Rapporti verbatim tad-dibattiti

L-Erbgħa, 15 ta' Diċembru 2010 - Strasburgu

16. Strateġija ġdida għall-Afganistan (dibattitu)

  La Présidente. - L'ordre du jour appelle le rapport de Pino Arlacchi, au nom de la commission des affaires étrangères, sur une nouvelle stratégie pour l'Afghanistan (2009/2217(INI)) (A7-0333/2010).

  Pino Arlacchi, rapporteur. − Madam President, the report that we considered today has been approved virtually unanimously by the Committee on Foreign Affairs of this Parliament. It is the result of one year’s work by a team which I led and is based on extensive consultations in Kabul and Brussels.

This report is an attempt to explain a paradox: why has so little been achieved in Afghanistan, in spite of nine years of international involvement? Since 2001, military operations inside that country have cost more than EUR 300 billion and several thousand human lives, and at least another EUR 40 billion have been spent on the civilian side: in total, more than 30 times the current Afghan GDP.

In spite of this huge effort, Afghanistan is still the number one producer of narcotic drugs. It is still one of the poorest countries in the world, where – for the majority of the Afghan population – life is short, brutal and nasty, as it was in our continent five centuries ago. There are more victims of maternal mortality alone in Afghanistan than the war: over 20 000 a year as against 2 300. The answer to this paradox is not simple. The opium problem and the strength of the insurgency must be taken into account, along with the belief in the illusion of a quick military victory, which dominated the early years of the international presence. Moreover, the legitimacy of the central government has been overestimated, as has the efficiency of international aid in the reconstruction of the country.

This report does not try to simplify all these matters. It accepts the challenge in its full dimension, and this document is an attempt to suggest new directions for our policies. The report approaches the subject from a European standpoint. This means that the Afghan crisis is considered from an angle that does not simply mirror the American perspective on it. European values and principles matter. They influence the way the Afghan problem is seen by European citizens, and they do not believe in a military solution in principle, because more than 65 years ago we abandoned the idea that war and occupation of foreign lands is good solution.

Today’s EU is built on an aversion to war, and this report reflects this feeling. On the specific issue of Afghanistan, EU citizens strongly support a civilian approach as an alternative to the use of force. Our approach is not naive; it is not, as has been said, Venus’s softness against Mars’s strength. It is instead the power of reason, of human solidarity, applied to a crisis like the Afghan one that cannot be approached with a simplistic solution and mentality.

This report proposes a strategy that does not exclude the limited use of coercive means. The security of the people of Afghanistan from terrorists and criminal attacks is a prerequisite for development, and this Parliament believes that the combination of peace-keeping interventions, multilateral diplomacy, domestic peace negotiations, effective poverty reduction measures, the establishment of democratic institutions and the protection of women’s rights are the pillars of a new, winning strategy in Afghanistan as elsewhere.

I hope that the strategy which is outlined here will be implemented carefully by the new system, and I take this opportunity to invite Baroness Ashton to join Parliament in this endeavour.

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Madam President, I want to begin by honouring the memory of Richard Holbrooke, a dedicated diplomat, a champion of peace and a man I was proud to call my friend. I want to pay tribute to the honourable Member Mr Arlacchi for the comprehensive report and for work that I know he has done which has provoked a rich debate in this Parliament over the last few months. For my part, I look forward to working very much with him and other colleagues in Parliament in the months ahead as we enter what I would describe as a crucial phase in our engagement in Afghanistan.

As Mr Arlacchi said, the problems that face Afghanistan in a sense concern all of us. Violent extremism extends beyond the region. Drugs grown and produced in Afghanistan find their way to the streets of Europe. Our engagement is spurred by the need to prevent Afghanistan becoming a safe haven for terrorism and criminal activities. But it is equally important that we promote a better, more secure and prosperous future for the people of Afghanistan. Without that, there will not be a solution.

In response to these challenges I want to begin by saying, as I have said many times in other places, that the European Union is in Afghanistan for the long term. We have an assistance programme up to 2013 – and, I am sure, beyond – and we have now increased the baseline of our assistance to EUR 200 million per annum, which is up from EUR 150 million per annum previously.

With that funding we are able to continue to support health and social welfare as well as governance and the rule of law, and despite the fact that security concerns are in the forefront of all our minds, I believe we have had some noticeable success in key social sectors.

I have already mentioned in this House the health sector where, for example, 80% of the country now has some form of access to primary health care, compared with less than 10% in 2001. It is also true that health indictors in Afghanistan are still amongst the worst in the world, so we have a long way to go. That said, we know from the UN figures that, compared with 2001, 40 000 fewer babies are dying each year in Afghanistan, and that is due to considerably improved prenatal care.

We also continue to channel as much of our assistance as possible through the Afghan Government structures to ensure that we get Afghani leadership of the reform process. About 50% of our assistance goes either through national programmes or through trust funds that directly support the Afghan Government. This is good for donor coordination, good for building local capacity and good for reinforcing Afghani ownership. It sets a good example for many other donors too.

But there is always room for improving international coordination. We need to do more and we need to do it better. But looking at what the European Union does, I think we have made real progress, significantly enhanced by the arrival of our new EU Special Representative Head of Delegation Vygaudas Ušackas, who arrived in Afghanistan in April.

Our political messaging is more coherent, and we are enhancing the coordination of our development efforts within the EU through the action plan for Afghanistan and Pakistan, which was approved in October last year by the Council of Ministers.

The action plan brings the instruments that are being deployed collectively and by individual Member States in line with our policy priorities – especially those arising from the Kabul Conference, which I attended in July.

Aligning our efforts and our approach is a key aspect of the plan. It identifies areas where we as the European Union believe our action will be most effective. Indeed, European Union development ministers under my chairmanship were discussing precisely these issues last week in Brussels.

That brings me in a sense to the key message I want to give today, namely that the implementation of our existing strategies needs to be the priority. The strategic framework is in place in both the military and the civilian spheres.

Together with both Presidents, I participated in the ISAF meeting in Lisbon last month, where the transfer of security responsibility under the NATO transition plan was agreed. I have met with General David Petraeus three times in recent months and, while much remains to be done, I am confident that the current strategy is beginning to have a real impact.

On the civilian side, we had the successful Kabul Conference. The Afghan Government is to be applauded for the organisation and the focus of the event in July. It was not the usual roll-call of requests and donor pledges. Rather, the agenda focused on how best to prioritise our existing resources and commitments, channelling our efforts into agreed national programmes that have been developed by the Afghanis themselves.

These national priority programmes paved the way for transition across a range of different sectors and we need now to support them, which is precisely what our action plan is doing. We all know that there can be no sustainable military exit from Afghanistan without a civilian framework for stability that can keep the country together. More effective state institutions, better governance, access to basic services, justice and the rule of law are just as important as hard security.

We will thus reinforce our efforts to strengthen Afghan capacity and will work with the Afghan Government to foster effective and accountable state institutions, especially at the sub-national level. Indeed, in all the areas we are engaged in – rural development, law enforcement, border management or tackling the narcotics trade – we will work to build up local Afghan institutions, putting the emphasis on promoting the rule of law and governance and on fighting corruption.

On the question of Afghan institutions, I want to end with a word on Afghan undertakings. Our efforts on development will only become sustainable once the Afghan Government becomes more accountable and inclusive. We need to encourage them to take such a long-term view. At present, half the human capacity in the country is marginalised, and yet we have seen from other examples in the world that the engagement of women in the governance and development processes is fundamental. I was struck by this untapped potential when I met with women’s groups in Kabul last July. This will remain a key aspect of our engagement in Afghanistan, be it in the political support to women MPs in the new Afghan Parliament or through our support to women’s participation in local development projects such as the widely-recognised National Solidarity Programme, which we have been funding through the World Bank since 2002.

