Rapporti verbatim tad-dibattiti

Il-Ħamis, 10 ta' Marzu 2011 - Strasburgu

1. Ftuħ tas-seduta

PRESIDE: MIGUEL ANGEL MARTÍNEZ MARTÍNEZ
Vicepresidente

(Se abre la sesión a las 9)

2. Il-liġi dwar il-midja fl-Ungerija (mozzjonijiet għal riżoluzzjoni mressqa): ara l-Minuti

3. Rispett tal-mekkaniżmi nazzjonali ta' ffissar tas-salarji u tal-pensjonijiet (dibattitu)

  El Presidente. − El primer punto del orden del día es la Declaración de la Comisión sobre el respeto de los mecanismos nacionales en materia de salarios y pensiones.

  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, I would like to thank honourable Members for this opportunity to dispel some widely held misunderstandings regarding the Irish programme.

The S&D Group’s question that gave rise to this statement raises honourable Members’ concern that certain economic policy conditions set out in the Memorandum of Understanding of the Economic Adjustment Programme for Ireland are in legal conflict with Article 153(5) of the Treaty. That paragraph excludes the adoption of provisions in the field of pay under Article 153, that is in the field of social policy. However, the Economic Adjustment Programme for Ireland is not a social policy programme and is not adopted under Article 153. It is a financial assistance programme set up, together with the Irish Government, to restore domestic and external confidence and remove the harmful feedback loops between the fiscal and financial crisis. Therefore it is grounded in Article 122(2) of the Treaty, which allows for Union financial assistance if a Member State is seriously threatened with severe difficulties caused by exceptional occurrences beyond its control.

The role of the MOU is to specify the economic policy conditions that serve as a benchmark for assessing the Irish policy performance during the financial assistance programme. The Member State has full ownership of these economic policy conditions and their implementation. These conditions are commitments of the Member State that are undertaken by the state itself. It is not EU action in the respective fields. Indeed, many of the conditions, such as the minimum wage reduction, were already included in the Irish Government’s national recovery plan that was published on 24 November 2010, before the start of the programme.

The aim of the conditions relating to labour market policy is to create jobs and to avoid long-term unemployment in Ireland amongst the most vulnerable groups. The minimum wage reduction is part of this wider package of measures and needs to be seen together with activation policies and efforts to modernise the benefit system. When evaluating the reduction in one of the highest minimum wages in the European Union – it is, for instance, the second highest in the eurozone – and although there was significant wage adjustment in the economy, with the minimum wage, in common with wages in general in Ireland, falling by 3% in real terms in 2008, followed by a rise of 0.3% in 2009, it should be noted that most of the labour market adjustments took the form of job losses. In fact the minimum wage cut only restored the status quo prevailing before 1 January 2007, i.e. before the crisis.

The other condition mentioned in the question is an independent review of sectoral collective bargaining. The motivation of the review is to discuss the fairness and efficiency of employment conditions for both employees and employers across sectors. I would like to highlight the fact that Ireland has a long-standing tradition of tripartite consultation on economic and social policy and that the successive pacts between the Government and the social partners since the 1980s have been widely recognised as major factors in the success of the Irish economy.

The review is an opportunity for the social partners to voice opinions and shape policy, and its announcement was welcomed as such. I am fully confident that the review will be carried out by the Irish Government in a way that recognises the importance of social dialogue, includes all the social partners and complies with Community law.

Finally, the conditions in the Memorandum of Understanding with regard to structural reform are not only about the labour market. They also contain important measures to open up product markets such as overly regulated sectors and professions. These reforms could have a major effect on customer prices and productivity, which support the purchasing power of households.

  Gay Mitchell, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, I would also like to thank the Commissioner. Yesterday, a new national government for recovery was voted into power in Ireland. Fine Gael and Labour are part of the PPE and S&D groups respectively in this Parliament. One of the issues high up on the agenda of the new programme for government will be the renegotiation of elements of the EU/IMF programme of support to Ireland.

At present, many Irish people fear that the conditions agreed by the then government in the EU/IMF programme of support are too stringent and place a heavy burden on ordinary citizens who have had to bear the brunt for the mistakes of the banks – both Irish and European – and the government. We should note that the new government has agreed to reverse the reduction in the minimum wage. We know, however, that recovery cannot happen without pain. Ireland went down a similar road in the 1980s. Many of the difficult conditions as laid out by the EU/IMF programme are necessary if we are to restore healthy public finances. We must prune the tree in order to allow growth.

I welcome the Commission’s support for an interest rate reduction as stated by Commissioner Rehn. This should come about as soon as possible and I urge the Commission to really look at this at an early date. The Commissioner emphasised that all measures are weighed up against their effect on growth, competitiveness and the sustainability of public finances in the long run. I accept that; we cannot carry the entire burden we have been asked to carry at once. The Irish people have taken their responsibilities in this matter; in fact they have taken other people’s responsibilities as well, because we were given no alternative. What they have done is not just for Ireland but also for Europe and the eurozone in particular. We do not need the straw to break the camel’s back. Please give the Irish people the tools; we will do the job ourselves, but please do not expect the Irish people to carry a burden that they are not capable of carrying. So I ask the Commissioner to bear those comments in mind in particular in the days and weeks ahead.

  Stephen Hughes, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, this memorandum requires an EUR 1 per hour reduction in the minimum wage in Ireland and a review, as we have heard, of the system of collective pay agreements which protect the low paid.

I do not believe that this interference can be justified. The Treaty requires the Commission to promote social dialogue, not undermine it. Article 152 requires respect for the autonomy of social partners, not this type of interference, and Article 153 expressly excludes EU action in the field of play. The Commission cannot pick and choose the hierarchy of articles in this respect.

The memorandum goes on to insist on cuts in social welfare, the roll-back of key public services, and reductions in public sector employment and public sector pensions. How can those demands be justified in relation to a Treaty that requires the Union to aim to eliminate inequalities, promote a high level of employment, guarantee adequate social protection and fight against social exclusion? The only honest answer to that is that these things cannot be reconciled, and the problem is that these things have now, as a result of the Annual Growth Survey, become the general rule.

The people will reject the idea of a Europe based only on austerity. They will not tolerate the far-reaching implications for social policies with lower wages, lower employment protection, weak social standards, reduced public services and the imposition of higher retirement ages. If we want to continue to swell the ranks of anti-Europeanism, then carry on, Commission. If not, please stop this nonsense now.

  Marian Harkin, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, the Commissioner is telling us that the Memorandum of Understanding was drawn up under Article 122, part 2. I would like to ask the Commissioner what happens when one article of the Treaty is in direct contradiction with other articles in the Treaty; as Stephen Hughes has asked, how do we decide on the hierarchy? It is in contradiction with Article 153.

It is also in contradiction with Article 9, the social clause, which I have quoted many times in this Chamber when speaking about the Irish austerity package, where it says that in defining and implementing all its policies and activities, the Union shall take into account requirements linked to the promotion of a high level of employment and the fight against social exclusion, etc.. And what about Article 28 in the Charter of Fundamental Rights, under which workers have the rights to negotiate and conclude collective agreements and, in the cases of conflicts of interest, to take collective action to defend their interests, including strike action? Many Irish workers would see that they are in that position at the moment. How do we deal with the contradiction between the different articles in the Treaty?

Another question for you, Commissioner: are you stating that the Memorandum of Understanding was entirely the responsibility of the Irish Government and that the Commission acquiesced or agreed?

Finally, let us assume here you have the power to do all of this – and you are telling us you have; why then was there no effort to reduce or eliminate bank bonuses? Why was there no effort to ensure that those at the top of the salary scale paid their fair share? Why is it that one euro was deducted from the minimum wage? I agree entirely with what Stephen Hughes has said: this fuels anti-European sentiment. Citizens see what is happening. They see how the Commission is working in this whole process, and what they see is that it is those on the minimum wage, those who are in collective agreements, are being hit with these austerity plans.

Finally my main question, Commissioner, is: who decides? Is it the Court of Justice? Who decides when articles of the Treaty are in conflict or when the Commission acts in such a way as to bring those articles into conflict with one another?

  Marije Cornelissen, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, I understand the urgency of the Commission in addressing the economic crisis and the high levels of debt which are a threat for the stability of the euro. I understand that conditions are imposed on countries that have to make use of the European Financial Stability Mechanism. However, it seems to me that the Commission is being quite selective in the measures and conditions it deems permitted in this crisis.

On the one hand, nearly any measure seems legal when it comes to fiscal consolidation by cutting expenditure. As soon as Ireland made use of the rescue package, minimum wages and pension levels were the first variables to be adjusted, despite the fact that these matters explicitly are not EU competences. On the other hand, the Commission hides itself behind the lack of EU competence to leave the exceptionally low Irish corporation tax untouched. Whereas increasing this could also substantially improve public revenues in Ireland. Cutting expenditure is not, after all, the only way to achieve a balanced budget.

I understand that this crisis requires exceptional measures, but why is the Commission in such a hurry to adjust minimum wages, affecting workers who earn the least, while we have to wait and see about measures that make the banking and financial sector pay? I strongly get the feeling that the Commission is interpreting the EU’s competences in a very one-sided and, dare I say it, right-wing manner. This blunt approach inspires Euro-scepticism. It seems that the EU acts firmly in the field of employment and social policy only in times of crisis, and then does so by imposing cuts in social spending and wages.

The EU can only regain confidence if the Commission shows the same determination in setting proper minimum social standards and social guarantees for the heavy cuts imposed on people. Yes, we do want economic governance, but we want balanced governance with both fiscal sustainability and social guarantees. If not, the vulnerable will pay the price for a mess that they are not responsible for.

  Thomas Händel, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Die Rettungsschirme sollten die EU-Mitgliedstaaten vor Zahlungsunfähigkeit schützen. Sie überziehen aber die Menschen mit brutalen Sparprogrammen und lassen die Verursacher ungeschoren! Darüber hinaus mischt sich die Kommission jetzt auch noch in die nationale Lohnpolitik ein.

Lieber Herr Hahn, es ist absurd und es treibt einem die Tränen in die Augen, wenn man diese formale Argumentation hört, wonach das alles gar nicht sozialpolitisch gemeint gewesen wäre. Diese Position ist völlig inakzeptabel! Lohnpolitik ist nicht Sache der EU! Diese Politik der Kommission steht in eklatantem Widerspruch zur Idee dieser Europäischen Union. Die Europäische Union war nie ein Projekt für Lohnwettbewerb nach unten und Sozialdumping. Da ist zu lesen von der Starrheit der Löhne, die vermindert werden soll. Da ist zu lesen, die Löhne sollten Marktbedingungen widerspiegeln. Da reden Blinde von der Farbe! Menschen, die so etwas formulieren, haben keine Ahnung von Kollektivvertragssystemen. Sie greifen in die Tarifautonomie ein und führen die vielbeschworene Autonomie der Sozialpartner und den sozialen Dialog ad absurdum.

Ich will deutlich sagen, dieses Parlament ist gefordert, für den Erhalt der autonomen Kollektivvertragspolitik zu sorgen, den sozialen Dialog zu schützen und den weiteren Abbau sozialer Sicherung zu verhindern. Wir brauchen Maßnahmen gegen eine kontraproduktive Sparpolitik, nicht Strafaktionen!

  Derek Roland Clark, on behalf of the EFD Group. – Mr President, this goes beyond Ireland; only a month ago I reminded the House that pensions were exclusively the competence of the Member States and here we go again using the same language of coordination and retirement-setting mechanisms. Now pensions are almost always related to earnings, so do we see here an attempt to harmonise wages? I hope not, because the Treaties also say that wages are an exclusive competence of the Member States.

It is all very well to say that ‘equal’ must mean equal pay, but should all workers doing the same job get the same pay across the EU? As an example, think ‘climate’: keeping a house warm near the Arctic Circle needs much more money than in Mediterranean countries. Add in winter clothing, snow clearance and all the rest and it is obvious that to pay all workers the same would leave some with more spare cash than others. Of course wages cannot be equal. The Commission’s intentions in drawing up plans to encourage Member States to introduce an EU minimum wage policy and set retirement mechanisms are going against the Treaties. I am not surprised: this is the EU at work.

A harmonised wage and pensions policy is not just a dream, it is illegal. Leave it, as the Treaties demand, to the competence of elected governments like mine at Westminster and like that in Ireland.

  Hans-Peter Martin (NI). - Herr Präsident! Irland ist ein tragisches historisches Lehrstück. Zuerst wurde dieses Land immer gefeiert als das Vorzeigeland und das Musterbeispiel für neue Mitglieder der Union, obwohl man damals extrem falsche Politiken zugelassen und gefördert hat, die dazu geführt haben, dass wir es mit enormen Blasen im Immobiliensektor zu tun hatten, dass man das Bankwesen sich verselbständigen hat lassen und dass man auch im Steuerbereich nicht darauf geachtet hat, dass es dort nicht zu einem Dumpingwettbewerb kommt.

Sie, Herr Kommissar, haben dieselbe Nationalität wie ich. Wir wissen, wie viele österreichische Schriftsteller zum Beispiel plötzlich entdeckt haben, dass sie Iren sind, weil sie dort so gut wie keine Steuern zu zahlen hatten. Was haben damals die angeblich so pro-europäischen Kräfte gemacht? Nichts! Man hat gesagt: „Das ist ein schönes Beispiel.“

Und jetzt ist das alles zusammengebrochen. Jetzt hat sich diese Blase als das herausgestellt, was viele immer gesagt haben. Und wieder haben wir eine Situation, wo – nicht nur aus meiner Sicht – anti-europäische Gefühle dadurch geschürt werden, dass man wieder falsche Politiken greifen lässt, in diesem Fall den Iren dieses massive Paket auferlegt. Sie, Herr Kommissar, sagen, der Mitgliedstaat verpflichte sich hier selbst. Doch wir wissen aus der Geschichte von Weltbank- und IWF-Programmen – und so unähnlich ist das ja nicht, was wir derzeit in Irland erleben –, dass am Schluss diesen Ländern nichts anderes bleibt.

Wenn man sich zurücklehnt und sagt: „Schade, dass die Iren den Vertrag von Lissabon beim zweiten Mal nicht abgelehnt haben“, dann könnte man zu einem ganz anderen Gedankenansatz kommen. Dann können wir nämlich sehen, dass wir es bei diesem europäischen Konstrukt mit etwas zu tun haben, das man mit einem Fahrzeug vergleichen könnte, das vorne aus einem Porsche und hinten aus einem Fahrrad besteht. Das passt nicht zusammen. Sie sind viel stärker gefordert!

Wenn wir verhindern wollen, dass dieses Europa auseinanderbricht, brauchen wir tatsächlich so etwas wie eine Verfassung für Europa. Dann brauchen wir klare Benchmarks, die tatsächlich für alle gelten. Wir brauchen eine Wirtschaftsregierung. Dieses Stückwerk – vorwärts, rückwärts, seitwärts – wird nicht funktionieren und am Schluss eher im Desaster enden als darin, wofür Sie, Herr Kommissar, ich und die große Mehrheit in diesem Haus sich einsetzen, nämlich ein friedliches, funktionierendes und auch vereintes Europa.

  Philippe Boulland (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, pour mémoire, avec la crise et l'explosion de la bulle immobilière et du crédit, l'État irlandais a dû intervenir pour soutenir les banques. Le déficit public irlandais, solde budgétaire cumulé des administrations centrales, locales et particulièrement de sécurité sociale, est estimé à 32 % du produit intérieur brut en 2010. Si le gouvernement irlandais, qui peut difficilement se refinancer auprès des marchés, souhaite accéder à des prêts du mécanisme et du fonds européen de stabilité financière, il devra répondre à des obligations de changement d'ordre social et fiscal alors que ces domaines relèvent de la subsidiarité. À notre sens, ce n'est pas antinomique. En tant que médecin, je dirais qu'en cas de fièvre il ne sert à rien de prescrire des antipyrétiques aveuglément sans chercher à en traiter la cause. En cas d'attribution de ces fonds, il revient à cet État de procéder à un assainissement de ses finances afin de combler son déficit excessif et de corriger ses erreurs antérieures.

Ce plan d'austérité devrait améliorer de 10 % le PIB sur les quatre années à venir. De même que dans le cas d'un particulier, une banque, sans s'immiscer dans sa vie et gestion privée, conditionnera son prêt personnel à une garantie de solvabilité. De même, l'Union européenne peut prêter à l'Irlande sur la base d'une solvabilité consolidée. Sans s'immiscer dans sa gestion privée, la banque incitera le particulier à négocier, par exemple, une augmentation de salaire ou à emprunter ailleurs. C'est ainsi qu'en respectant la subsidiarité, l'Union européenne, sur la base d'un mémorandum établi avec le FMI, considère que cette solvabilité passe par la réduction du salaire minimum légal et un ajustement des retraites sans s'exonérer des mesures fiscales. Charge à l'Irlande de choisir ou non de mettre en œuvre ces mesures. Ce n'est pas la porte ouverte à une ingérence de l'Union européenne dans les domaines de la subsidiarité qui permettrait, par exemple, d'imposer dangereusement un niveau de salaire européen minimum, mais une protection de la stabilité de la zone euro au travers d'un processus de garantie mutuelle. Il convient, bien sûr, d'aider l'Irlande comme d'autres pays en difficulté, ce qui nous protège aussi, mais pas à n'importe quel prix, notamment celui de voir un État incapable de rembourser à terme, fragilisant ainsi ses citoyens et ceux de toute l'Union européenne.

  El Presidente. − Quiero decirles a todos ustedes que, si aceleran mucho el ritmo de sus intervenciones, los intérpretes tienen dificultades para seguirles. Y, como responsable de los temas de multilingüismo, quiero señalarles que en la Mesa del Parlamento estamos estudiando un sistema distinto del que tenemos ahora.

Ahora, los intérpretes le señalan al Presidente que no pueden seguir el ritmo, pero el Presidente tiene la dificultad de interrumpirles a ustedes. El sistema que estamos estudiando es que cada uno de ustedes, en su escaño, tenga una luz que les avise de que los intérpretes no pueden seguirles, para que no haga falta que el Presidente les interrumpa, sino que tengan ustedes conocimiento de ello directamente.

  Proinsias De Rossa (S&D). - Mr President, the Memorandum of Understanding in relation to labour market issues is very clearly based on a simplistic economic theory that lower wages will ‘clear the market’, in other words, end unemployment. That is total and utter nonsense. It is not supported by practice on the ground. And I would draw the Commission’s attention to the Forfás review of labour cost competitiveness in Ireland, produced late last year, which says that firms generally prefer layoffs to pay cuts because they harm morale less. If you want to look at why we have had more layoffs than wage cuts in Ireland, that is the basis of it.

I would appeal to the Commission to comply with European law and stop interfering in labour market issues in Ireland. As you say, we have a long tradition of social partnership agreements in Ireland. Indeed they are the basis of the fact that there has been no violence on the streets in Ireland: it is because the social partners and the government have sat down and made arrangements to adjust the labour market and adjust conditions to ensure that we can have some hope of recovery from the current crisis.

That tradition has ensured progress in Ireland, but the programme generally is failing to do what it was intended to do, which was to assist the economy in Ireland to grow. It is not growing. In fact it is in decline, and that programme has to be generally renegotiated. I would suggest in particular that the issues relating to the labour market have to be removed. As has already been stated, the Irish Government, of which my party is a member, has already declared that it will reverse the minimum wage cut as agreed in that programme.

You may be unhappy with that, but that is going to happen. You can be certain as well that your attempt to interfere with the Registered Employment Agreements Act, which has been in place for more than 50 years, will not be interfered with, as you hope, because the current government is determined that social partnership will play its traditional role in ensuring that we have industrial peace and progress.

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL). - É da maior brevidade a tendência que se está a seguir na União Europeia para, como pretexto da crise, aumentar a pressão sobre os Estados-Membros, visando a desvalorização dos salários, o aumento da exploração de quem trabalha, para garantir cada vez maiores lucros e ganhos aos grupos económicos e financeiros revelando toda a crueza anti-social do capitalismo.

Como se já não chegassem os critérios irracionais do Pacto de Estabilidade, com as propostas da dita governação económica e do chamado Pacto de Competitividade, designadamente a tentativa de impedir o aumento dos salários em função da inflação e de aumentar a idade legal para a reforma, teríamos ainda mais graves atentados aos direitos sociais e laborais.

O que nesta área já se está a passar nalguns países, como Portugal, Grécia ou Irlanda, é da maior gravidade, são os cortes salariais e o congelamento das pensões e reformas, mesmo das mais baixas e inferiores ao limiar de pobreza. No caso português, houve também um corte salarial sobre o valor do salário mínimo nacional que estava previsto para o início deste ano. Consideraram que era muito elevado 500 euros mensais e decidiram cortar 15 euros, mesmo sabendo que mais de 13% das mulheres trabalhadoras portuguesas recebe apenas este valor, enquanto nos homens isso acontece com 6% dos trabalhadores. É um exemplo claro da discriminação institucionalizada e o reflexo das políticas ditas de austeridade que a Comissão, em conjunto com o Conselho e os governos dos nossos países, está a aplicar com o consequente agravamento das desigualdades sociais, das discriminações, da desvalorização do trabalho e do aumento da pobreza, enquanto continua o regabofe da especulação financeira e dos paraísos fiscais e é por isso que nós daqui mandamos a solidariedade para os trabalhadores jovens e professores que vão lutar nos próximos fins-de-semana, já neste sábado, 12 de Março, seguindo-se a 19 de Março, a grande manifestação nacional da CGTP em Lisboa. É a luta que vai prosseguir contra estas políticas anti-sociais.

(O orador aceita responder a uma pergunta "carta zul" (artigo 149º, parágrafo 8 do Regimento)

  Hans-Peter Martin (NI). - Können Sie uns hier im Haus im Anschluss an Ihre Ausführungen sagen, wie sich die Stimmung gegenüber der Europäischen Union in Portugal verändert hat? Hat die Zustimmungsrate zur Mitgliedschaft in der Europäischen Union abgenommen? Wie hat sich das allgemeine Gefühl gegenüber der EU entwickelt? Portugal weist ja durchaus Parallelen zu Irland auf – zunächst die große Euphorie in den 1970er-Jahren mit der Perspektive des Beitritts, dann die entsprechenden Gelder. Sehen Sie auch in Portugal ähnliche Immobilienblasen, wie sie in Irland zu verzeichnen waren?

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL). - Bom, a questão tem interesse neste sentido: é óbvio que estas políticas da União Europeia estão a criar uma grande revolta também em Portugal e, por isso, no próximo fim-de-semana, jovens e professores vêm para a rua manifestar-se contra esta política e, no dia 19, a CGTP, a Confederação Geral dos Trabalhadores Portugueses, tem uma grande manifestação nacional prevista para Lisboa contra estas políticas anti-sociais. Naturalmente que isto tem reflexo no comportamento da população portuguesa porque o país já entrou em recessão e os trabalhadores e a população vive cada vez pior, as desigualdades agravam-se e também se agrava a pobreza. A União Europeia, a Comissão Europeia e o Conselho…

(O Presidente retira a palavra à oradora.)

  Marita Ulvskog (S&D). - Herr talman! Kommissionen har genom att ställa krav på sänkta löner undergrävt arbetsmarknadsparternas förhandlingsrätt och både direkt och indirekt påverkat lönebildningen, som uttryckligen är undantagen kommissionens kompetens. Detta är icke mindre än ett frontalangrepp mot arbetsmarknadsparternas inflytande och går tvärtemot rättighetsstadgan, varav rätten att ingå kollektivavtal är en del.

Detta är inte heller en isolerad händelse begränsad till Irland, utan upprepas gång på gång. Genom att tala om unit labour cost istället för löner försöker kommissionen kringgå de gränser som fördraget har satt upp. EU-kommissionen har helt enkelt ritat om kartan, ritat en ny karta och ett nytt regelverk, där medlemsländerna och arbetsmarknadsparterna nu fråntas sina uppgifter och ställs under diktat i strid med alla regler. Det är detta striden handlar om och den har bara börjat.

Genom detta agerande rör sig EU också allt längre bort från folklig förankring och legitimitet, som annars brukar vara nyckelord när vi diskuterar EU:s framtid. Vi hör hur det finns fula fiskar – också i detta parlament – som redan nu börjar fiska i dessa grumliga vatten. Det kan väl ändå inte vara meningen.

  Cornelis de Jong (GUE/NGL). - Voorzitter, in Nederland zijn er heel weinig mensen die vermoeden dat hier in Brussel discussies gevoerd worden over hun lonen en pensioenen. We zien nu wat er in Ierland gebeurt, maar ondertussen hoor ik ook allerlei voorstellen voor de Europese Raad over de afschaffing van de loonindexatie, over het maximeren van de loonstijging aan de stijging van de arbeidsproductiviteit, etcetera.

Helaas blijft het oorverdovend stil als het gaat om afspraken over Europese normen voor het minimumloon. Ook hoor ik geen voorstellen om te garanderen dat werknemers werk krijgen dat loont en dat zij volwaardige banen krijgen in plaats van stukloon of oproepcontracten. Ik ben bezorgd over de gevolgen van de huidige discussies voor de gewone mensen, maar ik ben ook bezorgd over het imago van de Europese Unie. Het lijkt wel alsof er alleen aandacht is voor de belangen van de financiële instellingen, voor de speculanten en de grote bedrijven. Commissaris, gaat de Commissie dat beeld bijstellen en gaat zij ervoor zorgen dat zij gezien wordt als een instelling die tevens de belangen van gewone mensen vertegenwoordigt?

  Συλβάνα Ράπτη (S&D). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε Hahn, μας δώσατε μία συνταγή που λέει δύο πράγματα: αφενός, να καταργήσουμε τις συλλογικές συμβάσεις εργασίας και, αφετέρου, να μειώσουμε κι' άλλο τους κατώτατους μισθούς.

Αυτή είναι η συνταγή που δίνεται συνεχώς σε κάθε ασθενή. Ένας απ' τους ασθενείς είναι η Ελλάδα. Ήρθατε πρόσφατα εκεί, κατά τη διάρκεια μιας εκδήλωσης που διοργάνωσε το Σοσιαλιστικό Κόμμα. Είδατε και αισθανθήκατε την κατάσταση που επικρατεί, και το ερώτημα που θέτω είναι: αισθανθήκατε ότι έπιασε τόπο η συνταγή στην Ελλάδα; Γιατί εγώ που είμαι από εκεί, και προέρχομαι από το Σοσιαλιστικό Κόμμα που σήμερα κυβερνά την χώρα και κάνει ό,τι μπορεί για να τη βγάλει από την πολύ δύσκολη κατάσταση στην οποία την έριξαν οι κυβερνήσεις της Δεξιάς και έχει αναγκαστεί να βάλει νερό στο κρασί της, να βάλει νερό στο θέμα των συλλογικών συμβάσεων εργασίας, σας λέω ότι ακόμη δεν βλέπουμε αποτελέσματα. Λέτε ότι το κάνετε για τον Ευρωπαίο πολίτη, για τον καταναλωτή, αλλά, εάν ο καταναλωτής πάρει μικρότερο μισθό, δεν θα έχει να ξοδέψει, άρα δεν θα βοηθήσει την ανάπτυξη. Το ξέρετε καλύτερα από εμένα ότι είναι φαύλος κύκλος, γιατί επιμένετε να δίνετε μία συνταγή που δεν οδηγεί πουθενά αλλού παρά μόνο στην κατάργηση της αξιοπρέπειας του εργαζομένου, μία συνταγή που οδηγεί στο να μην υπάρχουν αξιοπρεπείς και διατηρήσιμες θέσεις εργασίας. Παρακαλώ πολύ, εκτός από τους οικονομικούς δείκτες να βάλετε και κοινωνικούς δείκτες.

  Jutta Steinruck (S&D). - Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar! Manchmal habe ich das Gefühl, Sie sollten alle diese Rezepte einmal an der Kommission selbst ausprobieren, damit Sie sehen, was Sie in Europa wirklich verursachen. Ich habe nach Ihrem Wortbeitrag den Eindruck, dass die Kommission wirklich in einem Elfenbeinturm sitzt! Die Menschen in Europa – die Arbeitnehmerinnen, die Geringverdiener, die Rentner – zahlen tatsächlich die Zeche. Und Sie legen hier Rechtsvorschriften und Zuständigkeiten aus, wie es Ihnen gerade gefällt.

Ich habe am 19. Oktober letzten Jahres die Antwort auf eine Anfrage an die Kommission erhalten, in der man mir ausdrücklich bestätigt hat, dass Mindestlöhne und Löhne Sache der Mitgliedstaaten sind. Sehr eindrücklich! Lesen Sie sich das bitte durch! Es kann nicht sein, dass Sie einmal, wenn es für die Arbeitgeber gut ist, mir eine solche Antwort geben, und wenn Sie meinen, dass es für die andere Seite gut ist, ändern Sie einfach die Richtung. Das macht die Menschen in Europa wirklich sehr unzufrieden. Meine Kollegin ist eben darauf eingegangen. Sie gehen an die Mitbestimmung. Sie schwächen die Gewerkschaften. Das ist nicht der Weg aus der Krise und das wissen Sie auch! Diejenigen, die die Krise verursacht haben, müssen die Krise auch bezahlen!

(Beifall)

  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D). - Iš tiesų, ekonominės krizės sąlygomis šalys turi finansinių problemų vykdant priimtus įsipareigojimus ir, be abejo, turi skirtingas galimybes įveikti tas pasekmes, ir reikia ieškoti būdų, kaip subalansuoti biudžetą, kaip sumažinti biudžeto deficitą. Bet, pone Komisare, ar tikrai reikia tai daryti sunkiausiai gyvenančių žmonių sąskaita? Ar Europos Komisijai yra moralu spausti šalies vyriausybes mažinti minimalų atlyginimą, pensijas, ar kitas socialines išmokas? Gerbiamas Komisare, jūs pasakėte nuomonę dėl Airijos memorandumo. Tačiau aš noriu priminti, kad tokį pat memorandumą jūs pasirašėte ir su Latvija, kur spaudėte Latvijos vyriausybę mažinti ir taip mažas pensijas. Pensijos Latvijoje buvo sumažintos, tačiau tos šalies Konstitucinis Teismas pasakė, kad to daryti neleidžia pagrindinis šalies įstatymas ir tos pensijos buvo atstatytos. Taigi, priimant tokius sprendimus, pasirašant tokius memorandumus, reikia labai gerai įvertinti ir teisines, ir socialines pasekmes.

  Evelyn Regner (S&D). - Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar Hahn! Mit den nun vorliegenden Vorschlägen bürdet man all jenen, die es ohnehin schon schwer genug haben, einen großen Rucksack auf und sagt, sie sollen damit schneller laufen. Wie soll das bitte gehen? Die Vorschläge zu dezentralen Lohnverhandlungen sind ungerecht, sie sind phantasielos und sie sind ein Ablenkungsmanöver, weil es so schwierig ist, Vermögens- und Finanzspekulation zu besteuern und es den Regierungschefs nicht gelingen will, eine echte makroökonomische Koordinierung auf die Beine zu stellen. Da haben wir im Parlament diese Woche mit unserer Abstimmung zur Finanztransaktionssteuer schon eine ganz andere Messlatte gesetzt.

Ich möchte an das Prinzip der sozialen Marktwirtschaft, so wie es im Vertrag von Lissabon festgelegt ist, erinnern. Ich stelle mir die soziale Marktwirtschaft ganz anders vor, nämlich dass keine dezentralen Lohnverhandlungen geführt werden, sondern das Gegenteil der Fall ist. Dezentrale Lohnverhandlungssysteme widersprechen solidarischer Lohnpolitik und führen dazu, dass die Kluft zwischen Arm und Reich größer wird und nicht – im Gegenteil – verringert wird. Das heißt, das Gegenteil sollte gemacht werden.

Deshalb wiederhole ich ausdrücklich, was meine Kollegin Jutta Steinruck gesagt hat, wir können es nicht oft genug wiederholen: Mehr dort ansetzen, wo die Krise wirklich verursacht wurde, und jene, die die Krise verursacht haben, stärker zur Kasse bitten und auch im legislativen Sinn zur Lösung dieser Probleme heranziehen.

  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Referitor la alinierea costurilor unitare cu forța de muncă și cu nivelul productivității, consider că ar trebui să ne concentrăm pe condițiile cadru și mai puțin pe indicatori. Nu este clar că putem realiza această aliniere. Productivitatea depinde, în primul rând, de factori precum stocul de capital acumulat care este extrem de diferit. Se observă diferența categorică dintre România și Germania. Aceasta se datorează calității diferite a politicilor economice de-a lungul timpului, iar asemenea decalaje nu se pot recupera peste noapte. Țara mea a făcut eforturi în direcția reformei pensiilor și asistenței sociale. Doresc, astfel, să sugerez includerea unor prevederi de acest tip în pactul de competitivitate. Susțin necesitatea corelării vârstei de pensionare cu evoluțiile demografice. Trebuie avut în vedere impactul pe care o politică coerentă și realistă în domeniul pensiilor o are asupra finanțelor publice.

  George Sabin Cutaş (S&D). - Înțeleg foarte bine principiul subsidiarității, însă cred că pensiile au ieșit din sfera preocupării naționale fiind astăzi subiect de dezbatere la nivel european. Vorbim despre sisteme de pensii nesustenabile ca urmare a unor provocări comune de tipul crizei financiare, a îmbătrânirii populației și a scăderii ratei natalității. Principiul solidarității între generații riscă să devină unul perimat, cetățenii fiind îndemnați să cotizeze la pensii private. Cum rămâne, însă, cu cei care nu mai dispun de suficient timp pentru a cotiza la astfel de pensii? În plus, cetățenii europeni depind de pensiile publice. În România salariul minim brut pe economie este de aproximativ 160 de euro. De aceea, investirea în pensii private sau economisirea, din punctul meu de vedere, sunt utopii. Consider că este nevoie de o mai mare implicare a Comisiei Europene prin propunerea unui nivel minim atât pentru salarii, cât și pentru pensii la nivel european, iar un prim pas în această direcție l-ar putea constitui o analiză comparativă a sistemelor de pensie.

  Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL). - Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, nós estamos aqui a falar de propostas sobre salários e propostas sobre a idade da reforma e o mínimo que podemos falar em relação a estas propostas é que elas são francamente injustas. São injustas e estão a insistir em receitas que já ficaram provadas, por mais do que uma vez, que são receitas falhadas. O que se passa na Irlanda, na Grécia, em Portugal, em Espanha, na Itália e sabe-se lá em mais quantos países, porque isto é uma cadência sem fim, são situações diferentes entre cada um destes países, mas há algumas coisas em comum. Uma das coisas que temos em comum é uma transferência sem precedentes do valor do trabalho para o capital financeiro. Não podemos aceitar isso. A outra coisa que temos em comum é que quem está a pagar esta crise são os trabalhadores e os reformados e os pensionistas e está também a pagá-la toda uma geração de precários que não tem qualquer garantia nesta sociedade em que vivemos e é por isso que gostaria de terminar dizendo, Senhor Presidente e Senhor Comissário, não podemos continuar a condenar as pessoas à pobreza. Espero sinceramente …

(O Presidente retira a palavra à oradora.)

  Liisa Jaakonsaari (S&D). - Arvoisa puhemies, kasvava eurooppalainen trendi on tälle hetkellä oikeistopopulismi, jonka keskeisin aines on EU-vastaisuus. Mistä tämä EU vastaisuus nyt kumpuaa? Se kumpuaa siitä, että sosiaalinen Eurooppa on jäämässä markkina-Euroopan jalkoihin. Kaikissa komission esityksissä tänä päivänä hyökätään joko palkka- tai eläkejärjestelmää vastaan. Koetaan, että palkkajoustoista olisi jonkinlainen apu. Ei ole apua, siitä päinvastoin seurauksena on deflaatio.

Arvoisa puhemies, on erittäin tärkeää, että kaikkeen lainsäädäntöön sidotaan pysyvä sosiaalilauseke niin, että sosiaalisen Euroopan idea nousee uudelleen esiin. On tärkeää huomata, että eläkeiät nousevat, jos työelämää kehitetään, mutta eläkeikiä ei pystytä nostamaan ylhäältä lainsäädännöllä.

  Alfreds Rubiks (GUE/NGL). - Paldies, priekšsēdētāj! Diemžēl Īrija nav vienīgā valsts, un Grieķija arī nav vienīgā. Latvija bija varbūt pirmā, kas izcieta visu to smagumu, pie kā noveda banku darbība. Latvijā ir samazināta minimālā alga, kas ir zemāka par iztikas minimumu, ir samazinātas pensijas, ir samazināts ar nodokļiem neapliekamais algas minimums. Cilvēki protestē, Latvija pa šiem gadiem ir zaudējusi piekto daļu, vienu piekto daļu, kas ir izbraukuši uz ārzemēm un strādā ārzemēs. Starptautiskais Valūtas fonds, kas it kā glābj Latviju, uzstādīja tādus noteikumus, kas ir drakoniski. Atļāva lietot naudu banku glābšanai, atstāt nedaudz naudas nākošai iespējamai banku glābšanai, bet neatļāva ..

(Pirmininkas nutraukė kalbėtoją)

  Frédéric Daerden (S&D). - Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, je souhaite témoigner de mon soutien à mon camarade De Rossa. Les recommandations faites par le FMI à l'Irlande correspondent malheureusement à une tendance forte de nos décideurs politiques au plus haut niveau. Il s'agit de faire payer aux travailleurs européens une crise dont ils ne sont pas responsables.

D'autres exemples: l'analyse annuelle de la croissance de la Commission qui recommande la hausse de l'âge légal de la retraite en le liant à l'espérance de vie. Sur ce sujet, le Parlement a récemment exprimé sa désapprobation dans son rapport sur le Livre vert sur les pensions. Ou encore, la proposition de pacte de compétitivité appelant à la suppression de l'indexation des salaires sur l'inflation, notamment dans mon pays, la Belgique.

Face à cela, je salue les mobilisations syndicales, comme hier en Hongrie ou comme le 29 septembre dernier à Bruxelles. En effet, il serait temps que nos commissaires entendent ce message des travailleurs européens s'il ne souhaite pas agrandir le fossé entre eux et les citoyens, qui croiront de moins en moins au projet européen.

  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, first of all I would like to thank everybody for their contributions. I can promise you that we give serious consideration to each of them. Let me first say a few words about the importance and relevance of social dialogue.

We fully recognise the importance of social dialogue and constructive industrial relations. We have continuously engaged with the social partners, both at EU level and in individual countries. For instance, Commissioner Rehn personally met with Ireland’s trade union leaders in early November, as did officials from the Commission, the ECB and the IMF when negotiating the programme in late November. They will continue to engage on the next mission in April and on subsequent occasions. By the way, contrary to some allegations, the Commission did not force Ireland to cut the minimum wage or social expenditure. These measures were already presented by the former Irish Government itself in its national recovery plan, together with other fiscal and structural measures aiming at economic stability, growth and job creation.

The legal basis of the economic policy conditions is Article 3(5) of Council Regulation (EU) No 407/2010 establishing a European financial stabilisation mechanism and Article 2(2) of the Council Implementing Decision 2011/77/EU on granting Union financial assistance to Ireland. Once again, both are grounded in Article 122(2) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. The mere fact that the Memorandum of Understanding’s specific economic policy conditions touch upon various issues that are linked to social policy does not put into question the legal basis of the act. There appears to be no contradiction with Article 152 or Article 153(5). Article 152 is a general provision which does not exclude the possible need for specific measures with social consequences. Moreover, that provision does not create subjective rights for the social partners. Article 153(5) is a limit as regards the content of the measures that can be adopted under Article 153, i.e. social policy. Since the MoU is not adopted on the basis of Article 153, this limit does not apply.

The provisions of Title 10, social policy, cannot be disregarded. They have to be taken into account, but it does not mean that as a consequence of Article 153(5) no measures having an effect on pay can be adopted on the basis of Article 122. The measures adopted on the basis of Article 122 for Ireland do not regulate issues. They provide for conditions linked to the granting of Union assistance. This is explicitly allowed by Article 122(2). Therefore there is no legal problem as regards the principle of conferral.

More generally, the issue of economic policy conditions is not about EU competences in the field of social policy or wages. The conditions included in the programme cover a wide range of policy areas, and for most of them the competence lies with the Member State. The economic policy conditions of the programme are Member State commitments agreed with the EU and the IMF on the measures that the Member States will undertake in exchange for EU/IMF financing.

As a final note, the Commission fully acknowledged that any financial assistance programme naturally has social consequences. However, the main goal of the specific economic policy conditions attached to such a programme is to avoid much graver social consequences by setting the country back on the path of sustained growth and job creation.

  Proinsias De Rossa (S&D). - Mr President, I would have to ask your assistance to identify when a Commissioner stands here in this Parliament and says on the one hand that Ireland is not being forced to reduce its minimum wage or to reduce its social protection and then goes on to say that the agreement is a conditionality; that these are conditionalities for receiving aid – is that not a fundamental contradiction and a misleading ...

(The President cut off the speaker)

  El Presidente. − Perdóneme, señor De Rossa, usted sabe cuál es mi amistad por usted y mi cariño por usted, pero no podemos reabrir el debate. Su opinión es digna de respeto, como lo es la del Comisario en la materia, y cada cual tiene que hacer frente a sus contradicciones.

Se cierra el debate.

Declaraciones por escrito (artículo 149 del Reglamento)

  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. – Conform Eurostat, în ianuarie 2011, venitul minim lunar variază între 123 EUR în Bulgaria, 157 EUR în Romania și 1758 EUR în Luxembourg. În 20 din cele 27 de state membre venitul minim este stabilit prin lege sau printr-un acord intersectorial național. În 11 state membre venitul minim este cuprins între 100 și 400 EUR/ lună, în 5 state membre între 550 și 950 EUR/ lună, iar în 6 state membre acesta depășește 1100 EUR/ lună.

Dezvoltarea și consolidarea pieței interne asigură accesul întreprinderilor la cei peste 500 de milioane de consumatori europeni. Menținerea decalajului dintre nivelurile venitului minim din statele membre constituie însă o bariera atât pentru accesibilitatea companiilor europene la consumatorii europeni, cât și pentru accesibilitatea acestora la produse și servicii de calitate. Consider deosebit de important dialogul social pentru asigurarea echității sociale și pentru asigurarea unui trai decent pentru toți cetățenii europeni.

Solicităm Comisiei și statelor membre să garanteze plata egală la muncă egală pe piața internă a forței de muncă, ridicarea barierelor privind libera circulație a lucrătorilor și analizarea posibilității de asigurare a unui salariu minim, convenit prin lege sau prin negociere colectivă, care să garanteze cetățenilor europeni un trai decent.

4. Il-prevenzjoni tad-diżastri naturali u dawk ikkawżati mill-bniedem (dibattitu)

  El Presidente. − El siguiente punto es el debate sobre la pregunta oral a la Comisión sobre la prevención de las catástrofes naturales y de origen humano, de João Ferreira, en nombre de la Comisión de Medio Ambiente, Salud Pública y Seguridad Alimentaria (O-000044/2011 - B7-0201/2011).

  João Ferreira, Autor. − Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, passaram dois anos desde que, em Fevereiro de 2009, a Comissão lançou uma comunicação sobre uma abordagem comunitária à prevenção de catástrofes naturais e provocadas pelo homem. A importância deste tema impõe-se à evidência. Desde então foram várias as catástrofes que assolaram a Europa com consequências negativas profundas para as populações, o território, a economia e o ambiente.

A comunicação da Comissão seguiu, em termos gerais, uma abordagem correcta, mas insuficiente, como veio a considerar este Parlamento. Para além disso, a Comissão tarda em concretizar os compromissos que ela própria assumiu nessa comunicação.

Por exemplo, o compromisso de elaborar um catálogo de medidas de prevenção a financiar pela União Europeia e a implementar pelos Estados-Membros. Dois anos depois onde está este catálogo? Vai a Comissão esperar pelo próximo quadro financeiro plurianual para o apresentar? Mais dois anos?

Entretanto, em Setembro do ano passado, este Parlamento aprovou um relatório sobre este mesmo tema. Um relatório onde avança com um conjunto de recomendações importantes. É importante dizer que este relatório foi precedido de um debate muito alargado, não apenas aqui no Parlamento, mas também com um amplo conjunto de entidades nacionais, regionais, locais com intervenção nas diversas fases do ciclo de gestão de catástrofes.

Também com as populações que foram afectadas por catástrofes ao longo deste último ano o relatório colheu muito da experiência destas catástrofes. Permita-me que aqui refira alguns dos pontos específicos do relatório entre os muitos que dele constam. Foi definido um conjunto de acções a serem alvo de apoio privilegiado aos Estados-Membros tendo em vista a correcção de situações indutoras de risco em domínios como o ordenamento florestal, a protecção e defesa da orla costeira, a recuperação e protecção de bacias hidrográficas, a protecção e remodelação de zonas habitadas particularmente vulneráveis a determinadas tipologias de catástrofes, a manutenção da actividade agrícola nas zonas afectadas pelo despovoamento e sujeitas ao risco de catástrofes naturais.

De que forma incluiu a Comissão, ou pensa incluir, estes domínios no catálogo de medidas que ficou de elaborar? O relatório propôs também a criação de um seguro público agrícola europeu e a instituição de um sistema de compensação mínima aos agricultores afectados por catástrofes.

Faço notar que isto é muito diferente da possibilidade actualmente existente com o exame de saúde da PAC de os Estados-Membros subsidiarem seguros internamente. O que se propõe é um seguro financiado por fundos comunitários que coloque em pé de igualdade, no que diz respeito à protecção contra catástrofes, todos os agricultores, sejam os agricultores dos Estados-Membros com maiores dificuldades, sejam os agricultores dos países ricos.

As catástrofes são, como sabemos, profundamente iníquas, quase sempre afectam mais aqueles que menos meios têm para se proteger, sejam pessoas, sejam Estados. Se há domínio em que a solidariedade da União Europeia e o princípio da coesão deverão ter uma expressão visível é no da protecção das populações, da economia e do ambiente face a catástrofes.

Por isso pergunto aqui o que fez ou o que vai fazer a Comissão para diminuir as disparidades existentes entre as regiões e os Estados-Membros neste domínio? Nomeadamente, ajudando a melhorar a prevenção nas regiões e Estados-Membros com uma elevada exposição ao risco e menor capacidade económica. Um outro domínio abordado no relatório é o do reforço dos sistemas de alerta precoce nos Estados-Membros e do estabelecimento de ligações entre os diversos sistemas de alerta precoce. Que passos foram já dados neste domínio? Que passos próximos se irão dar? Por fim, importa lembrar que a jusante da prevenção e considerando a experiência adquirida em catástrofes recentes, é imperiosa uma revisão do regulamento do Fundo de Solidariedade permitindo uma mobilização mais flexível e atempada deste instrumento.

O que já fez a Comissão, ou o que vai fazer, para esta revisão? Recordo aqui que, há um ano atrás, a Ilha da Madeira foi afectada por uma catástrofe de grandes proporções, uma catástrofe que causou vítimas mortais e elevados prejuízos materiais em infra-estruturas estratégicas e equipamentos fundamentais. Um ano depois não chegou 1 cêntimo de ajuda da União Europeia à Ilha da Madeira. Que vai fazer a Comissão para alterar esta situação quando o regulamento do Fundo de Solidariedade diz actualmente que este deve permitir contribuir para o rápido restabelecimento das condições de vida normais, deve agir com celeridade e eficácia e contribuir rapidamente para a mobilização de recursos de socorro? Onde está a rapidez quando um ano depois nem 1 cêntimo chegou à Ilha da Madeira?

Para terminar, Senhor Presidente, exorto mais uma vez a Comissão a tomar o largo consenso que este relatório reuniu durante a sua discussão e votação como um sinal claro de que estas recomendações, as recomendações que estão no relatório, são para levar à prática. Já muitas destas recomendações constavam em resoluções anteriores deste Parlamento e infelizmente nada foi feito e a Comissão tem particulares responsabilidades neste domínio.

  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, I wish to thank Parliament for the opportunity to exchange views on disaster prevention, and Mr Ferreira in particular for his continued interest in the subject.

The disasters of last year were a salutary reminder that the EU and its Member States need to step up work on disaster prevention. We need to be ambitious. We all know that investing in disaster prevention pays off. At the same time, ensuring cost-effective and increased investment in disaster prevention is a challenge.

We are now assessing the effectiveness of existing EU financing instruments. We are also developing a catalogue of prevention measures that would be considered by Member States for EU funding.

Our objective is to increase the impact of EU funding and to accelerate the implementation of Regional Fund support. We are also looking at innovative financing instruments, such as insurance pooling to share risks. Effective investments in disaster prevention will help to save lives, limit damages and, ultimately, save money.

Actions are also under way to improve our knowledge of disasters. We have worked with the European Environment Agency on a report assessing the frequency of disasters in Europe and their impact on humans, the economies and ecosystems. We also need clear and transparent assessments of the risks we face.

On 21 December last year we issued a guidance paper on national risk assessment and mapping to encourage Member States in fostering a comprehensive risk-management culture. Developing fully-fledged risk management policies will require the involvement of all actors. The increased frequency and intensity of disasters in Europe should also provide further incentives for Member States to invest in preparedness and build up their capacity.

Besides the prevention elements, it is equally important that Member States, and Europe as a whole, are able to provide the best possible response. In October last year we outlined our policy proposal for a European disaster-response capacity. Our objective is to improve the efficiency, the coherence and the visibility of the EU’s response to disasters.

  Richard Seeber, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Solidarität ist das richtige Wort, um zu beginnen. Wenn Katastrophen vorkommen – seien es vom Menschen verursachte oder natürliche –, müssen wir in Europa zusammenstehen. Das ist für das Europäische Einigungswerk zentral!

Schnelligkeit ist das zweite Stichwort, das wir hier nennen müssen. Es geht darum, schnell zu helfen, denn schnelle Hilfe ist meist effektive Hilfe.

