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Debašu stenogramma
Ceturtdiena, 2010. gada 17. jūnijs - Strasbūra Pārskatītā redakcija

11.2. Nepāla
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  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgt die Aussprache über Nepal.


  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg, autorka. − Benjamin Franklin powiedział kiedyś o amerykańskiej ustawie zasadniczej, że „konstytucja nie gwarantuje nikomu szczęścia, a jedynie pogoń za nim”. Dziś obywatele Nepalu nie mogą liczyć nawet na pogoń za szczęściem.

Prace nad konstytucją przeciągają się, a główni aktorzy sceny politycznej, w tym Komunistyczna Partia Nepalu i maoiści, nie są gotowi do kompromisu, zaś wojsko wciąż otacza atmosfera tajemnicy, jeśli chodzi o sposoby finansowania i model rekrutacji. Tymczasem na przeciwległym biegunie, z dala od państwowych struktur, żyje 30 milionów obywateli narażonych na skrajną biedę, analfabetyzm, bez dostępu do energii elektrycznej czy komunikacji. Nepal tkwi w pułapce biedy, marnując naturalny potencjał wynikający ze strategicznego położenia geograficznego i niezwykłej przyrody. Dlatego apelujemy do władz Nepalu, by nie zmarnować porozumienia pokojowego wypracowanego w 2008 r., ale konsekwentnie dążyć do promulgacji nowej konstytucji, która nie tylko zdefiniowałaby prawa i obowiązki obywateli, ale mogłaby stać się symbolem nowej demokratycznej karty w historii federalnej Demokratycznej Republiki Nepalu.

Jako posłanka z kraju naznaczonego historycznymi podziałami rozumiem, jak trudny okres przechodzi obecnie Nepal. Konstytucja i międzynarodowe apele nie zagwarantują obywatelom Nepalu szczęścia, ale mogą pomóc w pogoni za nim.


  Charles Tannock, author. − Mr President, Nepal’s political instability is hardly surprising given the tumultuous changes that have taken place in that country over the last two decades. The palace massacres of 2001 fatally undermined the monarchy, and King Gyanendra’s attempts to impose absolute rule to combat Maoist insurgents failed dismally. The Maoists took power and abolished the monarchy two years ago, but were quickly displaced by a coalition of their opponents.

It would appear now that the advent of republican democracy has been a bit of a false dawn. Certainly the ordinary people of Nepal continue to suffer from high rates of unemployment, disease, malnutrition and, as this resolution makes clear, violence and even possibly torture. The rapid political changes in Nepal were not accompanied, regrettably, by measures to promote reconciliation and good transitional justice.

I hope the EU will concentrate its efforts now in this field in particular as well as providing essential humanitarian aid. Nepal risks becoming a failing state and that is a risk we can ill afford with so many other security challenges in South Asia.


  Raül Romeva i Rueda, author. − Mr President, I am speaking on behalf of my colleague, Jean Lambert, who is not able to be here with us. She is the Chair of the Delegation for relations with South Asia, which covers Nepal. She wanted us to say the following.

It is clear that in the last few years Nepal has made many positive changes, as outlined in the joint resolution, under difficult circumstances. However, not surprisingly, in this developing situation we have seen both setbacks in implementation of the peace agreement and a failure to meet the deadline of 28 May this year for the delivery of the new draft constitution which would permanently entrench the principles of democracy and human rights.

The Constitutional Assembly has now been extended for one year under a three-point plan agreed between the three major parties at the last minute to deliver on both the peace agreement and the Constitution. We consider it very important that this opportunity rooted in the elected body is not lost.

There is a need for a constitutional and political civil society in order for greater development to take place. There are possibilities for the significant development of renewable energies, but investment will be difficult without stability, democracy and the rule of law firmly in place.

Integration of the former Maoist combatants is urgent both for those individuals themselves and as a signal of real progress for the democratic process.

We consider that the international committee, including the European Union, is willing to assist with practical measures if necessary, but regret the withdrawal of UNMIN in a few weeks’ time if progress has not been made.

