4. Governance and partnership in the single market - Single market for Europeans - Single market for enterprises and growth - Public procurement (debate)
President. – The first item is the joint debate on the Single Market, and will include a discussion of the following material: the report (A7-0083/2011) by Mrs Kalniete, on behalf of the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection, on governance and partnership in the Single Market [2010/2289 (INI)], the report (A7-0072/2011) by Mr Correia De Campos on a Single Market for Europeans [2010/2278 (INI)], the report (A7-0071/2011) by Mr Buşoi on a Single Market for enterprises and growth [2010/2277 (INI)] and the Commission statement on public procurement.
I would like to welcome Commissioner Barnier and the President-in-Office of the Council, Mrs Győri, to the Chamber. I now give the floor to the rapporteurs. The first to speak will be Mrs Kalniete.
Sandra Kalniete, rapporteur. – (LV) Mr President, when we speak of governance and partnership in the Single Market, we in Parliament consider that one of the major requirements for putting the Single Market into practice is to ensure that it has political leadership at the highest level. The President of the Commission must, in association with the President of the Council, take responsibility for consolidation of the Single Market. The Member States must also take an extremely active part in this process. Otherwise, many ideas about what we could do to restart growth in Europe, create new jobs and increase its competitiveness in the globalised world will simply remain good intentions, paving the way to Europe’s transformation into the sick man of the world. That is why, in this resolution, we call upon the President of the Commission and the leaders of the Member States to take part in and assume responsibility for introducing the legislation and changes in policy that the Single Market requires. The resolutions to be adopted today send a clear signal of those directions in which Parliament expects action from the Commission. I shall mention some of the most important work priorities: a single digital market and a unified intellectual property space, professional mobility for European citizens, encouragement of cross-border public procurement and services, and alignment of tax systems. As regards governance of the Single Market, I consider four directions to be decisively important. First, ensuring implementation of Single Market norms that have already been adopted. All Member States must introduce Single Market regulations in a timely and transparent fashion and, for its part, the Commission must monitor their implementation strictly and consistently. Second, reducing protectionist tendencies. Protection will merely encourage fragmentation of the European market and a reduction in our overall competitiveness. Third, a reduction in various transaction costs which are hindering the brisk functioning of the European economy. This refers not only to such mechanisms as an effective, simple and extrajudicial dispute resolution procedure, but also to user-friendly cross-border e-management with functioning electronic exchange of necessary information and documents. The fourth direction is the greater involvement of social groups in policy formation and implementation in accordance with the principles enshrined in the Treaty of Lisbon.
Finally, Mr President, I should like to thank all the shadow rapporteurs and coordinators for their contribution and the business-like collaboration that ensued, which, as I hope, will enable us today to adopt resolutions on the Single Market with a convincing majority, and to continue the work of recent years on the development of legislation that will truly consolidate the Single Market and make it the instrument for creating growth and jobs in Europe.
António Fernando Correia De Campos , rapporteur. – (PT) Mr President, Mr Barnier, ladies and gentlemen, Parliament has responded to the Commission’s request concerning the measures needed to revitalise the Single Market by means of the report that we are debating and voting on today.
From the set of 19 proposals relating to the Single Market Act for Europeans, for which I have been rapporteur, we have identified five priorities, using tangibility and feasibility in the short term as criteria.
Firstly, we need to increase the mobility of European citizens through the mutual recognition of professional qualifications, professional identity cards, the European skills passport and the regular measurement of mobility within the EU.
Secondly, we must improve border controls on goods imported from third countries and draw up a multiannual action plan for market surveillance and product safety.
Thirdly, the Roaming Regulation should be extended until June 2015, with price caps for roaming in order to reduce costs for the public and businesses.
Fourthly, we need guaranteed access to basic banking services, with improved transparency and comparability.
Fifthly, the obstacles encountered by mobile workers must be removed in order to ensure the full portability of their pension rights.
This exercise was simple and consensual, but it was more difficult to reach agreement on measures to address the Single Market fatigue mentioned in the Monti report and to achieve the holistic, concerted approach to respond to citizens’ needs and mistrust, which were clearly identified in the Grech report adopted by this House in May last year.
We certainly consider it artificial to divide Parliament’s work into three separate reports, despite the efforts of the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection to unify the analyses and actions. The three components – businesses, Europeans and governance – have to progress simultaneously in order to produce a competitive Single Market, with smart, inclusive and sustainable growth making Europeans central to that market’s concerns.
We also acknowledge that the proliferation of Commission initiatives on this subject, together with Europe 2020, the industrial policy and the Europe of innovation, runs the risk of blurring the central issue of revitalisation, which is to make the idea of the Single Market not only more friendly but also more appealing to Europeans.
Consensus, Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, was most difficult on two issues. Firstly, with regard to respect for social values and rights, we came up against the reluctance of Members on the right and in the Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe to accept the need to permanently safeguard Europeans’ social rights so that they can never be swamped by market considerations in any future legislation. We especially regret the failure to prioritise a reference to the revision of the Posting of Workers Directive.
Secondly, with regard to safeguarding social services of general economic interest, the aim was to prevent the content of the activities of those services from being subject to purely market considerations or, at least, to eliminate the possibility of turning public social services into private monopolies or oligopolies in areas such as water supply, urban transport, education, health and social support.
Although it would appear to be useful to introduce competitive management and internal market mechanisms to those services, the social values associated with universal access will need to be safeguarded, since the principles of solidarity outweigh mere market considerations in such cases.
In this, we encountered reluctance from the parliamentary groups on our right to accept European legislation on this subject, and they only agreed to ‘using all the options available [...], based upon and consistent with Article 14 [and] Protocol 26’ to the Treaty.
The group to which I belong abstained from the final vote on the three reports in committee since no progress had been made on the social dimension of the Single Market. After the vote in committee, however, a number of positive points were included which improved the report considerably. Consensus was reached through a succession of compromises, with final amendments being subscribed by the main parliamentary groups without winners or losers.
All the parliamentary groups contributed to the end result – which does credit to the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection and to those who worked on the report – through 266 amendments, as well as the opinions of five committees. All the contributions were useful. I would like to thank the shadow rapporteurs Róża Gräfin von Thun, Jürgen Creutzmann, Malcolm Harbour, Emilie Turunen and Kyriacos Triantaphyllides, as well as the group coordinators, for the productive criticism and spirit of cooperation that enabled the negotiations to reach a positive outcome. I particularly thank Mr Harbour for the generous, forward-thinking attitude that he has stamped on the committee’s work throughout the last four months.
Cristian Silviu Buşoi, rapporteur. – (FR) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the internal market is undoubtedly one of the European Union’s greatest successes and one of its undeniable strengths, and something of which we can all be proud. I think it is no exaggeration to say that the internal market is central to European integration. As time has gone by, the internal market has demonstrated its benefits to the consumer as well as to European businesses, and it has contributed to our economic growth.
Recently, however, we have noticed a certain lethargy in the market’s integration. We therefore need to give new momentum to the internal market. We need to renew the confidence of European citizens in it. We need a new start. I greatly value the Commission’s work in this respect and, in particular, the excellent work done by Commissioner Barnier, whom I would like to congratulate once again for his determined commitment and his efforts to revive the internal market. The Commission has set out for us an ambitious and, at the same time, practical and much-needed programme for restoring strength to the internal market. I am quite sure that if these measures are implemented, they will make the internal market more attractive to our citizens and businesses and will help it to function more effectively overall.
Concerning my report, I have to say that we did not have an easy task. Our task was ambitious because we had to find a consensus on the measures laying down the foundation for a strong and modern Single Market which would contribute to future growth and which would, above all, meet the expectations of our citizens and enterprises.
We considered whether the emphasis should be put on innovation, what should be done in the field of intellectual property rights, and what fiscal measures are appropriate in order to enhance the Single Market and, at the same time, respect the sovereignty of the Member States.
Following our discussions, and after many contributions – for which I would like to thank all the shadow rapporteurs, the rapporteurs for opinions and all my other fellow Members who tabled amendments – we managed to identify a set of five priorities to be implemented immediately.
The first priority refers to the means to support innovation and creativity in the Single Market, which is essential if we want stronger and more sustainable growth. The creation of an EU patent and of a unified litigation system, which is already under way, as well as the improvement to management of copyrights, are of paramount importance.
If we want innovation, we also need to come up with a solution for financing it, such as long-term investment and a framework that would make it easier for venture capital funds to be invested effectively. EU project bonds can also be a great opportunity for infrastructure investments in the field of energy or telecommunications.
Our third priority seeks to bring the Single Market in line with our digital agenda by stimulating e-commerce. This requires measures that would enhance consumer and business confidence in e-commerce, such as fighting counterfeiting and piracy and facilitating cross-border deliveries and cross-border debt recovery.
The fourth priority aims to make the Single Market a better environment for SMEs, given their importance for economic growth and their job creation potential. They need better access to capital markets. Fiscal measures such as the introduction of a common consolidated corporate tax base, a clear VAT framework and reducing administrative burdens could encourage SMEs to do cross-border business.
Finally, public procurement procedures need to be rationalised. They need simplification to allow SMEs to take part in procedures, and they should be better used in order to support smart, sustainable and inclusive growth.
Michel Barnier, Member of the Commission. – (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I believe we are at a crucial point in this work we have undertaken together in the light of Mr Monti’s clear, comprehensive and painstaking examination of the internal market, in the light of Mr Grech’s report, which you adopted by a very large majority, and at a time when, if we are listening attentively to the citizens in each of our Member States, we need to take stock of where we are going in terms of growth, employment and social cohesion.
What messages are people getting from Brussels and Strasbourg? At the moment, the messages are necessary, but they are always difficult or restrictive. They are messages about regulation, or, as in the case of my job, about governance, supervision, deficit and debt reduction. They are essential messages therefore, but restrictive and difficult. I believe we need to add other messages and, above all, other actions to them in order to restore confidence in the European project, and in the reasons why we should all pull together instead of standing alone or doing things alone to tackle the challenges of globalisation.