As I close, I am grateful to the honourable Member, Mr Arlacchi, for highlighting so many important issues in this report. I believe it comes at a really opportune moment with so much at stake to both our military and our civilian commitments.

  Charles Goerens, rapporteur pour avis de la commission du développement. − Madame la Présidente, l'Afghanistan n'a plus beaucoup de choix.

Premièrement, le statu quo n'est plus une option réaliste puisque les forces de l'OTAN annoncent une à une leur retrait d'un pays dont nous ne savons pas encore s'il est à même de garantir sa propre sécurité.

Deuxièmement, le retour à la situation d'avant 2000 serait-il une option? Et bien faire le nid aux réseaux terroristes devrait de nouveau exposer le pays à un bras de fer avec les forces armées étrangères.

Troisièmement, faut-il confier le pouvoir à des talibans modérés? Je suis incapable de me prononcer sur cette option, étant donné que personne ne peut nous dire ce qu'est un taliban modéré. Demandons-le aux femmes afghanes qui sortent de l'enfer et qui viennent de retrouver un peu de liberté.

Quatrièmement, reste la poursuite des efforts requis pour consolider les quelques acquis et continuer à lutter pour plus de démocratie et davantage de développement. Karzai, qui veut incarner cette option, se heurte à un obstacle de taille, à savoir sa propre personne. Tant qu'il n'y a pas d'alternative crédible, c'est la seule option qui nous reste.

  Ioannis Kasoulides, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, our key position in this report is the counter-insurgency strategy in the EU action plan, and I thank Mr Arlacchi for understanding this.

This strategy must be given time to work according to the timetable set by President Obama, with 2014 as the deadline for the complete Afghanisation of military and police operations. The final stage will certainly be political, with an agreement reached through negotiation by all Afghani parties to the conflict.

Contact with the Taliban is an Afghani affair, but this should begin when the insurgents cease to feel in a position of strength. Aid distribution and the use of private contractors need to be rethought so that they benefit the local population – and certainly without paying protection money to local insurgents for the supply routes.

Equal importance should be accorded to narcotics – alongside security – for the sake of the lives of European young people. We are strongly against paragraph 71, which condemns the use of drones – an integral part of the counter-insurgency strategy. What are the European soldiers in the field going to think if the European Parliament condemns such an effective weapon in their fight against insurgency? I urge colleagues to vote against the third part of paragraph 71.

  Norbert Neuser, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Lady Ashton! Die Europäische Union ist im Rahmen vieler Missionen auf der Grundlage der Beschlüsse der Vereinten Nationen in Afghanistan engagiert. Zu viele Soldaten aus Europa haben in Afghanistan ihr junges Leben verloren. Viele wurden schwer verletzt oder leiden unter den Belastungen, die mit dem Einsatz verbunden sind. Tausende zivile Helfer aus Europa riskieren jeden Tag ihr Leben, um Afghanistan zu einer besseren Zukunft zu verhelfen. Sie alle, wir alle haben einen Anspruch zu erfahren, wie das große Engagement Europas in Afghanistan zu einem nachhaltigen Erfolg geführt werden kann und wie lange der militärische Einsatz in Afghanistan noch dauern wird.

Was muss anders, besser werden und welche Ziele hat die neue EU-Afghanistan-Strategie? Wir brauchen verbesserte Anstrengungen für einen zivilen Wiederaufbau. Wir müssen die Neuausbildung der afghanischen Polizei und die Neuausbildung der Justiz endlich voranbringen. Wir wissen, es wird keine militärische Lösung geben, und deshalb müssen wir die Bemühungen um eine politische Lösung des Konflikts intensivieren, gerade durch die EU und eine gemeinsame Außenpolitik.

Der innerafghanische Aussöhnungsprozess unter Einbeziehung moderater Taliban muss mit starkem Willen vorangetrieben werden. Konkrete Initiativen, insbesondere auf regionaler Ebene, müssen auf die Stabilisierung der Lage zielen. Dazu gehört auch und insbesondere die entschiedene Bekämpfung des Drogenanbaus und des Drogenhandels. Unsere Strategie macht gute Vorschläge. Wir verlangen von der afghanischen Regierung den erkennbaren Willen zu einer besseren, das heißt korruptionsfreien, Regierungsführung.

Die neue EU-Strategie kann aber nur erfolgreich sein, wenn sie sich nicht länger passiv darstellt, sondern sich aktiv unter Einbeziehung der Nachbarstaaten präsentiert. Lady Ashton, wir hoffen auf Sie, wir setzen auf Sie, Sie haben unsere volle Unterstützung.

  Ivo Vajgl, v imenu skupine ALDE. – Hvala, ker ste se spomnili na ambasadorja Richarda Holbrooka. Prav je, da se ga spomnimo danes, ko govorimo o Afganistanu, in se mu zahvalimo za to, kar je naredil za mir.

Svet, Evropska unija in mi vsi imamo v Afganistanu problem, s katerim bi lahko v drugih časih in z drugačnimi metodami opravili sorazmerno hitro in učinkovito. Danes je jasno, da vojaške rešitve tega problema ni - ko iščemo druge poti. In tudi to poročilo, ki ga je pripravil tankočutni poznavalec Afganistana in temnih strani svetovne politike, profesor Pino Arlacchi, utira te drugačne poti. Vendar pa vsak dan padajo nove žrtve, civilisti in borci v uniformah.

Poročilo odstira pogled v podatke o zgrešenih investicijah, stranpoteh in zlorabah humanitarne pomoči, o profitih mednarodnih omrežij trgovine z mamili, o iluzijah vojaških voditeljev. Danes je jasno, da prisotnost Al Kajde v Afganistanu ni več centralni problem. Je pa problem, ki prenaša polje spopada z mednarodnim terorizmom v sosednje države in območja toliko bolj, kolikor dlje trajajo spopadi v Afganistanu.

Poročilo opozarja, da je do pravih in dolgoročnih rešitev v Afganistanu, takšnih, ki bodo človekove pravice, položaj žensk in perspektive otrok približali nam znanim standardom, mogoče priti samo z aktivnim in močnim sodelovanjem afganskih oblasti, verskih voditeljev in civilne družbe. Treba jim je bolj kot doslej zaupati, da so sposobni zgraditi družbo in državo na osnovah, ki so blizu njihovi percepciji svobode in njihovim tradicijam in vrednotam.

To poročilo je tehten poskus definiranja ključnih problemov in možnih rešitev za Afganistan. Poročilo je spodbuda za odgovorno in ustvarjalno politiko Evropske unije v Afganistanu.

  Nicole Kiil-Nielsen, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Madame la Présidente, Madame Ashton, permettez-moi de remercier M. Arlacchi pour l'atmosphère constructive dans laquelle nous avons travaillé.

Ce rapport propose une analyse très honnête, très juste des lacunes de l'intervention internationale en Afghanistan depuis 2001. Nous en approuvons le message clé: il n'y aura pas d'issue militaire. La guerre coûte très cher. La guerre coûte en vies humaines tant parmi les soldats qu'au sein de la population, la guerre ne fait que renforcer les Talibans.

La seule solution est politique. Ce qu'attendent les Afghans, c'est un véritable investissement dans le développement de leur pays, dans l'aide à la bonne gouvernance, dans la construction d'un système judiciaire. Le problème des droits fondamentaux et, en premier lieu, des droits des femmes, reste entier.

