakazem Aresztowania (ENA), a ok. 600 osób, poszukiwanych przez polski wymiar sprawiedliwości, ujęto za granicą. Szczególne znaczenie ma zaplanowana w SIS II baza danych dzieci zaginionych, której nie ma w SIS I. Nasza wiarygodność w oczach obywateli zależy właśnie od realizacji takich ważnych projektów. Wspólna Europa nie może sobie pozwolić na kolejne opóźnienia i zaniedbania.

- Entschliessungsantrag RC-B7-0118/2009

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − A votação desta resolução não pode deixar de suscitar duas anotações sobre os seus propósitos e conteúdo. Primeiro, em lugar de se arrogar em paladina defensora da democracia, que não é, fazendo “recomendações práticas” a outros países, a União Europeia deveria, em primeiro lugar, interrogar-se sobre o estado da democracia na própria UE. O processo de ratificação do Tratado de Lisboa é um exemplo recente, entre outros possíveis, de como a chamada “construção europeia” avança contra a participação democrática dos povos europeus, contra os seus interesses, anseios e aspirações, pressionando-os, chantageando-os e desrespeitando as suas decisões sobre o rumo que desejam para o seu futuro colectivo. Segundo, no plano das suas relações externas, em vez de promover o relançamento da corrida aos armamentos e a militarização das relações internacionais, os países da UE deveriam prestar à democracia um contributo na promoção de uma verdadeira política de paz e cooperação internacional, baseada no respeito pela soberania de cada país e no princípio da não ingerência, bem como no respeito do direito internacional e da Carta das Nações Unidas. Estamos, infelizmente, bem longe desse contributo. Uma UE com um défice democrático cada vez mais acentuado não pode ser exemplo e, muito menos, ajudar à "consolidação" da democracia no mundo, daí o nosso voto contra.

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI), par écrit. – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, Cette résolution transpire comme d'habitude les prétendus bons sentiments de cette assemblée en matière de droits de l'homme: l'Union européenne aurait vocation à éclairer l'humanité toute entière de ses conceptions sur la démocratie, à financer les évolutions démocratiques dans tous les pays, etc. Comment peut-elle donc être crédible, elle qui applique si peu, voire pas du tout, les clauses de sauvegarde qui existent pourtant, sur ce sujet, dans tous ses accords commerciaux extérieurs, quand elle continue de commercer ou de financer, quoi qu'il arrive?

Comment peut-elle être crédible, compte-tenu de la manière dont elle agit en Europe même, imposant aux peuples une constitution européenne, rebaptisée traité de Lisbonne, dont certains ont pourtant clairement dit qu'ils ne voulaient pas? Et comment vous, messieurs et mesdames les députés européens de gauche, pouvez vous être crédibles après la lamentable mascarade d'hier sur l'Italie, où vous avez fait montre d'un sectarisme et un d'esprit partisan d'une ampleur inouïe?

- Bericht: Elmar Brok (A7-0041/2009)

  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente o Relatório Brok sobre os aspectos institucionais da criação de um Serviço Europeu de Acção Externa (SEAE), que será extremamente importante para que as relações externas da União se tornem mais coerentes e eficazes. Importa garantir que a criação do SEAE, decorrente das inovações introduzidas pelo Tratado de Lisboa, permita preservar e desenvolver o modelo comunitário nas relações externas e assegure o equilíbrio interinstitucional da União.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − A criação do Serviço Europeu de Acção Externa é o corolário natural de um processo de aquisição crescente de competências a nível externo por parte da União Europeia. Poderá tornar-se um importante instrumento de coordenação e afirmação externa da UE se souber resistir às pressões dos directórios e fizer assentar a sua acção, mais na complementaridade do que na concorrência com as representações diplomáticas dos Estados-Membros.

Lamento que, no quadro da Comissão de Assuntos Externos, não tenha sido possível obter apoio para uma alteração da minha autoria, que apelava a que fossem tidas em conta as línguas europeias de comunicação universal/línguas europeias mundiais aquando da definição do futuro regime linguístico interno do SEAE.

Tanto mais que é evidente que o SEAE deve ter como prioridade estabelecer pontes, contactos e ligações com o resto do mundo, devendo por isso usar como seus instrumentos preferenciais de trabalho as línguas mais aptas a estabelecê-las directamente. É, por isso, incompreensível que este Parlamento, ao debruçar-se sobre esta questão, opte por desconsiderar a dimensão externa do multilinguismo e o carácter estratégico que aquelas línguas possuem, reconhecido não apenas por si próprio, mas também pela Comissão Europeia.

  Sylvie Guillaume (S&D), par écrit. – J’ai soutenu l’avis du Parlement européen sur les contours du futur Service diplomatique de l'UE. Je souhaite que le Service Européen pour l'Action Extérieure (SEAE), incarne une démarche essentiellement communautaire et permettre à l'UE d'exercer son influence diplomatique de façon efficace et démocratique. Le SEAE doit être administrativement et budgétairement au sein de la Commission et faire officiellement partie de la Commission. Je souhaite également que le nouveau Commissaire au développement puisse garder son entière autonomie et sauvegarder ses prérogatives par rapport à ce service, en opposition à l’idée que ce dernier pourrait concentrer les pouvoirs des secteurs relatifs à l’action extérieure de l’Union Européenne, parmi lesquels la politique commerciale et l’élargissement de l’Union européenne. Il est important que la voix du Parlement soit entendue par le Conseil qui devrait fixer les grandes lignes de ce nouvel organe lors de sa réunion des 29-30 octobre 2009.

  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado en contra del Informe Brok sobre Servicio Europeo de Acción Exterior(SEAE) porque considero que es el máximo exponente de la militarización de la Unión Europea. El servicio, que se desplegará tras la aprobación del Tratado de Lisboa, incluye todos los aspectos de la política europea de seguridad y defensa. Según este informe, el SEAE y el Alto Representante (también Vicepresidente de la Comisión Europea) asumirían las tareas de la representación exterior, con un cuerpo de 5.000 funcionarios sin ningún tipo de control parlamentario. Concentra en manos del Alto Representante la gestión civil y militar de las crisis y el control de los derechos humanos sin que tenga que rendir cuentas ante los Estados miembros. Además, el SEAE se crea a decisión del Consejo, con la aprobación de la Comisión y con una mera consulta al Parlamento Europeo, lo que muestra su carácter antidemocrático. Considero que el Servicio de Acción Exterior no va en el sentido correcto de la construcción europea que defiende nuestro grupo: una Europa pensada por y para los ciudadanos, y no la Europa que se está construyendo actualmente que blinda un modelo económico basado en la no intervención de la economía.

  Γεώργιος Τούσσας (GUE/NGL), γραπτώς. – Η Ευρωπαϊκή Υπηρεσία Εξωτερικής Δράσης (ΕΥΕΔ) της ΕΕ, που ιδρύεται με την αντιδραστική "Συνθήκη της Λισσαβόνας", αποτελεί μηχανισμό προώθησης της αυξημένης ιμπεριαλιστικής επιθετικότητας, της αντιλαϊκής στρατηγικής της ΕΕ. Η βιασύνη των πολιτικών εκπροσώπων του κεφαλαίου στο ΕΚ - Συντηρητικών, Σοσιαλδημοκρατών, Φιλελεύθερων και Πράσινων- να ψηφίσουν την ΕΥΕΔ αποδεικνύει την προσήλωση τους στις οικονομικές πολιτικές και στρατιωτικές επιλογές του ευρωενωσιακού κεφαλαίου: •Η αυτοτελής εκπροσώπηση της ΕΕ σε όλους τους διεθνείς οργανισμούς, ανεξάρτητα από τα κράτη μέλη της, όπως προβλέπει η "Συνθήκη της Λισσαβόνας". •Ίδρυση της ΕΥΕΔ, αυτόνομης υπηρεσίας της ΕΕ, με πολιτικοστρατιωτικές αρμοδιότητες, με βάση τις κατευθύνσεις της ΚΕΠΠΑ και ΕΠΑΑ, στελεχωμένη από ανώτερους πολιτικούς και στρατιωτικούς υπαλλήλους της ΕΕ κάτω από τις εντολές του Ύπατου Εκπροσώπου. •Η ΕΥΕΔ θα αποτελέσει το εργαλείο προώθησης της ιμπεριαλιστικής πολιτικής της ΕΕ με δικές της Πρεσβείες και διπλωματική δράση ανεξάρτητη από τα κράτη μέλη. Προπομπός των εξελίξεων αυτών υπήρξε η Συνθήκη του Μαάστριχτ που ίδρυσε τη ΚΕΠΠΑ και ΕΠΑΑ της ΕΕ και σηματοδότησε την ένταση της ιμπεριαλιστικής επιθετικότητας και της στρατιωτικοποίησης της ΕΕ.

Το ΚΚΕ καταψηφίζει την Έκθεση, που αποκαλύπτει ανάγλυφα το χαρακτήρα της "Συνθήκης της Λισσαβόνας" και τους κινδύνους που συνεπάγεται για τους λαούς η εφαρμογή της. Αντιπαλεύει την ΕΕ, τη διακρατική αυτή ένωση του κεφαλαίου και την αντιλαϊκή πολιτική της.

- Entschliessungsantrag RC-B7-0095/2009

  Françoise Castex (S&D), par écrit. – Je n'ai pas pris part à ce vote car je rejette l'idée d'un énième renforcement de nos relations économiques avec les Etats-Unis. Le partenariat UE-USA n'est pas le plus important pour l'Europe ni celui dont a besoin le cycle de DOHA: l'UE doit savoir diversifier ses partenaires si elle veut garder autant que possible son indépendance. Pour ce faire, elle doit multiplier les accords avec les pays en voie de développement. Plutôt que d'une américanisation des standards européens, nous devons privilégier l'avènement d'un modèle de développement multipolaire dans lequel l'Europe retrouvera enfin toute sa place et tout son sens.

  Carlos Coelho (PPE), por escrito. − As relações UE - EUA constituem, sem dúvida, a parceria estratégica de maior importância para a UE. Temos uma responsabilidade partilhada no sentido de promover valores comuns, como o respeito dos direitos humanos, a democracia, a estabilidade e a paz, mas também de encontrar as melhores respostas aos vários perigos e desafios mundiais, como é o caso da crise económica e financeira, das alterações climáticas, da proliferação nuclear, do combate à criminalidade internacional e ao terrorismo, da erradicação da pobreza, entre outros.

Ao nível da cooperação na área judiciária, policial, de segurança interna e externa, recordo que para se alcançar um sucesso em futuras negociações é fundamental que as medidas de segurança não prejudiquem as liberdades cívicas e os direitos fundamentais, sem esquecer a necessidade do respeito pela vida privada e pela protecção de dados.

Reafirmo, uma vez mais, que só deverá haver lugar a transferências de dados pessoais europeus para países terceiros se forem tidos em conta dois princípios fundamentais: o da necessidade e o da proporcionalidade. Deverá ser igualmente acautelado o pleno respeito da legislação europeia e nacional em matéria de protecção de dados e asseguradas garantias processuais adequadas.

  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente a proposta de Resolução Comum sobre a próxima Cimeira UE-EUA e a reunião do Conselho Económico Transatlântico (CET) por salientar a necessidade de se estreitarem as relações transatlânticas num contexto em que os grandes desafios internacionais necessitam de uma resposta coordenada a nível global. Destaco o papel do CET na promoção e garantia de uma resposta coordenada à crise financeira mundial e a importância das relações transatlânticas para se alcançar um acordo internacional na COP 15, em Copenhaga, que inclua um pacote financeiro adequado para ajudar os países em desenvolvimento no combate às alterações climáticas, quer nas medidas de mitigação quer nas medidas de adaptação.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − Devido à importância estratégica dos EUA para a UE, e vice-versa, uma parceria transatlântica deverá ser reforçada na próxima cimeira de modo a fortalecer a capacidade de acção para lidar com os desafios com os quais presentemente nos deparamos: desde a actual grave crise económico-social, a questões como o desarmamento, a luta contra o terrorismo, as alterações climáticas, o respeito pelos direitos humanos, etc.

Uma acção coordenada entre os EUA e a UE é também fundamental para atingir um estado mais maduro das relações económicas e comerciais entre ambos, que levem à criação de um mercado transatlântico de facto até 2015, com redução de burocracia e, consequentemente, a um quadro mais estável e interessante para as empresas presentes em ambos os mercados, e que lhes proporcione menores custos de actividade.

Para mais, se medidas equivalentes, em particular no contexto da regulação financeira, não forem adoptadas pelos EUA, a UE poderá encontrar-se numa situação de desvantagem concorrencial, extremamente nefasta para a economia europeia.

Assim, reitero a necessidade da defesa dos interesses da UE através de uma política coerente e coordenada entre a UE e os EUA nas diversas áreas de interesse comum.

  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado en contra de la resolución sobre la próxima Cumbre Transatlántica UE-EEUU porque Obama, a pesar de las grandes esperanzas que ha suscitado su llegada a la Casa Blanca y el hito histórico que ha supuesto su elección en un país en el que las minorías raciales siguen siendo discriminadas, por ahora sólo ha realizado gestos simbólicos. El actual presidente de los Estados Unidos comparte el mismo modelo económico de no intervención en la economía que la administración anterior, ha continuado con la misma política bélica de su predecesor (envío de más tropas a la guerra en Afganistán, despliegue de nuevas bases militares en Colombia), aún no ha procedido al cierre de Guantánamo, ni ha levantado el embargo contra Cuba. Tampoco ha presionado a Israel ni a Marruecos para que apliquen la legalidad internacional A día de hoy, Estados Unidos sigue aplicando la pena de muerte en 38 estados, no ha ratificado el Tratado de Ottawa sobre el control del comercio de armas ni ha ratificado el Protocolo de Kyoto, razones por las que he votado en contra de esta resolución.

  Elisabeth Morin-Chartier (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu cette résolution parce que j'attache une grande importance pour le Sommet Union européenne-États-Unis d'Amérique à venir debut novembre 2009. Lors de la récente réunion du G20, de nombreuses promesses ont été données ce qui sera difficile à atteindre si les pays agissent de leur propre chef. À cet égard, l'UE et les États-Unis devraient prendre le rôle de premier plan dans la mise en œuvre des engagements du G20. Et, par conséquent, nous avons besoin d'une coordination plus efficace entre les mesures prises par les États-Unis et l'UE : c'est pouquoi j'encourage ces rencontres communes entre les européens et les américains et plus particulièrement les discussions au niveau du Conseil économique transatlantique (CET).

10. Korrezzjonijiet u intenzjonijiet għall-vot: ara l-Minuti

(Die Sitzung wird von 13.25 Uhr bis 15.00 Uhr unterbrochen.)

11. Approvazzjoni tal-Minuti tas-seduta ta’ qabel: ara l-Minuti

12. Dibattiti dwar każijiet ta' ksur tad-drittijiet tal-bniedem, tad-demokrazija u ta' l-istat tad-dritt (dibattitu)

12.1. Guinea

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgt die Aussprache über sechs Entschließungsanträge zu Guinea.

  Véronique De Keyser, auteur − Monsieur le Président, je pense que l'intérêt dépasse largement la foule qui s'est précipitée dans cet hémicycle cet après-midi, ce que je regrette une fois de plus pour mon groupe et pour les autres.

Monsieur le Président, la Guinée Conakry a besoin du soutien de la communauté internationale. À la mort du président Conté, une junte militaire a pris le pouvoir. Décriée par l'étranger, elle avait pourtant reçu un soutien interne parce qu'elle promettait une transition rapide vers un régime civil avec des élections libres. Le capitaine Dadis Camara qui la dirigeait s'était engagé fermement à ne pas être candidat aux présidentielles, mais après une gestion désastreuse du pays – absence de budget, d'offres publiques dans les marchés, de services basiques à la population –, il a pris goût au pouvoir et il s'y est accroché au point de se présenter maintenant aux élections. Sa campagne électorale s'appuie sur toutes les ressources organisationnelles, médiatiques et économiques du pays. Devant cette violation des engagements antérieurs pris par la junte, l'opposition a organisé une manifestation qui a été brutalement réprimée par la garde présidentielle. Elle a fait 150 morts, plus de 1 000 blessés et de nombreuses femmes ont été violées et éventrées.

La riposte du Parlement européen et, je le souhaite, de l'Union européenne, sera claire. Nous demandons la suspension de l'accord de pêche de l'Union européenne. Nous demandons à l'Union africaine d'imposer des sanctions à la junte militaire et d'organiser un dialogue au sein d'une commission de réconciliation. Nous demandons la mise en place d'un gouvernement de transition pour préparer les élections présidentielles et législatives, la junte s'étant définitivement mise au ban de la communauté internationale.

Je souhaite que ces réactions, à la mesure du drame qui s'est produit, servent de précédent et que dans d'autres cas de violations flagrantes des droits de l'homme, l'Union européenne ait le courage d'agir avec la même célérité.

  Renate Weber, author. − Mr President, when you look into the situation of Guinea and learn about the atrocities that have taken place there in recent months, the first legitimate question to ask is why it has had so little media coverage. There have been only a few lines here and there, as though there had not been hundreds of people killed, terrible acts of torture and horrifying acts of rape aimed at annihilating human dignity.

It is true that various international institutions have condemned the military junta that came to power after a coup d’état, but I believe that much more should have been done to raise awareness among ordinary citizens, including European citizens. This is why I am pleased that at least the European Parliament, speaking on behalf of the citizens who sent us here, has an appropriate reaction and the resolution we will vote on today appropriately addresses it.

However, I consider that what is of the utmost importance is not only to criticise and condemn the current regime but also to eliminate any possibility of European funds intended to help the people of Guinea being misappropriated.

  Cristian Dan Preda, Autor. − Ziua de 28 septembrie este o zi importantă pentru poporul din Guineea, pentru că este ziua în care a avut loc referendumul pentru independenţă. Din acest an, ziua de 28 septembrie va fi însă şi o zi simbol a masacrului pe care puterea instalată în mod violent la Conakry l-a produs împotriva opozanţilor.

Menţinerea la putere a acestei echipe de militari este inacceptabilă. De altfel, de-a lungul timpului căpitanul Dadis Camara, care s-a instalat la putere, a promis că va abandona cursa, că nu se va prezenta. A expirat acum, de curând, şi ultimatumul dat de Uniunea Africană.

Este evident că, ajunşi la putere, militarii mint şi că nu trebuie crezuţi pe cuvânt. Este nevoie, de aceea, de o guvernare democratică bazată pe alegeri şi comunitatea internaţională trebuie să preseze în acest sens.

  Marie-Christine Vergiat, auteur. − Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, je me suis déjà exprimée à Bruxelles lors du débat sur la mini-session, il y a quinze jours. Je ne reviendrai donc pas sur mon intervention.

Mes collègues ont déjà exprimé un certain nombre de choses. Je voudrais, pour ma part, me féliciter que l'ensemble des groupes politiques au sein du Parlement puissent aujourd'hui conjointement répondre à l'appel qu'a lancé la société civile guinéenne, en condamnant la répression organisée par la junte militaire au pouvoir depuis décembre dernier, répression de la manifestation pacifiste organisée à l'occasion de l'indépendance de la Guinée.

Cette société civile guinéenne nous appelle au secours et effectivement il serait totalement inadmissible que l'Union européenne puisse verser, dans le cadre de l'accord de pêche, des sommes dont nous savons pertinemment aujourd'hui qu'elles iraient tout droit dans les poches de la junte militaire au pouvoir et non pas au bénéfice des pêcheurs guinéens, comme le prévoient les textes.

Le régime guinéen est le régime le plus corrompu au monde aujourd'hui. Ce n'est pas moi qui le dis, mais les organismes chargés de contrôler les choses en la matière.

Je souhaite donc ardemment que nous puissions tous ensemble voter l'ensemble de la résolution commune, y compris le paragraphe demandant la suspension de l'accord pêche, et j'espère que, sur ce sujet, nous serons suivis par le Conseil et la Commission.