As has been said, Nepal has made significant progress towards embedding a democracy in the new republic and we would urge all parties involved to move forward on the three-point plan. Failure to do this would risk losing the trust of the Nepali people. Their opportunity for real development is closely linked to political progress.


  Cristian Dan Preda, Autor. − Situaţia din Nepal este îngrijorătoare, întrucât violenţa din această ţară s-a amplificat foarte mult în ultima perioadă.

Pentru a putea consolida procesul de reconciliere naţională din urma conflictului civil care a durat zece ani şi care, până să se încheie, în 2006, făcuse circa 13 000 de victime, este necesară, desigur, adoptarea unei noi constituţii. Aceasta va putea oferi un cadru legal desfăşurării vieţii politice în Nepal, dacă sunt promovate democraţia şi drepturile omului. În acest sens, cred că partidele trebuie să negocieze, fără precondiţii, pentru o adunare constituantă care să ducă lucrurile în această direcţie.

Aşa cum o arată şi rapoartele organizaţiilor internaţionale de apărare a drepturilor omului, sistemul judiciar trebuie, de asemenea, consolidat pentru a putea rezolva în mod paşnic situaţii conflictuale.

Nu în ultimul rând, aş vrea să subliniez că instabilitatea politică are un impact negativ asupra situaţiei sociale şi economice din Nepal, care este deja una dintre cele mai sărace ţări din lume. Aşa cum se ştie, fără stabilitate nu există prosperitate.


  Joe Higgins, author. − Mr President, the overthrow of the feudalist monarchy in 2006 was a massive step forward for the people of Nepal. It was mass action by the working class, the peasants and the middle strata of society that achieved this victory with mass mobilisations of people power.

However, it is quite clear that now a capitalist establishment and the right-wing political parties do not want this revolution to go any further as it would threaten their economic control and privileged position in Nepalese society. A shameful 50% of Nepal’s 29 million people live in abject poverty, 16% of whom are severely malnourished. Millions of landless exist with high illiteracy rates.

With extensive support in Nepalese society, the Communist parties have made serious political errors in going into coalition government after 2006 with parties of the right whose wish was to achieve political power while maintaining economic relations, which simply means a continuation of poverty and deprivation because of the Maoists’ mistaken theory that a capitalist democracy is needed to pave the way for socialism.

However, the mass movement of 2006, and again a mass general strike in May of this year, clearly demonstrate that the working class and the poor want a socialist transformation and a system that will give them a future free of poverty and repression. The approach that is needed now by the parties genuinely representing the masses and wanting to transform Nepalese society is to give a clear lead independent of the establishment parties. That means breaking from coalitionism, and advancing a programme to take the main sources of wealth into public ownership and to be developed in democratic control of workers and peasants.

Such a democratic socialist programme would allow for an economic and social transformation in Nepal and would also be a beacon to the tens of millions of poor in India and also working people in China. It is critical as well that there is full independence for the various national groups in Nepal, whose rights must be respected.


  Marietje Schaake, author. − Mr President, after a decade of civil war a peace deal was struck in Nepal in 2006, but unfortunately the country has become less peaceful despite the deal. Political fights are resulting in political instability and hamper important reforms such as a constitution for the republic, the deadline for which has recently had to be extended for one year.

It also hampers the reintegration and rehabilitation of former PLA combatants. Nepal has such enormous potential to develop economically and to limit the prevailing poverty, but stability is essential in making that happen.

Firstly, accountability for the systematic abuse of laws of war needs to urgently happen, including among members of the PLA and the state security forces. The UN should play a role in this process, especially when it comes to participation in international armed forces. In Nepal itself the work of the Commission on Disappearances, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Commission on National Peace and Rehabilitation should result not only in a sense of responsibility for the past but a stake in a shared future as well.

The parties – but also the Government – should end political interference in criminal proceedings to create a politically independent judiciary within the constitutional process and, in the same connection, to plan the ratification of the Statute of the International Criminal Court.