Le très récent rapport de la mission des Nations unies en Afghanistan révèle l'incapacité du gouvernement afghan à protéger pleinement les droits des femmes et des filles. Je cite: "Tant que les femmes et les filles sont soumises à des pratiques qui leur nuisent, les dégradent et les privent de leurs droits, peu de progrès significatifs et durables peuvent être faits en Afghanistan".

Pour garantir les droits des femmes afghanes, il faut non seulement des garanties juridiques et constitutionnelles sur le papier, mais le plus important c'est encore leur application rapide et adéquate.

L'Assemblée nationale n'a que peu d'influence dans le pays, l'essentiel du pouvoir étant concentré dans les mains du Président Karzai. S'il n'est pas trop tard, un soutien sans faille, pour renforcer la démocratie et l'état de droit, doit venir de l'Union européenne aux diverses institutions et, en particulier, au parlement qui vient d'être élu.

  Struan Stevenson, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, for the past year I have served as personal representative of the chairman-in-office of the OSCE Kazakhstan, preparing a detailed report on the key environmental issues affecting central Asia. I have sent you a copy of my report, Baroness Ashton.

One of the key issues which affects the whole of Central Asia is of course the question of transboundary water utilisation. As you know there is great and constant tension between the upstream and downstream nations in central Asia involving water use.

But one aspect of this problem emerged during the course of my investigation that has, I think, been missed by many decision makers in the west. The mainstay of the Afghan economy is agriculture and any rebuilding of the economy in a post-conflict Afghanistan will mean massive investment in agriculture, encouraging for example farmers to switch from growing heroin poppies to growing pomegranates. That in turn will mean a huge additional utilisation of already scarce water resources. In other words, by helping to resolve the current conflict in Afghanistan, we could inadvertently create a series of mini-Afghanistans downstream as acute water shortages are exacerbated.

We must take care to ensure that any new irrigation schemes are properly designed, with concrete-lined channels and reservoirs, and droplet irrigation systems similar to those used by farmers in Spain. In addition, any major energy projects involving hydroelectric power plants must be carefully designed and constructed to ensure that they do not create any disadvantage for downstream water users in neighbouring countries.

  Joe Higgins, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – Madam President, the United States and NATO-led war in Afghanistan is an unmitigated disaster for the Afghan people, an estimated 30 000 of whom were killed last year alone. It is also a disaster for the young men and women forced to join and fight there in the armies of NATO and the United States, of whom perhaps 500 have already been killed this year.

As the Arlacchi report makes very clear, after nine years the economic and social situation in Afghanistan is extremely dire. The number of people living in poverty has increased dramatically. What a scandal this is, considering that USD 300 billion have been obscenely wasted on weapons of mass destruction and war and lost in corruption over that time. The US invasion of Afghanistan was undertaken not to advance the interests of the Afghan people but the geostrategic interests of the United States in Central Asia, which of course is rich in energy, oil and gas.

Foreign armies must be withdrawn and such wealth as exists in Afghanistan should be taken from the hands of the Karzai government, corrupt landlords and warlords and put democratically in the hands of organisations of peasants, workers and the poor to really utilise those resources and develop them for the benefit of the people.

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de EFD-Fractie. – Als rapporteur voor de opstelling van de Europese Unie tegenover Iran spitst mijn interesse in de resolutie over Afghanistan zich toe op de niet te onderschatten rol die de islamitische republiek op het Afghaanse strijdtoneel speelt.

De resolutie stipt die belangwekkende Iraanse invloed evenwel slechts zeer summier en mijns inziens ook weinig realistisch aan. Intussen blijft de cruciale vraag: hoe beoordeelt de Europese Unie de feitelijke invloed van Iran in Afghanistan en welke politieke consequenties trekt zij daaruit? Daarom ook leg ik de hoge vertegenwoordiger drie concrete vragen voor en ik kan mij voorstellen, mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, dat u daar schriftelijk op wilt antwoorden. Het is mij ook liever dat ik concrete antwoorden krijg.

1. In hoeverre gaat van de massale deportatie van Afghaanse vluchtelingen door Iran een destabiliserende werking uit in het westelijk deel van het land, denk aan Nimruz en Herat.

2. Deelt u de officiële Afghaanse observaties dat Iran onder de dekmantel van deze deportaties buitenlandse terroristen het land tracht binnen te sluizen?

3. Welke hulp verschaft de Europese Unie de Afghaanse autoriteiten bij de opvang van massa's vluchtelingen uit Iran, ter voorkoming dat Teheran dit ernstige humanitaire vraagstuk politiek misbruikt, instrumentaliseert om Kabul afhankelijk te maken en onder politieke druk te zetten.

  Nick Griffin (NI). - Madam President, this report demolishes the lies of the British political class about the Afghan War. I do not know the names of any of the innocent Afghan victims of this wicked war, but I do know that it has nothing to do with British interests. And I know the names of the 18 brave young men from my constituency who paid with their lives for this madness in the last year alone.

Corporal Simon Hornby, Liverpool; Warrant Officer David Markland, Lancashire; Kingsman Sean Dawson, Stalybridge; Corporal Harvey Holmes, Hyde; Corporal Terry Webster, Chester; Lance Corporal Andrew Breeze, Manchester; Marine Steven Birdsall, Warrington; Marine Paul Warren, Preston; Sergeant Steven Darbyshire, Wigan; Private Alex Isaac, Wirral; Private Douglas Halliday, Wallasey; Colour Sergeant Martyn Horton, Runcorn; Private Thomas Sephton, Warrington; Sergeant David Monkhouse, Cumbria; Sapper Darren Foster, Carlisle; Lance Corporal Jordan Bancroft, Burnley; Kingsman Darren Deady, Bolton; Guardsman Christopher Davies, St Helens.

What a criminal waste of brave young lives!

It is, of course, no business of the European Union what wars Britain should or should not fight. That is for the British people and our elected representatives in our House of Parliament in Westminster to decide, just as it will be for us to decide one happy day to put Messrs Blair, Brown and Cameron on trial for war crimes, because Afghanistan, just like Iraq, is a criminal war.

  Mario Mauro (PPE). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, condivido con il relatore l'idea che gli enormi problemi che permangono oggi in Afghanistan chiedono di essere affrontati secondo una logica nuova, cioè con una diversa definizione delle priorità rispetto a quanto fatto finora.

Condivido anche il compiacimento per il fatto che il Presidente afghano Karzai abbia fissato l'obiettivo del 2014 come inizio del periodo in cui soltanto le forze di sicurezza nazionali afghane condurranno le operazioni militari delle varie province, nonché dell'impegno assunto dal governo afghano di giungere gradualmente all'esercizio della piena autorità sulla propria sicurezza.

Tutto questo, però, non deve significare un abbandono della causa afghana da parte della comunità internazionale. La collaborazione con l'Afghanistan deve essere invece rafforzata sotto ogni aspetto, innanzitutto dobbiamo promuovere gli investimenti nell'economia perché significherebbe davvero investire nella stabilità del paese. Questo deve essere fatto nel modo giusto, vale adire stabilendo un modello di cooperazione basato sul dialogo inclusivo di realtà sociali e istituzioni locali.

Ma la questione primaria, come espresso correttamente nella relazione, è il fatto che non vi può essere stabilità o pace in Afghanistan senza che lo Stato garantisca innanzitutto la sicurezza dei suoi cittadini e assuma le proprie responsabilità.

In questo senso, invito il relatore a rivedere se possibile, magari attraverso un emendamento orale, il passaggio sull'utilizzo dei droni sul terreno, cioè in chiave operativa, nel senso che un conto è dire "È vietato usare i droni", un altro "Limitiamo il più possibile l'utilizzo di questa strumentazione tecnologica " per non colpire magari la popolazione civile. Veniamoci incontro, credo che il relatore abbia la sensibilità e gli strumenti per farlo. Noi volentieri lo sosterremmo in questo senso.