  Adam Bielan, autor. − Panie Przewodniczący! Kiedy pod koniec zeszłego roku, po śmierci prezydenta Conté, kapitan Camara stanął na czele junty wojskowej, która przejęła władzę w Gwinei, społeczność międzynarodowa niestety wykazała się dużą naiwnością, wierząc, że kapitan Camara doprowadzi do wolnych, demokratycznych wyborów prezydenckich, w których nie wystartuje. Dzisiaj wiemy, że kiedy 28 września ponad pięćdziesiąt tysięcy zwolenników opozycji zgromadziło się na stadionie narodowym, żeby zaprotestować wobec zmiany decyzji, złamania danego słowa przez kapitana Camarę, wysłano naprzeciwko nich żołnierzy. Zginęło ponad 150 osób, ponad 1200 zostało rannych, mamy do czynienia z licznymi przypadkami gwałtów.

Cieszę się, że Javier Solana, Wysoki Przedstawiciel Unii Europejskiej ds. Polityki Zagranicznej i Bezpieczeństwa, tak szybko zabrał głos. Wyrażam wdzięczność rządowi Francji za to, że zerwał współpracę wojskową z Gwineą. Ale od czasu tej masakry minęły już trzy tygodnie, a nie widać efektów tych działań. Dlatego uważam, że Unia Europejska powinna się w tej chwili skupić na wywarciu nacisku na Gwineę, razem z ONZ-tem i Unią Afrykańską oraz zastosować jak najbardziej drastyczne sankcje. Tylko w takim wypadku możemy mówić o oddaniu władzy przez kapitana Camarę.

  Isabella Lövin, författare. − Herr talman! Jag välkomnar det beslut som fiskekommissionär Joe Borg meddelade i förrgår, alltså att kommissionen drar tillbaka sitt förslag till fiskeriavtal med Guinea. Fiskeriutskottet har redan röstat nej till ett sådant avtal. Det gjorde vi två dagar efter massakern i Conakry då över 150 personer sköts ner av regeringstrupper som kontrolleras av Moussa Camara.

Jag hoppas att det här är ett första steg och att Europeiska unionen ser över sin handelspolitik med utvecklingsländerna. Vi har ett stort ansvar som en av världens viktigaste och största handelsaktörer, och också utvecklingsaktörer. Vi måste ha en överensstämmelse mellan handeln och vilket förhållande vi har med den här typen av regimer. Man har under årens lopp försökt att förbättra fiskeriavtalet genom att man säga att en del av avtalspengarna ska gå till att stödja det lokala fisket. Men kommissionens egna utvärderingar har visat att det faktiskt inte går till som det står på papperet, utan pengarna går direkt till att stödja den här typen av regimer. Det ska Europeiska unionen inte hålla på med!

  Filip Kaczmarek, w imieniu grupy PPE. – Panie Przewodniczący! Już dwa tygodnie temu rozmawialiśmy o Gwinei. Niemniej sytuacja w tym kraju nadal wymaga naszej uwagi i naszej reakcji. W poniedziałek, w tym tygodniu, Komisja Rozwoju wysłuchała relacji naocznego świadka wydarzeń z 28 września, byłego premiera i przewodniczącego opozycyjnej partii UFDG pana Diallo.

Wydaje mi się, że nie wystarczy wzywać juntę do szanowania wolności słowa, zgromadzeń czy w ogóle do respektowania praw człowieka. Gdyby junta szanowała te zasady, te wartości, to nie byłaby juntą, nie możemy więc oczekiwać, że takiego wezwania posłucha. Człowieka czynu – a takim jest kapitan Dadis Camara – można zatrzymać jedynie czynami, a nie słowami. Dlatego właśnie apeluję do Komisji Europejskiej o czyny.

  Patrice Tirolien, au nom du groupe S&D. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, la Guinée est actuellement secouée par des événements dramatiques qui choquent l'opinion internationale et bafouent le droit.

En effet, le 28 septembre 2009, la junte militaire conduite par le capitaine Dadis Camara réprimait dans le sang une manifestation pacifique regroupant tous les partis d'opposition.

Or, les accords de Cotonou fondent les relations entre l'Union européenne et ses partenaires ACP sur la base du respect des droits de l'homme et des principes démocratiques. Ainsi, la décision unilatérale du capitaine Dadis Camara de repousser le scrutin et de refuser d'évoquer la question de sa candidature à la présidence guinéenne constitue un manquement grave aux engagements pris d'organiser des élections libres et transparentes dans le délai d'un an.

L'Union européenne doit donc sans délai agir en conformité avec les principes et les valeurs permanentes qui fondent son action pour que cessent ces violences, qui constituent autant de violations des droits de l'homme.

Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, je me félicite que la résolution de compromis soit d'ailleurs tout à fait conforme à nos valeurs et à nos principes, mais je tiens particulièrement ici à insister sur l'article 10 de ce texte, à savoir la suspension du protocole de l'accord de pêche entre l'Union européenne et la République de Guinée tant que le processus démocratique n'est pas engagé.

J'entends des voix qui se demandent si une telle décision n'aurait pas des conséquences socioéconomiques désastreuses pour la population. Mais face aux violences du 28 septembre dernier, nous devons reconnaître que le pouvoir guinéen ne se souci guère des conditions de vie de ses citoyens et qu'il ne nous offre pas d'autre solution que la fermeté.

Depuis son indépendance en 1958, la Guinée n'a connu que des régimes dictatoriaux.

  Carl Haglund, för ALDE-gruppen. – Herr talman! Jag ska inte upprepa allt det kloka och goda som mina kolleger redan har sagt. Jag kan bara till en början säga att jag är mycket glad över att den här frågan diskuteras här idag. Jag ska kort säga några ord om den behandling vi hade om fiskeriavtalet i utskottet den 30 september. Det är faktiskt så att när vi skulle behandla frågan kunde man ha trott att EU var på väg att ingå ett handelsavtal med vilken västerländsk demokrati som helst. Ingenstans framgick det i diskussionen eller i handlingarna att vi hade ett avtal framför oss med en nation där situationen är vad den är idag, och som också redan har beskrivits rätt bra här i kammaren.

Flera har kanske tyckt att fiskerifrågor är en sak och mänskliga rättigheter är en annan sak, och att man inte ska blanda ihop dem. Själv kan jag inte förstå hur man som politiker kan resonera så. Det att rösterna i utskottet föll 11–9 till förmån för att fälla avtalet är också rätt oroande. Det fanns alltså en ganska stor grupp i parlamentet som åtminstone i det skedet tyckte det var helt okej att ingå ett handelsavtal med ett land som Guinea och med en regim som det landet har. Det är glädjande att säga att det nu finns en mycket större enighet kring att, för det första, ha en tydlig linje i fråga om Guinea, och för det andra, att det finns ett brett stöd för att man nu faktiskt har dragit tillbaka det här avtalet från rådets sida. Det gläder mig storligen.

Man kan säkert också tycka att de som är för att avtalet dras tillbaka inte tänker på de fiskare som berörs, men så är det ingalunda. Det är givet att vi måste finna en hållbar lösning för dem. Men vi kan inte sopa de mänskliga rättigheterna under mattan bara för att vi har en situation där vi har ett antal fiskebåtar som måste försörjas.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda, en nombre del Grupo Verts/ALE. – Señor Presidente, yo tuve el honor de participar, precisamente, en la reunión de la Comisión de Pesca cuando votó, aunque por un margen muy estrecho, a favor de no renovar el acuerdo de pesca con Guinea, precisamente por las masacres, por las violaciones, por todas las violaciones de los derechos humanos que ha habido estos días y que, todavía, hasta la fecha de hoy, siguen pendientes de clarificación.

Hoy me gustaría que el Pleno ratificase esa decisión. Con esta decisión mandaríamos un mensaje claro, tanto a las instituciones europeas como al Gobierno de Guinea, de que no estamos dispuestos a contribuir con dinero de nuestros contribuyentes a mantener en el poder a un Gobierno corrupto y con responsabilidades criminales.

Me complacería que, por una vez —y espero que sirva de precedente—, las vidas humanas y los derechos humanos sean más importantes que un acuerdo de carácter económico. Y me complacería más porque la Comisión ya lo ha hecho, la Comisión de Pesca también lo ha hecho, y es hora de que el Pleno del Parlamento Europeo también ratifique esta decisión.

Por lo tanto, nos hallamos ante una gran oportunidad, y espero, como se ha dicho, que el artículo 10 se mantenga tal y como está establecido.

(Aplausos en algunos escaños)

  Tomasz Piotr Poręba, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Co najmniej 157 zabitych i ponad 1200 rannych to bilans wrześniowej interwencji gwinejskiej armii przeciwko pokojowym manifestacjom opozycji na stadionie w Konakrze. To największa masakra od momentu uzyskania przez Gwineę niepodległości w 1958 r.

Przejmując władzę w grudniu ubiegłego roku Camara obiecał rozprawić się z korupcją, anarchią, a następnie oddać władzę w demokratycznych wyborach. Dziś junta wojskowa nadal rządzi krajem bez poszanowania podstawowych zasad praworządności i podstawowych praw człowieka. Bandy żołnierzy regularnie dopuszczają się napadów, rabunków i gwałtów.

Jako przedstawiciele państw demokratycznych, musimy domagać się natychmiastowego ustąpienia junty i ukarania winnych krwawego mordu ludności cywilnej, bezkarnego strzelania do tłumów i publicznych gwałtów kobiet. Gwinea to kraj o dużym potencjale gospodarczym. Pomimo tego należy do najuboższych państw na świecie i najbardziej skorumpowanych państw w Afryce, a dalsze dyktatorskie rządy junty wojskowej mogą doprowadzić do wojny domowej i destabilizacji sytuacji w całej Afryce Zachodniej.

  Anne Delvaux (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, 150 morts et combien d'humiliations sexuelles non dénombrées ce jour. Le 28 septembre, c'est une violation inouïe qui s'est déchaînée à l'encontre de civils guinéens. C'est une répression démesurée aussi de la junte militaire au pouvoir et les témoignages à cet égard sont sans appel.

Face à une telle barbarie, nous devons être extrêmement fermes et je me réjouis des sanctions ciblées décidées hier par les pays l'Union à l'encontre de la junte de Moussa Dadis Camara. Condamner les événements ne suffit évidemment pas. Il faut réclamer que toute la lumière soit faite sur les faits, par le biais d'une vraie commission d'enquête internationale, et que les crimes qui ont été commis ne restent pas impunis.

En outre, je voudrais, moi, pour les trente secondes qui me restent, appeler l'Union à utiliser tous les moyens en son pouvoir afin de lutter contre l'utilisation des violences sexuelles comme arme de guerre. Ce phénomène est en recrudescence dans de nombreuses zones de conflit armé. Ce sont les femmes, parfois très âgées ou très jeunes, qui en sont victimes. Ce sont de toute façon dans tous les cas des personnes vulnérables qui sont ciblées.

Plaider pour l'État de droit et pour la bonne gouvernance doit automatiquement s'accompagner du respect des droits de l'homme, de l'égalité des genres, de la protection des plus vulnérables, comme conditions minimales à tout nouvel accord de coopération, de quelle que nature que ce soit.

  Harlem Désir (S&D). - Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, le 28 septembre dernier le peuple guinéen manifestait pour le respect des engagements pris, pour le respect de la convocation d'élections libres, d'élections démocratiques.

Il a été victime de la pire des répressions par un régime qui était déjà dépourvu de toute légitimité et qui a, ce jour-là, perdu toute dignité. Des hommes réprimés, des femmes éventrées à la baïonnette, violées, les opposants politiques, syndicalistes torturés, martyrisés.

L'Union européenne doit être aujourd'hui aux côtés de l'Union africaine, aux côtés de la CDAO, aux côtés des Nations unies, pour ne pas accepter de laisser ce crime impuni et pour être surtout aux côtés du peuple guinéen. Ce pays, effectivement, qui regorge de richesses ne pourra jamais les utiliser à son développement tant que des dictatures corrompues pourront accaparer ces richesses au bénéfice d'un clan.

C'est pourquoi je me réjouis effectivement de la fermeté annoncée par la Commission européenne, de celle sur laquelle peut se retrouver aujourd'hui notre Parlement. Nous ne pouvons pas mettre en balance des intérêts économiques étroits au regard des engagements qui ont été pris par les partenaires de l'Union européenne, notamment ceux qui ont signé l'accord de Cotonou: le respect des droits de l'homme, le respect des principes démocratiques. Aujourd'hui, nous avons un engagement vis-à-vis du peuple de Guinée: être à son côté dans son combat pour la liberté et la démocratie.

  Ioannis Kasoulides (PPE). - Mr President, I asked for the floor simply to make a comment on the suggestion to suspend the existing EU-Guinea fisheries protocol. I doubt whether a brutal regime which does not hesitate to dispense with the lives of 156 of its citizens and is responsible for so many other atrocities will be moved by such a disproportionately small sanction on that issue. We should also bear in mind that there are legal obligations regarding this agreement towards people employed in the fishing industry in Guinea, who have nothing to do with the brutal regime. That is why the EPP is hesitant to support this suggestion.

  Charles Tannock (ECR). - Mr President, the story of Guinea-Conakry follows a depressingly familiar African script: a dictatorial ruler; a military coup; one authoritarian regime replaced by another; and most of the people still living in abject poverty. Substantial mineral and oil resources could make Guinea one of Africa’s most prosperous nations. Instead, the wealth fuels conflict and misery, not only in Guinea, but throughout a region that has witnessed appalling bloodshed and chronic instability in the past 20 years.

In the past I have pressed the European Commission to help develop a kind of Kimberley Process for resources other than just diamonds to ensure that the activities of mining companies do not support civil war or ruthless dictators such as Captain Camara in Guinea. I am therefore especially concerned about the massive deal struck between Guinea and Chinese companies, and I hope that the Commission and Council will express to Beijing our expectations that its business activities there should neither provoke internal strife nor further undermine human rights in Guinea. However, like Mr Kasoulides, I suspect the proposals to rescind the EU fisheries agreement will only serve to punish local communities, not the military junta.

  Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE). - Arvoisa puhemies, koska komissiota on tässä kiitelty siitä päätöksestä, jonka se on tehnyt Guinean kalastuspöytäkirjan suhteen nimenomaan ihmisoikeusloukkauksien takia, haluaisin kysyä komissaarilta, onko nyt tarkoitus käydä systemaattisesti läpi muita vastaavia tilanteita tai ainakin valmistautua siihen, että toimitaan johdonmukaisesti yhtä tiukasti, sitten kun näin vakavia ihmisoikeusloukkauksia mahdollisesti muuallakin tapahtuu.

  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, äskettäin eräs suomalainen äänestäjä kysyi minulta, miten määrittelisin ihmisoikeudet. Vastasin hänelle, että minun ei pidä eikä kannata määritellä niitä omin päin, muuten ne eivät kantaisi omaa kotioveani kauemmas. Idea on juuri siinä, että ihmisoikeudet on jo määritelty ja että valtiot ovat sitoutuneet niitä kunnioittamaan. Ne sitovat kansainvälistä yhteisöä. Siksi me vetoamme niihin.

Guinea on allekirjoittanut Cotonoun sopimuksen, jossa edellytetään ihmisoikeuksien ja demokratian kunnioittamista. Tämä on lähtökohta. Meidän on todella edellytettävä, että maan demokratiakehitys lähtee kunnolla käyntiin tehdessämme lisää yhteistyösopimuksia Cotonoun pohjalta. Kuten olemme kuulleet, Guinean tämänhetkinen tilanne on sietämätön ja vaatii nopeaa reagointia ja mahdollisesti sanktioita. Guinealla on merkittävät malmivarat ja sitä kautta suuret kehitysmahdollisuudet. Samalla se on yksi maailman korruptoituneimpia maita. On todella valitettavaa, että kiinalaiset valtionyhtiöt ja yritykset, jotka investoivat Guineaan, eivät osaltaan vaadi minkäänlaista sitoutumista ihmisoikeuksiin.

  Leonard Orban, Membru al Comisiei. − Comisia a condamnat rapid, cu fermitate şi în mod (vorbitorul a fost întrerupt) repetat masacrele şi cazurile de încălcare flagrantă a drepturilor omului care au avut loc în 28 septembrie 2009 şi care au continuat şi după această dată.

Prin participarea la Grupul de contact internaţional pentru Guineea, Comisia a aprobat concluziile reuniunii din 12 octombrie, care prevăd adoptarea unor diferite măsuri privind respectarea drepturilor omului.

În primul rând, în plan umanitar, este nevoie ca toate persoanele deţinute în mod arbitrar să fie eliberate, ca trupurile victimelor să fie încredinţate familiilor, ca toate persoanele rănite, în special, femeile violate, să beneficieze de îngrijiri medicale. Nu putem decât să ne exprimăm regretul şi îngrijorarea că, pentru moment, nu pare să se fi luat niciuna dintre aceste măsuri.

În al doilea rând, Comisia salută decizia Secretarului General al Naţiunilor Unite de a institui o comisie de anchetă internaţională care să investigheze masacrele din 28 septembrie pentru a-i aduce în faţa justiţiei pe autorii acestor fapte. Este primordial să punem capăt impunităţii şi degradării situaţiei drepturilor omului în Guineea. Comisia de anchetă internaţională şi investigaţiile preliminare ale Curţii Penale Internaţionale vor conduce la îmbunătăţirea situaţiei în acest sens.

În acest context, Comisia este pregătită să analizeze posibilitatea de a acorda un sprijin financiar Misiunii Internaţionale de Observare şi protecţie pentru ca membrii Comisiei şi martorii să fie protejaţi împotriva actelor de intimidare şi pentru a contribui la instaurarea unui climat de securitate în rândul populaţiei din Guineea.

Pe de altă parte, dincolo de impunerea unui embargo total asupra armelor, Comisia este dispusă să analizeze posibilitatea sprijinirii reformei în domeniul securităţii în vederea reformării şi profesionalizării armatei, astfel încât Guineea să îşi redobândească stabilitatea.

În încheiere, doresc să precizez că măsurile care se impun, în conformitate cu articolul 96 al Acordului de la Cotonou, au fost luate deja la 27 iulie 2009.

În plus, doresc să precizez un lucru care a fost subliniat anterior, că din motive de coerenţă şi pentru a spori presiunea asupra juntei, comisarul pentru afaceri maritime şi pescuit, domnul Borg, a anunţat intenţia Comisiei de a retrage propunerea de acord de parteneriat în domeniul pescuitului care urmează să fie încheiat cu Guineea. De altfel, pentru moment, nu se va face plata (aplauze) contrapartidei financiare corespunzătoare.

Şi ca să răspund întrebării care mi-a fost adresată, în alte cazuri Comisia, desigur, va acţiona caz cu caz şi va examina caz cu caz situaţiile apărute.

Vă mulţumesc.

  Der Präsident. − Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet im Anschluss an die Aussprachen statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149)

  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. – O principal objectivo do novo Acordo de Parceria entre a UE e a Guiné Conacri é reforçar a cooperação entre a Comunidade Europeia e a República da Guiné, por forma a favorecer o estabelecimento de um quadro de parceria para o desenvolvimento de uma política de pesca sustentável e uma exploração responsável dos recursos haliêuticos na zona de pesca guineense, no interesse de ambas as Partes.

A contrapartida financeira do Protocolo é fixada em 450 000 euros por ano, para possibilidades de pesca relativas à categoria das espécies altamente migradoras. A totalidade deste montante será destinada à instauração de uma política nacional das pescas baseada na pesca responsável e na exploração sustentável dos recursos haliêuticos das águas da Guiné.

O atrás exposto cumpre com o propósito da PCP em matéria de Acordos de Pesca com países terceiros, pelo que, a provação deste documento merece o meu voto favorável.

12.2. Iran

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgt die Aussprache über sieben Entschließungen zum Iran.

  Ana Gomes, Autora. − Senhor Presidente, o Irão caracteriza-se pela diversidade linguística, religiosa, étnica e política. A maioria chiita vive lado a lado com sunitas, zoroastrianos, cristãos, judeus e bahais. A maioria persa partilha o país com um sem-número de minorias étnicas que representam quase metade da população: azeris, árabes, curdos, balúchis e outros. As cidades fervilham com uma classe média e uma juventude modernas, prontas a viver no Irão do século XXI. Toda esta agitação e complexidade assustam o regime que preferia um Irão simples: simples no fanatismo religioso, no isolamento do país e simples numa opinião pública intimidada pela repressão violenta.