That is what is really at the heart of our work, and I would like to personally thank our three rapporteurs who have just spoken: Mrs Kalniete, Mr Correia de Campos and, a moment ago, Mr Buşoi. I would also like to thank the Chair, Mr Harbour, who, as has already been mentioned, has succeeded with great efficiency and by listening very carefully in setting nearly 11 parliamentary committees to work in a very short space of time. I would also like to add to these thanks my gratitude to the coordinators of the different political groups, because you had a great many matters to coordinate between you, given the large number of issues we have covered. By doing this, you will be sending a very strong signal to the other institutions, and also to businesses and citizens.
Following on from the Monti report and the Grech report, President Barroso asked me to work with 12 of my colleagues, as a joint task within the college, on reviving the internal market and on the structural reforms that will be required so that the two, three or four points of growth which the market contains can emerge.
I would remind you, ladies and gentlemen, that in this big market, which, moreover, constitutes the basis of the European political project, 60% of our exports go to the other 26 Member States. Each country, from Germany the biggest, down to the smallest of our countries, exports, on average, 60% of its goods and services just next door to the large market itself. It is thought that there is still more potential growth in this market if it functions more efficiently. That is how the Single Market Act came into being. That is how we identified the 50 proposals contained in this little Blue Paper that I sent to all your countries, in the 23 EU languages, to every national MP, trade union and professional organisation.
We then spent time in our discussions to choose from those proposals the ones that will be most effective in improving life for businesses and citizens. On Wednesday of next week therefore, the college will debate the Single Market Act in the wake of these discussions, before taking action and in the light of your deliberation and debates today.
Ladies and gentlemen, it is my firm belief that every region is needed, every business is needed and every citizen is needed in order to win the battle for competitiveness and growth. Every region: this is why, right at the beginning of the Single Market and the Single Market Act, the President of the Commission, Jacques Delors, wanted to support the construction of the Single Market with a cohesion policy so that even regions that are behind in terms of development can also take part in the battle for growth and competitiveness: all regions, including the most distant, outermost regions. Every business is needed when it comes to innovating or creating – the patents we are pushing through come to mind – when it comes to small and medium-sized enterprises obtaining financing and having less administrative complexity and red tape to deal with, when it comes to trading securely online, and when it comes to participating in public procurement, which I will return to in a moment.
Every region, every business, every citizen is needed. In our daily lives, we are all, by turns, consumers, service users, savers, shareholders, workers, craft workers, and the objective is that cross-border mobility should be made easier, that professional qualifications, skills and welfare rights should be respected and recognised, that we should be able to access high quality public services, that we should feel safe and protected when we buy products over the Internet or in any other way, and that we should not be taxed twice. Those are just a few examples that we must deal with in order to make the internal market work more effectively.
What is the next step now after your debate? On 24 and 25 March, the European Council welcomed this action we have taken and the action it has taken itself in terms of joint legislation. We were asked to decide on priorities and therefore, as I have said, together with my colleagues, who have worked so hard and whom I thank, next week, I shall propose that the college choose 12 levers which will make the internal market work more effectively for businesses and citizens.
For each of these levers, for example, mobility, financing of small businesses, intellectual property, taxes, public services, or social cohesion, we will propose a key action that will be new, that we hope will be effective for businesses and citizens, and that will be deliverable within two years. Deliverable means that the Commission will table it and that Parliament and the Council will be able to vote on it and adopt it in 2011 and 2012.
It will be the 20th anniversary of the Single Market Act and the Single Market in 2012. If we understand rightly what Europeans are saying to us, we have no right, honourable Members, to allow this anniversary to be a nostalgic or melancholic one. It must be a proactive anniversary, one that boosts growth, and this is how we want to celebrate it through the Single Market Act.
We will have 12 levers: 12 specific but not exclusive proposals. For each of these levers, we will have identified other ideas, actions and proposals that the Commission will develop at the same time, but there will be 12 key actions that will symbolise this work. I hope that the European Council at the highest level, the Parliament that you represent, the Commission for our part, and the Hungarian Presidency – which I thank, Mrs Győri, for its involvement – will be in a position to undertake, somewhat solemnly we hope, before the end of June or July, to deliver this Single Market Act. Mr President, that is all I am able to say on this matter.
You asked me to talk about one of these aspects in a Commission statement. I would like to do that now, in order to leave time for the debate later. This aspect, found in the Single Market Act, relates to 17% of the European economy, namely, public procurement and public contracts. I would also like to say a few words on the four projects we are undertaking with you on public contracts, as highlighted in the Buşoi report.
The first project is the general revision of the 2004 directives aimed at guaranteeing best use of public funds, enabling as many businesses as possible to participate in public procurement contracts and ensuring that high quality products and services can be purchased with less red tape. In practical terms, I would like to simplify the procedures and make them more flexible, and also to look at how we might cater for the specific needs of small local authorities, for example, by making simplified procedures available to them. Secondly, I would like to make access to public contracts easier, especially in terms of cross-border participation by small and medium-sized enterprises. Finally, I would like to encourage in every way possible, as stressed by the Committee chair, Mr Harbour, and your committee, more responsible and more environmentally aware, or greener procurement that also promotes innovation or social inclusion.
The various reform objectives will now be translated into simple, more balanced rules. We have carried out, but not completed, a very extensive consultation and economic evaluation on the ground. We have a Green Paper and we are currently looking for the most effective proposals. The laws will not cover everything. At the same time, the Commission will work on sector-based initiatives aimed at making better use of public contracts, and at promoting objectives such as those contained in the Europe 2020 strategy. These will range from updating the Handbook on green public procurement, which I am preparing with my colleague, Mr Potočnik, to implementation of the European Energy Efficiency Plan, which we are working on with Mr Oettinger or Mrs Hedegaard, or promoting pre-commercial procurement plans and plans for innovative purchasing activities generally, which we are coordinating together with Mr Tajani and Mrs Geoghegan-Quinn. That is the first project.
The second project involves concessions. I would like to make tangible progress quickly on the issue of concessions, without waiting for this long-term work on modernising the public procurement framework to be completed. Ladies and gentlemen, concessions play an increasingly important part in the creation of public service provision infrastructure. Sixty per cent of public/private partnerships in Europe operate through concessions.
Apart from public works concessions, however, at present there is no European law on concessions, and even though the general principles of the Treaty are applicable, there is real legal uncertainty in this area, which is preventing this type of contract from developing. As proof of this, I could mention the 24 judgments by the Court of Justice in recent years. I would like to propose the creation of a simplified framework, limited to certain basic rules, which will not interfere with national legislative frameworks when they are working well. It will not impose an excessive administrative burden on local authorities, primarily because of the thresholds that I will be proposing.
I know that there are doubts and debates going on in several of your groups. For my part, I am convinced, in listening to everyone, that if we set our goals carefully, we will be able to avoid misunderstandings. Public authorities will still be free to organise public services themselves, but if they do decide to outsource them, I do not think anyone will object to a basic level of transparency and rules that ensure there is no discrimination. I believe this is essential in order to optimise the use of public money, reduce the practice of awarding contracts without adequate publicity or without effective right of recourse, and to reduce certain risks of corruption.
From the enterprises’ point of view, if we are trying to revive the internal market, who can object to the idea of putting it into practice in the area of concessions? I am thinking, in particular, of small and medium-sized enterprises which do not currently have the resources that large enterprises have for identifying and winning contracts abroad if they are not published. Having a minimal framework on concessions will mean transparency and information, and will thus make it easier for the smallest enterprises to gain access to some of the contracts. It is also a question of better regulation. Targeted, well thought-out legislation is a better option that will cost less than trying to sort out problems simply through the rule on violations.
The third project, which I will talk about quickly, concerns the European defence market. We will work with Member States in connection with the implementation of the 2009 directive, for which the transposition time limit runs out in a few weeks. It is a question of adapting payment policies, which often conflict with EU law. Together with Mr Tajani, I will organise a conference on this issue of the European defence industry market at the Brussels Parliament buildings on 23 May.
Finally, I would like to quickly raise an issue that has been set aside for too long, namely, the international dimension of public contracts. The aim is clear: increased access to markets for our enterprises, and we too are naturally ready to offer more, in a spirit of mutual reciprocity and benefit. More trade will benefit all.
Now, I must draw attention to a problem that we currently have in connection with this basis of open trade and the benefits associated with it. The truth is that our main partners – the United States, Japan, under the Government Procurement Agreement (GPA), and China, under a bilateral agreement – do not really want to commit to opening up their markets further. For our part, we do not have any real levers for negotiation, insofar as our own markets are already considered, virtually as a matter of course, as being open. Ladies and gentlemen, the international undertakings under the GPA and the World Trade Organisation (WTO) agreements have not yet been transposed into EU law.
Against this background, Member States apply the rules in very different ways, and that distorts the internal market. At present in Europe, therefore, our enterprises are suffering from an inequitable situation – I remember the case of motorways in Poland. Foreign enterprises enjoy very wide access here in Europe, often going well beyond what the EU has negotiated, whereas our own enterprises encounter difficulties if they try to participate in procurement contracts of some of our major partners.
That is why this year, with my colleague, Mr De Gucht, we are planning to table legislation that will transpose our international obligations on public procurement contracts into EU law, and this will give us the lever for negotiation that we need. We are in favour of openness, but we do not advocate gullibility. It is a question of giving European purchasers a sound, clear legal basis for dealing with bids from enterprises from a country with which we have an agreement differently than with those from a country with which the EU does not yet have an agreement, and of providing greater legal certainty. Let me be clear: it is not a question of turning Europe into a fortress. We must create an environment for our enterprises that is realistic, fair and open, but not naive.