We call on the EU and the Member States to support all the efforts of the Nepalese Government and the parties to find a solution to the integration of former Maoist combatants into the national army or other security forces and to find viable alternative solutions for those who cannot be integrated. The EU itself should also strictly adhere to a ban on exporting lethal weapons to Nepal as well as the export of any tools which can be used for torture or inhumane treatment, as was stated in the resolution which was adopted by this House today.


  Elena Băsescu, în numele grupului PPE. – Deşi războiul civil care dura de zece ani s-a încheiat în 2006, situaţia economică şi socială din Nepal continuă să rămână foarte dificilă. În lipsa stabilităţii, Nepalul nu poate să se dezvolte asemeni vecinilor săi, China şi India, ţări care au o economie emergentă. Alianţa celor 22 de partide antimaoiste nu a reuşit să îndeplinească obiectivul de a adopta o constituţie până la termenul limită, 28 mai 2010.

În acest sens, consider binevenită decizia de a se prelungi cu un an mandatul Adunării Constituante. Este foarte important ca Nepalul să adopte o constituţie care să asigure buna funcţionare a statului de drept şi respectarea libertăţilor cetăţenilor. În final, doresc să subliniez faptul că cele mai importante ameninţări la adresa stabilităţii Nepalului sunt extremismul şi recurgerea la violenţă pentru rezolvarea diferendelor politice.


  Zbigniew Ziobro, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Sytuacja w Nepalu nieprzerwanie od lat budzi zaniepokojenie obserwatorów. Co prawda w 1959 r. odbyły się tam pierwsze w miarę demokratyczne wybory, te jednak rozwiązania demokratyczne były bardzo chwiejne, rozdzierane aktami agresji. W ostatnich latach wydawało się, że byliśmy świadkami pewnego postępu w zakresie bezpieczeństwa. Najpierw w 2006 roku zawarto kompleksowe porozumienie pokojowe, które zakończyło trawiącą kraj przez dekadę wojnę domową. Później w 2008 roku odbyły się wybory do Zgromadzenia Konstytucyjnego, które międzynarodowi obserwatorzy uznali za spełniające szereg norm międzynarodowych.

Teraz jednak z przykrością trzeba zauważyć pogorszenie się sytuacji w tym kraju. Podjęta przez partie polityczne w ostatnich dniach decyzja o konieczności działania na rzecz rozszerzenia uprawnień Zgromadzenia Konstytucyjnego może być istotnym krokiem na drodze powrotu do pokojowego rządzenia krajem. Unia Europejska i państwa członkowskie powinny wspierać wszelkie wysiłki zmierzające do ustanowienia porozumienia i stabilności w tym kraju. Należy również przypomnieć o konieczności przestrzegania praw człowieka, praw chrześcijan, które też w tym kraju są niestety naruszane.


  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). - Nie będę czytał, będę mówił, ale obiecuję, że wolno, chociaż jest to wbrew mojej naturze.

Sytuacja w Nepalu paradoksalnie polepsza się i to dzięki decyzjom ostatnim, zwiększeniu władzy – nazwijmy to – Parlamentu, aczkolwiek Nepal jest na początku bardzo długiej drogi. Ta dziesięcioletnia wojna domowa wywarła wielkie piętno na tym kraju i tak naprawdę dopiero teraz widać pewne światełko w tunelu.

Co może zrobić Parlament Europejski? Z całą pewnością może wspierać te demokratyczne przemiany w tym kraju, pamiętając jednak o tym, że partie polityczne, które tam funkcjonują mają swoje specyficzne propozycje, projekty reform i wizji rozwoju tego państwa, propozycje maoistyczne, komunistyczne, a więc z definicji bardzo kontrowersyjne.


  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, lähes kymmenvuotinen sisällissota maolaistaistelijoiden ja silloisen Nepalin kuninkaallisen armeijan välillä päättyi vuonna 2006 rauhansopimukseen. Tilanteessa ei julistettu voittajia tai häviäjiä. Tuo tilanne oli ainutlaatuinen, sillä maolaisten kanssa ei sopinut heitä vastaan taistellut kuninkaan kontrolloima armeija, vaan muut poliittiset puolueet.