Esta resolução descreve a violação sistemática dos direitos humanos a que estão sujeitos os iranianos no seu país, incluindo a aplicação frequente da pena de morte, mesmo contra crianças, o apedrejamento de homens e mulheres, as grosseiras limitações à liberdade de expressão e perseguições contra minorias religiosas e étnicas. Através desta resolução, o Parlamento Europeu envia duas mensagens distintas. A primeira para o povo do Irão: a Europa vê nos iranianos e, em especial na juventude, a esperança num futuro em que o seu país abraçará a democracia e a liberdade e assumirá um papel de relevo na região, como merece. E a segunda para o regime iraniano: dizemos-lhe que o Irão nunca realizará o seu indiscutível potencial enquanto a violência e o obscurantismo forem as principais características de um regime político que invoca os valores da justiça e paz em vão e que continua a oprimir brutalmente o seu povo.

  Marietje Schaake, author. − Mr President, any government derives its legitimacy from providing for the well-being of its own citizens. Any regime that fails at this most basic responsibility loses its legitimacy in the international community.

Current self-isolation is leading to destruction in Iran and has a toxic impact on neighbouring countries and on the rest of the world. We cannot stand by and watch minor offenders being hanged, people being raped and arbitrary violence wrought upon citizens by their own regime. We stand here to restate that there cannot and will not be impunity for those guilty of committing crimes against humanity, and we will continue to stand with the Iranian people as they exercise their right to free speech and peaceful protest for freedom and democracy.

The European Union has a responsibility in keeping these universal rights on the agenda, including when trade interests or the nuclear programme of Iran are at issue. Only when the Iranian regime earns its legitimacy from its citizens can it be a credible player in the international community.

  Tunne Kelam, author. − Mr President, this situation is rooted in a very special clerical dictatorship, which is notorious for its indiscriminate suppression of human rights and civil liberties. The situation has even worsened since the June elections. Arrests, torture and executions of minors and women have increased. In fact, Iran has the highest number of executions in the world after China.

The latest information, which is not reflected in the draft resolution, is that yesterday, Iran’s regime hanged five prisoners in Tehran’s Evin prison, including Soheila Ghadiri, a 28-year-old woman. She is the fourth woman to be hanged by the regime in the past month.

Such barbaric sentences have nothing to do with crimes allegedly committed by the prisoners but are rather an effort to intensify the atmosphere of terror in the country, especially among women and young people, who have displayed their resolve to establish democracy and oppose the elections.

  Rui Tavares, Autor. − Independentemente de quantas pessoas estejam aqui nesta sala, ao falarmos no Parlamento Europeu estamos a falar também para os milhões de pessoas que, no Irão, saíram às ruas, que arriscaram a sua vida e arriscaram a sua segurança para protestar contra eleições que entendiam ser fraudulentas.

Esses milhões de iranianos, dentro do país e fora, esperam de nós algo e, portanto, o ponto de partida não pode ser outro senão o da solidariedade e o da colaboração na ajuda a esses milhões de iranianos que lutam pela democracia e pelos direitos humanos e que o fazem, é bom lembrar, correndo riscos muito maiores do que aqueles de que a diplomacia normalmente tem medo.

Então, o ponto de partida, dizia eu, não pode ser outro. É verdade que a política ocidental tem sido, muitas vezes, uma política simplista e ignorante no que diz respeito ao Irão. É verdade que, demasiadas vezes, a Europa tem sido seguidista em políticas que se revelaram erradas acerca do Irão. É verdade que, muitas vezes, não quisemos aceitar que o Irão tivesse, da parte da comunidade internacional, o respeito por que certamente, enquanto grande potência regional, anseia.

Como dizia um artista iraniano no exílio após as manifestações, o Ocidente não quis a República Islâmica e agora não temos sequer uma república. No entanto, nada disto pode desculpar um regime que tem sido um regime liberticida, um regime opressor e, agora, um regime que se funda em bases cada vez menos sólidas de eleições fraudulentas e de opressão ao seu povo. O povo iraniano espera então do Parlamento Europeu, e através deste texto procuramos fazê-lo, solidariedade e apoio.

  Fiorello Provera, Autore. − Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, conosciamo le condizioni politiche e sociali in cui vivono i cittadini della Repubblica islamica dell'Iran.

Sappiamo della pesante interferenza della religione nelle decisioni politiche e nei diritti umani fondamentali. Ultimo esempio è l'uccisione di Behnud Shojai, il giovane giustiziato recentemente pur essendo minorenne all'epoca del reato. Questo è l'ultimo episodio di una serie di gravi atti contro i diritti umani che hanno visto la repressione degli oppositori politici, degli omosessuali, di giornalisti, di intellettuali e di tutti coloro che si battono per la crescita sociale e civile dell'Iran.

La situazione si è aggravata sotto il regime di Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, che iniziò la sua presidenza negando ripetutamente l'Olocausto e il diritto all'esistenza dello Stato di Israele. Dal 2005 il numero delle esecuzioni in Iran è quadruplicato e l'Iran è l'unico paese al mondo in cui vengono giustiziati minorenni colpevoli di reati. È noto l'uso sistematico della tortura nelle prigioni e l'utilizzo di pene medioevali come l'amputazione e la lapidazione, ma il regime è in difficoltà e lo dimostrano le decine di migliaia di persone che hanno trovato il coraggio di scendere in piazza a protestare dopo le ultime elezioni.

La giovane Neda Agha-Soltan, uccisa per strada mentre rivendicava i suoi diritti di donna e di cittadina, è diventata non soltanto il simbolo della repressione, ma anche del desiderio di libertà di un popolo che l'Europa deve aiutare. Come? Ad esempio con lo Strumento europeo per la democrazia e i diritti umani. Un'altra proposta concreta è quella di intitolare strade o piazze delle nostre città a Neda Agha-Soltan. Questo non servirebbe solo a commemorare il suo sacrificio, ma sarebbe una testimonianza di solidarietà per l'opposizione iraniana e farebbe crescere tra i cittadini europei l'informazione e la consapevolezza di una situazione così grave. Io vorrei che accanto all'immagine di Aung San Suu Kyi esposta su una facciata del Parlamento europeo a Bruxelles, ci fosse anche il ritratto di Neda Agha-Soltan.

Un'ultima considerazione: ma quale credibilità può avere il presidente Ahmadinejad nella trattativa sul nucleare quando perseguita e offende il proprio popolo che chiede più democrazia, più libertà e più rispetto per i diritti umani?

  Struan Stevenson, author. − Mr President, while we sit in this Chamber having grand debates, the hangmen in Iran are working overtime. As we heard from Tunne Kelam, yesterday they hanged another five people, including a young woman, the parents of whose victim had pardoned her. So she had actually been excused the death penalty but was subsequently hanged.

But we follow a policy of appeasement in the EU. Only this week we have agreed that we will encourage the Russians to enrich the nuclear fuel rods, on behalf of Ahmadinejad, in return for his guarantee that he will stop his own nuclear enrichment programme. But he has not given that guarantee, nor has he given open access for inspectors to look at his nuclear facilities. We are only bolstering the Mullahs when we continue this policy of appeasement. We need to take tough sanctions. Toughness is the only language these Mullahs understand.

  Barbara Lochbihler, Verfasserin. − Herr Präsident! Am Anfang dieser Plenarwoche hat Präsident Buzek uns darauf hingewiesen, dass die Abschaffung der Todesstrafe ein Grundanliegen des Europäischen Parlaments ist. Das gilt für alle Regionen dieser Welt, dass diese unmenschliche und grausame Strafe abgeschafft werden muss.

Er hat auf Hinrichtungen hingewiesen, die im Iran stattfanden. In der uns vorliegenden Entschließung wird insbesondere auf vier Todesurteile hingewiesen. Es handelt sich um Personen, die zum Tode verurteilt wurden, weil sie angeblich an den Protesten nach der Wahl teilgenommen haben. Aber sie waren zur angeblichen Tatzeit alle vier in Haft. Also hier kann man noch in Berufung gehen, und diese Fälle brauchen unsere Aufmerksamkeit.

Es ist auch angesprochen worden, dass zur Tatzeit Minderjährige im Iran immer noch hingerichtet werden. Iran ist das einzige Land, das zur Tatzeit Minderjährige hinrichtet. Der Iran hat die Konvention für zivile und bürgerliche Rechte und die Konvention zum Schutz des Kindes ratifiziert und ist deshalb verpflichtet, ein nationales Gesetz zu erlassen, das die Hinrichtung von Minderjährigen verbietet. So eine Gesetzesinitiative gibt es im iranischen Parlament, und wir müssen unsere Kollegen dort auffordern, dass sie alles tun, damit die Verabschiedung dieses Gesetzes nicht mehr blockiert wird. Das halte ich für eine sehr wichtige Aufgabe.

Abschließend möchte ich all den Frauen und Männern im Iran meine Hochachtung ausdrücken, die sehr viel riskieren, die auf die Straße gehen, die verschiedene Aktivitäten unternehmen, um die Gewährung ihrer Rechte einzufordern, die ihnen auch laut der iranischen Verfassung zustehen. Ihre Entschiedenheit, ihr Engagement und ihr Mut, sie verdienen unsere uneingeschränkte Solidarität!

  Martin Kastler, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Am 2. Oktober dieses Jahres ließ die iranische Polizei in letzter Minute einen Mann nicht ins Flugzeug. Wegen seiner mutigen Arbeit für politisch Verfolgte sollte der Rechtsanwalt Abdolfattah Soltani den internationalen Menschenrechtspreis 2009 in meiner Heimatstadt Nürnberg entgegennehmen. Trotz gültigen Reisepasses hat die iranische Staatsmacht ohne Rechtsgrundlage Herrn Soltani die Ausreise verweigert. Seine Frau allerdings durfte ausreisen. Sie stellte zu Recht fest, und ich darf sie zitieren: "Ich bedauere, dass in einem Staat, der sich als Gottesstaat bezeichnet, Taten ausgeübt werden, die mit Gott nichts zu tun haben."

Der Iran hat völkerrechtlich verbindlich den UN-Zivilpakt ratifiziert, und dort ist das Menschenrecht festgelegt, jedes Land, einschließlich des eigenen, ungehindert verlassen zu dürfen. Ich finde, es ist ein Skandal, dass der Iran dieses Recht mit Füssen tritt. Ich habe mich deshalb dafür eingesetzt, dass der Fall Soltani heute in unsere gemeinsame Erklärung, in unsere Entschließung zum Iran aufgenommen wird, und ich möchte Sie um Ihre Unterstützung bitten.

  Ryszard Czarnecki, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, I would like to use this time to express our concern over the situation in Iran and especially of Iranian opposition members in Camp Ashraf in Iraq, which has been the symbol of resistance for people in Iran.

The Iraqi Government should stop following the orders of the Mullahs in Tehran. Iraq should understand that the Iranian regime has no future and is holding on to power for repression and executions. So, if Iraq is a sovereign country, they should respect and implement the European Parliament resolution of 24 April 2009 on Ashraf, which calls on Iraq to stop any forcible displacement of Ashraf residents within Iraq. The Mullahs in Tehran want Ashraf to be destroyed, and we in Europe must support these defenceless Iranian refugees. It is our moral duty.

We should ask the EU Presidency and the Commission to ask the UN to become more involved by sending a permanent team – and even a peacekeeping force – there to prevent more attacks and prevent these people being moved by force to other parts of Iraq.

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de EFD-Fractie. – Voorzitter, het lijdt geen twijfel dat de mensenrechtensituatie in de Islamitische Republiek Iran de afgelopen maanden drastisch is verslechterd. Een treffende illustratie daarvan is de actuele ontwikkeling in het repressie-apparaat dat president Ahmadinejad ter beschikking staat om elke vorm of zelfs schijn van oppositie tegen zijn dubieus gelegitimeerde bewind in de kiem te smoren. De beruchte knokploegen, de Basiji, zijn inmiddels geïncorporeerd in de Iraanse revolutionaire garde, evengoed een sinistere organisatie.

Wat kan de Europese Unie hier nog uitrichten? Twee dingen vooral. Samen met de Amerikanen moeten wij, als westerse wereld, ons concentreren op individuele gevallen van ernstige schendingen van de mensenrechten in Iran (zie ook onze resolutie). In directe aansluiting daarop moeten wij Teheran duidelijk voor ogen stellen dat deze schendingen intolerabel zijn en ernstige consequenties hebben.

Wanneer nationale belangen in het geding zijn, met name economische, dan komen de Iraanse pragmatici vanzelf te voorschijn. Per slot van rekening kunnen zij zich daarbij zelfs beroepen op de stichter van de Islamitische Republiek Iran, wijlen Ayatollah Khomeini. Als het erop aankwam koos hij ook resoluut voor het landsbelang boven religieuze eisen. Commissie, Raad, zoek de zwakke plekken van de ayatollahs, allereerst voor een draaglijker leefklimaat voor de Iraanse bevolking, voor de veiligheid van de joodse staat Israël, de Arabische wereld niet te vergeten, en ook de Europese Unie.

  Krisztina Morvai (NI). - Néhány nappal ezelőtt Barroso elnök úr volt itt és azt kérdeztem tőle, mit lehetne tenni a 2006 ősze óta folyamatosan tartó emberi jogi válsághelyzet megoldására egy európai uniós tagállamban, Magyarországon. Többedszerre mondtam el, hogy sok száz embert ért olyan durva rendőri brutalitás, hogy komoly sérüléseket szenvedtek el, több száz ember került önkényes letartóztatás alá, több százan szenvedtek el hosszantartó büntetőeljárásokat ártatlanul. Akkor az elnök úr azt mondta, hogy ezek belügyek, és belügyekbe nem tud beavatkozni az Európai Unió. Szeretném megkérdezni, hogy mi ez a kettős mérce, mi a jogi alapja az Európai Uniónak a beavatkozásra egy Unión kívüli országban, amikor az Unión belüli országban nem hajlandó megvédeni az emberi jogokat. Ezúton is kérem az iráni barátainkat, az ellenzékhez tartozókat, de akár a kormánypártiakat is, hogy segítsenek a magyarok emberi jogainak a megvédésében.

  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, Iranilla olisi tärkeä rooli Lähi-idän rauhanneuvotteluissa, mutta ikäväksemme maa näyttää lipuvan yhä kauemmaksi demokraattisesta oikeusvaltiosta. Ensinnäkin on aihetta epäillä vakavasti viime kesäkuista vaalitulosta, joka toi jatkoa presidentti Ahmadinejadin virkakaudelle. Vaalien jälkeen yleinen ihmisoikeustilanne on huonontunut edelleen. Lisäksi Ahmadinejadin valtaan nousun jälkeen vuonna 2005 teloitusten määrä on nelinkertaistunut ja Iranissa teloitetaankin Kiinan jälkeen eniten ihmisiä maailmassa. Toisekseen uskon- ja mielipiteenvapaus on heikoissa kantimissa. Muun muassa seitsemän bahai-johtajaa on edelleen vangittuna yksinomaan uskonnollisen vakaumuksensa perusteella.

Vetoamme päätöslauselmassamme Iranin viranomaisiin, ja toivon, että voimme samalla välittää tätäkin kautta tukemme ja arvostuksemme sitä rohkeutta kohtaan, jolla useat iranilaiset puolustavat perusvapauksia ja demokraattisia periaatteita. Erityisesti kunnioitusta herättävät rohkeat iranilaisnaiset, joilla oli ratkaiseva asema Teheranissa vaalien jälkeisissä mielenosoituksissa.

  Peter van Dalen (ECR). - Voorzitter, in Iran heerst een streng regime dat zich baseert op een radicale interpretatie van de islam en van de koran. Doe je daar niet aan mee, dan lig je er in Iran uit. Iran is een beangstigend land en ik denk met name aan de christenen in Iran. Tot het christendom bekeerde moslims hebben in Iran letterlijk geen leven. Het Iraanse parlement heeft vorig jaar een wet aangenomen waarin de doodstraf staat op afvalligheid van het islamitische geloof.

Maar ook betogers hebben geen leven in Iran. Drie mensen die werden opgepakt bij de demonstraties tegen de uitslag van de presidentsverkiezingen, zijn nu ter dood veroordeeld. Het is volstrekt onjuist en onbegrijpelijk dat een rechtbank dit vonnis heeft uitgesproken. Wellicht is het nog mogelijk tegen het vonnis beroep aan te tekenen, maar voor iedereen is duidelijk: ook als demonstrant is je leven in Iran niet zeker.

Ik roep Raad en Commissie op om deze betogers fors te steunen in een vervolgprocedure en vooral krachtig verzet aan te tekenen tegen het brute Iraanse regime.

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE). - Žmogaus teisių padėtis Irane akivaizdžiai blogėja. Šiais metais vykę abejotino legitimumo prezidento rinkimai bei masiniai žmonių protestai po rinkimų kaip veidrodis atspindėjo vis labiau įtemptą ir baimės kupiną politinę bei socialinę situaciją Irane.

Pastebėsiu, kad šių metų „reporterių be sienų“ parengtoje spaudos laisvę įvertinančioje ataskaitoje Iranas yra atsidūręs pačiame sąrašo dugne, tai yra 172-oje iš 175 vietų, ir yra aukščiau tik už Eritrėją, Šiaurės Korėją ir Turkmėnistaną.

Žurnalistų padėtis Irane yra viena pačių blogiausių pasaulyje, blokuojama laisva informacija internete, persekiojami blog’us rašantys žmonės. Mes gerai žinome apie visai neseniai suimtą žinomą blog’erį Fariba Pajooh, kurio tolesnis likimas yra visiškai neaiškus.

Aš kreipiuosi į Europos Komisiją. Pone Komisare, būtina kuo greičiau atidaryti Komisijos atstovybę Teherane, siekiant užmegzti dialogą su Irano valdžios institucijomis dėl vis blogėjančios žmogaus teisių padėties šioje šalyje.

  Jim Higgins (PPE). - Mr President, I fully agree with the comments of Mr Czarnecki. The attack last July on the Iraqi PMOI camp at Ashraf in Iraq can only be described as savage and barbaric. Eleven people killed, and a lot more could have been killed; numerous people brutally injured – you have to see the video to realise the barbarity which actually occurred. The army and the military indulged themselves in the most sadistic form of brutality. As a result, 36 people were arrested; they had no option but to go on hunger strike. They were released two weeks ago because of international pressure – and international pressure after 72 days on hunger strike: that is what brought people to heel in relation to the Malaki government. So these people are refugees; they are entitled to go to bed at night and get up in the morning, safe. We need, as Mr Czarnecki said, two things: first of all, we need a permanent UN presence there to replace the United States, and, secondly, an absolute guarantee of no displacement.

  Véronique De Keyser, auteur. − Monsieur le Président, je souhaite évoquer trois petits points pour compléter ce que mes collègues ont dit.

Tout d'abord - et je reprends ce que Mme Gomes a dit - malgré tout ce qui se passe, malgré les drames qui se passent en Iran et le régime, nous gardons toute notre foi en l'avenir politique de ce pays et en la vigueur de sa société civile.

Le deuxième point, c'est qu'il n'a pas assez été souligné que nous réprouvons les derniers attentats suicides qui se sont passés au Sistan-Baloutchistan, même s'ils touchent effectivement des gardes de la révolution et, hélas, des douzaines de civils. Nous sommes contre ce type de violence, même si nous comprenons très bien les raisons pour lesquelles elles se passent, mais à moment-là, nous devons nous placer du côté des résistants au régime.

Et enfin, notre Parlement, je pense, condamne la peine de mort, qu'il s'agisse de mineurs, de femmes, d'adultes, mais aussi dans quelque pays du monde que ce soit.

  Cristian Dan Preda, Autor. − Vreau şi eu să deplâng înrăutăţirea situaţiei drepturilor omului în Iran în urma alegerilor din iunie. Semnele acestei înrăutăţiri sunt, desigur, arestările masive şi violenţa manifestată împotriva opozanţilor.

De asemenea, aşa cum s-a mai menţionat, libertatea de informare este serios pusă sub ameninţare, pusă în pericol de persecuţiile îndreptate împotriva jurnaliştilor. Un semn major de îngrijorare este faptul că, atât tortura, cât şi pedeapsa cu moartea sunt practicate pe scară largă în Iran. Amnesty International releva, de altfel, recent faptul că, după alegeri, numărul persoanelor condamnate şi respectiv executate s-a înmulţit în mod semnificativ.