There we are. As you and your Parliament requested of me, Mr President, I wanted to take the opportunity of this debate on reviving the internal market to bring up this important area which will, moreover, constitute one of the 12 levers for reviving the Single Market that I referred to at the beginning of my speech, namely, that of public procurement and the modernisation that we are going to propose in agreement with you in the next few weeks.
Enikő Győri, President-in-Office of the Council. – (HU) Mr President, Commissioner, honourable Members, as Mrs Kalniete, too, has said, the European Union and the economy need a locomotive. This is true. I strongly agree with this idea. Perhaps you remember that, some time ago, at the start of the Hungarian Presidency of the European Union, the Hungarian Prime Minister, too, made it clear in this House that it is not enough to cope with and manage the after-effects of the crisis, to encourage Member States to follow a tighter fiscal policy and to also inspect this. We are working on a number of such laws currently as well. A comprehensive economic crisis management package has also been prepared. We also need to pay attention to remaining credible in the eyes of our citizens. This, however, will only happen if we are able to create jobs.
It is for creating these jobs that we are seeking resources, the wherewithal that will enable us to do this. I firmly believe that the Single Market is just that: an unexploited opportunity where our future lies, alongside the implementation of the European Union’s strategy up to 2020 as well. Therefore, along all these lines, I expressly welcome both the European Commission’s and the European Parliament’s commitment to relaunching the Single Market, and the priorities which the Commission has indicated and which this Parliament is also setting out in the three excellent reports. We have already been able to debate the various ideas and positions regarding the report made earlier by your fellow Member, Mr Grech.
Moreover, I believe that the current three reports will also contribute to a targeted debate, as a result of which we will be able to take specific measures jointly by 2012, by the twentieth anniversary also mentioned by Commissioner Barnier. As you, too, know, and the Commissioner has also pointed out, at its meeting on 10 March, the Competitiveness Council exchanged views on the outcome of the social consultation focusing on the criteria defining the prioritised commitment areas of the institutions and Member States. Based on this debate, the Hungarian Presidency is preparing to adopt conclusions on the proposed priority measures at the meeting of the Competitiveness Council on 30 May.
Allow me to remind you of the broader context as well. In the situation today, due to political and economic pressure and measures taken to relieve this, the Single Market may not be at all popular with citizens, enterprises and institutions. However, in Professor Monti’s words, I think that it is precisely at times like this, now, that there is the greatest need for the Single Market, at times when, due to the effect of the crisis, we instinctively try to withdraw into narrow but very familiar national confines. I am convinced, however, that we must not succumb to this temptation. Therefore, the time has obviously come for us to provide a political incentive for the Single Market. As you, ladies and gentlemen, have also emphasised in your earlier report on the creation of a Single Market for consumers and citizens, and Professor Monti’s report, too, has stated, the Single Market is facing a test.
Will it become a means which brings the European Union closer to its citizens by producing a perceptible improvement in their everyday lives? Or will it be merely an arena which serves to protect both the bottlenecks inhibiting the functioning of the Single Market and the sectors maintained? The answer to these questions depends on how committed we are to doing our job over the coming months. After the European Parliament adopts its resolution today, the Commission will be able to adopt its revised communication in the middle of April, as has already been mentioned. We hope that all the political messages and also what you have advocated in your report will be included in the Commission’s document. Once the legislative proposals are made, we are counting on being able to create a special partnership with you and the Commission, which will afford an opportunity for the swift examination and adoption of the main measures designated in the final Single Market Act.
Now, allow me to highlight a few elements of the three reports before us without reacting fully to every point made. The Presidency welcomes the fact that the rapporteur would like to put the issue of the Single Market on the European Council’s agenda. We believe that progress on the Single Market Act falls under the scope of the European Union’s general political guidelines mentioned in the Treaty. Indicating the political guidelines, however, is certainly the European Council’s task. The agenda for this is set by the President of the European Council, but I would like to remind everyone that the European Council’s conclusions of 24 and 25 March also referred to the importance of the Single Market.
The Presidency would like to express its gratitude to Parliament for consistently supporting the Competitiveness Council in drafting specific measures regarding the creation of a unitary patent system. We are all aware that the unitary patent system would boost the competitiveness of enterprises no end. Moreover, we had a very good debate on this here, and I thank Parliament for its cooperation in authorising the Council to initiate this within the framework of enhanced cooperation. We also agree that the completion of the single digital market and strengthening and improving the situation of small and medium-sized enterprises are indispensable in promoting European innovation.
Through the mobility of citizens and, in particular, the recognition of professional qualifications, we can consider further issues concerning European citizens. For this reason, we agree with the statement that our priority task in this area is to take increased EU action and achieve immediate, tangible results. The Presidency has also found that almost all the reports reviewed, including the earlier Grech report and the Correia De Campos report as well, lay particular emphasis on guaranteeing the exercising of internal market rights for EU citizens. In relation to this, we welcome the results achieved in this field, which are due to measures taken by the Commission. These include the creation of the Your Europe portal, the SOLVIT network and points of single contact under the Services Directive.
Nevertheless, we share your view that more can still be done in the interest of EU citizens exercising their rights. Finally, allow me to make a digression concerning the other priority on the Hungarian Presidency’s agenda. During my parliamentary consultations to date on the package of six legislative proposals on the economy, the six-pack, I have frequently heard the criticism that the Member States, by which we should understand the Council, and the European Council, while bearing in mind financial macro-stability, neglect encouraging growth and the recovery of the real economy from the crisis, or, if they do not, they only attribute soft, unaccountable tools to these latter objectives, and that the content of the Europe 2020 strategy is mainly limited to this. Well, I believe, and I referred to this in my introduction as well, that the Single Market and the massive potential for growth concealed in it can give an appropriate answer to these concerns, while also providing a guarantee for the balanced response of the European Union.
I think that our primary task is to complete the entire process, the consolidation of the Single Market, by as transparent means as possible, in close cooperation with the European Parliament. The Council is ready to cooperate in this way, in full partnership with the Commission, Parliament, and their Members. Thank you very much, Mr President.
President. – Ladies and gentlemen, these five speeches – three on behalf of the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection, the Commissioner’s speech and that of Mrs Győri – have started a great debate, one which is very important for the future of the European Union and its citizens, and also for our rapid development. I would like to remind everyone again that the initial idea to relaunch the Single Market is one which arose in the IMCO Committee. Once again, I would like to congratulate all fellow Members who serve on the committee, and I would like Mr Harbour to accept these thanks and congratulations on their behalf.
It was the IMCO Committee, too, which came up with the idea of Mario Monti’s report – an excellent report which is of great help to us in our work. I would also like to thank Commissioner Barnier for an excellent and very broad-ranging presentation of the European Commission’s proposals in response to our reports. As for public procurements, they do often prove to be the Achilles heel of our work in the Member States. So it is extremely important that we move this matter forward, and the Hungarian Presidency is certainly going to help with these efforts. We are convinced of the need for this, because this issue is very important for the people of Europe.
The importance of these reports and this discussion can be seen by the number of parliamentary committees which have drafted opinions. Eight committees have done so, and you know as well as I do that it is very rare for eight parliamentary committees to prepare opinions on one set of reports. Those committees will now take the floor in turn. Mrs Andrés Barea on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, you have the floor.
Josefa Andrés Barea, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on International Trade. – (ES) Mr President, the Committee on International Trade is one of the eight committees that were involved, and I would like to thank its members for the contributions they made to the report.
The consolidation of the Single Market is one of the objectives of the Europe 2020 strategy based on growth. The European Union is the main international player. In a globalised market, the EU must meet the challenges it faces.
The challenge for companies, for our companies, in the international market is to generate high expectations and major opportunities, but they also bear social responsibility: social growth with guarantees for workers and public services.
We are also making a commitment with developing countries: the fight against poverty is a Millennium Development Goal. In the future, our industry and companies must be based on knowledge, and we need to fight against counterfeiting in the area of intellectual property.
We must defend our businesses according to research and development criteria and social criteria, as well as defending our foreign interests, for European citizens and those outside the European Union.
Diogo Feio, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs. – (PT) Mr President, I would like to begin by paying tribute to Commissioner Barnier, the Council representative and, in particular, my colleagues in the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection.
On behalf of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs, I would like to emphasise the importance of the reports that we are discussing here today, which strongly echo the spirit of the Monti report, with the idea of promoting a successful liberal economy, promoting competition and promoting a dynamic, innovative market.
It will be these paths that lead us to the point where the Europe 2020 strategy can, in fact, go beyond being a paper initiative and become reality, supporting small and medium-sized enterprises, which are the major employers in the European economy, supporting businesses in general, and creating an idea of sustained growth in the economy, which can be based more and more on the internal market, on economic governance that actually works and, essentially, on an idea of real growth for our economy.
Raffaele Baldassare, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs. – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the importance of the Single Market Act lies in its desire to satisfy the needs of the market, facilitating access and participation of all those involved: businesses, consumers and workers. Given this ambitious goal, I am satisfied with the interventions proposed by Mr Barnier and the indications provided by this Parliament.
In my opinion, some priorities are imperative for achieving the objectives that the EU has proposed, in particular: improving the access of small and medium-sized enterprises in the domestic market, reducing their administrative obligations and facilitating their participation in contract bidding procedures, removing all obstacles to the development of electronic commerce, and supporting and financing innovation, particularly through the issuance of bonds for European Union projects, especially in energy, transport and telecommunications.
Finally, only by connecting development and support for the business world with the objectives of the Europe 2020 strategy regarding employment can we achieve what I believe to be the aim of this act, namely, to create a social market economy based on growth, competitiveness and sustainability.
Liisa Jaakonsaari, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs. – (FI) Mr President, Jacques Delors was wrong when he claimed that you cannot fall in love with the Single Market, because there are so many ardent feelings expressed in the debate surrounding this subject.