Zum Dritten muss ich aber doch darauf hinweisen, dass in erster Linie natürlich die Mitgliedstaaten dafür verantwortlich sind, nach Möglichkeit ihre Bevölkerung vor solchen Katastrophen zu schützen. Wir müssen prüfen, wie wir die europäischen Mittel und auch die Gelder, die uns zur Verfügung stehen, effizienter und auch effektiver einsetzen können. Ich darf aber auch anmerken, dass viele Mitgliedstaaten nach europäischen Mitteln rufen, um zu kaschieren, dass sie selbst zu wenige Maßnahmen treffen.

Was können wir auf Ebene der Union tun? Wir haben zwei große Ausgabenposten: zum einen den Regionalfonds, für den Kommissar Hahn zuständig ist, und zum anderen den Agrarfonds, in dessen Rahmen wir bereits vorhandene Gelder besser einsetzen könnten. Zentral ist die Prävention, d. h. durch eine richtige Raumplanung können sehr viele Katastrophen verhindert werden, insbesondere Hochwasserkatastrophen. Wir haben bereits eine Hochwasser-Richtlinie und im Zusammenhang damit wurde deutlich, dass wir mit den vorhandenen Mitteln eigentlich sehr viel erreichen können, wenn wir die richtigen Maßnahmen ergreifen – wie beispielsweise Kartierung, Risikoeinschätzungen und als dritte Maßnahme die Erstellung von Maßnahmenplänen.

Ich wünsche mir von der Kommission, dass sie neben dem Maßnahmenplan, den sie ausgearbeitet hat, insbesondere auf die Bereiche Dürre und Wasserknappheit eingeht. Hier fehlt uns noch ein Instrument wie die Hochwasser-Richtlinie und hier könnten wir viel bewirken.

Zum Maßnahmenkatalog selbst muss ich sagen, dass Mainstreaming hier sicher von zentraler Bedeutung ist, dass wir also versuchen, diese Aspekte in anderen Politikbereichen zu berücksichtigen. Zudem müssen die Mitgliedstaaten unter Aufsicht der Kommission Risikokarten für alle Bereiche erstellen.

  Edite Estrela, em nome do Grupo S&D. – Senhor Presidente, este é um debate recorrente neste Parlamento. Infelizmente as catástrofes naturais ou provocadas pelo homem são cada vez mais frequentes e devastadoras.

Apesar de a responsabilidade pela prevenção de catástrofes incumbir, em primeira instância, aos Estados-Membros, a União Europeia pode dar um contributo importante. Há já alguns instrumentos comunitários para apoiar estas actividades de prevenção de catástrofes.

Mas é importante que se faça uma avaliação desses instrumentos para que melhor possamos identificar as lacunas. Para além disso, é igualmente necessário melhorar os mecanismos de financiamento. Já aqui foi referido e, eu reitero, o que aconteceu com a Madeira, que não houve ainda uma resposta do apoio prometido e é evidente que as vítimas dessa catástrofe não podem ficar indefinidamente à espera.

Também já várias vezes foi solicitado à Comissão que desenvolva orientações comunitárias para a cartografia dos riscos. Gostaria também de sublinhar a importância de se realizar um inventário completo das fontes de informação porque só com informação fiável é possível actuar de forma adequada.

Algumas das sugestões e propostas apresentadas no relatório Ferreira já constavam do meu relatório aprovado pelo Parlamento em 2006 e a Comissão ainda não deu resposta a muitas dessas propostas. Gostaria, por isso, de perguntar ao Sr. Comissário se nos pode informar sobre a actividade desenvolvida até ao momento para a criação do Observatório Europeu da Seca e também em relação à directiva relativa aos incêndios florestais.

  Catherine Bearder, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, summers are hotter and storms are more severe. Rainfall is more erratic and we have more droughts causing life-threatening fires across our continent. Hardly a country has escaped a natural disaster in the last few years and this is not counting the man-made catastrophes such as Chernobyl and more recently the toxic dam in Hungary.

Citizens look to their elected representatives to ensure the planning for their protection is efficient and reliable and in place. We have had many promises and reports from the Commission, yet little concrete action has been forthcoming. We have been promised progress in setting up a network of competent national services in Member States. A map of assets, that is readily available and ready to use when disaster strikes, was promised in 2009. National authorities should now be requested to put core equipment on standby, available for rapid European assistance when needed.

In my own region, we have in Bracknell the world-renowned medium-range weather forecasting centre. Its information assists mariners, aircraft and emergency planners from a range of real-time sources around the world, but we need more than these sorts of facilities. We need to know where the trained emergency service teams are. We need to know where the emergency food supplies, the tents and the blankets are.

We need to know where the facilities are that will save the lives of citizens of our Union when they need them. The Commission must come forward with these plans now. Tomorrow’s disaster may be just around the corner.

  Marisa Matias, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Começo por dizer que apoio totalmente o que foi dito pelo meu colega. A prevenção de catástrofes naturais e provocadas pelo homem é de enorme importância e de crescente importância e a Comissão Europeia apresenta-nos sistematicamente um número de intenções de procedimento e de calendário.

Mas há um problema muito complicado, como já foi referido. O Fundo de Solidariedade é o instrumento que normalmente responde a estas situações, mas responde num tempo muito, muito demorado, de nove meses a um ano, e isto após a catástrofe. Como também já foi referido, e repito e repetiremos à exaustão o tempo que for preciso, há o caso da Madeira que há um ano teve uma enorme catástrofe e ainda não recebeu qualquer apoio.

E pergunto, por isso, e reforço esta pergunta: não estará na altura de a Comissão fazer uma revisão do procedimento do próprio fundo e do próprio modelo de financiamento? Como é que nós podemos manter um fundo de excepção para lidar com situações que são cada vez mais crónicas? Nós não sabemos onde é que vai acontecer, mas sabemos que vão acontecer e as alterações climáticas estão aí para prová-lo. Portanto, a excepção não pode nunca responder a uma situação de regularidade.

  Jaroslav Paška, za skupinu EFD. – V oblasti predchádzania prírodným a človekom spôsobeným katastrofám máme veľa možností na zlepšenie súčasných mechanizmov.

Kým pri preventívnych opatreniach voči prírodným katastrofám sa musíme usilovať najmä o skvalitnenie systémov monitorovania prírodných javov – či už sú to meteorologické zmeny, alebo tektonické pohyby – a následné zlepšenie matematických modelov vyhodnocovania a predpovedí zmien, ich dôsledkov a súvisiacich mechanizmov výstrahy či následnej evakuácie, v oblasti človekom spôsobených katastrof môžme pracovať omnoho efektívnejšie.

Poznajúc riziká rozličných činností ľudstva, najmä životné prostredie ohrozujúcich podnikateľských aktivít, vieme dobrými regulačnými opatreniami už preventívne znížiť riziko vzniku možnej katastrofy z vykonávania akejkoľvek rizikovej činnosti. Preventívny regulačný rámec, rovnako ako aj systémy dohľadu, kontroly, sankcií a represií však musia byť komplexné a vykonávané s plnou vážnosťou a dôrazom.

V záujme ochrany zdravia a životov našich občanov preto musíme sústavne pracovať na zlepšení týchto mechanizmov ochrany pred katastrofami.

  Ville Itälä (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, täällä sanottu voidaan allekirjoittaa. Katastrofit ovat vain jatkuvasti lisääntyneet. EU voisi tehdä näissä asioissa todella paljon: tietojenvaihto, tuki ja solidaarisuus. Tällä tietysti saadaan lisäarvoa, jota unionilta näissä asioissa odotetaan.

Itse haluaisin kuitenkin käyttää tilaisuutta hyväksi ja kysyä komissaarilta, kun kolme–neljä vuotta sitten Venäjällä oli mittava metsäpalo, josta omaan kotimaahanikin Suomeen tuli valtavia savuvahinkoja. Monet ihmiset kärsivät todella pahoista terveydellisistä vaikutuksista, joita tämä savu aiheutti. Silloin EU-parlamentti täällä päätti edellyttää komissiolta, että komissio neuvottelee Venäjän kanssa sopimuksen siitä, miten EU voisi näissä tapauksissa tulla apuun ja antaa tarvittavaa apua, jota Venäjä tällöinkin olisi tarvinnut, mutta jota se ei suostunut ottamaan vastaan. Haluaisin tietää, onko komissio jo edennyt tässä asiassa ja tehnyt toimenpiteitä?

Katastrofit eivät pysy vain EU:n sisällä vaan niitä on myös rajojemme ulkopuolella ja niillä on usein vaikutusta EU:n jäsenvaltioihin. Haluaisin tietää, miten tässä on Venäjän kanssa edetty?

  Mario Pirillo (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, negli ultimi 15 anni il numero delle catastrofi naturali e di origine umana è sensibilmente aumentato, assistiamo a fenomeni che sono sempre più gravi e più frequenti in quasi tutti i paesi dell'Unione europea con conseguenze gravi sull'economia, le infrastrutture nonché sugli ecosistemi.

Urge un approccio comunitario per sviluppare politiche di prevenzione ed individuare e adeguare i relativi strumenti finanziari. Il fondo di solidarietà dell'Unione europea e quelli nazionali non sono più in grado di far fronte alle frequenti calamità.

Vorrei chiedere al Commissario qui presente quando potrà fornire i dati e una mappatura delle aree soggette a rischio, già annunciate nella sua comunicazione del 23 febbraio 2009? Devo lamentare, infine, che da diverso tempo è bloccata al Consiglio la direttiva sul suolo, utile per migliorare la gestione del territorio.

  Daciana Octavia Sârbu (S&D). - După dezastrul ecologic din Ungaria, din octombrie anul trecut, eu am ridicat nu o dată, în atenția Comisiei Europene, problema prevenirii dezastrelor în industria extractivă. În domeniul minier, impactul accidentelor poate fi, adesea, unul transfrontalier. Cu atât mai mult, Uniunea Europeană este obligată să se asigure că se iau toate măsurile posibile pentru a reduce riscul de accidente și pentru a îmbunătăți viteza și eficiența reacțiilor în cazul în care, totuși, acestea se produc.

Ca răspuns la interpelările mele, am primit confirmarea Comisiei că deșeurile deversate în mediu, inclusiv în Dunăre, în cazul accidentului din Ungaria, erau de fapt toxice, deși acest fapt fusese inițial negate de autorități. Este un exemplu cât se poate de clar de reglementări care nu se aplică, ia această situație trebuie să se schimbe cât mai rapid.

Comisia Europeană are datoria de a acționa urgent în urma rezoluţiei adoptate anul trecut de Parlament, care solicită interzicerea folosirii tehnologiilor bazate pe cianuri în minerit, deoarece ele prezintă amenințări transfrontaliere uriașe la adresa ecosistemelor.

  Rareş-Lucian Niculescu (PPE). - Raportul referitor la o abordare comunitară în privința prevenirii dezastrelor naturale și a celor provocate de om, aprobat în septembrie 2010, conţine câteva referiri importante care vizează direct agricultura. În special, raportul face referire la faptul că producția agricolă este vulnerabilă în fața fenomenelor climatice precum seceta, înghețul, grindina, incendiile forestiere, inundațiile, alunecările de teren și altele. Raportul conţine, totodată, o serie de sugestii importante vizând atenuarea consecinţelor acestor probleme; autorul a menționat, deja, ideea unor asigurări pentru agricultură.

Eu doresc să atrag atenția asupra importanței unei gestionări eficiente a acestor provocări, mai ales în contextul unei viitoare politici agricole comune care își propune pentru agricultură atât un rol alimentar, cât și un rol semnificativ în privința protecției mediului.

  Csaba Sándor Tabajdi (S&D). - Tavaly októberben Magyarországon a vörösiszap-katasztrófához szakembereket és kármentést szolgáló anyagi eszközöket kaptunk az uniós tagállamoktól. Érdemi segítséget azonban nem. Rendkívül nehéz volt elmagyarázni az embereknek, hogy mitől lehet humanitárius segélyt adni az Unión kívüli országok polgárainak és az uniós tagállamoknak viszont nem. Nyilvánvaló, hogy ipari katasztrófák esetén a „károkozó fizet” elvnek kell érvényesülnie, ezeknek a cégeknek legtöbbször azonban nincs elég pénze. A Bizottság azt ígérte, hogy kötelezővé teszi a veszélyes üzemeknek a környezetvédelmi biztosítást. Ugyanakkor fölvetném, hogy megfelelő szabályozással a szolidaritási alapot nyitottá kéne tenni ipari katasztrófák részleges enyhítésére is, még egyszer említem, részleges ... (az elnök megvonta a szót a képviselőtől)

  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Herr Präsident! Das Konzept der Katastrophenverhütung verdient natürlich gerade bei unseren ungarischen Freunden große Aufmerksamkeit, denn im Umgang mit der Giftschlammkatastrophe im vergangenen Oktober ist in Ungarn einiges schiefgelaufen. Die Kommission hat in ihrem Gutachten ein deutliches Versagen der lokalen Behörden festgestellt: keine Klassifizierung der gefährlichen Brühe und große Fehler bei den Baumaßnahmen am Becken. Die Kommission hat weiters festgestellt, dass der europäische Abfallkatalog – die Bergbauabfall-Richtlinien – eben nicht in ungarisches Recht umgesetzt worden ist. Daher ist es wichtig, dass die einzelnen Länder die europäischen Normen verbindlich in ihre Rechtsnormen aufnehmen.

Zusätzlich zur Katastrophenverhütung ist natürlich die ordnungsgemäße Anwendung dieser europäischen Normen wichtig und darüber hinaus der Austausch bewährter Verfahren und Hilfe zur Selbsthilfe. Gerade im Jahr der Freiwilligkeit ist es wichtig und richtig, dass sich die Länder ein bisschen an denjenigen Ländern orientieren, die flächendeckend freiwillige Feuerwehrsysteme, Rettungsdienste etc. haben.

  Iosif Matula (PPE). - Una dintre cele mai mari provocări actuale cu care se confruntă Uniunea Europeană o constituie creșterea intensității și a consecințelor dezastrelor naturale. Conform statisticilor, în ultimii douăzeci de ani, 953 de dezastre produse în Europa au provocat aproape 90 000 decese și pierderi economice de 269 miliarde de dolari.

Pentru a putea contracara efectele provocate de aceste fenomene, este necesară o hartă a riscurilor și un plan coerent de gestiune a factorilor de mediu. Păstrarea și extinderea zonelor împădurite, precum și a zonelor verzi din mediile urbane trebuie să reprezinte o prioritate pentru noi toți. Este esențial să acordăm importanța cuvenită acțiunilor de informare și educare a populației în scopul prevenirii efectelor catastrofelor. Ziua internațională pentru reducerea riscului dezastrelor naturale reprezintă un bun exemplu în acest sens. De asemenea, consider că trebuie eficientizate toate instrumentele...

(Președintele întrerupe vorbitorul)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D). - Senhor Presidente, as preocupações aqui levantadas em matéria de prevenção e de resposta às catástrofes é matéria de grande sensibilidade e da máxima importância para as nossas populações que não deve nem pode ser protelada.

Falamos de situações muito sensíveis que mexem com a segurança das pessoas e dos seus bens, que muitas vezes a todos emocionam pela perda de vidas, pelas famílias destruídas, pelo arrasar de vidas inteiras de trabalho. Mas de pouco valem todas as nossas manifestações perante os dramas, que de uma forma mediática a todos impressionam e a todos sensibilizam se depois adormecemos sobre o trabalho que devemos fazer para que aquelas situações possam ser evitadas, minimizadas ou melhor auxiliadas.

Senhor Comissário, a matéria foi aqui muito bem focada pelos meus colegas. É uma matéria onde a União Europeia pode evidenciar melhor a sua presença junto dos seus cidadãos, ajudando-os na prevenção de catástrofes e sobretudo, quando estas ocorrerem, estar ao seu lado nos momentos em que eles mais precisam e mais fragilizados se encontram.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI). - Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar! Wir wissen ja, welche Faktoren in den letzten Jahren zu einer Zunahme von Katastrophen geführt haben, wir wissen um den Klimawandel, um die explosive Industrialisierung in der Dritten Welt, um die wachsende Weltbevölkerung und all das.

Es ist aber auch Tatsache, dass viele Katastrophen eben auf menschliches Verschulden zurückzuführen sind, und da muss man doch sagen, dass es zuerst einmal gilt, das Verursacherprinzip anzuwenden. Immer gleich nach der Union zu rufen, ist der falsche Weg. Allerdings ist es tatsächlich so, dass europäische Solidarität natürlich dort gefragt ist, wo sich Katastrophen wirklich aufgrund höherer Gewalt ereignen, wo sich eben wirklich Naturkatastrophen ereignen. Und hier ist bereits bei der Prävention – etwa bei Lawinenschutzbauten, bei Hochwasserverbauten, bei der Kartografierung, bei Überwachungssystemen – europäische Solidarität zu üben, das ist keine Frage.

Darüber hinaus sollten wir wirklich so etwas wie eine europäische „Katastrophenfeuerwehr“ haben, die einsetzbar ist, wenn sehr schnell geholfen werden muss, um das Ärgste zu verhindern.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). - Mr President, there is much talk about buzz words here today, but the key buzz word is the first word up on the board: prevention. As the old adage says, ‘prevention is better than cure’ and certainly we have to try and prevent natural disasters based on recent trends, to get out some kind of a forecast and to put preventive actions in place.

We also need some type of a trans-European insurance mechanism, because otherwise affected areas will not be able to afford insurance. For instance in my own area, in the town of Clonmel insurance has gone up sixfold because of the risk of flooding.

Finally, I want to ask how many countries can actually say that they have complied with the Commission’s recommendations, especially in relation to the Floods Directive? I know it has not been applied properly in my country. Countries have to take responsibility just the same as the Commission. By working together we can at least alleviate the difficulties.

  Γεώργιος Κουμουτσάκος (PPE). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, οι μεγάλες καταστροφικές πυρκαγιές δασών οι οποίες χτυπούν σχεδόν κάθε καλοκαίρι, κυρίως τα κράτη μέλη του ευρωπαϊκού νότου, και η Ελλάδα έχει μια τρομακτική και τραυματική εμπειρία, οδηγούν όλους μας σ' ένα ασφαλές συμπέρασμα: για την έγκαιρη και αποτελεσματική αντιμετώπιση των φυσικών και ανθρωπογενών καταστροφών στην Ευρώπη, η λέξη κλειδί είναι «αλληλεγγύη». Άλλωστε, η Συνθήκη της Λισαβόνας έχει εισάγει τη ρήτρα αλληλεγγύης για την παροχή συνδρομής σε κράτος μέλος που υφίσταται τις συνέπειες της φυσικής καταστροφής.

Πρέπει να ετοιμαστούμε για την ουσιαστική και αποτελεσματική εφαρμογή αυτής της ρήτρας. Σε αντίθετη περίπτωση, θα είναι σαν να αγνοούμε το 70% των ευρωπαίων πολιτών που προσβλέπει ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση θα συνδράμει τη χώρα του εάν αυτή αντιμετωπίσει φυσική καταστροφή. Είναι σημαντικό να μην αφήσουμε τις δημοσιονομικές πιέσεις να επηρεάσουν τις πολιτικές και τη χρηματοδότηση των πολιτικών για την πρόληψη καταστροφών.

Επίσης σημαντικό είναι….

(Ο πρόεδρος διακόπτει τον ομιλητή)

  Johannes Hahn, Mitglied der Kommission. − Herr Präsident! Ich darf mich zunächst für die vielfältigen Debattenbeiträge bedanken. Überall dort, wo die Zuständigkeit meiner Kollegin Georgieva direkt angesprochen wurde, werden wir uns erlauben, Ihnen schriftliche Antworten zu geben, etwa bei der Frage, wie nun der Stand der Gespräche und Verhandlungen mit Russland in der Frage der Information und des Monitoring ist.

Ich darf diese Gelegenheit aber nutzen – weil der Europäische Solidaritätsfonds in mein Ressort fällt –, Ihnen zu sagen, dass dieser Fonds ein Instrument ist, das vor sieben oder acht Jahren geschaffen wurde und das außerhalb des Haushalts zu finanzieren ist. Immer dann, wenn eine Katastrophe eintritt, ist ein sehr komplexes Verfahren abzuwickeln – zuerst die Bewertung und dann auch die Mitbestimmung des Europäischen Parlaments und des Rates – wodurch eben Verzögerungen entstehen.

Konkret zu Madeira kann ich Ihnen sagen, dass innerhalb der nächsten 14 Tage die Unterschrift und die Zahlung erfolgen. Die Verzögerung hat sich auch dadurch ergeben, dass der Mitgliedstaat manche Informationen sehr spät geliefert hat. Auch dies gilt es zu berücksichtigen. Wir müssen ja letztendlich auch belegen können und es muss überprüfbar sein, wofür die Mittel tatsächlich eingesetzt wurden. Nichtsdestotrotz sollte sich auch der Solidaritätsfonds in seiner Struktur weiterentwickeln. Es gibt diesbezüglich auch kommissionsinterne Überlegungen.

Die Frage der Dürrebewertung ist – offen gestanden – relativ schwer einzuordnen. Anders verhält es sich etwa mit der Frage von technologischen Katastrophen. Diese Themenstellungen sind vor dem Hintergrund der Erfahrungen, die wir in den letzten Jahren sammeln konnten, einer Neubewertung zu unterziehen.

Was die bereitgestellten Mittel etwa im Bereich der Strukturfonds angeht, so stehen in der laufenden Finanzperiode europaweit insgesamt 7,5 Milliarden Euro für Risikoprävention und entsprechende Schutzmaßnahmen im Umweltbereich zur Verfügung. Davon sind rund 20 % schon konkreten Projekten zugeordnet.

Sie als Abgeordnete eines Wahlkreises bzw. eines Landes wissen genauso gut wie ich, dass es oftmals Probleme administrativer Natur zwischen Regionen und Mitgliedstaaten gibt, weil nicht klar ist, wer nun wofür zuständig ist. Das führt im Konkreten oftmals zu Verzögerungen bei der Umsetzung von Projekten. Diese Probleme zu überwinden, wäre eine wichtige Aufgabe, denn es ist im Interesse der Menschen und der Regionen, dass wir das bereitgestellte Geld auch einsetzen und nicht an administrativen oder bürokratischen Problemen scheitern bzw. uns dadurch Verzögerungen einhandeln.

Schlussendlich darf ich Ihnen mitteilen, dass wir tatsächlich mit Ende des Jahres einen Legislativvorschlag unterbreiten wollen, wie wir in Hinblick auf das Monitoring und die Reaktion auf Katastrophen europaweit konzertierter vorgehen können. Ich bedanke mich nochmals für Ihr Engagement in dieser Frage, Ihr Nachhaken bei der Themenstellung und darf Sie bitten, auch weiterhin – und damit darf ich schließen – der Umsetzung und der Nutzung der im Prinzip vorhandenen finanziellen Mittel in den Mitgliedstaaten so große Aufmerksamkeit zu widmen.

  El Presidente. − Se cierra el debate.

Declaraciones por escrito (artículo 149 del Reglamento)

  Ádám Kósa (PPE), írásban. – A természeti csapások és az ember okozta katasztrófák megelőzésére irányuló közösségi koncepcióról szóló 2009. február 23-i közleményében a Bizottság – többek közt – vállalta, hogy a megelőzési intézkedésekkel és a katasztrófákkal kapcsolatban rendelkezésre álló, meglévő információforrásokat összegyűjti. Itt és most szeretném megragadni az alkalmat, hogy jelezzem, Új-Zélandon figyelemre méltó és követendő gyakorlat volt tapasztalható a siketek és súlyos nagyothallók tájékoztatására a legutóbbi katasztrófa alkalmából. Új-Zéland kormányzata ugyanis 2010 végén kiadott több információs segítséget és egy olyan DVD-t is, amely felkészítette az érintett és hatáskörrel rendelkező szereplőket és a jelnyelven beszélő lakosságot egy esetleges katasztrófára. Ennek gyümölcse életekben és vagyontárgyakban mérhető kármentés volt, amelynek sikerére – a sajnálatos módon mégis bekövetkezett tragédiák ellenére – még a helyi civil szervezetek, valamint a siketek világszövetsége (wfdeaf.org) szerint is büszke lehetett a queenslandi kormányzat és az Ausztrál Kommunikációs és Médiahatóság (Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA)) a kiváló előkészítés és együttműködés, különösen a siketeket elérő élő és azonnali kommunikáció megvalósítása miatt. Mindezek fényében remélem, hogy a Bizottság megvizsgálja ezt a nem EU-tagállambeli jó gyakorlatot és népszerűsíteni, ösztönözni fogja a tagállamok, illetve az EU-s források felhasználása körében is.

IN THE CHAIR: LIBOR ROUČEK
Vice-President

5. Il-kriżi tal-irmied vulkaniku (dibattitu)

  předseda. − Dalším bodem je rozprava o

- otázce k ústnímu zodpovězení Komisi o krizi způsobené sopečným popelem, kterou položili Marian-Jean Merinescu a Mathieu Grosch za poslanecký klub Evropské lidové strany (Křesťanských demokratů) (O-0198/2010 - B7-0015/2011)

- otázce k ústnímu zodpovězení Komisi o krizi způsobené sopečným popelem, kterou položil Saïd El Khadraoui za skupinu S&D (O-000052/2011 - B7-0204/2011)

- otázce k ústnímu zodpovězení Komisi o krizi způsobené sopečným popelem, kterou položila Gesine Meissner za skupinu ALDE (O-000049/2011 - B7-0202/2011)

- otázce k ústnímu zodpovězení Komisi o krizi způsobené sopečným popelem, kterou položil Roberts Zīle za skupinu ECR (O-000051/2011 - B7-0203/2011)

  Marian-Jean Marinescu, Autor. − Erupția vulcanică din aprilie anul trecut a dus la închiderea multor sectoare ale spațiului aerian european. Criza care a urmat a afectat peste 10 milioane de călători și a avut grave repercursiuni economice; datorită lipsei de coordonare între instituții, lipsei de specificații și de flexibilitate, precum și din cauza neexploatării la maxim a resurselor tehnice soluționarea crizei cenușei vulcanice a lăsat de dorit.

Am spus atunci și susțin în continuare că este extrem de important să se ia măsurile necesare pentru a ne asigura că o nouă erupție vulcanică nu va avea aceleași repercusiuni. Răspunderea pentru siguranța unui zbor, inclusiv pentru evitarea unei zone cu cenușă trebuie să aparțină operatorului și echipajului. Operatorilor trebuie să li se furnizeze date corecte pentru a putea aplica soluții optime. Piloții sunt pregătiți să facă față condițiilor de zbor extraordinare și au experiența necesară pentru a evalua riscul și a lua decizii legate de redirecționarea zborului.

Pentru ca acest proces să funcționeze cât mai bine, este nevoie de câteva elemente: trebuie îmbunătățite supravegherea și prognoza, trebuie investit mai mult în echipamentele de la sol și din aer. Structura tehnică trebuie să poată furniza date corecte în timp real și prognoze stabile, iar tehnologia actuală poate asigura acest lucru. Utilizarea mai multor centre de colectare și transmitere a acestor informații va îmbunătăți evaluarea riscurilor și planificarea corespunzătoare a zborurilor. Pentru ca operatorilor să le parvină aceste informații necesare în luarea deciziilor, rolul instituțiilor implicate în managementul crizei trebuie clarificat.

Organismul de reglementare trebuie să fie responsabil pentru supraveghere, centrele de consultanță pentru cenușă vulcanică sunt responsabile cu notificarea furnizorilor de servicii de navigare aeriană despre erupții și despre zone cu risc crescut. Furnizorii de servicii trebuie să informeze echipajele avioanelor asupra zonelor cu risc mare de contaminare cu cenușă. Părțile implicate trebuie pregătite pentru un management eficient al crizelor prin exerciții de simulare.

Consider că este absolut necesar ca EASA să elaboreze specificațiile necesare care să clarifice responsabilitățile și controlul pe plan operațional. Realizarea cerului unic european și implementarea SESAR ar facilita extrem de mult luarea unor decizii și ar reduce considerabil efectele în cazuri de criză. Cred că acestea sunt punctele esențiale care trebuiesc rezolvate pentru a ne asigura că suntem pregătiți să gestionăm o astfel de situație cu succes în viitor.

  Brian Simpson, author. − Mr President, I welcome the opportunity that this oral question gives us to revisit the problems experienced by travellers and the wider aviation industry during last year’s Icelandic volcano crisis.

What became clear last year was that Member States and the EU as a whole had no plan for such an eventuality, the data used was incomplete, the meteorologists could not or, indeed, would not help and everybody perfected the art of blaming someone else and adopted a policy of risk aversion rather than one of risk management.

To be frank, Mr President, Member States bottled it last year. But, Mr President, that was then. What about the future? Do we have a comprehensive plan to cover the next volcanic eruption? Should this happen, will Member States coordinate at EU level in future? Crucially, will they involve the aviation industry and, particularly, airlines before they issue their advice? We have to avoid the mistakes made last year which gave us the nonsense of one country closing its airspace whilst a neighbouring country kept theirs open, leading to chaos, confusion and huge economic consequences.

Finally Mr President, the Icelandic volcano highlighted one major thing: it has strengthened the argument for a Single European Sky better than any politician could have done. Our role now is to develop and deliver this as a matter of urgency, even though, as usual, the Member States are back to their old habits of dragging their feet on this much-needed project.

  Gesine Meissner, Verfasserin. − Herr Präsident! Wir haben gerade unter dem vorherigen Tagesordnungspunkt über Naturkatastrophen gesprochen. In diesem Fall war es eine Naturgewalt, die den Flugverkehr komplett lahmgelegt hat. Der Eyjafjallajökull – inzwischen kennen wohl alle diesen Vulkan – ist im letzten Jahr ausgebrochen und hat große Teile des Flugverkehrs komplett lahmgelegt. Ich habe übrigens gerade bei der vorigen Rede wieder gemerkt, dass wir einen sehr guten Vorsitzenden im Ausschuss für Verkehr und Fremdenverkehr haben, denn ganz ähnliche Dinge wollte ich auch sagen. Nun versuche ich, meine Rede etwas zu ändern.

Es war ja tatsächlich ein Chaos – das hat Brian Simpson bereits gesagt. Wir waren als Europäer, die wir hoch technologisiert sind und schon vieles koordiniert haben, tatsächlich hilflos, als es darum ging, dieser Katastrophe zu begegnen und zu sehen, wie man Lösungen finden kann. Wir haben gemerkt, dass zu wenige Absprachen getroffen werden. Nun wurde eine Task-Force eingerichtet. Das bewegte uns ja zu dieser Frage: Hat die Task-Force schon wirklich valide Ergebnisse, die man besprechen kann, hat sie irgendwelche Studien veröffentlicht? Ich kenne zumindest keine. Hat man wirklich alle internationalen Experten befragt, die sich mit solchen Vulkanausbrüchen auskennen? Denn – das haben wir schon letztes Jahr im Plenum diskutiert – es gibt ja andere Teile der Welt, wo sich Vulkanausbrüche viel häufiger ereignen als in Europa, und die schaffen es auch irgendwie, aktuelle Daten zu haben und das Ganze zu koordinieren.

Dann bewegt mich noch etwas. Am 4. Mai wurde auch im Rat der Verkehrsminister gesagt, dass wir ein verlinktes europäisches Verkehrssystem brauchen. Das kann natürlich in solchen Fällen helfen. Wie weit ist man denn jetzt, um im Falle eines weiteren Vulkanausbruchs – den kann man ja nicht planen, der passiert einfach – besser reagieren zu können?

Eine weitere Frage: Weiß man genau, welche Technologie man bräuchte, um dem besser zu begegnen? In Deutschland hat man inzwischen bei allen Wetterstationen entsprechende Vorrichtungen, die die Daten sammeln und ganz schnell aktuelle Daten an die Verantwortlichen bei den Fluggesellschaften und auch an die Piloten weitergeben können, damit diese entscheiden, ob es sicher ist oder nicht, ob sie fliegen können oder nicht.

Ein weiterer Punkt, der bisher nicht angesprochen wurde, den ich aber in diesem Zusammenhang wichtig finde: Diese Aschekrise mit den anschließenden Problemen im Flugbereich betraf zehn Millionen Passagiere, natürlich auch viele Unternehmen. Die Passagiere sind teilweise gestrandet und kamen nicht weiter und deshalb stellt sich auch die Frage, wie es mit den Passagierrechten aussieht. Wir haben Passagierrechte für Flugpassagiere, doch ich habe den Eindruck, dass sie in diesem Fall nicht immer hundertprozentig gegriffen haben. Wir sollten vielleicht auch noch einmal eine Revision dieser Passagierrechte vornehmen.

Das sind viele Fragen. Ich weiß nicht, ob Sie, Herr Kommissar Hahn, das jetzt beantworten können, weil Transport nicht Ihr eigentlicher Bereich ist. Sonst werden die Fragen, die ich zusätzlich zu der schriftlichen Anfrage gestellt habe, sicherlich später noch beantwortet werden können. Sie merken, dass uns das Thema sehr bewegt. Denn der Flugbereich ist sehr wichtig und wir brauchen deshalb einen einheitlichen europäischen Luftraum!

  Roberts Zīle, Autors. – Es gribētu ne tik daudz atkārtot, ko teica mani kolēģi, bet faktiski — kāpēc mēs uzdodam šo jautājumu? Jo ir pagājis gandrīz gads kopš šiem notikumiem un, iespējams, ka tas parasti aizmirstas, tomēr mēs gribējām uzturēt šo jautājumu svarīgu Komisijai un sagaidām komisāra rīcību šajos apsolītajos jautājumos kā mācību no pagājušā gada vulkāna izvirduma. Faktiski tas pierādīja to, ka aviācijas tirgus ir Eiropas Savienības iekšzemes tirgus, iespējams, kā nevienā citā Eiropas transporta veidā, un tas, savukārt, nozīmē to, ka lēmumu pieņemšana, kā arī to sagatavošana, iespējams, prasa citādu rīcību nekā attiecībā uz citiem transporta veidiem. Gan šo mērījumu neesamība, gan pārvadātāju nepiedalīšanās lēmumu pieņemšanā, gan arī tas, ka lēmums tiek pieņemts dalībvalstu līmenī — kas principā, protams, izriet no likumiskās puses, taču, lai arī es pārstāvu politisko grupu, kas vienmēr atbalsta subsidiaritātes principu, šoreiz domāju, ka mums, ņemot vērā konkrēto situāciju pagājušajā gadā, uz šī piemēra pamata vajadzētu pārdomāt, vai lēmumu pieņemšanai nebūtu lielākā mērā jānotiek Eiropas līmenī. Pasažierus satrauc arī tas, ka dažādas aviokompānijas rīkojas ar pasažieriem ļoti dažādi, un vienmēr iegūt no šīm aviokompānijām tiesas ceļā kompensācijas nav pats vienkāršākais ceļš. Acīmredzot nedrīkst būt tā, ka dažādas aviokompānijas var no šādas krīzes situācijas iziet dažādi, ar dažādām izmaksām. Visbeidzot, trešais, ko es gribētu uzsvērt, ir no šīs krīzes gūtā mācība, ka Eiropas Savienībā eksistē vairākas, ja tā varētu teikt, „salas”, kas nav savienotas ar citiem transporta veidiem ar citām Eiropas Savienības dalībvalstīm, un tas nozīmē, ka šogad, plānojot TEN-T karti, gan nākotnē finanšu perspektīvu, TEN-T budžetu, gan arī kohēzijas politikas budžetu, mums vajadzētu atrast investīcijas citiem transporta veidiem, lai savienotu šīs „salas” ar pārējo Eiropas Savienību. Paldies!

  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, the Eyafjallajökull eruption in Iceland in April 2010 had an enormous impact which required the EU to act urgently. The Commission therefore proposed immediate actions to coordinate the EU’s position and to strengthen the regulatory framework. This makes Europe a stronger partner at a global level.

The Commission is actively engaged in practical work to refine the existing volcanic ash avoidance methodologies in aviation. For example, the Commission has launched a specific call under the Seventh Framework Programme called ‘Technology support for crisis coordination for the air transport system following major disrupting events’. In parallel the European Aviation Safety Agency (EASA) is preparing rules for air-worthiness requirements and risk assessment for safe flight in airspace with volcanic contaminants.

From an operational perspective, an approach has been developed in close cooperation with the EASA. This approach reflects practices in other parts of the world. The guiding principles are as follows: first, the airline is responsible for the safety of its operations. Before operating in airspace contaminated by volcanic ash, the airline must produce a safety risk assessment and have it accepted by its supervising authority. This process must be repeated when important changes occur.

Second, the airline must show that the information sources it uses in its safety risk assessment are correct. It also has to show its own competence and capability to interpret such data correctly. Before starting operations, the airline must obtain from the manufacturers specific information regarding the susceptibility of the aircraft to the effects of airborne ash and the impact of such ash on its airworthiness. This must be reflected in the safety risk assessment.

In dealing with disruptive events such as this, a key element is collaborative decision-making between Member States and industry. To ensure comprehensive and coordinated actions, the Commission, together with Eurocontrol, established a European Aviation Crisis Coordination Cell, following the Council of Transport Ministers meeting of 4 May 2010. Since its creation, the cell has met on several occasions to develop its structures and procedures. To test and verify its timely functionality, this cell will be part of a volcano exercise planned for 13 and 14 April 2011 under the auspices of the UN’s aviation body, the ICAO.

The volcanic ash crisis highlighted the crucial importance of the Single European Sky. The Commission has therefore accelerated its implementation via, for example, the adoption of the SES Performance Scheme and the associated EU-wide performance targets, the adoption of implementing rules for network management functions, the designation of the network manager, the adoption of implementing rules and guidance material for the functional airspace blocks, the nomination of the former MEP Mr Georg Jarzembowski as the functional airspace blocks coordinator and the expected finalisation by April 2011 of the extension of the EASA’s competence for safety regulation in the field of air traffic management.

Let me therefore conclude by saying that the Commission is continuing to work on these very complex and technical issues. The Commission is working together with EASA, ICAO, Member States and industry to ensure the safety of European airspace.

  Mathieu Grosch, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar! Ich betrachte Ihre Antwort natürlich als die Antwort der Kommission und gehe auch nicht davon aus, dass Sie heute auf die spezifischen Fragen des Ausschusses für Verkehr und Fremdenverkehr eingehen werden.

Eines war klar: Über 100 000 Flüge wurden gestrichen, 300 Flughäfen und über zehn Millionen Passagiere waren betroffen. Aus einem solchen Ereignis muss man lernen. Das ist auch der Grund für die Frage, die wir heute stellen. Denn sehr schnell kam der Ruf nach Koordination und diese war ja eindeutig nicht gegeben. Man kann keine Koordination innerhalb von 24 Stunden improvisieren. Das sind die Antworten, die wir heute verlangen, und zwar nicht nur das Parlament, sondern auch die Bürger in Europa.

Erstens wollen wir wissen: Hat sich die Information im Hinblick sowohl auf die Auswirkungen als auch auf die Lokalisierung solcher Phänomene verbessert oder nicht?

Zweitens: Welche Rolle werden in Zukunft die EU-Organe dabei spielen und welche Entscheidungsbefugnisse werden sie haben? Werden wir weiterhin ein Nebeneinander von 27 Entscheidungen haben oder hat die Kommission doch bereits andere Vorschläge und wie weit sind hier die Luftfahrtgesellschaften impliziert? Diese Frage ist sehr oft aufgekommen.

Das Krisengremium soll tagen – es tagt, es wird auch Tests durchführen. Es wäre mehr als wichtig, dass dieses Parlament und somit auch die Bürger in Europa über die Resultate dieser Tests informiert werden.

Wenn es um Koordination geht, geht es nicht zuletzt auch um eine außereuropäische Koordination. Wir müssen uns auch mit den Strukturen auf internationaler Ebene absprechen, denn der Luftraum und auch gewisse Katastrophen kennen in diesem Zusammenhang keine Grenzen.

Ein weiterer wichtiger Punkt sind für uns die Passagiere. Man spricht von zehn Millionen Passagieren, aber unter den zehn Millionen Passagieren waren nicht nur Touristen, die ihre Ferien verlängern mussten oder wollten, da waren Menschen dabei, die nach Hause mussten, andere mussten dringend irgendwo ankommen. Da kann man nicht nur einfach auf die Passagierrechte verweisen, sondern steht in der Verpflichtung, koordinierend vorzugehen sowie Alternativen und einen verstärkten Einsatz anderer Transportarten vorzusehen! Zum Beispiel eine schnellere Zuweisung von Schienenstrecken im Bedarfsfall. Auch das kann man nicht innerhalb von 24 Stunden improvisieren. Das sind Fragen, die wir auch im Namen der Bürger und der Passagiere haben. Es geht nicht nur darum, die Rechte zu klären!

Last but not least – Sie haben es angesprochen – die Luftblöcke, die sogenannten FABs, 7 statt 27. Das kann funktionieren. Aber ich möchte heute einfach einmal die Prognose wagen, dass wir es bis 2012 nicht schaffen werden, weil die Mitgliedstaaten es nicht wollen. Da müssen wir auch ein ganz klares Zeichen nach außen setzen, dass wir die Verringerung der Anzahl der Luftblöcke unbedingt brauchen. Und das kann funktionieren! Herr Kommissar Hahn, ich lade Sie nach Maastricht ein, das ist nicht so weit von Ihnen entfernt. Da funktioniert die Zusammenarbeit in der oberen Schicht des Luftraums bereits zwischen drei bis vier Ländern. Dort sind all die Probleme, die die Länder aufwerfen, gelöst. Kommen Sie dorthin, schlagen Sie das der Kommission vor und nehmen Sie das als Modell für Europa, für die sieben FABs, dann können wir das innerhalb von zwölf Monaten regeln!

  Edit Herczog, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, as I am not a member of the Transport Committee and some Members might wonder why I am so keen to speak on this very issue. But I was, like others, a victim of the ash cloud. I was travelling to Baku and could only get back with great difficulties.

This concerns all European citizens. It was an opportunity for Europe to show its added value – and we failed. I think European citizens understood that the EU was not yet prepared for taking a single action, but we have to make sure that we are ready to take a single action in the next similar case. Therefore I think that the need for the Single European Sky project is imperative. We all agree on that.

Although I am not a member of the Transport Committee, I would like to mention that not only a single European sky is needed, but also a single European infrastructure connected to this. Therefore, here in this plenary session, I would like to draw attention to the need for Galileo and for GMES – as they are potentially a great European infrastructure if we can build them – to deliver on that purpose. This is why we are working to get the budget lines for those issues, but we have to explain better to European citizens why these projects are needed.

This is why I wanted to take the floor to make the point that, alongside European policies, European infrastructure in this field is necessary.

  Nathalie Griesbeck, au nom du groupe ALDE. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, il y a un peu moins d'un an, trois cents aéroports étaient fermés en Europe dans vingt-trois pays de l'Union sur vingt-sept. Cela a causé des pertes financières considérables, et surtout – comme l'ont rappelé les collègues – plus de dix millions de personnes, qui n'étaient pas toutes en voyage de tourisme, ont dû remettre leur voyage et trouver d'autres moyens de transport.

C'est le résultat du chaos semé par un événement totalement naturel qui nous a replacés dans un contexte important par rapport à la nature, et qui a provoqué une paralysie sans précédent dans le ciel européen.

Bien sûr, il est difficile de prévoir une éruption volcanique et, plus encore, la formation de ce nuage de cendres – bien sûr plus difficile que de prévoir un épisode neigeux –, mais la crise qui a été provoquée par ce nuage a mis en lumière tous les manquements et les lacunes de la gestion du trafic aérien dans l'Union, la faiblesse et l'absence d'un certain nombre d'outils de gestion.

Ces trois constats m'amènent donc à trois propositions pour rebondir: la première, de l'ordre de la comodalité impérative, la seconde concernant la nécessité de la méthode communautaire pour répondre à ce genre de défis, et la troisième, évidemment au centre de nos préoccupations, touchant à la présence des droits des passagers comme élément central de nos préoccupations.

S'agissant du premier élément, la crise a mis en lumière qu'il était absolument indispensable de renforcer la comodalité dans les transports européens puisque le nuage a montré les limites non seulement des systèmes aériens au niveau européen, mais, notamment, du train puisque de nombreux voyageurs n'ont pas pu trouver de solution de rechange. On peut imaginer – c'est démontré dans les études qui ont été faites depuis un an – que, avec plus de comodalité, l'ampleur de la crise n'aurait pas été telle et la paralysie aurait été un peu moins forte.

Concernant le deuxième élément, tout comme dans la crise financière et tout comme les débats que nous avons sur la méthode communautaire par rapport à l'intergouvernemental, ici, dans le domaine des transports, ce n'est pas l'intergouvernemental, ce n'est pas une réponse fragmentée de vingt-sept États membres qui pourra résoudre les difficultés que nous avons connues, et qui peuvent se reproduire, mais vraiment une méthode communautaire. Pour cela, il faut renforcer les compétences d'Eurocontrol dans un système communautaire et, bien sûr – comme les collègues l'ont dit –, procéder à l'achèvement du ciel unique européen de manière urgente.

Troisièmement, il y a les passagers au cœur et au centre des préoccupations...

(Le Président interrompt l'orateur)

je l'avais dit en introduction, on aura compris que ce que j'ai gardé pour la fin était l'essentiel.

  Eva Lichtenberger, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Zunächst möchte ich der Kommission – was ich nicht oft tue – dafür danken, dass sie sehr konsequent die Sicherheit in den Vordergrund gestellt hat, und das sogar gegen die Proteste einiger Fluggesellschaften, die versucht haben, das Problem kleinzureden, weil es ökonomische Auswirkungen hat, wenn so ein Problem auftritt. Doch Sicherheit muss auch für die Zukunft der Leitgedanke bleiben. Dazu sind aber einige Verbesserungen notwendig, die wir auf europäischer Ebene schaffen können.

Wie schaut es z. B. mit einer Verbesserung der gemeinsamen Messsysteme aus? Gibt es mittlerweile Strategien dazu, wie und mit welcher Aufgabenverteilung etwa solche Belastungen gemessen werden können, sodass man schneller zu halbwegs verlässlichen Aussagen kommt? Ich weiß, dass das gerade aufgrund der meteorologischen Gegebenheiten extrem schwierig ist, aber ich möchte gerne wissen, ob es hier Fortschritte bei der Koordination gibt, damit man zumindest nach denselben Kriterien misst und nach denselben Kriterien bewertet.

Insgesamt hat diese Krise infolge der Vulkanasche gezeigt, wie verwundbar unser hochgerüstetes Flugsystem mittlerweile ist, jedem und jeder von uns fällt das ja schon auf den Flughäfen auf. Im Normalbetrieb hat man bei zwei oder drei Verspätungen schon einen Rattenschwanz an Konsequenzen zu verzeichnen, sodass also schon die Nutzung im Normalbetrieb immer schwieriger wird, geschweige denn, wenn dann noch externe Wetterereignisse oder so etwas wie eine Vulkanaschekrise dazukommen; da wird es dann völlig unübersichtlich! Wir haben hier kein fehlerfreundliches System und in diesem Bereich muss es auch Verbesserungen geben, denn ein System ist nur so gut, wie es in entsprechenden Fällen fehlerfreundlich reagieren kann.

Es hat sich auch gezeigt, dass uns ein großes Manko auf den Kopf fällt, und zwar das Fehlen der Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Verkehrsträgern Schiene, Straße und Luftfahrt insgesamt. Gerade, weil wir das nicht in ausreichendem Maße haben, konnten auch kaum angemessene kompensierende Maßnahmen auf dem Boden getroffen werden.

Zum Thema „Single Sky“, dessen Notwendigkeit sich hier gezeigt hat – denn koordinierte Maßnahmen wären auf jeden Fall besser gewesen: Solange jeder Mitgliedstaat der Überzeugung ist, dass er und nur er selbst fähig ist, den eigenen Luftraum wirklich effizient zu kontrollieren, und dass alle anderen das überhaupt nicht können – und ich spreche hier auch unseren Luftraum in Mitteleuropa an –, werden wir keinen Schritt weiterkommen. Mit diesen Egoismen schaden wir der europäischen Zusammenarbeit, aber letzten Endes auch der europäischen Idee. Das muss uns klar sein!

  Jacqueline Foster, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, it has been said in the debate but I will reiterate that we are all aware of the huge extent of the disruption caused by the volcanic ash cloud. As has been mentioned, over 100 000 flights were cancelled, tens of millions of business and holiday passengers were not able to travel as planned, goods and cargo were delayed or not transported at all, businesses were affected and our European carriers and airports suffered catastrophic financial losses. All in all, it cost the European airlines more than EUR 2 billion. Institutions across Europe and in Member States who were responsible for dealing with such issues were absolutely paralysed and, quite frankly, if it had not been so serious it would have been practically laughable.

In all this chaos, one thing was clear. Air transport is enormously important for the European economy and as individuals we depend on a thriving and efficient air transport industry where safety for crew and passengers is the first prerogative. As such I am delighted to support this oral question, not least because during our previous plenary debate on this issue I called for the European Union to look at international best practice on dealing with volcanic ash and more particularly highlighted America, which has always applied a more measured approach in this regard. I certainly welcomed the fact that the Commission, in its assessment of the crisis, accepted that Europe needed to revise procedures through the International Civil Aviation Organization.

International best practice tells us that responsibility for dealing with potential hazards related to volcanic ash must be transferred to the airline operators as part of their safety management systems. The role of the authorities is to audit the airline safety management system to ensure that it meets the required safety standards. This is the procedure applied by the US and other countries which have managed to deal with volcanic eruptions without major disruptions to air traffic.

Clear and decisive joined-up leadership is essential and we need the European Aviation Safety Agency to ensure that EU Member States adapt their current procedures to guarantee that airline operators will take responsibility and be supported in making such decisions in future.

Lastly, the crisis in April and May last year made it absolutely clear that as a priority we need to push for the full implementation of the Single European Sky and SESAR. Both European industry and the taxpayer have already invested huge sums of money in these projects and as European lawmakers we must continue to push forward well balanced, cost-effective and structural reforms. I welcome the comments by the Commissioner today. Let us hope that we move forward now in a positive way.