În sfârşit, aş vrea să manifest sprijinul pentru ideea de a institui, de a crea o Delegaţie a Uniunii Europene la Teheran; o asemenea delegaţie poate colabora cu societatea civilă de la faţa locului, sprijinind astfel drepturile militanţilor pentru libertate.

  Angelika Werthmann (NI). - Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich möchte Ihnen einen Vorschlag machen: Menschenrechte, Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit sind Themen, die zu wichtig und dringlich sind, um sie heute Nachmittag, an einem Donnerstag, zu behandeln. Es sind leider nur mehr wenige von uns anwesend.

Vor einem Monat haben wir über die Ermordung von Journalisten gesprochen, heute über die katastrophale Menschenrechtssituation in Guinea, Iran und Sri Lanka. Ich weiß, viele von uns teilen meine Meinung. Lassen Sie uns einen besseren, einen anderen Termin für diese wichtige Aussprache finden.

  Der Präsident. − Es wäre Recht, Frau Kollegin, wenn man beim „Catch-the-eye“-Verfahren zum Thema sprechen würde. Sie nehmen anderen Kollegen die Redezeit weg.

Ich schließe das „Catch-the-eye“-Verfahren.

  Leonard Orban, Membru al Comisiei. − Permiteţi-mi să încep prin a transmite condoleanţe familiilor victimelor atacului terorist de duminică din provincia Sistan va Baluchistan din Iran. Comisia condamnă atacurile teroriste din orice colţ al lumii, precum şi pierderile de vieţi cauzate.

Comisia Europeană este profund îngrijorată în ceea ce priveşte actuala situaţie a drepturilor omului şi a libertăţilor fundamentale în Iran. Şi când vorbim despre acest lucru ne referim, printre altele, la execuţiile de minori, discriminarea persoanelor care aparţin diferitelor minorităţi, limitări semnificative ale libertăţii de exprimare şi de întrunire, rele tratamente aplicate deţinuţilor, privarea de dreptul la un proces echitabil, precum şi oprimarea şi intimidarea pe scară largă a susţinătorilor drepturilor omului precum şi a opoziţiei politice.

Uniunea Europeană a menţinut contacte directe cu Iranul şi şi-a prezentat în mod deschis punctul de vedere autorităţilor iraniene cu privire la evoluţiile din ţară.

Uniunea Europeană sprijină libertăţile fundamentale şi valorile universale pe care se fundamentează acestea şi se simte obligată să îşi exprime punctul de vedere ori de câte ori şi oriunde aceste principii nu sunt respectate. Din păcate, în pofida numeroaselor apeluri şi condamnări din partea Uniunii Europene şi a comunităţii internaţionale, situaţia drepturilor omului s-a deteriorat şi mai mult de la alegerile prezidenţiale în Iran din iunie 2009.

Numai în ultimele săptămâni, în Iran numeroase persoane au fost executate prin spânzurare. Una dintre aceste persoane şi dumneavoastră v-aţi referit la aceasta, Behnoud Shojaee, care la data săvârşirii infracţiunii era minor, a fost executat în pofida apelurilor repetate din partea Uniunii de a comuta sentinţa. Mai mulţi minori riscă să fie executaţi în scurt timp în Iran. Suntem, de asemenea, îngrijoraţi în ceea ce priveşte situaţia a şapte lideri Baha'i din Iran, care se află în arest de peste şaptesprezece luni şi care trebuie să răspundă unor acuzaţii grave, de exemplu spionaj şi propagandă împotriva statului. Ultima audiere programată a fost din nou amânată la 18 octombrie, cele şapte persoane neavând nici de această dată perspective clare pentru procedurile judiciare adecvate.

În urma alegerilor prezidenţiale sute de persoane au fost reţinute pe motiv că au participat la demonstraţiile postelectorale şi la critică. Procesele împotriva participanţilor la proces continuă, iar săptămâna trecută patru persoane au fost condamnate la moarte pe motiv că au fost implicate în incidente postelectorale.

În încheiere, doresc să subliniez faptul că împărtăşim preocupările formulate de distinşii membri cu privire la situaţia drepturilor omului din Iran. Comisia urmăreşte îndeaproape evoluţia situaţiei şi va profita în continuare de fiecare ocazie pentru a solicita autorităţilor iraniene să respecte angajamentele internaţionale privind drepturile omului, inclusiv în conformitate cu Pactul Internaţional privind Drepturile Civile şi Politice, precum şi cu Declaraţia Universală a Drepturilor Omului. Îmbunătăţirea situaţiei drepturilor omului în Iran este un element esenţial al demersului Comisiei Europene în vederea consolidării dialogului politic şi a cooperării cu Teheranul în viitor.

Şi, ca să răspund întrebării care mi-a fost adresată, noi considerăm că în prezent, în actualele condiţii care există în Iran, nu este potrivită înfiinţarea unei Delegaţii a Comisiei Europene la Teheran.

  Der Präsident. − Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet im Anschluss an die Aussprachen statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149)

  Bogusław Sonik (PPE), na piśmie. – Szanowni Państwo! Chciałbym zaapelować o to, by Unia Europejska nie pozostawała bierna wobec łamania prawa człowieka w Iranie. Unia Europejska powinna o wiele bardziej stanowczo przeciwstawiać się wykonywanym tam wyrokom śmieci i dokonywanym egzekucjom, w szczególności zasądzanych na młodocianych i nieletnich przestępcach. Reakcja na to, co się dzieje dzisiaj w Iranie jest jednym z najważniejszych testów skuteczności dla naszego zachodniego świata.

Dlatego Komisja Europejska powinna jak najszybciej ustanowić delegaturę Unii Europejskiej w Teheranie w celu wspierania i wzmacniania dialogu z władzami i ze społeczeństwem obywatelskim w Iranie, w szczególności w celu niesienia pomocy dla młodocianych, więźniów politycznych czy dziennikarzy. Komisja Europejska powinna się o wiele bardziej zaangażować w oddelegowanie specjalnego wysłannika przez wysokiego komisarza ONZ ds. praw człowieka w celu monitorowania sytuacji więźniów politycznych oraz zadbania o to, aby władze Iranu przestrzegały międzynarodowych standardów proceduralnych i zobowiązań prawnych w zakresie praw człowieka.

Unia Europejska będzie zawsze sztandarem wolności obywatelskich i naszych demokratycznych wspólnych europejskich wartości, także poza naszymi granicami. Dlatego powinna dołożyć wszelkich starań poprzez intensywny dialog z elitami politycznymi tak, aby w XXI w. w Iranie dochodziło do przestrzegania podstawowych praw człowieka i poszanowania prawa do życia.

12.3. Sri Lanka

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgt die Aussprache über sechs Entschließungsanträge zu Sri Lanka.

  Geoffrey Van Orden, author. − Mr President, the people of Sri Lanka – Sinhalese and particularly the Tamils – have suffered enormously over these past 30 years from a ruthless terrorist campaign conducted by the LTTE. Now that the LTTE have been defeated in the field, the Government and people of Sri Lanka need our sympathetic understanding and, above all, our assistance as they try to set their country once more on the path of recovery and prosperity and prevent any resurgence of terrorism.

There are those, including LTTE apologists, who want to deliver a further blow to the Sri Lankan people by undermining the GSP+ preferential trade arrangements with the EU. I hope the Commission understands that it is trade not aid that offers the best route to economic recovery. For its part, the Sri Lankan authorities need to address the concerns expressed by friends in the international community so there is no excuse for GSP+ status to be compromised.

The immediate priority, of course, is to resettle those thousands of Tamil civilians caught up in the conflict and now being held in poor conditions in camps. Their processing needs to take place with all urgency, and the international community should be invited to help.

  Proinsias De Rossa, author. − Mr President, I support this resolution even though I think it is not critical enough of the Sri Lankan Government. Earlier this year we witnessed the appalling military assault on the area held by the Tamil Tigers, without any regard for the lives or well-being of citizens who, in my view, are used as pawns by all sides, resulting in 90 000 dead. The world stood horrified and helpless, yet still today there are more than a quarter of a million Sri Lankan citizens who are interned without adequate medical facilities, without clean water, sanitation or living space.

Today’s resolution is a relatively mild call on the Sri Lankan authorities to respect the rights of their citizens. It is my own view that, if there is no measurable progress soon on the demands in this resolution, then the European Union must bring economic and political pressure to bear on the regime in Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka depends for its economic recovery on foreign direct investment and on EU economic support. We must use that leverage in the interests of the Sri Lankan peoples, including the Tamil people.

  Thomas Mann, Verfasser. − Herr Präsident! Ich habe zwei Minuten. Der 25-jährige Bürgerkrieg in Sri Lanka scheint beendet zu sein. Im Mai eroberten die Regierungstruppen die von der LTTE gehaltenen Gebiete im Norden. Möge es gelingen, dass ein Neuanfang Frieden bringt, der mit Freiheit verbunden ist.

Die Menschen leiden nicht nur unter den Auswirkungen des Bürgerkrieges, sondern auch unter den Folgen des Tsunami und anderer Naturkatastrophen. Die EU hat den Außenhandel intensiviert und gewährt höhere Zollvergünstigungen als jedem anderen Land in Südasien. Internationale Hilfe ist auch eine Verpflichtung für die politischen Kräfte in Sri Lanka, die Menschenrechte zu verwirklichen. In überfüllten Lagern werden 250 000 Menschen festgehalten. Ihre Versorgung mit Trinkwasser und Medikamenten ist mangelhaft. Den Hilfsorganisationen wird der Zutritt verwehrt. Es sollte im eigenen Interesse der Regierung sein, schnellstmöglich die Rückkehr in die Heimatdörfer zu organisieren. Die EVP plädiert dafür, dass dabei das Internationale Rote Kreuz eine Schlüsselrolle erhält.

Ein weiteres Feld für notwendige Veränderungen ist die Presse- und die Meinungsfreiheit. Entführung und Verhaftung von Journalisten müssen ein Ende haben. Kritische Artikel dürfen nicht mehr mit Gefängnisstrafen geahndet werden. Als Mitglied der SAARC-Delegation habe ich Sri Lanka mehrfach besuchen können. Ich halte einen Neubeginn für dieses Land dann für chancenreich, wenn sich die Tamilenführer konstruktiv einbringen. Dazu gehört aber die Absage an jede Art von Terrorismus und Gewalt, und dazu gehört die Mitarbeit an einer Strategie zur Verwirklichung der Menschenrechte. Den Bürgern von Sri Lanka wünsche ich, dass eine Aussage, die ich immer wieder gehört habe: „war is an institution“ endlich der Vergangenheit angehört.

(Beifall)

  Joe Higgins, author. − Mr President, the policy pursued towards the Tamil people by the Government of President Rajapaksa has resulted in a nightmare for both the Sinhala and Tamil peoples in Sri Lanka, with massive repression by the Sri Lankan state against individuals and groups who have stood up against its chauvinist policies.

After the defeat of the Tamil Tigers, the nightmare continues for the Tamil people, especially in the north of Sri Lanka, with 300 000 people – including 31 000 children – forcefully detained in camps where disease and malnutrition are rife.

Now a new horror threatens, with reports that the Rajapaksa Government plans to settle Sinhala people in the east and north of Sri Lanka – in other words to colonise the areas where Tamil-speaking people are in the majority. That would be a recipe for communal strife in the future.

The Rajapaksa Government is, in fact, a dictatorship with a very thin democratic veneer. I welcome the opportunity through this resolution to condemn it. I do have a reservation about paragraph 4 because the main terrorism, in fact, has come from the Rajapaksa Government against the people. While, as a Socialist, I believe that guerrillaism under the conditions in Sri Lanka will not bring a solution, the Tamil people do have a right to defend themselves against military repression.

The best way to defend the Tamil people is through a united struggle of Tamil and Sinhala workers and poor against the current government and its new liberal policies, and through the socialist transformation of Sri Lankan society, under which the marvellous resources of that country could be used for the benefit of the entire population. I am proud to be associated with the United Socialist Party in Sri Lanka, which is a sister party of the Socialist Party in Ireland, and which has heroically stood up against the chauvinism of the Government for the rights of the Tamil and Sinhala people and the rights of the Tamil people to self-determination.

  Heidi Hautala, laatija. − Arvoisa puhemies, kaikki mitä kollegat ovat täällä todistaneet Sri Lankan ajankohtaisesta tilanteesta vahvistui, kun ihmisoikeuksien alivaliokunta hiljattain järjesti kuulemistilaisuuden tästä painajaismaisesta tilanteesta.

Voimme todellakin todeta, että näiden 260 000 tuhannen tamilin liikkumista rajoitetaan edelleen kaikkien kansainvälisten oikeudenmääräysten vastaisesti, vaikka itse sodan päättymisestä on kulunut jo kuukausia. Voimme todeta, että lehdistönvapautta on vakavasti rajoitettu. Eilen Reportterit ilman rajoja -järjestö totesi, että Sri Lankan median vapaus on 175 maasta sijaluvulla 162.

Meidän tulee nyt vaatia, että kaikkien valtuutettujen YK-elinten edustajat pääsevät näille leireille. Päätöslauselmassa todetaan paikallisvaalien järjestäminen ja me vihreiden nimissä esitämme hieman miedompaa ilmaisua, ja toivon, että kollegat tukevat sitä. Me haluaisimme vain merkitä tiedoksi, että nämä vaalit järjestetään.

Mitä tulee kauppapoliittiseen kysymykseen, olen hyvin iloinen siitä, että komissio parhaillaan selvittää, miten Sri Lanka toteuttaa erilaisten ihmisoikeussopimusten vaatimuksia. Odotan, että komissio todella tekee objektiivista ja puolueetonta työtä ja aikanaan esittää johtopäätöksen siitä, onko Sri Lanka todellakin ansainnut tämän suosituimmuuskohtelun GSP+ -järjestelmän mukaan.

  Bernd Posselt, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Als Sieger soll man großzügig sein, und ich glaube, dass in Sri Lanka viele dies noch nicht erkannt haben. Es geht hier darum, die Ursache eines Nationalitätenkonfliktes zu lösen, der fürchterlich eskalierte. Wir müssen einfach sehen, dass es kein Konzept gibt, um den Tamilen ihre legitimen Rechte zu gewährleisten. Beide Seiten müssen sich aufeinander zubewegen, um eine politische Lösung zu finden.

Man hat mit Recht die Gewalt bekämpft, die Gewalttäter sind besiegt, und an Gewalt gibt es nichts zu beschönigen. Die Ursachen der Gewalt zu beseitigen, das ist die eigentliche Aufgabe. Es ist leichter, einen Krieg zu beenden als den Frieden zu gestalten. Wir sehen das im Moment in Bosnien, wo lange nach dem Ende des Krieges immer noch keine tragfähige Friedenslösung gefunden wurde.

Ich mache mir große Sorgen um die Stabilität von Sri Lanka, denn dieses Minderheitenproblem gibt es schon seit Jahrhunderten, verschärft durch die Kolonialperiode, und deshalb müssen wir alles daran setzen, zwischen beiden Seiten zu vermitteln und beide Seiten zum Einlenken zu bringen.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg, w imieniu grupy S&D. – Panie Przewodniczący! W maju tego roku, po pokonaniu przez władze rządowe Tamilskich Tygrysów wydawało się, że wojna domowa na Sri Lance po wielu latach nareszcie dobiegła końca. W rzeczywistości jednak niestety wiele problemów tego kraju nadal czeka na rozwiązanie.

Władze rządowe z powodów politycznych przetrzymują ponad 250 tys. osób w obozach, do których dostępu nie mają nawet organizacje humanitarne. Stosowane są represje wobec mediów. We wrześniu tego roku, Najwyższy Sąd w Colombo skazał jednego z dziennikarzy na karę 20 lat pozbawienia wolności, co zostało uznane przez prezydencję Unii za zagrażające wolności słowa i silnie potępione.

Ogromnym utrudnieniem dla rozwoju kraju pozostają także miny przeciwpiechotne stanowiące zagrożenie dla życia i zdrowia ludności. Tymczasem Sri Lanka wciąż nie jest stroną Konwencji Ottawskiej o zakazie min przeciwpiechotnych. Sygnowanie dokumentu na pewno pomogłoby w rozwiązaniu tego problemu i umożliwiłoby jednocześnie krajowi ubieganie się o pomoc dla ofiar wypadków minowych oraz przyspieszyło prowadzoną od 2003 r. ciągle mało skuteczną akcję rozminowywania kraju.

Mieszkańcy Sri Lanki zasługują na prawdziwą demokrację i na normalne życie.

  Karima Delli, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, depuis des mois, le gouvernement du Sri Lanka maintient une chape de plomb sur la situation des civils tamouls, entravant l'accès aux médias étrangers et aux organisations humanitaires. Colombo maintient en détention depuis mars 2009, en violation complète du droit international et des droits humains, presque tous les civils ayant fui les combats entre l'armée et les Tigres tamouls.

En juillet dernier, le gouvernement sri lankais retenait plus de 280 000 personnes dans trente camps gardés par l'armée au nord-est de l'île. Les réfugiés peuvent seulement en sortir pour recevoir des soins médicaux d'urgence, en général accompagnés d'une escorte militaire. Dans certains camps, plus de 1 000 personnes meurent chaque semaine, principalement de dysenterie. Les conditions de vie sont effroyables. Le Président Rajapakse a déclaré la semaine dernière que seuls 100 000 réfugiés tamouls seraient libérés.

Face à l'ampleur du drame, l'Union européenne doit accentuer la pression sur le gouvernement sri lankais pour obtenir la libération immédiate et inconditionnelle de tous les civils, l'accès aux camps pour les journalistes et l'acheminement rapide de l'aide humanitaire.

  Charles Tannock (ECR). - Mr President, as a representative of London, a city that has repeatedly been a target for terrorists in the past 40 years, I have a great deal of sympathy with Sri Lankans of all ethnicities. The relentless terrorist campaign waged by the Tamil Tigers severely blighted the development of that beautiful country.

President Rajapaksa came to power democratically, determined to defeat the LTTE, and his success should be congratulated by all of us who despise terrorism. The Government now has the responsibility of building a post-conflict society with liberty, justice and equality for all Sri Lankans. Returning the IDPs home and trying the war criminals must now be the Government’s priority.

While I concede that President Rajapaksa may have lost some international goodwill through some of his emergency actions in the immediate aftermath of the conflict, I am convinced that the best way forward is to guarantee the development of a secure and prosperous Sri Lanka and support its democratically-elected leader and Government. The EU must maintain the GSP+ trade agreements which, if removed, will directly destroy one million jobs and indirectly economically impact on 2.5 million innocent Sri Lankan citizens.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). - Mr President, I am very pleased as an Irish MEP that my colleagues from Ireland, Joe Higgins and Proinsias De Rossa, have outlined various concerns in Sri Lanka and Iran, and I concur with them. It is appropriate that Ireland should be concerned about these issues because it saw discrimination and loss of life in Northern Ireland for many years. Nevertheless, at the end of the day, the only solution comes through diplomacy and discussion. For that reason, I would hope that when the Lisbon Treaty is enacted the new powers and the status which the President and the High Representative have will be utilised to bring, hopefully, common sense and good understanding to these places so that they will mend their ways and commit to the diplomatic and democratic way of life.

  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, olemme seuranneet ja kommentoineet Sri Lankan tilannetta useaan otteeseen ja välillä melkein menettäneet toivomme ratkaisun löytymisestä. 25 vuotta kestänyt konflikti on kuitenkin päättynyt tamilitiikereiden tappioon tänä vuonna. Pitkä konflikti on tyypillisesti vaatinut paljon kuolonuhreja ja maan sisäisiä pakolaisia sekä aiheuttanut ongelmia niin taloudessa kuin oikeusvaltion kehittämisessä. Nyt maassa eletään toiveikasta, mutta kriittistä vaihetta.