The Commission’s approach has been an ambitious one, and there are some very important projects in hand: the European patent, the common energy market, and so on. One issue, however, has remained a nagging problem: the report’s social contribution is very poor. For example, hardly anything is said about posted employees, and the way charitable services and the social clause associated with the Single Market are described is, regrettably, very vague.
It is a mystery to me why the more robust and more integrated social rights are seen primarily as a problem. I would like to remind everyone that, in the Nordic countries, robust social rights have succeeded in combining high levels of competitiveness with productivity. Is that not a much smarter approach, Commissioner?
Jürgen Creutzmann, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs. – (DE) Mr President, Mr Barnier, I would like to respond to my fellow Member’s remarks. Instead of a social clause, the committee has proposed investigating the impact that the measures in the internal market will have on employment. This is much more important than applying general formulae. If we want to make progress with the internal market, we must pay attention to social issues and put the emphasis on them in everything we do. For this reason, an impact assessment which specifically takes these requirements into account is particularly important.
I would like to make one more comment. I was surprised to hear the President speak about economic governance, which is still translated in German as Wirtschaftslenkung. This term is also used to mean central state control of the economy. We have had very bad experiences of state control of the economy in one area of Germany. I am certain that we can only develop the internal market further if we coordinate all our national economies. That is abundantly clear. However, we will not be able to make progress with the internal market by means of economic governance.
Today, we are discussing how we can bring some momentum to the internal market. This is long overdue, because we will be celebrating the 20th anniversary of the internal market next year. Therefore, I welcome Mr Barnier’s statement in which he said that he wants to focus on a few specific measures that have not yet been implemented and that will give a new impetus to the internal market. The internal market represents a huge opportunity for all of us. It can lead to the creation of more jobs and our goal must be to find work for people. This is the very best social policy that we can put in place, because people who are employed will also develop self-esteem. Therefore, we must do everything we can to make sure that progress is made in this area.
We need a balanced package of measures which brings advantages for businesses and for citizens. On the one hand, we want medium-sized companies in particular to benefit more from the internal market than they have done in the past. Therefore, we urgently need an EU patent system, so that companies can at last protect and sell their innovative products throughout Europe for a reasonable cost. In addition, businesses need more funding to develop innovations. A European venture capital market is just one of many measures that can be taken. The harmonisation of value-added tax and the corporate tax base that we are now discussing will also give a boost to the internal market.
On the other hand, we also need to take specific measures which will increase citizens’ trust in the internal market. We must improve the recognition of professional qualifications, possibly by means of the European professional card. This will make it easier to work in another Member State and will create more mobility for citizens within the European internal market.
We also need a European market surveillance organisation, and I would like to emphasise this point, because the Member States are constantly failing to put the dossier into practice. We do not want dangerous products to be sold on the internal market.
If we can adopt this proposal with a large majority, we will be able to give a new impetus to the internal market.
Francesco De Angelis, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy. – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, if we are to restore confidence to the market, we need to prioritise the needs of consumers, workers and businesses.
If we want to strengthen the rights of citizens, workers and users of public services, significant attention should be paid to guaranteeing the social dimension of the future Single Market. Growth, development and social awareness must go hand in hand. There must be economic growth at the service of citizens.
From this point of view, the package of regulations regarding standards for companies contains some good proposals, including the action plan to increase access on the part of small and medium-sized enterprises to capital markets and new lines of financing for innovative firms and regional development. Small and medium-sized businesses are the heart of our economy and the growth engine of the internal market. Mr President, it is up to us to ensure these goals if we are to get out of the crisis and promote a new model of development, sustainable growth and new quality jobs.
Sophie Auconie, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Rural Development. – (FR) Mr President, Mrs Győri, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I have one thing to say, a word which is perhaps in stark contrast with the current economic situation, but one which needs to be stressed all the more. That word is ‘ambition’: ambition for the internal market, Commissioner, ambition for Europe, ambition to prove to citizens that European integration is a step forward for their rights, their rights as workers, as consumers, as tourists, but, more generally, as individuals. I would like to pay tribute to Mr Barnier, who embodies this ambition through all the projects he wants to implement.
As rapporteur for the opinion of the parliamentary Committee on Rural Development, I welcome the ideas covered: the need for special action for regions with specific geographic characteristics, such as the outermost regions, the creation of a European patent for businesses and of a European statute for foundations, mutual societies and also associations, the issuing of bonds for financing specific projects and the need to encourage sustainable development within the internal market.
Piotr Borys, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Legal Affairs. – (PL) Mr President, we will not achieve the objectives of the Europe 2020 strategy, neither will we make the economy more innovative and competitive, if we do not treat the Single Market holistically. So I would like to thank Commissioner Barnier for his very comprehensive approach to the Single Market and Professor Mario Monti for that superb report.
I would like to draw attention to four important aspects. Firstly, the European patent, which might be brought into use next year, in other words, on the 20th anniversary of the entry into force of the Single Market. Secondly, the need to give serious treatment to the matter of copyright, because copyright represents a great hope and opportunity for the development of a creative market, and this aspect of the market should be regulated jointly. I am thinking, here, principally of a common system for the management of copyright and serious treatment of orphan works, and also of reducing the burden on small and medium-sized enterprises. This involves very specific steps, such as: simplification of accounting, protection of trademarks, a European Foundation Statute and, above all, the possibility of interconnecting business registers. If we introduce measures in the areas I have listed, I hope that 20 million small enterprises will be able to function effectively and freely in the European Single Market.
Toine Manders, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Legal Affairs. – (NL) Mr President, that means that I can cut a minute or two into Mr Lehne’s speaking time. I would like to thank the Commissioner and everyone else for the discussion we have been having here. However, I have not noticed any mention of a couple of matters which are, in my view, extremely important and which I have included in the report. I hope that the Commissioner will assist us in making these a reality.
We have been praising Professor Monti to the skies, but his conclusion was that the transposition of the directive is the major problem affecting the internal market. He says that we need to work with regulations more. My own take on this is that less is more; let us have less legislation from Europe. Whatever we actually do, however, it must be done in a uniform fashion, because we need to prevent the 27 Member States becoming a hotch-potch of states which all transpose legislation in different ways, which creates a huge barrier for small and medium-sized enterprises in terms of working across borders.
Another thing which has been overlooked, Mr President – and which is perhaps our greatest failure of all – is the matter of marketing. We have top lawyers here. We are creating great laws. We believe that it is incumbent on us to improve the market for our citizens. However, the citizens themselves do not seem to be aware of that. We actually have a problem in that we are unable to build a bridge between us and them. We are adept at legal terminology, but we do not appear to be good at communicating directly with our citizens. What is in danger of happening – and I hope that will not be the case – is that we, as the European Union, might drift further and further apart from the citizens of Europe. I think that, over the coming years, we really need to focus on and invest in ways of seeking the support of individual citizens for the European Union and for what we are doing. There is a lot to be done on that score, and I think that we need to invest in that and that we ought to consult our communication advisers on how we can best achieve that.
Finally, it has struck me that our citizens do not know the difference between the European Commission, Parliament and the Council. In each Member State, we have three representatives whose hands are ultimately tied, because they work for official organisations. If Member States express negative views of the European Union, there is no one to parry that. I think that it would make sense to consider having a single EU representative in Member States – call it an ambassador, if you like – who could ultimately respond to any negative pronouncements about the European Union. If we do that, it will prevent us from becoming like the Titanic. On the Titanic, everyone thought that things were absolutely fine, but ultimately the real danger lay outside.
Wim van de Camp, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs. – (NL) Mr President, I would like to thank the Commission and the Council for this morning’s introduction. I found writing the opinion on the internal market on behalf of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs extremely interesting.
I think that the internal market should receive widespread support in the European Parliament, especially in the Committee on Civil Liberties, because freedom of movement within the Union is important, particularly that of persons, of migrant workers and skilled migrants, whom we need in order to increase the internal market’s labour force. However, Mr President, we have so many aims, but have so far achieved so few results.
I am very happy with Commissioner Barnier’s 12 levers and I hope that over the coming months, we will be able to speed things up, because the competition outside the EU is not going to wait for the EU’s internal market to bridge the gap.
IN THE CHAIR: GIANNI PITTELLA Vice-President
Erminia Mazzoni, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Petitions. – (IT) Mr President, Mrs Győri, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I believe I can truly say that the work of the rapporteurs is excellent, as are the pleasing and comforting words of the Commission and Council.
These three reports retain the spirit and the far-sighted stimulus that characterise Professor Mario Monti’s new strategy for the Single Market, and they succeed in representing the unity of purpose of reviving the European Single Market via 50 measures, which are then reproduced and synthesised or emphasised, by this Parliament, in 14 priorities.
Within these measures, 19 are devoted to centring the market on the interests of citizens. I believe that in order to realise a Single Market truly and fully, it is important to reduce the gap between citizens and the Single Market by working to restore public confidence, by promoting the process of political and social integration before economic integration and, above all, through establishing a different perception of the Single Market for European citizens. I believe that all these objectives are contained in the measures included in these three reports.
President. – Following the advice of the committees, we move on to the speakers on behalf of the party groups. Before giving the floor to the first speaker on the list, Mr Karas, I have two very short notices.
We learned that, early this morning, a boat with over two hundred migrants, spotted off Lampedusa, capsized because of poor sea conditions. The Coast Guard has been doing its best to rescue the missing people. The situation is very grave. We wait anxiously for the commitments made by the Commission and governments in this House to materialise.
I turn now to the second statement. Two years after the tragic earthquake that devastated the city of L’Aquila and the Abruzzo region, I wish to reiterate this House’s care and solicitude for the earthquake victims, and to express our hope that the timetable for the restoration of the region’s historical heritage and housing stock can be accelerated.