  Juozas Imbrasas, EFD frakcijos vardu. – Kadangi šiandien vėl kalbame apie krizę, kilusią dėl vulkaninių pelenų, tai rodo, kad ši tema yra vis dar aktuali ir dar yra neatsakytų klausimų. Suprantame, kad ugnikalniai nepaklūsta jokioms taisyklėms ir mes negalime atmesti nenumatytų aplinkybių galimybės. Visa tai yra aviacijos pramonės gyvavimo dalis, tačiau aviaciją trikdo ne tik ugnikalniai, bet ir audros, sniegas ir panašaus pobūdžio reiškiniai. Suprantama, neįmanoma pašalinti, užkirsti kelio arba numatyti visko, kas gali nutikti aviacijos srityje. Aišku, lėktuvų saugumas, žmonių gyvybės ir jų judumas turi būti mums vienas iš svarbiausių uždavinių.

Džiaugiuosi, kad yra vykdoma plataus masto programa įgyvendinant Bendro dangaus iniciatyvą, kad būtų modernizuotas oro eismo valdymas. Pritariu tik ką kalbėjusiai kolegei, kad kartu turi būti sukurta bendroji infrastruktūra. Tačiau kalbant apie šitą problemą, norėčiau pasakyti, kad šiandien mes turėtume galvoti ir kalbėti apie alternatyvaus transporto vystymą. Šioje srityje reikia ir būtina siekti didesnės pažangos. Ši krizė ypač paveikė Europos Sąjungos Rytų valstybes, kurios liko atskirtos nuo Vakarų Europos dalies ir, skirtingai nuo kitų Europos Sąjungos valstybių, neturėjo pakankamos alternatyvios transporto rūšies pasirinkimo galimybės. Dabar žinome, kad turime skubiai sukurti alternatyvią antrinę judumo sistemą, transeuropinius tinklus, geležinkelio tinklus, alternatyvą oro transportui, kaip tai yra išmintingai padaryta elektros ir telekomunikacijų tinklų atžvilgiu. Todėl atsižvelgiant į finansines perspektyvas turi būti keliami didesni tikslai peržiūrint transeuropinius tinklus. Sausumos transportas ir visų pirma geležinkelis turėtų galėti sklandžiau pakeisti oro transportą, kai šis yra nutraukiamas. Atėjo laikas apsvarstyti konkrečias alternatyvas ir jas kuo greičiau įgyvendinti.

  Diane Dodds (NI). - Mr President, like other Members here, I am not a member of the Committee on Transport and Tourism but I come from Northern Ireland, an island on the edge of Europe. You can, therefore, imagine how vitally important good air and sea connections are, not only for our economy, but also for personal travel.

I have been dealing over the last number of months, indeed even this week, with residual cases from individual constituents who have been affected by this particular crisis. At the time of the volcanic ash crisis, the costs were estimated to be in excess of GBP 200 million a day in UK flights alone. Therefore, in order to avoid this, we must have much greater cooperation and much more cognizance of best practice so that we have a plan in place to prevent future disruptions and such a horrendous impact on the economy.

As I have said, I have had a lot of complaints from individual constituents, most of which centred on the airlines, their treatment of these individuals and their failure to recognise their duty of care. I would ask the Commission to look at this as well.

  Ville Itälä (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, me todella tiedämme, kuinka ikäviä kertomuksia syntyi, kun tuhkapilvi tuli. Monet ihmiset eivät päässet läheistensä hautajaisiin, lastensa häihin tai vastaaviin tilaisuuksiin. Ne olivat todella henkilökohtaisia ja ikäviä tapahtumia, puhumattakaan taloudellisesta tilanteesta, joka sitten syntyi 10 miljoonan ihmisen kärsittyä. Kuten huomaatte, mikään ei todellakaan toiminut.

Me emme voineet vastata, että EU:lla olisi ollut ratkaisu näihin tilanteisiin, ja täällä liikennevaliokunnan puheenjohtaja hyvin totesi, että tätä riskiä ei pystytty ottamaan huomioon, sitä ei pystytty hallinnoimaan ja kyse oli enemmänkin suuresta kaaoksesta.

Nyt komission pitää mahdollisimman nopeasti antaa kansalaisille vastauksia. Vastauksia siihen, että onko meillä teknisiä ratkaisuja, löytävätkö lentoyhtiöt niitä? Jos niitä on, niin mitä ne sitten ehkä ovat? Mitkä ovat matkustajien oikeudet tulevaisuudessa, jos syntyy samanlainen tilanne, jossa ihmiset eivät pääse lentämään eivätkä koteihinsa? Milloin saadaan tehokas eurooppalainen yhteinen ilmatila? Tähän halutaan tietysti vastaukseksi, että mahdollisimman nopeasti, että tässä ei voi kulua enää kovin kauan. Mikä on vaihtoehtoinen suunnitelma? Mitä liikennevälineitä käytetään? Nyt ihmiset olivat aivan hukassa. Toiset tilasivat Espanjasta Suomeen takseja ja maksoivat tuhansia euroja. Näinhän tilanne ei voi tulevaisuudessa olla, vaan pitää olla jonkinlainen suunnitelma, miten ihmisiä sitten paremmin palvellaan näissä vaihtoehdoissa.

Haluan tässä yhteydessä ottaa, esiin toisen täällä mainitun tilanteen, toisen luonnonmullistuksen: kun tulee lunta. Viime joulukuussa kymmenet tuhannet ihmiset jäivät Euroopan lentokentille, kun tuli lumisade. Omassa kotimaassani Suomessa lunta on jatkuvasti valtavan paljon, on kova pakkanen ja asiat toimivat. Täytyy siis saada eurooppalaisetkin lentokentät toimimaan. Tämä ei ole liian vaikea asia ja ei voida nostaa käsiä ylös, vaan asiat pitää hoitaa niin, että kansalaisten kannalta oikeusturva on taattu.

  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D). - Erupția vulcanică din Islanda, dar și căderile masive de zăpadă care au avut loc anul trecut, au perturbat grav traficul aerian european, având consecințe economice și sociale semnificative. Pentru a evita pe viitor astfel de situații, aș dori să întreb Comisia care sunt principalele noi reglementări pe care le are în vedere pentru a întări cadrul legislativ privind drepturile pasagerilor care călătoresc cu avionul.

În ciuda centrelor de expertiză în domeniul norilor de cenușă vulcanică din Londra și Toulouse, care fac parte din sistemul internațional de nouă astfel de centre stabilite de ICAO și a Centrului londonez specializat în emiterea de hărți de risc privind norii de cenușă vulcanică, este nevoie să îmbunătățim infrastructura europeană și printr-un sistem de măsurare în timp real a concentrației norilor de cenușă vulcanică.

Regulamentul 1070 din 2009 privind îmbunătățirea performanței sistemului aviatic european impune statelor membre să ia măsurile necesare pentru a garanta punerea în aplicare a blocurilor funcționale de spațiu aerian până la 4 decembrie 2012.

Întreb Comisia dacă implementarea cerului unic european va respecta calendarul stabilit. De asemenea, Uniunea Europeană are nevoie de asigurarea comodalității și de un sistem de rezervare și emitere a biletelor pentru trasee europene care implică mai multe mijloace de transport. Uniunea Europeană are nevoie de un sistem de cale ferată de mare viteză care să lege toate capitalele și marile orașe europene.

  Liam Aylward (ALDE). - Mr President, the volcanic ash crisis last year prompted the cancellation of close to 100 000 flights, resulting in absolute chaos for passengers. It is the effect that this crisis had on passengers that I wish to draw the Commission's attention to today.

Over 10 million people were affected and the cancellations resulted in significant economic costs for thousands of passengers. While airports have signs and leaflets informing travellers of their rights, this is often of little use when faced with cancellations or major travel disruptions such as that caused by the ash cloud. Under EU legislation passengers have a right to information and assistance from their airline.

However, in reality the majority of passengers whose travel has been disrupted will spend a lot of time and money chasing down information, seeking alternative tickets or compensation with airlines. This is an issue that the Commission needs be more effective on. The biggest frustration that passengers face in situations like this is trying to get information, trying to get in contact with the airlines. Although they are aware of their rights, this of little help to them if they are stranded in an airport on hold to an airline.

While I appreciate that, at the time of the ash crisis, airlines were under unprecedented pressure to deal with thousands of passengers – and I must admit that some did admirably – in general it is very difficult for people to get information and assistance when it is needed.

The travel chaos as a result of the bad weather in December 2010 further demonstrates this. Passengers require up-to-date information but they need to be able to reach the airlines in order to exercise their rights. Airlines, airport customer services and information need to be more accessible to passengers whose travel has been disrupted. It is not enough to inform European Union citizens of their passenger rights; they must be assisted in exercising them in times of travel chaos.

  Michael Cramer (Verts/ALE). - Herr Präsident! Das war eine Naturkatastrophe mit schlimmen Folgen für viele Menschen. Aber wenn wir sie mit der Flutkatastrophe und dem gleichzeitigen Hurrikan in Australien oder mit dem Erdbeben in Christchurch in Neuseeland vergleichen, sind wir alle gut davongekommen. Die Sicherheit hatte die absolute Priorität, das war richtig so. Kommissar Siim Kallas hat die richtige Entscheidung getroffen, auch in Absprache mit den EU-Verkehrsministern in den Mitgliedstaaten.

Die Kritik der Fluggesellschaften kann ich nicht nachvollziehen. Natürlich haben sie einen Verlust gemacht, von zwei Milliarden wurde gesprochen. Aber den Fluggesellschaften die Verantwortung dafür zu übertragen, ob geflogen wird oder nicht, das ist falsch. Das muss politisch entschieden werden! Die Sicherheit muss die oberste Priorität haben! Man stelle sich nur vor, ein Flugzeug wäre wegen der Vulkanasche abgestürzt! Wir hätten eine völlig andere Diskussion, nämlich wie unverantwortlich es gewesen wäre, auch nur ein Flugzeug starten zu lassen.

Wir brauchen einen Plan B. Das ist richtig gesagt worden. Und die Schiene ist die Alternative! Die Fluggesellschaften bekommen wegen der Befreiung von der Kerosinsteuer jedes Jahr 30 Milliarden Euro vom europäischen Steuerzahler. Dieses Geld muss in die Schiene investiert werden, zumindest ein Teil davon, damit wir bei solchen Katastrophen eine Alternative haben.

Safety first – das ist der Appell. Das war richtig so, das muss auch in Zukunft richtig sein!

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). - Sytuacja ta pokazała, że tak naprawdę Europa nie była przygotowana do tego kryzysu. Eksperci twierdzą, że wbrew temu, co słyszeliśmy na tej sali, reakcja z naszej strony była przesadna i część lotów można było z całą pewnością dopuścić. Ale tym niemniej pokazuje to pewną skalę paraliżu, w jakim się znaleźliśmy. Mają rację oczywiście moi przedmówcy mówiący o pewnej alternatywie w postaci rozwinięcia sieci pociągowej. To jasne. Z całą pewnością odpowiedzią na ten problem w obszarze lotniczym jest lepsza koordynacja i wzmocnienie roli Europejskiej Agencji EASA. I dobrze, że Parlament Europejski niedawno, w listopadzie, przyjął odpowiednie rozporządzenie w tej sprawie. Był to krok w dobrym kierunku.

  Béla Kovács (NI). - Elnök Úr! A vulkánkitörés apropóján át kell gondolni a közlekedési prioritásokat. Ideje a közepes távú közlekedésben 1500km-ig a vasutat favorizálni. Ehhez szükség szerint támogatások, adók és egyéb szabályzók használhatók fel. Fontos szempont, hogy jelentős belső piaci kereslet tapasztalható a pályakorszerűsítés és vasútiszerelvény-gyártás kapcsán. Számos új munkahely is teremthető ezáltal. A nagy sebességű vonatokhoz képest a repülőgép – tekintettel a becsekkolásra, a reptéri transzferre – nulla minimális időelőnyt nyújt hatalmas szén-dioxid és zajszennyezés mellett. A vulkánok kitörését megakadályozni nem áll módunkban, azonban a kitörések előrejelzése és a kialakult helyzet értékelése javítható. De tényleges megoldást csak a közlekedés, energetikai iparpolitika és az iparpolitika átalakításától remélhetünk, mert a vulkánkitörés a vasúti közlekedést nem, illetve csak nagyon lokálisan zavarja.

  Christine De Veyrac (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, l'éruption du volcan islandais en avril dernier – et beaucoup d'entre nous l'ont dit tout à l'heure – a fourni une illustration douloureuse de la fragmentation et du peu d'efficacité du ciel européen. Et chacun d'entre nous dans cet hémicycle a été directement concerné. Cinq millions de nos concitoyens se sont retrouvés bloqués sans réelle solution alternative de transport. Un an après cet événement exceptionnel, de nouvelles mesures européennes se font toujours attendre.

Un premier exercice de crise – vous l'avez dit, Monsieur le Commissaire – lié aux cendres volcaniques est bien prévu les 13 et 14 avril prochains sous la coordination d'Eurocontrol, de l'OACI (Organisation de l'aviation civile internationale) et de l'IATA (Association internationale du transport aérien), mais il est essentiel que l'AESA (Agence européenne de la sécurité aérienne) assume un réel leadership pour une coordination des mesures de sécurité au niveau européen.

Il est certain que les informations fournies par les VAC (Visual Approach Chart) de Londres et de Toulouse doivent être affinées en utilisant des moyens technologiques plus modernes. Ces données, comme on l'a vu en avril dernier, peuvent cependant être contradictoires et peuvent conduire chaque État membre à prendre des décisions concernant la fermeture de leur espace aérien moins motivées par l'information que par l'émotion.

Dans ce contexte, le rôle de l'AESA est essentiel pour proposer une interprétation harmonisée de ces données, ainsi que pour assurer la centralisation et la bonne dissémination de l'information. Au–delà de l'information des VAC, l'AESA se doit de mettre en place un mécanisme de collecte des données disponibles en associant étroitement les États membres, les compagnies aériennes et leurs pilotes.

Cette centralisation de l'information et la coordination de tous les acteurs concernés permettra d'éviter le chaos et les incohérences auxquels nous avons assisté l'année dernière. J'attends donc de la Commission qu'elle puisse, avec l'AESA, présenter rapidement des propositions concrètes qui s'intégreront pleinement dans la réalisation du ciel unique européen.

  James Nicholson (ECR). - Mr President, the volcanic ash cloud crisis caused huge disruption during last April and into May. As Mrs Foster said, many of us realised how dependent we are on modern air travel. Certainly when you come from where I come from, where it is impossible to get to your work unless you use the aeroplane, then that really brings it home to you. Everybody who travelled during that time probably has stories to tell, and some people were very badly affected. In addition, the economic losses airlines and other businesses suffered as a result of grounded flights and stranded passengers were substantial.

People have said that this could happen again. I think this is what we have to got to be prepared for, because there did seem to be an awful lot of indecision. Let me be very honest: as someone who flies every week, when I am up there at 39 000 feet I want above all to be safe and secure, so I do not ever argue about security. We have got to make sure that the safety of the passengers is paramount. I think that is the overlying situation that we should support.

  Artur Zasada (PPE). - Powtórzę po raz kolejny: 100 tys. odwołanych lotów, 10 mln pasażerów, którzy nie dotarli do swoich miejsc przeznaczenia, 2 mld strat linii lotniczych. Nie pamiętam, aby podobny paraliż ruchu lotniczego w Europie zdarzył się kiedykolwiek wcześniej. Komisja Europejska, pod naciskiem opinii publicznej i branży lotniczej, już w kwietniu ubiegłego roku zapowiedziała szybkie i zdecydowane działania. Niestety, popiół wulkaniczny opadł, spadły też ambicje Komisji. Do tej pory nie został opracowany europejski plan zarządzania kryzysowego w podobnych sytuacjach. Nadal też nie udało się uzgodnić wspólnego stanowiska pomiędzy ekspertami ds. bezpieczeństwa, producentami samolotów, liniami lotniczymi czy regulatorami rynku. Należy więc zadać dziś następujące pytania: co zrobiono przez ostatni rok w tej sprawie? Czy gdyby podobny wybuch wulkanu zdarzył się dziś, zareagowalibyśmy inaczej niż rok temu? Kiedy poznamy konkretne rozwiązania?

Prowadzimy nieustający dialog w sprawie Single European Sky, w sprawie skanerów ciała i skanerów płynów, w sprawie procedur w przypadku klęsk żywiołowych, takich jak wybuch wulkanu czy ostry atak zimy. A tymczasem ruch lotniczy nad Europą staje się z roku na rok coraz większy. Kończy się czas na dyskusje, europejskie niebo potrzebuje natychmiastowych dobrych rozwiązań na przyszłość, do czego gorąco zachęcam Komisję. Dziękuję bardzo.

  Ismail Ertug (S&D). - Herr Präsident, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Vulkanasche letztes Jahr hat uns eindrucksvoll gezeigt, wo unsere Schwächen liegen. Daher stellt sich die Frage, wie wir mit solchen Situationen in Zukunft umgehen. Es geht natürlich in erster Linie um die Sicherheit der Menschen, die in ein Flugzeug einsteigen. Natürlich müssen wir uns aber auch vor Augen führen, wie wir mit dem wirtschaftlichen Schaden umgehen wollen. Daher frage ich die Kommission – und Herr Kommissar Hahn, vielleicht können Sie das Ihrem Kollegen Kallas auch mitgeben –: Was ist denn konkret in Planung? Ich möchte dafür plädieren, dass es ganz besonders darum gehen sollte, die Koordinierung zu übernehmen, wenn es um Testflüge und um Grenzwerte geht. Das ist sehr wichtig, um zu wissen, welche Flugzeuge wann starten können.

Eine weitere Feststellung, Herr Kommissar: Es ist unheimlich wichtig – darauf wurde bereits wiederholt hingewiesen –, den Einheitlichen Europäischen Luftraum einzurichten. Was gedenkt die Kommission an Druckmitteln gegenüber den Mitgliedstaaten einzusetzen, damit diese ihrer Verpflichtung auch nachkommen? Schließlich haben sie auch unterschrieben!

Ein weiterer wichtiger Punkt ist – das wurde heute bereits mehrmals angesprochen –, wie es mit den Passagierrechten im Flugverkehr weitergeht. Wir haben die Verordnung Nr. 2061 aus dem Jahr 2004. Was gedenkt die Kommission hier zu tun? Die Problematik mit dem wirtschaftlichen Schaden der verschiedenen Fluggesellschaften ist uns bekannt. Ich möchte auch noch einmal darauf hinweisen, dass wir alternative Möglichkeiten zum Flugverkehr brauchen, und damit meine ich die Schiene. Ich gehöre auch zu denen, die sagen, dass wir die großen Städte, die Hauptstädte Europas, miteinander verbinden müssen. Auch hier ist die Antwort, dass wir mehr Europa brauchen und nicht weniger.

Ich würde mich freuen, wenn sich die Kommission dieser Punkte annehmen würde.

  Carlo Fidanza (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, vorrei innanzitutto ringraziare il collega Marinescu per aver voluto con forza che si tenesse questo dibattito.

Dopo quasi un anno dall'accaduto ci ritroviamo qui a discutere di questa tematica delicata, che ha causato ingenti danni ai passeggeri e alle imprese coinvolte sia nel settore aereo ma, non dimentichiamolo, anche in altri comparti produttivi.

Ritengo quindi necessario agire su un duplice binario. Da un lato, migliorare il coordinamento tra le autorità e i soggetti coinvolti, affrontando finalmente la riforma di Eurocontrol che, certamente, non è un organismo alle dirette dipendenze delle istituzioni europee, ma che è stato fondamentale nella gestione e nella mancata gestione efficace di questa crisi.

Si è dimostrata l'insufficienza di modelli meramente matematici, che hanno indotto le autorità dei singoli paesi al blocco quasi totale degli spazi aerei, anche quando non ce n'era bisogno. In assenza di un modello verificato sul campo e di tecnologie più avanzate, l'eccesso di precauzione ha causato infatti danni e disagi ingentissimi.

Inoltre, dobbiamo compiere decisivi passi avanti verso la realizzazione del cielo unico europeo, sviluppando con maggiore rapidità tutti i FAB per ridurre la frammentazione nella gestione degli spazi aerei e assicurare una più efficace gestione degli stessi. Dall'altro lato, è necessario garantire i diritti dei viaggiatori. A tale proposito auspico che la Commissione possa presentare al più presto la revisione della direttiva sui viaggi "tutto compreso" per rendere più chiaro il quadro delle garanzie e delle responsabilità in situazioni straordinarie e anche delle modifiche, eventualmente, al regolamento sui diritti dei passeggeri quando le situazioni straordinarie si prolungano nel tempo.

Inoltre sarebbe necessario – lo hanno detto altri colleghi – varare un piano di emergenza per garantire una mobilità alternativa, mezzi di trasporto alternativi nel caso si dovesse verificare nuovamente una simile situazione.

  Dominique Riquet (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, je remercie les collègues qui sont intervenus auparavant pour souligner toutes les carences de l'intégration européenne du transport aérien, aussi bien d'ailleurs dans le cadre de l'utilisation de l'espace aérien que de l'utilisation des structures au sol et des réseaux commerciaux. Je voulais aussi insister, plus spécifiquement, sur les aspects extra-aériens que la crise du volcan a révélés, à savoir l'insuffisance des réseaux alternatifs au transport aérien et, en particulier, des réseaux ferroviaires comme cela a été évoqué ce matin, et, aussi et surtout, l'absence de systèmes intégrés d'information permettant aux passagers de trouver rapidement des informations relatives aux transports alternatifs disponibles.

Cet accident doit nous inciter à œuvrer en faveur du développement des modes de transport alternatifs, efficaces et compétitifs. À ce propos, la révision du premier paquet ferroviaire ainsi que la relance des politiques d'infrastructure par le biais des réseaux transeuropéens de transport doivent aller dans ce sens.

Par ailleurs, j'invite la Commission à envisager sérieusement la mise en place d'une interface unique d'information et de réservation pour tous les modes de transport connectés entre eux.

  Bogdan Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz (PPE). - Europa nie była przygotowana na taki chaos, a instytucje odpowiedzialne za zarządzaniem kryzysem nie sprostały wyzwaniu. W wyniku blokady ruchu powietrznego linie lotnicze straciły 400 mln USD dziennie. Do utraty wpływów z biletów dodać należy koszty zakwaterowania, wyżywienia oraz transportu uwięzionych na lotniskach pasażerów.

Aktywność sejsmiczna i wulkaniczna nie jest nowością w świecie i w przyszłości możliwe są następne wybuchy wulkanów. Niestety, nie ma odpowiedniego lekarstwa na taką sytuację. Unia Europejska powinna w takich momentach skupić się na zapewnieniu swoim obywatelom alternatywnych środków transportu wobec lotnictwa. Dobrym rozwiązaniem w ramach tworzonej w Unii sieci TEN-T będzie stworzenie wspólnej sieci połączeń kolejowych oraz skupienie się na usprawnieniu szybkobieżnej kolei, która zapewne skutecznie pomogłaby w rozwiązywaniu tego typu problemów. Dziękuję.

  Karin Kadenbach (S&D). - Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar! Ich bin auch nicht Mitglied im Verkehrsausschuss, aber ich glaube, es gilt für uns alle, dass wir unsere Lehren aus der Aschekrise ziehen müssen. Wie heute schon gesagt wurde: „Safety first“ muss in Zukunft als Begriff über der Lösung stehen. Wir brauchen den Ausbau der Eisenbahn und wir brauchen den Ausbau eines europäischen Schienennetzes. Darüber hinaus brauchen wir aber eine Gesamtkoordination für den Personen- und Güterverkehr, egal ob Luft, Schiene oder Straße, in Katastrophenfällen wie Erdbeben, Aschewolken, Überschwemmungen oder Ähnlichem.

Dazu würden sich so genannte nationale Infopoints nahezu aufdrängen, wie wir sie jetzt im Gesundheitsbereich für die grenzüberschreitende Patientenversorgung einrichten werden. Nationale Infopoints, an die sich Menschen aller Generationen wenden können. Denn ich sehe im Moment auch im Luftverkehr eine gewisse Generationenungerechtigkeit. Es ist heute fast nicht mehr möglich, ohne Internet zu Informationen zu kommen. Auch in diesem Sinn sollten wir zusammenarbeiten.

  Pat the Cope Gallagher (ALDE). - Mr President, as many colleagues have stated, the volcanic ash crisis caused significant air traffic disruption and economic damage in 2010, damage that is still unquantifiable. Over 10 million passengers were directly affected as 100 000 flights were cancelled across Europe. I come from Ireland, and Irish air passengers faced extreme difficulties due to this ash cloud, as Ireland does not have land crossings to mainland Europe. I had to take sea crossings and trains, taxis and cars to get here to Strasbourg, which took me over 24 hours without sleep. Of course that is a small price to pay; we have to ensure that safety is paramount.

The situation did however highlight the overwhelming need for a common policy. I welcome the recent initiatives by Commissioner Kallas to implement the Single European Sky and to establish functional air space. I also welcome the statement here today by Commission Hahn and I fully support these measures, as volcanic ash clouds recognise no political or geographical boundaries.

  Ádám Kósa (PPE). - Tisztelt Kollegák! Amint azt Marinescu képviselőtársam is említette, a vulkáni hamu során Európa stratégiailag és technikailag nem volt felkészülve erre a helyzetre. Szeretném felhívni a Bizottság figyelmét arra, hogy ez a tájékoztatáshoz és az információhoz való hozzáférésre is rányomta a bélyegét. Olyan hátrányos helyzetű csoportok, mint a kisgyerekes családok, fogyatékos emberek érezték ennek a hátrányát a kommunikációs káosz miatt. Nem tudtak élni a lehetőséggel. Kérdezem a Bizottságot, hogy 2010 áprilisa óta hasonló válsághelyzetben minden utazópolgár hozzáférhet-e majd a megfelelő tájékoztatáshoz, hogy megfelelően élhessen az információhoz való jogával.

  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, I would like to thank the honourable Members for their understanding, knowing that I am not familiar with this issue. Members, you are right that my colleague Vice-President Siim Kallas is doing an excellent job and you will receive written answers to your specific questions where necessary. Having said that, I would like to thank you for an interesting debate, particularly as, like you, I was personally affected by events in various ways. Therefore I would like to conclude by stating the following.

Last year’s volcanic ash crisis clearly highlighted the need for us to work together to find solutions to avoid a repeat of the airspace closures we witnessed. That being said – and as was the case in April last year – actions taken in this regard cannot diminish the levels of safety that the aviation industry is renowned for around the world.

Crisis situations are not new to the European Union and the EU response to this crisis was timely and efficient. It showed the importance of centralised European action in a widespread crisis situation. Looking specifically at the Eyafjallajökull event, the concept, aims and objectives of the Single European Sky initiative have once again been highlighted. As recognised by the Council of Ministers, there is a need to accelerate its implementation to derive all the benefits of its application.

From the Commission perspective, the focus remains on ensuring a harmonised approach and application of agreed measures to future crisis situations. This will be of benefit to all citizens in Europe. It is our intention to revise air passenger rights in 2012. Last but not least, the participation of the industry is essential in order to facilitate a coordinated decision-making process.

  President. − The debate is closed.

Written statements (Rule 149)

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. – The closure of large sectors of European air space in April and May last year due to the volcanic eruption in Iceland caused severe traffic disruption and economic damage and affected 10 million passengers directly. I believe the primary responsibility for the safety of flights rests with the operators, therefore they must be provided with accurate data. Pilots are trained to manage extraordinary flight conditions, the commercial airlines’ safety manuals are reviewed, overseen and confirmed by regulatory authorities, and airlines have the necessary experience of operating over volcanic areas, as is shown by their safety record. The airline operator (the pilot) should therefore be responsible for assessing the risk and ensuring the safety of flights by, for example, choosing routes or deciding if rerouting is necessary, taking into account all the information available (provision of more information and improved technical equipment on board aircraft). I hope the Commission will liaise with the appropriate authorities to ensure that in the future they are allowed to get on with their job.

  Wojciech Michał Olejniczak (S&D), na piśmie. – W dniu dzisiejszym w Parlamencie Europejskim odbyła się debata, której przedmiotem był kryzys wywołany chmurą pyłu wulkanicznego. Erupcja wulkanu na Islandii w ubiegłym roku miała swoje konsekwencje w postaci poważnych zakłóceń ruchu powietrznego nad Europą. Przyniosła duże straty gospodarcze oraz bezpośrednio dotknęła 10 milionów pasażerów. Zapewne w interesie Unii nie leży przeciwstawianie się siłom natury, natomiast lepsze przewidywanie możliwości wystąpienia podobnego kryzysu w przyszłości zdecydowanie pozwoliłoby na ograniczenie strat gospodarczych i wpłynęłoby na lepszy komfort obywateli Unii.

Podczas debaty poruszono kwestie postępu we wdrażaniu inwestycji w zakresie wyposażenia technicznego oraz systemów przekazywania danych z prognozą pogody w czasie rzeczywistym. Zadano pytania Komisji Europejskiej odnośnie przejrzystości procesów wspólnego podejmowania decyzji oraz lepszej koordynacji działań. Zastanawiano się również, jakie konsekwencje przyniesie zwiększenie ruchu lotniczego w przyszłości oraz jakie działania należy podjąć, by uczynić Europejską Agencje Bezpieczeństwa Lotniczego odpowiedzialną za przeprowadzenie zmian operacyjnych.

  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. – O número de catástrofes naturais tem vindo a aumentar, tanto em intensidade como em frequência. O recente caso das cinzas vulcânicas registado na Islândia, no mês de Abril e Maio do ano transacto, afectou seriamente todo o espaço aéreo europeu, onde 75 % da rede de aeroportos esteve inactiva, com consideráveis prejuízos económicos, atingindo cerca de dez milhões de passageiros.

Prevendo-se novas perturbações no tráfico aéreo, é urgente pensar em medidas de gestão de crises. Para isso é necessário um investimento em equipamentos tecnológicos terrestres e aéreos para fornecer informações exactas, e, em tempo real. Por outro lado, é fundamental definir o papel e a função das várias instituições no decorrer da gestão de crises, para uma coordenação concertada, evitando prejuízos maiores aos diversos agentes envolvidos. Este acontecimento pôs em evidência como é fundamental desenvolver a integração do espaço aéreo europeu através da iniciativa do Céu Único Europeu. O crescimento contínuo do tráfico aéreo, a fragmentação do espaço aéreo europeu e acontecimentos imprevistos, como o das cinzas vulcânicas, comprovam que a UE deve coordenar e harmonizar os procedimentos aéreos, de forma a trazer valor acrescentado para o sector aéreo europeu.

(The sitting was suspended at 11.35 and resumed at 12.00)

IN THE CHAIR: JERZY BUZEK
President

6. Dikjarazzjoni tal-President

  President. − Colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, dear guests, tomorrow, on 11 March, we will be marking the European Day for the Victims of Terrorism for the seventh time. The day is dedicated to more than 5 000 victims of terrorism in Europe. Terrorists declare war against civilians. They strike in places where ordinary people should feel safe in their countries. It is shameful, deceitful and cowardly. That is why terrorism can never be justified. We Europeans are strong and united. No terrorist or criminal organisation is able to weaken our faith in the values which underpin our united Europe.

Ladies and gentlemen, please rise to observe a minute’s silence for the victims of terrorism.

(The House rose and observed a minute’s silence)

7. L-istabbiliment ta' statuti Ewropej għas-soċjetajiet mutwi, assoċjazzjonijiet u fondazzjonijiet (dikjarazzjoni bil-miktub): ara l-Minuti

8. Ħabtiet tal-vetturi għall-merkanzija tqila (dikjarazzjoni bil-miktub)

  Przewodniczący. − Na początek przeczytam Państwu oświadczenia pisemne. Pierwsze, przedstawione przez posłów Marca Tarabellę, Reginę Bastos, Pascala Canfina, Marie-Christine Vergiat i Renate Weber, w sprawie ustanowienia europejskich statutów dla towarzystw wzajemnych, stowarzyszeń i fundacji. Złożyła pod nim podpisy większość posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego. W związku z tym, zgodnie z artykułem 123 Regulaminu, zostanie ono przekazane adresatom i opublikowane w tekstach przyjętych w obecnej sesji plenarnej ze wskazaniem w protokole nazwisk sygnatariuszy.

Drugie oświadczenie pisemne zostało przedstawione przez posłów Fionę Hall, Inés Ayalę Sender, Isabelle Durant, Dietera-Lebrechta Kocha i Sabinę Wils w sprawie kolizji pojazdów ciężarowych. Złożyła pod nim podpisy większość posłów do Parlamentu Europejskiego. W związku z tym, zgodnie z artykułem 123 Regulaminu, zostanie ono przekazane adresatom i opublikowane w tekstach przyjętych w obecnej sesji plenarnej ze wskazaniem w protokole nazwisk sygnatariuszy.

  Mike Nattrass (NI). - Mr President, in view of what we have just been speaking about, I would like to say that security in this building has been stepped up and I wish to extend our thanks to the men and women who protect us. I would like your reassurance that the investigation into Brussels security breaches, some involving firearms, is being vigorously pursued. These breaches have put our staff, our guests and ourselves at serious risk. May I also have your assurance that senior management will be held accountable where appropriate, and that these soldiers will not be sacrificed in order to protect the generals?

(Applause)

  Przewodniczący. − Chciałbym Pana Posła zapewnić, że prowadzi się tę sprawę nieustannie, żeby wzmocnić bezpieczeństwo naszej Izby.

  Marc Tarabella (S&D). - Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, je voudrais évidemment remercier, dans le cadre de la signature de la déclaration 84, tous mes cosignataires, Regina Bastos du PPE, Pascal Canfin du groupe des Verts, Marie-Christine Vergiat du groupe de la GUE et Renate Weber du groupe ALDE. Tous ensemble, on a pu rejoindre une majorité de signatures.

Merci aux acteurs de l'économie sociale qui se sont mobilisés et qui permettent à ce Parlement d'envoyer un signal clair à la Commission pour enfin reconnaître un statut unique et européen aux fondations, aux associations et aux sociétés mutuelles.

(Applaudissements)

9. Ħin tal-votazzjonijiet

  Przewodniczący. − Kolejnym punktem porządku jest głosowanie.

(Wyniki inne szczegóły głosowania: zobacz protokół)

9.1. Il-liġi dwar il-midja fl-Ungerija (B7-0191/2011) (votazzjoni)

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania:

  Joseph Daul, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président, avant le vote prévu sur la résolution portant sur la loi sur les médias en Hongrie, je souhaite attirer l'attention des collègues sur les dernières évolutions de la situation et faire une proposition concrète.

Il y a quatre jours, le Parlement hongrois a adopté les modifications – toutes les modifications – demandées par la Commission européenne en dépit du vote négatif, soit dit en passant, des députés hongrois socialistes et verts. La commissaire Kroes était présente lors du vote et elle a annoncé que la version amendée de la loi était conforme avec le droit européen et notamment avec la charte des droits fondamentaux. Or la résolution des groupes de gauche, qui est soumise au vote ce midi, ignore complètement ces faits. Le texte est quasiment le même que celui d'il y a trois semaines et ne fait aucune mention du vote du Parlement hongrois. Je pose la question suivante: ce parlement vit-il dans la réalité ou dans l'imaginaire? Cette résolution est-elle dirigée contre le gouvernement hongrois ou contre la Commission européenne, qui n'a plus rien à redire sur la loi?

(Applaudissements)

En particulier, je demande au président du groupe libéral: faites-vous confiance à la commissaire Kroes, oui ou non?

Le groupe PPE estime que ce parlement perdrait sa crédibilité s'il adoptait des textes qui ne correspondent pas à la réalité. Devons-nous nous transformer en un théâtre de règlement de comptes politiques nationaux?

(Applaudissements)

Dans ces conditions, le groupe PPE retire son propre texte de résolution et appelle les autres groupes à faire de même. Il en va de la crédibilité du Parlement.

  Przewodniczący. − Proszę Państwa! Propozycja jest całkiem jasna. Rozumiem, że grupa PPE wycofała swoją rezolucję. Mamy więc tylko jedną rezolucję złożoną przez kilka grup politycznych. Chciałbym prosić reprezentantów grup politycznych o wypowiedzi w tej sprawie.

  Hannes Swoboda, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen! Kollege Daul hat auf die Realität hingewiesen. Ja, es ist eine Realität, dass die ungarische Regierung oder das ungarische Parlament das Gesetz geändert hat. Und das ist auch gut so, denn ich kann mich an die Debatte erinnern, als man hier gemeint hat – auch Sie, Kollege Daul –, da sei gar nichts zu ändern, das sei alles okay. Und plötzlich musste es doch geändert werden.

(Beifall von links)

Zweitens aber ist die Realität – und auch Sie können das nachlesen –, dass sowohl der Medienbeauftragte der OSZE als auch der Vertreter des Europarats sagt, dass diese Änderungen ungenügend sind. Das ist die Realität, Kollege Daul! Das ist die Realität!

(Beifall von links)

Wir haben uns in der Fraktion unter meinem Vorsitz gestern Abend mit dem Gesetz und den Änderungen beschäftigt und wir sind – wie die OSZE und der Europarat – zur Schlussfolgerung gelangt, dass diese Änderungen ungenügend sind. Wie immer die Entscheidung heute ausfällt – Kollege Daul, ob Sie gewinnen oder ob wir gewinnen –, wir werden den Kampf für die Medienfreiheit nicht aufgeben, Kollege Lange! Wenn Sie das tun, ist das Ihre Sache!

(Beifall von links)

Medienfreiheit ist etwas, das unverbrüchlich zur Demokratie gehört. Wir wollen Demokratie und wir wollen Medienfreiheit und deshalb bitten wir Sie, heute entsprechend abzustimmen. Wir wissen, dass es auch in Ihrer Fraktion etliche Kollegen gibt, die unserer Meinung sind. Wir müssen für die Medienfreiheit kämpfen – in Ungarn und auch anderswo!

(Beifall von links)

  Przewodniczący. − Proszę Państwa! Koleżanki i Koledzy! Rozumiem, że cztery grupy polityczne nie wycofują swojej deklaracji. Moglibyśmy na tym skończyć debatę i przystąpić do głosowania. Ale rozumiem, że grupa ALDE także chce się wypowiedzieć. Bardzo proszę!

  Alexander Graf Lambsdorff, im Namen der ALDE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Wir wurden hier konkret angesprochen. Selbstverständlich haben wir Vertrauen in die Arbeit der Kommissarin Kroes, die ihre Arbeit bei der Überprüfung des Sekundärrechts vorbildlich erledigt hat. Wir hätten uns nur gewünscht, die Kommissarin für Grundrechte hätte das in gleicher Art und Weise getan. Denn hier liegt das Problem!

(Beifall von links)

Zu den Realitäten gehören die Dinge, die der Kollege Swoboda gerade angesprochen hat, nämlich dass sowohl aus der Sicht des Europarats als auch der OSZE die Änderungen nicht ausreichend sind. Der Vizepremierminister und Justizminister Ungarns, Herr Navracsics, hat sich ja selbst dahingehend eingelassen, zu sagen, es habe sich nicht um eine wesentliche Änderung des Mediengesetzes gehandelt. Ich erwähne nur den Schutz journalistischer Quellen, der nach wie vor nicht geregelt ist, oder die Zusammensetzung und die Befugnisse der Medienbehörde. Das alles sind Themen, die noch diskutiert werden müssen.

Daher erkläre ich für die Fraktion der Liberalen, dass wir den Entwurf einer Entschließung nicht zurückziehen, sondern die Abstimmung beantragen.

  Przewodniczący. − Proszę Państwa! Przechodzimy do rozpatrzenia rezolucji czterech grup politycznych.

9.2. Il-Viċinat tan-Nofsinhar, u b'mod partikolari l-Libja, inklużi l-aspetti umanitarji (B7-0169/2011) (votazzjoni)

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania:

  Ana Gomes (S&D). - Senhor Presidente, há um elemento novo superveniente que não está reflectido na resolução e que eu peço ao Parlamento que me acompanhe na expressão da nossa indignação e da nossa preocupação. Trata-se do que aconteceu à equipa de jornalistas da BBC, que esteve ilegalmente detida e que foi torturada, inclusivamente sujeita a execuções simuladas, e que viu muitos outros detidos líbios na prisão em condições absolutamente desumanas.

Isto mostra também que os jornalistas não estão a poder fazer o seu trabalho com liberdade na Líbia. Este é um aspecto importante que eu peço ao Parlamento que acompanhe na mensagem que temos de transmitir ao Conselho Europeu da nossa indignação e preocupação.

  Przewodniczący. − Zwracam się do Pani Gomes. Czy ma Pani jakąś konkretną poprawkę? Bo my możemy uwzględnić tylko konkretną poprawkę, a nie ogólny apel.

  Ana Gomes (S&D). - Senhor Presidente, a informação que eu tenho é que seria o Grupo Liberal a propor a alteração oral que está acordada, mas se não for o caso eu terei todo o prazer em transmiti-la.

  Przewodniczący. − W porządku, rozumiem. To jest ogólna uwaga. Dziękuję Pani!

  Michał Tomasz Kamiński (ECR). - Panie Przewodniczący! Z całym szacunkiem, ale my usłyszeliśmy Pana komunikat o tym, że uchwała została przyjęta, ale nie zobaczyłem rezultatu, przynajmniej na moim ekranie, ani na tym, który jest przede mną. Wydaje mi się, że powinniśmy poznawać też rezultaty, tzn. konkretny wynik tego głosowania.

  Przewodniczący. − Podaję Państwu wynik: 316 osób było za, 264 przeciw, 33 osoby wstrzymały się od głosu.

  József Szájer (PPE). - Mr President, I would like to remind the House of the double standards which we are applying. In the case of the Hungarian media law, an event which took place on Monday was not reflected in our resolution.

Now we are trying to include something which happened only yesterday. This is a clear double standard which this House is applying, which is deplorable and unacceptable.

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania nad poprawką 11:

  Guy Verhofstadt (ALDE). - Mr President, I do this in the name of all the Group leaders and also of most of the coordinators because yesterday, after the debate, there was a general feeling that there is a need to strengthen paragraph 11. The oral amendment I am presenting is the following: ‘Calls on the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy to establish relations with the Interim Transitional National Council and to start the process of making them official, so as to encourage transition towards democracy, ensuring the involvement of a wide spectrum of representatives of the Libyan society and empower women and minorities in the transitional process, and to support it in the liberated area so as to relieve the population and to meet its basic humanitarian needs, including medical assistance’.

That is the oral amendment in the name of the seven Group leaders and also of all the coordinators, with whom it has been agreed.

(Poprawka ustna została przyjęta)

9.3. L-approċċ tal-UE rigward l-Iran (A7-0037/2011, Bastiaan Belder) (votazzjoni)

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania nad ustępem 6:

  Bastiaan Belder, Rapporteur. − Voorzitter, op initiatief van de Fractie van Socialisten en Democraten en met goedkeuring en instemming van de andere fracties, stel ik het volgende mondelinge amendement voor na paragraaf 6:

‘Strongly condemns the illegal detention of Iranian opposition leaders, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi together with their wives by Iranian security forces and calls for their immediate and unconditional release; points out that the detention was carried out in violation of Iranian law; condemns the attitude of the Iranian authorities to the opposition exercising its legitimate right to protest and declares its solidarity with the Iranian people in their democratic aspirations; deplores the hypocrisy of the Iranian Government, which used excessive force, intimidation and arbitrary arrests against peaceful demonstrators demonstrating in solidarity with the Egyptian people on 14 February 2011, whilst claiming to support freedom in Egypt;’

(Poprawka ustna została przyjęta)

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania nad punktem N preambuły:

  Anna Ibrisagic (PPE). - Det muntliga ändringsförslaget går ut på att ta bort ett enda ord och det ordet är: ”och”. Jag läser texten på engelska och sedan förklarar jag varför:

‘whereas there has been a remarkable deepening of relations between Iran and Turkey;’ the next word ‘and’ is deleted and the recital continues ‘whereas Iran is using its state and non-state allies Syria, Hezbollah and Hamas, and also the Muslim Brotherhood, to destabilise the region’.

Vi vill ta bort ordet ”och” däremellan eftersom vi inte vill inte koppla relationen mellan Turkiet och Iran till den relation som Iran har med Hizbullah och Hamas.

(Poprawka ustna została przyjęta)

9.4. Is-16-il sessjoni tal-Kunsill tad-Drittijiet tal-Bniedem (Ġinevra, 28 ta' Frar - 25 ta' Marzu 2011) (B7-0158/2011) (votazzjoni)

- Przed rozpoczęciem głosowania:

  Heidi Hautala, Chair of the Subcommittee on Human Rights. – Mr President, I have some very good human rights news. Sakharov Prize candidate Haitham al-Maleh, an 80-year old Syrian human rights lawyer, was pardoned and released two days ago. This is a wonderful example of how the European Parliament can strengthen human rights.

Now that he is free again, Haitham al-Maleh is full of vigour in his aim to help release the thousands of political prisoners in Syria.

(Loud applause)

  Przewodniczący. − Dziękuję Pani za wypowiedź. Wiadomość ta na pewno bardzo nas wzmacnia w naszych działaniach.

- Po rozpoczęciu głosowania nad ustępem 8:

  Jean-Pierre Audy (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, je voudrais simplement vous signaler que lorsque vous avez mis aux votes le paragraphe 8 sur le texte original, dans la traduction française, on nous a indiqué que c'était le paragraphe 19. Donc, il y a eu un malentendu sur l'instruction de vote.

  Przewodniczący. − Sprawdzimy to. Dziękujemy za uwagę!

IN THE CHAIR: DIANA WALLIS
Vice-President

  Fiona Hall (ALDE). - Madam President, I simply would like to take the opportunity to say thank you to the 400 colleagues from across this House who signed Written Declaration 81; I would also like to say thank you to my staff for all their hard work and to the Written Declaration services for their support, but most of all I would like to thank the campaigners whose dedication made this possible.

I am proud to be a member of a Parliament where it is possible for ordinary citizens to come and to make their case and where MEPs listen and are persuaded. That is democracy at its best and it shows that the European Parliament is not remote from its people.

10. Spjegazzjonijiet tal-vot

  President. − We now come to the explanations of vote.

Oral explanations of vote

Motion for a resolution B7-0191/2011

  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D). - Hlasovala som za uznesenie, ktoré spolu predkladala frakcia európskych socialistov, najmä z toho dôvodu, že medzi prípravou uznesenia a dnešným hlasovaním o ňom sa síce isté zmeny v Maďarsku udiali, to však zmenilo skutočne len málo na dôležitosti a aktuálnosti tohto uznesenia.

V prvom rade by som chcela zdôrazniť naše sklamanie z toho, že Komisia sa v prípade kontroverzného maďarského tlačového zákona už od začiatku rozhodla sústrediť iba na tri oblasti. Trváme na tom, že aj po tom, čo sa maďarská vláda a parlament týmito tromi oblasťami relatívne prijateľným spôsobom zaoberali, by mala Komisia pokračovať v dôslednom monitorovaní súladu maďarského tlačového zákona s európskou legislatívou – konkrétne najmä s Chartou základných práv.

Ďalej by sme chceli vyzvať maďarské orgány, aby pri ďalších úpravách zákona zaangažovali viac zúčastnených strán vrátane občianskej spoločnosti, pretože iba tak sa dá pripraviť zákon v naozaj demokratickej spoločnosti. A v tomto smere budú isto podnetné aj vstupy a odporúčania, či už nás – Európskeho parlamentu, Komisie, Organizácie pre bezpečnosť a spoluprácu v Európe, či komisára Rady Európy pre ľudské práva.

  Hannu Takkula (ALDE). - Arvoisa puhemies, varmasti ne kaikki tässä talossa, jotka allekirjoittavat Euroopan unionin periaatteet, ovat sitä mieltä, että mediavapaus on erittäin tärkeä asia. Tämä vapaus tietenkin sisältää vastuun. Tämän esityksen kohdalla jouduin kuitenkin äänestämään vastaan.

Informaatio, jonka olen tästä asiasta saanut ja jota täälläkin on käyty läpi, osoittaa, että komissio teki Unkarille vaatimuksia ja Unkari vastasi niihin ja korjasi näiltä osin medialakiansa, ja minun mielestäni sen olisi pitänyt riittää. Tässä suhteessa olen sitä mieltä, että tästä ei pidä tehdä tällaista poliittista kysymystä, jossa ikään kuin vasemmisto on oikeistoa vastaan tai niin edelleen, vaan tässä pitää olla samat standardit kaikille. Jos komissio hyväksyi tämän Unkarin muutoksen, silloin hyväksyn minäkin. Minun mielestäni se on tässä lähtökohta ja sen vuoksi äänestin valitettavasti tätä omankin ryhmäni mietintöä tai ajatusta vastaan, koska olen sitä mieltä, että se, mitä Unkarissa on tehty, on ollut juuri komission vaatimusten mukaista.

  Daniel Hannan (ECR). - Madam President, before pronouncing on media freedom in Hungary, we might care to look at what we do as a Parliament.

We might like to think about the hundreds of thousands of euros in public subsidies that we give to the European Union of Journalists; we might like to think of the tens of thousands of euros that we spend every week flying local reporters, in particular, out to Brussels and Strasbourg in order to show them a good time; and we might like to think of the way in which dozens of accredited correspondents in Brussels are getting second incomes as advisers on media issues or editors or writers on EU-funded free sheets.

If I were a Hungarian, I would have serious questions about not just the media law, but the creeping autocratic tendencies of the government; but I am not a Hungarian, it is not my business.

I am, however, a Member of this House and I think the way in which we use taxpayers’ money in this nakedly propagandist way is something that ought to offend our basic principles of decency, fairness and democracy. We should cantilever the great tree trunk out of our own eye, before we start worrying about the speck in that of Hungary.

Motion for a resolution RC-B7-0169/2011

  Lara Comi (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ho votato a favore di questa importante risoluzione. È essenziale che l'Unione europea compia ogni sforzo nell'ambito delle sue competenze per porre fine all'emergenza, coordinandosi con il Consiglio di sicurezza delle Nazioni Unite nei tempi più rapidi possibili.