Täällä on mainittu huoli leireillä eläneiden ahdingosta. Kuten päätöslauselmassa toteamme, toivomme, että viranomaiset ottavat pian kansainvälisen avun vastaan ja avaavat leirin humanitaariselle avulle ja koulutetulle konfliktihenkilöstölle. Samaan aikaan tarvitaan myös kansainvälisen yhteisön sitoumus tarttua toimeen kestävän rauhan rakentamiseksi tuolle kauniille saarelle. Avun tulisi ehdottomasti sisältää myös komission rahoittama lisäapu miinojen raivaustyöhön.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE). - Señor Presidente, quería tomar la palabra para, en primer lugar, enfatizar lo que ya ha dicho mi colega Hautala: hay que tener en cuenta el papel que tienen y deben desempeñar las Naciones Unidas en ese proceso, no solamente la Cruz Roja, sino también las Naciones Unidas.

Pero también quería reaccionar a lo que ha dicho nuestro colega Van Orden, porque me parece del todo improcedente que se nos tilde a quienes intentamos utilizar un instrumento claro, como es el de las facilidades comerciales del SGP Plus, de afines, simpatizantes o partidarios del LTTE. ¡No es verdad!

Nosotros sabemos que hay una investigación en estos momentos para determinar exactamente si las autoridades de Sri Lanka están haciendo lo que tienen que hacer para incorporar la legislación de derechos humanos en sus mandatos.

Si esto no se hace bien, es absolutamente normal y necesario que se pueda exigir que no se renueve el mandato del SGP Plus. Por lo tanto, me parece que vincular ese mandato, esa petición, esa solicitud, a una simpatía hacia el LTTE es del todo improcedente.

  Leonard Orban, Membru al Comisiei. − Comisia Europeană a continuat să ţină sub o atentă supraveghere situaţia din Sri Lanka şi să iniţieze cu guvernul din această ţară un dialog pertinent, menit să pună bazele unei noi relaţii în care ambele părţi să depună eforturi pentru a coopera în vederea soluţionării treptate a principalelor aspecte care ridică probleme.

Suntem profund preocupaţi de situaţia umanitară critică din taberele în care sunt deţinute persoanele strămutate intern. Deţinerea fără discernământ a acestor persoane în Sri Lanka reprezintă o încălcare evidentă a normelor de drept internaţional. În acest moment este o necesitate să se asigure de urgenţă tuturor acestor persoane care au mai rămas în tabere, atât libertatea de mişcare, cât şi accesul deplin în aceste tabere al actorilor umanitari, inclusiv în vederea înregistrării, pentru ca aceştia să poată acorda ajutor umanitar şi protecţie.

De asemenea, Comisia este în continuare îngrijorată cu privire la situaţia drepturilor omului în Sri Lanka în contextul informaţiilor legate de execuţiile extrajudiciare, răpiri şi intimidarea de o manieră gravă a mass-mediei. Există obstacole în calea reconcilierii în insulă, atât timp cât nu se iau în considerare nemulţumirile tamililor şi predomină un climat de impunitate. Comisia Europeană are convingerea că esenţa procesului de reconciliere o constituie răspunderea părţilor pentru propriile acţiuni.

Recent, Comisia Europeană a încheiat o investigaţie aprofundată întreprinsă cu privire la situaţia drepturilor omului în Sri Lanka. Scopul acestei misiuni a fost de a constata dacă ţara îndeplineşte sau nu angajamentele asumate atunci când a devenit beneficiarul regimului special de încurajare a dezvoltării durabile şi a bunei guvernări acordat de Uniunea Europeană (sustainable development and good governance GSP Plus) şi anume angajamentele de a respecta normele internaţionale privind drepturile omului.

În urma investigaţiei au fost constatate deficienţe semnificative în legătură cu trei convenţii ale Naţiunilor Unite în ceea ce priveşte drepturile omului – Pactul internaţional privind drepturile civile şi politice, Convenţia împotriva torturii şi Convenţia cu privire la drepturile copilului – ceea ce arată că, în prezent, Sri Lanka nu pune în aplicare aceste convenţii.

În mod inevitabil, această situaţie este de natură să pericliteze acordarea în continuare a beneficiilor comerciale suplimentare în cadrul GSP Plus, întrucât condiţia este ca toţi beneficiarii schemei să fi ratificat şi să fi pus efectiv în aplicare aceste trei convenţii.

Mulţumesc.

  Der Präsident. − Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Wir kommen nun gleich zur Abstimmung.

13. Ħin tal-votazzjonijiet

  Der Präsident. − Ich will dies doch zum Anlass nehmen, zu einem Punkt etwas zu sagen, den wir heute Mittag bei den Stimmerklärungen hatten und jetzt auch bei dem „Catch-the-eye“-Verfahren haben: Die Geschäftsordnung sieht vor, dass nach Beginn der Stimmerklärungen und nach Beginn des „Catch-the-eye“-Verfahrens eigentlich keine Meldungen mehr zulässig sind. Ich hatte die Dienste gebeten, dies vielleicht noch einmal allgemein bekannt zu machen. Wir haben das heute noch einmal locker gehandhabt, aber wir sollten künftig darauf achten, weil wir sonst auch die Zeiten, die wir den Kollegen ankündigen, weit überschreiten.

***

Als nächster Punkt folgt die Abstimmung.

(Abstimmungsergebnisse und sonstige Einzelheiten der Abstimmung: siehe Protokoll)

13.1. Guinea (votazzjoni)

13.2. Iran (votazzjoni)

13.3. Sri Lanka (votazzjoni)

  Thomas Mann, Verfasser. − Herr Präsident! Ich schlage vor, dass wir den Bezugsvermerk Nr. 3 aus der Entschließung herausnehmen, weil die Lage des Journalisten Ti Sei Nayagam nur am Anfang behandelt worden ist, aber nicht weiter in den Auswirkungen. Wir haben dieses Thema bei unseren gemeinsamen Verhandlungen von der Tagesordnung genommen. Deswegen empfehle ich, an dieser Stelle das Thema herauszunehmen. Es bietet sich sicherlich ein anderes Mal die Gelegenheit, das Thema erneut aufzugreifen.

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird angenommen).

14. Korrezzjonijiet u intenzjonijiet għall-vot: ara l-Minuti

15. Kompożizzjoni tal-kumitati: ara l-Minuti

  Bernd Posselt (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Ich bitte um Entschuldigung, aber ich habe heute den ganzen Tag über mehrfach erlebt, dass eine ungarische Rechtsextremistin zu jedem Punkt über Ungarn gesprochen hat. Ich bitte Sie, darauf hinzuweisen, dass wir eine Tagesordnung mit gegliederten Themen haben. Vielleicht weiß das die Kollegin noch nicht.

(Beifall)

  Der Präsident. − Die Kollegin ist leider nicht anwesend. Ich nehme an, dass Sie von Ihrer Bemerkung Kenntnis nehmen wird.

16. Deċiżjonijiet dwar ċertu dokumenti: ara l-minuti

17. Dikjarazzjonijiet bil-miktub imniżżla fir-reġistru (l-Artikolu 123 tar-Regoli ta' Proċedura): ara l-Minuti

18. Trażmissjoni tat-testi adottati waqt is-seduta li għaddejja: ara l-Minuti

19. Dati tas-seduti li jmiss: ara l-Minuti

20. Interruzzjoni tas-sessjoni

  Der Präsident. −

Ich erkläre die Sitzungsperiode des Europäischen Parlaments für unterbrochen.

(Die Sitzung wird um 16.35 Uhr geschlossen).

Can the Council outline the likely timeframe that it intends to pursue to conclude the negotiations concerning the next EU Financial Perspective 2014 - 2021?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the October 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

Given that the current financial framework covers the period 2007 until 2013, the three institutions agreed in the inter-institutional agreement of 17 May 2006 that "before 1 July 2011" the Commission will present proposals for a new financial framework.

Therefore, the exact timeframe for discussion in the Council is in part dependent on when exactly the Commission will present its proposal and on how the Presidency at the time intends to organize the work of the Council.

It is of course clear that, as soon as the Commission makes its proposal, the Council will examine it with a view to its adoption in good time before the expiry of the current financial framework.

The current IIA of 17 May 2006 and the Financial Framework for 2007-2013 will remain in force until they are amended or replaced by a new legal act and instrument.

If the Lisbon Treaty is adopted, the October European Council will have the opportunity to deal with the nominations for the newly created role of President of the European Council.

The new President will have a very important role in representing the Council on the world stage. It is imperative therefore that those nominations be carefully scrutinised.

What procedure will be put in place for the election of a President of the European Council and how will the Swedish Presidency ensure that the process is fair and democratic and that the successful candidate will represent the principles and values of the citizens of the European Union?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the October 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

Under the Treaty of Lisbon, the future President of the European Council will have an important role to play, on the world stage, as the Honourable Member points out, but also more generally, in driving the work of the European Council forward and ensuring its preparation and continuity.

There is as yet no clarity on the date of the entry into force of the new Treaty and on the timing of the designation of the future President of the European Council. The Treaty has been accepted by 26 Member States, but is yet subject to ratification by the Czech Republic.

At the appropriate moment, the President of the European Council will consult all his colleagues, with a view to the Heads of State or Government reaching an agreement on the person best suited for the job. According to the Treaty of Lisbon, it is entirely up to the European Council to elect its President, and this will be done by a qualified majority in the European Council. The President is elected for a term of two and a half years, renewable once.

Can the Council state what programmes it is implementing so that all sectors of European society can benefit from the use of new and evolving technologies, particularly during this very difficult economic period?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the October 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council share the view of the Honourable Member that it is essential to ensure that all sectors of European society benefit from the use of new and evolving technologies. It will be essential for Europe in order to respond to our common long term challenges such as globalisation, climate change and an ageing population. It is also, in the short term, vital to pave the way for a sustainable recovery of our economies.

A number of programmes and activities organised by the European Community in the area of research, technological development and innovation. help to ensure that new and evolving technologies benefit all sectors of European society:

- The Seventh Framework Programme for research, technological development and demonstration activities , adopted for the period 2007 to 2013has the overall objective of strengthening the scientific and technological bases of Community industry. Knowledge transfer, making sure that research results and technologies are put to use in society is an integral part of the Framework programme. This programme also seeks to provide a more stable foundation for the European Research Area (ERA) by giving attractive conditions and effective and efficient governance for research and investment in research and technological development and thus make a positive contribution to the social, cultural and economic development of all Member States. Future Framework programmes should better address the major societal challenges. Council conclusions outlining how this should be done, with a high involvement of all stakeholders, is being brought forward during the Swedish Presidency.

- The Competitiveness and Innovation Framework Programme (CIP), adopted for the period 2007 to 2013has small and medium-sized enterprises as its main target, and the programme supports innovation activities including eco-innovation, provides better access to finance and business support services. It encourages a better take-up and use of information and communications technologies as well as promotes the increased use of renewable energies and energy efficiency.

In addition to the abovementioned programmes, the European Institute for Innovation and Technology (EIT), established by a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council of March 2008, is intended to contribute to sustainable European economic growth and competitiveness by reinforcing the innovation capacity of the Member States and the Community. This institution builds on the concept of the knowledge triangle where interaction between higher education, research and innovation is promoted to make better use of Europe’s investment in knowledge. Promoting the knowledge triangle is a priority of the Swedish Presidency.

All these programmes are currently being implemented by the Commission; The EIT, for its part, has a high degree of autonomy in its activities.

In addition to these European Community programmes and activities, the Council is engaged in identifying initiatives for joint programming of research in Europe, through the voluntary coordination of Member States' national programmes. This aims at addressing major global and societal challenges, in order to strengthen Europe's capacity to transform the results of its research into tangible benefits for society and for the overall competitiveness of its economy.

In the area of innovation policy, the "Lead Market initiative" established by a Commission communication following an invitation by the Council, will focus on promoting markets from innovative services and products in areas such as e-health. It is intended to help draw practical benefit for society as a whole from research and development of new technologies.

In December 2008, the Council adopted the “Vision 2020", in which it expressed that by 2020, all players would fully benefit from the "fifth freedom" across the ERA: free circulation of researchers, knowledge and technology. A new governance scheme which includes a more coherent strategy is expected to be approved under the Swedish Presidency.

The i2010-strategy brings together all European Union policies, initiatives and actions that aim to boost the development and the use of digital technologies in every day working and private life. The i2010 strategy include various actions such as regulation, funding for research and pilot projects, promotion activities and partnerships with stakeholders. To respond to the challenges of continued growth and a more eco-efficient development, the Council is currently promoting efforts for a renewed European policy agenda for ICT.

Finally, I would like to recall that the European Economic Recovery Plan adopted by the European Council in December 2008 includes measures in the area of research and technological development, such as developing broadband internet, including in areas that are poorly served. The European Council has agreed to achieve 100% high-speed internet coverage in the EU by 2013. The EU Member States have endorsed the proposals of the European Commission from January 2009 to earmark € 1 billion to help rural areas get online, bring new jobs and help businesses growth.

Can the Council make a statement outlining the state of play concerning Icelandic accession negotiations with the European Union?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the October 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

Iceland's application for membership of the European Union has been submitted officially on 16 July 2009 to the President of the European Council, The Swedish Prime Minister Mr Fredrik Reinfeldt and also to the President of the General and External Affairs Council, Mr Carl Bildt , and forwarded immediately to the members of the Council. The Swedish Presidency welcomes Iceland’s application for membership.

At its meeting of 27 July 2009, the Council recalled the renewed consensus on enlargement as expressed in the conclusions of the European Council of 14/15 December 2006, including the principle that each applicant country is assessed on its own merits, and decided to implement the procedure laid down in Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union. Accordingly, the Commission was invited to submit to the Council its opinion on this application.

The Council will examine this opinion once it has been provided.

Is the Council prepared to request that the Israeli authorities allow the opening up of sea routes in order to facilitate the provision of vital supplies to the Palestinian population of Gaza and is the Council satisfied that the Israeli Authorities are abiding by the conditions of the Euro-Med agreements?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the October 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council has reiterated on a number occasions the urgency of a durable solution on the Gaza crisis through the full implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1860. As far as the specific issue of access is concerned, I can confirm that the EU regularly calls for the immediate and unconditional opening of crossings for the flow of humanitarian aid, commercial goods and persons to and from Gaza, without which the unimpeded delivery of humanitarian aid, reconstruction and economic recovery will not be possible, and on the basis of the full implementation of the Agreement on Access and Movement of 2005.

The Euro-Mediterranean Agreement with Israel provides a framework for political dialogue, allowing the development of close political relations between the parties. This dialogue and cooperation can help develop better mutual understanding and provides us with an opportunity to raise all relevant issues with the Israeli authorities at various different levels.

I would also like to add that the Council maintains its view that the political process, based on the parties’ previous commitments, represents the only route to achieving a negotiated two-state solution agreed between the parties, which would result in an independent, democratic, contiguous and viable Palestinian state, living side-by-side in peace and security with the State of Israel.

Συνολικά 1.041.821 άνθρωποι που εισήλθαν ή έφυγαν από την Ελλάδα φακελώθηκαν μέσα σε μία μόλις εβδομάδα, σε μια ευρείας κλίμακας άσκηση που πραγματοποιήθηκε σε 24 κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ, το διάστημα 31/8 με 6/9/2009. Το σύνολο όσων φακελώθηκαν και καταχωρήθηκαν ηλεκτρονικά ανέρχεται σε επίπεδο ΕΕ σε 12.907.581. Η άσκηση πραγματοποιήθηκε με την υπ' αριθμόν 10410/09 εντολή της Επιτροπής Μετανάστευσης της ΕΕ, με στόχο τη συλλογή των προσωπικών στοιχείων όλων όσοι επρόκειτο να μπουν ή να βγουν από τα σύνορα της ΕΕ. Η Ελλάδα, υλοποιώντας το ευρωενωσιακό θεσμικό πλαίσιο που αποδέχτηκαν και υιοθέτησαν οι κυβερνήσεις ΝΔ/ ΠΑΣΟΚ, κατέλαβε την 5η θέση στον αριθμό όσων έσπευσε να φακελώσει.

Πώς τοποθετείται το Συμβούλιο σχετικά με τέτοιες ασκήσεις που εντάσσονται στην επιδίωξη οικοδόμησης μιας «Ευρώπης - φρουρίου», τη δημιουργία γιγαντιαίου συστήματος ηλεκτρονικού ελέγχου των συνόρων και φακελώματος όλων των ταξιδιωτών, που περιορίζουν δραστικά θεμελιώδη δημοκρατικά δικαιώματα και ελευθερίες;

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the October 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council wishes to draw the attention of the Honourable member to the fact that the data collection exercise carried out from 31 August to 6 September 2009 was limited to the registration of the number of entries and exits of different categories of travellers at different types of external borders. It did not involve the registration of personal data.

Indeed, the aim of the exercise was the gathering of comparable data on entries and exits of different categories of travellers at different types of external borders, given that currently they are not available in all Member States. This data would be useful in preparatory work within the Commission. The aim would be to submit a legislative proposal on the creation of a system of electronic recording of entry and exit data in the beginning of 2010. The purpose of such a system will be, if presented, to facilitate the detection of overstayers and the identification of undocumented persons.

The idea of creating such a system was launched by the Commission in its Communication of February 2008 on "Preparing the next steps in border management in the European Union". The communication was supported by the Council.

In its "Conclusions on the management of the external borders of the Member States of the European Union" of June 2008, the Council stressed the need to make use of available technology to better manage the external borders and illegal immigration. Therefore, the Council called upon the Commission to present, if considered appropriate proposals for an entry/exit and registered traveller system for third country nationals by the beginning of the 2010,.

In the examination of such a proposal, the Council will take into account the resolution adopted by the European Parliament in March 2009 on "the next steps in border management in the European Union and similar experiences in third countries". The aforementioned conclusions emphasised the requirement for new systems to comply in full with Community law, principles on data protection, human rights, international protection and proportionality as well as reflecting a cost benefit approach and added value of technology.

I can assure the Honourable member that the purpose of an entry/exit system is not to stop people from travelling to the European Union or to create a “Fortress Europe”, but to get a better picture of who is actually staying here. When it comes to the balance between security and integrity this is something that the Swedish presidency, and I believe also the other Member States, is now following very closely and as the Commission presents its proposal, we will continue to do so.

On 30 September 2009 the EU-commissioned independent fact-finding mission on Georgia released its report on the outbreak of war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008. The report has been interpreted differently by the opposing camps as regards who is actually to blame for military actions and hundreds of lost lives. However, the report is rather explicit about the provocations on the Russian side prior to the war and it states that issuing passports to the citizens of Georgia in South Ossetia and Abkhazia for some years had been illegal.

What is the actual position of the Council on the report and its findings? How does the report change the political situation in the region? Does the Council now see a need to engage more actively in the region to prevent further escalation of the conflict? How does the Council intend to react to the report and its findings?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the October 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council expressed its appreciation to Ambassador Heidi Tagliavini, and the entire staff of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Conflict in Georgia (IIFFMCG), for the work they have accomplished in carrying out this very challenging task. Nevertheless, I would like to underline that this is an independent report. The EU supported the idea of an inquiry, commissioned a fact-finding mission and provided it with financial support, but was in no way involved either in the investigation, or in its findings. The EU has welcomed the presentation of the report. The EU hopes that the findings can contribute towards a better understanding of the origins, and the course of the August 2008 conflict, and, in a broader perspective, serve as an input to future international efforts in the field of preventive diplomacy.

The Council considers that a peaceful and lasting solution to the conflicts in Georgia must be based on full respect for the principles of independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity as recognised by international law, including the Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, and United Nations Security Council resolutions and we remain committed to achieving this.

In this sense, the Council remains fully committed to the Geneva international discussions. Despite existing difficulties and differences amongst participants, the Council considers the continuation of the Geneva discussions to be of great importance as they are the only forum in which all sides are represented and three major international actors - the EU, the OSCE and the UN - work in close cooperation in support of security and stability in the region. We look forward for the next round of consultations on 11 November.

I would like to also underline that the EU will continue to be actively engaged in Georgia. Its commitment is tangible in several ways. First of all, through the continued presence on the ground - the only international presence after the OSCE and UN missions had to be discontinued - of the EU Monitoring Mission (EUMM in Georgia) in order to monitor the implementation of the ceasefire agreements of 12 August and 8 September 2008, which remains to be fulfilled, and to contribute to the stabilisation and the normalisation of the situation in the areas affected by the war, and to observe the compliance with human rights and the rule of law. The mandate of EUMM has been extended until September 2010.