6. Governance and partnership in the Single Market - Single market for Europeans - Single market for enterprises and growth - Public procurement (continuation of debate)
Othmar Karas, on behalf of the PPE Group. – (DE) Mr President, many thanks for the information you have given us, Mr Barnier. The Treaty of Lisbon has now been in force for two years and, for the first time, we have a sustainable social market economy as the European social model. This may enable us to make the quantum leap to economic and social union in Europe. The concept of the internal market must be based on this principle.
The internal market has been in existence for 20 years, but it is not yet complete. We have a Europe 2020 strategy, which we cannot put into practice without the backing of the internal market, and we are discussing the financial perspective until 2020, which, if it does not provide more funding for political initiatives on competitiveness, growth, employment and social solidarity, will not allow us to implement the Europe 2020 concept and to meet its targets in full.
The euro is making the internal market into a home market. The internal market is essential for growth and employment. Everything which strengthens the internal market also increases Europe’s competitiveness and, therefore, its independence. For this reason, I am very pleased that we are taking this initiative, because it is the most important move that the European Union can make. This is all about allowing small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) access to capital. We must make sure that the financial support provided to SMEs does not only take the form of credit and the promotion of loans. We also need to look at other approaches.
It is important for us to support venture capital funds, project bonds and e-commerce, combat piracy more effectively, create a common consolidated corporate tax base, regulate public procurement and put in place the four freedoms: the free movement of people, goods, services and capital. We all have a lot to do. Thank you for this initiative, Mr Barnier.
Evelyne Gebhardt, on behalf of the S&D Group. – (DE) Mr President, I very much hope that it will be possible to rescue the 200 people who are in distress, because this is a very important matter. Thank you for informing us about this.
Mr Barnier, Mrs Győri, ladies and gentlemen, Article 3 of the Treaty of Lisbon, which enshrines the social market economy, represents a new approach and a new political task for the future. Of course, we now have to complete this task and we have been waiting to do so for the last two years. I am pleased that the European Commission has made the first move in this direction. I am also very pleased that we in the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament have succeeded, after a hard struggle, in ensuring that the social clause is included in the European Parliament’s position when we vote on this issue today.
This is a very important question, because it forms the basis for social cohesion and will enable us to ensure that the internal market is regarded by people in the European Union as a social component. This is essential if we want the citizens of Europe to regain their trust in the political system in the European Union. In particular, the Commission must finally acknowledge the decisive significance of social rights in the internal market and put the focus on the social impact of European legislation. This is why it is important for Parliament to remind the Commission once again about the social clause which is enshrined in the Treaty of Lisbon.
I would like to thank Mr Barnier for assuring us that he will take this into consideration and will follow this route. He can be sure of the full support of the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament. Mr Barnier, the social clause also means, of course, that the Posting of Workers Directive must be revised accordingly. It means that the right to work and to strike must be respected in the Member States, together with the issues which really concern people, and that these rights must be incorporated into the internal market policy of the European Union without any ifs and buts and without restrictions. That is what concerns us as Social Democrats. If the internal market is developed on this basis, we will give you our support and our policy will be moving in the right direction.
Of course, other questions are also important in this context. The recognition of professional qualifications, the European qualifications passport and the full transferability of pensions within the European Union are all issues which interest the citizens of Europe and which will ensure that the internal market is a market for the people. This is exactly what we Social Democrats are always saying. The economy is there for the people and not vice versa. If we follow this path, then we will be on the right track.
Morten Løkkegaard, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – (DA) Mr President, I would like to thank the rapporteur and the other shadow rapporteurs for their excellent cooperation on these reports. We worked well together, and I am also pleased that, in the end, the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament agreed to go along with a compromise. It would have looked strange if we had not succeeded in achieving a broad compromise with regard to these reports.
I would like to mention three things that I believe have been a success for the Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the report on which I worked, namely, the report on governance and partnership in the Single Market.
The first priority we have included is the fact that the EU’s Heads of State or Government must take political leadership in this area. This is an absolutely essential prerequisite for achieving results and for achieving the necessary prioritisation.
The second is that we have ensured that we focus on actually getting the legislation in this area implemented correctly and on time. That was a major problem with the Services Directive that we obviously hope will not be repeated in the future.
Finally, we have an alternative form of dispute resolution, which is to be promoted at EU level, particularly for consumers who shop on the Internet. All of the focus on e-commerce in general also represents a major step forward, and in this regard, it must be mentioned that we have also just adopted a directive on consumer rights that is also pointing in the same direction, which is clearly yet another major step in the right direction.
Finally, I would like to appeal strongly to Commissioner Barnier to ensure that, as this large package on the Single Market now goes further through the system, we also promote communication about it. Our experience up to now with regard to communication about the Single Market – the Single Market for citizens – has left something to be desired. All of us have a responsibility, but I would like to strongly urge the Commissioner, if I may, to put a great deal of effort into ensuring that we really promote communication and to give it a boost so that citizens and small businesses become more aware of the fact that this excellent package actually exists. The fact that there is a lack of awareness about this seems to be the biggest problem at the moment. I would therefore strongly recommend that we give communication a shot in the arm.
Emilie Turunen, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – (DA) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, back in the 1980s, the decade in which I was born, the President of the Commission at that time, Jacques Delors, said that the Single Market should have a social dimension. Now, more than 20 years later, we have a situation where we have 23 million unemployed, there is pressure on wages and working conditions and on public services, there are nearly 18 million working poor and there is increasing inequality in Europe. At the same time, we are losing jobs, and we do not really know how we are to support ourselves in the future.
We have to conclude that we still have a huge amount of work to do when it comes to establishing the European social dimension. Mr Monti took this matter up last year in his splendid proposal for us all. I believe that he made an absolutely key point when he said that there are some bottlenecks, in other words, some critical points, that we need to accept and that we need to deal with if we want to make progress, some of these being social and environmental in nature. In actual fact, it is the central idea that, in my opinion, we should follow up on or pursue in the near future.
It has been a rather tough process debating this document in Parliament, but I am very pleased that we are able, as Parliament in session, to make our recommendation today with regard to how the Commission’s and Mr Barnier’s work should continue.
I would like to mention three points that are very important for us in the Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance, and that constitute absolutely central messages. The first message to take from this today is that we want a green Single Market. This is to be achieved, among other things, through innovation and by using public invitations to tender and procurement in such a way as to actively promote the conversion to a green economy. It is also to be achieved by introducing an environmental footprint for products and by finding financing instruments that can help to enable these green investments to be made, including Eurobonds, which are intended to cover our large requirement for investment in connection with the conversion to a green economy. The second message from us today is that we want a social Single Market. This means, among other things, that we want a fundamental and thorough social examination of legislation before it is tabled, and therefore also that we want a social policy reference – that is the term that we agreed on in the relevant Single Market legislation to remind us all of the obligations imposed on us by the Treaty of Lisbon as regards fundamental social rights.
Our third message is that we want the consumers’ Single Market with, among other things, ambitious initiatives, market surveillance and passenger rights.
This is therefore an excellent document that we Greens are able to support today. I would have liked it to have been a bit clearer in its messages and I would have liked this document to have made us dream that Europe could lead the world when it comes to social justice, new jobs and the switch to a green economy. We probably still have a way to go in this regard, but I think that this is a good start.
Malcolm Harbour, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, it gives me very great pleasure to be able to welcome the excellent reports from the three rapporteurs, and indeed to thank all the Members – not just those on the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection, but also those on the many other committees represented here, who have joined us in what has been a great enterprise.
We have seen already from the quality of the contributions across the political field how engaged we are with the topic. We have had lively debates and lively arguments, but we have been united in a common goal of wanting to make the competitive Single Market economy work, a competitive social market economy work, and for those two things to be linked together. We have achieved that in what we have done so far.
The history of this important project, referred to by a number of you, had its seeds first of all in Professor Monti’s work, for which I pay him tribute, and in a desire by my committee – and I want to thank all the coordinators particularly for the support and energy they put behind this – to say that Parliament needed a response to this as well. We had a feeling that the completion of the essential foundation of the EU 2020 strategy for smart growth and jobs and innovation – the Single Market – was not really reflected as a political priority. We have been able to work with the Commissioner – and here I pay tribute to Michel Barnier who seized that opportunity to work with us – to express this as a political priority in the form of the Single Market Act.
That has been a real success for Parliament. It is a lesson on how committees can use their power of political initiative by working together to take that movement forward, because if it were not for Parliament, we would not be here today. I am delighted to see that Martin Schulz is here – the only group leader here – whom I warmly welcome. I hope that this is a lesson he will absorb in the future work that he may do in this Parliament.
Thinking about what is in this report, a number of messages have come through. First of all, a number of colleagues have said that in areas like goods and services, in particular, we have done a huge amount of work but that it is not well enough known; people are not taking advantage of it. There are also areas which we really have to develop. Some of them are in the EU 2020 strategy, in innovation and digital networks. Green technologies are not reflected enough, though some are not fit for purpose.
I am very pleased at what you said about public procurement, and mutual recognition also needs to change. We are going to work together on those, but today we have created the framework and the foundation in which to move those forward. Again, I want to thank all of you who are engaged in that great effort on behalf of all European citizens.
(The speaker agreed to take a blue card question under Rule 149(8))
Nicole Sinclaire (NI). – Mr President, I would like to put a question to Mr Harbour, who is a fellow MEP for the West Midlands in the UK. He talked a great deal about being in the European Union and the influence this gives; indeed, he is the Chair of one of the most influential committees here in the European Parliament – the Single Market Committee. He is actually the only Conservative MEP who is a committee chair. He recently brought forward a written declaration in support of small businesses, but only got just over 200 signatures. Is that the level of his influence? Or is he just a Europhile in Euro-sceptic clothing in a no-meaning ECR Group that deceives the British public over and over again?