Nepal ratkoo edelleen rauhanprosessin edistämiseen liittyviä ongelmia. Monet sovitut asiat odottavat toteutumistaan ja rauhattomuus on kasvanut. Keskeneräisen rauhanprosessin tärkein kysymys liittyneekin sen kansalliseen armeijaan, sen kokoon ja sen johtamiseen. Armeija tulisi asettaa demokraattiseen valvontaan. Nepalille on tarjottava apua sen integroidessa entisiä maolaisia kansalliseen armeijaan ja turvallisuusjoukkoihin sekä muihin tehtäviin. YK:n tulisi puuttua nopeasti nepalilaisten rauhanturvajoukoissa ilmenneisiin ihmisoikeusrikkomuksiin.

Kiitokset arvokkaasta työstään ansaitsee Nepalin kansallinen ihmisoikeuskomissio. Kansainvälisen yhteisön on ponnisteltava, jotta kriittisten kysymysten ratkaisemiseen osallistutaan johdonmukaisesti. Rauhansopimuksen tulevaisuus on kuitenkin nepalilaisten päättäjien käsissä.


  Corina Creţu (S&D). - Pe lângă cele spuse de colegii mei, în legătură cu tensiunile şi violenţele din această ţară, doresc şi eu să subliniez una din trăsăturile cele mai dureroase cu care se confruntă realitatea nepaleză: sărăcia. Populaţia suferă din cauza unor condiţii de viaţă precare, accentuate de instabilitatea politică ale cărei efecte afectează potenţialul de creştere economică a Nepalului. Aşa cum s-a spus aici, această ţară este plasată geografic între două dintre economiile cu cel mai mare ritm de creştere din lume, China şi India, dar Nepalul, datorită situaţiei cu care se confruntă, nu îşi poate valorifica potenţialul.

Cu o treime dintre locuitori sub pragul sărăciei absolute şi o şesime din populaţie fiind subnutrită, cu cea mai mare rată de analfabetism din Asia de Sud, confruntat cu criza energetică şi cu inflaţia, în special la preţul alimentelor, Nepalul nu reprezintă doar un focar de tensiune, ci şi o gravă problemă umanitară. De aceea, cred că trebuie să ne îndreptăm nu numai atenţia politică, dar şi sprijinul concret către dezvoltarea economiei nepaleze şi pentru ajutorarea populaţiei nepaleze.


  Nirj Deva (ECR). - Mr President, I was very fortunate to have returned from Nepal recently. The thing that we have to understand is that the Nepalese political process is very fragile, but progressing. However, it is very unreasonable, I think, for the political process to continue without disarmament on the side of the Maoists, because the Maoists have refused to take part in the political process. They want a change of government but are refusing to disarm.

You cannot have a political process where there is an armed group of people who will not give up their arms to the authorities. Until this is secured by everybody concerned, we have to very gently persuade both sides in Nepal that it is in the longer-term interests of all the people of Nepal and the assistance of the European Union that they all disarm and come together to form whatever unity government they can.


  Róża Gräfin von Thun und Hohenstein (PPE). - Tak się składa, że żyłam przez kilka lat w Nepalu, akurat wtedy, kiedy Nepalczycy z ogromnym wysiłkiem podejmowali starania o zmianę i poprawę swojego systemu politycznego. Ja wtedy, przeszło 20 lat temu, patrzyłam na to ogromnie optymistycznie. Okazuje się, że ten proces jest o wiele trudniejszy niż ktokolwiek z nas by sobie wyobrażał. Nepal to przecież kraj ogromnej, bogatej i starej kultury. To są ludzie o głębokiej i poważnej religijności. To są ludzie pokoju i pokojowo nastawieni do świata. Mówimy tutaj o jego ogromnym potencjale ekonomicznym. Tam nie ma potencjału ekonomicznego. To jest dramatyczny kraj bez praktycznie żadnych zasobów naturalnych. W dodatku nawiedzany suszami i trzęsieniami ziemi. Podejmuje te wysiłki. Ma też dlatego tak trudną sytuację, ponieważ jest przecież miażdżony przez dwóch ogromnych i bardzo trudnych sąsiadów. Jeżeli nie udzielimy Nepalowi wszelkiej pomocy (politycznej i materialnej), to może skończyć jak Tybet, a to byłaby ogromna i tragiczna strata dla nas wszystkich.