Esprimere una condanna chiara, proporre un'area di non sorvolo, una no-fly zone, stabilire l'embargo sugli armamenti e le altre sanzioni, provvedere agli aiuti umanitari, far evacuare i cittadini europei, assicurare l'assistenza alle popolazioni civili colpite sono però tutte misure ex post, che cercano di arginare l'emergenza.

L'Unione europea, tuttavia, deve acquisire un ruolo politico più forte sulla scena internazionale e saper affrontare le grandi sfide. Dopo aver affrontato l'emergenza, credo che dovremmo fermarci a riflettere per capire come l'Unione può in futuro lavorare per evitare che le situazioni di democrazie deboli degenerino e sfocino in disastri umanitari.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE). - Madam President, I voted, of course, for this resolution. But I think it is urgent that the European Council, which is meeting tomorrow, acts as soon and as decisively as possible, firstly, to establish a no-fly zone over Libya to prevent its government from continuing to kill its citizens and, secondly, to establish relations with the Interim National Council. We added this call to our resolution.

But, all in all, I think a passage in the resolution needs to be stressed: that the revolutionary changes in North Africa have made it clear that the EU’s positive impact and long-term credibility in that region will depend on its ability to conduct a cohesive common foreign policy that is value-based and will clearly side with the new democratic forces.

  Pino Arlacchi (S&D). - Madam President, I voted in favour of the resolution. I would like to stress that the Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean, recently launched by the Commission, is a remarkable first step in the right direction.

The EU was largely absent at the beginning of the North African crisis and the transition to democracy, but now it seems to have started to be more active and more effective in this area.

  Mitro Repo (S&D). - Arvoisa puhemies, Libyan kansalla tulee olla ensisijainen oikeus päättää oman maansa tulevaisuudesta. Kun todellisen demokratian ja vapauden aate on lähtöisin kansasta, sitä ei voi pakottaa ulkoa käsin.

Huomenna järjestettävän Eurooppa-neuvoston ylimääräisen huippukokouksen tulee päästä sopuun EU:n roolista alueella. EU:n tulee tukea arabimaailmassa tapahtuvaa demokratia-aaltoa kaikin mahdollisin keinoin. Aikaa ei tule hukata, on ryhdyttävä sanoista tekoihin. EU:n on oltava politiikassaan johdonmukainen ja sen on kannettava vastuunsa alueella myös pitkällä aikavälillä. Mikäli siviiliväestöön kohdistetut iskut jatkuvat, kuten näyttää, EU:n tulee neuvotella YK:n mandaatista ja toimista lentokieltoalueen luomiseksi Libyan ylle humanitaarisen katastrofin estämiseksi. Myös sotilaallisen väliintulon mahdollisuus on tässä tilanteessa säilytettävä.

  Adam Bielan (ECR). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Obserwujemy schyłek jednego z ostatnich długoletnich reżimów w powojennej historii. Muammar Kaddafi nie zdobył się jednak na honorową rezygnację, a w imię utrzymania dyktatorskiej władzy wypowiedział wojnę swojemu ludowi. Kierując broń przeciwko obywatelom zakwestionował podstawy, na których opiera się dzisiejsza cywilizacja. Dopuścił się zbrodni przeciwko ludzkości. Stoimy zatem przed obowiązkiem wsparcia narodu libijskiego w jego walce o wolność, demokrację i podstawowe prawa człowieka.

Musimy podjąć działania we współpracy z ONZ na rzecz przywrócenia stabilizacji w Libii oraz ukarania winnych zbrodni, w tym pułkownika Kaddafiego. Szczególnie pilna staje się konieczność zapewnienia pomocy humanitarnej cywilom oraz schronienia libijskim uchodźcom. Już 25 lat temu administracja prezydenta Reagana próbowała położyć kres rządom Kaddafiego. Dziś musimy podjąć wszelkie dopuszczalne międzynarodowym prawem środki, by odsunąć go od władzy, dlatego popieram rezolucję Parlamentu.

  Anneli Jäätteenmäki (ALDE). - Arvoisa puhemies, äänestin tämän päätöslauselman puolesta, vaikka minusta siinä on tiettyjä huolenaiheita. Ensinnäkin haluan todeta, että ryhmäni tapasi Libyan vastarinnan edustajia tällä viikolla ja nämä edustajat sanoivat, etteivät he halua Lännen aseellista väliintuloa. Tämä tuli aivan selvänä toiveena. Minusta tässä asiassa EU:n ei kannata olla lipun liehuttaja, vaan tässä tulee toimia yhdessä YK:n ja arabimaiden kanssa.

Tästä huolimatta tässä päätöslauselmassa puhutaan humanitaarisesta interventiosta, joka valitettavan usein tarkoittaa aseellista interventiota. Parlamentti ottaa nimenomaan kannan intervention puolesta, joskin hienoin sanankääntein.

Toinen huolenaiheeni on tämä no flight zone, joka pahoin pelkään, johtaa Libyan pommituksiin. Minusta tässä täytyy toimia YK-johtoisesti ja koko arabimaailma, Afrikka ja EU yhdessä.

  Daniel Hannan (ECR). - Madam President, those calling for military intervention – and a no-fly zone is of course a form of military intervention, requiring as it does a willingness to strike at air facilities on the ground – should remember three points. First, as we have heard, the Libyan opposition does not want foreign intervention. There are posters up all over Benghazi saying so. Second, the Gaddafi regime does want foreign intervention: it would justify the dictator’s argument that he is defending his country against foreign invaders. Third, we cannot afford it. The first ship in the area after the humanitarian crisis began was HMS Cumberland from our own country, which was in the area because she was on her way to be scrapped! And our Navy still has more reach than those of most of the other Member States.

There might have been an argument for some direct strike against the Gaddafi regime in the 1980s when it was plainly engaged in international terrorism. It is striking that those who are now demanding some form of intervention were not in favour of such action when it would have been justifiable under the norms of international law. There is something disgusting about the spectacle of all these European leaders fawning and slobbering over this appalling regime. We have made quite enough problems for ourselves by our interventions to date. I think we have done quite enough.

  Anna Záborská (PPE). - Vítam uznesenie, a preto som ho podporila. Prijímanie uznesení však nestačí.

Minulý týždeň v Egypte štyritisíc moslimov napadlo koptskú dedinu neďaleko Káhiry. Zapálili dva kostoly a zabránili vstupu hasičov do dediny. Armáda najprv nechcela zasiahnuť. Keď konečne zasiahla, moslimskí predstavení ich poslali preč s tým, že je všetko v poriadku. Na dvanásťtisíc kresťanov žijúcich v dedine bol uvalený zákaz vychádzania.

Boli časy, keď Európa vedela, kto je dobrý, kto zlý a prečo. Vďaka podpore tých dobrých boli na pád komunizmu pripravení lídri ako Havel, Walesa či Čarnogurský. Dnes si však politici Európskej únie podávajú ruky s diktátormi a zatvárajú oči pred prenasledovaním kresťanov. Nerozmýšľajú v kategóriách dobra a zla, lebo pragmatizmus tieto kategórie nepozná. Kým sa to nezmení, môžeme severnej Afrike viac uškodiť, ako pomôcť.

Report: Bastiaan Belder (A7-0037/2011)

  Pino Arlacchi (S&D). - Madam President, I voted in favour of this report because it clearly distinguishes between the two main dossiers on Iran: human rights abuses by the current government and the Iranian nuclear programme.

The report supports the Council’s double-track approach to the nuclear issue: sanctions on the one hand, but an offer of dialogue on the other.

It is indispensable to denounce the extremely serious human rights violations occurring in Iran today. The perpetrators, who belong mainly to state institutions, are acting with impunity.

At the same time, we should avoid irresponsible calls for an international armed intervention against the current tyranny. An armed attack against Iran in the name of human rights would be considered by all Iranians, regardless of their political positions, as an attack against the country and an additional violation of their fundamental rights.

The only winner in such an eventuality would be Mr Ahmadinejad.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE). - Madam President, having voted in favour of this resolution, I think it is now time to apply the same approach to the Tehran regime as we have been applying to Libya and Colonel Gaddafi. In other words, cherishing hopes for confidence-building is not a realistic option any more. We should support more opposition in Iran. I am especially worried about the Ashraf opposition camp, which has been under siege and under pressure since July 2009. The humanitarian situation there is intolerable. Parliament adopted a resolution in April 2009 and a written declaration last November on the subject of that camp, and I would advise Baroness Ashton to take this serious message to the European Council tomorrow.

  Adam Bielan (ECR). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Rządzony przez Mahmuda Ahmadineżada Iran wywołuje poważny niepokój ze względu na ambicje nuklearne jego władz. Ciągła odmowa współpracy z Międzynarodową Agencją Energii Atomowej i związany z tym brak kontroli irańskiego programu nuklearnego powodują konieczność rozważenia zdecydowanych działań w stosunku do tego kraju.

Ponieważ jest to reżim autorytarny, należy liczyć się z możliwością zagrożenia dla innych państw, w szczególności sąsiednich. Szczególne obawy budzi wyrażana od dłuższego czasu antyizraelska retoryka prezydenta Iranu. Stanowisko władz Iranu w tej kwestii uważam za niedopuszczalne i stanowczo je potępiam. Głosując za rezolucją, wyrażam swój sprzeciw wobec agresywnej polityki zagranicznej Iranu, a także domagam się uwolnienia więźniów politycznych, zaprzestania prześladowania obrońców praw człowieka oraz podjęcia współpracy z organizacjami międzynarodowymi, w tym agendami ONZ. Jednocześnie wspieram dyplomatyczne działania Turcji i Brazylii dążące do rozwiązania kwestii jądrowej.

  Daniel Hannan (ECR). - Madam President, the Iranian revolution of 1979 will one day be seen as an epochal event on a par with the French revolution of 1789 or the Russian revolution of 1917. Like them, it immediately spilled out from behind its borders and sought to replicate itself around the world; like them it disregarded all established norms of international law, of national sovereignty, of territorial jurisdiction.

What was the signature act of the revolution? It was the siege of the US Embassy. Now stop and ponder for a moment how extraordinary that was, given the precedent of relations between countries. Even in the Second World War, when mutually opposed ideologies fought to extirpate each other, diplomats were peaceably evacuated through neutral countries. If the United States were to invade Cuba tomorrow, one assumes that there would be a peaceable exchange of diplomatic personnel. What the Iranians were signalling was that their rules did not match ours; they no longer cared about the idea of state sovereignty and they have carried on as they started, sponsoring their militias from the Silk Road Khanates to the Balkans, even as far afield as Buenos Aires.

We would be in a stronger position to condemn such a regime if we in the European Union gave a little more regard to the principle of national sovereignty and the principle of national self-determination.

  Gianni Vattimo (ALDE). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, volevo spiegare la mia astensione nel voto finale sulla relazione a proposito dell'Iran perché, mentre condivido tutte le critiche contro il mancato rispetto dei diritti umani in Iran, specialmente per quello che riguarda la pena di morte, la persecuzione di minoranze sessuali, il non rispetto della libertà di insegnamento nelle scuole e nelle università, sono però persuaso che molte delle notizie, delle informazioni che questa relazione cita vengono direttamente dalla propaganda statunitense, non me ne posso fidare.

Infine, come liberal-democratico, mentre naturalmente sono convinto che l'Iran abbia tutto il diritto di perseguire lo sviluppo di una ricerca nucleare a scopi pacifici, non negherei nemmeno il suo diritto di avere armi nucleari in una regione in cui l'unica potenza che le possiede e a cui si consente di possederle è uno Stato razzista e colonialista come Israele.

Motion for a resolution RC-B7-0158/2011

  Hannu Takkula (ALDE). - Arvoisa puhemies, haluan todeta tästä YK:n ihmisoikeuspäätöslauselmasta, että on erittäin tärkeää, että me Euroopan unionissa puolustamme ihmisoikeuksia loppuun asti. Valitettavasti tämä ihmisoikeuspäätöslauselma ei ollut tasapainossa. Kun lukee tätä ja varsinkin kohtaa 19, jota vastaan äänestin, niin tulee sellainen olo, että aivan liikaa hyökätään yhtä valtiota, Israelia, vastaan ja sitä pyritään tässä syyllistämään.

Vaikka me kaikki tiedämme tällä hetkellä Lähi-idän tilanteen. Siellä on maissa kansannousu, joissa tuhannet viattomat ihmiset ovat menettäneet henkensä. Tässä suhteessa tämän piti olla päätöslauselma ihmisoikeuksista eikä Lähi-idästä. Jos tässä olisi haluttu löytää jonkinlaista tasapainoa, kun tässä nyt Israelia yksipuolisesti vaan yritetään syyllistää, niin olisi voinut vaikka mainita, että Gilad Shalit, israelilainen sotilas on ollut vailla ihmisoikeuksia 1720 päivää palestiinalaisten arabien tai Hamasin vankina.

Tässä suhteessa kun me teemme näitä ihmisoikeusjulistuksia, meidän täytyy pyrkiä tasapainoiseen ja oikeudenmukaiseen lähestymistapaan. Se on ainut tie, miten näitä voidaan viedä eteenpäin kestävästi ja miten me säilytämme uskottavuuden myös ihmisoikeuksien valvojana niin Euroopassa kuin laajemminkin.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). - A Uachtaráin, bhí áthas orm gur glacadh leis na Tairiscintí i gcomhair Rún maidir le cearta an duine, agus bhí sé ceart ag an Aontas Eorpach é sin a dhéanamh. Ach tá míniú beag amháin le déanamh agam.

Mr President, regarding Amendment 2, paragraph 8, my Irish colleagues and I in our Group voted in favour because we consider sanitation, and above all clean water, to be a fundamental human right, and from my own experience of working in Africa on a voluntary basis I saw the difference access to fresh water makes to the lives of people. So I feel that, by accepting it as a fundamental human right, this may create the urgency to ensure that all citizens of the world have access, above all, to clean fresh water.

Dá bhrí sin, bhí áthas orm gur glacadh leis – agus sin é mo scéal.

Written explanations of vote

Motion for a resolution B7-0191/2011

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprova-se a presente proposta de resolução dada a situação preocupante da lei da comunicação social da Hungria, que coloca em causa a obrigação de cobertura equilibrada imposta a todos os prestadores de comunicação audiovisual, o respeito da proporcionalidade e os direitos fundamentais da expressão e informação, tornando legítimas as preocupações partilhadas pela OSCE e pelo PE no que respeita ao facto desta legislação contrariar as normas internacionais em matéria de liberdade de expressão, abolição da independência política e financeira dos meios de comunicação de serviço público ou o âmbito da aplicação da regulamentação. Estas preocupações são ainda mais preocupantes tendo em conta o alerta lançado pelo Comissário do Conselho da Europa dos Direitos do Homem. Com base nestas constatações devem ser aprovadas as recomendações desta proposta no sentido de ser revista a legislação em matéria de comunicação social com base nas observações da Comissão, da OSCE e do Conselho da Europa e deverá exortar-se a Comissão a elaborar uma proposta de directiva relativa à liberdade e ao pluralismo da comunicação social até ao final do ano de modo a suprir o quadro legislativo inadequado da UE de modo a evitar situações similares no futuro.

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Žiniasklaidos pliuralizmas ir laisvė yra vienas iš kertinių ES principų, užtikrinančių teisę laisvai reikšti nuomonę bei gauti ir skleisti informaciją be valdžios institucijų kontrolės, kišimosi ar jų spaudimo. Dėl Vengrijos žiniasklaidos įstatymo susirūpinimą išreiškė tarptautinės organizacijos, o Europos Komisija po atlikto tyrimo priėjo išvados, kad jis nesuderinamas su Audiovizualinės žiniasklaidos paslaugų direktyva ir apskritai su Bendrijos acquis. Pritariu rezoliucijoje išsakytam pasiūlymui, kad Vengrijos valdžios institucijos turi peržiūrėti žiniasklaidos įstatymą, atsižvelgiant į Komisijos, ESBO, Europos Tarybos žmogaus teisių komisaro, Europos Tarybos Ministrų komiteto ir parlamentinės asamblėjos pastabas, užtikrinant šio įstatymo atitikimą ES teisei ir Europos vertybėms bei žiniasklaidos laisvės, pliuralizmo ir nepriklausomumo standartams.

  Ivo Belet (PPE), schriftelijk. − De Hongaarse regering heeft er goed aan gedaan om al die heisa rond een omstreden wet aan te grijpen om duidelijk te maken dat de persvrijheid en het pluralisme in de media fundamentele pijlers zijn en blijven in Hongarije. De Europese Commissie heeft hierbij prima werk gedaan. Overigens zal de Commissie de zaak terecht blijven opvolgen, niet alleen in Hongarije, maar in alle lidstaten van de Unie.

Het door commissaris Kroes aankondigde initiatief om verschillende belanghebbenden samen te brengen in een groep deskundigen, die zich vervolgens moet buigen over de stand van zaken van het pluralisme in de media in Europa, is een belangrijke stap vooruit. Deze groep zal de Commissie bijstaan bij het uittekenen van nieuwe stappen met betrekking tot het medialandschap. We hebben de opdracht om het pluralisme in de media en de persvrijheid in Europa te garanderen. Ik ga er dan ook van uit dat het Europees parlement hieraan actief zal meewerken.

  Jean-Luc Bennahmias (ALDE), par écrit. – La Démocratie n'est en aucun cas un état de fait. Elle évolue, se perfectionne, régresse aussi malheureusement en fonction des périodes. Or, à ce niveau, les mesures hongroises sur les médias sont un grave pas en arrière. L'accord de l'ensemble des progressistes européens a permis dans un premier temps de mettre le sujet à la une de l'actualité politique européenne: c'est une bonne chose. Il s'agit maintenant d'être précis et ferme sur les points qui continuent de poser problème. L'indépendance de la gouvernance des médias et la liberté d'expression ne sont pas négociables.

  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį pasiūlymą dėl rezoliucijos, kadangi Vengrijos žiniasklaidos įstatymo galiojimas turėtų būti sustabdytas ir peržiūrėtas atitinkamai atsižvelgiant į Europos Komisijos, Europos saugumo ir bendradarbiavimo organizacijos (ESBO) ir Europos Tarybos pastabas bei pasiūlymus, siekiant užtikrinti, kad jie visiškai atitiktų Europos Sąjungos (ES) teisę ir Europos vertybes bei žiniasklaidos laisvės, pliuralizmo ir nepriklausomos žiniasklaidos valdysenos standartus. Be to, Europos Parlamentas primena, kad visos Europos Sąjungos valstybės narės turi laikytis 1993 m. Kopenhagoje vykusiame Europos ministrų tarybos posėdyje priimtų Kopenhagos kriterijų dėl ES narystės, susijusių su spaudos ir saviraiškos laisve, ir juos taikyti pagal atitinkamas ES teisės aktų nuostatas. Taigi, Europos Parlamentas ragina Vengrijos valdžios institucijas atkurti žiniasklaidos valdysenos nepriklausomumą ir sustabdyti valstybės kišimąsi į saviraiškos laisvę ir subalansuotą informacijos teikimą. Be to, mano, kad per didelis žiniasklaidos reguliavimas kenkia veiksmingo pliuralizmo buvimui viešojoje sferoje. Be to, Parlamentas ragina Komisiją iki šių metų pabaigos pateikti ES teisės akto dėl žiniasklaidos laisvės, pliuralizmo ir nepriklausomo valdymo pasiūlymą, siekiant nustatyti minimalius privalomus standartus, norint užtikrinti, apsaugoti ir skatinti atitinkamą žiniasklaidos pliuralizmo bei nepriklausomos valdysenos lygį ES valstybėse narėse.

  Jan Březina (PPE), písemně. − Svoboda a pluralita sdělovacích prostředků je jistě jedním z pilířů demokratického právního státu. Maďarský mediální zákon si jistě zasluhoval kritiku, nikoli však štvanici a ukvapené a neopodstatněné útoky na maďarskou vládu načasované zejména na začátek maďarského předsednictví Evropské unie, kterých jsme byli svědky. O to více mě těší, že maďarský parlament čerstvě odsouhlasil změny kontroverzního mediálního zákona v bodech navržených Evropskou unií, a ideologickým vyvolavačům napětí tak sebral vítr z plachet. Byl tedy splněn klíčový požadavek, aby se „vyváženost zpravodajství“ nevztahovala na internetové servery, blogy a debaty, ani na zahraniční zpravodaje. Evropská komise by nyní měla uplatňování zákona trvale sledovat. Je třeba ocenit konstruktivní dialog mezi Maďarskem a EU, který vyústil ve schválené legislativní změny.

Zahraničním médiím a novinářům působícím v zemi tak už nehrozí vysoké peněžní pokuty za porušování maďarského mediálního zákona, pouze „jiné právní důsledky“. Pro maďarské vlastníky médií ale pokuty zůstávají v platnosti, včetně těch, kteří „přenesli své sídlo formálně do jiné země EU, aby se vyhnuli působení maďarského mediálního zákona“. Tato úprava, byť s ní můžeme nesouhlasit, je však v plné kompetenci maďarského parlamentu a představitelé EU by ji měli respektovat.

  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. − A liberdade de expressão de cada indivíduo, a livre circulação da informação e a liberdade e o pluralismo dos meios de comunicação são princípios basilares da integração europeia e dos seus valores fundamentais. A elaboração e a aplicação de um quadro regulamentar para a comunicação social deve respeitar as normas democráticas aplicáveis à organização e à governação dos sistemas de comunicação. Apelo às autoridades húngaras para que restaurem a independência da governação dos meios de comunicação social e ponham termo à interferência do Estado na liberdade de expressão. Uma regulação excessiva dos meios de comunicação é contraproducente, prejudicando um pluralismo efectivo no domínio público. Apelo às autoridades húngaras para que, ao reformarem a lei da comunicação social, envolvam todos os interessados, incluindo os partidos da oposição e a sociedade civil, para que possam participar de forma significativa na reforma desta legislação, que regula um aspecto tão fundamental para o funcionamento de uma sociedade democrática.

  Carlos Coelho (PPE), por escrito. − A liberdade e o pluralismo dos meios de comunicação social são direitos fundamentais que garantem a liberdade de expressar opiniões e a liberdade de receber e comunicar informação sem que exista qualquer tipo de interferência ou pressão por parte das autoridades públicas. A Comissão Europeia, enquanto guardiã dos Tratados, manifestou a sua preocupação e solicitou informações à Hungria sobre o facto de poder existir uma violação deste direito, nomeadamente pelo facto de a legislação húngara em matéria de comunicação social poder não estar conforme com a Directiva relativa aos serviços de comunicação social audiovisual.

Foi com agrado que recebi a informação que, no dia 7 de Março, o Parlamento húngaro adoptou as alterações que tinham sido acordadas entre o seu Governo e a Comissão, apesar de não compreender o facto de os Socialistas e os Verdes húngaros terem votado contra. Face às declarações da Comissária Kroes, parece não restarem dúvidas de que a Hungria seguiu as recomendações da Comissão e que a versão alterada da lei em causa respeita a legislação europeia.

  Marielle De Sarnez (ALDE), par écrit. – La liberté de la presse ne doit supporter aucune concession. C'est le message que le Parlement européen a souhaité adresser non seulement à Budapest mais aussi à la Commission européenne. Le Parlement européen a approuvé une résolution demandant au gouvernement hongrois de suspendre et de "réexaminer d'urgence" la loi hongroise controversée sur les médias bien qu'elle ait été amendée récemment sous la pression de ses partenaires européens. L’inquiétude perdure cependant au sujet, en particulier, du Conseil des médias, organisme chargé de superviser les medias, entièrement composé de proches du parti de M. Orban. En réalité, cet organe de surveillance est un instrument parfait pour censurer les médias. C'est pourquoi les parlementaires démocrates européens, garants de la liberté d'expression des citoyens dans l'UE et à travers le monde, ont demandé de mettre un terme aux interférences étatiques, afin de rétablir l’indépendance des medias.

  Ioan Enciu (S&D), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea acestei rezoluții întrucât consider că Uniunea Europeană trebuie să fie promptă în direcția prevenirii și combaterii oricăror posibile atacuri la adresa valorilor fundamentale ale democrației, libertatea de exprimare fiind una dintre acestea. Cred că este fundamental ca Ungaria, ca și alte state membre cum este Romania, să își revizuiască atitudinea față de presă, în acord cu principiile democratice stipulate în Carta Drepturilor Fundamentale a UE și în Convenția Europeană a Drepturilor Omului.

  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente a resolução sobre a Lei sobre os meios de comunicação na Hungria, porque a liberdade de imprensa é um dos valores fundamentais da UE. Considero que a Comissão deve prosseguir o exame aprofundado da conformidade da lei húngara sobre os meios de comunicação com a legislação europeia, em especial com a Carta dos Direitos Fundamentais.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − Considero que não faz sentido o Parlamento Europeu pronunciar-se sobre esta questão neste momento quando já foram dadas todas as garantias de respeito pela liberdade de expressão, inclusivamente pelo Primeiro-Ministro húngaro, Viktor Orbán. Para além disso, uma questão de princípio, coíbo-me de apreciar actos políticos, legislativos e jurisdicionais que são da estrita competência dos poderes legislativo, executivo e judicial de um Estado-Membro que não é o meu.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − A liberdade de expressão e de informação, incluindo a liberdade de expressar opiniões e a liberdade de receber e comunicar informação sem interferências ou pressões, são valores civilizacionais pelos quais muitos se bateram ao longo dos anos, inclusivamente em Portugal. Os comunistas estiveram e estão na primeira linha desse combate. Infelizmente, persistem motivos para o prosseguir em diversos países da União Europeia. O pluralismo e a liberdade de comunicação social continuam a suscitar preocupações em diversos Estados-Membros. Alguns dos factores que para isso contribuem são frequentemente esquecidos, como a concentração da propriedade dos órgãos de comunicação social num punhado de grandes grupos económicos ou os ataques aos direitos dos profissionais da comunicação social e a existência de relações de trabalho cada vez mais precárias. A isto somam-se as interferências por parte do poder político que continuam a existir em inúmeros países e que devem merecer a nossa preocupação.

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − São ganhos civilizacionais a liberdade de expressão e de informação, com o consequente pluralismo dos meios de comunicação social, incluindo a liberdade de expressar opiniões e a liberdade de receber e comunicar informação sem interferências ou pressões por parte das autoridades públicas.

No entanto, lamentavelmente, em diversos países da União Europeia somos frequentemente confrontados com atropelos a estes direitos fundamentais. O pluralismo e a liberdade de comunicação social continuam a suscitar preocupações em diversos Estados-Membros, nomeadamente na Hungria, em Itália, na Bulgária, na Roménia, na Estónia, etc. Mesmo em Portugal são conhecidos diversos episódios de atropelos ao pluralismo dos meios de comunicação social que em nada dignificam a democracia.

Mas discordamos que haja uma política de ingerência política permanente da União Europeia na actividade governativa de cada país, como acontece aqui nalguns parágrafos. É neste contexto que votámos a resolução sobre a lei relativa à comunicação social na Hungria, tendo em conta os seus aspectos positivos e negativos.

  Mathieu Grosch (PPE), schriftlich. − Ich bin überzeugt, dass eine sehr breite Mehrheit im Europäischen Parlament die Grundrechte der Medien verteidigt. Wenn nun in einer Entschließung diese Rechte eingefordert werden, jedoch den Abänderungen zu diesem Gesetz, welche im ungarischen Parlament diese Woche verabschiedet wurden, nicht Rechnung getragen wird, hätte ich es begrüßt, wenn alle Entschließungen, die vor dieser Abstimmung in Budapest verfasst wurden, zurückgezogen worden wären, um aktualisiert und dann erst erörtert und zur Abstimmung gestellt zu werden. Die Abstimmung im Europäischen Parlament hatte somit nichts mehr mit Pressefreiheit zu tun, was absolute Priorität haben sollte, sondern war nur ein Kräftemessen zwischen den Fraktionen.

  Sylvie Guillaume (S&D), par écrit. – Je me réjouis de l'adoption de cette résolution émanant de la gauche européenne, qui critique l'insuffisance des amendements apportés par la Hongrie à sa loi sur les médias, alors que la droite s'en félicite. Si Neelie Kroes semble également satisfaite de ces changements, le Parlement européen considère que la Commission ne s'est concentrée que sur quelques aspects techniques au détriment de la Charte des droits fondamentaux. De même, notre résolution ne s'adresse pas qu'à la Hongrie, mais constate que malheureusement, la liberté et le pluralisme des médias peuvent être fragilisés dans des pays aux gouvernements conservateurs. En ce sens, les eurodéputés prouvent qu'ils sont attentifs au respect des libertés et droits fondamentaux qui sont les principes mêmes des démocraties et de l'Union européenne.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šį dokumentą, kadangi Vengrijos valdžios institucijos turi atkurti žiniasklaidos valdysenos nepriklausomumą ir sustabdyti valstybės kišimąsi į saviraiškos laisvę ir subalansuotą informacijos teikimą. Per didelis žiniasklaidos reguliavimas kenkia veiksmingo pliuralizmo buvimui viešojoje sferoje.

  Timothy Kirkhope (ECR), in writing. − The ECR wholeheartedly supports a free and plural media across the European Union and stresses the importance of freedom of information for all European citizens. However, given the constantly changing situation surrounding the Hungarian Media Law and a lack of opportunity to meet the Commission following the new amendments to this law which were adopted this week, we feel that now is not the appropriate time to have another resolution on the issue. For this reason the ECR Group has abstained.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted for this resolution because I believe the Hungarian media law should be suspended as a matter of urgency and reviewed on the basis of the Commission’s, the OSCE’s and the Council of Europe’s comments and proposals, in order to ensure that it is fully in conformity with EU law and European values and standards on media freedom, pluralism and independent media governance.

  Iosif Matula (PPE), în scris. − Susțin modificarea prevederilor din legea maghiară a presei considerate de către Comisia Europeană drept mai puțin democratice și salut modificările aduse actului normativ de către guvernul de la Budapesta. Nu am votat, însă, rezoluția semnată de grupurile politice S&D, ALDE, Verzi și GUE deoarece măsurile propuse mi se par excesive dacă ținem cont de legi similare din alte state membre, dar care n-au fost sancționate public. Categoric, presa liberă reprezintă măsura gradului de democratizare a unei societăți. În Uniunea Europeană, este notoriu faptul că libertatea de exprimare este, practic, neîngrădită. Nu trebuie să confundăm, însă, acest drept fundamental cu libertatea de a profera orice informații, fără consecințe, fără responsabilitate și în lipsa unor probe concludente. Tocmai de aceea este nevoie de legi clare care să stabilească limitele în care trebuie să se încadreze orice demers jurnalistic. Legea presei din Ungaria a fost elaborată în acest context, ca urmare a directivei europene în domeniu. Mai mult, cred că trebuie să vorbim în cunoștință de cauză pe marginea subiectului legii maghiare a presei, având în vedere că putem fi induși în eroare de interese partizane și dispute politice.

  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − Esta proposta de resolução está desadequada no tempo e na forma, pois por todos é sabido que após as primeiras críticas que foram feitas à lei sobre os meios de comunicação na Hungria e às recomendações feitas pela Comissão, o governo húngaro reviu a sua posição e alterou tudo aquilo de que a lei era alvo de críticas por parte da Comissão. Assim, a lei votada no dia 7 de Março pelo Parlamento húngaro era já uma versão perfeitamente de acordo com a legislação europeia. Não entendo assim a insistência por parte da esquerda representada neste Parlamento na votação desta proposta de resolução. Daí votar contra a mesma.

  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado a favor de la resolución B7-0191/2011 porque considero que la nueva Ley de Medios de Comunicación húngara no garantiza adecuadamente la libertad de expresión y el pluralismo y resulta contraproducente para la existencia de un pluralismo real en la esfera pública.

Las autoridades húngaras deben garantizar de manera efectiva la libertad y el pluralismo de los medios de comunicación, por lo que deben retirar la ley o modificarla sustancialmente sobre la base de las observaciones y propuestas de la OSCE, el Comisario de Derechos Humanos del Consejo de Europa y el Consejo de Ministros, así como de la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos, y mediante un debate abierto y transparente en el que participen todas las partes interesadas, las ONG y los ciudadanos.

  Louis Michel (ALDE), par écrit. – La liberté d'expression, et partant la liberté de la presse, sont parmi les plus importants des droits fondamentaux. Nous devons lutter pour les préserver, même quand l'expression de certaines opinions nous dérangent. Cette liberté-là est aussi la nôtre et elle est la garantie de l'exercice libre de notre mandat. Il n'y a pas de transparence possible sans liberté des médias. La tentation est grande de chercher à contrôler l'information et les journalistes, y compris dans nos démocraties occidentales. Une information libre et professionnelle est toujours préférable à la "rumeur", qui se substitue souvent à la presse lorsque celle-ci est muselée.

Les moyens modernes de communication de masse jouent un rôle déterminant dans la vie démocratique et constituent des vecteurs fondamentaux de l'accès de tous au savoir, au divertissement et à la vie sociale. À ce titre, ce que j'appelle le "juste État" doit se donner pour responsabilité d'accompagner le développement de médias libres au plan interne et à l'échelle internationale, de favoriser le pluralisme de l'information et la richesse de la création culturelle et de faciliter l'accès de tous à ces contenus.

  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − It is known that according to commentaries and proposals from the European Commission, the OSCE, and the European Council, the Media Law in Hungary should be revised as soon as possible in order to ensure its correspondence to EU legislation and European virtues and standards which relate to the freedom of media information, pluralism and the independence of the mass media.

The new law is blamed because it implies that there would be only one person appointed responsible for the management of the national mass media and telecommunications. The new legislation undermines the pluralism and freedom of the mass media and removes its political and financial independence. All causes which lead to such a negative result should be examined.

Possibly the permissiveness of governments ruling some of the EU Member States gave the government of Hungary an illusion that commonly adopted rules can be cynically breached. For instance, the Latvian government still has not implemented the European Parliament’s resolution of 11 March 2004. And what has happened as a result? Nothing so far. Possibly the Hungarian government was inspired by Latvian ‘independence’. I voted ‘for’ in the hope that the ice has broken up.

  Tiziano Motti (PPE), per iscritto. − Gli attacchi della sinistra europea alla legge sulla libertà di stampa approvata recentemente in Ungheria vanno letti nella cornice del teatrino con cui in varie occasioni gli strumenti messi a disposizione dalla nostra Istituzione vengono utilizzati in modo improprio e strumentale al fine di sostenere a livello internazionale o interno campagne politiche e mediatiche di disinformazione. Nel caso specifico, tali attacchi sono del tutto fuori luogo, poiché il dibattito è già stato aperto ed anche chiuso: il governo ungherese ha prontamente accolto le osservazioni che erano state espresse dalla Commissione europea ed il primo ministro Orban, ha dichiarato, già all'inizio di gennaio 2011, che la legge sui media sarà modificata in ossequio a tali osservazioni. Attaccare il paese che presiede l'Unione europea nel momento in cui andrebbe sostenuto nello svolgimento del proprio incarico, ha l’effetto di indebolire l'Unione nel suo insieme e svuotarla d’autorità. Il ritornello della mancanza di libertà di stampa è un film già visto come lo sono i continui e anacronistici riferimenti alla situazione italiana, in cui paradossalmente il controllo dei maggiori quotidiani è di gruppi editoriali vicini alla sinistra e l'informazione corre libera, a volte troppo libera, sul web.

  Γεώργιος Παπανικολάου (PPE), γραπτώς. – Μετά τις τροποποιήσεις που υιοθέτησε το Ουγγρικό Κοινοβούλιο την περασμένη εβδομάδα, ο Ουγγρικός νόμος βρίσκεται πλέον σε εναρμόνιση με την Ευρωπαϊκή νομοθεσία και τις διατάξεις για τα θεμελιώδη δικαιώματα και σε αυτό συμφώνησε και η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή. Ως εκ τούτου άνευ αντικειμένου είναι το κοινό ψήφισμα που κατατέθηκε και γι' αυτό το λόγο το καταψήφισα.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE), por escrito. − Como tive a oportunidade de dizer quando intervim no debate sobre as prioridades da Presidência húngara, trata-se de aspectos relacionados com a vida interna da Hungria que podem ser, como foram, regulados numa relação sã e normal entre a Comissão Europeia e o governo e o parlamento húngaros. Como defensor das liberdades, designadamente das liberdades de expressão e de imprensa, só posso congratular-me com os resultados obtidos.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − This law has effectively been designed with the intention of restricting media activities in Hungary and limiting critical scrutiny of the government, as part of wider restrictions on pluralism in Hungary. This is in direct conflict with the core principles of the EU, as set out in the Treaties and the Charter of Fundamental Rights. The Commission and the Council must continue to push for the complete overhaul or withdrawal of the law on this basis.

Parliament has made it clear that the Commission should not simply roll over and give in to the Hungarian Government on this crucial issue. The Hungarian media law must also be seen as just the latest attempt to limit media freedom in Europe. It highlights the urgent need for the Commission to come forward with robust legislative proposals for upholding this core EU value.

  Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho votato contro questa risoluzione perché ritengo che i gruppi politici della sinistra che siedono in questo emiciclo abbiano strumentalizzato una questione politica nazionale, peraltro già risolta, come dimostra il recente accordo tra il governo ungherese e la Commissione europea.

Ritengo che questioni nazionali di questo tipo non debbano essere portate in discussione in questa sede istituzionale, in quanto competenza diretta dei singoli Stati membri. Nel merito della questione, è giusto e doveroso tutelare la libertà ed il pluralismo dell’informazione come valore cardine di tutti i paesi dell’Unione europea, ma la libertà dei mezzi di comunicazione non deve contraddire la morale pubblica e soprattutto non deve invadere la privacy di nessuno.

Il mondo dell’informazione deve mostrarsi più consapevole delle conseguenze che un uso non equilibrato del proprio potere e della propria influenza può determinare sulla vita e sulla libertà dei cittadini. Questo perché troppo spesso, in nome del diritto di cronaca, si è finito col comprimere la libertà delle persone.

  Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. − I am very pleased that this resolution was passed highlighting the European Parliament’s commitment to freedom of expression and the independence of the media throughout Member States.

  Angelika Werthmann (NI), schriftlich. − Ich habe für den Gemeinsamen Entschließungsantrag gestimmt. Obgleich Ungarn und die EU-Kommission eine Einigung in den von der Kommission vorgebrachten Punkten erzielt haben, schließe ich mich der Forderung meiner Kollegen nach einer umfassenden Prüfung des Gesetzestextes an. Die von der Kommission erreichten Verbesserungen sind bemerkenswert selektiv und die seitens des Parlaments und diverser internationaler Organisationen, wie der OSZE und des Europarates, vorgebrachten Bedenken blieben größtenteils unberücksichtigt. Vor allem die Besorgnis über die Bestellung, Zusammensetzung und Befugnisse der Medienbehörde sind mehr als nachvollziehbar. Die Pressefreiheit ist ein zu wichtiges Element unserer Demokratie, als dass dieses Grundrecht rechtlich restriktiven Interpretationsmöglichkeiten ausgeliefert werden dürfte.

  Joachim Zeller (PPE), schriftlich. − Ich habe gegen diese Entschließung von Linken, Sozialisten, Grünen und Liberalen gestimmt. Den Antragstellern geht es nicht so sehr um die Freiheit der Medien in Europa als vielmehr um die Verunglimpfung einer von ihrer Bevölkerung mit überwältigender Mehrheit gewählten bürgerlichen Regierung, die die schwere Aufgabe vor sich hat, ein Land wieder aufzurichten, das durch die Misswirtschaft der sozialistischen Vorgängerregierung schwer gelitten hat. Selbst die EU-Kommission konnte keine schwerwiegenden Verstöße gegen die Medienfreiheit im ungarischen Gesetz feststellen, das im Übrigen bereits eine Modifikation erfahren hat. Die Linke in Europa ist schnell bereit, Splitter in den Augen bürgerlicher Regierungen zu finden, die Bretter vorm Kopf und Balken in den Augen sozialistischer Regierungen aber zu übersehen.

Schwer verständlich ist die Haltung der deutschen Liberalen, die mit dieser Entschließung Regelungen auf europäischer Ebene in der Medienlandschaft fordern, während die deutschen und europäischen Medienvertreter gerade dies als eine Einschränkung der Medienfreiheit und einen Verstoß gegen die Subsidiarität ansehen.

Motion for a resolution RC-B7-0169/2011

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo a presente proposta de resolução considerando que o regime de Kadafi deve ser destituído imediatamente, tendo em conta a forma como está a reprimir a população líbia nos seus protestos políticos e de modo a evitar mais mortes. Recordo o facto de a comunidade internacional ter demonstrado total unanimidade no Conselho de Segurança da ONU na imposição de sanções a este regime. Apoio fortemente a Resolução UNSCR 1970/2011 e as medidas a tomar pelo Conselho de Segurança, nomeadamente o embargo, banir equipamentos de repressão interna e a admissão de congelar os fundos de pessoas envolvidas em abusos de direitos humanos, chamando a atenção para a necessidade de aplicar a Resolução África – UE que permite congelar os bens adquiridos ilegalmente, sendo necessário uma acção a este respeito por parte das instituições financeiras europeias, bem como dos Estados-Membros ao não permitirem actividades mercenárias. É necessária uma acção humanitária rápida e eficaz por parte da UE e das Nações Unidas. Termino dizendo que os eventos na Líbia, no Egipto e na Tunísia exigem uma mudança de paradigma da política externa europeia no que respeita aos países do Sul do Mediterrâneo e manifesto a minha solidariedade para com o povo libanês.

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją. Pastarojo meto masiniai protestai daugelyje arabų šalių parodė, kad nedemokratiniai ir autoritariniai režimai negali užtikrinti patikimo stabilumo ir kad demokratinės vertybės yra svarbiausios įgyvendinant ekonomines ir politines partnerystes. ES itin suinteresuota, kad Šiaurės Afrika būtų demokratinė, stabili, klestinti ir taiki, tačiau pastarieji įvykiai Libijoje, Egipte ir Tunise atkreipė dėmesį į tai, kad reikia skubiai persvarstyti Viduržemio jūros regiono ES išorės politiką. Būtina peržiūrėti savo demokratijos ir žmogaus teisių rėmimo politiką, siekiant sukurti žmogaus teisių išlygos įgyvendinimo mechanizmą visuose susitarimuose su trečiosiomis šalimis. Pritariu, kad Europos kaimynystės politikos principai turi būti persvarstyti, užtikrinant pirmenybę kriterijams, susijusiems su teismų nepriklausomumu, pagarba pagrindinėms laisvėms, pliuralizmu, spaudos laisve ir kova su korupcija.

  Dominique Baudis (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de cette résolution qui va dans le bon sens quant à la réaction de l'Union européenne face à la révolution qui dégénère en guerre civile en Libye. Les révolutions sont un rêve qui devient réalité, mais la guerre civile est un cauchemar. Alors que les opposants perdent du terrain, sous le feu des troupes et des mercenaires de Kadhafi, et que le colonel envoie des émissaires dans des capitales européennes pour tenter de sauver son régime, nous devons montrer au peuple libyen que nous sommes à ses côtés.

Nous entendons l'appel que le Conseil national de transition intérimaire a publié le 5 mars. Nous avons le devoir de soutenir cette alternative et de protéger le peuple libyen contre les forces du régime. Sans présence militaire directe sur le sol de la Libye, on doit envisager une zone d'exclusion aérienne. Mais la décision appartient à l'ONU. Cette option n'est cependant envisageable qu'avec le consentement explicite de la Ligue arabe. Sur le plan politique et diplomatique, nous devons veiller à isoler le colonel Kadhafi et à prêter main forte au peuple libyen pour qu'il retrouve, enfin, sa liberté.

  Sergio Berlato (PPE), per iscritto. − Signora Vicepresidente, onorevoli colleghi, i drammatici sviluppi della situazione in Libia e in Africa del Nord continuano ad evolvere verso i confini europei: la crisi umanitaria in Libia, infatti, potrebbe trasformarsi in un'ondata migratoria senza precedenti nella storia.

Secondo recenti stime, gli sconvolgimenti politici nel Nord Africa potrebbero portare sulla costa meridionale dell'Unione circa 300 000 rifugiati. Condivido e sostengo, pertanto, l'appello lanciato da sei Stati membri mediterranei dell'UE per la creazione di un fondo di solidarietà che contribuisca a mitigare gli effetti legati all'immigrazione. Sono favorevole alla creazione di un sistema europeo comune di asilo e ad un'equa ripartizione tra gli Stati membri dei costi legati all'immigrazione. Inoltre, al fine di limitare le immigrazioni di massa verso l'Europa, sollecito l'attenzione sull'opportunità sia di inviare un aiuto umanitario alle popolazioni colpite, sia di sostenere il processo di democratizzazione e di crescita economica della regione.

Esorto, infine, la Commissione ad approntare un piano di emergenza che preveda come affrontare anche l'ipotesi peggiore in cui un massiccio numero d'immigrati decida di dirigersi a nord fino alle coste europee. A mio avviso, tale piano di emergenza deve essere sostenuto dal principio di solidarietà tra gli Stati membri dell'Unione europea.

  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. − Os recentes protestos em vários países árabes demonstram que os regimes não democráticos e autoritários não podem garantir uma estabilidade credível e que os valores democráticos ocupam um lugar central nas parcerias económicas e políticas. Apelo a um envolvimento estreito ao trabalho da task force criada para coordenar a resposta da UE à crise na Líbia e no resto da região mediterrânica. A União para o Mediterrâneo tem de se adaptar aos novos tempos e circunstâncias e tem de reflectir e agir sobre os recentes acontecimentos, a fim de apresentar propostas sobre a melhor forma de promover a democracia e os direitos humanos nos seus Estados-Membros e na região, incluindo na Líbia, e sobre possíveis reformas para tornar o seu próprio papel mais forte, coerente e eficaz.

  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente a resolução sobre os vizinhos do Sul, e a Líbia em particular, incluindo os aspectos humanitários, porque considero que o coronel Kadafi deve abandonar o poder imediatamente, a fim de permitir uma transição política pacífica e evitar mais derramamento de sangue. Condeno veementemente as violações dos direitos humanos na Líbia e, em particular, a repressão violenta de manifestantes pró-democracia, jornalistas e defensores dos direitos humanos e manifesto a minha solidariedade para com o povo líbio.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − À data da votação da presente resolução ainda não é claro de que modo evoluirão as revoluções que, por todo o Mediterrâneo, têm tentado derrubar regimes autoritários que há muito se mantinham no poder. No caso líbio, são contraditórias as notícias acerca dos sucessos e insucessos dos revoltosos e das forças que ainda apoiam o regime ditatorial de Khadafi, aparentando estar-se perante um caso de verdadeira guerra civil. Não obstante, são múltiplas as fontes que denunciam a violência brutal e a repressão sem precedentes protagonizada pelo regime líbio e o número muito elevado de vítimas que terá causado. As próprias Nações Unidas condenaram justamente as atrocidades cometidas. É hoje claro que as populações sublevadas não querem viver sob regimes que não respeitam os seus direitos e que não asseguram minimamente o respeito pelas regras da democracia e do Estado de Direito. A União Europeia não pode alhear-se do que vai acontecendo. Antes deve exigir o fim da violência, perseverar na condenação e nas sanções impostas aos seus responsáveis e apoiar aqueles que se batem pelos nossos valores comuns e procurar solidarizar-se, acompanhar e compreender melhor e mais de perto as aspirações, desejos e tendências dos movimentos que anseiam pela mudança.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Esta resolução é preocupante e inaceitável. Em especial, no contexto dos mais recentes acontecimentos na Líbia, face aos quais emerge como nunca a premência de uma resolução pacífica e política do conflito, sem ingerências externas. Face ao perigoso e grave acumular de acções que, em vez de contribuírem para a diminuição da tensão, visam a preparação de actos de agressão pelos EUA e a NATO contra a Líbia, a maioria do Parlamento Europeu vem caucionar actos de ingerência, agressão ou ocupação da Líbia. Qualquer agressão contra este país, independentemente dos pretextos e mandatos, teria graves consequências para um povo que vive já numa situação de profunda tensão e insegurança. Seria profundamente prejudicial para todos aqueles que na Líbia prosseguem a luta pelos seus direitos, a democracia, a soberania e a paz e introduziria sérios factores de instabilidade e um conflito na região. Qualquer agressão militar à Líbia - inseparável dos objectivos de controlo dos recursos naturais líbios - será direccionada não só contra o povo líbio, mas contra todos os povos da região que se levantaram e prosseguem a luta pelos seus direitos sociais e políticos, pela liberdade, pela democracia e pela real soberania e independência dos seus países.

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Manifestamos a nossa profunda inquietação relativamente aos mais recentes acontecimentos na Líbia, mas defendemos a resolução pacífica e política do conflito, sem ingerências externas. Ora, lamentavelmente, a resolução do PE defende a intervenção militar, dado que não pode haver zona de exclusão aérea sem intervenção militar.

Por isso, esta resolução, em vez de contribuir para uma solução pacífica, parece visar a preparação de actos de agressão, pelos EUA, a NATO e talvez da União Europeia, contra a Líbia, pelo que expressamos a nossa firme oposição a qualquer intervenção militar externa neste país.

Qualquer agressão contra a Líbia, independentemente dos pretextos e mandatos, teria graves consequências para um povo que vive já numa situação de profunda tensão e insegurança; seria profundamente prejudicial para todos aqueles que, na Líbia, prosseguem a luta pelos seus direitos, a democracia, a soberania e a paz e introduziria sérios factores de instabilidade e um conflito na região.

Qualquer agressão militar pelos EUA e seus aliados – inseparável dos seus objectivos de controlo dos recursos naturais líbios - seria direccionada não só contra o povo líbio, mas contra todos os povos da região que se levantaram e prosseguem a luta pelos seus direitos sociais e políticos, pela liberdade, a democracia e a real soberania e independência dos seus países. São lutas que apoiamos. Por isso, votámos contra a Resolução.