Malcolm Harbour (ECR). – Mr President, Mrs Sinclaire and I represent a region of the United Kingdom whose citizens depend on the Single Market for their jobs and for their future. I work with small enterprises all the time, and I can tell her that small enterprises in the Midlands supplying the great companies in the car industry, just down the road from where she and I live, are working overtime at the moment because of new opportunities that we have created by giving them a framework to go and attack a market numbering 500 million people – that big an area.
I do not apologise at all for the work I do here. I wish other people would be more constructive and do real work for their local citizens, instead of merely coming here to complain.
(Applause)
Kyriacos Triantaphyllides, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – (EL) Mr President, Commissioner, I greatly enjoyed your speech today. However, we are of the opinion that the Commission is sticking to the philosophy behind the Lisbon strategy which, according to the Commission’s official position, failed to meet its targets.
The Single Market strategy must, firstly, clarify its visions and redefine its priorities, at both theoretical and practical level, so that it is sufficiently visible to the public. We believe that the market is useful, that it has its virtues; however, it is not a social model per se. The social dimension must be defined as the top priority and the new agenda for the Single Market must be configured so that it improves social justice. In a free market society, not everything can be for sale. Public utilities, public health services and services of economic interest should not be covered by competition law or Single Market legislation. Universal access to viable and high quality public services is a vital political issue. At the same time, fundamental rights, such as the right of trade union activity, cannot be set aside.
Matteo Salvini, on behalf of the EFD Group. – (IT) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I will not make yet another speech about the individual points. I represent a coalition partner in the government of one of the founding countries of the European Union, namely the Northern League. This is not a matter of better communications – I heard a colleague speak of an ambassador for communications in case the activities of the European Union come under attack – but rather a matter of involving territories.
We appreciate these three measures. They have positive aspects and aspects that need refining, for which, as a group, we have tabled amendments. The fundamental factor is involvement, because Italy is different from Finland, and is different from Portugal. The important thing is that this should be an opportunity and not an imposition, as some directives have often become in the past.
We must be careful when considering as transgressors those countries which fail to follow guidelines, because if they are unable to follow them, it is obviously not just for the sake of it but probably because those directives cannot be homogeneously deployed over the 27 countries.
The Single Market is our goal. It is not an end but a means and, as such, for small and medium-sized businesses and consumers, the important thing is that the process should primarily be concrete, not declarations of principle, but concrete actions starting with those specific twelve points, and secondly, there should be real involvement of governments and territories, because otherwise we risk setting up yet another framework that people and manufacturers do not welcome. No ambassador of communications can determine whether a directive or a Single Market is suited to the social and productive fabric that needs to embrace it.
Nicole Sinclaire (NI). – Mr President, on a point of order, first of all, the rule book states that if a Member of this House wishes to make a point of order, the President should give way, and it was a procedural point of order I wished to make.
These blue cards allow a Member to ask another Member a question. Now if the Member disregards that question, I think it is up to you, Mr President, to ask the Member to answer that question.
My question was simple: how did Mr Harbour’s influence help with adoption of his written declaration, which failed to get the requisite number of signatures?
President. – Our honourable colleague, Mr Harbour, has replied. Everyone is now free to interpret this answer as more or less complete. You may consider it wanting, others may consider it complete. But here ends the debate. We cannot turn such an important topic as this into a bilateral discussion between you and Mr Harbour.
Laurence J.A.J. Stassen (NI) . – (NL) Mr President, let me begin with the positives. The reports in front of us include a number of good proposals, such as moving the Services Directive forward, the European patent and addressing excessive roaming charges. These are things which will affect the core issue of the internal market and which will help individual citizens and companies to move forward.
Unfortunately, I also have to note that there are many other initiatives which go far beyond the objective of the internal market. I will mention a few: the climate and CO2 targets, socio-economic equality, fair working conditions and, of course, greater solidarity: that is, a socio-economic redistribution scheme which will undoubtedly involve more money being spent on it. Every one of these proposals is socialist in flavour and, as far as we can see, none of them comes within the scope of Europe’s responsibilities and certainly none of them has anything to do with the internal market. It is pie in the sky to think that differences in Europe can be erased with socio-economic interventions. The internal market was never intended to create all-embracing equality in Europe.
Mr President, the delegation of the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV) would prefer an internal market which focuses on the core issue, that is, on the promotion of freedom and economic cooperation. Tackle the work on these two concerns that is overdue and get rid of any superfluous initiatives. For the PVV, the vision of the internal market which is propagated here is a bridge too far.
Róża Gräfin von Thun und Hohenstein (PPE). – Mr President, I would like to say to the Commissioner that while we were working on the report on your rich document, we were, just like yourself, constantly conscious that the Single Market is there to serve Europeans. Maybe this is exactly the reason why the negotiations between different political groups on the final form of the text were so difficult. I do agree with them that even if we do not fall in love with the Single Market, we can be very emotional about it.
It is really good that the European Parliament sends a clear signal today to the Commission and to the Council in the form of 15 priority proposals, and I am personally satisfied that we underlined the importance of the mobility of our citizens. Better access to banking services; easier recognition of professional qualifications; full portability of pensions: these are the fields in which citizens need solutions in order to study, work and invest in different Member States throughout their lives.
Europeans expect concrete actions from us for concrete needs, and we must deliver. Take, for example, voice and data roaming charges. It is high time these stop hindering the mobility of Europeans on this continent – our continent without internal borders. This issue is also addressed in the document we are going to vote on today.
Finally, the European Parliament is proposing an idea to organise an annual Single Market forum, and this platform should enable a genuine discussion with citizens. To me, this is a crucial way of involving European citizens in the reform of the Single Market for its 20th anniversary, and for that event I wish all of us much success.
Mitro Repo (S&D). – (FI) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, one reason for the problems of the Single Market is poor governance. At present, an inexcusably large number of directives are waiting too long to be implemented nationally. Far too many have also been implemented unsatisfactorily or incorrectly.
The Member States must themselves take responsibility for the viability of the Single Market. Common rules that are not respected in any tangible way are of no value. One danger lies in the inequality of EU citizens. Rights and obligations must be the same for all EU citizens and companies.
In my opinion, Mrs Kalniete’s report does not sufficiently stress the importance of the role of the European Parliament. Under the Treaty of Lisbon, Parliament’s role as a legislator must be on a par with that of the Council. I am convinced that the relaunch of the Single Market will rely on the equal participation and close cooperation of all the EU institutions. Only by acting together can we achieve the objectives that were originally set for the Single Market. These are: the promotion of competitiveness, a social market economy and sustainable development.
In his speech in yesterday’s plenary, Mr Schulz emphatically stated that neither the President of the Commission nor the President of the European Council has the right to play down the role of Parliament. The credibility of EU policy and the future of the European Union ultimately depend on effective democracy. The legitimacy of Parliament’s work is assured by 500 million European voters in a direct national election. It is they who are among Europe’s most important people of influence, actors and decision makers. The viability of the Single Market and the future of the European Union, too, depend on how they behave and the decisions that they take.
Olle Schmidt (ALDE). – (SV) Mr President, the EU is certainly more than the Single Market, but without the Single Market, there is no EU. The Single Market is our most important tool for getting the EU out of the economic crisis.
There is therefore no conflict between what is good for Europe’s citizens and what is good for Europe’s businesses. Everyone will be a winner if we succeed in removing the remaining obstacles to free movement of people, goods, capital and services. The Single Market is still far from complete and the services sector in particular needs to be revamped and improved. This also applies to the digital market in order for us to be able to reap the benefits of the dynamic effects of free movement.
One of the cornerstones of the Single Market is the euro. The common currency creates stability for businesses, which do not need to worry about exchange rates. The euro simplifies trade across borders. If the euro were to be introduced throughout the whole of the EU, including in my country, Sweden, it would obviously stimulate and strengthen Europe and give the Single Market additional force. We would have more jobs and more prosperity.
By the way, Mr President, I fully support the remarks made by Malcolm Harbour.
Pascal Canfin (Verts/ALE). – (FR) Mr President, Commissioner, I think that many of my fellow Members will have remembered that the background to this package for the Single Market comes from the Monti report, and the Monti report recommended a considerable compromise between those who advocate more competition, if you like, and those who advocate giving more weight to social, environmental and tax-related aspects.
I believe that, here in Parliament – and as long as the texts are not unpicked in the votes we shall be having in plenary in a few hours – we have succeeded in finding this compromise, including in the 14 proposals that emerge from the three reports as a whole. I also know that you are having discussions, in the College of Commissioners, to determine which central themes you will be retaining, and we shall clearly be paying great attention to whether this balance found within Parliament and desired by Mr Monti is taken up and extended to the 12 central project themes to which you have referred.
I would like to highlight three items which seem particularly important to me, further to what Mrs Turunen said a little while ago on behalf of the Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance. The first aspect concerns competition. The issue of the Single Market is to ascertain where we can focus competition. Do we focus competition on innovation, on products or do we focus competition on the rules, through environmental dumping or social dumping? I believe we have indeed struck a balance here in Parliament – and I hope you can carry it over into the Commission – which is to say ‘yes’ to more competition through innovation, ‘yes’ to more capital investment, but ‘yes’ also to a social clause, ‘yes’ to environmental standards that ensure that competition does not lead to regulatory dumping. Those are the two aspects that I believe are fundamental to our compromise.
The second item that I would like to highlight concerns the tax-related aspects. When you proposed the consolidated corporate tax base for multinational companies in your first version of the Single Market Act, it was not an optional proposal: in other words, all companies had to be subject to this consolidated tax base. In the proposal put out by the Commission 10 days or so ago, it is an optional measure: in other words, instead of building up an aspect of the Single Market, the Commission is tearing one down. You will be adding a new system, you will be adding a layer of complexity, you will be adding regulatory arbitrage instead of creating tax harmonisation. The proposal tabled by the Commission a fortnight ago runs totally counter to what we in Parliament want and to what you had proposed.