  Кристиан Вигенин (S&D). - Уважаема г-жо председател, днес обсъждаме може би един от най-важните доклади в сферата на външната политика и сигурността за 2010 г. Използвам случая, за да поздравя докладчика г-н Arlacchi за положения труд и резултатите, които постигна. За резултатите от досегашната политика към Афганистан можем да съдим по шокиращите данни за нарастваща детска смъртност, намаляване на очакваната продължителност на живота, увеличаване на неграмотността и бедността. В същото време, разходите за пет дни война се равняват на цената на премахване на бедността, една седмица струва колкото 6000 училища. Съзнавам, че подобни сравнения не са съвсем коректни , но те дават представа за безизходицата, в която се намираме в момента. В същото време редица доклади показват сериозни слабости, изтичане на средства и корупция при усвояването на международната помощ. Като от 2002 г. насам, само Европейският съюз и страните членки са предоставили над 8 милиарда евро без да има постигнат значим резултат.

Не по-малко тревожен е фактът, че подборът и обучението на кадрите в афганистанската национална полиция не покрива и най-минималните стандарти: 90% от състава се състои от неграмотни граждани, една пета от тях употребяват наркотици. Подчертавам това, защото не можем да говорим за нова стратегия за Афганистан, ако не отворим очите си за реалните факти. Няма лесни решения и готови рецепти, но ние настояваме да се осъзнае, че единственото решение е политическото – да се постави акцент върху силното ангажиране на афганистанските институции и граждани в развитието на страната и да се търси дългосрочно решение чрез създаване на стабилни предпоставки за прекратяване на производството на опиум и премахването на бедността.

  Carl Haglund (ALDE). - Fru talman! Först vill jag tacka Pino Arlacchi som har gjort ett gott arbete med denna strategi. Jag tycker att den på ett förtjänstfullt sätt visar vilka utmaningar vi står inför, men också vilka misstag vi har begått hittills. Jag hoppas att vi kan ta lärdom av detta dokument för att på det sättet utveckla våra insatser i Afghanistan.

Några saker är värda en närmare eftertanke. För det första den på sitt sätt ganska radikala, men viktiga tanken om att faktiskt ha seriösa förhandlingar med så kallade moderata talibaner. Det här är säkert den enda utvägen, samtidigt som jag tror att många av oss har svårt att definiera vad en moderat taliban egentligen är och vem det är. Jag tror alltså att vi har skäl att föra en diskussion om detta, och jag tycker att händelser på senare tid har visat att det här inte är riktigt klart för var och en av oss.

En annan fråga jag gärna berör är frågan om biståndspengar och hur de riktas. Jag tycker att det är bra att man i framtiden vågar kanalisera dem via den afghanska statsbudgeten. Det är trots allt antagligen den enda vägen, även om jag tror att det måste göras med eftertanke. Vi har också skäl att visa för väljarna i våra egna länder att vi följer upp det här och att missbruket av biståndspengar inte blir för stort.

Sist men inte minst tycker jag att det är bra att Pakistans roll nämns, för den är också avgörande. Det tror jag att vi alla är överens om och här har det internationella samfundet en viktigt roll att trycka på Pakistan att göra det som de bör göra.

Slutligen vill jag säga att jag kommer från ett land där diskussionen om Afghanistan i dagens läge endast handlar om huruvida de finländska trupperna ska vara kvar eller inte och det är inte speciellt konstruktivt. Man diskuterar inte innehåll, utan bara truppernas vara och inte vara. Det samma gäller t.ex. vårt grannland Sverige och därför är sådana här initiativ som den här seriösa strategin ett bra inlägg i diskussionen för framtiden.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). - Cztery lata temu byłem obserwatorem na wyborach w Autonomii Palestyńskiej, w Autonomii Palestyńskiej, podkreślam. I pamiętam takie złudzenie jednej z ważniejszych osób w Parlamencie Europejskim. Ta osoba powiedziała do mnie: „No, ci ludzie z Hamasu tacy w zasadzie mili, kulturalni, sympatyczni ludzie. Może warto z nimi negocjować”. Dzisiaj słyszę powtórkę. Dzisiaj słyszę, że być może warto negocjować z tymi umiarkowanymi talibami. Pojawia się tylko pytanie – kto jest umiarkowanym talibem i czy to nie jest za bardzo rozciągliwe pojęcie? Przestrzegałbym przed takim kierunkiem.

Jest jasne, że w Afganistanie ginie bardzo dużo żołnierzy – także z mojego kraju, z Polski – zdecydowanie ginie za wiele tych żołnierzy, że nasza strategia kosztuje zbyt wiele pieniędzy, a strategia NATO też jest dyskusyjna. Natomiast ja bym nie wylewał dziecka z kąpielą i przestrzegam przed dialogiem z ludźmi, którzy tak naprawdę mają zupełnie inne cele niż my.

  Philippe Juvin (PPE). - Madame la Présidente, je sais que M. Arlacchi connaît bien l'Afghanistan. Parmi les membres de cette Assemblée, il est probablement un de ceux qui connaît le mieux ce pays et cette région complexe.

Mais disons-le tout net, ce texte, en l'état, pose un grave problème. Et je ne rejoins pas l'ensemble de nos collègues qui se félicitent et se congratulent du texte. Je vais vous expliquer pourquoi.

Je trouve que ce texte a d'abord le grand défaut de vouloir absolument faire de nous, les Occidentaux, les responsables des maux que connaît l'Afghanistan. Je vais vous citer trois exemples. Premièrement, M. Arlacchi écrit que les conditions sanitaires se sont dégradées depuis, comme par hasard, que nous sommes là-bas. C'est étonnant! Mme Ashton a dit strictement le contraire. Personne ne l'a remarqué.

Le deuxième point: dans le considérant B, lisez-le mes chers collègues, les forces occidentales sont des forces d'occupation. Les États membres de cette assemblée qui ont connu des occupations sauront juger de l'intérêt d'un tel mot.

Et troisièmement, sur le paragraphe 71, l'affaires des drones: écoutez, mes chers collègues, j'ai été officier en Afghanistan il y a deux ans, comme médecin militaire. J'ai soigné des soldats allemands, britanniques, polonais, italiens, français, afghans alliés, et j'ai même soigné des talibans. Je peux vous dire que si demain vous dites à nos militaires "Vous ne pouvez pas utiliser les drones", cela signifie que vous leur dites "Allez au contact de l'ennemi, prenez des risques". Je ne sais pas si c'est de notre responsabilité de femmes et d'hommes politiques que de dire cela à nos hommes.

Alors je ne méconnais pas la complexité de la situation. Je sais que la guerre est cruelle, mais il faut arrêter, je crois, cet antimilitarisme, cet anti-américanisme primaire, cette auto-flagellation des forces occidentales, qui fait de ces forces occidentales toutes les causes des maux des Afghans.

Je crois, mes chers collègues, que les choses sont beaucoup plus simples. L'ennemi, ce sont les talibans, ce ne sont pas les Américains et ce ne sont pas les forces occidentales. Tout cela est très complexe mais attention à la manière que nous avons de présenter les choses.

  Thijs Berman (S&D). - Madam President, I would like to join Lady Ashton in paying tribute to Richard Holbrooke. I admired him for Dayton, met him once for a fascinating dinner in Brussels and was very much impressed by him.