  Sylvie Guillaume (S&D), par écrit. – Cette résolution, votée à une large majorité et à laquelle j'ai contribué, démontre que le Parlement européen ne reste pas muet sur la situation en Libye. Au contraire, à travers sa position, il incite l'Union européenne, les Etats membres et Mme Ashton à le suivre dans ses propositions. Il affirme son soutien au peuple libyen et préconise, entre autres, de reconnaître le Conseil national intérimaire de Libye, de soutenir l'instauration d'une zone d'exclusion aérienne, ceci en conformité avec un mandat des Nations Unies et en coordination avec la Ligue arabe et l'Union africaine. De même, il condamne avec la plus grande fermeté les violations des droits de l'Homme en Libye par le régime, et appelle Muammar Kadhafi à abandonner immédiatement le pouvoir. Mon seul regret reste la question des réfugiés et des migrants, qui selon moi n’a pas été suffisamment prise en compte et présentée comme un défi commun à ces pays et à l’Union européenne.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šį dokumentą, kadangi ES turi įsitraukti į procesus kaimyninėse pietų šalyse ir juos remti, ypač teisinės valstybės principų plėtojimą, gerą valdymą ir konstitucines ir rinkimines nuostatas, kurios būtinos stabiliai, pliuralistinei ir taikiai demokratijai regione užtikrinti. Viduržemio jūros regiono valstybių sąjunga turi prisitaikyti prie naujo laikmečio ir aplinkybių, apsvarstyti pastarojo meto įvykius ir imtis veiksmų, siekiant pateikti pasiūlymų, kaip geriausiai propaguoti demokratiją ir žmogaus teises jos valstybėse narėse ir visame regione, įskaitant Libiją, taip pat pasiūlymų dėl galimų reformų, kad pačios Sąjungos vaidmuo sustiprėtų, taptų nuoseklesnis ir veiksmingesnis.

  Filip Kaczmarek (PPE), na piśmie. − Panie Przewodniczący! Głosowałem za przyjęciem rezolucji w sprawie południowego sąsiedztwa, w szczególności poświęconej sytuacji w Libii. W Libii giną ludzie, którzy toczą walkę o wolność swego kraju. Powinniśmy ich wspierać. Nasza rezolucja jest takim wsparciem, bo jednoznacznie potępia dyktatora i popiera tych, którzy chcą dokonać zasadniczych zmian w Libii.

Nie wiemy kiedy i jak zakończy się wojna domowa. Chcielibyśmy, aby zakończyła się szybko i by zakończyła się zwycięstwem sił prodemokratycznych. Unia Europejska powinna niezwłocznie nawiązać kontakty z Tymczasową Radą Narodową i rozpocząć proces jej oficjalnego uznania. Powinna też zachęcać Libijczyków do podjęcia przekształceń w kierunku demokracji. Dziękuję bardzo.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I welcome the push for democracy in Libya and in neighbouring countries. I call for full respect of human rights in the region. However, I abstained on this resolution because of its call for a no-fly zone. To enforce a no-fly zone we would have to bomb anti-aircraft missile sites, with a threat to civilian life. We would also allow the Regime to claim that the West was attacking Libya, rather than attempting to defend the people of Libya.

  Jiří Maštálka (GUE/NGL), písemně. − Jednání, která si vynutila nastalá situace, by měla být vedena velmi citlivě a korektně. Na základě důsledně zpracované analýzy situace by pak mohla být přijata další adekvátní opatření, která by v sobě obsahovala možnost přímého řešení a podpory v oblasti sociální i dalších oblastech. Snahou by mělo být nalezení takového řešení, které bude mít jasný a podložený dlouhodobý výhled, přispěje k zachování suverenity této země a bude patřičně tolerantní k jejím tradicím. Uvažované a tolik probírané vytvoření bezletové zóny je jedním z kroků, který, jak je deklarováno, by měl ochránit především civilní obyvatelstvo. V této souvislosti pokládám za prvotní jasné potvrzení mandátu co nejširší mezinárodní základnou, a zejména podmínění mandátem Rady bezpečnosti OSN. Připravované návrhy usnesení by neměly být ve svém základu ovlivněny pouze vidinou dosáhnutí na množství surovinových zdrojů v této zemi.

  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Je vote pour le texte et les mesures proposées concernant l'espace aérien dans le but d'aider le peuple en action contre le tyran qui le bombarde. Mon vote s'entend dans le strict cadre suivant: tout acte de guerre, comme la création d'une zone d'exclusion aérienne, ne peut être décidé que par l'ONU et exclusivement par elle. Cette action doit être placée sous l'autorité du commandement militaire de l'ONU et elle seulement. Toute décision doit être prise en concertation avec les organisations de l'Union africaine et de la Ligue arabe. Je m'oppose formellement à l'idée étasunienne de bombardement préventif et à l'intervention de l'OTAN. Tout autre développement nécessiterait un autre texte et d'autres dispositions.

  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − O que está a acontecer na Líbia é completamente inadmissível e a comunidade internacional tem que tomar medidas mais concretas e que levem a que sejam de imediato suspensas todo o tipo de agressões às populações civis. A eminência de uma guerra civil na Líbia é preocupante e tem que ser evitada a todo o custo. A UE tem que liderar este processo e ajudar a encontrar soluções que evitem o agravamento do conflito que actualmente se verifica nesse país.

  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado en contra de la resolución común del PE sobre Libia porque pide la creación de una zona de exclusión aérea sobre el país, lo que constituye el primer paso para una intervención militar. No podemos, de ningún modo, avalar la solución militar para la crisis libia ni para ninguna otra crisis. Fuimos muy críticos con las intervenciones militares de Iraq y de Afganistán y no podemos caer en el mismo error. Los ejemplos de estos dos países deben hacernos aprender que la violencia solo engendra más violencia, la cual acaba teniendo consecuencias devastadoras para la población civil.

En el caso de Libia, condeno la violencia que Gadafi está ejerciendo sobre su pueblo y me solidarizo con los movimientos de protesta de la población. Pero soy de la opinión de que la solución en Libia debe pasar por el cese de la violencia y la vía diplomática.

  Louis Michel (ALDE), par écrit. – La révolution libyenne, lancée au nom de la liberté, de la dignité et de la démocratie, est le fait de jeunes portés par le sens de l'État. On ne peut que soutenir cette formidable et belle aspiration et condamner fermement ceux qui tentent de la réprimer par la force, n'hésitant pas à faire des milliers de blessés et de morts dans les rangs des populations civiles.

J'espère vivement que l'ONU, en coordination avec la Ligue arabe et l'UA, donnera un mandat pour la mise en place d'une zone d'exclusion aérienne sur la Libye afin de protéger la population d'éventuelles attaques. J'espère également que la haute représentante de l'Union Catherine Ashton établira dès que possible des relations avec le Conseil national de transition en vue de le reconnaître comme interlocuteur légitime dans l'attente d'élections démocratiques.

Depuis quelques semaines, nous assistons à un basculement spectaculaire et prometteur du cadre géopolitique de cette région tellement sensible. J'ai la conviction qu'une perspective inédite se présente qui crée les conditions nécessaires au règlement pacifique du conflit entre Israël et la Palestine. Il faut saisir cette opportunité afin de débarrasser le Moyen-Orient d'un conflit qui n'a déjà généré que trop de douleur, drames, ressentiments et malentendus.

  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − I am ‘overjoyed’ by the number of loud statements and expressions of condemnation! Where were you before? Was Gaddafi born yesterday? There was no terror in Libya? Today, the cynicism of some EU leaders causes a sensation of disgust! Until recently, all the leaders of the largest EU Member States were cuddling up to the Libyan leader and ingratiating themselves with him. And today they are ready to crucify Gaddafi! It is better not to intrude in the internal affairs of another country, is it not? Let the Libyans solve their problems themselves, otherwise we might see get a full-scale rebellion in Arab countries! I abstained.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Gaddafi fährt im Kampf um die Erhaltung seiner Macht immer stärkere Geschütze auf (wie die Bombardierung von Rebellen) und schreckt vor einem hohen Blutzoll nicht zurück. Im Ausland wurden diese Maßnahmen aufs Schärfste verurteilt und im EU-Parlament werden eine Flugverbotszone – um Gaddafis Bombenflieger gegen die Zivilbevölkerung zu stoppen –, die Anerkennung des Übergangsrates und der Demokratiebewegung als legitime Vertreter des libyschen Volkes und der Abbruch aller Beziehungen zu Gaddafi gefordert. Ob die Staats- und Regierungschefs dieser Forderung nachkommen werden, wird sich erst zeigen. Wegen einer möglichen Neuansiedelung und Aufteilung von Migranten in Europa habe ich mich der Stimme enthalten.

  Claudio Morganti (EFD), per iscritto. − Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ho voluto esprimere il mio voto positivo su questa risoluzione comune riguardante l'attuale situazione in Libia.

Troppi abusi e gravissime violazioni sono state perpetrate dal regime di Gheddafi ai danni della popolazione insorta e ritengo perciò doverosa e necessaria una forte presa di posizione comune europea. Le misure proposte nella risoluzione adottata vanno nella giusta direzione, a partire da una auspicata chiusura dello spazio aereo sopra la Libia, ovvero la creazione di una cosiddetta "no-fly zone", per impedire al regime di attaccare dai cieli la popolazione civile.

Ritengo doveroso anche che la comunità internazionale, e l'Unione europea in primo luogo, instaurino delle relazioni con il Consiglio nazionale provvisorio degli insorti, al fine di favorire l'avvio di un processo di democratizzazione nel paese. È giunta l'ora che l'Europa si mostri salda nel far valere la sua voce per porre fine a questa drammatica situazione, che può portare altresì forti ripercussioni in tutta l'UE, a partire da una massiccia ondata di flussi migratori verso l'Italia in particolare e l'Europa in generale.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE), por escrito. − A gravidade da situação enfrentada pela população da Líbia, vítima de uma violenta repressão por parte do regime de Kadafi, que provocou já um número significativo de mortos, feridos e refugiados, exige uma acção determinada e concertada por parte da comunidade internacional, devendo a UE assumir um papel de relevo e uma posição firme na condenação dos responsáveis pelas atrocidades cometidas, na adopção e aplicação de sanções e medidas adequadas e, bem assim, no apoio às legítimas aspirações democráticas deste povo.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − I see paragraphs 10 and 11 (as amended) as being especially important in this text:

‘10. Stresses that the EU and its Member States must uphold the Responsibility to Protect, in order to save Libyan civilians from large-scale armed attacks; thus, no option foreseen in the UN Charter is to be ruled out; Calls on the HR/VP and the Member States to stand ready for a decision in the UNSC on further measures, including the possibility of a no-fly zone aimed at preventing the regime from targeting the population; Underlines that any measures enacted by the EU and its Member States should be in compliance with a UN mandate and seek coordination with the Arab League and the African Union, encouraging both organisations to steer international efforts;

11. Calls on the HR/VP to establish relations with the Interim Transitional National Council and to start the process to make them official so as to encourage transition towards democracy, ensuring the involvement of a wide spectrum of representatives of Libyan society and to empower women and minorities in the transitional process, and to support it in the liberated area so as to relieve the population and to meet its basic humanitarian needs, including medical assistance.’

  Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. − Con questa risoluzione il Parlamento europeo chiede ai governi dell'UE di riconoscere il Consiglio nazionale della transizione come autorità ufficiale dell'opposizione libica.

La risoluzione approvata invita l'UE a prepararsi alla possibile istituzione di una "no-fly zone" per impedire a Gheddafi di colpire la popolazione e aiutare il rimpatrio di chi fugge dalla violenza. Inoltre ritengo un'opzione strategicamente importante che l'Alto rappresentante per la politica estera dell'UE Ashton stabilisca contatti con i rappresentanti dei ribelli del Consiglio nazionale per la transizione, in modo da accelerare il processo di riconoscimento ufficiale di tale ente. È giunto il momento che Gheddafi lasci il potere e ponga fine alla sistematica violazione dei diritti umani che sta operando nel suo Paese.

  Ernst Strasser (PPE), schriftlich. − Zu Ziffer 15: Im Hinblick auf Artikel 80 AEUV bleibt festzuhalten, dass ich mich – wie die österreichische Bundesregierung – zu einer Solidarität auf freiwilliger Basis bekenne. Den Mitgliedstaaten sollte es – nach Maßgabe der jeweiligen Kapazitäten – überlassen bleiben, wie weit diese Solidarität reichen kann.

  Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – J'ai voté pour la résolution du Parlement européen sur la Libye, qui est un message de soutien politique clair à la révolution libyenne. Le Parlement européen a exprimé d'abord et avant tout sa solidarité avec le peuple libyen et a condamné les violations des droits de l'homme et la violente répression à laquelle se livre le régime de Kadhafi.

L'exclusion aérienne est envisagée dans le paragraphe 10 de la résolution et le place dans le cadre de l'ONU pour empêcher le régime de prendre pour cible la population civile, en concertation avec la Ligue arabe et l'Union africaine. Ce paragraphe peut cependant être soumis à diverses interprétations. Pour certains, il s'agit seulement d'empêcher les avions de Mouammar Kadhafi de tirer sur les populations et cette affirmation peut avoir un rôle préventif pouvant aller jusqu'à empêcher lesdits avions d'assassiner les populations civiles libyennes. Pour d'autres, c'est un premier pas vers une éventuelle intervention militaire.

Je me suis abstenue sur ce paragraphe ambigu.

Je me félicite donc de l'adoption de cette résolution même si je regrette qu'elle ne reconnaisse pas les erreurs passées de l'Union dans ses relations avec la Libye, y compris en matière d'immigration.

  Angelika Werthmann (NI), schriftlich. − Ich habe für die Gemeinsame Entschließung gestimmt. Als unmittelbarer Nachbar und den völkerrechtlichen Grundsätzen verpflichtet, welche auch das Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Völker beinhalten, ist es unumgänglich, den Menschen in Nordafrika Hilfestellung zu leisten. Die Vorgehensweise sollte dennoch bedächtig gewählt werden: Die Bitte des vorläufigen Nationalen Übergangsrates Libyens, von einer direkten militärischen Intervention Abstand zu nehmen, muss respektiert werden, auch, um die humanitäre Situation der Zivilbevölkerung nicht weiter zu verschlimmern.

Report: Bastiaan Belder (A7-0037/2011)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo o presente relatório uma vez que acredito que o governo do Irão deve respeitar os pedidos legítimos do seu povo para as liberdades fundamentais e para a melhoria das condições económicas e sociais, bem como para com o seu desejo de uma cooperação do Irão com a comunidade internacional. A abordagem a adoptar pela UE deve ser por um lado, tratar como factor fundamental a questão dos direitos humanos, e por outro, reconhecer o papel estabilizador do Irão na região desde que normalize as relações com os seus vizinhos e outros actores internacionais, desistindo do seu programa nuclear e melhorando as condições humanas e democráticas. Concordo ainda com a posição do Conselho de uma dupla abordagem no que respeita à questão nuclear: sanções por um lado, mas oferecendo diálogo por outro. Numa nota final, afirmo que a UE não deve ser redutora ao colocar a questão do Irão apenas no que diz respeito ao programa nuclear, mas igualmente, ter em conta as questões dos direitos humanos e do potencial estabilizador do país na região.

  Roberta Angelilli (PPE), per iscritto. − Signor Presidente, i punti dolenti della questione iraniana sono la massiccia violazione dei diritti umani, ma soprattutto l'utilizzo della pena di morte come metodo di punizione.

Considerando che il 12 maggio 2010 l'UE ha invitato, ancora una volta, l'Iran a introdurre una moratoria sulla pena di morte, conformemente alle risoluzioni 62/149 e 63/168 dell'Assemblea generale delle Nazioni Unite, l'Iran continua a detenere il record mondiale di esecuzioni sui minorenni, sulle donne e in base agli orientamenti sessuali.

Inoltre, desta forte preoccupazione il controverso programma nucleare, per insufficienza di trasparenza e per la mancata collaborazione con l'AIEA e rispetto degli obblighi previsti nel TNP.

Un'ulteriore problematica è quella legata alle telecomunicazioni e ad Internet che vengono continuamente interrotti a discapito dell'obbligo assunto a livello internazionale per la difesa della libertà di informazione. Pertanto sostengo questa relazione sperando di poter assistere a breve tempo ad un miglioramento della situazione.

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Irano Islamo Respublika (toliau – Iranas) patiria įvairias valdymo problemas, kaip grupuočių varžymasis dėl įtakos šalies valdžios elito viduje, tarpusavio kovos, didžiulės socialinės ir ekonominės problemos, probleminė regiono saugumo padėtis ir augantis nepasitenkinimas šalies viduje. Irano režimo vykdoma politika nereaguoja į Irano piliečių pagrįstus reikalavimus. Gyventojų nepasitenkinimas Irano vyriausybe dėl sunkios socialinės ir ekonominės padėties, taip pat dėl laivės ir elementarios pagarbos žmogaus orumui Irane nebuvimo, kelia didžiausią grėsmę režimui. Be to, šalyje išlieka didžiuliai žmogaus teisių pažeidinėjimo atvejai. Remiantis metinėmis ataskaitomis dėl mirties bausmės Irane, 2009 m. egzekucijų jame skaičius buvo didžiausias per pastaruosius 10 metų, ir dėlto Iranas tapo šalimi, kurioje įvykdoma didžiausias skaičius mirties bausmių vienam gyventojui pasaulyje. Pritariu pranešime išsakytam raginimui, kad Iranas visiškai liautųsi taikyti mirties bausmę dėl nusikaltimų, kuriuos įvykdo jaunesni negu aštuoniolikos metų amžiaus asmenys, ir pakeistų savo teisės aktus, kurie neatitinka Irano ratifikuotų tarptautinių žmogaus teisių konvencijų, įskaitant Vaiko teisių konvenciją ir Tarptautinį pilietinių ir politinių teisių paktą; ragina Iraną paskelbti oficialią statistiką dėl mirties bausmės taikymo.

  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente este relatório por defender que o Irão deve pôr termo a todas as formas de discriminação, situação que afecta particularmente as mulheres. Os direitos humanos e os direitos fundamentais continuam a ser violados impunemente no Irão. As autoridades iranianas devem, de uma vez por todas, acabar, na lei e na prática, com todos os tipos de tortura ou qualquer outro tratamento cruel e desumano.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − O Irão tem uma antiga e rica história e uma identidade particular que deve ser tida em conta no momento em que crescem as preocupações acerca dos recentes desenvolvimentos políticos e sociais naquele país. Sem abdicar dos valores europeus e da prioridade dada à democracia e aos direitos humanos, entendo que não devem fechar-se os canais de diálogo com Teerão e, por essa via, procurar motivar as mudanças de que o país tanto necessita. Registo com preocupação os recentes ataques a membros da oposição e faço votos de que o regime iraniano compreenda até que ponto essa atitude é contraproducente e susceptível de o isolar internacionalmente.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Mais uma vez afirmamos que não partilhamos e condenamos uma visão restritiva e instrumental dos direitos humanos. Frequentemente, a UE serve-se hipocritamente deles para ocultar objectivos de natureza bem diversa. Se assim não fosse, justificar-se-ia que muitas das considerações e críticas aqui feitas se estendessem a outros países na região, como Israel ou a Arábia Saudita, aplicando-lhes os mesmos critérios que agora aplica ao Irão.

Seria importante referir que a existência de paz e segurança na região é incompatível com a manutenção da ocupação dos territórios palestinianos por Israel e da política de apoio que lhe dão os EUA e a NATO na região, assim como das cumplicidades também da UE. A resolução omite-o.

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − A violação dos direitos humanos é um acto condenável no Irão ou em qualquer país do mundo. Neste relatório, a maioria do PE recorre à hipocrisia habitual, utilizando uma suposta defesa dos direitos humanos para mascarar que o seu objectivo é defender os interesses económicos estratégicos das grandes potências, nomeadamente o seu petróleo, e não a liberdade do povo iraniano. A invocação desta última serve apenas de pretexto. Se o objectivo fosse efectivamente o respeito pelos direitos humanos e a segurança na região, então seria necessário desmascarar a situação noutros países da zona, como Israel e a Arábia Saudita, e aplicar os mesmos critérios a esses países.

Além disso, o relatório esconde a ameaça para a paz e a segurança na região que decorre da manutenção da ocupação dos territórios palestinianos por Israel e da política de apoio que lhe dão os EUA e a NATO na região.

Somos contra a ingerência nas questões internas de cada país que sejam atentados contra a soberania nacional e contra o direito internacional. Por isso, somos contra a manipulação ou instrumentalização de determinadas forças ou partidos da oposição iraniana e contra determinadas campanhas que visam preservar os interesses da União Europeia e dos seus aliados, e não os interesses do povo iraniano.

  Lorenzo Fontana (EFD), per iscritto. − La relazione del collega Belder sottolinea in maniera pragmatica tutte quelle che dovrebbero essere le preoccupazioni dell'UE nei confronti dell'Iran. Progressi incontrollati dei test nucleari, mancanza delle libertà basilari, clima ostile nei confronti degli investimenti stranieri, abusi del governo, scollamento tra classe dirigente e società civile. Ritengo siano elementi sufficienti per esprimersi in favore di un atteggiamento pragmatico dell'Ue nei confronti di un attore primario nello scenario regionale del Medio Oriente e per appoggiare la relazione dell'On. Belder.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šį dokumentą, nes demokratinės permainos negali būti primestos iš išorės arba netgi karinėmis priemonėmis, bet turi būti pasiektos vykdant taikų demokratinį procesą. Kaip žinia, platinimo rizika, susijusi su Irano branduoline programa, vis dar kelia didelį susirūpinimą ES ir tarptautinei bendruomenei, kaip labai aiškiai išreikšta daugelyje JTST rezoliucijų. Yra būtina stabilizuojanti įtaka, kurią Iranas galėtų atgauti, jei normalizuotų savo tarptautinius santykius, ypač su kaimyninėmis šalimis, išsklaidytų nerimą dėl savo ketinimų vykdyti branduolinės veiklos programą ir užtikrintų pagarbą žmogaus teisėms ir demokratijai, būtų naudinga visam regionui.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted for this report, which condemns the human rights situation in Iran and calls for measures to be taken to prevent Iran becoming a nuclear power. I am concerned that the resolution recognises ‘Iran’s right to enrich uranium’ which is of course correct under the rules of the IAEA, but, given the continuing impasse in the negotiations, is contrary to the UN Security Council Resolutions.

  Clemente Mastella (PPE), per iscritto. − Il regime di Ahmadinejad continua a calpestare impunemente i diritti fondamentali della popolazione iraniana, mentre il governo stesso è scosso da varie incertezze. Da una parte vi sono aspirazioni al cambiamento democratico della popolazione; mentre dall'altra il governo e il parlamento iraniani sono turbati dalla presenza di fazioni interne delle élite in competizione per il potere. Indubbiamente, però, il cambiamento democratico non può essere imposto dall'esterno, ma dovrebbe essere il frutto di un processo democratico e pacifico, che dia finalmente ragione alle richieste di benessere e libertà dei recenti movimenti di massa iraniani. Rimane poi ancora aperto il nodo del nucleare: dal nostro canto, l'UE dovrebbe lavorare per una soluzione diplomatica, sulla base di un approccio che unisca pressione al semplice dialogo. Sarebbe ad esempio consigliabile che il Consiglio europeo possa contribuire al congelamento dei beni di individui collegati con i programmi nucleari e balistici iraniani. Nel futuro, le relazioni fra UE e Iran dovrebbero concentrarsi però anche sull'analisi delle innumerevoli violazioni dei diritti dell'uomo. L'Unione dovrebbe, insomma, usare tutti i mezzi a sua disposizione per formulare una posizione univoca europea e far sapere agli iraniani che pensiamo al loro futuro. I loro diritti umani sono anche i nostri diritti.

  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − O passado do Irão e a sua particularidade cultural têm que ser considerados quando são abordados os desenvolvimentos políticos e sociais actuais. As constantes violações dos direitos humanos no Irão são motivo de preocupação, mas não devem impedir um diálogo com aquele país com o objectivo de acabar com esses incidentes. Temos que ser proactivos na procura de soluções que levem ao fim desses incidentes. Os recentes ataques a membros da oposição são preocupantes sendo necessário fazer ver ao regime iraniano que tais comportamentos só levam a um maior isolamento internacional.

  Alajos Mészáros (PPE), írásban. − Irán az elmúlt időszakban komoly kormányzati kihívásokkal küzd, melynek eredményeként egyre növekszik a lakosság elégedetlensége. A biztonsági erők súlyos csapással válaszoltak és önkényesen letartóztatták a békés tüntetőket. A bíróság tömegével indított kirakatpereket diákok, tudósok, nőjogi aktivisták, ügyvédek, újságírók és egyházi személyek ellen. Számos iránit végeztek ki politikai okokból és számtalanok ülnek jelenleg is börtönben. Irán egyike a három azon országoknak a világon, ahol a legtöbb kivégzést hajtják végre. Mindent el kell követnünk annak érdekében, hogy mihamarabb vége legyen az országban a hátrányos megkülönböztetésnek és a társadalmi elnyomásnak. Így tudjuk majd biztosítani, hogy az ország elindulhasson a demokratikus változás útján. Ezt azonban nem lehet kívülről vagy akár katonai eszközökkel elérni. Békés, demokratikus folyamat révén kell tudnunk ezt megvalósítani. Ezért is támogattam szavazatommal én is ezt a javaslatot.

  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − A pesar de que, a través de algunas enmiendas, el texto del informe se ha visto levemente mejorado, he votado en contra del mismo porque aboga por una política de sanciones que, a mi juicio, no va a mejorar la situación de los iraníes, sino todo lo contrario. En mi opinión, el informe del Parlamento Europeo debería rebajar la tensión en lugar de acrecentarla, porque una situación de agotamiento de la vía diplomática significaría agravar la ya de por sí complicada situación de la población de Irán. A mi parecer, las amenazas a Irán por parte de la comunidad internacional no son la vía para encontrar un compromiso razonable en la controversia del programa nuclear. Por ese motivo he votado en contra de este informe.

  Louis Michel (ALDE), par écrit. – J'ai appuyé cette résolution car au-delà de la question du nucléaire, le rapporteur n'a pas hésité à aborder la situation interne du pays, les aspirations de la population à plus de démocratie et la situation des droits de l'homme.

Nous avons le devoir de ne pas décevoir une jeunesse, une population qui aspirent à vivre en démocratie dans le respect mutuel des idées de chacun. Nous devons soutenir un peuple qui tend à façonner un État de droit afin d'offrir aux générations futures un destin fait de tolérance, de liberté, de justice et de prospérité. Nous devons dénoncer comme inacceptables les viols, les meurtres, les exécutions sommaires, les arrestations arbitraires, les harcèlements.

Toute violation des droits de l'homme est inadmissible. Or, depuis la réélection du président Ahmadinejad en juin 2009, on assiste à une recrudescence de ces violations. L'Iran a le taux le plus haut d'exécutions par habitant dans le monde. Il est le deuxième pays après la Chine à appliquer la peine de mort par lapidation en nombre d'exécutions et le premier par rapport au nombre d'habitants. Il est temps que l'Iran respecte ses obligations issues du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques qu'elle a librement ratifié.

  Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE), písomne. − Irán ako zmluvná strana Zmluvy o nešírení jadrových zbraní dlhodobo a arogantne nerešpektuje svoje záväzky, a to predovšetkým tým, že tají svoje jadrové aktivity. Ak chce Irán udržiavať dobré vzťahy s EÚ a ostatnými demokratickými štátmi, musí jednoznačne odstrániť všetky pochybnosti o účele jadrového programu.

Za znepokojujúce pre EÚ taktiež považujem prehĺbenie vzťahov Iránu s Tureckom, ktoré ubezpečuje Úniu o uznávaní spoločných hodnôt v snahe získať členstvo v EÚ a zároveň prejavuje otvorené sympatie s iránskym režimom.

Pripomínam, že Irán drží rekord v počte popravených mladistvých a v počte popráv na počet obyvateľov na svete. Zinscenované súdne procesy s politickými odporcami, obzvlášť krutý trest ukameňovania, ktorý sa v Iráne aj dnes legálne používa, ako aj iné formy krutého a neľudského mučenia, zaobchádzania a trestania sú charakteristikami režimu, ktorý si zasluhuje rovnako rázne morálne odsúdenie.

Okrem už uvedeného musí medzi priority EÚ patriť aj vytrvalé nástojenie na vyhlásení moratória na vykonávanie popráv, kým nebude trest smrti zrušený, výzva k ukončeniu beztrestného porušovania ľudských práv a samozrejme zabránenie destabilizácie regiónu.

  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − It is hilarious and at the same time very sad to talk about respect for rights and freedoms in a country which is ruled by a person who threatens to massacre the United States, Europe and Israel. There is no sense in negotiating with him about human rights and values and freedoms. Such people understand only power. It is necessary to stop being ceremonious and to start transferring from word to deeds. Complete isolation, severe sanctions, and a clear and consecutive position will yield a result. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is a danger for global society.

  Cristiana Muscardini (PPE), per iscritto. − La mancanza di trasparenza del governo iraniano e la scarsa collaborazione con l'AIEA per il programma nucleare non lascia certo tranquilli.

Il degrado della situazione dei diritti umani fondamentali e la sua capacità di destabilizzare la regione tramite gli Hezbollah e Hamas sono elementi che s'aggiungono all'inquietudine che l'Iran diffonde nel mondo. I brogli elettorali, la repressione violenta delle manifestazioni e le esecuzioni capitali che nel 2010 hanno raggiunto il numero di 680 (il doppio dell'anno precedente), l'arresto dei leader dell'opposizione non lasciano dubbi sull'uso che il regime fa del potere e della violenza. Le sanzioni dell'Unione, il 26 luglio 2010 in sintonia con quelle dell'Onu, sono state doverose e necessarie. La maggiore attenzione dell'Unione alla politica nucleare dell'Iran è necessaria per gli sviluppi nel campo non pacifico.

L'Unione deve sostenere la diplomazia internazionale per la tutela dei diritti umani. L'approccio del "doppio binario" mantiene aperta la porta al dialogo, ma per dialogare bisogna essere almeno in due ed in mancanza di buona volontà da parte dell'Iran le sanzioni devono essere rafforzate e maggiormente mirate. Non si può accettare che le esecuzioni continuino a salire in quella misura e che la politica nucleare sfugga al controllo della comunità internazionale.

  Mariya Nedelcheva (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport de Bastiaan Belder. Cela fait maintenant trop longtemps que nous demandons un changement de régime en Iran. Les droits de l'homme sont constamment bafoués par les têtes pensantes du régime actuel. Qu'il s'agisse de la situation honteuse dans laquelle sont maintenus les résidents du camp d'Ashraf, de la violation permanente des droits des femmes, des discriminations dont sont victimes les homosexuels, de la censure exercée sur les artistes, etc.

À notre niveau européen, ce que nous pouvons faire, c'est que des sanctions effectives soient prises contre les dirigeants du régime. Mais sanctionner, ce n'est pas suffisant. Il faut aussi encourager les personnes qui se battent dans le pays pour la défense de leurs droits. L'Union européenne ne devrait-elle pas apporter son soutien à toutes et tous les défenseurs des droits de l'homme en Iran? Le souffle démocratique aujourd'hui en Afrique du Nord devrait être étendu à l'Iran.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente o presente relatório, que retrata a grave situação vivida no Irão, denunciando as práticas de repressão e as violações sistemáticas dos direitos humanos perpetradas pelas autoridades iranianas e salientando a necessidade de se procurar empenhadamente uma solução diplomática para a questão nuclear. Associo-me, em particular, à expressão de solidariedade para com o povo iraniano que, na sequência das eleições presidenciais de 2009, tem clamado legitimamente por uma mudança democrática no país.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − This is the first report on Iran in Parliament since the Gahler Report in 2001. Since all negotiations on agreements between the EU and Iran have been on hold for years, the only way for Parliament to express a more in-depth position on this country is via an own-initiative report, which was initiated through a Green proposal. The EFD was given the task. 4 political groups (Greens, S&D, ALDE and GUE) formulated joint amendments to the draft which were to a large degree adopted, albeit by a slight majority.

Important issues are: EU contacts with Iran (paragraph 32) where, as regards the background of the controversy over whether the EP’s Iran delegation should be allowed to travel to Iran, the text now calls – contrary to the wishes of the rapporteur – for contacts with a broad range of actors, without making a direct reference to the delegation; sanctions (paragraph 42), where the text calls for targeted sanctions on the main human rights offenders – so far there are only sanctions on persons linked to the nuclear dossier; and the opening of an EU embassy in Tehran – in parallel with almost all Member States that have a representation in the country.

  Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. − Sono favorevole al testo di questa relazione perché mette in luce gli aspetti principali che rendono l'Iran uno dei paesi più pericolosi nello scenario internazionale, sia dal punto di vista umanitario che politico.

Il paese oggi è devastato dall'arbitrario uso della violenza delle forze di sicurezza, che hanno reagito con una repressione spietata alle manifestazioni pacifiche arrestando migliaia di manifestanti. Questo uso gratuito della violenza ha provocato un progressivo degrado dei diritti umani fondamentali del popolo iracheno, che è sottoposto continuamente ad un sistema punitivo contrario a qualunque Convenzione dei diritti civili e politici dell'uomo.

Come se non bastasse, in questo paese è ancora in vigore la pena di morte per lapidazione, con un numero sempre crescente di esecuzioni capitali, senza considerare che resta tuttora senza prove l'utilizzo esclusivamente pacifico degli impianti nucleari presenti nel suo territorio.

  Oreste Rossi (EFD), per iscritto. − Questa relazione ci vede favorevoli perché affronta con la necessaria durezza e severità la questione iraniana, evidenziando tutti i contrasti presenti nel paese e l'inaccettabilità del perdurare di questa situazione. Il regime iraniano applica costantemente la repressione nei confronti di chiunque osi ribellarsi all'assolutismo, applicando abitualmente la pena di morte.

Infatti è il paese che detiene il maggior numero di esecuzioni di minorenni e procapite al mondo. Segnala inoltre che spesso la pena di morte viene effettuata tramite lapidazione anche per reati di scarsa rilevanza penale come i presunti casi di adulterio e apostasia. La relazione evidenzia anche la repressione nei confronti dei cristiani e della comunità Baha'i.

L'Iran continua a perdere credibilità internazionale a causa della sua politica retorica ed aggressiva e di sostegno verso il fondamentalismo islamico. Voglio anche segnalare i continui atti di violenza psicologica e fisica a cui sono quotidianamente sottoposti i profughi dissidenti di Campo Ashraf dal governo iraniano.

  Peter Skinner (S&D), in writing. − I am pleased that Mr Belder was able to bring this report to the House and successfully push through elements concerning human rights in Iran, in particular the strong condemnation of the detention of Iranian opposition leaders Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, together with their wives.

However, I do not agree that Iran has a ‘right to enrich uranium’, which is allowed under IAEA rules but, given the continuing impasse over negotiations, is contrary to UN Security Council resolutions.

  Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. − I supported this report as I strongly believe that the Iranian Government should respond positively to the Iranian people’s demands for basic freedoms and improved social and economic conditions. Through this report the European Parliament condemns the use of the death penalty as well as numerous other abuses of human rights.

  Angelika Werthmann (NI), schriftlich. − Ich habe dem Bericht des Kollegen Belder zur Vorgehensweise der EU gegenüber dem Iran zugestimmt. Ich teile die Bedenken des Großteils der europäischen Bevölkerung gegenüber dem iranischen Atomprogramm und gegenüber der Zusicherung des iranischen Regimes über dessen rein zivile Nutzung. Dessen ungeachtet bin ich der Auffassung, dass sich die Europäische Union bei der Zusammenarbeit mit Drittstaaten im Energiesektor ausschließlich nachhaltiger, grüner und sicherer Energiequellen bedienen sollte - im Sinne ihrer Klimaschutzziele. Ich unterstütze auch die Meinung des Kollegen, dass die EU eine breitere Strategie gegenüber dem Iran entwickeln sollte, eine, die über das Nukleardossier hinausgeht und auch die Menschenrechtssituation und andere wichtige Anliegen, umfasst.

  Iva Zanicchi (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho espresso un voto favorevole alla relazione del collega Belder perché, nonostante l'Iran presenti numerosi problemi relativi alla politica interna ed estera quali, ad esempio, il possibile utilizzo di armamenti nucleari, la mancanza di trasparenza in talune scelte governative e, in certi casi, il mancato rispetto dei diritti umani fondamentali, credo che una linea di condotta basata in via esclusiva sulle sanzioni non possa portare grossi giovamenti.

Per questo credo sia importante per l'Unione europea salvaguardare e, per quanto possibile, mantenere forme di dialogo col governo di Teheran.

Motion for a resolution RC-B7-0158/2011

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo incondicionalmente esta resolução comum salientando a importância dos temas discutidos no que respeita aos direitos das pessoas de pertencerem a minorias, à promoção da defesa dos direitos humanos e das liberdades fundamentais, bem como aos direitos das crianças, ao mesmo tempo que se combate o terrorismo. Chamo a atenção para as conclusões concordando que a UE deve reforçar a sua prática de falar a uma só voz uma vez que aumentaria a sua visibilidade e influência como actor global, sendo necessário que as delegações em Genebra e Nova Iorque aumentem a coerência, visibilidade e credibilidade da acção da UE no CDHNU. Concordo com a resolução que aponta para os Estados-Membros encorajarem o CDHNU a dar igual atenção à discriminação baseada em todos os princípios, incluindo o género, a raça, a idade, a orientação sexual, a religião ou a crença. Concordo igualmente com a reforma que salienta a necessidade do CDHNU ser mais activo como um aviso prévio e mecanismo preventivo, ao manter os procedimentos especiais e ao preservar a independência do Cargo de Alto-Comissário para os Direitos Humanos, bem como o financiamento necessário para manter os seus gabinetes regionais.

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Europos Sąjunga ir jos valstybės narės savo politikoje yra įsipareigojusios užtikrinti pagarbą žmogaus teisėms. Todėl labai svarbu, kad ES galėtų užimti tvirtą ir įtakingą poziciją tarptautinėse organizacijose, ir ypač Jungtinių Tautų žmogaus teisių taryboje, užtikrinant efektyvų ir nuoseklų žmogaus teisių apsaugos politikos vykdymą pasauliniu mastu. Pritariu, kad JTŽTT veikla ir mandatas turi būti peržiūrėti, kas leistų įvertinti šio komiteto darbo metodus ir juos patobulinti, kad būtų galima kuo veiksmingiau ir sistemingai reaguoti į žmogaus teisių pažeidimus. Keletą kartų JTŽTT nesugebėjo skubiai ir laiku išspręsti su sudėtinga žmogaus teisių padėtimi susijusių klausimų, nes neturėjo tinkamų priemonių. Todėl JTŽTT turėtų turėti daugiau priemonių problemoms, susijusioms su nuolatinės ir nepaprastosios padėties atvejais, spręsti, išplečiant žmogaus teisių priemonių rinkinį, naudojant darbo grupes ne tik sesijų metu, bet ir tarp jų. Savo ruožtu ES turi padaryti JTŽTT savo prioritetu ir geriau koordinuoti valstybių narių veiksmus, kas leistų ES geriau panaudoti savo įtaką platesnėje JT sistemoje bei palengvinti koordinavimą ir sprendimų priėmimą žmogaus teisių srityje.

  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį pasiūlymą dėl rezoliucijos, kadangi Europos Sąjunga ir jos valstybės narės savo politikoje turi užtikrinti pagarbą žmogaus teisėms, o Europos Sąjungos pozicija Jungtinių Tautų Žmogaus teisių taryboje (JTŽTT) turėtų būti tvirtesnė ir efektyvesnė. JT Žmogaus teisių tarybos sesijos ir 2011 m. prioritetų žmogaus teisių srityje peržiūra yra reikalingos, nes tik taip galima įvertinti, kaip Žmogaus teisių taryba įgyvendino savo mandatą bei nustatomi tikslai, kokius darbo metodus būtina patobulinti, kad JTŽTT veikla būtų veiksmingesnė ir laiku reaguotų į žmogaus teisių pažeidimus. Europos Parlamentas apgailestauja, kad keletą kartų JTŽTT nesugebėjo skubiai ir laiku išspręsti su sudėtinga žmogaus teisių padėtimi susijusių klausimų, nes neturėjo tinkamų priemonių, todėl aktyviai siekia, kad būtų sukurti tikslingi JTŽTT mechanizmai, kuriuos taikant būtų greitai reaguojama į žmogaus teisių krizes, pavyzdžiui, Artimuosiuose Rytuose ir Šiaurės Afrikoje, Irane ir Baltarusijoje. Be to, labai svarbu, kad Žmogaus teisių taryba turėtų daugiau priemonių problemoms, susijusioms su nuolatinės ir nepaprastosios padėties atvejais, spręsti, galbūt išplečiant žmogaus teisių priemonių rinkinį, naudojant darbo grupes ne tik sesijų metu, bet ir tarp jų. Taip pat Parlamentas ragina ES valstybes nares aktyviai dalyvauti 2011 m. atliekant JTŽTT veiklos peržiūrą, kad būtų tvirčiau laikomasi jos įgaliojimų.

  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente esta resolução por considerar que a ordem de trabalhos da 16.ª Sessão Regular do Conselho dos Direitos Humanos consagra importantes temas que se revestem de especial actualidade. É de realçar a importância da ordem de trabalhos que inclui relatórios sobre os direitos das pessoas de minorias nacionais ou étnicas, religiosas e linguísticas, sobre a promoção e protecção dos direitos humanos e das liberdades fundamentais na luta antiterrorismo, bem como inúmeras reuniões consagradas aos direitos da criança.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − A 16.ª sessão do Conselho dos Direitos do Homem das Nações Unidas terá lugar num período histórico particularmente conturbado que põe em causa a sua própria composição uma vez que alguns dos seus membros estão longe de cumprir o preceituado na Declaração Universal dos Direitos do Homem e de promover e proteger os direitos humanos conforme deveria ser a sua missão. A União Europeia deve participar activamente nesta sessão e tudo fazer para que a sua visão universalista dos direitos humanos fundada na dignidade da pessoa humana seja cada vez mais amplamente perfilhada e efectivamente aplicada em todos os países do mundo. A designação de um representante europeu de alto nível para os direitos humanos poderá contribuir para a maior visibilidade das posições da União e a persistência na estratégia de uma mesma mensagem a várias vozes por parte dos Estados-Membros que integram o Conselho e tem potencial para conseguir continuar a agregar apoios para as posições europeias.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − O Parlamento Europeu há muito nos vem habituando a uma política de dois pesos e duas medidas no que diz respeito às questões dos direitos humanos. É bem conhecida também a concepção restritiva e instrumental que têm da Declaração aprovada pela Assembleia-Geral das Nações Unidas em 1948: a Declaração Universal dos Direitos do Homem. Mais uma vez, neste relatório, torna-se patente a forma selectiva como vários Estados são referenciados. Omitem-se países com os quais a UE mantém relações económicas e diplomáticas e aos quais atribui uma importância estratégica, porque servem os seus interesses estratégicos, apesar de neles se verificarem violações graves dos direitos humanos. São os exemplos de Israel, da Colômbia ou de Marrocos, apenas para referir três, em continentes diferentes. Pela nossa parte, não temos uma visão restritiva dos direitos humanos.

Levamos a sério todo o conteúdo da Declaração, que consideramos, além do mais, inspiradora da nossa intervenção política. Por fim, não aceitamos a pretensão da União Europeia a um lugar permanente na Assembleia Geral da ONU, pela simples razão que tal não teria sentido à luz do espírito e princípios da organização, contidos na Carta das Nações Unidas. A ONU é e deve continuar a ser uma organização de Estados independentes e soberanos.

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − É manifesto o carácter selectivo dos Estados criticados por este relatório e o carácter instrumental deste debate. É evidente a utilização hipócrita deste relatório, na medida em que não são criticados os países com os quais a UE tem boas relações económicas e diplomáticas e que têm uma importância estratégica, apesar de neles se verificarem violações dos direitos humanos, como por exemplo a Colômbia e as Honduras. Nem é feita qualquer exigência do fim da ocupação por Marrocos do Sahara Ocidental ou da Palestina por Israel.

Um outro ponto que não podemos apoiar é a pretensão da União Europeia a um lugar permanente na Assembleia Geral da ONU, porque a ONU é uma organização de Estados soberanos e independentes, enquanto que a União Europeia não é um Estado no sentido da Carta das Nações Unidas.

A defesa dos direitos humanos - incluindo a sua indivisibilidade e não hierarquização - e a sua consideração como condição imprescindível para o respeito pelos direitos dos povos e para uma verdadeira justiça social, para a paz, a liberdade e a democracia, são um marco da nossa acção política. Contem connosco para defender os direitos do homem, não contem connosco para exercícios de hipocrisia.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šį dokumentą, kadangi JTŽTT yra unikalus, ypatingą dėmesį visuotinėms žmogaus teisėms skiriantis organas ir specialusis JT sistemos forumas, kuriame sprendžiami žmogaus teisių klausimai, taip pat pavestas svarbus uždavinys ir atsakomybė stiprinti žmogaus teisių skatinimą, apsaugą ir pagarbą joms visame pasaulyje. Ypatinga 16-osios JTŽTT sesijos ir ypač JTŽTT peržiūros proceso svarba, nes tai unikali galimybė įvertinti, kaip ŽTT įgyvendino savo mandatą, ir proga ŽTT patobulinti savo darbo metodus, kad būtų veiksmingesnė ir sistemingai reaguotų į žmogaus teisių pažeidimus. Džiaugiuosi, kad į 16-osios eilinės sesijos darbotvarkę, be kita ko, įrašyti pranešimai dėl asmenų, priklausančių tautinėms ar etninėms, religinėms ir kalbinėms mažumoms, teisių bei dėl žmogaus teisių ir pagrindinių laisvių propagavimo ir apsaugos kovojant su terorizmu, taip pat daug susitikimų vaiko teisių klausimais.

  Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), în scris. − Cea de-a 16-a sesiune a Consiliului ONU pentru Drepturile Omului oferă o ocazie unică pentru evaluarea modului în care Consiliul și-a îndeplinit mandatul și, în același timp, o posibilitate de îmbunătățire a metodelor de lucru ale Consiliului în vederea unor reacții mai eficiente și mai sistematice la situațiile de încălcare a drepturilor omului. Consider esențială crearea, în cadrul Consiliului UE, a unui Grup de lucru pentru drepturile omului care să includă experți în drepturile omului din toate cele 27 de state membre ale UE, cu sediul la Bruxelles.

De asemenea, extrem de utilă ar fi numirea unui reprezentant special la nivel înalt al UE pentru drepturile omului. Îmi exprim speranţa că SEAE, în special delegațiile UE de la Geneva și New York, vor spori pe viitor coerența, vizibilitatea și credibilitatea acțiunilor UE din cadrul Consiliului ONU pentru Drepturile Omului, prin dezvoltarea capacității UE de a interacționa și de a coopera pe plan interregional.

  Thomas Mann (PPE), schriftlich. − Ich habe soeben für die Entschließung des Europäischen Parlaments zu den Prioritäten der 16. Tagung des Menschenrechtsrats der Vereinten Nationen gestimmt. Unsere Entschließung ist von besonderer Bedeutung, da wir heute der Niederschlagung friedlicher Proteste gegen die gewaltsame Besetzung Tibets vor 52 Jahren gedacht haben. Der Dalai Lama hat gestern seinen politischen Rückzug angekündigt – dies ist ein historischer Verlust. Es gibt nur wenige Persönlichkeiten, die beim eigenen Volk und in aller Welt eine derartig hohe Achtung und gleichzeitig große Sympathie genießen wie Seine Heiligkeit. Mit seinem politischen Rückzug entledigt sich der Dalai Lama keineswegs seiner Verantwortung. Er hat erklärt, weiterhin seiner spirituellen Rolle für die Anliegen der Tibeter verpflichtet zu sein. Seine Heiligkeit wird die in der tibetischen Verfassung festgelegten politischen Vollmachten auf die frei gewählte Exilregierung übertragen. Damit stärkt er ein weiteres Mal die Demokratie der Exiltibeter, die verstreut in allen Kontinenten der Welt leben. Am 20. März werden ein neuer Premierminister und ein neues Parlament gewählt. Ich werde als Beobachter die Wahlen in der Schweiz miterleben. Wir Europäer werden mithelfen, Demokratie und Menschenrechte für die Tibeter weiter zu stärken.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I welcome this resolution, which emphasises the interdependence of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights and points out that access to water is a human right. I particularly welcome the adoption of Amendment 19 calling for a follow-up to the Goldstone report.

  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − Nos tempos conturbados que hoje enfrentamos, nomeadamente nas regiões do Norte de África, esta 16ª Sessão do Conselho dos Direitos do Homem reveste-se de importância primordial. Assim, a União Europeia terá que ter uma participação muito activa nesta sessão e envidar todos os esforços para que a sua perspectiva universalista dos direitos humanos baseada no respeito pela dignidade da pessoa humana seja seguida por todos os países do mundo. É também relevante para a UE a nomeação de um representante europeu de alto nível para os direitos humanos, para que a sua visão no que respeita à defesa dos Direitos Humanos seja cada vez mais difundida.

  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Lamentablemente no he podido votar a favor de esta resolución del PE sobre las prioridades en el decimosexto periodo de sesiones del Consejo de Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas, puesto que establece diversos puntos con los que no estoy de acuerdo.

La resolución pide la coordinación con los Estados Unidos en el campo de los derechos humanos, saluda la designación del cofacilitador marroquí en el Consejo de Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas y anima a la UE a mantener «posiciones comunes» para ciertos países. Además, insiste en las virtudes de los instrumentos financieros de la UE, que no son más que un ejemplo de la instrumentalización que la UE hace de un tema tan importante como los derechos humanos, al financiar a aquellos grupos que garantizan los intereses europeos en terceros países.