The last point I want to highlight very quickly is the notion of reciprocity, in exactly the same terms as you have done. The Single Market accounts for 500 million people; it is an economic entity, but it is also a political entity which must afford us more influence in shaping globalisation.
Edvard Kožušník (ECR). – (CS) Mr President, I would like to thank the Commissioner for his 12 measures on the Single Market Act, and for being inspired by the Mario Monti report, but I would like to mention one name which is important here, and which can surely be agreed on by all of us who have worked on internal market activities in the Internal Market and Consumer Protection committee, and that is the name of Malcolm Harbour.
His is surely one of the most important names in today’s session. The Commissioner will not be offended, because he was sitting with us in the committee when Malcolm Harbour came up with the internal market initiative, an initiative which re-opened the whole debate on the internal market, and everyone – regardless of their political affiliations, whether socialist, green, liberal or from the European Conservatives and Reformists themselves – I would say almost everyone, supported this idea, which is why I want to mention the name of Malcolm Harbour. In my opinion, we now have to fight against economic nationalism, and time is just one of our enemies in that fight. In relation to the lack of time, I am pinning my hopes on Commissioner Barnier being able to turn these 12 measures into legislative measures.
Eva-Britt Svensson (GUE/NGL). – (SV) Mr President, Mrs Győri began her speech by saying that we need a driving force for the economy. That is true, we do need that, but I would like to add that we also need a driving force for social justice and for a sustainable society. Social rights must never be seen as obstacles. On the contrary, they are a prerequisite for a sustainable and social economy and for growth. No one has mentioned the idea of a new value-added tax strategy. I will do so, as we have different regulations on VAT in the various Member States. Sweden, for example, finances a large part of its welfare system by means of its VAT rules. We are already suffering as a result of EU legislation, as the EU will not let us exempt non-governmental organisations from VAT. This affects all voluntary organisations, for example, those providing activities for children and young people. We must have the right to decide on these VAT rules for ourselves.
Oreste Rossi (EFD). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the creation of a Single Market is one of the objectives of the European Commission in order to respond to the economic crisis.
There are positive and negative aspects to all three reports. We agree with the use of new technologies, e-commerce and innovation to encourage business growth and increase competitiveness. To encourage the creation of a market for Europeans, greater coordination of trading activity should be a priority in order to control goods from third countries. The creation of a collaborative Single Market can only be an opportunity for economic growth, since it fulfils the criteria of transparency and greater involvement of regional realities.
There are still problems, such as the granting of a special mandate to the President of the Commission as supervisor of the Single Market and the lack of protection for small and medium-sized businesses and their employees. If we want to support the European economy, we must stop businesses relocating.
Csanád Szegedi (NI). – (HU) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, it is possible to agree with the report before us in essence. The question, however, is how much purport we can really give it. That is to say, the freedom of movement of people and the free movement of capital are essentially fine words, yet what have Hungarians seen of these until now? They have seen that Western capital can come to Eastern Europe, but from Eastern Europe, only people can go west, and therefore, only the movement of people is free. It is impossible, is it not, to imagine Hungarian or perhaps Czech or Polish entrepreneurs buying up, for instance, the German company which makes Volkswagen and then closing it in order to create their own market? In contrast, German, French and British entrepreneurs have done this to Hungary when they did away with the sugar industry, the food industry, the canning industry and the textile industry in the country. Indeed, in 2004, they even campaigned on the grounds that we should join the European Union because Hungarian entrepreneurs could then open patisseries in Vienna. Far from being able to open patisseries in Vienna, Hungarian entrepreneurs are not even able to open patisseries in a small village. For this reason, the food industry, the textile industry and the canning industry need to be rebuilt also in Eastern Europe in order that we may be members, respected members, of the European Union with equal rights.
Andreas Schwab (PPE). – (DE) Mr President, Mr Barnier, ladies and gentlemen, firstly, I would like to extend my sincere thanks to everyone in the European Parliament and in the European Commission who was involved in this joint report.
Almost 20 years ago, the internal market was created by means of the Single European Act. A great deal has undoubtedly been achieved since then, but the process is like a 100-metre race. The last few metres are the most difficult and the most strenuous. Therefore, the fact that Mr Barnier, in consultation with the other Commissioners, has presented us with an unbelievably coherent approach to the last few metres in the race towards the internal market is all the more welcome. In the past, proper progress has not been made in one area or another, precisely because the strategy was not adequately checked by the various Directorates General and the Commission to ensure that it was coherent. We must work together across all the groups in the European Parliament and with the Commission to ensure that this situation changes.
The key note of the last few metres of the internal market race, the final spurt, as I call it, is the guiding principle of the social market economy, which means taking seriously the rights of employees, companies, citizens and all those involved in the world of business and making sure that we achieve a fair balance between the various Member States and also between the differing interests of the stakeholders. I believe that the compromises that we have reached across the different groups come very close to this principle.
Nevertheless, Mr Barnier, I would like to point out that the Group of the European People’s Party (Christian Democrats) has agreed internally across all the committees a list of priorities for the next measures to be taken from the package that you are proposing. The list consists of four key points. We want to see a final effort being made to put the fundamental freedoms in place in the internal market. For example, a quarter of the professional qualifications in the European Union only exist in one Member State. This shows that there is still a great deal to do and that the market is not functioning properly in terms of openness.
In addition, we want to create a cross-border, digital internal market and to establish a global perspective on the internal market. The proposals on public procurement policy are hugely important in this respect and Parliament will be drawing up a resolution on this subject during the next session.
Bernadette Vergnaud (S&D). – (FR) Mr President, Mrs Győri, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I should like to congratulate all those MEPs who had a hand in drafting these reports. I think that we have managed to produce three balanced texts, which send a strong signal from Parliament to the College of Commissioners about our priorities for a Single Market that operates effectively on behalf of our citizens, for growth and for enterprises.
As shadow rapporteurs for Mr Buşoi’s report, we have created a clear road map for the Commission. Firstly, and here we are all in agreement, Commissioner, there is a proposal for a legislative framework for public procurement, public/private partnerships and service concessions which should protect small operators, SMEs and awarding local authorities, and which will guarantee reciprocity between the EU, the industrialised countries and the major developing countries.
Then there is the need to ensure that we prioritise the common consolidated corporate tax base and a clear VAT framework. That is crucial if we want our SMEs to flourish within a healthy competitive environment.
Finally, we must ensure that innovation is funded, in order to stimulate strong and sustainable growth in major European infrastructure projects, through the creation of Eurobonds.
I should like to finish by stressing how important it is, to my mind, that we have reached a satisfactory compromise on the key issues of being able to guarantee social rights in the different legislations of the Single Market and of protecting services of general interest within the spirit of the Treaty of Lisbon.
Commissioner, we are sending you a very clear message: the economy must be at the service of the citizens, and not the other way round. You need our help. Today, we give you this help, along with a major challenge: that of reconciling our citizens with the European project. So do not let us down and give them the confidence they need!
Adina-Ioana Vălean (ALDE). – Mr President, as a Liberal, I welcome the launch of the Single Market Act. Removing national barriers should create an effective Single Market, but is this really applicable in all sectors? It seems obvious to me in the energy sector, and even more in terms of scarcity of resources and international tensions. I strongly believe that Europe has to throw its weight to push Member States to interconnect and invest in their infrastructure as a precondition for a common energy market and security of supply.
However, this new Brussels mantra is only desirable so long as it reinforces competitiveness and lower prices for consumers, and there are sectors where it might not be possible. I doubt whether creating European telecom champions, establishing pan-European licensing in the audiovisual sector or a Single Market for on-line content will bring more competitiveness in the long run or stimulate creativity, culture and growth. So maybe we should take time to sit down and think, and should not charge like bulls into an easy-market concept.
Emma McClarkin (ECR). – Mr President, I shall start by thanking all the rapporteurs for their efforts, but especially Mrs Kalniete for all her hard work, and for the leadership of our chair, Malcolm Harbour.
The UK Government estimates that the value of a true Single Market would add up to EUR 800 billion of the EU’s GDP – a truly astonishing figure. There is still much to do to deliver this. Improving governance of the Single Market must be a key strategic priority for the EU. It is vital that in these difficult economic times, we look to enhance our competitiveness, increase growth, create jobs and drive innovation. I am pleased with the outcome of this report, which stresses the importance of a clear commitment and ownership by Member States to relaunch the Single Market, which is vital for its success.
By carrying out a rigorous monitoring process, and by reducing the time it takes to transpose directives, Member States will be able to increase trade and ensure a well-functioning Single Market. I am also very supportive of the priority action highlighted in Mr Correia de Campos’ report in relation to the mutual recognition of professional qualifications, for which I will be the rapporteur. We must urgently identify the obstacles faced by Member States in implementing this directive and by the professionals themselves.
Cornelis de Jong (GUE/NGL). – (NL) Mr President, as we were debating Mr Louis Grech’s excellent report, I gained the impression that both Parliament and the Commission were aware of the need to make the internal market more socially oriented.
We all agreed that the explanation of the partial failure of the internal market lies in the fact that it has won the hearts of large companies, but not those of ordinary people. However, no proposals have yet come through for a social chapter for the protection of trade union rights and collective agreements. On the other hand, we have had Heads of Government and the Commission going on about pay restraint, with some even calling for the abolition of collective agreements. Even the existence of the trade union movement itself is now in question.
Commissioner Barnier, do not let this throw you. Follow your social heart and ensure that the internal market becomes a market for everyone, not just the plaything of large companies. I therefore urge you to put forward a proposal which will make it quite clear that social rights should not be subordinated to the principle of unbridled competition.