  John Dalli, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, the drawn out stalemate in Nepali politics is a cause of serious concern, and the Commission is following the situation very closely.

28 May 2010 was the deadline for the promulgation of the new post-civil-war constitution. It is positive to note that the constitutional crisis has been diverted by extending the deadline by another year. However, many contentious issues continue to impede the drafting process, such as the nature of the federal structure, the integration of ex-Maoist combatants and the integration of the two armies. There is still a strong risk that the country could descend into a vicious circle of disorder and insecurity.

Two issues – the writing of the constitution and the integration of the PLA – are becoming increasingly complicated. Unless there is a genuine desire for give and take, even one year will not be sufficient.

Where the human rights situation in the country is concerned, it is positive to note that the mandate of the office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights’ official in Nepal has been extended for another 12 months. The OHCHR has monitored and reported on human rights and provided training and technical assistance to state institutions and civil society since it was established in Nepal in 2005.

With the recent death of former prime minister and former Nepali congress chairman G.P. Koirala, the high-level political mechanism’s fate seems uncertain, as it now lacks a consensus leader who could resolve disputes among the major political parties and drive the peace process forward. The EU has a key role to play in helping Nepal through this difficult process. A number of heads of missions’ statements, as well as a statement by the High Representative’s spokesperson, have been issued recently calling for all parties to come back to the negotiating table. The EU stands ready to support the Government of Nepal and help it rise to the challenges ahead. The EU should be prepared to assist in any process leading to a durable peace process. Collectively the EU and its Member States represent over 50% of the development aid received by Nepal. The Commission is contributing to the peace process by supporting the Nepal Peace Trust Fund. EUR 6 million were committed last year and EUR 22 million are planned for early 2011. So far the funds have been allocated for the maintenance of the Maoist cantonments, including salaries for ex-combatants. It is becoming increasingly important to ensure that the people of Nepal, whose expectations were raised after the 2006 peace movement, will receive the peace dividends they have been waiting for.

Working closely with the European Union Member States, the Commission remains committed to pursuing all efforts, whether they are diplomatic, political or developmental, that may contribute towards a stable, democratic and peaceful Nepal.


  Der Präsident. − Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet im Anschluss an die Aussprachen statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149)


  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), rakstiski. – Es pilnībā atbalstu manu kolēģu bažas saistībā ar politisko situāciju Nepālā. Mums, Eiropas Parlamenta deputātiem, ir pastāvīgi jāatgādina cilvēktiesību pārkāpējiem par viņu pienākumiem starptautiskās sabiedrības priekšā. Mums ir aktīvi jāiesaistās demokrātijas un politiskās stabilitātes nodibināšanas procesos Nepālā. Bet, lai mūsu kritika un rekomendācijas izskanētu pārliecinoši, ir nepieciešams parādīt labu piemēru un nodibināt kārtību mūsu mājās - Eiropas Savienībā. Ir zināms, ka Latvijā vairāk nekā 20 procentiem no iedzīvotājiem nav tiesību balsot vēlēšanās. Iestājoties ES, Latvija solīja atrisināt šo problēmu, bet joprojām neatrisināja. Rezultātā vairāk nekā 350 000 Latvijas iedzīvotāju jau 20 gadus nav pilsonības. Lielākā daļa no šiem cilvēkiem dzīvo Latvijas teritorijā visas dzīves garumā, bet viņiem nav tiesību balsot vēlēšanās, strādāt valsts sektorā, lietot dzimto valodu valsts iestādēs. Es uzskatu, ka mūsu paziņojumi un novēlējumi attiecībā uz citām valstīm būs krietni spēcīgāki tad, kad ES teritorijā netiks ciniski pārkāptas ES iedzīvotāju cilvēktiesības. Nemāci kaimiņu, kā barot govi, ja pašam govs ir izsalkusi!

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