A mi entender, estos son motivos suficientes para no votar a favor de esta resolución, por eso me he abstenido.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Dass das Eintreten für Menschenrechte nicht einfach ist und oftmals mit wirtschaftlichen und/oder militärischen Interessen kollidiert, führen uns die Unruhen im Maghreb deutlich vor Augen. Ebenso wurden im Namen der Terrorismusbekämpfung Maßnahmen ergriffen, die mit den Menschenrechten nicht vereinbar sind. Hier muss sich auch die EU an der Nase nehmen – etwa im Fall der illegalen CIA-Überflüge. Trotz dieser Pannen bleibt es wichtig, dass gerade die EU sich der Wahrung der Menschenrechte verschreibt. Ein besonderes Anliegen muss der Europäischen Union die Wahrung der Minderheitenrechte, vor allem eine Besserung der Lage der Christen und anderer religiöser Minderheiten in islamischen Ländern sein, wobei vor allem Erstere massiver Verfolgung ausgesetzt und Hauptopfer religiöser Gewalt sind. In diesem Sinne habe ich dafür gestimmt.

  Rolandas Paksas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją, kadangi JT Žmogaus teisių taryba atlieka labai svarbų vaidmenį visame pasaulyje sprendžiant klausimus, susijusius su žmogaus teisėmis. Peržiūros procesas yra puiki galimybė įvertinti kaip JTŽTT atliko savo funkcijas. Pritariu pasiūlymui, kad ES turi laikytis bendros pozicijos nagrinėjamais klausimais. Be to, valstybės narės turi aktyviau dalyvauti atliekant šios tarybos veiklos peržiūrą. Sveikintina, kad į 16-osios sesijos darbotvarkę įtraukti klausimai susiję su asmenų, priklausančių tautinėms ar etninėms, religinėms ir kalbinėms mažumoms, teisėmis, vaiko teisėmis bei kova su terorizmu. Tačiau, siekiant pagerinti žmonių gyvenimo sąlygas, sesijos metu turėtų būti svarstomi klausimai, susiję su teise į vandenį ir sanitariją. Turi būti užtikrintas efektyvus šios vienos iš pagrindinių žmogaus teisių įgyvendinimo ir apsaugos mechanizmas. Reikia dėti visas pastangas, kad viso pasaulio mastu būtų laikomasi įsipareigojimų šioje srityje ir kiekvienam asmeniui būtų suteiktos prieigos prie saugaus geriamojo vandens ir sanitarijos priemonių.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE), por escrito. − O respeito, a promoção e a salvaguarda da universalidade dos Direitos do Homem fazem parte do acervo jurídico e ético da UE e constituem um dos fundamentos da unidade e integridade europeias. Devem, por isso, ser envidados todos os esforços no sentido de tornar mais visível e eficaz a acção da UE e dos seus Estados-Membros neste domínio, sendo curial garantir a sua participação activa e empenhada nesta importante 16.ª Sessão do Conselho dos Direitos do Homem (UNHRC), bem como no processo de revisão do UNHRC a ter lugar em 2011.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − A good report where, among other things, Parliament welcomes the fact that the agenda of the 16th regular session includes reports on the ‘Rights of persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities’, and on the ‘Promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism’, as well as extensive meetings on the rights of the child; welcomes also this year’s nominations of Special Rapporteurs on these key topics, and takes note of the reports to be presented by the Special Rapporteurs on torture and other cruel inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, on freedom of religion or belief, and on the situation of human rights defenders; calls on the EU Member States to contribute actively to these debates.

  Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour of this resolution as it highlights the important role that the EU plays in working with the Human Rights Council. Given recent events in Libya, it is crucial that we continue to campaign for and seek to defend human rights at an international level.

  Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Je me suis abstenue sur le vote final de cette résolution tant pour des questions de fond que pour des questions de procédure.

Le texte de la résolution renforce l'idée d'une politique de l'Union européenne "deux poids, deux mesures" en matière des droits de l'homme et notamment sur la question des violations des droits de l'homme sur les territoires palestiniens occupés. Les quelques amendements déposés sur cette question, et que j'ai soutenus, ne font pas oublier le fait que l'Union refuse de mettre en œuvre les lignes directrices du rapport Goldstone. 

La GUE/NGL a déposé sa propre résolution soutenant l'universalité des droits de l'homme dans tous les domaines, sociaux, économiques et culturels.

D'un autre côté, l'enjeu de cette résolution était de voter le mandat de la délégation de l'Union auprès du Conseil des droits de l'homme de l'ONU pour sa 16e session alors que la session a déjà commencé le 28 février dernier avec plusieurs interventions de Mme Ashton.

Voter cette résolution alors que la session du Conseil des droits de l'homme a déjà commencé n'a guère de sens, le Parlement européen aurait dû donner sa position en amont.

  Angelika Werthmann (NI), schriftlich. − Ich habe die Entschließung über die Prioritäten der 16. Tagung des Menschenrechtsrates der Vereinten Nationen unterstützt. Ich teile die Meinung, dass der Menschenrechtsrat als eine Art 'Frühwarnsystem' und Vorsorgemechanismus von unschätzbarem Wert sein könnte und ich erwarte mir vom EAD, dass er sich entsprechend in dem Gremium engagiert. Bezüglich der Überprüfung des Menschenrechtsrates befürworte ich natürlich ebenfalls die Forderung nach einem allumfassenden, aber vor allem transparenten, Prozess.

  President. − That concludes the explanations of vote.

11. Il-korrezzjonijiet għall-voti u l-intenzjonijiet tal-vot: ara l-Minuti

(The sitting was suspended at 12.55 and resumed at 15.00)

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

12. Approvazzjoni tal-Minuti tas-seduta ta’ qabel: ara l-Minuti

13. Kompożizzjoni tal-kumitati: ara l-Minuti

14. Dibattiti dwar każi ta' ksur tad-drittijiet tal-bniedem, tad-demokrazija u tal-istat ta' dritt (dibattitu)

14.1. Pakistan - il-qtil ta' Shahbaz Bhatti, Ministru tal-Minoranzi

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgt die Aussprache über sechs Entschließungsanträge zu Pakistan – Ermordung von Shahbaz Bhatti, Minister für Minderheiten⁽¹⁾.

  Jean Lambert, author. − Mr President, I think all of us have been very deeply shocked and appalled by the assassination of Minister Shahbaz Bhatti, not least because he is someone known to us in this Parliament: he has visited here, he has met many of us; but also because this is another highly symbolic killing, striking at someone who was looking for reconciliation and work across all minorities in Pakistan.

We should also add our condolences not only to his family, but also to all the families of those who have been killed in terrorist attacks in Pakistan. This week we have seen two such attacks, which have killed and injured more people than, for example, the London bombings.

The whole population is suffering, and intimidation is undermining democracy in Pakistan. We are seeing a change in the demographics of certain constituencies, for example Quetta, as intimidation works to force people out.

Our resolution is important in terms of wanting to continue and support the work, in terms of tolerance and mutual understanding. I would like to make the point that we need that in the European Union, too, where certain recent ministerial statements, in my view, have not helped that. So we expect leadership in Pakistan and in the European Union.

  Marietje Schaake, author. − Mr President, despite the request made by the Pakistani Minister for Religious Minorities, Shahbaz Bhatti, for more protection after numerous threats, an assassin managed to murder him on 2 March. Our sympathies go out not only to his loved ones, but also to all Pakistanis who seek a more tolerant society. This is a real blow to Pakistan as well as to humanity as a whole.

Why did the Pakistani authorities deny the Minister’s request for a bullet-proof official car, as well as his request that he select his own bodyguards that he trusted? By calling for reforms in the inhumane blasphemy laws, he was a human rights defender.

We equally want to pay tribute to the work of Naeem Sabir Jamaldini, the coordinator of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, who was murdered on 1 March.

We need practical action such as investigations, including within the government. These have to take place in line with international standards because impunity has to end. The European Union should monitor the situation and try to fund civil society through the Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg, autorka. − Panie Przewodniczący! W ciągu ostatnich 10 miesięcy Parlament Europejski przyjął łącznie trzy rezolucje dotyczące wolności wyznania w Islamskiej Republice Pakistanu.

W maju 2010 roku rozmawialiśmy na ten temat tutaj w Strasburgu w towarzystwie ministra do spraw mniejszości Shahbaza Bhattiego. Dziś debatujemy w Parlamencie o okolicznościach jego śmierci. Morderstwo wysokiego urzędnika państwowego, które miało miejsce dnia 2 marca oznacza jedno: w Pakistanie nikt nie jest w stanie obronić się przed radykalnymi islamistami. Zagrożeni są nie tylko ci, którzy krytykują archaiczne prawo przewidujące karę śmierci za religijne bluźnierstwo, ale także ci, którzy stają publicznie w obronie ofiar nietolerancji, tak jak minister Bhatti.

Po 10 miesiącach widać, że dotychczasowa polityka Unii Europejskiej względem Pakistanu nie przynosi zamierzonych efektów. Dlatego popieram pomysł zorganizowania okrągłego stołu w sprawie mniejszości w Pakistanie, zawarty w naszej rezolucji. Myślę, że nowo utworzona Europejska Służba Działań Zewnętrznych musi wyraźnie reagować na wydarzenia w Islamabadzie, zanim pojawią się następne ofiary i zanim będzie za późno.

  Eija-Riitta Korhola, laatija. − Arvoisa puhemies, Shahbaz Bhatti ja hänen koko elämänsä on hämmästyttävä esimerkki siitä, mitä rohkea ja periaatteilleen uskollinen ihminen saa aikaan. Hän ei ollut toiminut virassaan kuin puoli vuotta, kun Pakistanin parlamentti hyväksyi merkittävän uudistuksen, joka takasi viiden prosentin kiintiön julkisissa viroissa maan vähemmistöille. Se oli vain yksi Bhattin ajamista lukuisista demokraattisista uudistuksista, joista Pakistanin hallituksen tulisi olla erittäin ylpeä.

Merkittävimpänä voidaan pitää hänen käynnistämäänsä paikallistason monenvälistä uskontodialogia interfaith harmony dialogue, joka pyrki lievittämään jännitteitä ja korjaamaan sitä maaperää, josta terrorismi syntyy. Näin ideassa rauhanpalkinnon aineksia ja toivon, ettei työ ihmisoikeuksien ja demokratian eteen Pakistanissa lakkaa, vaikka ääriainekset saivatkin tilapäisen voiton raivatessaan maan strategisimman ihmisoikeusaktivistin pois. Jos dialogissa onnistutaan maassa, joka on radikaalin islamin keskus, myönteiset vaikutukset säteilevät kaikkialle maailmaan.

Vain noin kuukausi sitten tapasin Bhattin. Keskustelimme hänen mahdollisesta kuolemastaan. Hän ei ollut naiivi. Hän kyllä ymmärsi, mihin rohkeus voi johtaa. Minä kyllä kuolen ennen pitkää, hän sanoi, mutta sillä välin yritän korjata epäoikeudenmukaista lainsäädäntöä niin paljon kuin kykenen. Minä kuolen, mutta laki jää ja se vaikuttaa miljoonien elämään.

(Suosionosoituksia)

  Peter van Dalen, Auteur. − Voorzitter, de situatie in Pakistan verslechtert helaas. Aan de lopende band vinden er aanslagen plaats en de regering lijkt de wil te hebben verloren om in te grijpen. Afgelopen januari werd gouverneur Taseer vermoord en vorige week de enige christelijke federale minister Bhatti. De Europese Unie en de lidstaten onderhouden op vele manieren contacten met Pakistan. Er wordt samengewerkt ten aanzien van Afghanistan, er gaan vele honderden miljoen aan hulpgeld naar het land voor onderwijs en wederopbouw, en er wordt geïnvesteerd in de religieuze dialoog.

Maar we moeten nu met de vuist op tafel slaan. Het Pakistaanse onderwijssysteem moet worden hervormd, de haatprediking over christenen aan jonge kinderen moet gestopt worden. De hulp voor wederopbouw na overstromingen moet eerlijk worden verdeeld, ook aan niet-moslims. Dat is niet alleen in het belang van het westen. Als de Pakistaanse overheid en de veiligheidsdiensten de situatie niet onder controle krijgen, zal het land wegzakken in een moeras van extremisme. Er is nog maar weinig tijd om dat tij te keren.

  Rui Tavares, Autor. − Nas nossas resoluções sobre questões urgentes, muita vez aquilo que nós podemos conseguir aqui no Parlamento Europeu é relativamente limitado, mas pelo menos duas coisas em casos como estes que têm a ver com a liberdade de expressão e a liberdade religiosa num país como o Paquistão, pelo menos duas coisas nós temos de conseguir ao fazer a nossa voz ser ouvida.

Por um lado é dizer aos defensores da tolerância no Paquistão, aos defensores da liberdade religiosa no Paquistão, que eles não estão sozinhos. Isso é um fim muito modesto, mas creio que é um primeiro fim de alguma dignidade e de alguma decência no debate e fazer chegar esta mensagem a quem no Paquistão defende a liberdade religiosa, então esse é um primeiro dado, dizer-lhes que não estão sozinhos.

Um segundo é dizer muito claramente ao Governo paquistanês que ele não pode deixar que os fanáticos no Paquistão pensem que falam pela voz de todos, porque em questões de leis de blasfémia, como esta agora no Paquistão, ou como, por exemplo, a situação que temos tido na Indonésia, é este o círculo vicioso em que muitas vezes os países entram. Uma minoria de fanáticos muito vocais, que falam muito alto e que, a certa altura, começam a achar que falam por todos porque conseguem intimidar o resto da sociedade e aí, nesse caso, se não são os governos a estar na primeira linha a defender a liberdade dentro do próprio país e a lutar contra a impunidade, se não são os governos a impor essa muralha de decência, todo o país corre o risco de soçobrar na intolerância.

O Governo do Paquistão precisa então de investigar a fundo esta questão do assassinato do Sr. Bhatti, como já antes em relação ao governador do Punjab deve também levar as investigações até ao fim. Não pode, de todo, deixar que as investigações sejam contaminadas pelo tipo de práticas que a polícia e os serviços secretos paquistaneses têm tido nas investigações, que têm destruído investigações, como até aquelas sobre o assassinato da antiga Primeira-Ministra Benazir Bhutto. É preciso, então, assegurar estes dois fins: que o Governo do Paquistão se assegure que os fanáticos não tomam conta do discurso público e, do nosso lado, assegurar a nossa solidariedade para com os defensores da tolerância naquele país.

  Mario Mauro, a nome del gruppo PPE. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Shahbaz Bhatti è stato ucciso in nome delle cosiddette leggi sulla blasfemia da un gruppo di fondamentalisti che, come sempre più spesso accade, utilizzano il nome di Dio per portare avanti un proprio progetto di potere.

Con questa risoluzione vogliamo applaudire e ringraziare Shahbaz Bhatti, per l'esempio che ci ha regalato in questi anni. Spero che un sacrificio così doloroso serva da monito ai governi dell'Unione europea e all'Alto rappresentante per la politica estera perché azioni concrete sostituiscano le poche parole, peraltro pronunciate a mezza voce fino ad oggi.

Infatti, in questi mesi l'Unione europea, o meglio, il Consiglio e la Commissione, a differenza del Parlamento, hanno perso tempo a discutere dell'inclusione o meno della parola "cristiani" nei propri deboli documenti di condanna, mentre i cristiani continuano ad essere massacrati brutalmente, spesso perché accostati all'Occidente, sebbene di occidentale non abbiano nulla. Credo quindi che Commissione e Consiglio facciano bene a guardare al Parlamento in questa circostanza.

  Catherine Stihler, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, I too wanted to pay tribute to the courage and the work of Shahbaz Bhatti. I know many colleagues in this House have met him personally and his determination to work for minority communities in Pakistan, to hold up their rights, is an example to us all. The fact is that he put his life on the line; he knew that the threats were increasing, and his bravery should be recognised. He has lost his life and we in this House have lost a friend.

So what can we do? I think there are a number of important points in this resolution. Paragraph 13 about calling on the competent EU institutions to include the issue of religious tolerance in society is vitally important. I would also call on the Commission, in talks and in trade issues as well, to bring up the issue of human rights too. Paragraph 19 about the institutions and the Government of Pakistan is also important, as is the call for recognition of democracy and human rights.

I think that, at the end of the day, we all would like to make sure our condolences are sent and I hope the President of Parliament will send a personal letter to Shahbaz Bhatti’s mother. His funeral was last week and I think that is also important.

  Anneli Jäätteenmäki, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, the murder of Mr Bhatti is the second murder of a high-profile Pakistani official in two months. The murders of both Mr Bhatti and Governor Salman Taseer must be investigated thoroughly and the perpetrators have to be brought to justice.

Apart from Mr Bhatti’s murder, I would like to take up another burning human rights issue in Pakistan, namely the situation of the Province of Balochistan. The Baloch minority continues to be persecuted and, according to Amnesty International, at least 90 Baloch activists – teachers, journalists and lawyers – have disappeared or have been murdered. Other people, such as aid workers, teachers, journalists and government officials have also been subject to persecution and threats.

The European Parliament and the EU need to send a clear message to Pakistan and urge the Pakistani Government to do its best to avoid this kind of situation.

  Nicole Kiil-Nielsen, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, ces assassinats sont évidemment intolérables, mais ce qui l'est encore davantage, c'est ce sentiment d'impunité qui règne malgré l'augmentation des agressions. Les citoyens pakistanais et les familles des victimes ne peuvent malheureusement pas attendre beaucoup d'un système judiciaire gangréné par la corruption, les intimidations, le manque de formation des enquêteurs et des procureurs. Les instructions durent des années et se basent sur des lois discriminatoires. Le volet pénal du système judiciaire, en particulier, a besoin d'être réformé et d'acquérir une réelle crédibilité aux niveaux tant national qu'international.

Selon un sondage réalisé par la Fondation Heinrich Böll dans les universités, les jeunes Pakistanais estiment que la crédibilité du système judiciaire est plus déterminante pour la survie du pays que la force militaire ou le système parlementaire.

L'Union européenne doit donc utiliser tous les instruments nécessaires et dont elle dispose pour renforcer la coopération judiciaire avec le Pakistan.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, one by one in Pakistan the voices of reform and progress are being extinguished. Shahbaz Bhatti knew he was in danger, both as a Christian in a country where religious intolerance is rife, and as Minister for Minorities who fearlessly denounced his country’s draconian blasphemy laws. However, he refused to be cowed by the Islamist fanatics who threatened him with death.

Only two months earlier the Governor of Punjab, Salmaan Taseer, had been assassinated by his own bodyguards, but Bhatti was not even provided with bodyguards and, therefore, presented the easiest of targets to the heavily armed terrorists who cut him down on his way to a cabinet meeting.

Why was Mr Bhatti not shadowed by armed close protection officers? This is one of the many questions we must ask President Zardari. I hope he can answer. I hope the Vice-President/High Representative will press him to set more of an example in opposing the alarming radicalisation of Pakistani society.

Above all this is a human tragedy. A man of great courage and principle has lost his life and we as democrats honour his name and salute his life’s achievements today in this debate. We send our condolences to his loved ones in their hour of grief.

  Jaroslav Paška, za skupinu EFD. – Islamský zákon šaría vo svojom ustanovení doslova hovorí, že každý, kto uráža islam, sa odsudzuje na smrť.

Neviem, aké konanie sa môže v islamskom svete vyhodnotiť ako urážka islamu, ale príklady zabíjania ochrancov ľudských práv a náboženských slobôd v Pakistane, ako aj v iných islamských krajinách nám ukazujú, že niektorí islamskí duchovní považujú naše civilizačné hodnoty, ktoré dávajú ľuďom širokú slobodu rozhodovania, za ohrozenie ich viery a neváhajú vyhlásiť podľa svojho práva fatvu na každého, kto sa otvorene domáha dodržiavania ľudských práv a občianskych slobôd na ich území.

Šabhaz Bhatti, minister pakistanskej vlády, Salman Tasír, guvernér provincie Pandžáb, či Naím Sábir Džamaldíní, koordinátor výboru pre ľudské práva v Pakistane, sa stali pre nás nevinnými obeťami fanatického uplatňovania islamského práva. Obeťami, ktoré majú zastrašiť nielen pakistanský ľud, aby sa domáhal väčšej slobody, ale aj politikov spravujúcich túto krajinu, aby nereformovali politický systém a rešpektovali akési pravidlá z čias hlbokého stredoveku.

Ak však nechceme stavať reformných politikov v islamských krajinách do konfliktu s ich cirkevnými autoritami, mali by sme sa, myslím si, usilovať nájsť platformu na konštruktívny dialóg s islamskými duchovnými o pokojnom súžití civilizácií...

(Rečník bol prerušený predsedajúcim.)

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). - Mówimy o zamordowaniu ministra, człowieka, który przyznawał się do swoich chrześcijańskich korzeni i który był katolikiem. Mówimy o kolejnym morderstwie w Pakistanie, które pokazuje, że tak naprawdę władze tego kraju nie panują nad sytuacją. I to jest problem. Nie oskarżamy w tym momencie prezydenta Pakistanu, czy też rządu, że wykazano tutaj złą wolę. Nasze oskarżenie wiąże się z tym, że nie potrafią oni zapewnić bezpieczeństwa ludziom będącym nawet w strukturach rządowych, ale którzy wyznają inną wiarę niż reszta kraju. I to jest dramat tego państwa, które krok po kroku staje się coraz bardziej agresywnym, nienawistnym wobec wyznań innych niż islam. To jest realny problem. Jestem przekonany, że powinniśmy o tym głośno mówić.

  Der Präsident. − Wir kommen jetzt zum Catch-the-eye-Verfahren.

Sehr viele Kollegen haben mir signalisiert – und da einige Fraktionsvorsitzende und stellvertretende Fraktionsvorsitzende anwesend sind, will ich das jetzt ansprechen –, dass wir bei diesen Dringlichkeitsdebatten ein bisschen mehr Flexibilität brauchen, wenn ein Thema offensichtlich so viele Kollegen interessiert. Ich werde jetzt ein Stück weit auch dem Umstand Rechnung tragen, inwieweit Kollegen bei nachfolgenden Debatten als Redner eingetragen sind.

  Michael Gahler (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Eine Woche vor seiner Ermordung habe ich mit Shahbaz Bhatti in seinem Büro in Islamabad gesprochen und er war sich der Gefahr für seine Person bewusst. Aber noch mehr bekümmert hat ihn, dass sein Eindruck war, dass, insbesondere über die letzten Monate, auch anlässlich der Ermordung von Salman Taseer, dem Gouverneur von Punjab, sich sehr viele vor der extremistischen Herausforderung weggeduckt haben. Minister, Abgeordnete, Journalisten, Rechtsanwälte, selbst Menschenrechtsaktivisten, die sich sonst immer gemeldet hatten, trauen sich nicht mehr, gegen diese extremistische Herausforderung aufzustehen.

Das ist, glaube ich, die Aufforderung an alle in Pakistan, die von uns ausgehen muss: Stehen Sie gemeinsam auf gegen die Intoleranz, sonst werden Sie gemeinsam hinweggefegt oder einzeln hinweggefegt. Sherry Rehman, diese couragierte Abgeordnete, die Änderungen zum Blasphemiegesetz eingebracht hat, ist in besonderer Gefahr. Ich fordere deswegen das Parlament auf, sie dadurch zu schützen, dass das Blasphemiegesetz jetzt endgültig in ihrem Sinne geändert wird. Das wäre ein klares Zeichen des gemeinsamen Aufstehens gegen den Extremismus!

  George Sabin Cutaş (S&D). - Asasinarea ministrului pakistanez pentru minorități, dl Bhati, intervine în plină controversă privind amendarea legii care prevedea pedeapsa cu moartea pentru blasfemie în această țară, modificare pe care acesta o susținea. Consider că intoleranța care stă la baza legilor referitoare la penalizarea blasfemiei a condus și la regretabile asasinate ale unor personalități care se luptau pentru libertatea de expresie și credință în Pakistan. Totodată, cazul dlui Bhati a fost condamnat de o mare parte a societății pakistaneze în lumea politică, în media și de către oameni cu origini etnice și convingeri religioase variate, iar acesta este un semnal pozitiv. Guvernul acestei țări are, prin urmare, datoria de a preveni repetarea cazurilor de violență bazate pe intoleranță și de a-și continua eforturile pentru respectarea valorilor democratice înscrise în Constituția pakistaneză, a principiilor universale ale drepturilor omului și a libertății de gândire.

  Constance Le Grip (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, à mon tour d'exprimer ma très vive émotion après le lâche assassinat, le 2 mars dernier, du ministre pakistanais en charge des minorités de confession chrétienne, M. Bahti.

Cet assassinat de nature terroriste fait suite à de nombreux autres assassinats de Pakistanais courageux, tolérants, amoureux des droits de l'homme, défenseurs des droits de l'homme et des droits de la femme, je dois le dire.

Encore une fois, nous appelons instamment le gouvernement pakistanais à faire toute la lumière sur ce lâche assassinat et à assurer vraiment efficacement la protection des personnes menacées par les extrémistes religieux fanatiques. Et je pense, bien sûr, en tout premier lieu mais pas uniquement, à Mme Sherry Rehman.

Je voulais également, encore une fois avec vigueur, demander à toutes les institutions compétentes de l'Union européenne d'inclure dans les négociations en vue de préparer les futurs accords de coopération, notamment l'accord de coopération entre l'Union et le Pakistan, une clause de respect de la liberté religieuse et de respect des droits de l'homme.

(Applaudissements)

  Joanna Katarzyna Skrzydlewska (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Po raz kolejny zajmujemy się kwestią łamania praw człowieka w Pakistanie. Tym razem z powodu niedawnego zabójstwa ministra Shahbaza Bhattiego, który występował przeciwko ustawie o bluźnierstwie i bronił praw mniejszości religijnych. Przeciwstawiał się nietolerancji, dyskryminacji ze względu na wiarę.

Rezolucja Parlamentu Europejskiego w sprawie tego brutalnego zabójstwa stanowi nasz wyraz sprzeciwu wobec narastającej brutalnej eksterminacji religijnej w Pakistanie, ale też jednoznacznie świadczy o tym, że nie pozostawiamy samym sobie mniejszości religijnych, których prawa są nagminnie łamane. Naszym obowiązkiem jest piętnowanie aktów bezprawia, godzących w wolność i życie drugiego człowieka. Dlatego chciałabym podkreślić, jak ważne jest wspieranie organizacji pozarządowych walczących o prawa człowieka w ich staraniach o większą demokratyzację tego kraju i zaprzestanie przemocy.

  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, in January we deplored the murder of the Governor of Punjab, Salmaan Taseer.

A few weeks later, these acts of violence continued with the assassination on 2 March 2011 of Mr Shahbaz Bhatti, the Minister for Minorities in the Government of Pakistan.

Vice-President Ashton strongly condemned the murder and expressed deep concern over the climate of intolerance and violence in Pakistan linked to the debate over the controversial blasphemy laws.

Mr Bhatti was the only Christian in the Government of Pakistan and a well-known advocate of respect for human rights and religious freedom. He was one of the few voices left who dared to speak out and knew he was under threat after the murder of Salmaan Taseer. Yet this did not stop him from defending his rights which, after all, are enshrined in the Pakistani constitution.

Vice-President Ashton has called on the Government of Pakistan to take its responsibilities and provide adequate protection for those in official functions or in civil society who are threatened.

The EU welcomes Prime Minister Jamali’s declaration that the government will do its utmost to bring the culprits to justice. Our respect goes to Mr Jamali for attending Mr Bhatti’s funeral.

The government must now live up to its commitments and bring to justice the perpetrators and instigators of such crimes. Mr Bhatti and Mr Taseer were outspoken critics of the blasphemy laws and at the forefront of efforts to amend them. However, in the climate prevailing after the Taseer murder, the amendments were withdrawn from parliament.

The blasphemy laws, which carry the death penalty, are incompatible with the common values we seek to promote in our relations with Pakistan. They have also led to miscarriages of justice and discrimination against religious minorities.

While we strongly support Pakistan’s democratic government and will do what we can to assist it as it seeks to cope with an unprecedented wave of terrorist acts, its members should stand up for the principles they subscribe to. Freedom of religion or belief is a universal human right; freedom of opinion and expression is intrinsically linked to it.

The Council has just adopted conclusions recalling the commitment of the EU to safeguard these fundamental rights and to step up efforts to promote and protect these rights everywhere and for everyone.

  Der Präsident. − Zum Abschluß dieser Aussprache⁽²⁾ habe ich sechs Entschließungsanträge gemäß Artikel 110 Absatz 2 der Geschäftsordnung erhalten.

Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet im Anschluss an die Aussprachen statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149)

  Krzysztof Lisek (PPE), na piśmie. – Pragnę złożyć kondolencje rodzinie zamordowanego pakistańskiego ministra ds. mniejszości Shahbaza Bhattiego. Mam nadzieję, że sprawcy tej zbrodni zostaną szybko ujęci i odpowiednio ukarani. Brutalny incydent, którego ofiarą stał się wysokiej rangi urzędnik państwowy walczący o równouprawnienie mniejszości w Pakistanie, jest kolejnym dowodem na to, jak trudna jest sytuacja w tym kraju. Niestety nasza dotychczasowa polityka nie przyniosła oczekiwanych rezultatów. Wobec powyższego Unia Europejska musi podjąć konkretne kroki, służące poszanowaniu litery prawa i demokracji w Islamskiej Republice Pakistanu.

Jestem zdania, że znaczące zintensyfikowanie naszych działań poprzez zorganizowanie i przeprowadzenie dorocznych obrad UE-Pakistan poświęconych sytuacji mniejszości w Pakistanie przy zaangażowaniu Parlamentu Europejskiego może przynieść wymierne korzyści. Zgodnie z treścią przyjętej dziś rezolucji w pełni popieram pomoc finansową z naszej strony na rzecz organizacji obrońców praw człowieka i tych zwalczających przepisy zakazujące bluźnierstwa. Mam nadzieję, że uda się nam zwiększyć skalę tej pomocy. Liczę również na to, że uda nam się przy pomocy odpowiednich instrumentów dyplomatycznych przekonać rząd Pakistanu do przestrzegania zapisów ujętych w klauzuli o demokracji i prawach człowieka, z umowy o współpracy między Unią Europejską a Islamską Republiką Pakistanu.

  Monica Luisa Macovei (PPE), in writing. – Shahbaz Bhatti, Minister for Minorities in Pakistan, sought to reform the country’s blasphemy laws and he was killed. The Pakistani Taliban reportedly took responsibility for the murder and pronounced the same fate for any further critics of the blasphemy laws. It is time for strong action to protect the reformers and human rights defenders who are risking their lives for freedom. I call upon the Council and the European External Action Service to ensure the protection of the other human rights defenders at risk in Pakistan and the effective and timely investigation of Minister Shahbaz Bhatti’s assassination. The perpetrators must be brought to justice and the response of the government must be firm in order to have a deterrent effect.

  Kristiina Ojuland (ALDE), in writing. – To lose one advocate of freedom of religion is a misfortune; to lose two is downright carelessness. When we discussed the murder of Governor Salman Taseer, I warned about the rise of religious extremism in Pakistan. Less than two months later, another tragedy has come to pass. The Taliban Movement in Punjab has claimed responsibility for the assassination of Minister Shahbaz Bhatti. His request for the use of a bulletproof car had been denied by the Pakistani authorities. Such negligence by the authorities makes them an accomplice to the killing. I would like to hope that the European Union will address the murders of those high-ranking officials in Pakistan with the authorities there and call on them to repeal the blasphemy laws that have caused the escalation of religious violence.

  Tadeusz Zwiefka (PPE), na piśmie. – Dwa miesiące temu na sesji plenarnej, także podczas debat o prawach człowieka, potępialiśmy zamach na gubernatora Pendżabu Salmana Taseera. Sprawa dotyczyła tej samej kwestii, o której mówimy dzisiaj – próby zreformowania kontrowersyjnego prawa o bluźnierstwie. Oba tragiczne wydarzenia są ze sobą ściśle powiązane, gdyż obie te osoby pracowały wspólnie na rzecz mniejszości narodowych w Pakistanie, w tym mniejszości religijnych i ochrony tych, którzy padają ofiarą głoszonej przez talibów ideologii nietolerancji.

Niestety świat zachodni może jedynie przyglądać się postępującej radykalizacji nastrojów w kraju, gdzie jeszcze niecałą dekadę temu Benazir Bhutto wprowadzała demokratyczne reformy. Pakistan pogrąża się w chaosie – talibowie terroryzują kraj, coraz częściej dokonując zamachów, jak to miało miejsce chociażby 8 marca w Pendżabie, w którym zginęło 25 osób.

Obecnie pojawiły się doniesienia o kolejnej osobie, na którą ekstremiści wydali już wyrok śmierci – to posłanka do pakistańskiego parlamentu, była dziennikarka i obrończyni praw kobiet, mniejszości religijnych i wolności słowa Shehrabano Rehman. To ona przedstawiła w parlamencie projekt poprawek do prawa o karach za bluźnierstwo. Czy na następnej sesji plenarnej będziemy potępiać zamach na jej osobę?

(1) Siehe Protokoll.

(2) Siehe Protokoll

14.2. Il-Bjelorussja, b'mod partikolari l-każijiet ta' Ales Michalevic u Natalia Radin

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgt die Aussprache über sechs Entschließungsanträge zu Belarus, insbesondere die Fälle von Ales Mikhalevich und Natalia Radin⁽¹⁾.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda, Autor. − Señor Presidente, creo que es importante recordar que en este Parlamento no es la primera vez que hablamos de Belarús y, desde este punto de vista, esta Resolución es importante en la medida en que condena de una forma clara las detenciones y el encarcelamiento de los miembros de la oposición, así como la represión de los derechos fundamentales a la que estas personas han estado sometidas.

La libertad de expresión, la libertad de reunión y la libertad de movilización en países como Belarús deben ser una prioridad y, por lo tanto, es necesario hacer un llamamiento inmediato e incondicional a la puesta en libertad de estas personas, que no podemos llamar de otra forma que prisioneras políticas.

Y, en segundo lugar, creo que también es importante condenar —y esto es lo que hace la Resolución— de la forma más fuerte, más dura, más clara, más firme posible el uso de la tortura en estos países, como en cualquier otro, incluso también cuando ello ocurre en la Unión Europea, y eso lamentablemente también está ocurriendo. Pero en un país con el que tenemos relaciones de vecindad cada vez mayores, con el que estamos fortaleciendo nuestras relaciones, el uso de la tortura como medida de trato en las prisiones, y especialmente cuando hay detrás una motivación política, es algo que merece todo nuestro rechazo, toda nuestra condena.

Y, por último, quisiera también condenar, de una forma clara, la sentencia impuesta al joven opositor activista por el solo hecho de haber participado en las manifestaciones del 19 de septiembre. Creo que el Parlamento hace bien en posicionarse claramente en contra de estas opciones y exijo de alguna forma que sea escuchado.

  Marietje Schaake, author. − Mr President, a large number of opposition figures, including former presidential candidates but also journalists and human rights defenders, were arrested after the events of 19 December 2010 in Minsk and they have been kept in KGB detention centres ever since. There have been reports of torture and of forced confessions at the hands of the KGB. These developments fit into a larger pattern of repression and politically motivated trials against opposition activists, civil society, the media and human rights defenders that continues to this day.

We urgently call upon the Belarusian authorities to allow political opposition, civil society, free expression and media pluralism. The rule of law needs to be adhered to. The credibility of the Belarusian authorities would be won if investigations carried out in line with international standards, with international experts, were to start right away. We should consider restrictive measures, including economic sanctions on Belarusian Government-owned companies, but we hope this will not be necessary. We would welcome it if more countries in the international community were to join the call for such actions, because the status quo is unacceptable.

  Kristian Vigenin, author. − Mr President, Belarus is so often on our agenda and this is because we care, because we want to see a democratic Belarus where human rights are respected. I have the impression, however, that the messages that we send so often to the Belarusian authorities are not heard – neither those from the European Parliament, nor those from the European Council. The decisions of the Council have had no effect so far on the situation in Belarus.

After a year of very modest progress, 19 December 2010 became a turning point for Belarus. Since then the country has been falling into self-isolation: this can save the regime for some time, but it is at the expense of the future of the Belarusian nation. This has to be understood, and we will not stop reminding Lukashenko and his friends of it. I hope that President Lukashenko will take good note of the events in the southern neighbourhood and understand that the only responsible behaviour is the democratisation and the social and economic reforms in the country.

We in the European Parliament will not give up; we call for the immediate and unconditional release of all detained protestors and for the dropping of all politically motivated charges. At the same time we still believe that Belarus has time to change; we are working together with the other five eastern neighbours to find a solution leading to democratisation and to the creation of a situation in Belarus where free and fair elections can take place at the end of this year or at the beginning of next year.

  Jacek Protasiewicz, autor. − Szczere i poruszające wystąpienie Alaksieja Michalewicza kilkanaście dni temu, które ujawniło metody tortur, jakimi posługuje się białoruskie KGB wobec przeciwników politycznych Alaksandra Łukaszenki, wywołało szok. Szok, że w XXI wieku w europejskim kraju, który przystąpił do współpracy z Unią Europejską w ramach partnerstwa wschodniego, stosuje się metody charakterystyczne dla nazizmu i stalinizmu.

Nasza rezolucja jest wyrazem tego szoku, oburzenia i solidarności z tymi, którzy są prześladowani. Z tego miejsca dzisiaj chciałbym skierować trzy przesłania. Pierwsze przesłanie skierowane jest do Alaksieja Michalewicza, ale też Anatolija Lebiedźki i Mikałaja Statkiewicza, którzy siedzą w więzieniu: podziwiamy Waszą odwagę, jesteśmy z Wami i nie opuścimy Was!

Drugie przesłanie skierowane jest do Alaksandra Łukaszenki: niech Pan zacznie przestrzegać międzynarodowych konwencji, do których Pana państwo przystąpiło, w tym również do Deklaracji Praskiej Partnerstwa Wschodniego.Niech Pan przestanie prześladować swoich obywateli!

Trzecie przesłanie skierowane jest do Pani Ashton: czas na sankcje ekonomiczne, bo tylko w ten sposób możemy zmienić sposób prześladowania opozycjonistów na Białorusi!

Dziękuję.

  Ryszard Czarnecki, autor. − Białoruś jest krajem graniczącym z Unią Europejską, a wydaje się, że jest oddalona od niej o 1000 lat świetlnych. To tak, jakby w tym państwie żyli ludzie kierujący się innymi standardami. To nieprawda. Żyją tam także Europejczycy, ludzie, którzy chcą mieć poczucie, że żyją we wspólnej Europie. Problemem jest prezydent tego kraju, człowiek, który odwołuje się do metod znanych ze Związku Sowieckiego sprzed kilkudziesięciu lat. Jest to swoista podróż do przeszłości, którą proponuje nam prezydent Łukaszenka. Inaczej niż mój przedmówca, pan Vigenin, uważam, że powinniśmy wierzyć w nasz europejski głos, że Parlament i Unia Europejska mogą wywrzeć presję na władze Białorusi po to, aby przestrzegała ona praw człowieka. Jest to kwestia nie tyle polityki, ile fundamentalnej moralności, etyki. Dzisiaj powinniśmy przekazać naszym białoruskim braciom, że nie są sami.

  Rui Tavares, Autor. − Senhor Presidente, caros Colegas, eu permitir-me-ia neste debate das urgências que é - sempre se soube de casos de direitos humanos ocorridos fora da União Europeia - começar com o nosso voto de hoje sobre a liberdade de imprensa na Hungria, ou seja, dentro da União Europeia, porque a defesa dos direitos fundamentais na nossa Casa e a defesa dos direitos humanos fora da União Europeia estão inextricavelmente ligadas.

É o facto de termos conseguido, num voto que foi dilacerante, que dividiu esta Casa ao meio, que nos deu muito trabalho durante dois meses, termos conseguido falar dos defeitos que nós temos dentro da própria União Europeia, que nos permite dirigirmo-nos de cabeça levantada ao Presidente Lukashenko da Bielorrússia e dizer-lhe que ele deve parar com a repressão às manifestações e com a repressão à oposição e com a repressão à imprensa no seu próprio país, porque o Presidente Lukashenko é ele próprio o rosto de um governo que pensa ter-se arrogado o direito de decidir o que é certo e o que é errado, o que é equilibrado e o que é neutral e o que é objectivo, não só nas suas próprias asserções, mas também naquelas da oposição, também naquelas da imprensa estrangeira, inclusive, nós vimos o Presidente Lukashenko, a seguir à repressão das manifestações em Dezembro, dirigir-se a órgãos de imprensa internacional com uma arrogância infinda.

Eu creio que é assim que nós poderemos ter esperança de que a voz do Parlamento Europeu e a voz da Comissão e a voz do Conselho sejam ouvidas na Bielorrússia e é assim que nós conseguiremos ter autoridade moral, fora a que necessitamos também de manter através do nosso exemplo em Casa.

  Eduard Kukan, za skupinu PPE. – Na minulotýždňovom zasadnutí Vyšehradskej štvorky v Bratislave zaznel z úst ministra zahraničných vecí Slovenska, ktoré momentálne skupine predsedá, jasný odkaz do Minsku prezidentovi Lukašenkovi. Dokiaľ bude v bieloruských väzniciach čo len jeden jediný politický väzeň, Bielorusko musí počítať s totálnou izoláciou v Európe.

Bohužiaľ, situácia je aj dnes, tri mesiace po prezidentských voľbách, v krajine kritická. Demokraticky zmýšľajúci ľudia sú vyšetrovaní, zatýkaní, väznení, držaní v nehumánnych podmienkach tak, ako o tom aj dnes rokujeme, bez možnosti právnej pomoci a bez možnosti návštevy ich rodinných príslušníkov.

Je preto dôležité pritvrdiť aj postup Európskej únie voči poslednému diktátorovi v Európe. Možno treba rozšíriť rozsah ekonomických sankcií, ktoré používame, lebo všetko nasvedčuje tomu, že slová, akokoľvek tvrdé, situáciu ľudí v Bielorusku nezlepšia.

  Justas Vincas Paleckis, S&D frakcijos vardu. – Ši rezoliucija – tai aiškus signalas Baltarusijos valdžiai, kad Europos Sąjunga nesitaikstė ir nesitaikstys su demonstracijų laisvės suvaržymais, su politiniais kaliniais šalyje ir tuo labiau su kankinimu sulaikymo įstaigose. Briuselis didina paramą Baltarusijos pilietinei visuomenei, nevyriausybinėms organizacijoms, nepriklausomai žiniasklaidai, studentams. Be abejo, reikia kuo greičiau panaikinti tas didžiules vizas, kurios trukdo Baltarusijos piliečiams įvažiuoti į Europos Sąjungą, sumažinti mokestį ir derėtis dėl vizų režimo palengvinimo. Aš manau, kad šioje situacijoje būtų labai naudinga, kad Europos Parlamento delegacija vis dėlto nuvažiuotų į Baltarusiją, nepaisant to, kad yra kliūtis tam, na, o jeigu nepavyks nuvažiuoti visai delegacijai, Europos Parlamento nariai turi individualiai važiuoti ten, kad geriau susipažintų su padėtimi ir darytų įtaką.

  Kristiina Ojuland, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, it was in January when we adopted a resolution on Belarus. It is not a good sign at all that we have to express our concerns on the situation there again and again, with no positive reaction from the Belarusian authorities.

Although the European Union has re-established sanctions and taken a hard line on Lukashenko’s regime, fundamental rights such as freedom of assembly and of expression are still violated and trampled upon. Furthermore, the reports on continuous mental and physical torture of political prisoners and attempts at recruiting informants to the KGB give the European Union a clear signal that Lukashenko’s regime did not get our message from the previous time.

Perhaps we ought to speak up and make it even clearer that the situation in Belarus is unacceptable. I would like to ask the Commission to report on further measures that can be taken against Lukashenko’s regime.

I would also like to call on European enterprises and investors to withdraw from Belarus if they have no desire to be handling blood money and directly or indirectly supporting Lukashenko’s criminal regime.

  Marek Henryk Migalski, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Ma rację Kristina Ojuland, kiedy mówi o tym, że ma wrażenie, jakbyśmy ciągle rozmawiali o tym samym i ciągle nie ma oczekiwanych efektów. Ale niestety, myli się ona, mówiąc o tym, że mówimy jednym głosem. Zwracam się z prośbą do wszystkich obecnych o to, abyśmy mówili jednym głosem, i to tak mocnym jak głos Jacka Protasiewicza, który wysyła jasny sygnał do wszystkich tych, którzy walczą o wolność i demokrację na Białorusi, że jesteśmy z nimi, dając wyraźne ostrzeżenie reżimowi na Białorusi, że to, co oni robią, jest nie do zaakceptowania. Otóż obok takiego głosu, który przez wszystkich powinien zostać poparty, są również takie, i to niestety wyrażone przez jednego z autorów rezolucji, który mówi, że tak samo zdarzają się tortury na Białorusi jak i w niektórych państwach europejskich, w niektórych państwach Unii Europejskiej. To jest nie do zaakceptowania. Kristina ma rację, że jesteśmy słuchani, i to nie tylko my się nawzajem słuchamy, ale nas też ktoś słucha. I jeśli będą tak rozbieżne głosy, to w moim przekonaniu w dalszym ciągu będziemy nieefektywni. Dziękuję bardzo.

  Sari Essayah (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, Euroopan viimeinen diktaattori Lukašenka on hallinnut Valko-Venäjää kovaotteisesti jo yli 16 vuotta. Maan media ja oikeuslaitos ovat suvereenisti hänen valvonnassaan, eikä hän kaihda käyttää näitä myöskin poliittisen opposition nujertamiseen, kuten nytkin joulukuisten vilpillisten presidentinvaalien jälkeen. Erikoisjoukot ja poliisihan tuolloin hajottivat mielenosoitukset väkivaltaisesti ja pidättivät satoja, mukana lähestulkoon kaikki opposition presidenttiehdokkaat.

EU:n vaatimukset vapauttaa poliittiset vangit ja lopettaa väkivalta kansalaisia kohtaan ovat jääneet täysin vaille huomiota Lukašenkan hallinnossa. EU:n on nyt ehdottomasti otettava käyttöön järeämmät talouspakotteet, sillä Lukašenka on vain hyväksikäyttänyt itäistä kumppanuusohjelmaa ja kaikkia naapuruuspolitiikan etuja. Me emme voi hyväksyä tällaisia brutaaleja ihmisoikeusrikkomuksia missään päin maailmaa, mutta kaikkein vähiten Euroopan sydänmailla.

  Mitro Repo (S&D). - Arvoisa puhemies, meidän ei todellakaan tarvitse lähteä Euroopan rajojen ulkopuolelle löytääksemme perusoikeuksia loukkaavia valtioita. Valko-Venäjällä voi saada rikossyytteen ja joutua vankilaan pelkästä osallistumisesta mielenilmaisuun, asettumalla ehdolle vaaleissa tai kertomalla oman mielipiteensä. Kansalaisten poliittinen valveutuneisuus ja kansalaisaktivismi ei ole yhteiskunnalle rasite, vaan sen pitäisi olla rikkaus.

On vaikeaa kuitenkin uskoa, että demokratiaa voitaisiin vahvistaa Valko-Venäjällä vain EU:n pakkotoimin, vaan tarvitaan lisäksi myös ruohonjuuritason vuoropuhelua ja kansalaisyhteiskuntaan osallistamista. EU:n tulee tukea Valko-Venäjän demokratiakehitystä sekä jatkaa kulttuuri- ja koulutusprojekteja sen kanssa. Euroopan ulkosuhdehallinnon tulee seurata Valko-Venäjän tilanteen kehittymistä aktiivisesti ja tukea valkovenäläisiä niin, että eurooppalainen arvomaailma myös siellä sisäistettäisiin.

(Suosionosoituksia)

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). - Acum două zile, pe 8 Martie, de Ziua Internațională a Femeii, Natalia Rodina nu a putut să se bucure de această sărbătoare pentru că era sub arest la domiciliu. În aceeași zi, Ales Mikhalevich își sărbătorea în închisoare a 53-a aniversare. Asta pur și simplu pentru că este un om liber, un om care a îndrăznit să intre în competiția prezidențială și, într-o dictatură ca Belarusul, sancțiunea pentru astfel de gesturi de libertate este cea a restricției de mișcare, a trimiterii în închisoare. Din rezoluția noastră aș vrea să subliniez două puncte care mi se par foarte importante: mi se pare că trebuie să susținem extinderea măsurilor restrictive impuse de Uniune, pentru a include pe listă procurorii, judecătorii și membrii poliției secrete implicați în recentele încălcări ale drepturilor omului din Belarus și cred, de asemenea, că, în al doilea rând, trebuie să facem tot ce este posibil pentru a sprijini societatea civilă din această țară, ea ne poate da o speranță.

(Aplauze)

  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Doresc să-mi încep intervenția prin a face un apel la autoritățile din Belarus să înceteze cenzurarea forțelor democratice și a presei independente. Propun, de asemenea, redeschiderea biroului OSCE din Belarus.

Drepturile omului au suferit o grea lovitură cu prilejul alegerilor prezidențiale din decembrie 2010. Manifestațiile opoziției împotriva fraudelor electorale au fost înăbușite fără milă de către forțele de ordine. Printre cei arestați se numără unul dintre candidații la președinție, Ales Mikhalevich. Acesta a făcut publice torturile la care a fost supus în închisoare, fapt negat însă de autorități. Tot atunci au fost vizați și jurnaliștii apropiați opoziției. În ciuda interdicției de a da declarații, ei au confirmat afirmațiile lui Mikhalevich în speranța de a atrage atenția UE asupra situației critice din Belarus. Condițiile în care arestările au avut loc sunt neclare, iar tratamentul la care declară că au fost supuși reprezintă încălcări grave ale drepturilor omului.

  Krzysztof Lisek (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Chciałem bardzo serdecznie podziękować za udzielenie mi głosu, ponieważ kiedy kilka dni temu rozmawiałem z Alaksiejem Michalewiczem, którego mam okazję i zaszczyt znać od kilkunastu lat i przyjaźnić się z nim, to obiecałem mu, że zrobię wszystko, żeby dzisiaj zabrać głos. Chociaż wiem, że nie jest to miejsce do załatwiania prywatnych spraw, chciałem powiedzieć: Aleś, jesteśmy z Tobą, tak jak powiedział Jacek Protasiewicz.