Een strategie die vooral militair van aard is kan niet succesvol zijn in Afghanistan. Van 20.000 soldaten in 2001 naar 150.000 nu, en de onveiligheid is gegroeid.

Meer burgerslachtoffers, meer dode soldaten en een coalitieleger dat, met excuses aan collega Juvin, nu werkelijk als bezettingsmacht wordt gezien door meer en meer Afghanen.

De strategie moet zich richten op de opbouw van het land, lokaal bestuur, de rechterlijke macht, onderwijs, gezondheid, ook voor vrouwen, rurale ontwikkeling, maar zonder opium. De coalitie moet zijn eigen principes serieus nemen. Nu klinken er mooie woorden over corruptiebestrijding en er gebeurt niets tegen de corruptie in en rond het presidentieel paleis. Dat desillusioneert de Afghanen en dat moet veranderen.

De anticorruptietak van de Afghaanse politie moet versterkt worden door de EU, die aan het werk moet gaan met de openbare aanklagers. Afghanistan kan niet zonder betrouwbaar bestuur.

  Zbigniew Ziobro (ECR). - Nie da się stworzyć dobrze funkcjonującego programu pomocy dla Afganistanu bez ustabilizowania jego sytuacji wewnętrznej. Głównym filarem tych działań musi być zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa i zwycięstwo w walce z siłami rebeliantów. W tym celu należy zwiększyć zaangażowanie państw europejskich w ramach misji NATO oraz wzmocnić siły Europolu, które, jak wiemy, nie osiągnęły jeszcze zapowiadanego stanu liczbowego. Niezbędne jest również odcięcie sił talibów do baz w Pakistanie i Peszawarze.

Jak wskazuje w swoich opracowaniach Departament Stanu USA, istotnym źródłem finansowania działalności partyzantów jest handel narkotykami. Jest to kolejne pole do działalności Unii Europejskiej, która powinna wzmocnić środki finansowe zachęcające rolników do porzucenia upraw maku. Nie wydaje się słuszne założenie raportu mówiące o poparciu dla programu generała Petraeus'a. Środki finansowe powinny być pozyskiwane regionalnie, lecz władza musi być centralna. Dalsze rozbicie Afganistanu może doprowadzić do somalizacji państwa i podziału na walczące plemiona.

  Μαριέττα Γιαννάκου (PPE). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η υπόθεση της κατάστασης στο Αφγανιστάν παρουσιάζει εξαιρετικό ενδιαφέρον για τη διεθνή κοινότητα, όχι μόνο γιατί υπάρχουν εκεί στρατιωτικές δυνάμεις αλλά γιατί εκεί αναπτύσσονται και θα αναπτύσσονται στο μέλλον δυνάμεις που θα εξαπολύουν τρομοκρατικές επιθέσεις και θα δημιουργούν προβλήματα στη διεθνή κοινότητα. Η αλήθεια είναι, και πρέπει να το παραδεχθούμε, ότι στο Αφγανιστάν από τον 14ο αιώνα ακόμα υπήρχαν δυνάμεις αυτού του τύπου, φονταμενταλιστικές και τρομοκρατικές.

Πριν από 24 χρόνια, κυρία Ashton, το Κοινοβούλιό μας ψηφίζοντας την έκθεση της Επιτροπής Έρευνας για τα Ναρκωτικά αφιέρωσε ιδιαίτερες σελίδες στο Αφγανιστάν με προβλέψεις για τη σημερινή κατάσταση που δυστυχώς βγήκαν αληθινές. Το πρόβλημα των ναρκωτικών δεν μπορεί να κατασταλεί με καλλιέργειες. Το πρόγραμμα καλλιεργειών των Ηνωμένων Εθνών στην πραγματικότητα έχει αποτύχει. Το όπιο ακριβώς του Αφγανιστάν, το οποίο θεωρείται και το καλύτερο, όπως αναφέρουν οι ειδικοί, χρηματοδοτεί όλες τις δραστηριότητες και στο Αφγανιστάν και στο Πακιστάν και αλλού.

Επομένως χρειάζεται και καταστολή αλλά κυρίως χρειάζεται αυτό που είπατε εσείς η ίδια, δηλαδή προσπάθεια αναπτυξιακή, προσπάθεια στον τομέα της υγείας, στη μείωση της παιδικής θνησιμότητας, δηλαδή να υποδειχθεί στους ανθρώπους αυτούς ένα μοντέλο που θα το αγαπήσουν, θα το συμπαθήσουν και θα το θέλουν για την ποιότητα ζωής τους εν συνεχεία, για να μπορέσουν να το ενσωματώσουν στην αντίληψή τους. Και φυσικά ένα τέτοιο μοντέλο θα βοηθήσει τις γυναίκες, γιατί είναι μνημειώδης υπόθεση η κατάσταση στην οποία οδήγησαν τις γυναίκες οι Ταλιμπάν. Ήδη στις μουσουλμανικές χώρες οι γυναίκες βρίσκονται υπό φοβερή κατάσταση και υπό φοβερή καταπίεση. Εκεί τα πράγματα θα ήταν ακόμη χειρότερα. Είναι ανάγκη η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να παραμείνει, Βαρόνη Ashton, και οι παρεμβάσεις σας να είναι συνεχείς και να παραμείνει με το ευρωπαϊκό της πρόσωπο, αυτό ακριβώς που αναφέρατε και εσείς η ίδια.

  Ana Gomes (S&D). - Richard Holbrooke, a quem presto também sentida homenagem, disse mesmo antes de morrer: é preciso parar a guerra no Afeganistão. De facto, este país é decisivo para a nossa segurança europeia e global e é por isso que, como bem detalha o relatório de Pino Arlacchi, precisamos de corrigir os colossais erros cometidos passando a investir na afeganização e a pôr a segurança humana do povo afegão em primeiro lugar, o que implica a responsabilidade de proteger por parte das forças estrangeiras presentes.

Não nos iludamos: um estado de direito e instituições democráticas não podem ser construídos por senhores da guerra, corruptos e desacreditados aos olhos do povo. Parar a guerra no Afeganistão depende também do controlo do governo democraticamente eleito sobre o poder militar no vizinho Paquistão, uma potência nuclear à margem do NPT. Se não continuarem a política de avestruz relativamente a estas questões políticas fundamentais, os europeus na União Europeia e na NATO podem ajudar a parar a guerra no Afeganistão, e, também, a descida aos infernos no Paquistão.

  Carlo Fidanza (PPE). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mi associo anch'io al ricordo di Richard Holbrook.

È indubbio che se questa relazione fosse spettata al mio gruppo politico, l'approccio sarebbe stato molto diverso da quello seguito dall'onorevole Arlacchi, che pure ringrazio per la passione con cui da tempo segue il dossier "Afghanistan".

Si tratta di una relazione che oggi, grazie anche ai numerosi e qualificanti emendamenti presentati dal nostro gruppo politico, si presenta come meno ideologica e in grado di riconoscere certamente le criticità riscontrate in questi nove anni, ma anche di riconoscere le positività e le linee di sviluppo più efficaci da seguire per contribuire a una riappropriazione piena di sovranità da parte delle autorità afghane.

Se è vero che da sola una risposta militare non può bastare, dobbiamo però ancora una volta ribadire con forza, da un lato, che negli ultimi mesi si sono registrati significativi successi militari – pensiamo alle operazioni nelle zone di Almando e di Kandahar – e, dall'altro, che una maggiore incisività contro gli insorgens è una premessa indispensabile per indurre a più miti consigli le formazioni talebane che vorremmo portare ai tavoli della trattativa.