In this sense, and as the Honourable Member already know, the EU played a leading role, through the EUSR for the Crisis in Georgia, together with the UN and OSCE, as Co-Chair of the Geneva international discussions, the sole international forum where all the parties are represented.

The EU also pledged increased financial assistance in the framework of the International Donors' Conference on 22 October 2008, aimed at post-conflict rehabilitation, support to internally displaced people (IDPs) and economic stability.

The EU furthermore provides continuous support, through the activity of the EUSR for the South Caucasus and financial assistance, to Georgia in its process of internal reforms aiming at strengthening democratic institutions and the rule of law, as well as fostering people-to-people contacts and civil society dialogue.

Finally, the EU's commitment is mirrored in the objective and the offer of developing an increasingly close relationship with Georgia, as well as with the other South Caucasus countries, within the Eastern Partnership.

The countries of Europe are dedicated to the integrity and strengthening of pluralistic democracies. What steps does the Council propose to prevent groups like the Khalistanis seeking the dismemberment of a liberal, democratic nation like India?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the October 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The European Union actively promotes values that serve to support peace and democracy. These include fundamental values such as human rights and the rule of law, freedom, solidarity and the respect for diversity. 

India is one of the largest and most pluralistic societies in the world. All the major religions, including Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, and Sikhism have a number of followers in India. The EU recognizes the fact that India's constitution secures individual as well as group rights in the constitutional framework.

The European Union strongly opposes the use of force to attempt to weaken the existing democratic institutions of States such as India. This is why the Council agreed in 2005 to include the 'Khalistan Zindabad Force - KZF' on the list of certain persons and entities subject to specific restrictive measures with a view to combating terrorism. When this list was reviewed in June 2009, the Council decided to maintain the KZF on the list.

Is the Council aware that the accession of the territory of the province of Baluchistan to Pakistan was engineered through force and manipulation? If so, does the Council believe that the countries of Europe must give full support to the quest for self-rule and self-determination of the people of Baluchistan?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the October 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

he question of self-determination of the people of Balochistan has not been addressed by the Council. It therefore has no position on the specific issue raised in the question by the Honourable Member.

Laut der Information des Generalsekretärs des Rates zu dem Thema „Offenheit und Transparenz der Arbeiten des Rates“ vom 22.12.2005 "hat jeder Bürger unter den in den geltenden Vorschriften vorgesehenen Bedingungen Zugang zu den Dokumenten des Rates. Ein öffentliches Register der Dokumente des Rates ist auf der Website des Rates (http://register.consilium.eu.int) zugänglich".

Warum findet sich auf der Internetseite des Rates (http://www.consilium.europa.eu) dann aber keine Verlinkung zu diesem Register?

Warum erfüllt das Register (http://register.consilium.eu.int) und die Internetseite des Rates insgesamt nicht die inzwischen etablierten internationalen Standards an Übersichtlichkeit, Klarheit und Einfachheit?

Was gedenkt der Rat zu tun, um dem Abhilfe zu schaffen?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the October 2009 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council website does indeed have a link to the Public Register. This link can most easily be reached by clicking on the banner named "Access to Documents: Public Register" which can be found directly on the Council home page. In order to facilitate access to the Register, this link is available in all 23 official languages of the European Union.

The Public Register was established in 1999 as a means for the general public to access Council documents, increasing thereby the transparency of the Council's work. It has since grown dramatically and now contains more than one million documents, almost three quarts of which are directly available in full text. The register has been visited almost 900 000 times last year, another sign of its appreciation by users who are able through this instrument to access Council documents in a simple way.

I would draw attention of the Honourable Member to the fact that the information sheet to which he refers is obsolete and does no longer reflect the current situation. It has been replaced in January 2009 by a new leaflet "How to get information on the activities of the Council of the EU", available in all EU official languages for download on the Council website.

In fact, the Council Register is regularly updated in order to respond to the increasing need for information expressed by the public. The user-friendly access to the Register via the internet and the respect of the principle of multilingualism have led not only to a consistent increase in the number of consultations and requests for documents, but also to a wider professional and geographical spread of web users who access this instrument.

Of course, there is always room for improvement, and the Council is working on a modernisation of its website. The first stage - restyling - is in progress. In any case, the links to the public register on the home page will be maintained.

Taking into account the positive measures which the European Commission and the European Investment Bank (EIB) have taken to ensure that SMEs have access to much-needed finance (the SME guarantee facility, the high-growth and innovative SME facility and the EIB’s loans for SMEs), and in the light of a recent survey in Ireland which revealed that since January 2009 more than 54% of SMEs in Ireland have been refused access to finance by financial institutions administering EIB loans - what concrete steps is the Commission taking to ensure that the financial institutions which are administering these funds are granting SMEs access to finance? What mechanisms has the European Commission put in place in order to monitor the effectiveness, impact and additionality of these loans to SMEs?

The Commission implements the Competitiveness and Innovation Programme (CIP) within the Member States and other participating countries.

Of the two facilities available under this programme, the High Growth and Innovative Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (SME) Facility has led to one deal signed with an Irish venture capital company since the start of the programme, for a total EU investment of € 15 million. One contract has also been signed to date under the SME Guarantee Facility with an Irish financial intermediary, First Step Ltd., a microfinance provider, guaranteeing loans up to a maximum volume of € 3 million, to be used for business development.

Notices of implementation, informing prospective financial intermediaries how to apply for participation in the programme, were published in the Official Journal of the European Union on 26/09/2007 and 14/12/2007, and all such applications are examined by the European Investment Fund (EIF) acting on behalf of the Commission.

Guarantees and investments under these facilities are made on the condition that such funding is used to make loans or investments in the target sectors set out in the legal base of the CIP.

The Commission uses the mechanisms required by the Financial Regulation and the CIP legal base to monitor the effectiveness, impact and additionality of the facilities:

- the effectiveness of the facilities is monitored through quarterly reporting from the financial intermediaries and through external evaluations;

- the impact is monitored by, among others, statistics concerning the number of companies supported, the amount of investment realised and the number of jobs in the small companies that benefit from the EU guarantee or investment;

- the additionality is achieved by, among others, helping intermediaries to substantially increase lending volumes and to make venture capital investments.

In addition to funding made available by the Commission under the CIP, the European Investment Bank (EIB) provides loans for SMEs which are designed to support their investments through medium and long term finance. This support is provided through local banking intermediaries who in turn on-lend to final beneficiary SMEs in accordance with their individual credit policies.

While the Commission is not involved in the arrangements between the EIB and the banking intermediaries, the EIB is actively monitoring the allocation to SMEs of those funds that have been drawn by the EIB’s Irish intermediaries (€ 125 million have already been drawn and € 50 million are expected to be drawn shortly out of a total € 350 million EIB commitment). Under the EIB's agreement with the banking intermediaries, the banks have a deadline by which they must allocate the funds to SMEs. Banks have reported to the EIB that allocations are progressing relatively slowly at a rate reflecting a lower demand by Irish SMEs for medium to long term investment credit.

According to the EIB, while under current circumstances SMEs have had greater difficulty obtaining credit, the continuation of the Irish banks' support to the SME sector remains one of their top priorities. In particular, the EIB’s intermediaries have not suggested that they are turning aside a significantly higher proportion of SMEs eligible and relevant requests for funding their medium to long term investments. The EIB staff will be meeting the Irish banks soon to investigate whether there are any unforeseen obstacles in distributing EIB's financing, and to work on accelerating the banks' allocation of funding to their SME customers.

Ερωτάται η Επιτροπή: Ποιά στοιχεία διαθέτει σχετικά με το ξέπλυμα βρώμικου χρήματος στην ευρωπαϊκή ποδοσφαιρική αγορά; Ποιά μέτρα προτείνει για την αντιμετώπιση του εν λόγω φαινομένου;

In its White Paper on Sport, published in July 2007⁽¹⁾, the Commission noted that corruption, money laundering and other forms of financial crime may affect sport at the local, national and international levels. The White Paper contains the Pierre de Coubertin Action Plan, which namely through actions 44 and 45 proposes to tackle cross-border corruption-related issues at the European level and to monitor the implementation of the EU anti-money laundering legislation with regard to the sport sector.

At this stage, the Commission has no direct evidence of money laundering in the European football market. The FATF (Financial Action Task Force), the international body setting the global standards on the prevention of and the fight against money laundering, published a Report in July 2009on money laundering through the football sector. The report examines the sector in economic and social terms and provides case examples identifying areas that could be exploited by those who want to invest illegal money into football. The vulnerable areas relate to ownership of football clubs; the transfer market and ownership of players; betting activities; image rights; sponsorship and advertising arrangements. The report is however not conclusive on the extent of money laundering within the football sector in Europe.

Besides and also as part of the implementation of the Pierre de Coubertin Action Plan a number of studies have been launched by the Commission or are in preparation concerning the issues covered by the FATF report. A study on sports agents (action 41) should be completed by the end of 2009. The study will address problems posed by the activities of sports agents in Europe. Another study on internal market barriers to the financing of sport will be carried out in 2010 (action 37). It will address, among other things, the issue of sports betting.

Finally, it should be underlined that the Commission does not have competence to investigate specific claims regarding money laundering or other criminal activity unless related to the protection of the financial interests of the Community and falling under the competencies of OLAF.

Προτίθεστε να ενισχύσετε οικονομικά τις περιοχές των κρατών μελών που πλήττονται από την αθρόα παράνομη μεταναστευτική ροή (πχ κέντρο Αθήνας) και ποιό είναι το βραχυπρόθεσμο και μακροπρόθεσμο σχέδιο της ΕΕ για την αντιμετώπιση των μεταναστευτικών ροών προς την Ευρώπη; Συγκεκριμένα, υπάρχει σχέδιο πίεσης των χωρών που στέλνουν μετανάστες, αλλά και όσων επιτρέπουν τη διέλευση (πχ Τουρκία) για να δεχθούν την επαναπροώθηση, και εάν σκοπεύετε να αποδεχθείτε την ισομερή κατανομή των λαθρομεταναστών στα κράτη μέλη ανάλογα με τον πληθυσμό τους ώστε να μη δέχονται την πίεση μόνο οι μεσογειακές χώρες;

The European Union provides financial assistance to Member States in the area of migration through the four Funds established within the framework of the General programme Solidarity and Management of Migration flows, which are the European Fund for the integration of third country nationals, the European Refugee Fund, the European External Borders Fund and the European Return Fund. The last two in particular help Member States to prevent and address the consequences of irregular migration. The Funds are managed in a decentralised manner by national authorities of each Member State.

In addition to that, the European Commission is already providing technical and financial assistance to, developing a dialogue, and in some cases it is also carrying out negotiations with third countries of origin and of transit of migration, in order to promote their capacities to tackle irregular migration in accordance with international standards and to facilitate their cooperation with the European Union in this matter.

As regards cooperation with third countries of transit, it should be underlined that the Commission, on behalf of the European Community, is negotiating a readmission agreement with Turkey which should also include provisions related to the readmission of third-country nationals.In addition, the Commission, which is already financing projects for up to approximately €90 million in Turkey to support its capacity to align its legislation and the practices of its administration up to European Union standards in the area of border surveillance, prevention and management of irregular migration, and asylum, is pushing Turkish authorities to further enhance their cooperation with the European Union in all these areas.

Within this context, and to give an immediate follow-up to the June 2009 European Council, a delegation of senior officials of the Commission, visited Ankara on 16 and 17 September 2009, with the aim of discussing with the Turkish authorities the possibilities for resuming formal negotiations on a readmission agreement between Turkey and the European Community, and of discussing ways and means to raise their engagement in the prevention of irregular migration and in the management of mixed migratory flows. The mission provided the indication that the Turkish authorities are ready to intensify the cooperation with the EU and to formally agree a stable commitment and a number of concrete measures at the occasion of a visit of Vice-President Barrot and of Minister Billström in early November 2009.

The Commission is fully aware that specific and disproportionate migratory pressures are put on certain Member States and notes that the European Council underlined in its Conclusions of 18/19 June 2009 that it welcomes the intention of the Commission to take initiatives in this respect. While the issue of redistribution of illegally staying migrants is not currently envisaged at EU level, the Commission considers it crucial to provide practical help to the Mediterranean countries that are mostly affected. It is, therefore pursuing initiatives of new forms of solidarity, such as the redistribution of beneficiaries of international protection between Member States on a voluntary basis, with the aim of reducing the disproportionate burden placed on some Member States with the assistance of others. The first pilot project is being developed in Malta.

Dabar, ekonomikos ir finansų krizės laikotarpiu, Europos Sąjungos valstybės narės deda ypatingas pastangas, kad sumažintų administracines valstybės aparato išlaidas, maksimaliai taupiai naudotų lėšas ir resursus. Valstybės narės, ir, dar svarbiau, ES piliečiai, be jokios abejonės, laukia panašių žingsnių ir iš Briuselio.

Kokių priemonių šia linkme Europos Komisija jau ėmėsi ir ką dar numatoma padaryti ateityje?

The Commission is fully committed to making the most economic use of its administration resources. For 2010, the Commission has proposed a modest increase of 0,9 % for its own administrative expenditure.

This small increase budget covers the effect of the growing security needs, an important redeployment from Headquarters to Delegations to reinforce the external projection of internal policies as well as the increase in energy prices.

To reconcile political priorities with budgetary constraints, the Commission has made particular efforts to limit expenditure and use resources in the best possible way.

Firstly, for 2010 the Commission has requested no new posts. Human resources needs for political priorities will be met by internal redeployment (around 600 in total in 2010).

Secondly, a careful vetting of all items of expenditure has brought savings due to the decreasing costs of some goods, the application of ecological principles and the exploitation of technology.

Thirdly, the Commission is already committed to meeting all staffing needs up to 2013 under constant resources unless significant events occur which would have a serious impact on the Commission competences or its linguistic regime. It will also continue a careful screening of the various types of expenditure and take advantage of all opportunities for savings.

To conclude: the Commission will implement its ambitious political objectives while limiting administrative expenditure to the maximum extent possible.

Det har snart gått tre år sedan vi antog EU:s alkoholstrategi. Meningen var att man skulle utvärdera strategin till sommaren 2009. Jag har förstått att kommissionen har valt att skjuta på utvärderingen av alkoholstrategin.

Med anledning av ovan ställer jag följande frågor:

Vad är anledningen till att strategin inte har utvärderats? När kan vi räkna med en utvärdering av EU:s alkoholstrategi? Hur har kommissionen övervakat genomförandet av strategin i de olika medlemsländerna?

The Commission would like to thank the Honourable Member for her interest in an important aspect of public health policy: alcohol policy.

During the Expert Conference on Alcohol and Health (21-22 September), organised by the Swedish EU Presidency and the Commission, the first Progress Report on the Implementation of the EU Alcohol Strategy was presented by the Directorate-General for Health and Consumer Protection. The Report is available on the Commission's Public Health Directorate web pages⁽¹⁾.

The Commission is supporting Member States in implementing the strategy at national level in a number of ways, as the Progress Report describes. These include the setting up of a Committee on National Alcohol Policy and Action as a forum for Member States to share experiences and develop common approaches. This Committee has met five times so far.

The Commission has also facilitated the work of a Committee to develop common indicators to allow for comparative analysis within the EU. The Progress Report describes actions taken so far in the Member States, with particular reference to good practice that was agreed in the Council Recommendation of 2001⁽²⁾. The Commission has also carried out two surveys of Member States activity in the priority areas identified in the strategy. Annex 1 of the Progress Report provides an update of Member States activities since the adoption of the Strategy.

Ar sunki ekonominė situacija Europos Sąjungos valstybėse ir Lietuvoje nėra pakankamas pagrindas taikyti Akto dėl Čekijos, Estijos, Kipro, Latvijos, Lietuvos, Vengrijos, Maltos, Lenkijos, Slovėnijos ir Slovakijos stojimo sąlygų 37 straipsnio ir protokolo Nr. 4 ketvirto straipsnio nuostatas ir Europos Komisijai priimti sprendimą atidėti Lietuvos įsipareigojimo uždaryti Ignalinos atominės elektrinės antrąjį bloką 2009 metais terminą iki 2012 metų?

Nuclear safety is an absolute priority for the EU, as demonstrated by the unanimous adoption by the Council of the Nuclear Safety Directive on 25 June 2009⁽¹⁾. Given inherent weaknesses in the reactor design (in particular the lack of secondary containment of the reactor), it is impossible to upgrade the Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant (INPP) to appropriate standards of safety. Upgrades that were made in the past only allow basic safety for operation until the end of 2009, when the second unit of INPP must be closed down as part of Lithuania's EU accession commitments. The safeguard clause contained in Article 37 of Lithuania's Act of Accession, referring to serious economic difficulties, could be invoked only for three years after Lithuania's accession.

The EU has provided and continues to provide a total of € 1.3 billion to support decommissioning of the INPP and the development of alternative power supplies in Lithuania. This funding is conditional on Lithuania respecting the agreed date for the closure of the INPP.

The protocol n° 4 to the Act of Accession recognises the environmental upgrading of the Lithuanian Thermal Power Plant as the major replacement of the Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant. This upgrade was finalised in September 2008, and therefore no shortfall is expected in available energy supplies after the closure of INPP. In addition, district heating projects at Ignalina and energy efficiency measures for residential buildings have been supported by the Commission, as well as a Combined Cycle Gas Turbine plant (CCGT) project which is foreseen to be completed by 2013.

It is important to continue the work on ensuring energy security in the Baltic region, including improving energy efficiency and cross border connections. The Commission is committed, together with the support from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, to continue to work closely with Lithuania to ensure the efficient decommissioning of the Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant.

Większość krajów Europy wprowadziło opłaty za korzystanie z autostrad oraz niektórych dróg ekspresowych. Regulowanie opłat odbywa się w różny, charakterystyczny dla każdego kraju sposób. Opłaty mogą być pobierane bezpośrednio przy bramkach wjazdowych na dany odcinek drogi lub w formie winiet okresowych. Ustalanie opłat za winiety odbywa się w sposób dowolnie kreowany przez każde z państw Unii Europejskiej.

Jako przykłady podaję rozwiązania przyjęte w kilku Państwach Członkowskich, w których, w mojej ocenie, opłaty pobierane są w sposób krzywdzący dla pojazdów poruszających się tranzytem do innego kraju. Zauważyć bowiem należy, iż kierowcy tych pojazdów z reguły przejeżdżają dany kraj podczas jednego dnia i nie mają możliwości nabycia winiety jednodniowej. (np. Austria, Czechy).

Możliwość ustalania i pobierania opłat za przejazd autostradami jest niekwestionowanym prawem każdego z Państw Członkowskich. Jednak brak ujednoliconych reguł w kwestii dostosowania pobieranych opłat do rzeczywistego czasu przejazdu autostradami może stanowić poważne zagrożenie dla jednej z fundamentalnych zasad Unii Europejskiej tj. swobody przepływu osób. Wskutek powyższego, skłaniam się do przedstawienia pod rozwagę czy w świetle zasady swobodnego przemieszczania się obywateli Unii Europejskiej nie należałoby na poziomie Wspólnoty Europejskiej sporządzić wytycznych dla państw Unii Europejskiej, które określałyby ramy zapewniające równość wszystkich obywateli w rzeczonej kwestii?

A framework to ensure equal treatment of road users exists as far as it concerns commercial transport. The Directive 1999/62 on road user charges (Eurovignette)⁽¹⁾ as amended by Directive 2006/38⁽²⁾ regulates the charging framework for heavy goods vehicles in a way that the imposition of distance-based tolls or user charges does not discriminate, directly or indirectly, on the grounds of nationality, the country or place of establishment or of the registration of the vehicle, or the origin or destination of the transport operation. The Directive stipulates that time-based user charges must be available for periods between one day and one year.

Member States are free to apply tolls and user charges also to other vehicles, such as light goods vehicles, buses and passenger cars, under national legislation and provided that the Treaty principles of non discrimination and proportionality are respected. Proportionately-priced charges for transit or shorter term usage of the infrastructure should be available inside and outside the Member State in which they are applied, and with as little hindrance to the flow of traffic as possible.

La Comisión Europea adoptó el pasado mes de julio un plan a largo plazo para la recuperación de los recursos de anchoa en el Golfo de Vizcaya. De acuerdo con los servicios competentes de la Dirección General de Pesca de la Comisión, dicha propuesta ha sido elaborada en plena sintonía con las demandas realizadas por los representantes del sector.