Myślę, że bardzo ważne jest, żeby powiedzieć dzisiaj nie tylko opozycji, że będziemy ją wspierać. Jest ważne, żeby powiedzieć tym, którzy uczestniczą w prześladowaniach: prokuratorom, którzy prowadzą śledztwa na zamówienie, sędziom, którzy ferują niesprawiedliwe wyroki, dyrektorom zakładów pracy, którzy wyrzucają za działalność polityczną, rektorom uczelni, którzy wyrzucają studentów za uczestnictwo w manifestacjach, im wszystkim trzeba powiedzieć: będziemy pamiętać! Będziemy pamiętać, co robicie, jak się dzisiaj zachowujecie i przyjdzie taki czas, że wszyscy poniesiecie zasłużoną karę!

  Corina Creţu (S&D). - Doresc să mă alătur și eu celor care solicită Consiliului, Comisiei și comunității internaționale să-și intensifice sprijinul în favoarea societății civile și a opoziției democratice din Belarus, ca reacție la evenimentele petrecute după decembrie 2010.

Arestarea și detenția a peste 600 de activiști ai societății civile, jurnaliști, profesori și studenți și a majorității candidaților la președinție, ai liderilor opoziției democrate, precum și folosirea disproporționată a forței în urma manifestațiilor organizate în semn de protest față de alegerea lui Lukashenko, reprezintă elemente tipice ale unei dictaturi și un profund dispreț față de respectarea drepturilor omului. Cazul lui Ales Mikhalevich, unul dintre oponenții președintelui Lukashenko, care a fost torturat în timpul arestului preventiv, ca și al jurnalistei Natalia Radin, sunt semnificative pentru o realitate pe care suntem datori să o contracarăm, susținând eforturile societății civile din Belarus, ale presei independente și ale opoziției de a promova democrația.

  Charles Tannock (ECR). - Mr President, the fact that in Belarus President Lukashenko’s secret police is still called the KGB tells us all that we need to know about his mentality and methods. Twenty years after the collapse of the Soviet Union he remains the archetypal homo sovieticus, a strong man whose addiction to power is as strong as his instincts for crushing dissent.

Lukashenko used the KGB, or uses the KGB, as a political tool to silence the popular protest, including the cases of Ales Mikhalevic and Natalia Radina, that followed yet another disappointingly rigged presidential election in December last year. More than 700 people were arrested. Stories abound of opposition activists being abducted, detained extrajudicially, and then tortured mentally and psychologically by the KGB.

Belarus matters to us so much because it is a European country and has become a Cuba on our own doorstep. If the EU is to have any moral force in the world with regard to promoting democracy, human rights and the rule of law, it must surely start in Europe itself, our own continent. I do not dispute the need to engage with the Lukashenko regime. An empty chair policy would be counter-productive with the EU, but we need to increase support to the opposition in Belarus and tighten EU smart sanctions on Lukashenko and his KGB cronies.

  Eija-Riitta Korhola, laatija. − Arvoisa puhemies, viime kuukausien tapahtumat Valko-Venäjällä paljastavat selvästi, kuinka kansalais- ja poliittisia oikeuksia loukataan edelleen systemaattisesti hallituksen toimesta. Joulukuiset opposition kannattajien pidätykset kertovat, että Lukašenkan vastustajia yritetään vaientaa rajuin keinoin.

Ales Mihalevitšin ja muiden kuuden opposition presidenttiehdokkaan vangitseminen sillä perusteettomalla verukkeella, että he olisivat yllyttäneet väkivaltaisia mielenosoituksia, rikkoo poliittisia oikeuksia. Samoin toimittaja Natalia Radinan vangitseminen yli kuukaudeksi kutistaa entisestään mahdollisuuksia vapaaseen mielipiteen ilmaisuun Valko-Venäjällä.

Mihalevitšin, Radinan ja muiden ilmaisemat syytökset poliittisten vankien epäinhimillisestä kohtelusta ja kidutuksesta KGP:n vankiloissa on otettava vakavasti ja tutkittava puolueettoman tahon toimesta. Haluan muistuttaa Valko-Venäjää sen kansainvälisistä velvoitteista, joihin se on sitoutunut ratifioimalla YK:n kansalais- ja poliittisia oikeuksia koskevan yleissopimuksen sekä YK:n kidutuksen vastaisen yleissopimuksen, ja vastuusta, joka näistä seuraa sekä kansainvälistä yhteisöä että erityisesti Valko-Venäjän omia kansalaisia kohtaan.

  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, we are concerned about the worsening situation in Belarus, which unfortunately comes as no surprise. The widespread detention and prosecution of civil society activists, including presidential candidates, in the post-election period led us to expect harsh sentences to follow. As of today we already know of four cases where individuals have been sentenced to several years in prison. We fear that many more such sentences, involving up to 40 people who now stand accused, will follow in months to come. What is more, we have been appalled by reports of the torture and ill-treatment of people detained on political grounds, including ex-presidential candidate Michalevic.

All these despicable events may call for an update of our EU response. The situation today is as follows: as you know, the EU reacted to the fraudulent elections of 19 December and to the subsequent repression by putting nearly 160 people on a sanction list. This was a very clear and strong message of condemnation to the authorities. At the same time the Commission and the European External Action Service have swiftly designed new dedicated assistance tools to provide urgent support to the victims of repression, their families and civil society, up to an amount of EUR 1.7 million. This assistance is being delivered with the initial focus on providing legal assistance and counselling to victims of repression and on support to civil society organisations and civic campaigns.

We are also finalising a re-orientation of our mid-term assistance to Belarus to increase support to civil society. The Commission is quadrupling its aid to Belarusian civil society for the period 2011-2013 to a total of EUR 15.6 million, with particular attention given to strengthening independent media and supporting students, including by maintaining funding for the European Humanities University.

It is now time to reflect on whether an additional response is needed. The High Representative issued an immediate condemnation following the first sentence on 18 February, and she recalled that political motives had no place in a legal process. The EU also strongly condemned the harsh sentences and torture allegations at the OSCE and is discussing the matter at the UN Human Rights Council.

Finally, the European Union will discuss whether the latest events call for a further expansion of our existing sanction list to add new names such as those responsible for issuing the latest sentences and leading the recent crackdown. The EU stands ready to consider further targeted measures in all areas of cooperation as appropriate.

Parliament’s resolution will certainly be a useful and timely contribution to our reflections and discussions. I thank Members for their attention.

  Der Präsident. − Zum Abschluß dieser Aussprache⁽²⁾ habe ich sechs Entschließungsanträge gemäß Artikel 110 Absatz 2 der Geschäftsordnung erhalten.

Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet im Anschluss an die Aussprachen statt.

(1) Siehe Protokoll.

(2) Siehe Protokoll

14.3. Is-sitwazzjoni u l-wirt kulturali f'Kashgar (Reġjun Awtonomu Uyghur Xinjiang, Ċina)

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgt die Aussprache über sechs Entschließungsanträge zur Lage und zum Kulturguterbe in Kashgar (Autonome Uigurische Region Xinjiang, China)⁽¹⁾.

  Tunne Kelam, author. − Mr President, Uyghurs have practically become a minority in their historic homeland. They need international support to preserve their culture and identity. In fact the fate of the ancient city of Kashgar is in the balance. A modernisation programme has slated up to 85% of the traditional old city of Kashgar for demolition. It is important to prevent the historic fortress being replaced by modern appartment blocks. If the Chinese authorities are serious about convincing us that all will be well, they have to first of all convince the native population of East Turkestan that their cultural heritage really will be respected and that the Uyghur language will be taught in schools on an equal level with the Chinese language.

I call on the Chinese authorities to accept possible contributions by ICOMOS, which has impressive experience in the management of urban historic landscapes, and I ask the Chinese Government to agree to lift Kashgar to UNESCO world heritage status that will include several cultural sites along the ancient Silk Road.

  Marietje Schaake, author. − Mr President, under the banner of reform and development, the ancient Silk Road city of Kashgar is being demolished. It is not only a blow to global cultural heritage, but most of all, the city is very important for the Uyghur and the Hui populations and for China’s cultural diversity as a whole, which is now being destroyed.

China has stepped up efforts to boost relations through cultural diplomacy throughout the world, but no one will be interested in a marketed, homogenised culture of a country which has such cultural diversity.

In the interests of economic opportunity and sustainable relations with the rest of the world, respect for human rights and minorities in the broadest sense is essential. We urge the Chinese Government to assess the possibility of including Kashgar in the joint application with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan for the Silk Road UNESCO World Heritage designation.

The High Representative should step up the human rights dialogue with China and make it more action-oriented and effective.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg, autorka. − Dzisiejsza debata na temat praw mniejszości etnicznych w Chinach przypada na dzień po tym, jak Dalajlama ogłosił oficjalnie rezygnację ze stanowiska politycznego Tybetu. W nadchodzących miesiącach powinniśmy uważnie obserwować rozwój sytuacji politycznej w Tybecie. Dzisiaj jednak rozmawiamy o innej dyskryminowanej w Chinach mniejszości – Ujgurach, mniejszości muzułmańskiej. Chiny usprawiedliwiają swoją politykę wobec nich walką z terroryzmem, a prześladowanie ludzi łączą z niszczeniem ich dziedzictwa kulturowego. Szczególnie niepokojące są informacje o prowadzonej przez władze chińskie przebudowie miasta Kaszgar, która w praktyce prowadzi do niszczenia jego historycznego centrum, będącego jednym z najciekawszych i najlepiej zachowanych przykładów architektury muzułmańskiej w Azji Środkowej, które przyciąga rocznie ponad milion turystów, które miałoby szansę znaleźć się na liście światowego dziedzictwa kultury UNESCO, gdyby Chiny o to zabiegały.

Pokładam nadzieję w służbach dyplomatycznych Unii Europejskiej, które wykażą się skutecznością w rozmowach z władzami Chin, przypominając o konieczności szanowania praw mniejszości etnicznych i ochrony ich dziedzictwa kulturowego. Dziękuję.

  Frieda Brepoels, Auteur. − Voorzitter, het is duidelijk dat Kashgar hét symbool bij uitstek is van de Oeigoerse culturele identiteit in Oost-Turkestan, China. Ik organiseerde op 27 januari een conferentie in Brussel en heb daar vastgesteld welke weerslag de destructieve Chinese urbaniseringsplannen op de Oeigoerse bevolking hebben. Want men wil inderdaad onder het mom van de openbare veiligheid en de modernisering maximaal 15% van de originele stad behouden en Kashgar in feite omvormen tot één groot openluchtmuseum. Ik denk dat het de hoogste tijd is dat wij hiertegen krachtig reageren voordat het te laat is.

Dit Parlement heeft de Chinese autoriteiten na het neerslaan van de demonstraties in juli 2009 in Urumqi opgeroepen om alles in het werk te stellen om te komen tot een open, permanente en respectvolle dialoog met de Oeigoeren, en een meer integraal en omvattend economisch beleid in hun gebied, gericht op de stimulering van de plaatselijke betrokkenheid en vooral de bescherming van de culturele Oeigoerse identiteit. Helaas bewijst het huidige Chinese beleid in Kashgar het tegendeel. De vernietiging van Kashgar zonder inspraak van de plaatselijke bevolking, maar ook de Chinese weigering om Kashgar te laten meedingen naar de status van werelderfgoed van de Unesco is tekenend voor de wijze waarop de Chinese communistische partij omgaat met culturele diversiteit.

  Charles Tannock, author. − Mr President, the EU’s motto is ‘Unity in diversity’. Sadly, such a sentiment does not resonate in the People’s Republic of China, whose Communist rulers are obsessed with unity, but not much thought is given to celebrating diversity.

Undoubtedly the attempt to impose Han Chinese majority culture on tiny minorities in the world’s most populous country is causing much tension and resentment. We already know about the suppression of the ancient Buddhist Tibetan culture over the last 60 years; now we see the same threat looming over the city of Kashgar in the restive province of Xinjiang.

For 2000 years Kashgar has been a thriving city on the Silk Road with a rich, unique and flourishing central Asian culture, but now it is facing wholesale demolition and rebuilding. It is hard to escape the idea that this is Beijing’s attempt to break the will of the Uyghur separatists.

I personally have no brief or sympathy for the separatist cause, some of whose supporters, I am afraid, have links to al-Qa’ida, but I urge the Chinese Government to think again. The destruction of an ancient city like Kashgar would simply strengthen the resolve of all of those who would wish to foment violence against the state.

  Rui Tavares, Autor. − Caro Presidente, caros Colegas, para vos dizer a verdade entre os três debates de urgências que estamos a ter durante esta tarde, este é verdadeiramente aquele em que nos sentimos mais impotentes. Falámos sobre o Paquistão e sobre a Bielorrússia e aí há razões fundadas para pensar que a União Europeia tem não só autoridade moral, como também alavancagem, poder sobre as autoridades externas para tentar que elas ao menos vão no caminho certo.

Na verdade, quando falamos acerca da China, nós sabemos que essa alavancagem se diminui porque muito daquilo que nós dizemos nesta Casa é contrariado por aquilo que os governos europeus fazem nas nossas capitais, por aquilo que faz o Sr. Sarkozi, a Sra. Merckel ou os governantes do meu próprio país, Portugal, como o Sr. Sócrates que ainda muito recentemente desviou uma manifestação de protesto contra as autoridades chinesas para que o Primeiro-Ministro de visita a Lisboa não tivesse que encarar os manifestantes contra o seu regime. Ou seja, é a própria Europa que muitas vezes participa neste mundo de sonho que os dirigentes chineses, este mundo de fantasia, que os dirigentes chineses constroem para si mesmos, no qual não há oposição, no qual aquele modelo de desenvolvimento é o que está bem para toda a gente, é o mesmo que serve em Pequim ou em Xangai, ou em cantão ou na zona uígure ou no Tibete.

Portanto, é muito difícil ao Parlamento Europeu dizer o que vamos dizer hoje e que temos escrito na nossa resolução, querer que as autoridades de Pequim deixem de cometer este genocídio demográfico contra os uígures, querer que eles preservem a diversidade cultural e étnica das regiões que compõem a China, querer que eles preservem lugares que têm valor arquitectónico ou patrimonial, mas depois, por outro lado, ver que os dirigentes dos nossos próprios países se lançam nos braços dos dirigentes chineses, lhes desculpam tudo o que os dirigentes chineses fazem dentro do seu país e lhes dão carta branca, em nome de um modelo de desenvolvimento que afinal nós, perante o qual demonstramos até uma certa admiração muito básica. Portanto, aqui mais uma vez se demonstra que a autoridade moral começa por se construir em casa e que a União Europeia, no caso, quando estamos a falar acerca dos outros estamos, em primeiro lugar a falar acerca de nós e temos de rever as nossas atitudes perante a China.

  Bernd Posselt, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Die Uiguren sind – wie schon gesagt wurde – keine Minderheit, sondern ein uraltes Kulturvolk der Seidenstraße, das nach und nach unter eine zunächst sehr lockere chinesische Herrschaft geraten ist. Für die Uiguren setzt sich besonders der Uigurische Weltkongress mit Sitz in München und für das kulturelle Erbe von Kashgar die Blue-Shield-Bewegung ein, deren Präsident Karl von Habsburg diese Woche hier in Straßburg war, um uns zu informieren.

Wenn wir uns für die Uiguren einsetzen, so tun wir das mit einem freundschaftlichen Appell an die Chinesen, denn die Uiguren sind von einem kulturellen Ethnozid bedroht. Und China als älteste Kulturnation der Erde sollte klar erkennen, dass es zu den Kennzeichen eines Kulturvolks gehört, andere Kulturen zu schützen und zu respektieren, vor allem wenn es sich um kleinere Kulturen in einem riesigen Reich handelt. Die Chinesen müssen nur ihre eigene Verfassung anwenden, in der an drei Stellen davon die Rede ist, dass dieses kulturelle Erbe zu bewahren ist.

Deshalb sage ich sehr klar: Wir wollen von unseren chinesischen Partnern hier Entgegenkommen, wir wollen den Schutz des kulturellen Erbes der Uiguren!

  Corina Creţu, în numele grupului S&D. – Personal, cred că trebuie să ne ferim în acest caz de judecățile din perspectivă unilaterală. Există riscul unui partizanat contraproductiv, atât în raport cu situația de pe teren, cât și pentru parteneriatul Uniunea Europeană - China. Violențele sângeroase din ultimii ani din Xinjiang sunt dovada elocventă că recurgerea la forță este alternativa cea mai nefericită, de aceea cred că este de datoria noastră să încurajăm dialogul interetnic.

În opinia mea, rezoluția Parlamentului European nu trebuie să aducă atingere dreptului autorităților chineze de a-și apăra integritatea țării și siguranța tuturor cetățenilor, în special în fața amenințării teroriste într-o regiune în care Al Qaida încearcă să fie prezentă. Este evident că trebuie să încurajăm dezvoltarea echilibrată la nivel național, atât din punct de vedere economic, cât și demografic.

(Aplauze)

  Kristiina Ojuland, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, it is well known that Uyghuria is in imminent danger of becoming a second Tibet. The People’s Republic of China has announced a ‘Kashgar Dangerous House Reform’, the purpose of which is to raze 85 per cent of the Old City in Kashgar.

Such philistinism must be stopped and the European Union must insist that the authorities of the People’s Republic of China do not destroy this important cultural site on the ancient Silk Road. The UN Declaration of the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities as well as the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China must be respected, even by Beijing.

The People’s Republic of China is more and more exercising sinicisation of ethnic minorities such as the Uyghurs and the Tibetans. It is a cultural genocide in the 21st century, which we simply cannot accept.

  Jaroslav Paška, za skupinu EFD. – Čínske oficiálne kruhy dlhodobo ťažko znášajú zmienky o iných starých významných kultúrach a civilizáciách, ktorých pamiatky sa nachádzajú dnes na území Číny.

Kašgar je strediskom moslimských Ujgurov – jednej z najväčších čínskych národnostných menšín. Číňania sa po tisícročia usilovali ovládnuť územie Ujgurov a veľakrát svoj boj o ovládnutie tohto územia prehrali. Preto aj dnes je v postojoch čínskej administratívy cítiť istý odstup a snahu potlačiť akékoľvek prejavy kultúrnych tradícií a identity viažucich sa k bohatým kultúrnym pamiatkam Ujgurov a mesta Kašgar.

Nie som si istý, či sú oficiálne čínske orgány v dnešnej dobe schopné prijať filozofiu, že súčasný čínsky štát je postavený nielen na tradíciách a histórii Čínskej ríše, ale aj na tradíciách a histórii iných národov. Správanie sa Číňanov k Tibetu, ako aj k ujgurským pamiatkam v Kašgare svedčia skôr o tom, že Čína si dnes nedokáže vážiť bohatstvo, ktoré jej do spoločného štátu priniesli iné národy a iné kultúry.

Preto je správne aj z tohto miesta povedať, že my si na rozdiel od čínskych úradov vážime a ctíme všetky významné kultúrne pamiatky nachádzajúce na území Čínskej republiky, ako aj tie v Tibete a v Kašgare.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). - Mr President, Kashgar is a city of three and a half million people, a bit smaller than the population of the entire island of Ireland. It is closer to Baghdad than it is to Beijing. It is on the great trading route of the Silk Road and has some of the best preserved Islamic architecture sites, some of which are buried beneath the desert. It also has the largest mosque tomb in China and is a treasure, there is no doubt about that. However, as has been said, it is under a great threat, ostensibly because the Chinese want to redevelop the city because of its susceptibility to earthquakes. That is not acceptable to us, because we feel that a great treasure would be lost.

What can we do about it? Perhaps very little, but at least highlighting it here today is important. We can, as we said, ask that it be included among the Silk Road World Heritage Sites. Perhaps we could also make people aware of the treasures that are there, so that the people there can preserve them into the future. It would be the world’s loss, but a bigger loss to China.

  Mitro Repo (S&D). - Arvoisa puhemies, päätöslauselmassa on kyse todella tärkeän kulttuuriperinnön vaalimisesta ja vähemmistökansojen oikeudesta kulttuuri-identiteettiin. Kashgarin vanha kaupunki on yksi parhaiten säilyneitä islamilaisia kaupunkeja Keski-Aasiassa. Kashgarin vivahteikas historia ylettyy aina Kiinan Han-dynastian aikaan, ja kaupunki oli tärkeä etappi silkkitiellä, se yhdisti Aasian ja Euroopan. Koko Xinjiangin alueella on valtava kulttuurinen merkitys koko maailman mittapuussa.

Kiinan tuleekin ryhtyä toimiin Kashgarin liittämiseksi osaksi Unescon maailmanperintökohdetta ja alueen säilyttämiseksi jälkipolville. Euroopan ulkosuhdehallinnon tulisikin sisällyttää oikeus kulttuuri-identiteettiin osaksi paikallisia strategioita. EU:n Kiinan-lähetystö voisi myös korvamerkitä varoja tukeakseen Kashgarin vähemmistöjen perinteitä ja kulttuuri-identiteettiä.

  Monica Luisa Macovei (PPE). - Mr President, future generations depend on our actions today to protect timeless sites such as Kashgar. Kashgar is a fundamental pillar of the history of Islam in China.

In 2009 the Chinese Government announced an urban reconstruction programme that plans to demolish 85% of the old city of Kashgar and replace it with modern apartments. The demolition should be stopped. Urban planners should identify a development plan that preserves the old city of Kashgar. The whole Silk Road in China should be submitted for protection under UNESCO’s World Heritage Programme, which China joined in 1985. I call on the Commission and the Council to raise these matters with the Chinese authorities.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, cultural heritage is crucial to preserving identity. This is clear in Europe, in China, and wherever, and the Chinese authorities know this. However we have seen, for instance, how they have purposefully destroyed this heritage, which means this identity, in several places like Tibet and now they are doing the same in the Uyghur places like Kashgar.

This is why it is so important that we once again explain our position, and we urge the Chinese Government to stop the cultural destruction threatening Kashgar’s architectural survival immediately and to carry out a comprehensive expert inquiry into culture-sensitive methods of renovation. This is not for nothing: the credibility of a government is also based on how it treats minorities. If China wants to be credible in the international sphere, it is important that minorities, such as the Uyghurs, are treated properly, adequately respectfully and in line with human standards.

  Paul Rübig (PPE). - Herr Präsident, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar Hahn! Kultur und Identität müssen auch auf globaler Ebene deutlich in den Mittelpunkt gestellt werden. Karl Habsburg hat uns gerade diese Woche erklärt, wie wichtig es für die Identitätsfindung ist, dass dieses Kulturerbe nicht nur den Uiguren zur Verfügung steht, sondern ein weltweites Gut ist. China sollte hier einige Zeichen des Entgegenkommens setzen. Wir haben zum Beispiel unlängst mit der Stadt Wenzhou eine Vereinbarung dahingehend getroffen, dass in Zukunft Direktinvestitionen in Dollar möglich sein sollen. Hier sehe ich eine Chance, dass auch diese Region in den Mittelpunkt rückt und dass man in den verschiedenen Städten und Regionen Chinas zu gleichen Rechten kommt. Gerade die internationalen Beziehungen können hier sehr viel helfen.

  Sari Essayah (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, Kiinassa etnisten vähemmistöjen perusoikeuksia ei kunnioiteta oli sitten kyseessä tiibetiläiset taikka uiguurit. Kuvaavaa on se, että Kiinan kommunistinen puolue kieltäytyy tukemasta Kashgarin kaupunkia tämän pyrkimyksissä kilpailla Unescon maailmanperintökohteen statuksesta. Viime vuosina Kiina on tukenut kansainvälistä hanketta liittää silkkitien kulttuurikohteet maailmanperintölistalle, mutta juuri Kashgar ei ole ollut Kiinan listalla tässä yhteydessä, koska se on yhden Kiinan suurimmista vähemmistöistä, uiguurien, kotipaikka.

Kiina päinvastoin on aikonut purkaa Kashgarin kaupungista suuria osia, ja Kiina on perustellut tätä hanketta asukkaiden turvallisuudella, mutta kulttuuri-, kansalais- ja ihmisoikeusjärjestöt pitävät tätä suunnitelmaa julmana uiguurien kulttuurien murskaamisena. Vähitellen Kiinan kommunistisen puolueen on tunnustettava se tosiasia, että Kiinan kansalaiset ovat kulttuurisesti monimuotoisia ja heillä tulee olla myös kulttuurinen itsemääräämisoikeus.

  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Centrul vechi al orașului Kashgar este în pericol, iar odată cu el, reperul istoric al minorității uigure din China. Politica adusă de așa-zisa reorganizare urbană duce la dispariția treptată a identității acestui grup, care și-a construit cultura în jurul cetății de pe drumul mătăsii. Cred că mutarea populației uigure din locuințele tradiționale și demolarea Kashgarului sunt măsuri care încalcă drepturile minorităților. Mai mult, orașul este considerat a fi cel mai bine păstrat exemplu de arhitectură islamică din Asia Centrală. Străzile și clădirile Kashgarului pot fi restaurate pentru a îmbunătăți condițiile de viață ale locuitorilor. Întrebarea este de ce nu investesc autoritățile în astfel de lucrări. Recomand includerea centrului vechi în lista patrimoniului cultural universal UNESCO, ca parte a drumului mătăsii. De asemenea, fac apel la guvernul chinez să oprească demolarea orașului și să caute soluții alternative.

  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, syrjäisen sijaintinsa vuoksi Kiinan länsirajalla sijaitseva Kashgar ja siellä elävät uiguurit ovat onnistuneet säilyttämään vuosisatoja vanhat perinteensä. Kaupunki houkuttelee siksi satojatuhansia turisteja vuodessa. Kaupungin strategisen sijainnin takia Kiinan hallinto pyrkii nyt kontrolloimaan aluetta tehokkaammin turvatakseen paremman pääsyn Keski-Aasian energiamarkkinoille.

Kiinalla on toki oikeus taloudelliseen kehitykseen, mutta vähemmistöryhmien hataralla pohjalla olevat oikeudet on turvattava. Kashgaria on mahdollista kehittää niin, että uiguurien elämäntyyli voidaan edelleen taata. Talojen maanjäristysturvallisuutta ja infrastruktuuria voidaan parantaa ilman, että suunnitelmat tuhota 85 prosenttia vanhasta kaupungista toteutetaan ja uiguurit pakkosiirretään syrjään uusille asuinalueille hajottaen heidän yhteiskuntansa.

Vanhan kaupungin holtiton tuhoaminen on siis lopetettava ja uiguureja on kuultava heidän perinteisen asuinalueensa kehityksessä. Muutoin uiguurien eksoottinen ja kiehtova kulttuuri on vaarassa tuhoutua kokonaan.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). - Panie Przewodniczący! Chciałbym powiedzieć, że bardzo dobrze, iż Parlament Europejski po raz kolejny zabiera głos w sprawie Ujgurów, mniejszości muzułmańskiej dyskryminowanej w Chinach. Chciałbym przypomnieć, że była już rezolucja Parlamentu Europejskiego w tej sprawie oraz o tym, że powinniśmy wypowiadać się również w kontekście innych mniejszości religijnych prześladowanych w Chińskiej Republice Ludowej, na przykład mniejszości chrześcijańskiej. Katolicy są tam bardzo ostro dyskryminowani. Władze komunistyczne w Pekinie powołały specjalne struktury kościelne, które są nieuznawane przez oficjalny kościół katolicki. Myślę, że ta bardzo potrzebna i ważna dyskusja może być dzisiaj głosem w obronie wszystkich mniejszości religijnych w Chinach. Myślę, że ten głos jest bardzo potrzebny.

  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, the preservation of cultural heritage is obviously of central importance in ensuring the protection and continuation of a minority’s traditions and way of life. Moreover, the destruction of important cultural property has the potential to deal a serious blow, not only to the heritage and archaeological patrimony of the minority concerned, but to cultural heritage in general. In this light, the European Union is following with concern the redevelopment of the ancient city of Kashgar in the Xinjiang Autonomous Region of China. The significance of Kashgar as a centre of culture for the Uyghur minority in China cannot be overstated. Kashgar is conceived as being as important as Jerusalem is to Jews, Muslims and Christians.

The Chinese Government’s 2009 White Paper on Xinjiang stated that restoration of Kashgar is necessary to protect the city from earthquakes or fire. This is a laudable aim. Civil society, both in China and internationally, has expressed considerable disquiet about the methods employed. There is serious concern that as much as 85% of the old city may be demolished. Indeed many notable buildings, including the unique Xanliq madrasah, appear to have been destroyed already. It is also worrying that some 200 000 people may be displaced from their traditional homes and that there appears to have been little or no consultation with the residents affected.

It is feared that the demolition of structures which have formed the basis of Uyghur culture for many hundreds of years may have a grave impact on the preservation of their culture in the years ahead. It is also regrettable that China has chosen not to propose Kashgar as a World Heritage Site despite its unique status, as this would allow UNESCO to become involved in the process of redevelopment. We understand that UNESCO has in any event made representations to the Chinese authorities concerning the impact of the development on Kashgar’s traditional heritage and culture. The European Union fully shares these concerns and will call on the Chinese authorities to work with UNESCO to ensure that any redevelopment of Kashgar meets international best practice in this field.

The European Union will also call on the Chinese authorities to ensure that the inhabitants of Kashgar are fully consulted about the future of the city and that their views are taken into account.

  Der Präsident. − Zum Abschluß dieser Aussprache⁽²⁾ habe ich sechs Entschließungsanträge gemäß Artikel 110 Absatz 2 der Geschäftsordnung erhalten.

Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet im Anschluss an die Aussprachen statt.

(1) Siehe Protokoll

(2) Siehe Protokoll

15. Ħin tal-votazzjonijiet

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgt die Abstimmung.

(Abstimmungsergebnisse und sonstige Einzelheiten der Abstimmung: siehe Protokoll)

15.1. Pakistan - il-qtil ta' Shahbaz Bhatti, Ministru tal-Minoranzi (RC-B7-0166/2011)

15.2. Il-Bjelorussja, b'mod partikolari l-każijiet ta' Ales Michalevic u Natalia Radin

15.3. Is-sitwazzjoni u l-wirt kulturali f'Kashgar (Reġjun Awtonomu Uyghur Xinjiang, Ċina)

  Der Präsident. − Die Abstimmung ist geschlossen.

16. Il-korrezzjonijiet għall-voti u l-intenzjonijiet tal-vot: ara l-Minuti

17. Pożizzjoni tal-Kunsill fl-1 qari: ara l-Minuti

18. Dokumenti mressqa: ara l-Minuti

19. Deċiżjonijiet dwar ċertu dokumenti: ara l-minuti

20. Dikjarazzjonijiet bil-miktub imniżżla fir-reġistru (Artikolu 123 tar-Regoli ta' Proċedura): ara l-Minuti

21. Trażmissjoni tat-testi adottati waqt is-seduta li għaddejja: ara l-Minuti

22. Dati tas-seduti li jmiss: ara l-Minuti

23. Interruzzjoni tas-sessjoni

  Der Präsident. − Ich erkläre die Sitzungsperiode des Europäischen Parlaments für unterbrochen.

(Die Sitzung wird um 16.30 Uhr geschlossen.)

Στο σημείο "κοινωνική πολιτική" του προγράμματος της ουγγρικής Προεδρίας γίνεται λόγος για την πρόθεση της Προεδρίας να προτείνει να αφιερωθεί ένα ευρωπαϊκό έτος στις οικογένειες. Επιπλέον, το Συμβούλιο δηλώνει έτοιμο να δώσει έμφαση σε θέματα συμφιλίωσης επαγγελματικής και οικογενειακής ζωής.

Ποιο έτος προτίθεται να προτείνει για την συγκεκριμένη δράση και με ποιες πολιτικές σκοπεύει να το πλαισιώσει; Διαθέτει μελέτες ή στοιχεία σχετικά με τις επιπτώσεις της οικονομικής κρίσης στον ομαλό οικογενειακό βίο;

Δεδομένης της σύνδεσης της συγκεκριμένης πρωτοβουλίας με το δημογραφικό πρόβλημα της Ευρώπης, ποιες είναι οι σκέψεις της Προεδρίας για την ενίσχυση των πολύτεκνων οικογενειών; Λαμβάνοντας υπόψη ότι το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινωνικό Ταμείο χρηματοδοτεί πρωτοβουλίες των κρατών μελών που στοχεύουν γενικά στις πολιτικές για την προστασία των οικογενειών, προτίθεται το Συμβούλιο να παρακινήσει την Επιτροπή να προτείνει κάποια συγκεκριμένη και στοχευμένη πρωτοβουλία για τις πολύτεκνες οικογένειες; (Σύμφωνα με την ελληνική νομοθεσία ως πολύτεκνη οικογένεια ορίζεται η οικογένεια με τέσσερα και πλέον παιδιά).

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the March 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

Honourable Members, I would like to thank you for putting this question, which is of particular interest to the Hungarian Presidency.

As you rightly pointed out, the Hungarian Presidency has put forward a number of activities in the area of family policy. under the heading “Demographic Change and Family Policy”. These include an initiative on a European Year of Families to take place in 2014, building on the results of the European Year of Combating Poverty and Social Exclusion (2010). The Presidency strongly believes that special attention needs to be devoted to families. Improving the social situation of families could have a positive influence on the current demographic tendencies, and will most certainly contribute to strengthening social cohesion.

As far as the impact of the crisis on the social situation of families is concerned, the Presidency has studied with interest the information available on family policies, in particular through various reports prepared by the Social Protection Committee and the European Commission. In order to deepen knowledge on these issues, the Hungarian Presidency will organise on 28-29 March an experts conference on “The Impact of Work and Family Reconciliation on Demographic Dynamics” and on 1 April, the Presidency will host an informal meeting of ministers responsible for family and demographic affairs. I Issues related to families and the Europe 2020 Strategy as well as possibilities for enhancing cooperation in the field of family policies will be addressed. It is within this framework of actions addressing the demographic challenge, that the Hungarian Presidency is preparing the initiative on a “European Year of Families 2014”.

Whilst family issues are first and foremost an area of Member States' competence, family policies are firmly embedded in our shared values and traditions, and there is considerable scope for cooperation at EU level. Actions such as those proposed by the Hungarian Presidency can also provide added value to policy options and solutions at national level. The Presidency hopes that its initiative on a “European Year of Families 2014” will secure wide support. Of course, detailed objectives and measures of the European Year of Families will have to be discussed and decided upon at a later stage.

Can the Hungarian Presidency give its views on the call from certain countries that corporation tax rates should be harmonised?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the March 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

Direct taxation remains primarily within the competence of the Member States. Nonetheless, in a few cases corporate taxation has been subject to EU legislation and coordination where this was necessary for the functioning of the internal market.

Concerning EU legislation, the Council has adopted Directives on cross-border income flows (Directive 90/435⁽¹⁾ concerning parent - subsidiaries companies and Directive 2003/49/EC⁽²⁾ concerning interest and royalty payments) and on cross-border merging of international groups of companies (Directive 90/434/ of 23⁽³⁾ on mergers). It also adopted Directive 77/799/EEC⁽⁴⁾ on mutual assistance.

As far as coordination is concerned, since 1998 the Council Code of Conduct Group meets regularly to assess potentially harmful measures in the area of business taxation. As a result, a significant number of harmful tax measures have been identified and rolled back. Lastly, in June 2010 the Council adopted a resolution on coordination of the Controlled Foreign Corporation (CFC) and thin capitalisation rules within the European Union, which is also aimed at coordinating Member States' policies in the area of direct taxation.

As regards future work in the area of corporate taxation, the Commission in its Work Programme for 2011 is planning to submit a proposal on the Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base, on which the European parliament will be consulted.

Against this background, any ideas on corporate tax rates are only being floated by a couple of Member States. Pursuant to the Treaty, EU legislation measures in the tax area require a proposal from the Commission and unanimity within the Council, which can adopt Directives after consulting the European Parliament.

The Hungarian Presidency begins at a time when economic recovery is still uneven and has yet to be consolidated within the Union. In response to the problems in the euro area, the Member States have agreed to modify the Lisbon Treaty in order to make permanent the financial stabilisation mechanism set up to help Greece and Ireland. One of the new presidency’s objectives is to move forward with these negotiations. Could you please outline what measures you intend to take?

The Hungarian Presidency also intends to take further steps towards coordinating the Member States’ economic policies, including launching the ‘European semester’, a six-month period during which each country’s draft budget will be reviewed by the EU to detect potential imbalances. Could the Council please outline the criteria that will be applied in order to determine any imbalance in a Member State’s budget?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the March 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The European Council of 16-17 December 2010 decided that the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU should be modified in order to recognize the power of the euro area Member States to create a permanent crisis resolution mechanism to safeguard financial stability in the euro area. It further mandated the Finance Ministers of the euro area Member States and the Commission to finalise work on the intergovernmental arrangement setting up the future European Stability Mechanism by March 2011. As this work is intergovernmental, it falls outside the competence of the Hungarian Presidency.

As for the so-called "European semester", this was endorsed by the Council in its conclusions on 7 September 2010, and involves simultaneous monitoring of the Member States' budgetary policies and structural reforms, in accordance with common rules, during a six-month period every year. The European semester is being implemented for the first time this year.

Member States had already submitted their draft National Reform Programmes in 2010, while the Commission presented to the Council the main conclusions of its first annual growth survey on 13 January 2011⁽¹⁾.This survey outlines priority actions to be taken by Member States and sets out priorities in three main areas, namely the enhancing of macroeconomic stability, structural reforms for boosting employment and growth-enhancing measures under the "Europe 2020" strategy.

On 18 January 2011 the Council held a review of draft National Reform Programmes and had an exchange of views on the Annual Growth Survey submitted by the Commission.

On 15 February the Council adopted conclusions on macroeconomic and fiscal guidance.

In line with the roadmap set out by the Hungarian Presidency, on 28 February the Council gave its reaction to the Annual Growth Survey presented by the Commission and is expected to discuss the Joint Employment Report on 7 March, the Research and Development Target on 10-11 March, and climate change on 14 March. On 21 March the Council will be invited by the Presidency to endorse a Synthesis Report setting out the main messages based on the work carried out in the relevant Council formations, with a view to its transmission to the European Council.

Regarding the Member States' budgets, the Council agreed on 15 February on strict compliance with the Council recommendations in the context of the excessive deficit procedure. Member States facing very large structural budget deficit or very high or rapidly increasing public debt levels should frontload their fiscal consolidation. Furthermore, all Member States should keep the growth of expenditure net of discretionary revenue measures clearly below the medium-term rate of potential GDP growth until they have reached their medium-term budgetary objective. At the same time, they should prioritise sustainable growth-friendly expenditure and promote efficiency of public spending.

Wie beurteilt der Rat die Chancen der ehemaligen Jugoslawischen Republik Mazedonien, noch in diesem Jahr mit Beitrittsverhandlungen mit der EU zu beginnen bzw. ein Datum für den Verhandlungsbeginn genannt zu bekommen?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the March 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

In its conclusions of 14 December 2010 the Council reaffirmed its unequivocal commitment to the European perspective of the Western Balkans, a prospect which had already been reconfirmed at the High Level Meeting on the Western Balkans in Sarajevo on 2 June 2010 and which remains essential for the stability, reconciliation and future of the region. At the same time, the Council reaffirmed the need for fair and rigorous conditionality, in the framework of the Stabilisation and Association Process and in accordance with the renewed consensus on enlargement approved by the European Council on 14 and 15 December 2006.

The Council recalled that by making solid progress in economic and political reform and by fulfilling the necessary conditions and requirements, the remaining potential candidates in the Western Balkans should achieve candidate status, according to their own merits, with European Union membership as ultimate goal. A country’s satisfactory track record in implementing its obligations under the Stabilisation and Association Agreements, including trade-related provisions, is an essential element for the EU to consider any membership application.

The Council welcomed the progress achieved by the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia in key reform areas such as police reform, albeit at an uneven pace. The country continues to fulfil its commitments under the Stabilisation and Association Agreement. The Council expects momentum of the reform agenda to be maintained. Further progress still needs to be made on issues such as dialogue among political actors, judiciary and public administration reform, the fight against corruption, freedom of expression and improving the business environment. The implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement remains an essential element of democracy and the rule of law in the country.

The Council broadly shares the Commission's assessment of the country's sufficient fulfilment of the political criteria and noted that the Commission reiterated its recommendation that accession negotiations should be opened with the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. The Council stated in its conclusions its readiness to return to the matter during the Hungarian Presidency. The Council reiterated that maintaining good neighborly relations, including a negotiated and mutually accepted solution to the name issue, under the auspices of the UN, is essential. The Council also welcomed the ongoing high-level dialogue and looked forward to it bringing results shortly.⁽¹⁾

Co Rada zamierza zrobić, aby powstrzymać dojście do władzy radykalnych islamistów w Egipcie i Tunezji?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the March 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

With respect to developments in Egypt and Tunisia to which the Honourable Member of the European Parliament refers to in his question, the European Council, the Council (FAC) as well as the Presidents of the European Council, the European Commission and the High Representative in a joint statement, saluted the peaceful and dignified expression by the Tunisian and Egyptian people of their legitimate, democratic, economic and social aspirations which are in accordance with the values the European Union promotes for itself and throughout the world. It was emphasised that the citizens' democratic aspirations should be addressed through dialogue and political reform with full respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and through free and fair elections.

The Council is determined to lend its full support to the transition processes towards democratic governance, pluralism, improved opportunities for economic prosperity and social inclusion, and strengthened regional stability.

On 4 February 2011, the European Council stated that it was committed to a new partnership involving more effective support in the future to those countries which are pursuing political and economic reforms. In this context the European Council invited the High Representative to develop a package of measures aimed at lending European Union support to the transition and transformation processes (strengthening democratic institutions, promoting democratic governance and social justice, and assisting the preparation and conduct of free and fair elections); and to link the European Neighbourhood Policy and Union for the Mediterranean more to these objectives.

Komisija 2010 m. liepos 7 d. paskelbė Žaliąją knygą dėl adekvačios, tvarios ir saugios Europos pensijų sistemos. Europos Parlamentas taip pat priėmė savo poziciją šiuo klausimu.

Šį pusmetį Europos Sąjungos Tarybai pirmininkaujančios Vengrijos programoje neminimas pensijų klausimas, kuris šiuo metu yra vienas iš svarbiausių prioritetų ir iššūkių tiek nacionaliniu, tiek Europos Sąjungos lygiu. Be to, Vengrijos vyriausybė priėmė naują sprendimą – iš antrojo pensijų sistemos ramsčio perkelti santaupas į pirmąjį ramstį. Ar Tarybai pirmininkaujanti Vengrija ketina pateikti panašias iniciatyvas ir kitoms valstybėms narėms? Ar ji mano, kad tokiomis iniciatyvomis bus galima užtikrinti pensijų tvarumą?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the March 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

In June 2010, the Council adopted conclusions on the interim joint report on pensions prepared by the Economic Policy Committee (EPC) and the Social Protection Committee (SPC). In these conclusions the Council reaffirmed its commitment to the common objectives of sustainable and adequate pensions and to the three-pronged strategy for meeting the economic and budgetary consequences of ageing. This aims namely at reducing debt at a faster pace, raising employment rates and productivity and reforming pension, health care and long-term care systems

Following the Commission Green Paper and the finalisation of the EPC-SPC joint report, the Council discussed the issue on 17 November 2010 and underlined the long-term challenge of ageing populations for the sustainability and adequacy of pensions, as aggravated by the current economic situation. The EPSCO Council meeting in December adopted Council conclusions in this context.

Development of the pension systems is a long-term issue, consequently this must be constantly kept on the agenda now and in the future as well. That is why the EPSCO Council at its meeting of 7 March discussed the preliminary conclusions of the Green Paper’s consultation on the adequate, sustainable and safe European pension systems The Council held a fruitful exchange of views on the most pressing dilemmas of European pension systems. The main issues were besides the retirement age the inter-related problematics of the adequacy, sustainability and security together with the special conditions shaped by the impact of the budgetary constraints. The main conclusion of the debate was that while most Member States deemed necessary the further strengthening of the coordination on EU level in the field of the pension systems at the same time they nailed down that pensions and retirements age are matters of exclusive Member States competence.

The Council stressed the urgency for further implementation of structural reforms, consistent with the Europe 2020 strategy, in order to support fiscal consolidation, improve growth prospects, strengthen work incentives, ensure flexible labour markets and extend working lives.

In conclusion, while there is a need to consider pension policies in a comprehensive manner using existing EU level policy coordination frameworks, the design of the pension systems as much as the the provision of pensions remain in the competence of Member States.

Improving support for victims of crime is an important part of the Stockholm Programme. In particular, the issues surrounding assistance for the victims of cross-border crime in Europe are of real concern to EU Citizens. There are few practical procedures in place that offer support or advice to victims and families that have been caught up in the aftermath of crime and serious injury abroad. I am helping a constituent whose son was a victim of a violent attack whilst on holiday in Crete. There is a real need for EU action in this area to fulfil the promise of a citizens’ Europe.

Commissioner Reding has announced a package of measures in relation to the protection of victims of criminal offences. Furthermore, the programme of the Hungarian Presidency of the Council mentions the protection of victims of criminal offences.

Could the Council elaborate on this and provide more information on what measures it intends to take to protect victims of criminal offences?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the March 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Hungarian Presidency of the Council attaches great importance to the protection of victims of crime, which is also set out in the Stockholm Programme (’An open and secure Europe serving and protecting citizens’) as a key objective for the Union. Indeed, in this Programme the European Council has stressed the importance of providing special support and legal protection to those who are most vulnerable or who find themselves in particularly exposed situations, such as persons subjected to repeated violence in close relationships, victims of gender based violence, or persons who fall victim to other types of crimes in a Member State of which they are not nationals or residents. The Presidency stresses that an integrated and coordinated approach to victims is needed, in line with the Stockholm Programme and the Council conclusions on a strategy to ensure fulfilment of the rights of persons who fall victims of crime and to improve support for them, adopted in October 2009.

In preparation of such an integrated approach, the Presidency will organise a comprehensive seminar, scheduled for 23-24 March 2011 in Budapest, under the title ’Protecting victims in the EU: The road ahead’, where a wide range of issues will be discussed concerning the future legislative and non-legislative initiatives in this field.

The Council also awaits the presentation of the Commission’s package of measures on the protection of victims, especially in the context of criminal proceedings, at the Justice Council on 12 April 2011. Once this set of proposals will have been formally tabled, the Council will examine it as a matter of priority, and draw up a comprehensive list of action points which the Member States undertake to act upon in order to fulfil their commitment in the Stockholm Programme to enhance victims' protection in the EU. This list will be centred around the upcoming Commission proposals, in particular concerning the revision of Council Framework Decision 2001/220/JHA of 15 March 2001 on the standing of victims in criminal proceedings, but will also look beyond that. The Presidency plans to include these action points in a Council ’roadmap’, to ensure the coherence of future initiatives in this field, both through legislative and non-legislative measures. The Presidency plans to have the roadmap adopted at the Justice Council on 10 June 2011.

Ist dem Rat die Studie des deutschen Bundesumweltamtes bekannt, nach der von Energiesparlampen wegen des in ihnen enthaltenen Quecksilbers Vergiftungsgefahren ausgehen, wenn sie im häuslichen Umfeld zerbrechen? Welche Schlüsse zieht der Rat aus dieser Studie?

Ist der Rat bereit, seine Entscheidung, konventionelle Glühlampen aus dem Verkehr zu ziehen, zu überdenken?

Wie steht der Rat zu der Überlegung, das Verbot herkömmlicher Glühlampen wenigstens für private Haushalte auszusetzen?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the March 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council is committed to the protection of human health and the environment from releases of mercury and its compounds and is conscious of the concern that the Honourable Members raises in his question. At present the Council examines the review of the Community Strategy Concerning Mercury on the basis of the Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council of 7 December 2010⁽¹⁾.

The review, under Action 8, describes in detail actions and measures addressing the mercury content used in energy efficient light bulbs, which were introduced at the EU level following the progressive ban of incandescent bulbs from the EU market by the 2005 Eco-design Directive as amended in 2009. The review refers also to the Opinion on Mercury in Certain Energy-saving Light Bulbs of the Scientific Committee on Health and Environmental Risks (SCHER) which concludes that a human health risk for adults due to breakage of such lamps is unlikely. The Council is for the moment not aware of any other study stating the opposite.

However, the Council considers important that Member States and the Commission continue to study and to raise awareness of all stakeholders, including the general public, on the health and environmental impact of mercury and to disseminate information about the ongoing EU activities in this field.

The EU Small Business Act states that ‘vibrant SMEs will make Europe more robust to stand against the uncertainty encountered in the globalised world of today’. SMEs are of high importance given that they account for 70% of all employment in the euro area. Can the Council outline what measures are being taken at EU level to support SMEs in the EU? Access to finance is a major stumbling block for SMEs at present. What steps can be taken at EU level to help SMEs remain viable and competitive?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the March 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Commission's communication on the Mid-term revision of the Small Business Act of 23 February 2011 contains measures to reduce administrative burden, dismantle barriers to effective cross-border operations within the Single Market, facilitate SME business in the global market, and improve access to finance for SMEs. The Presidency intends to focus on this Communication and submit draft conclusions for adoption to the Council in May 2011 on issues such as:

· the application of the "only once" principle, avoiding to ask SMEs the same questions by public authorities several times,

· reducing "gold plating" by Member States in line with "smart regulation" principles,

· systematically assess impact of legislation using an "SME test",

· present at a defined moment each year a forward planning of business-related legislation

· apply the "think small first" principle also to administrative procedures affecting SMEs

Existing actions will also be further developed in line with the Europe-2020 strategy, in the following areas:

· making smart regulation a reality for European SMEs,

· taking a broad-based approach to enhancing market access to SMEs,

· helping SMEs to contribute to a resource-efficient economy, and

· promoting entrepreneurship, job creation and inclusive growth.

As for access to finance a number of instruments introduced by Member States for ensuring easier and more equitable access to bank lending already proved to be effective.

At EU level, the financial instruments of the Competitiveness and Innovation Framework Programme (CIP), with a total budget of 1.1 billion euro for the period 2007-2013 enable financial institutions to provide about 30 billion euro. In addition, the European Investment Bank (EIB) almost doubled its lending for small businesses in Europe, with a target of 30 billion euro for the period 2008-2011.