Questo impegno militare, e con esso il sacrificio di migliaia di giovani soldati del contingente ISAF – tra loro molti europei, anche molti ragazzi del mio paese – lo dobbiamo rivendicare con orgoglio, perché non è un impegno soltanto militare ma è anche un impegno per la ricostruzione: noi in quelle terre sfortunate stiamo portando scuole, ponti e opere civili che servono allo sviluppo di questa terra martoriata.

In questo senso, nonostante i compromessi raggiunti, credo che nella relazione permangano ancora alcuni punti di criticità, in particolar modo quello già sottolineato riguardante l'utilizzo dei droni. Credo sia un grave errore privarci in maniera acritica della possibilità di utilizzare questo strumento che si sta rivelando molto utile soprattutto in alcune zone del nord-est del paese, in cui più difficile è scovare e sconfiggere le milizie talebane.

Auspico che su questo ci sia un ripensamento da parte del relatore, altrimenti mi unirò al voto del mio gruppo, che voterà contro la relazione.

  Zoran Thaler (S&D). - Rad bi čestital kolegi Arlacchiju za pogumno poročilo.

Danes, ko se upravičeno spominjamo diplomata Holbrooka in njegovih zaslug za mir, predvsem na Balkanu, dovolite, da citiram njegovo izjavo o porabljenem denarju za boj proti narkotikom v Afganistanu (1,61 milijarde dolarjev).

‘The most wasteful and ineffective programme I have seen in and out of government’.

Konec citata spoštovanega diplomata Holbrooka.

Podobno je z vsem v teh nesrečnih desetih letih vojne v Afganistanu. Nimam se časa spuščati, zakaj smo padli v to past Busheve administracije, vendar dejstvo je, da naši državljani pričakujejo, da končamo s to norostjo, ki nas je stala čez 300 milijard evrov in nešteto človeških življenj. Če so se nekateri v 2001 zlahka podali v to vojno, je zdaj čas, da stežka tvegamo z mirom. To pričakujejo naši državljani in pričakujejo politično rešitev in manj vere v vojaško rešitev.

  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Mă bucură foarte mult faptul că în cadrul comisiei AFET grupurile politice au ajuns la un consens în ceea ce priveşte acest raport. Textul rezultat este mult mai convingător decât propunerea iniţială.

Situaţia din Afganistan necesită încă ameliorări semnificative după nouă ani de intervenţie internaţională. Indicatorii socioeconomici şi de securitate nu s-au îmbunătăţit vizibil şi deseori au fost luate decizii fără a implica suficient partea afgană. Din acest motiv consider că ceea ce lipseşte nu este nici cadrul, nu sunt nici instrumentele. De fapt, avem nevoie de o proiecţie strategică în acord cu angajamentele faţă de Afganistan. UE trebuie să îşi asume, alături de NATO, rolul de lider al unui efort internaţional care să vizeze tratarea Afganistanului ca un stat suveran. Subliniez că singura soluţie politică şi diplomatică este implicarea crescută a guvernului afgan. În acest sens, consider că unul dintre elementele cheie ale raportului este sprijinul faţă de noua strategie împotriva insurgenţilor.

Summitul de la Lisabona a stabilit trecerea la etapa de tranziţie, care constă în predarea treptată a responsabilităţilor de securitate către forţele afgane până în 2014. Aşa cum s-a angajat încă de la începutul misiunii, ţara mea nu îşi va retrage trupele până când teritoriul afgan nu va fi complet sigur. Menţionez aici şi contribuţia importantă a Rusiei, acceptând tranzitul trupelor şi a materialelor noastre pe teritoriul său.

În încheiere, subliniez necesitatea ca, odată cu avansarea procesului de tranziţie, trupele ISAF care îşi vor încheia activitatea să fie relocate în zonele unde situaţia de securitate va continua să fie precară. Acest lucru este foarte important pentru trupele româneşti aflate în sudul Afganistanului. Regiunea va rămâne una instabilă, în pofida succeselor înregistrate în operaţiile ISAF.

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΡΟΔΗ ΚΡΑΤΣΑ-ΤΣΑΓΚΑΡΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ
Αντιπρόεδρος

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). - Aş vrea înainte de toate să spun că mă alătur perspectivei propuse de colegul meu, domnul Juvin, mai devreme şi aş vrea să încep intervenţia mea spunând că regret faptul că titlul raportului nu conţine numele Uniunii Europene. Noi nu cred că trebuie să vorbim în numele comunităţii globale, ci în numele Uniunii. Am încercat, de altfel, să subliniez acest lucru şi prin amendamentele pe care le-am depus. Asta nu înseamnă, bineînţeles, că trebuie să ignorăm colaborarea cu aliaţii noştri şi mai ales, cum spunea şi colegul meu, Juvin, cu Statele Unite.

Consider că în acest moment nu este atât nevoie să ne concentrăm pe o strategie complet nouă. Eu cred că e mai bine să punem în practică viziunea strategică definită în cadrul summitului NATO de la Bucureşti de acum doi ani. Nu cred, în acest sens, că e vorba de o nouă strategie, cât de o coerenţă în raport cu această viziune strategică.

Trebuie, pe de altă parte, desigur, să recunoaştem şi să învăţăm din greşelile pe care le-a comis coaliţia militară din Afganistan. Dar nu trebuie, totuşi, să cădem în capcana idealizării situaţiei de dinaintea intervenţiei. E important, aşa cum s-a mai subliniat deja, să marcăm faptul că dispariţia grupărilor talibane din această ţară e unul din obiectivele majore ale strategiei noastre în Afganistan.

Trebuie, pe de altă parte, să subliniem punctele pozitive ale intervenţiei şi mai ales ale planului Petraeus. Afganistanul este astăzi o ţară în care femeile au mai multe drepturi, în care mai mulţi copii merg la şcoală, mai multe fabrici sunt deschise, mai multe drumuri sunt construite. Şi asta ţine de felul în care noi ne-am comportat în această ţară. Integrarea mijloacelor civile precum programele educative, de eradicare a sărăciei, de reconstrucţie şi dezvoltare, această integrare e esenţială pentru asigurarea păcii în Afganistan.

În fine, aş vrea să subliniez necesitatea unei viziuni pragmatice, cum e cea a grupului meu. Să nu uităm că raportul Arlacchi a cunoscut peste patru sute de amendamente.

  Marielle De Sarnez (ALDE). - Madame la Présidente, très rapidement trois choses.

Premièrement, je crois, contrairement à ce qui a été dit, que l'Union européenne devrait avoir sa propre stratégie. En Afghanistan, nous avons des hommes, des soldats, des militaires qui sont engagés, nous avons des moyens, beaucoup de moyens que nous avons donnés, et il est important d'avoir notre propre réflexion.

Deuxièmement, je considère qu'il faudrait vraiment que l'argent de la communauté inernationale profite aux Afghans. Ce n'est malheureusement pas le cas depuis 10 ans, nous le constatons tous les jours sur le terrain. Je crois que c'est en partie, probablement, de la responsabilité des ONG ou des humanitaires, mais c'est aussi en grande partie, et peut-être le rapport ne le dit pas suffisamment, dû, je le crains, à la corruption gouvernementale et à un gouvernement qui, honnêtement, n'est pas très juste et n'est pas très efficace.

Troisième chose: la question du dialogue politique est posée. En fait, elle essaie de se nouer avec les talibans depuis plusieurs années, ce n'est pas nouveau. Je crois, pour ma part, que c'est nécessaire, mais je crois que ce sera très difficile, parce que conduire un dialogue alors même que nous sommes sur le terrain en position de faiblesse et que le retrait des troupes est avancé, sera, évidemment, très compliqué.