El comisario Joe Borg quiere concluir un acuerdo antes de finales de año. ¿Acaso quiere eso decir que el Ejecutivo comunitario vislumbra alguna posibilidad de reabrir la veda aplicada a la anchoa el próximo año? ¿Introduce el plan algún cambio en los criterios científicos seguidos hasta ahora para el establecimiento del TAC?

The Commission would like to emphasise that any possible lifting of the current closure will depend on the status of the stock, as assessed by the relevant scientific advice provided by the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea (ICES) to the Commission. The next occasion on which this assessment will be available will be June 2010, once the results of the spring scientific survey are processed. According to the proposed plan, which the Commission hopes to see in force by then, the anchovy fishery in the Bay of Biscay could proceed if the scientific advice assesses that the stock's biomass is above 24 000 tones. At lower levels, the plan stipulates that the fishery should remain closed.

Moving to a long-term management approach does not guarantee an automatic re-opening of the fishery if the current low biomass levels persist. What the plan does provide is exploitation boundaries for the stock that reduce the risk of collapse. It therefore aims at guaranteeing the industry the best chances for a stable fishery, as well as the highest yields that the stock can produce within the limits of sustainability. The Commission has always based its proposals on the best science available and taken the long-term interests of the industry at heart. The method followed by the plan to determine the annual fishing possibilities has the full support of the South Western Waters Regional Advisory Council.

Does the Commission propose to introduce a directive to lay down a maximum limit for hydrogenated acids/trans-fasts in foodstuffs in view of the fact that this ingredient is a proven contributory factor to coronary diseases?

The Commission is committed to using the appropriate means available to promote consumer protection and health. It encourages initiatives that can help prevent the development of cardiovascular disease in Europe. Trans fatty acid consumption is one of the risk factors of cardiovascular disease in Europe along with overall fat intake and the intake of saturated fatty acids.

The Commission believes that dietary habits depend on many different factors. Influencing them is a very complex exercise that requires a variety of actions. These should be proportionate and take into account the respective competence and responsibilities of the European Community and its Member States. In that framework the Commission is both encouraging the adoption of self-regulatory measures and considering regulatory ones. The extent of the regulatory measures would certainly be influenced by the effectiveness of self-regulatory measures.

At the moment, a legal restriction regarding the content of trans fat in food is seen by the Commission as neither an appropriate nor a proportionate measure on the EU level.

The economic downturn has led to a significant decline in the sale value of bloodstock. There has been a marked increase in the number of abandoned horses in many Member States, with owners unable to pay for the care of their animals. Does the Commission share the concerns expressed by animal welfare organisations regarding the well-being of horses at this time? Has the Commission any plans to examine this issue, or indeed any proposed action on it?

The Commission has not received information from the Member States or complaints from non governmental organisations for the protection of animals regarding a marked increase of abandoned horses due to the decline of sale values of bloodstock. However, the Commission is aware of the issue through articles published in the press.

Council Directive 98/58/EC of 20 July 1998⁽¹⁾ lays down general minimum standards for the protection of animals bred or kept for farming purposes, including horses. The Directive does not apply to horses intended for use in competitions, shows, cultural or sporting events or activities. The Directive requires that Member States ensure that the owners or keepers take all reasonable steps to ensure the welfare of animals under their care and to ensure that those animals are not caused any unnecessary pain, suffering or injury.

Member States are primarily responsible to implement this Directive and, in accordance with Regulation (EC) No 882/2004⁽²⁾ on official controls, they must take all the necessary measures to ensure that Community provisions relating to the protection of animal health and welfare are implemented.

It is the responsibility of the Member States to ensure that the opportunities provided by Community legislation are used in a sensible way and thus help to prevent neglect and abandoning of horses that for economical reasons can no longer be kept under adequate conditions. In this respect, the Commission wishes to draw the attention of the Honourable Member to Regulation (EC) No 504/2008⁽³⁾ on the identification of equidae, which is important when considering, under controlled conditions regarding food safety, the slaughter option for equine animals.

In March of this year, the European Parliament voted on the motion for resolution on the Commission’s 2008 progress report on the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (P6_TA(2009)0135). Article 10 states that it is regrettable that ‘three years after (the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia) was granted the status of candidate for membership of the EU, accession negotiations have not yet started, which is an unsustainable situation having demotivating effects for the country; and risks destabilising the region; considers it desirable that this exceptional situation should end; urges that the process be accelerated…’

The Parliament of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia has now passed the four remaining pieces of legislation to fully implement the key priorities of the Accession Partnership, namely the laws on internal affairs, on public servants, on the financing of political parties and on parliament.

In light of the ongoing reforms in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and the unprecedented length of delay in giving a start date for negotiations, does the Commission plan to recommend a start date for negotiations with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia in its upcoming progress report?

The Commission adopted its annual strategy on enlargement on October 14. In this framework, the Commission found that since achieving candidate status in 2005 the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia has consolidated the functioning of its democracy and ensured the stability of institutions guaranteeing the rule of law and respect of fundamental rights, although of course these efforts need to continue.

Furthermore, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia has substantially addressed the key priorities of the Accession Partnership. In view of the overall progress of reforms, the Commission considers that the country does sufficiently fulfil the political criteria set by the Copenhagen European Council in 1993 and the Stabilisation and Association Process. The country has moved closer to becoming a functioning market economy and has made progress in a number of areas linked to its ability to take on the obligations of membership.

In the light of the above considerations, and taking into account the European Council conclusions of December 2005 and December 2006, the Commission therefore recommends that negotiations for accession to the European Union should be opened with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.

Maintaining good neighbourly relations, including a negotiated and mutually accepted solution to the name issue, under the auspices of the United Nations, remains essential.

I en nyligen publicerad undersökning (SVT Plus, Sveriges Television) har det påvisats att höga halter av olika kemiska ämnen kunde uppmätas i jeans, halter som klart överstiger tillåtna gränsvärden av bl.a. dimetylfumarat, nonylfenoletoxilater och tungmetaller. Flera av dessa ämnen är starkt allergiframkallande och bör inte komma i direkt kontakt med huden. Trots detta kontrollerar uppenbarligen inte tillverkare och återförsäljare att deras varor är säkra.

Vilka initiativ har kommissionen tagit eller planerar kommissionen att ta för att se till att lagstiftningen inom detta område följs av marknadens aktörer?

Enforcement of Community legislation, such as product controls, is within the competence of Member States. To this end, Article 125 of the chemicals legislation REACH (Regulation (EC) No 1907/2006)⁽¹⁾ requires Member States to maintain a system of official controls and other activities as appropriate, whereas Article 126 requires the Member States to lay down sanctions for infringement of the REACH Regulation. The Accreditation and Market Surveillance Regulation (Regulation (EC) No 765/2008, entering into application as of 1 January 2010⁽²⁾) is another instrument for Member States to take appropriate measures.

The Commission was informed that the majority of Member States (MS) expected their enforcement authorities to be fully operational in 2008, most of the MS using existing enforcement structures from earlier legislation.

The European Chemical Agency (ECHA) plays an assisting role by facilitating the Forum for Exchange of Information on Enforcement. The ECHA Forum deals with enforcement issues at Community level specifically. The Forum serves as a platform for the exchange of information on enforcement, and co-ordinates a network of enforcement authorities of the MS. Some of the tasks of the Forum are to propose, coordinate and evaluate harmonised enforcement projects and joint inspections. The first meeting of the Forum took place in December 2007 and since then it has been meeting twice a year.

Some of the substances such as nonylphenol ethoxylates and heavy metals were regulated through restrictions by Council Directive 76/769/EEC⁽³⁾ which is now repealed by REACH and included in its Annex XVII.

The Commission may revise the current measures on the basis of additional information. This means that whenever the Commission or a MS will consider that unacceptable risks to human health and the environment need to be addressed at Community level, REACH provides for a process to enable that appropriate measures are taken on these substances leading, where appropriate, to an amendment of Annex XVII of REACH.

As regards dimethylfumarate (DMF), Commission Decision 2009/251/EC⁽⁴⁾, established under Directive 2001/95/EC on General Product Safety⁽⁵⁾, requires MS to ensure that products containing this chemical are not placed or made available on the market, and that such products have to be recalled from consumers, while informing consumers of the risks of DMF. Thus, any consumer product containing DMF is banned in the European Union.

The entry into force of REACH introduced new obligations for producers and/or importers of articles. From 1 June 2008, any producer or importer of articles has to register substances that are intended to be released from those articles during normal and reasonably foreseeable conditions of use when substances are present in those articles in quantities exceeding 1 tonne. Furthermore, producers and importers of articles have to notify to ECHA the presence of substances of very high concern in accordance with the conditions set in Article 7(2) if the substances have been identified in accordance with Article 59(1) and placed on the candidate list. This will increase the information about substances of very high concern released and contained in articles.

In short, having said that enforcement of the Community legislation on chemicals is primarily the responsibility of the MS, the Honourable Member can be reassured of the Commission’s full commitment towards encouraging a comprehensive implementation of the REACH obligations, and actively supports the work of the ECHA, which is responsible for certain scientific and technical tasks concerning the implementation of the REACH requirements. Also, in the consumer product area, MS have the prime responsibility for enforcement, and the Commission encourages and supports them in this task. The publication of MS' notifications of products containing DMF⁽⁶⁾ is a practical example of this.

Kommissionen sendte i marts 2007 en åbningsskrivelse til den danske regering vedrørende Danmarks implementering af direktiv 2002/73/EF⁽¹⁾. 4. november 2008 spurgte jeg første gang Kommissionen om, hvor langt sagen var kommet, og hvornår det kunne forventes, at der skete nyt i sagen. 20. november 2008 svarede Kommissionen, at den var i gang med at færdigbehandle vurderingen af den danske lovgivnings overholdelse af direktiv 2002/73/EF.

Nu spørger jeg igen Kommissionen, hvornår og hvordan man vil sikre, at Danmark overholder direktivets bestemmelser?

Der henvises til tidligere spørgsmål og svar (H-0863/08).

The Danish Government has notified the Commission of the adoption of Act No 387 of 27 May 2008 establishing a new Board of Equal Treatment. In the light of this development, the Commission has decided to review its assessment of the conformity of Danish law with Directive 2002/73/EC⁽²⁾. The Commission will decide on follow-up in the coming weeks and will inform the Honourable Member thereof.

A finales del 2008, la Comisión presentó el Libro Verde sobre la gestión de los bioresiduos y, posteriormente, abrió un proceso de consulta pública que finalizó en marzo del presente año. Está previsto que el próximo mes de diciembre la Comisión presente las conclusiones de dichas consultas al Grupo de Trabajo del Consejo y, en su caso, su propuesta o iniciativa sobre la estrategia de gestión de los bioresiduos.

Teniendo en cuenta que:

– los trabajos de evaluación de impacto sobre una posible propuesta legislativa deben estar también listos a finales de año,

– esta legislación es una prioridad para el Consejo ya que, tal y como se recoge en las Conclusiones de su reunión del 25 de junio del 2009 sobre el Libro Verde, «la gestión mejorada de los bioresiduos contribuirá a la gestión sostenible de los recursos y a la mejora de la protección de los suelos, así como a combatir el cambio climático y a alcanzar los objetivos establecidos en lo que se refiere al desvío de residuos de los vertederos, el reciclado y las energías renovables»,

¿Podría confirmar la Comisión si, cumpliendo con los plazos previstos, tendrá una propuesta de legislación disponible para presentar a principios del 2010?

The work on the impact assessment on the management of bio-waste is one of the priorities of Directorate General Environment of the Commission. The Commission is now finalising the draft impact assessment and in November will submit it for internal approval.

Further steps regarding the management of bio-waste in the EU, including possible measures (legislative proposal or a communication), will depend on the outcome of the assessment of the pros and cons of different bio-waste management options. This decision is, therefore, not expected to be taken before the finalisation of the said impact assessment, which is planned for December 2009. If the assessment proves that there is a need for adopting legislative measures, a proposal could be adopted by the Commission in spring 2010.

Can the European Commission make a comprehensive statement outlining the practical steps that have been taken from January 2007 to date to integrate Irish as a working language within the EU?

As the Commission indicated already in its replies to oral questions H-0622/08 and H-0636/08 by virtue of Council Regulation No 1 of 15 April 1958, as amended by Article 1 of Council Regulation (EC) No 920/2005 of 13 June 2005, Irish has had the status of an official language and a working language of the institutions of the European Union since 1 January 2007.

TRANSLATIONS

Articles 2 and 3 of Regulation (EC) No 920/2005 contain a partial, renewable 5-year derogation on the use of Irish by the EU institutions. In practice, this derogation implies that only proposals for co-decision regulations (and certain related documents⁽¹⁾) as well as direct correspondence with the public are translated for the time being into (or out of) Irish.

Thus, in line with these provisions, the Commission has been able to produce all the translations required in Irish in the legislative process and to ensure their timely delivery. Moreover, replies in Irish have been made to citizens or legal persons who have addressed the Commission in this language.

The Commission – within its Directorate-General for Translation (DGT) – has established an independent Irish language unit to this end. It is currently staffed by an acting Head of Unit, an assistant, five full-time translators and a seconded national expert. This is sufficient to deal with current workload levels but the situation is constantly monitored. Moreover, another national expert has been seconded to work in the web translating unit. The staff of the unit has received the IT training needed to do their jobs and thematic training is also organised on regular occasions within the DGT. Irish translation benefits from collaboration with the national authorities, particularly in the field of terminology development, which is especially positive and also very welcome, given the absence of much of the Community acquis in Irish. Since 2007 the DGT has also made a number of calls for tender for freelance translators into Irish, and as a result the unit also works with a number of professional Irish translation agencies able to offer translation services at times of peak demand.

A joint Council/Commission competition is currently underway with a view to establishing a reserve list from which unit heads for both the Council's and Commission's Irish language units will be recruited. The reserve list is expected to be published shortly. Also a new competition for Irish-language translators will be organised in due course.

Beyond its obligations under the amended Regulation No 1, and within the limits of resources available, the Commission has also begun providing some of its upper level website pages in Irish, giving priority to content of particular interest to Irish speaking citizens. A growing amount of web pages has been published by the Commission in Irish since 2007, this work being recognised in Ireland, different media incorporating them.

As an official language of the EU, Irish is one of the languages offered in the DGT's annual Juvenes Translatores translation competition for secondary school pupils. The very first winner from Ireland (in 2007) translated into Irish.

In view of its recruitment needs, the DGT takes an interest in the development of translation courses in the Member States and the Commission recently launched a European Master in Translation network, involving 34 high-quality university programmes in translation studies at Masters level. Two of the first successful applicants were the MA Léann an Aistriúcháin offered by Acadamh na hOllscolaíochta Gaeilge (Galway NUI) and the MA in Translation Studies, Dublin City University, School of Applied Language and Intercultural Studies. The Commission is looking forward to working closely with those two programmes and with other universities offering professional translation programmes with an Irish option. By so doing, the Commission is hopeful that sufficient Irish language translators meeting the particular requirements for working in or for the EU institutions in a freelance capacity will begin to enter the market.

Moreover, at the policy level DGT has taken a very proactive stance vis-à-vis the Irish authoritites in order to ensure sufficient attention in Ireland to the university education of translators, to the development of Irish terminology and to the recruitment of Irish translators. This has been done i.a. through missions by the Director general, DGT staff and through other initiatives.

INTERPRETATION

At the request of the Irish authorities, Irish interpretation has been provided in meetings of the Commission, Council of Ministers, the Economic and Social Committee, the Committee of the Regions and the Parliament since January 2007.

The Directorate-General for Interpretation of the Commission has sufficient resources to cover current demand for Irish in the Council and the Committee of the Regions. In the Parliament (which draws on the same pool of freelances) the concentration of demand in the plenary weeks can give rise to difficulties. After the recent Parliament elections it would seem that the demand for Irish there will rise rather than fall.

There are currently two staff interpreters in DG Interpretation who can work from Irish. In addition there are now 11 EU-accredited freelance interpreters who can work from Irish into English. Five of these also have a 'retour' into Irish. At present there is also one accredited freelance interpreter with Irish mother tongue and 'retour' into English and a further two are temporarily accredited. Two candidates passed the accreditation test in June 2009.

Regarding training the University of Westminster ran a special course (with financial support from the Parliament and training support from DG Interpretation) for Irish interpreters in 2006-2007, and again in 2007-2008. In total, six Westminster graduates have now passed the accreditation test (three in 2007, three in 2008). The University of Galway started a new postgraduate interpreting course in autumn 2008. Four students completed the first year of the course, with one of them passing the inter-institutional accreditation test in June 2009. The course is now entering its second year. Eight students have signed up so far with language combinations including French or German in addition to Irish and English.

LEGAL REVISION

As is the case for the other legislative institutions, the Commission Legal Service has a Group of legal revisors capable of working in all the official languages. In the Commission's case, this involves two legal revisers who can work in Irish. This is consistent with the situation for the other official languages.

Προτίθεται η ΕΕ και δη η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή να υποστηρίξουν το αίτημα των νόμιμων κατοίκων της κατεχόμενης πόλης της Αμμοχώστου όπως τους επιστραφεί αμέσως η πόλη τους, η οποία βρίσκεται υπό τον έλεγχο του τουρκικού στρατού, ως Μέτρο Οικοδόμησης Εμπιστοσύνης για την τελική λύση του Κυπριακού;

Η άμεση επιστροφή της πόλης προβλέπεται από τις συμφωνίες Κορυφής του 79 (Κυπριανού - Ντενκτάς) και από τα σχετικά με το θέμα ψηφίσματα του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας του ΟΗΕ.

It is in the common interest to see the reunification of Cyprus and the end of this 40-year-old conflict on European soil. The division of the island is unacceptable within the European Union.

The Commission reiterates its full commitment to supporting efforts of the leaders of the two communities under UN auspices to reach a comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem.

Given the concrete opportunity of a settlement and reunification of the island, the Commission hopes that Varosha will soon be given back to its lawful inhabitants.

Should the two leaders decide on the early return of Varosha to its owners as a confidence building measure, as the Honourable Member suggests, they will have the full support of the Commission.

El Tratado de Ámsterdam en su artículo158 y su Declaración aneja número 30 reconoce que las regiones insulares sufren desventajas estructurales permanentes vinculadas a su carácter insular que perjudican su desarrollo económico y social. Asimismo, establece la necesidad de que el Derecho comunitario tenga en cuenta estas desventajas y que se tomen medidas específicas en favor de las islas con vistas a integrarlas mejor en el mercado interior en condiciones equitativas. Por su parte, el Tratado de Lisboa recoge estas mismas disposiciones y las refuerza incluyendo la cohesión territorial como uno de sus objetivos principales.

La aplicación y el desarrollo del mencionado artículo158 han sido prácticamente inexistente. Se necesita una política específica integrada a nivel europeo que permita paliar las desventajas ligadas a la insularidad y que ponga en pie de igualdad a las regiones insulares con las regiones continentales.

¿Qué medidas piensa adoptar la Comisión para cumplir con lo dispuesto en el artículo 158 del Tratado de Ámsterdam y con las disposiciones en materia de insularidad recogidas en el Tratado de Lisboa en el momento de su entrada en vigor?

Islands with their considerable diversity caused by their geographic peculiarities (e.g. accessibility, climate conditions) constitute a particular challenge for regional policy.

The Commission is of course aware of this situation and attaches great importance to achieving better economic, social and territorial cohesion in Europe. It is of paramount importance for the Commission to ensure a harmonious and balanced development of the European Union while avoiding the fragmentation of European policies.

Especially Cohesion Policy offers many possibilities for supporting and strengthening the development of areas with specific geographical features, such as islands. It provides, for example, the possibility of modulating co-financing rates under the Regional Competitiveness and Employment objective. Moreover, Member States and regions may adapt to the particular socio-economic and territorial characteristics of specific territories through other means such as particular territorial provisions in Operational Programmes.

Other Community policies also provide possibilities for specific territories. For example State-aid regulations allow the granting of aid to promote the economic development of certain areas. This concerns – amongst others – islands, mountains and low density regions provided that they meet certain conditions.