Finally, EU support instruments for RTD and innovation efforts by SMEs (such as the dedicated SME activities within the 7th Research Framework Programme and the Competitiveness and Innovation Framework Programme (CIP)) are important and effective in improving their competitiveness, as pointed out by the European Council meeting on 4 February 2011.

The Council is on the point of adopting in COREPER a Commission proposal for anti-dumping tariffs on fibreglass (AD549). Fibreglass is the main component of wind turbines, a flagship for the EU’s fight against climate change and a major component towards its 20-20-20 goals.

Does the Council agree that there has been a lack of joined-up thinking as it promotes and subsidises wind energy in Member States with one hand, only to penalise it financially with the other?

Is the Council content to see that a measure can be adopted in Working Group with as few as only four votes in favour out of 27? Furthermore, in light of the obvious lack of support and proper information about the effects of the measure, will the Hungarian presidency, whose country was one of the nine Member States who voted against in the Working Group, recommend that this measure be debated properly in COREPER or be referred back to the committee stage?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the March 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

Article 9(4) of Council Regulation (EC) 1225/2009 of 30 November 2009 on protection against dumped imports from countries not members of the European Community (the Basic Anti-Dumping Regulation) states that a Commission proposal "shall be adopted by the Council unless it decides by a simple majority to reject the proposal within a period of one month after its submission by the Commission". This means that at least fourteen Member States must be opposed if the proposed measures are to be rejected. The result of an informal consultation procedure on the proposal referred to by the Honourable Member which ended on 24 February was that the majority of Member States did not reject the proposal. For that reason, the Presidency sees no need for further debate or for the matter to be referred back to the Committee stage. It will therefore recommend that, in order to comply with European Union law, the Council adopt the Commission proposal.

The information submitted by wind turbine or wind turbine blades manufacturers (a downstream user industry) during the investigation has been limited and of only a very general nature. Written submissions indicate that the vast majority of glass fibre products imported from China by this specific user sector fall outside the product scope of this proceeding. Furthermore, the cost and profitability analysis for the direct user industry, as summarized in recitals 119-126 of the proposed Regulation, is reassuring, and the impact on further downstream users will be minimal.

The purpose of anti-dumping measures is to re-establish a level playing field on the Union market. Broader topics, such as the fight against climate change, are already covered by specific legislation, which includes public interest considerations. As a general rule, the Union interest analysis in trade defence investigations focuses on the economic impact of measures on the economic operators concerned, the industry within the EU cannot be deprived of its right to seek protection from unfair trade practices. Moreover, taking broader considerations into account would conflict with the precise technical nature of such investigations. Concerns relating to other aspects should be addressed through other appropriate instruments and measures.

Can the Council outline what initiatives it will undertake in the area of sports policy during 2011? Co-operation on sports issues is an EU competence following the adoption of the Treaty of Lisbon and 2011 is dedicated to the European year of the volunteer. Are there specific actions to be undertaken by the EU in relation to sport structures, in particular, those based on voluntary activity during 2011?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the March 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

While the Council does not have a role in the implementation or the preparatory actions of the European Year of Voluntary Activities as it is implemented by the Commission and the Member States, the Council on several occasions, notably in its sessions of May⁽¹⁾ and November 2010⁽²⁾, held an exchange of views on the possible future priority areas in the field of sport.

In the May Council meeting the ministers in particular emphasised the importance of investing in grassroots sport by focusing on recreational and health enhancing sport. They suggested the following areas for possible EU action:

- Social and educational functions of sport, e.g. social inclusion through sport and health enhancing physical activity, dual careers for athletes;

- Sport structures, in particular those based on voluntary activity;

- Fairness and openness in sport, including the fight against racism, discrimination and violence;

- Physical and moral integrity of sportsmen and sportswomen, especially the fight against doping and the protection of minors;

- Dialogue and close cooperation with the sports movement.

In November 2010, the Council adopted a resolution establishing a high-level structured dialogue with sport stakeholders⁽³⁾ . Such a dialogue will allow an ongoing exchange of views on priorities, implementation and follow-up to EU cooperation in the field of sport.

At the same meeting the Council adopted also conclusions on the role of sport as a source of and a driver for active social inclusion⁽⁴⁾. The conclusions identify three common priorities for promoting social inclusion through sport: the accessibility of sport activity for all citizens ("sport for all" principle), better use of the potential of sport as a contribution to community building, social cohesion and growth, and transnational exchanges of strategies and methodologies.

The Presidency intends to invite the Council to respond to the Commission Communication entitled "Developing the European Dimension in Sport" by adopting a resolution in May 2011. Such a resolution could set out a limited number of priority areas and establish an EU work plan in the field of sport for the next three years. Moreover, the current and next Council Presidencies intend to use the theme of the year as a focus for a number of conferences and events.

Can the Council outline what measures it will take to reduce the numbers of young people leaving school without a basic qualification?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the March 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

Under the terms of the Treaty, in particular Articles 165 and 166 TFEU, education and training constitute an area of national competence in which the European Union has essentially only a supporting role. As a result, the possibilities for adopting measures and actions at EU level are extremely limited.

Nevertheless, in recognition of the fact that Member States face common challenges in this field which call for joint responses and that all can benefit from the exchange of experience, the Union has progressively intensified European cooperation in education and training over the last decade. This process of enhanced cooperation culminated in May 2009 in the Council's adoption of the "ET2020" strategic framework⁽¹⁾, under which Member States agreed to take steps at national level in order to achieve a number of jointly agreed strategic objectives. To create momentum towards these objectives, the Member States also agreed on a series of reference levels of European average performance (commonly referred to as "benchmarks"), one of which relates specifically to the reduction of early school leaving, i.e. that by 2020 the share of early school leavers should be below 10%.

More recently, the importance of tackling this issue has been recognised at the highest level of the Union. In June 2010 the European Heads of State and Government adopted the Europe 2020 strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth. Acknowledging the fundamental role which education and training should play in the strategy, they agreed that improving education levels was a priority for the Union and - reflecting the benchmark adopted under the "ET2020" framework - set an EU headline target of reducing the overall share of early school leavers to less than 10% by 2020.

In terms of the specific measures being considered in order to meet this ambitious target (the current EU average is 14.4%), the Council has already begun examining a Commission proposal for a Council Recommendation on policies to reduce early school leaving.

This sets out basic guidelines for coherent, comprehensive and evidence-based strategies to be adopted and implemented in the context of Member States' national reform programmes, and funded through the Lifelong Learning Programme, the Framework Programme for Research and Innovation, and the European Social Fund. The proposal will be examined within the Council during March and April, with a view for the Presidency to submit it for adoption by the Council in May.

On a broader level, progress toward the EU headline target of reducing early school leaving to below 10%, along with progress towards all the objectives and targets of the Europe 2020 Strategy, will be monitored regularly during the first half of each year in the context of the 'European Semester'.

Paslaugų direktyvoje, priimtoje 2006 m., numatytas kontaktinių centrų steigimas valstybėse narėse. Tai yra svarbiausias veiksmingo direktyvos įgyvendinimo elementas ir pagrindinis informacijos šaltinis paslaugų teikėjams, norintiems teikti tarpvalstybines paslaugas ar įsisteigti kitoje valstybėje narėje. Tai ypač aktualu smulkiems paslaugų teikėjams, kurie dažnai neturi finansinių galimybių konsultacijoms apie kitoje ES valstybėje narėje taikomą darbo ir mokesčių teisę, įsisteigimo procedūras ir kt.

Kai kuriose valstybėse narėse kontaktiniai centrai iš viso neįkurti arba veikia nepakankamai, t. y. juose pateikiama neišsami paslaugų teikėjams būtina informacija. Ar Taryba nemano, kad tokie vėlavimai kurti nacionalinius centrus iš esmės neleidžia paslaugų teikėjams naudotis bendrosios rinkos teikiamomis galimybėmis ir užkerta kelią smulkiam ir vidutiniam verslui teikti paslaugas kitose ES valstybėse narėse?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the March 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Points of single contact (PSC) were established in the Services Directive precisely to facilitate the lives of enterpreneurs by providing all the necessary information in a one-stop-shop and it is important to make sure that they are in place, and they work in the best way possible to achieve their objective.

A great deal of work has already been done. PSC are now in place in 22 Member States. The five Member States without an operational PSC are advancing significantly and most are planning to make their PSC available in the course of 2011.

17 PSCs already allow for the online completion of some key procedures. Working in this direction would create a direct link between the 'think small first' principle, the Single Market Act and the 'Digital agenda for Europe'. These three aspects, together with the monitoring of the implementation of the Services Directive have been the subject of constant and regular attention in the Council in the past years.

Overall, the development of the PSCs does not end with the implementation of the Services Directive, more work can be done to improve the existing PSCs to make them more user-friendly and useful for entrepreneurs, both as regards the availability and presentation of information as well as ease of the completion of procedures online within a Member State and particularly across borders.

In this perspective, the Presidency intends to submit Council Conclusions on a better functioning single market for services to the Council of 10 March 2011. In these Conclusions the Council is expected to emphasise the importance of stepping up efforts for the full implementation of the Services Directive while welcoming the achievements so far including the results of the mutual evaluation exercise.

Η Συνομοσπονδία Εργατών Κολομβίας και η Παγκόσμια Συνδικαλιστική Ομοσπονδία καταγγέλλουν νέες συλλήψεις και δολοφονίες αγωνιστών και συνδικαλιστών στην Κολομβία από όργανα του καθεστώτος και παρακρατικές ομάδες. Στις 5 Φεβρουαρίου δολοφονήθηκε ο Κάρλος Αλμπέρτο Αγιάλα, εκπαιδευτικός και μέλος της Ένωσης Δασκάλων Κολομβίας, ενώ μόνο το 2010 είχαν δολοφονηθεί 25 εργαζόμενοι στην εκπαίδευση.

Ερωτάται το Συμβούλιο: Καταδικάζει τις δολοφονίες συνδικαλιστών στην Κολομβία; Απαιτεί την τιμωρία των υπευθύνων;

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the March 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council has always expressed in the strongest terms its condemnation and rejection of killings and other human rights violations in Colombia.

In the context of its political dialogue with the Colombian authorities, and in particular within the framework of its dedicated high-level dialogue on human rights, the EU has consistently urged Bogotá to step up its efforts to protect the most vulnerable population groups, including the leaders and members of trade unions.

It is crucial that the murders of trade unionists, just as all human rights violations committed by different actors in Colombia’s five decade-old internal conflict, are fully investigated, and the perpetrators punished.

The EU has long supported efforts to combat impunity through its cooperation programme, which has the sector of justice/rule of law as one of its focal areas.

The EU welcomes the commitment of the new Colombian government under President Santos to human rights, and to improved relations with the trade unions in particular, as expressed by the nomination of Angelino Garzón, former leader of Colombia’s largest trade union, as Vice President.

The Council hopes that the coming years will see a beginning of the healing of the rifts in Colombian society which are at the root of the country’s internal conflict, and the human rights violations that arise from them.

What is the EU policy on tax havens and tax justice?

The EU has an established policy on promoting good governance in tax matters which is based on three principles: transparency of tax systems, exchange of tax information and fair tax competition. Although so-called "tax havens" are de facto covered, the policy is not targeted at those, but aims at improving tax good governance in general.

The Commission is actively pursuing the implementation of the actions defined in its 2009 and 2010 communications on the “Promotion of good governance in tax matters” and on “Tax and development”, which form the basis of its policy in this field. In practice this means:

– in the field of transparency and exchange of information, ensuring that tax administrations have access, can process and effectively exchange between themselves relevant (tax) information on taxpayers;

– in the field of harmful tax competition, removing those tax regimes designed to unfairly attract taxpayers from other countries, while maintaining the capacity to use taxation as a fair competition tool in the Single Market.

This strategy has a clear international dimension. The Commission pushes for the inclusion of commitments to good governance in the tax area during the negotiations on EU agreements with third countries. Moreover, it builds on joined efforts undertaken in other international fora such as the G20, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and the United Nations.

As regards taxation of savings income, and beyond existing agreements with third countries, the Commission is actively promoting its standards – including automatic exchange of information – both in its discussions with European countries that are not members of the EU and with other important financial centres such as Singapore, Hong Kong and Macao.

The matter of tax justice is not within the Commission's remit. The Commission acknowledges the prime responsibility of countries to improve their revenue systems and policies according to their own economic and political circumstances and choices.

Recent research carried out by Ernst & Young on the impact of a Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB) on European business show that a CCCTB would result in higher compliance costs, higher effective tax rates, uncertainty around tax rates and damage to the European Union as an investment location. Can the Commission make a statement in response to these findings?

The Commission is aware of the study referred to by the Honourable Member. It is a valuable supplementary analysis brought to the debate. The findings of the study should nonetheless be put in context as it is based on the examination of 5 groups of enterprises.

The Commission is committed to removing obstacles to the completion of the Single Market and the CCCTB is an important tool in helping us towards that objective. It is anticipated that the CCCTB proposal will be considered by the College of Commissioners for adoption later in March 2011. It will be accompanied by a detailed impact assessment together with the publication of several studies on the basis of which the Commission assessed the most beneficial scheme to ensure that CCCTB contributes to a better business environment for growth and jobs in the EU.

Is the Commission of the opinion that the EU institutions were somewhat remiss in their oversight of the failings of Irish regulatory authorities?

Can it outline under what circumstances a re-discussion of the Irish bailout would be permitted?

The current interest rate of 5.8% per annum on Ireland’s loan from the EU and the IMF means that it will have to pay almost EUR 30 billion in interest over the next seven-and-a-half years. Economic growth will be seriously strained by the size of these repayments. While it is clear that the interest rate has been set on the basis of a formula, which can be changed by an agreement among the Member States and the members of the eurozone, will the Commission comment on the possibility of a lower interest rate?

Can the Commission say whether the ongoing talks to establish a permanent European Stability Mechanism due to conclude at the March European Council Summit will have any implications for, or result in changes to, the Memorandum of Understanding between the Irish Government, the EU and the IMF?

Both the Commission and the Council repeatedly signalled downside fiscal and macroeconomic risks related to the property boom in Ireland, from as early as 2000, as part of our regular fiscal surveillance procedures and also later in 2007 and 2008 under the Lisbon Strategy. Despite this, the Commission has acknowledged that macroeconomic oversight across all Member States in future needs to be broader its surveillance mandate needs to be expanded to cover also risks building up in the private sector.

On the interest rate, the Commission supports in principle a reduction of the interest rate margin on the European portion of the borrowing covered by the EFSM and the EFSF. However, a final decision on this matter would be for the Council and the euro area Member States and would have to be viewed in the context of a comprehensive package that would include progress on economic governance in the euro area, the new European Stabilisation Mechanism (ESM) and the adjustment measures by Member States. For Ireland, any reduction in interest costs could not alter the agreed consolidation path which would see Ireland reach a 3% of GDP deficit by 2015.

As to the scope for modifying the EU-IMF financial assistance program, the main elements or goalposts of the programme should not be renegotiated. The policy path set out in the programme is adequate to achieve its goals. The programme's quarterly reviews offer an opportunity to evaluate whether changed circumstances warrant changes in specific elements of the program. But all measures should take account of their effects on growth, competitiveness and long-run sustainability of public finances. On the issue of wider economic governance, any agreement at European level would not of its own accord lead to a change in the agreed policy path with Ireland.

Η οικονομική κρίση και η κρίση της ζώνης του ευρώ ανέδειξαν – πέραν των παθογόνων οικονομικών πολιτικών κρατών μελών της ζώνης του ευρώ – και τα δομικά ελλείμματα της ίδιας της κατασκευής της ΟΝΕ. Αληθές είναι ότι η Επιτροπή με σειρά προτάσεών της, μετά την εμφάνιση της κρίσης, επιχειρεί τη στατική πλήρωση και ενίσχυση της κατασκευής της ΟΝΕ, ιδίως του ατελούς πρώτου πυλώνα της, δηλαδή εκείνου της οικονομικής ένωσης. Αληθές είναι, επίσης, ότι ο ισολογισμός της δεκάχρονης εμπειρίας της ΟΝΕ εμφανίζει κερδισμένους και χαμένους στο πεδίο της οικονομικής ανταγωνιστικότητας.

Δύναται η Επιτροπή να με ενημερώσει αν, στο πλέγμα των προτάσεών της για μία περισσότερο ευρωπαϊκή οικονομική διακυβέρνηση, προτίθεται να περιλάβει ένα δομημένο ευρωπαϊκό σύμφωνο ανταγωνιστικότητας;

The Commission has been for a long time closely monitoring the developments of competitiveness trends in the euro area. This analysis has served as input to the legislative proposals on economic governance the Commission presented in September 2010, and especially to the new Excessive Imbalances Procedure, which aims to spot harmful competitiveness developments at an early stage and to provide, in an annual cycle, policy recommendations to the Member States concerned.

Also, with regard to the EU as a whole, increasing competitiveness has been a long-standing objective of many EU initiatives, such as the Lisbon Strategy and the recent Europe 2020 strategy. On 12 January 2011 the Commission published its first Annual Growth Survey, which sets out the Commission's views regarding immediate priorities for economic reform in the EU. It contains horizontal policy guidance for the EU and euro-area focused on ten priority policy actions, which can have material impact on competitiveness, growth and macro-financial stability. The priority actions encompass macroeconomic pre-requisites for growth, labour market reforms for higher employment and frontloading growth-enhancing structural reforms. The implementation of these policies will be monitored in the context of the EU semester.

Ερωτάται η Επιτροπή για τις εξελίξεις στην εφαρμογή του προγράμματος δημοσιονομικής εξυγίανσης στην Ελλάδα και για τον ρόλο και τον στόχο των αποκρατικοποιήσεων. Αρχικά το πρόγραμμα αποκρατικοποιήσεων προέβλεπε την είσπραξη 3 δισ. ευρώ για την διετία 2011-12. Στην συνέχεια το ποσό αναθεωρήθηκε σε 7 δισ. ευρώ. Και τώρα αυξήθηκε σε 15 δισ. για την εν λόγω διετία και σε 35 δισ. για την τριετία 2013-15.

Πού οφείλεται αυτή η ανάγκη αναπροσαρμογής των εσόδων από αποκρατικοποιήσεις; Τι δεν είχε προβλεφθεί σωστά από την αρχή, τι δεν εκτελέστηκε σωστά και ξέφυγε από τους στόχους του το πρόγραμμα δημοσιονομικής προσαρμογής της ελληνικής κυβέρνησης; Με ποιο τρόπο βλέπει η Επιτροπή ότι θα μπορούσαν να αυξηθούν τα δημόσια έσοδα στην Ελλάδα και ειδικότερα από τις αποκρατικοποιήσεις; Σε ποιους τομείς (δημόσιες υπηρεσίες, δημόσια περιουσία); Με ποιες διαδικασίες (αξιοποίηση, πώληση);

Staff teams from the Commission (EC), European Central Bank (ECB), and International Monetary Fund (IMF) visited Athens during 27 January to 11 February 2011 for the third review of the government’s economic program, which is being supported by a EUR 80 billion loan from Euro area countries and a EUR 30 billion Stand-By Arrangement with the Fund. The Commission raises the attention of the Honourable Member that the winter 2011 update of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), as well as the Commission compliance report can be found on the Europa website⁽¹⁾:

The overall assessment was that the program has made further progress toward its objectives. While there have been delays in some areas, the underlying fiscal and broader reforms necessary to deliver the program’s medium-term objectives are being put in place. In particular:

– Greece achieved an impressive fiscal adjustment in 2010. The fiscal deficit for 2010 is estimated at 9½ percent of GDP; this is a fall of 6 points from 2009. However, the deficit was well above the programme target of 8 percent of GDP. Whilst the slippage was to a large extent related to the revision of statistics in autumn 2010, budget implementation encountered several problems. The fight against tax evasion has not (yet) yielded the hoped-for gains and there remain important problems in expenditure control.

– For 2011, the target is of a fiscal deficit of 7½ percent of GDP, which remains in line with the programme's target. This means that, in spite of the weaker-than-planned fiscal performance in 2010, the government has commited to catch up in 2011 and keep the fiscal adjustment effort on track, as initially planned. The fiscal targets of the programme have not been revised.

– The government is currently preparing its medium-term fiscal strategy, with a view to bring the deficit below 3 percent of GDP in 2014. In the context of this medium-term strategy, the government decided to considerably scale up its initial privatisation and real estate development programme, with a view to improve debt sustainability. The objective is to realise EUR 50 billion in privatisation proceeds from now to 2015. The proceeds from privatisation are to be used to redeem debt and do not substitute fiscal consolidation efforts. This has the potential of cutting the debt ratio by more than twenty points of GDP over the next five years. If successful, this new initiative has the potential of substantially improving the market sentiment vis-à-vis Greece.The Commission and the euro-area partners should encourage Greece to show resolve in its privatisation programme.

– The details and modalities of the privatization and real estate development programme shall be designed, decided and announced by the government.

–

Η ενίσχυση της οικονομικής διακυβέρνησης και η σύσταση ενός μόνιμου μηχανισμού σταθερότητας είναι δύο θεμελιώδεις μεταρρυθμίσεις που στοχεύουν στη σταθερότητα, την ανταγωνιστικότητα και την πραγματική σύγκλιση των χωρών της ζώνης του ευρώ. Το εαρινό Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο θα πρέπει ωστόσο, κατά προτεραιότητα, να δώσει μια συνολική και περιεκτική απάντηση στην κρίση χρέους.

Στο πλαίσιο αυτό, ερωτάται η Επιτροπή:

Συμμερίζεται την ανάγκη διεύρυνσης του πεδίου δράσης, των αρμοδιοτήτων και των πραγματικών διαθέσιμων κεφαλαίων του EFSF, ώστε να επιταχυνθεί η διαδικασία εξόδου από την κρίση και να προλειανθεί το έδαφος για μία πιο ουσιαστική και άμεση οικονομική σύγκλιση της ευρωζώνης;

Υποστηρίζει, ειδικότερα, τη θεσμοθέτηση της δυνατότητας αγοράς ομολόγων στη δευτερογενή αγορά ή χρηματοδότησης κρατών μελών για την επαναγορά χρέους;

Συμμερίζεται την ανάγκη μείωσης των επιτοκίων δανεισμού για Ελλάδα και Ιρλανδία;

Επιπλέον, λαμβάνοντας υπόψη το πρόσφατο ψήφισμα του ΕΚ της 16ης Δεκεμβρίου 2010, σε ποιες συγκεκριμένες ενέργειες σκοπεύει να προβεί ώστε να ανταποκριθεί στο αίτημα για μία ενδελεχή αξιολόγηση ενός μελλοντικού συστήματος έκδοσης ευρωομολόγων;

Awaiting the introduction of the European Stability Mechanism in June 2013, the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF) has a key role to play in ensuring financial stability in the euro area. In order to be able to appropriately play this role, the Commission very much believes that the ESFS should be strenghtened in order to increase its efficiency, credibility and flexibility. In particular, the overall effective lending capacity of the EFSF should be restored to the full EUR 440 billion by increasing the overall level of guarantees.

The Commission supports a flexible and wider set of tools for the EFSF (as well as for the future ESM). The Commission believes that more flexibility in this area should contribute to improve the effectiveness of the mechanism and to provide tailor-made responses to a Member States's specific situation.

The Commission also supports the efforts aimed at improving EFSF lending conditions.

Τον τελευταίο χρόνο γίνονται προσπάθειες για αντιμετώπιση της κρίσης στην ευρωζώνη. Μεταξύ των διαφόρων προτάσεων που έχουν ακουστεί και συζητηθεί, είναι εκείνη που αναφέρεται στη δημιουργία ευρωπαϊκών ομολόγων. Έως τώρα αυτή η συζήτηση δεν έχει οδηγήσει σε κάποιο αποτέλεσμα, παρά το γεγονός ότι η πρόταση έχει τύχει της υποστήριξης πολλών κρατών μελών, του Προέδρου της Επιτροπής José Manuel Barroso, αλλά και του προέδρου της Ευρωομάδας, Jean-Claude Juncker. Κατόπιν αυτών, ερωτάται η Επιτροπή:

Υπάρχει κάποια φόρμουλα διαμόρφωσης ευρωομολόγων, όπως για παράδειγμα ευρωομόλογα για τη χρηματοδότηση συγκεκριμένων αναπτυξιακών έργων και προγραμμάτων (projects eurobonds), η οποία θα μπορούσε να οδηγήσει σε συναίνεση προκειμένου τελικά να γίνει αποδεκτή. Αν υπάρχει τέτοια φόρμουλα, ποια θα μπορούσε να είναι;

Following the President of the Commission’s announcement in the State of Union speech to the Parliament in September 2010, the Commission and the European Investment Bank (EIB) have worked intensively to design the eventual scheme for EU project bonds. A stakeholder consultation paper with the proposed design was formally launched at a press conference given by the Member of the Commission for Economic and Monetary Affairs and EIB President Maystadt on 28 February 2011.

The consultation will run until 2 May 2011, with a final conference on 11 April 2011, and its aim is to allow the Commission to eventually establish a proposal for the next Multiannual Financial Framework in June 2011.

The general idea is to enable project companies to raise financing for infrastructure projects in the capital markets through bond issues, in addition to the traditional methods of obtaining loans.

Suitable projects should be in line with the Europe 2020 objectives, for example, long-term infrastructure projects that are of major public interest and have revenue potential.

Attracting sufficient financing is difficult because of the risks associated with the long-term nature of such projects.

In order to bridge this funding gap, the EU and the EIB would assume part of this risk, so that the private debt financing would become easier, and long-term capital market investors could find it attractive to invest in such long-term bonds. Such long-term investors are, for instance, insurance companies and pension funds.

It should be mentioned that both the EIB and the EU would share the risk related and the remuneration, but would not issue bonds. In other words, this initiative should not be confused with the so called "Eurobonds", which commonly refer to joint debt issuance by Member States.

În 2010, Mercosur era al patrulea bloc economic din lume, cu un PNB de 1300 miliarde de dolari și cu o populație de 240 de milioane de persoane. Brazilia este cea mai mare economie din zona Mercosur cu 79% din PNB, urmată apoi de Argentina, 18%, Uruguay, 2% și Paraguay, 1%. Uniunea Europeană este cel mai mare investitor și partener comercial al Mercosur, principalele investiții fiind în domeniul bancar, în telecomunicații, în sectorul financiar și cel manufacturier. În acest context, negocierile pentru acordul de asociere între UE și Mercosur sunt extrem de importante și relevante pentru dezvoltarea economică a ambilor parteneri.

Aș dori să întreb Comisia care este stadiul negocierilor, care sunt principalele dificultăți întâlnite în procesul de negociere și care sunt pașii și calendarul previzionat pentru concluzionarea acordului de asociere între UE și Mercosur?

Given that a meeting between EU and Mercosur countries is scheduled for March, can the Commission give an account of the outcomes of the last three rounds of meetings?

The Commission has said that this agreement will be comprehensive and ambitious, going beyond World Trade Organisation obligations, and will include sensitive issues as regards specific products and sectors.

Can the Commission provide further information on what it is doing to ensure that the interests of European farmers, including beef and livestock farmers, are being properly taken into account? What will the Commission do to ensure that European farmers are not pushed out of the market because of cheaper imports that are being produced to a lower standard as regards the environment, plant and animal welfare, and health issues?

The EU is negotiating with Mercosur an Association Agreement which is composed of three chapters: Political, Economic and Trade. Negotiations were resumed in May last year at the EU-Mercosur Summit. Since then, there have been three rounds of negotiations. However, up to now, discussions have focused on rules such as sanitary requirements, technical barriers, trade defence instruments or general rules for services and government procurement. No discussions have taken place on market access yet.

After each round, written reports as well as the updated texts have been sent to the Committee on International Trade (INTA) and the Trade Policy Committee in the Council.

Whereas it is still too early to identify the main difficulties of these negotiations, it is clear that discussions on market access, especially in agriculture, will prove to be challenging.

The Commission can assure the Parliament that it is fully aware of the sensitivities of the European agricultural and food sectors. This is why it always made clear to Mercosur - from the very beginning of the negotiations - that for certain agricultural products we would not be in position to fully liberalise trade with Mercosur. Beef is one of these products.

It is however important to remember that the EU has also offensive interests in agriculture and it should therefore seek the elimination of existing Mercosur import duties on agri-food products as well.

Even if agriculture will be a difficult area of negotiations, the Commission expects the same to be the case for discussions on market access in Mercosur for EU industrial products and for services.

The EU and Mercosur are now, on both sides, preparing internally the market access offers. Once these offers are ready, a decision will be taken on the best timing to proceed to a simultaneous exchange.

Finally, the Commission is fully aware of the concerns raised by the Honourable Members, as well as those expressed by the farmers in the EU, regarding the need for compliance of imported products with the same quality standards as goods produced in the EU.

In this context, the Commission wishes to stress that all agricultural products that are placed on the EU market have to comply with the import requirements regarding food safety, animal and plant health as well as certain animal welfare aspects. These imported products are therefore considered as safe.

The Commission can guarantee that the EU-Mercosur Agreement, like any other bilateral trade agreements, will not lead to a lowering of EU import requirements.

Animal, plant and food safety standards, related to trade with third countries, deserve a particular attention and will be addressed in the negotiation. The Commission is committed to negotiate the inclusion of EU standards and to put in place technical collaboration programmes in the future EU Mercosur Association Agreement.

The dates of the three following rounds of negotiations have already been scheduled for March, May and July 2011, alternately in Brussels and Paraguay. The Commission's objective for the moment remains to conclude the negotiations by the end of 2011.

The EU’s trade policy has an important role to play in attaining the objectives of the EU 2020 strategy, by means, inter alia, of concluding Free Trade Agreements (FTA). As one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, India is set to become a key strategic partner of the EU in the coming years. An FTA will further increase investment opportunities for European companies in India, and enhance access to markets both for European and for Indian firms. The benefits of trade are likely to help lift millions of Indians out of poverty.

As India goes further down the road towards becoming a knowledge-based economy and innovation plays a greater role in the Indian economy, investment by innovative European companies will also help to foster innovation. However, innovation relies on a sound intellectual property rights framework. Unless the fruits of innovation can be protected, there is little incentive for innovative companies to invest.

How is the Commission taking into account the importance of intellectual property rights for innovation in the current negotiations for an FTA with India?

The Commission agrees that the EU's trade policy has a key role to play in achieving the goals of the EU2020 strategy by stimulating growth, and jobs. The negotiation of a free trade agreement with India offers a significant opportunity to deliver on these goals.

The Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with India is of major economic and strategic importance. As one of the fastest growing economies in the world, India is an important trade partner for the EU and a growing global economic power. It combines a growing market of more than 1 billion people with a growth rate of between 8 and 10 %.

The adequate protection of our Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) is an essential element of our external competitiveness strategy.

If the EU wants to remain a competitive economy, it will have to rely on innovation, creativity and brand exclusivity. This is one of the EU's main comparative advantages on the world market. So the EU needs the tools to ensure that this comparative advantage is adequately protected in our main export markets, including India.

The EU's objective in the IPR negotiations is to ensure that European innovators are able to operate and to compete in a legally secure and non-discriminatory environment and to guarantee a fair level of protection for innovations, inventions and creations

Moreover, that will enhance access to markets both for European and Indian companies and enable India to increase its own innovative capacity and contribution to the global economy.

An important element to keep in mind in this context is the role that India plays as a key provider of generic medicines to the developing world. The EU will therefore make sure that the IPR provisions in the FTA are balanced and that they would in no way hamper access to affordable medicines in India and in other developing countries. Effective IPR protection and access to medicines can and should be mutually supportive.

It is, therefore, in the interest of both the EU and India, to secure a sound and balanced IP environment which will foster growth, facilitate business and create jobs in both our economies.

L'aspartame pourrait augmenter le risque d'accouchements prématurés et de cancers du foie et du poumon. Ce sont les conclusions de deux groupes de chercheurs européens.

La Commission peut-elle m'indiquer si l'Autorité européenne de sécurité des aliments (EFSA) rendra un avis ou un rapport sur l'aspartame dans les prochaines semaines? Si tel est le cas, cet avis ne pourrait-il pas être accompagné d'une nouvelle étude actualisée et complète sur cet édulcorant, le dernier avis de l'Autorité ayant été remis en 2002?

The Commission has taken note of the recent studies by T. Halldorsson ⁽¹⁾ and M. Soffritti⁽²⁾ about the potential effects of sweeteners, particularly aspartame on human health.

Once aware of it, the Commission immediately asked the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) to proceed with the evaluation of these studies without delay.

The Authority published on 28 February 2011 the outcome of this evaluation in a statement⁽³⁾ which concludes that the information contained in these articles do not give reason to reconsider previous safety assessments of aspartame nor other sweeteners.

The safety of sweeteners - and aspartame in particular - are kept under regular review by EFSA. Since EFSA issued the first opinion on aspartame in 2002, several studies on aspartame published in the literature were evaluated by the Authority, which always re-confirmed the safety of aspartame.

EFSA will continue to monitor the scientific literature in order to identify new scientific evidence for sweeteners that may indicate a possible risk for human health or which may otherwise affect the safety assessment of sweeteners.

Based on these findings, the Commission does not consider it appropriate to request EFSA to carry out a new full re-evaluation of aspartame. In the re-evaluation programme of all currently authorised food additives established by the Commission Regulation (EU) No 257/2010⁽⁴⁾, it is foreseen to have all sweeteners re-evaluated by 31 December 2020.

Vienas iš būdų ES išlikti konkurencingai yra inovacijų plėtojimas, t. y. aukštos pridėtinės vertės kūrimas. Naujosiose ES narėse dirba nemažai nedidelių inovatyvių įmonių, kuriančių pažangius produktus. Tačiau joms trūksta ilgamečių tradicijų, tinkamos rinkodaros, todėl joms sunku konkuruoti ES viduje ar už jos ribų.

Ar ketina EK siūlyti priemones arba imtis konkrečių paramos veiksmų tokioms inovatyvioms įmonėms, kurios siekia pradėti ir įtvirtinti savo smulkų ir vidutinį verslą ES ir už jos ribų? Kokie apčiuopiami rezultatai yra pasiekti šioje srityje?

Aider les petites et moyennes entreprises (PME) à mieux profiter des possibilités offertes par le Marché Unique est un des principes fondamentaux du « Small Business Act » pour l’Europe (SBA). Cette action va rester un des domaines d’action prioritaires dans la révision du SBA, adopté le 23 février 2011. En outre, "l'Union pour l'innovation" représente l'une des initiatives phares de la stratégie Europe 2020. Dans sa Communication du 6 octobre 2010⁽¹⁾, la Commission a mis en avant une série de mesures visant à assurer une meilleure exploitation des idées innovantes sur le marché, comme par exemple la création d'un marché unique de l'innovation ou le soutien des industries à fort potentiel créatif.

Par ailleurs, un des moyens les plus efficaces pour soutenir l'activité des entreprises innovantes consiste à améliorer leur accès au financement. Le programme-cadre pour la compétitivité et l'innovation (CIP), par son volet pour favoriser l'accès au capital-risque des entreprises à fort potentiel innovateur, a occasionné sur la période 2007-2010 des investissements dans 129 entreprises à croissance rapide, avec un effet de levier équivalent à sept fois la contribution du budget de l'UE. En plus, grâce à l'initiative Jeremie, les fonds structurels contribuent aussi au financement des PME à potentiel innovant.

Par la voie de leur participation au 7ème Programme Cadre, d'une part, les PME sont à même de créer elles-mêmes leur propre réseau pour un accès facilité au marché international et pour une meilleure collaboration avec d'autres acteurs innovants. D'autre part, 20.000 PME sont à même de bénéficier d'un soutien direct de 5 milliards d'EUR.

Pour la période 2014-2020, la Commission s'est fixée l'objectif de mettre en place des instruments financiers visant à favoriser une augmentation importante des financements privés et à combler les lacunes du marché en matière d’investissements dans la recherche et l’innovation. Les contributions du budget de l’UE devraient permettre un effet de levier conséquent et renforcer les résultats du CIP et du 7e Programme Cadre pour la recherche. La Commission collaborera avec le groupe de la Banque Européenne d'Investissement, les intermédiaires financiers nationaux et les investisseurs privés afin premièrement d'investir dans le transfert de connaissances et dans les jeunes entreprises, deuxièmement de fournir du capital-risque pour les entreprises à croissance rapide et en expansion sur le marché de l’UE et sur le marché mondial et finalement d'octroyer des prêts pour les PME innovantes.

Dans ce contexte, il est également important de rappeler que la Commission a publié le 9 février 2011 un livre vert sur le cadre stratégique commun : "Quand les défis deviennent des chances: vers un cadre stratégique commun pour le financement de la recherche et de l'innovation dans l'UE"⁽²⁾.

Jusqu'au 20 mai 2011, La Commission invite les parties prenantes qui souhaitent présenter leurs observations à participer à une consultation publique sur ce sujet, à partir de l'adresse suivante : http://ec.europa.eu/research/csfri/index_en.cfm#" .

D'autres lignes d'action visent à renforcer la mise en relation d'entreprises innovantes et d'investisseurs adéquats au niveau transnational et à habiliter, d’ici 2012, les fonds de capital-risque établis dans n’importe quel Etat membre à opérer et à investir librement dans toute l’UE. Par ailleurs, dans le contexte du Forum sur le financement des PME, la Commission traitera entre autres les problèmes particuliers que rencontrent les petites entreprises innovantes en matière de financement.

Le nouvel Acte pour le Marché Unique a aussi reconnu la nécessité de créer un environnement favorable au développement des PME. Des actions spécifiques pour améliorer l’accès des PME aux marchés de capitaux ou pour simplifier l’environnement administratif ont été proposées.

De plus, la Commission a l’intention de mieux faire connaître les services d’information et de soutien aux PME afin de faciliter l’accès aux activités commerciales transfrontalières. Les réseaux et les instruments existants tels que Enterprise Europe Network, Solvit, Your Europe – Portail Entreprises, et le Portail européen à destination des PME (Small Business Portal) seront mobilisés à cet effet.

Une communication pour renforcer le soutien aux PME sur les marches extérieures à l'UE est prévue pour le quatrième trimestre 2011.

Σε ερώτησή μου προς την Επιτροπή στις 29.7.2010 με θέμα την εξέταση του σκανδάλου των συμβάσεων της εταιρείας Siemens με δημόσια νοσοκομεία, ρωτούσα την Επιτροπή αν σκοπεύει να ζητήσει το σχετικό πόρισμα του σώματος επιθεωρητών υγείας για να το μελετήσουν οι αρμόδιες υπηρεσίες και αν σκοπεύει να ενημερώσει σχετικά την υπηρεσία OLAF. Στην απάντησή της η Επιτροπή (28.9.2010) αναφέρει συγκεκριμένα: «Η Επιτροπή σκοπεύει να υποβάλει αίτημα στις ελληνικές αρχές προκειμένου να αποκτήσει πρόσβαση στα συμπεράσματα του σώματος επιθεωρητών υγείας σχετικά με την ανάθεση συμβάσεων προμηθειών στην εταιρεία “Siemens AG”. Η Επιτροπή θα αναλύσει τις πληροφορίες που θα έχει στην κατοχή της και θα αναλάβει τα ενδεδειγμένα μέτρα».

Ερωτάται η Επιτροπή : Θεωρεί ότι ήταν δικαιολογημένη η ευρύτατη χρήση της κατά ανάθεση διαδικασίας ; Ερευνά την ύπαρξη υπερτιμολογήσεων, αδιαφανών διαδικασιών στην αγορά υλικού και στην παροχή υπηρεσιών; Τι μέτρα έλαβε μετά την ανάλυση του σχετικού πορίσματος;

The Commission would like to inform the Honourable Member of the Parliament that it is looking into the matter raised in the question. However, given the complexity of the case, the enquiries are still on-going. The Commission will inform the Honourable Member of the outcome as soon as possible.

The Commission is no doubt aware of China’s controversial one-child policy. A constituent has brought to my attention a disturbing series of events in the southern Chinese city of Puning, in Guangdong province. State family-planning bureau officials were allegedly deployed with orders to seize the relatives (including infants and the elderly) of women who had given birth to more than one child. The seized family members were incarcerated in conditions of inhumane squalor until the targeted women agreed, under severe emotional duress, to attend a medical centre to undergo ‘remedial surgery’ – a euphemism for forced sterilisation. Can the Commission comment on China’s handling of its controversial one-child policy, and does the Commission agree that the Chinese authorities are clearly in defiance of multiple provisions of international humanitarian law?

The EU has raised the issue of implementation of China’s birth limitation policy and forced sterilizations with the Chinese authorities on several occasions, and most recently at the EU-China human rights dialogue held in May 2010 China noted that forced sterilization was not government policy and that any officials who ordered forced sterilizations at local level were immediately subject to disciplinary measures.

The EU is nevertheless concerned by the numerous reports that continue to emerge regarding local officials forcibly sterilising individuals, including the case in Puning city, Guangdong province. Forced sterilizations would, inter alia, constitute a violation of Article 16(1)(e) of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, to which China is party. The EU does not support the forced birth control policy in China. It intends to raise the issue of forced sterilisations at the next EU-China human rights dialogue.

Wiederholt haben sich die europäischen Institutionen zu einem umfassenden Schutz von bedeutenden europäischen Gewässern verpflichtet. Dies hat das öffentliche Bewusstsein dafür, dass jede bauliche Maßnahme einen irreversiblen Eingriff in die Biodiversität des zum UNESCO-Kulturerbe erklärten Flusses darstellt, gestärkt – ein Grund mehr, dieses Thema mit großer politischer Sensibilität zu behandeln.

Wird die Kommission vor diesem Hintergrund einen Finanzierungs- und Zeitplan vorlegen, der ein umfassendes Schiffbarkeits-Informationsmanagement und eine ressourcenschonende Verkehrsoptimierung unter Berücksichtigung ökologischer und sozialer Belange in den betroffenen Regionen garantiert, rechtzeitig bevor Bagger anrücken? Wie erklärt die Kommission, dass es im Aktionsplan zu der Festlegung kam, dass Schiffe der Kategorie VI durchgängig auf der Donau verkehren sollen können, was im Widerspruch zur Bemühung beispielsweise in Vilshofen-Straubing steht, eine schonendere Ausbauvariante zu finden?

As regards the navigability and optimisation of traffic the Commission supports the development and deployment of River Information Services which provide enhanced information to the skippers and the authorities ashore with respect to navigability of the waterway and traffic management purposes.

The Communication on the European Union Strategy for the Danube Region⁽¹⁾ states the following: “Remove existing navigability bottlenecks on the river as to accommodate type VI b vessels all year round by 2015”. Type VI b vessels refers to the international classification of European Inland Waterways by UNECE⁽²⁾ and means “pushed convoys with one push boat and four barges”. This is the prevailing vessel formation on the Danube. For most of the Danube, the river is accommodated to VI b vessels.

The same document states: "the Commission strongly believes that setting targets is essential, to focus and prioritise efforts". These targets are now being further developed with Member States and stakeholders and shall be finalised before the European Council in June 2011. Consequently, the targets which were included in the document play the role of examples. In the specific case of the navigability target the Honourable Member refers to, the Commission has already opened extensive discussions with the concerned partner countries in order to provide a more flexible approach, as also requested by the "Joint Statement on Guiding Principles for the Development of Inland Navigation and Environmental Protection in the Danube River Basin", to the specific situations like that in the section of Straubing-Vilshofen.

On the other hand, the measures to remove these bottlenecks have to be assessed in an Environmental Impact Assessment according to the natural characteristics of the stretch, its morphology and hydrology. Solutions for improved navigability will have to be reconciled with other objectives, such as the achievement of good water status, and the reduction of water continuity interruptions for fish migration. This is reflected in the Communication and Action Plan on the European Union Strategy for the Danube Region.

For this specific stretch Straubing and Vilshofen, a study is currently being carried out, with the support of the Commission, which will form the basis for any further decisions.

Ungerns polismyndighet har dragit tillbaka tillståndet för årets Prideparad i Budapest. Arrangörerna för Prideparaden hade begärt tillstånd att lägga om rutten och marschera förbi parlamentet, vilket de nekades. Ett par dagar senare drog polisen in marschtillståndet helt.

Kommer kommissionen att be om en förklaring till varför tillståndet för Prideparaden i Budapest drogs in?

I ljuset av den EU-rapport som nyligen slog fast att såväl hatbrottsrelaterat våld som diskriminering fortfarande förekommer i EU, uppmanas kommissionen att ange vilka åtgärder man kommer att vidta för att säkerställa att alla medlemsländer respekterar HBTQ- personers rättigheter?

Arrangörerna för Prideparaden hade för avsikt att öppet kritisera Ungerns nya medielag. Påverkar detta faktum kommissionens syn på utvecklingen kring den ungerska medielagen?

Freedom of peaceful assembly as provided in Article 12 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and in the European Convention of Human Rights is part of the principles upon which the Union is founded. According to Article 51 of the Charter, its provisions are addressed to Member States only when they are implementing Union law.

Issues pertaining to the organisation of public meetings in the Member States and to the safety of the individuals during those events fall under the competence of the Member States. The Commission has no power to intervene in how Member States organise public meetings. In that matter it is thus for Member States alone to ensure that their obligations regarding fundamental rights – as resulting from international agreements and from their internal legislation – are respected.

The Commission understands that the Metropolitan Court in Budapest overturned on 18 February 2011 the police decision of 11 February, which withdrew the permission to organise the Budapest's Pride Parade planned for 18 June 2011. The Commission has full confidence in the willingness of the Hungarian authorities and all Member States, as required by their own constitutions and international obligations, to ensure the respect for fundamental rights.

The Commission reiterates its commitment to combating homophobia and discrimination based on sexual orientation to the full extent of the powers conferred on it by the Treaties. As regards the measures taken in this respect, the Commission would refer the Honourable Member to its answer to written question P-338/11 by Mr Cashman⁽¹⁾.

The situation concerning the organisation of the Pride Parade does not affect the assessment of the pertinent provisions of the Hungarian Media Law.

Tal van medische onderzoeksinstellingen in de EU assisteren koppels bij het realiseren van hun kinderwens via het instrument van het draagmoederschap. Deze voortplantingstechniek is in een aantal lidstaten toegestaan of wettelijk geregeld, maar in andere lidstaten wettelijk verboden en dus strafbaar. Deze ongelijke wettelijke behandeling binnen de EU werkt de trafiek van draagmoederpraktijken in de hand, ook en met name van en naar derde landen. Een gecoördineerde houding binnen de EU is aangewezen in deze delicate aangelegenheid.

Kan de Commissie een overzicht geven van de wettelijke situatie ten aanzien van draagmoederschap in de 27 lidstaten?

Is de Commissie bereid, met respect voor de subsidiariteit, hieromtrent een initiatief te nemen om te onderzoeken hoe op korte termijn betere afspraken kunnen worden gemaakt binnen de EU?

Hoe kijkt de Commissie aan tegen de opvatting dat draagmoederschap enkel aanvaardbaar is in gevallen van medische noodzaak?

Is de Commissie van oordeel dat kinderen die worden verwekt via het draagmoederschap een vergelijkbare wettelijke bescherming dienen te hebben als adoptiekinderen?

The Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union do not give the European Union powers to adopt legislation on harmonisation of national laws on methods of reproduction with the help of surrogate mothers. It is therefore incumbent on individual Member States to regulate this matter in the light of their social and cultural traditions.

As the matter in question is not within the Commission’s remit, the Commission does not gather information on the legal situation with regard to surrogate motherhood in the 27 Member States and is therefore unable to give an overview of the relevant national legal framework.

The Commission has no plans to explore coordination of the issue of surrogate motherhood within the EU.

As the matter is not within the Commission’s remit, it can make no comment on the third and fourth questions asked by the Honourable Member.

The Commission would like to inform the Honourable Member that, as the European Union is a full member of the Hague Conference on Private International Law, the Commission follows developments on surrogate motherhood at international level. The issue was raised in June 2010 during the work of the Special Commission on the practical operation of the Hague Convention of 29 May 1993 on Protection of Children and Cooperation in respect of Intercountry Adoption, which recommended that the Hague Conference should carry out further studies on the legal issues surrounding surrogate motherhood.

Σύμφωνα με το υπουργείο Υγείας, στη χώρα λειτουργούν, με τεράστιες ελλείψεις, 97 δομές πρόνοιας, ενώ από τις 6.203 οργανικές θέσεις, οι 3.244 (52,12%) είναι κενές. Φέτος η κρατική χρηματοδότηση στην πρόνοια μειώθηκε κατά 168 εκατ. ευρώ. Ο πρόσφατος νόμος για την υγεία - πρόνοια, καθιερώνει νοσήλιο στα ιδρύματα πρόνοιας και τις στέγες υποστηριζόμενης διαβίωσης για άτομα με αναπηρία , με άμεσο κίνδυνο για πολλά από αυτά να βρεθούν κυριολεκτικά στο δρόμο.

Καταδικάζει η Επιτροπή την πολιτική περικοπών στην υγεία και την πρόνοια στην Ελλάδα, καθώς και τις ιδιωτικοποιήσεις και την ανύπαρκτη κρατική μέριμνα;

The Commission is sensitive to the issues raised by the Honourable Member. It recalls that the design of health and social welfare policies, including the budget allocated to them, remains the exclusive responibility of the Member States. This being so, the Commission recalls that the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union provides that "a high level of human health protection shall be ensured in the definition and implementation of all Union policies and activities".

The Commission is aware of the impact of the austerity measures that Greece has to take on its public welfare facilities. For this reason, the Commission strongly encourages Greece to make full use of the Structural Funds to support the development of health and social welfare policies. In Greece, the EU co-finances activities through the operational programmes of the 2007-13 National Strategic Reference Framework (NSRF) related to the construction of health and welfare infrastucture, the modernisation of the mental health system, the promotion of social inclusion for vulnerable groups, the improvement of the quality of life and the strengthening of social cohesion.

Lastly, in the context of the Open Method of Coordination on Social Protection and Social Inclusion, the Commission has been supporting Member States in their efforts to make progress on the common objectives on health and long-term care.