  Giovanni Collino (PPE). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, grazie all'approvazione di diversi emendamenti, siamo d'accordo con la relazione dell'onorevole Arlacchi e con le priorità che sono state evidenziate nella relazione per il futuro sviluppo dell'Afghanistan, in particolare un regime di trasparenza degli aiuti finanziari, la formazione delle forze di polizia interna e la lotta contro il traffico di droga e il coordinamento degli aiuti internazionali rappresentano i punti essenziali di una strategia politica e militare che si è ulteriormente rafforzata.

È importante sottolineare ancora una volta la necessità di assicurare il controllo e la stabilizzazione del territorio, affinché venga indebolita l'azione delle formazioni talebane, questo per dar vita ai processi di pace. Concludo sottolineando il contributo che il gruppo del PPE ha dato per arrivare a un testo condiviso; infine voglio rendere omaggio all'azione e al sacrificio dei militari del contingente multinazionale ISAF per la loro presenza sul territorio in difesa della libertà e delle popolazioni locali.

  Katarína Neveďalová (S&D). - Myslím si, že žiadna vojna neprináša mier a prosperitu a takisto je to aj v Afganistane.

Mali by sme sa zamyslieť nad tým, že kým niektorých našich kolegov, hlavne z EPP, trápi, či budeme podporovať nejaký druh lietadiel – ja teda nie som vojenský expert a vôbec nerozumiem, o čom je táto debata – tak si myslím, že omnoho viac by sme sa mali zamerať na to, čo v tejto správe spomína pán Arlacchi, a to je veľmi dôležité. Je to situácia žien a detí v tejto krajine. Určite by sme sa mali zameriavať viacej na podporu nediskriminácie žien a boj proti diskriminácii. A určite by sme sa mali zameriavať na to, že veľa detí v Afganistane nemá napríklad možnosť chodiť do školy a veľa z nich žije pod hranicou chudoby.

Myslím si, že pokiaľ nepodporíme projekty na vzdelávanie a zdravotníctvo a budeme naďalej investovať do vojenského riešenia tohto konfliktu, tak sa nikam nedopracujeme.

  Andrew Henry William Brons (NI). - Madam President, Mr Arlacchi’s report is well researched and informative. My slight criticism is that he seems to bemoan the fact that Afghanistan is not a liberal democracy run by a coalition of Greens and Liberal Democrats in Brighton.

The horror story of Afghanistan has involved the deaths of 346 British soldiers, many more allied soldiers and thousands of innocent Afghans. During that period, infant mortality and maternal mortality have soared and life expectancy has fallen. He tells us than in 2001 no poppies were being grown in Afghanistan, whereas now, after nine years of conflict and allied influence, Afghanistan supplies more than 90% of the heroin in Europe.

To point out that there is some discrimination against women is to get things slightly out of proportion. The answer is to support our troops by stopping the war and bringing them home to guard our own people against home grown but imported terrorists.

  Norica Nicolai (ALDE). - Sigur, fără îndoială, şi femeile, şi copiii sunt un subiect important, însă în raportul domnului Arlacchi, importantă este luciditatea, faptul că ne propune şi nu pune la îndoială legitimitatea intervenţiei internaţionale în Afganistan, dar este firesc şi responsabil din punct de vedere politic să pună în discuţie eficienţa acestei intervenţii. Pentru că, dincolo de sentimentalisme, o intervenţie care durează de zece ani poate pune într-o umbră absolut nefavorabilă eficienţa deciziei politice cu privire la această chestiune şi cred că fiecare dintre noi suntem responsabili faţă de cei care ne-au ales cu un răspuns la această întrebare.

Salut luciditatea acestui raport şi pentru faptul că vorbeşte despre lucruri despre care evităm în general, din diverse raţiuni, să vorbim şi cred că este un raport care e doar un început. Trebuie să avem curajul să facem o analiză periodică, o evaluare a acţiunilor noastre, să recunoaştem unde am greşit şi, atunci când am greşit, să găsim alte soluţii. Aşa este şi responsabil, aşa e şi democratic.

  Jaroslav Paška (EFD). - Zo skúseností vieme, že pomáhať intervenciou zvonka sa dá vtedy, ak väčšina obyvateľstva o takúto pomoc zvonku stojí. Po rokoch intervenovania v Afganistane vidíme, že Afganci nám nerozumejú, nestoja o našu pomoc, nerozumejú našej civilizácii, našim kultúrnym hodnotám.

Na Slovensku máme také príslovie, ktoré hovorí, že „komu niet rady, tomu niet ani pomoci“. Nechcem tvrdiť, že sa Afgancom nedá pomáhať, nemôžu sa však voliť formy, ktoré sú vyslovene silové a násilné. Mali by sme sa predovšetkým orientovať na to, ako našu pomoc zmeniť a štruktúrovať tak, aby zodpovedala potrebám afganského ľudu.

Nazdávam sa, že je naozaj potrebné, aby sme armádu postupne stiahli a odovzdali moc domácej správe, domácim politikom a cez domácich politikov potom pomáhali ľudu Afganskej republiky tak, aby sa dokázali stotožniť s našimi civilizačnými hodnotami, aby nám porozumeli, a potom snáď budú ochotní a schopní akceptovať našu pomoc.

  Ioan Mircea Paşcu (S&D). - Madam President, our commitment to a stable self-governing Afghanistan, capable of preventing the re-establishment of a terrorist sanctuary there, is strong and long-term, having been reasserted by both the EU and NATO. However, precisely because our commitment is a long-term one, I would foresee at least three major challenges.

The first is that the kind of state model we provide for Afghanistan does not fit the Afghan tradition. As the Afghans have to adjust, so too do we, helping them to get an achievable state model combining modernity with the Afghan tradition.

The second challenge is that the security situation might well continue to require our international military involvement beyond 2014, when the Afghans will take over. We should be ready seriously to contemplate either extending the deadline or facing the consequences.

Finally, the third challenge will be provided by the running-out of our public’s patience, which might force us to speed up our present timetable to avoid the alternative of simply declaring victory and going home. That would ruin our credibility.

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Madam President, I will just make a couple of concluding remarks.

First of all, I would like to thank the European Parliament. This has been an interesting and diverse debate, and I commend you for the continued interest and energy that you put into our engagement in Afghanistan. That has been very well demonstrated by the discussion today.

As I said at the beginning, I believe Afghanistan is important for all of us and for our citizens, and that the European Union must rightly remain a key player. I hope that I spelled out at the beginning the priorities and plans for the period ahead, together with the recognition of the balance that needs to be struck between channelling resources through the Afghan Government and recognising the importance of ensuring that we battle corruption appropriately, in order to safeguard the resources that we have.

We remain engaged in key sectors: in health (as I have described), the police, justice, rural development and the sub-national governments – and of course the rule of law is essential. Moreover, as I have described, a focus for all these programmes is to ensure that we build up capacity in the local Afghan structures and that the government’s priorities in combating the drugs industry and reducing corruption continue to be fully addressed.

I also pointed out in my speech the importance of engaging and involving women at all levels of Afghan society and, indeed, in the political structures. I took note of Mr Stevenson’s report and agree that water and irrigation, as in so many parts of the world, are increasingly an issue.

Mr Belder, I promise I will reply to you, as you specifically asked, in writing.

I will conclude by again thanking Mr Arlacchi for the report. I very much look forward to continuing the discussion on the key points at issue in that report and beyond. I end by echoing what was said about Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, and the fact that his final words as he went into his last surgery were on Afghanistan. That is very typical of him. How I will miss him.

  Pino Arlacchi, rapporteur. − Madam President, this has been an extremely interesting and lively debate. I just want to make a couple of observations.