In addition, those island communities which depend on fisheries related activities can receive assistance from the European Fisheries Fund (EFF), the intervention of which is also based on a territorial dimension. In particular, under axis 4 of the EFF, support is available to implement local development strategies which help local fishing communities diversify their activities and improve the quality of life in their area. Those strategies can address specific handicaps or built on particular territorial assets of island areas.

There is, of course, room for further developing the available instruments in this domain if citizens should become or remain able to make the most of the inherent features of the territories they are living in, as the Green Paper on Territorial Cohesion states.

However, it has to be emphasised that geographical specificity in itself does not necessarily constitute a problem. Statistics suggest that these territories are far from being homogeneous in socio-economic terms. Therefore, a one-size-fits-all approach (e.g. a general island policy) does not make much sense. Additionally, the overwhelming majority of respondents to the Green Paper denied the necessity of particular policies for these areas.

Nevertheless, the Commission needs to develop further the available analytical tools (e.g. data, indicators, impact assessment). The aim would be to enhance the knowledge about and to be able to better take into account the special characteristics of these areas. The European Union has to fully capture the extent of their development dynamics and help them to strengthen their comparative and competitive advantages.

Therefore, the Commission has prepared a Working Paper on "Territories with specific geographical features" which should be published later in the autumn of this year. Additional food for thought can be expected from the forthcoming ESPON (European Spatial Planning Observation Network) study on "A European perspective on specific types of territories".

These two studies should help the Commission to prepare proposals for additional measures leading to the further improvement of the situation of areas with specific geographical features, in particular islands.

When people from countries outside the EU travel to a Member State, it is not unusual for them to need to make a transfer to another Member State before continuing to their end destination. However, there are concrete examples of persons from third countries being refused transfer, despite fulfilling the visa requirements for their final destination. Furthermore, in a specific example, a third country resident was subsequently banned from entering the EU for 6 months.

Does the Commission agree that transfers should be accommodated if visa requirements to the final destination are fulfilled?

Does the Commission agree that it is a breach of the fundamental right of free movement within the Community if Member State authorities in the transfer country prevent the third country national from reaching his or her final destination?

Will the Commission act to ensure that third country nationals are not randomly denied access to their final destination? Does the Commission agree that if such a transfer is denied a sound justification with the right of appeal should be presented?

The rules applicable to the crossing of external borders and the conditions for entry of third-country nationals to the Member States are regulated in Regulation (EC) No 562/2006 of the Parliament and of the Council of 15 March 2006 establishing a Community Code on the rules governing the movement of persons across borders (Schengen Borders Code)⁽¹⁾.

The Schengen Borders Code respects fundamental rights and observes the principles recognized in particular by the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. It needs to be underlined that an unconditional fundamental right to free movement – as endorsed by Article 45 of the Charter - only exists for citizens of the Union and not for third country nationals. A right of free movement of third-country nationals within the EU only exists to the extent that it is provided for under specific rules of Community legislation.

When arriving from outside the EU and before making their way to a connecting internal flight, passengers shall be – in accordance with Article 7 Schengen Border Code - subject to systematic border checks, aimed at verifying that the entry conditions fixed by the Schengen Border Code are fulfilled. This includes notably to be in possession of a valid travel document, a valid visa if required, justifying the purpose and conditions of stay, not being subject to an alert in the SIS, and not being considered a threat to public policy.

A detailed non-exhaustive list of supporting documents which the border guard may request from the third-country national in order to verify the fulfillment of the conditions set out in paragraph 1, point c, is included in Annex I of the Schengen Border Code.

It results that the existence or non-existence of a visa is one, but not the only requirement which must be taken into account by border guards when conducting border checks.

Article 13 provides that a third-country national who does not fulfill all the entry conditions laid down in Article 5(1) shall be refused entry to the territories of the Member States. Entry may, however, only be refused by a substantiated decision stating the precise reasons for the refusal. Persons refused entry shall have the right to appeal – in accordance with national law - against the refusal of entry decision taken by the national authority

It results that the Schengen Border Code fully respects the right of individuals to have a negative decision reviewed by an appeals body.

Based on the information provided by the Honourable Member and in the absence of more precise details (such as the citizenship of the persons concerned; the Member States concerned and the reasons given by national authorities for refusing entry) the Commission is not in a position to assess whether an infringement of the abovementioned rules of the Schengen Border Code has taken place in the cases referred to by the Honourable Member.

Οι τραγικές αυτοκτονίες στη γαλλική ιδωτικοποιημένη επιχείρηση της "France Telecom", έφτασαν στο δραματικό αριθμό των 24 εργαζομένων που έθεσαν τέρμα στη ζωή τους, επειδή δεν άντεξαν τον "εργασιακό μεσαίωνα" που επικρατεί στη γαλλική πολυεθνική, όπως και στο σύνολο των μονοπωλιακών επιχειρηματικών ομίλων. Οι αυτοκτονίες αυτές είναι το τραγικό αποτέλεσμα της γενικευμένης εφαρμογής της διαβόητης "ευελφάλειας", της διάλυσης και ελαστικοποίησης των εργασιακών σχέσεων, της εξοντωτικής εντατικοποίησης της δουλειάς, του άγχους και της ανασφάλειας των εργαζομένων μπροστά στο ζοφερό μέλλον της καλπάζουσας ανεργίας. Η πολιτική αυτή αποτελεί βασική πολιτική επιλογή της ΕΕ και των κυβερνήσεων των κρατών μελών, όπως και στην Ελλάδα με τις διαδοχικές κυβερνήσεις ΝΔ και ΠΑΣΟΚ.

Ερωτάται η Επιτροπή: Θεωρεί ότι η πολιτική της ΕΕ για την γενίκευση της εφαρμογής της "ευελφάλειας", την ελαστικοποίηση των εργασιακών σχέσεων, την κατάργηση των συλλογικών συμβάσεων εργασίας, την κατάργηση ή καταστρατήγηση κάθε προστατευτικής για τους εργαζόμενους νομοθεσίας, είναι προς όφελος των εργαζομένων ή εξυπηρετεί αποκλειστικά και μόνο την ανταγωνιστικότητα και την κερδοφορία των επιχειρήσεων, θυσιάζοντας στο βωμό του κέρδους ακόμη και την ίδια τη ζωή των εργαζομένων;

The Commission stresses that flexicurity should not be confused with flexibility or a policy designed to make it easier to lay off workers. On the contrary, flexicurity’s main aim is to increase employment security. It does this by providing support for transitions to new jobs in order to make them as secure as possible for the workers and to ensure, as far as possible, that such transitions entail a move upwards.

Flexicurity involves a combination of measures to provide suitable support for people to remain in, or return quickly to, employment when they lose their jobs. It aims to strike the right balance between security and flexibility: both of these components are essential to flexicurity, and they are both indispensable if workers are to be supported effectively and companies are to find it easier to adapt and to create jobs.

The Common Principles of Flexicurity adopted by the Member States in December 2007 stress that sufficient contractual flexibility must be accompanied by secure transitions from job to job. The application of flexicurity does not imply the rescinding of core labour agreements or the repeal of protective legislation. It is a question of identifying the right combination of measures and garnering the active involvement and support of all major players, including the social partners. The promotion of high-quality, productive jobs and sound work organisation are also essential to the flexicurity concept, and cooperation between and the involvement of all the main actors are a prerequisite for the approach to function properly.

The Commission believes that flexicurity remains crucial if labour market policy is to meet the challenges facing the EU. That flexicurity is the right policy for combating the crisis and bolstering the recovery was confirmed by the June 2009 European Council and by the European Economic and Social Committee, whose recent opinion⁽¹⁾ underlines flexicurity’s key role in reducing unemployment.

Στις 10 Φεβρουαρίου του 2009, την Παγκόσμια Ημέρα για ένα Ασφαλέστερο Διαδίκτυο, η ΕΕ ξεκίνησε εκστρατεία ενημέρωσης κατά της διαδικτυακής κακοποίησης ανηλίκων (cyberbulling). Στα πλαίσια αυτής της εκστρατείας προβάλλεται τόσο σε δημόσια όσο και σε ιδιωτικά τηλεοπτικά κανάλια καθ' όλη τη διάρκεια του 2009 ένα σύντομο τηλεοπτικό βίντεο, το οποίο στόχο έχει να ενθαρρύνει τα παιδιά να διατηρούν τον έλεγχο όταν βρίσκονται στο διαδίκτυο. Η κυβερνοτρομοκρατία με θύματα και θύτες μαθητές αποτελεί ένα σοβαρό πρόβλημα που αγγίζει όλα τα κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή επιδίωξε και πέτυχε την υπογραφή συμφωνίας από εταιρείες του διαδικτύου οι οποίες αναλαμβάνουν να συμβάλλουν στην αποτελεσματικότερη προστασία των ανηλίκων που χρησιμοποιούν το διαδίκτυο. Δεδομένου ότι η επίτευξη αυτής της συμφωνίας αποτελεί μόνο ένα πρώτο βήμα προς την προστασία των ανήλικων που χρησιμοποιούν το διαδίκτυο:

Ποιες άλλες δράσεις προτίθεται να αναλάβει η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή; Θεωρεί ότι ο θεσμός του σχολείου μπορεί να παίξει καθοριστικό ρόλο στον περιορισμό και την αποτροπή φαινομένων διαδικτυακής βίας μεταξύ ανηλίκων; Και αν ναι, με ποιο τρόπο;

In reply to the Honorable Member's question, the Commission considers that the campaign against cyberbullying launched in February 2009 has been a success. The clip has been disseminated via television but also via the Internet: more than 200 national and regional TV channels and 230 websites participated in the campaign. The clip provided young people with a better understanding of cyberbullying and of the ability to report it.

The self-regulatory agreement "Safer Social Networking Principles", signed in February 2009 by 18 leading web companies, is an important process towards improved safety and privacy of children online. Since February, two other companies have joined the agreement, the Spanish Tuenti and the Estonian Rate. So far, 19 companies have provided the Commission with "self-declarations" explaining on how they implement this agreement in their safety policies. This information is now publicly available.

The Commission has ordered an independent assessment of the implementation of this self-voluntary agreement, to be published on Safer Internet Day, 9th February 2010. The assessment will focus on the compliance of companies' policies with the Principles, and the effectiveness in terms of protection of minors. The Commission will draw conclusions from this report and follow this up with proposals on new rules if necessary.

To respond to the need for concrete action against bullying in schools and the growing problem of cyber bullying, the Commission has financed, and will continue to finance, several projects regarding all forms of bullying through the Daphne Programme. The emphasis on bullying has in fact increased in recent years and there are several interesting ongoing projects still to be completed. The Daphne Programme has described the results of projects regarding bullying in schools in a publication "Violence and School" and cyber-related violence in particular in the publication "Violence and Technology", which are available on the Daphne Toolkit website:

http://ec.europa.eu/justice_home/daphnetoolkit/html/booklets/dpt_booklets_en.html"

Finally, on the initiative of the European Crime Prevention Network, which focuses on juvenile crime, the Commission undertook in 2004 a study on good practices implemented by schools in preventing and reducing bullying.

The Commission believes that making children's experience online safer is a shared responsibility of public authorities, parents, schools and industry. It is already one of the missions of the awareness centres that the Safer Internet Programme supports to inform teachers and children at school about online risks and how to deal with them - some of them have specific train-the-teachers programmes in this regard. The school as an arena to reach all children is one of our priorities. This is why the Commission organises a conference on "Promoting online safety in schools" in Luxembourg on 22-23 October 2009, including a youth panel and a teachers' panel. As a result, I expect to get an assessment of the level of Safer Internet education in Europe as well as recommendations to the Commission and to other stakeholders on how to promote effective safer Internet education in schools.

Kan de Commissie informatie verstrekken over de respectieve gemiddelde elektriciteitstarieven voor Belgische particulieren en bedrijven, vergeleken met de prijzen in de buurlanden.

Deelt de Commissie de mening dat de relatief hoge tarieven in België te maken hebben met een gebrek aan concurrentie op die elektriciteitsmarkt?

Gaat de Commissie ermee akkoord dat het langer open houden van afgeschreven kerncentrales financiële ruimte creëert om de hoge tarieven voor de consumenten gevoelig te verlagen?

Kan de Commissie aangeven wat volgens haar berekeningen de absolute omvang is van de zogenaamde nucleaire rente, in het scenario dat drie kerncentrales langer open mogen blijven?

Zal de Commissie mede initiatieven ondersteunen die erop gericht zijn om het "dividend" van het langer open houden van de nucleaire centrales te investeren in enerzijds lagere tarieven en anderzijds hernieuwbare bronnen?

The 2008 Benchmark report⁽¹⁾ showed that, in parallel to the increasing oil prices on the international market, electricity prices also increased, although the changes in electricity prices varied widely amongst Member States. The report showed that household and industrial electricity prices rose particularly in some Member States, amongst them Belgium. The figures also show that the end user prices in Belgium (including VAT and taxes) for households and industrial users were among the highest in the EU.

Various factors explain the differences in electricity prices between Member States. First, there are the differing costs of generating electricity depending on the distinct fuel mixes of producers. The second element is the availability of sufficient generation and (cross-border) transmission capacity. Thirdly, there is the important role played by the level of competition on the wholesale and retail markets.

The Belgian electricity markets are still highly concentrated. Very recently the Commission noted the decision of the Belgian national competition authorities to launch unannounced inspections in the offices of the two major electricity suppliers. At this date the Commission has not yet been informed of the results of these investigations. The Commission is currently investigating whether GDF Suez (Electrabel) may have abused its dominant position on the Belgian electricity market for large industrial consumers. Moreover the Commission is also scrutinising the impact that mergers and acquisitions may have on competition in the Belgian electricity markets.

A decision to keep open nuclear power plants scheduled for closure (whether depreciated or not) will lead to more production capacity being available to satisfy consumer demand. This might in the future lead to lower prices than would have been the case if such capacity would no longer be available.

The Commission is not in a position to quantify the absolute value of the windfall profits generated by the lifetime extension of nuclear power stations in Belgium since, not only is this not part of its mandate, but it also does not have access to the data necessary to perform such a calculation.

If the competent national authorities would decide to allow the company owning nuclear power plants to prolong their operation, it will remain in the authorities' hands to negotiate with the company concerned the conditions for such an extension. Evidently, any measures will have to be compatible with the rules concerning the internal market and the competition rules enshrined in the EC Treaty.

With the launch of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) policy the EU has committed itself to move towards eventual deep and comprehensive free trade agreements with the six Eastern European neighbours - Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia. Will such agreements be concluded in the coming few years?

Where do negotiations on a free trade agreement with Ukraine stand? When should we expect the conclusion of the agreement? What is the position of the EU in terms of Ukrainian demands to include agricultural products in the agreement? Is it justified to state that negotiations with Ukraine set the example for negotiations with other EaP countries as well?

As stated in the Prague Joint Declaration of 7 May 2009, the main objective of the Eastern Partnership is "to create the necessary conditions to accelerate political association and further economic integration between the European Union and the interested partner countries".

Bilateral cooperation should provide the foundation for a new generation of Association Agreements that include the establishment or the objective of establishing Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas (DCFTAs).

No time frame for the realisation of DCFTAs has been given, as each country will individually be assessed for its readiness. The decision to start negotiations between the EU and an Eastern Partner will be taken once the necessary conditions have been met, namely once

- the Partner has accomplished its accession to the World Trade Organisation (WTO);

- viability of the future DCFTA has been proven by a thorough feasibility study;

- the Partner has confirmed sharing the high level of ambition for the future FTA, i.e. "deep and comprehensive" and

- the Partner has become able to negotiate a DCFTA and subsequently implement the commitments undertaken in a sustainable manner.

In line with the Council conclusions of 14-15 September 2009, the Commission is currently preparing directives for negotiating an Association Agreement, including i.e. the establishment or objective of establishing a DCFTA, with each of the three South Caucasus countries – Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. Similar negotiating directives for negotiations with Moldova were adopted earlier in 2009. Negotiations could begin once the above conditions are met.

Negotiations on the DCFTA with Ukraine started in 2008, one year later than those on the political and cooperation-related parts of the Association Agreement (AA), since Ukraine joined the World Trade Organisation (WTO) only in May 2008. The FTA with Ukraine will be part of an overall AA with Ukraine and is designed to deepen Ukraine's access to the European market and to encourage further European investment in Ukraine. The FTA with Ukraine will be a deep and comprehensive one, i.e. it offers a comprehensive ‘beyond-the-border approach’ to economic integration and covers substantially all trade in goods and services. It also contains provisions for the implementation of trade and economic commitments, including concrete targets for the approximation with the EU acquis. Negotiations are complex and demand a high level of expertise, which is a real challenge to the Ukrainians and to the EU. The Commission expects FTA negotiations with other Eastern Partner countries to be equally demanding.

The 8th round of FTA negotiations was held in Brussels on 5-9 October. Both the EU and Ukraine remain committed to finalising the negotiations as soon as possible.

There is an elected civilian government in Pakistan. Does the Commission believe that the civilian government is in full control or does the Commission believe that, as in the past, Pakistan's army is the real power in the country?

The European Commission is committed to building a strong and long-term relationship with Pakistan. The Commission believes that the EU should engage closely with Pakistan on a range of areas of common interest including political and regional issues, democracy and human rights, security questions, trade and development assistance.

Reinforcing governance and democratic secular institutions in particular are key elements of this approach. This point was stressed at the EU-Pakistan Summit in June 2009. The Joint Summit Communiqué offers a roadmap to further advance relations.

We are dealing with, for the first time in many years, a democratically elected government in Pakistan. The Commission's chief aim is to give political and material support to the country’s democratic government.

There have been positive developments. The Government of Pakistan has now taken decisive action against insurgents in the Malakand Division, including the Swat valley, which should also contribute to wider regional stability.

The immediate challenge now is to deliver on the Commission's commitments to assist rehabilitation and reconstruction in the Malakand Division. In addition to €72 million for humanitarian assistance, the Commission has allocated €52 million for rehabilitation and reconstruction, so far. It is also stepping up its engagement on security sector reform, electoral framework and enhancing human rights dialogue.

The Commission encourages Pakistan to consolidate the transition to stable democracy so that the days of military rule are over once and for all. Important steps were taken to strengthen the independence of the judiciary. There is the need for more institutional strengthening at the core of government, including accountability to parliament itself.

The Commission is ready to support this process in line with the recommendations put forward by the EU Election Observation Mission following the February 2008 elections.

Pakistan’s determination to show that the state can provide effective and impartial justice and can defeat the scourge of corruption will be crucial to its efforts in defeating extremists and consolidating democratric rule.

Indyjski stan Pendżab jest przykładem liberalnego społeczeństwa o wielu religiach, które przeciwstawiło się terroryzmowi i jest zaangażowane w sprawy demokracji. Czy (i jak) Komisja Europejska zamierza wpłynąć na kraje Europy, aby nie popierały grup ekstremistów z Kalistanu, które dążą do destabilizacji Indyjskiego Pendżabu ze względu na religię?

It should be noted that the Indian state of Punjab, marred by violence for over 15 years in the 1980s, returned to normalcy after the movement was successfully handled in the mid-1990s. After years of direct rule from New Delhi, the democratic process was successfully revived with a democratically elected government in 1997. The latest State election in 2007 resulted in putting back the Akali Dal party (representing exclusively the interests of the Sikhs) at the helm.

Despite irregular reports on risks related to a surviving network of Sikh activism, the Commission’s analysis is that the ideology that inspired a decade and a half of violence in Punjab has been rejected by the population.

As a consequence, there is no need to prevail upon European countries not to support extremists in Khalistan. In any event, it is first for India to act on any concern it could have about this issue. This being said, it should be recalled that India has recently referred to the EU Member States’ solidarity in this issue at the time as both laudable and useful.

Jakie kroki zamierza podjąć Komisja Europejska, aby zapewnić swobodę wyrażania publicznego sprzeciwu i artykulacji różnych poglądów politycznych w granicznych prowincjach Indii w taki sposób, aby nie służyły one do wspierania tendencji separatystycznych i secesyjnych skierowanych przeciwko państwu indyjskiemu?

Freedom of expression is a core right recognised by both the EU and India. The responsibility to ensure that the right to freedom of expression is not being misused to support separatist movements in India however seems to lie primarily with the Indian government and within it in the Indian Home Ministry.