The first is that I am very happy there has been no criticism by anyone of the four main points of the report. The report asked for reform of international aid, elimination of opium poppy cultivation, better coordination of police training, and support for the peace process. All the observations have been on other issues and I am happy that, after one year of discussion in the Committee on Foreign Affairs, colleagues have confirmed their support for the structure of the report – which is not ‘the Arlacchi report’. Following its approval by the Committee on Foreign Affairs, this is the committee report that has been approved almost unanimously – with 60 votes for, and one vote against. It also includes several compromises agreed on by all the political groups, so it is very important, too, to refer to the real text of the report, which is the final one.

To Mr Juvin, I would say that there is no mention of occupying forces in Afghanistan. That was the original text. The final text says ‘coalition of international forces in place’ in Afghanistan. This part of the report has been changed by the amendments.

The most important issue is drones. This is not a report on drones. There are just two lines of a compromise between the political groups on the issue of the use of drones. I believe that an agreement could have been reached sooner on that, but I trust my interlocutors and all the different positions, and I trust the compromise we reached. There is no call in the report for prohibition of the use of drones. There is moderate criticism of it, but I believe that an agreement between groups can be found on that.

I thank you, and I also thank Baroness Ashton. I hope she will take full account of the content of the report, which is a very concrete one and calls for an exit strategy from Afghanistan.

  Csanád Szegedi (NI). - Tisztelt Elnök asszony! Elnézést kérek, hogy most szólalok így fel technikailag, és nem is Arlacchi úrnak szeretném feltenni a kérdést, hanem a levezető asszonynak szeretnék nagy tisztelettel csak egy apró figyelmeztetést vagy egy kérdést feltenni. Én független képviselő vagyok, nagyon kevés lehetőségünk van felszólalásra. Mai nap nincs is lehetőségem felszólalni. Erre a vitára egy órával korábban bejöttem, nagyon udvariasan lementem, az ott lévő stábnak jeleztem, hogy szerettem volna felszólalni. Én elfogadom ezt, természetes, hogy ma erre nem jutott idő vagy ebben a vitában, természetesen írásban le fogom adni a mai felszólalásomat. Én azt szeretném, és azt kérném levezető elnök asszonytól, hogy a következőkben legyen nagyobb figyelemmel és empátiával a független képviselőkkel, akiknek sajnos ennyi lehetőségünk van a felszólalásra. Köszönöm szépen, és további jó munkát kívánok!

  Arnaud Danjean (PPE). - Madame la Présidente, pour corriger ce qui a été dit, M. Arlacchi a tout à fait raison, le texte final qui nous est proposé ne contient plus, dans le considérant B, le mot de force d'occupation. Simplement, les traductions et, notamment, la traduction française n'a pas été correcte sur la dernière version, et la traduction française, jusqu'à ce matin, contenait toujours cette expression de force d'occupation, d'où l'intervention de mon collègue Juvin.

  Πρόεδρος. - Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί αύριο.

Γραπτές δηλώσεις (άρθρο 149)

  Corina Creţu (S&D), în scris. – Strategia prezentată şi aprobată la Lisabona înseamnă transferarea progresivă, regiune cu regiune, a controlului spaţiului din responsabilitatea ISAF către forţele armate afgane. Succesul ei depinde de felul în care va acţiona Pakistanul, care este parte a problemei şi va fi, inevitabil, şi parte a soluţiei. De asemenea, nu cred că putem ignora implicarea tot mai evidentă a Iranului în Afganistan. Ultimele evenimente legate de această implicare sunt neliniştitoare.

Cred că această strategie trebuie însoţită de proiecte civile mai importante şi mai vizibile, care să ajute dezvoltarea acestor regiuni, unde sărăcia este omniprezentă şi unde prezenţa forţelor ISAF şi ale SUA nu a produs schimbări fundamentale. Nu putem lăsa în urma noastră, după retragere, aceleaşi probleme care au dus la ascensiunea talibanilor la putere, în deceniul trecut. Sper că această nouă strategie va funcţiona şi va permite Afganistanului să-şi regăsească liniştea şi echilibrul.

  Krzysztof Lisek (PPE), na piśmie. – Strategia dotychczas stosowana wobec Afganistanu nie przyniosła zakładanych rezultatów. Z zadowoleniem przyjąłem ustanowienie kalendarza zaangażowania NATO w Afganistanie i podpisanie deklaracji o długofalowym partnerstwie z tym krajem podczas szczytu NATO w Lizbonie. Również UE prezentuje bardziej spójne i lepiej skoordynowane podejście do tego regionu, uwzględniające aspekty cywilne oraz znaczenie współpracy regionalnej.

Powinniśmy dalej wspierać reformy mające na celu walkę z ubóstwem, dyskryminacją kobiet i produkcją opium. Nasze działania muszą się koncentrować na zwiększeniu poszanowania praw człowieka i praworządności, budowie państwa prawa i pełnej integracji Afganistanu ze wspólnotą międzynarodową. Powinny też obejmować budowę i reformy administracji oraz korpusu służby publicznej przez programy szkoleniowe, pomoc w budowie lub wykorzystaniu istniejącej infrastruktury i doradztwo ze strony UE.

W wyznaczaniu i realizacji priorytetów powinien uczestniczyć Afganistan, co będzie sprzyjać budowie społeczeństwa obywatelskiego i zapewni przejęcie odpowiedzialności za kraj przez Afgańczyków. Jednocześnie musimy pamiętać o zapewnieniu bezpieczeństwa naszym wysłannikom – szkoleniowcom i przedstawicielom sił zbrojnych dbających o wprowadzenie w życie powyższych planów. Nie możemy dopuścić do rezygnacji z użycia zdalnie sterowanych samolotów, co spowodowałoby znaczne zmniejszenie ich bezpieczeństwa. Nasza strategia powinna brać pod uwagę tak bezpieczeństwo obywateli Afganistanu, jak i naszych przedstawicieli pracujących na rzecz rozwoju tego kraju.

  Helmut Scholz (GUE/NGL), schriftlich. – Der Bericht über eine neue Strategie für Afghanistan zeichnet das überaus notwendige kritische Bild der Situation in Afghanistan. Er verdeutlicht: Die NATO-Strategie, komplexe politische und militärische Probleme mit militärischen Mitteln zu lösen, ist gescheitert. Deshalb fordert er explizit eine "neue Strategie" der internationalen Gemeinschaft, in deren Mittelpunkt der zivile gesellschaftliche Wiederaufbau steht. Ich begrüße, dass das Europäische Parlament, anders als viele mitgliedstaatliche Parlamente mit diesem Bericht das klare Signal setzt, dass für eine nachhaltige politische, wirtschaftliche und demokratische Entwicklung Afghanistans die Beendigung des Krieges und ein konsequenter Politikwechsel erforderlich sind. Dieser Grundaussage des Berichtes ist zuzustimmen. Ich widerspreche allerdings der Einschätzung, dass die Afghanistan-Strategie des jüngsten NATO-Gipfels zum Erfolg führen kann. Ich fordere den Abzug der ausländischen Truppen aus Afghanistan. Die Polizeimission EUPOL ist gescheitert und sollte weder verlängert noch ausgebaut werden. Mit den namentlichen Abstimmungen zu einigen diese Fragen betreffenden Paragraphen verdeutliche ich diesen Dissens zum Bericht. Zugleich bedauere ich, dass der Bericht sich nicht kritischer mit der Tendenz zivilen Wiederaufbau militärischen Strategien unterzuordnen auseinandersetzt und auch die Menschenrechtslage, besonders die der Frauen nicht ausreichend genug berücksichtigt.