Just one word to my fellow Member, Mrs Sinclaire. It was a pleasure to work with Malcolm Harbour on a written declaration on SMEs. We received no support from you and I find your criticism of the declaration totally unjustified.
Jaroslav Paška (EFD). – (SK) Mr President, the attempt to create a Single Market for companies and for growth is coming up against many administrative barriers, which are a natural consequence of the fact that the business environment has developed independently in the different Member States, in different stages and under different conditions. The effort to synchronise the business environment of all 27 Member States seems to me a highly demanding ambition. I would therefore like to point out the option of an alternative approach, which does not require the full cooperation of all Member States from the outset. The procedure under Article 20 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) has already enabled us to achieve substantial progress over the long-intractable problem of the European patent, through so-called enhanced cooperation in the establishment of uniform patent protection. I firmly believe that, if the group of economically stronger Member States, such as France and Germany, in particular, found the will to unify accounting rules and to create a common accounting and taxation system, it would be possible, through enhanced cooperation under Article 20 TEU, to lay the foundations for a common accounting system, which other Member States could gradually join. I firmly believe that, through a good choice of measured, gradual steps, it is possible to help the functioning of the EU Single Market substantially.
Mike Nattrass (NI). – Mr President, Mrs Kalniete wants to relaunch the Single Market and makes it sound like a V-2 rocket: extremely dangerous but never on target. Mr Correia de Campos is concerned about movement of workers. Well, so am I.
The EU has swamped the United Kingdom with extra workers. The United Kingdom sees the world as the market. The straightjacket of the EU regulation is closing our industry, stopping innovation when it is ahead of the regulations and closing traditional industry, where the product is good but different from the approved continental version.
Small business is the victim here. The United Kingdom is amongst those which do comply, yet it suffers because it does: for example, expensive compliance in the pig and egg industries with regulations that the Commission will not enforce, making our product uncompetitive. I have many more examples, but have been allocated just one minute to save small businesses.
Amalia Sartori (PPE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I believe it is now important to unite our voices in thanking Mr Barnier for his work and also for the outstanding work of Mr Harbour.
The initiative that was brought forward by the Commission is the result of many years of work, including that of fellow Members who have preceded Mr Barnier. With its publication, we can, at last, at this point, better highlight and give priority to the issue of the Single Market which, for unavoidable reasons, and which are difficult for the public to understand, has not, in my opinion, received enough attention within the 2020 programme.
I think the Single Market is the European Union’s great challenge. On one hand, it can get us out of a difficult crisis situation and, on the other, it can make us even stronger and more influential regarding policies which are being implemented in the rest of the world. But nevertheless, we always have to fight resistance from Member States and I think the guidance given in this report will require a common effort from all.
As for my group, may I borrow a phrase used by Mr Schwab, with which I fully agree, who said that we are in the final sprint. In this final sprint, things are more exciting but also more difficult. I believe that what we are asking of the Commission, for which we have Mr Barnier to thank, is a focus on the uniformity of professional qualifications, on the digital Single Market, on a Single Market for public procurement and special attention for SMEs. To this I add my usual motto: we must simplify, simplify, simplify.
Patrizia Toia (S&D). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I thank the rapporteurs and Mr Barnier for their generous contribution to Parliament.
We support the idea of an internal market which is able to understand and meet the social expectations and the implications that the social dimension requires. It is not a pipe dream; it is realistic and also modern. It is this vision that makes the market stronger, because focusing only on the economic element, essentially reducing the market to a question of economics, has shown that it will solve neither problems of growth nor of cohesion.
This means, in short, that we must now fully realise the ideal of a European social market economy. In today’s texts, we have this. There is recognition of the social enterprises, cooperatives and their role, of mutual insurance companies and of foundations, which represent 10% of European companies and many of our jobs. These are a reality with real businesses demonstrating economic pluralism and the pluralism of business. They work with capital but not for capital and want to create work, welfare, quality of life and innovation, and to demonstrate that these values should and can be part of the internal market in Europe.
Ashley Fox (ECR). – Mr President, the European Union’s greatest achievement is the establishment of the Single Market. The free movement of goods, services, labour and capital drives innovation and increases the prosperity of the 500 million people who live in Europe.
The common market was the reason my country joined the EEC, and the Single Market is the reason we remain part of the EU, but in recent years, the EU’s focus has strayed from completing the Single Market. Too much time and money has been wasted on grandiose projects that do not benefit the people we represent. I believe it is time to refocus our attention on the Single Market. Its expansion and success is crucial for our economies. It is one of the few areas where the EU can deliver growth rather than impede it.
I would ask the Commissioner to be bold. Rather than creating more regulations that drive jobs away from the City of London, I would ask him to focus on creating a competitive and job-creating Single Market for Europe.
Thomas Händel (GUE/NGL). – (DE) Mr President, public procurement law and the awarding of public contracts are an essential part of the internal market. Mr Barnier, my response to your remarks about wanting to promote social integration in this context is that I have heard very little about protecting social rights or about protecting collective agreements. These are some of the fundamental rules which you, as you have said, do not want to call into question. If we want to protect the fundamental rules, we must ensure in future, during the process of awarding public contracts, that basic social standards are maintained, that collective agreements are not undermined, and that the use of cheap labour is prevented. All of this forms part of modern public procurement law.
I would like to make it clear that we must no longer put greater emphasis on economic freedoms and free competition than on fundamental social rights. Either we want a social Europe or we want permanent conflict with the people who are turning away from Europe because it does not protect their interests.
Philippe Juvin (PPE). – (FR) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, economic and social crises always cause our citizens pain and create doubt for the public and our economies.
For three years now, there is considerable evidence that, when faced with difficulties, nations are tempted to turn in on themselves. One minute, we hear of a profusion of penny-pinching measures, the next of difficulties in competing for public procurement, and, now and again, this is something we heard in this House just now, doubts about the very usefulness of Europe. Europe is fingered as being responsible for the crisis.
However, ladies and gentlemen, the crisis is what is responsible for the doubts. Your message, Commissioner, is to tell the European citizens that Europe is back again and that its role is to protect them.
In the past, Europe has been ingenuous in matters of external trade. This must stop. Europe is frequently hard to comprehend. It should become easy to comprehend. We are all responsible for the regulatory nit-picking which gives Europe the reputation for being a factory churning out complex detail. Europe must embody a constant striving for simplification. Too frequently, Europe is a collection of 27 rules which, too often, are mutually contradictory. Europe must continue to harmonise.
Then the time will come to talk of social dumping and tax dumping between Member States, because how do we think that we can ever achieve our Single Market if regulations continue to differ so greatly from one State to another? Lastly, Europe is often seen to be a source of constraints. It should henceforth be seen as a source of enablement.
Ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, what indeed you want – and I applaud this – is to give the Single Market back to the citizens. That will assuage their fears and provide them with new reasons to live together. Commissioner, in building the Single Market, you want political and not merely economic foundations. Parliament, I am sure, will support you in this matter.
IN THE CHAIR: LIBOR ROUČEK Vice-President
Marc Tarabella (S&D). – (FR) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the Single Market, when it was set up, was a source of hope for European consumers. However, over time, they have entertained serious doubts about the benefits it might bring to their daily lives.
I am thinking, in particular, of e-commerce, which is still insufficiently used due to a lack of confidence. I am also thinking about the lack of passenger protection and the non-compliance, by Member States, with regulations in this area. I am thinking of the fact that we still need a European statute for mutual companies and consumer associations. I am also thinking of the total lack of transparency in the financial services sector, but I am aware, Commissioner, that you are working tirelessly on these issues.
In order to restore the confidence of our citizens and finally to ensure that this Single Market operates effectively, we must take ambitious and targeted measures. That is what we propose in the three reports that we are debating today. I am particularly pleased with the inclusion of the horizontal social clause and the services of general economic interest clause which allow us to take a first step towards a more social Europe. It is our duty, the duty of all of us here, of the institutions –and I have confidence in you, Commissioner – to swiftly put into effect our proposals for a Single Market operating on behalf of its citizens.
Zuzana Roithová (PPE). – (CS) Mr President, if we want to revitalise the European economy and boost competitiveness in the global environment, our core objective must be, finally, after 20 years, to remove all barriers preventing small and medium-sized enterprises in particular from developing their business activities. It is therefore necessary to complete the harmonisation of technical and accounting standards, to promote electronic commerce, to link commercial registers, to implement the interoperability of on-line identification systems and the recognition of qualifications, to eliminate on a consistent basis discrimination against business on the grounds of their place of origin, and to streamline the conditions for participating in public tenders.
The 50 points which the Single Market Act currently contains are of absolutely key importance, and we must bring them to life. Differences in national legal systems create bureaucratic barriers for companies, slow down investment and limit efficiencies of scale and the benefits of synergy, but these differences exist even in areas that have already been harmonised by directives, but the directives have been implemented inconsistently in the Member States, and therefore the barriers to doing business on the Single Market persist. Would it not be better to adopt measures which allow uniform legal interpretation and uniform implementation in all countries, and to limit directives which allow variations in national law?
I very much appreciate the fact that Commissioner Barnier has made it his top priority to complete the Single Market, and he has our full support. I would like to thank all MEPs who participated and cooperated in this objective.
Louis Grech (S&D). – Mr President, in May 2010, Parliament voted for the Single Market to be perceived as a holistic, unified project, finding an equilibrium between an open SME-friendly economy and a citizen’s social and basic rights. This should be factored into all Single Market legislation, regaining, in the process, citizens’ trust.
However, implementing and adopting the many excellent proposals found in the various reports and in the Act itself is a difficult task. We have to ensure that a revitalised, redefined Single Market does happen and does not get sidelined. Ultimately, it is up to the institutions to politically support the Single Market and give it the necessary momentum and leadership, which is sadly lacking at times.
In this respect, therefore, I am proposing that one of the permanent features of the Single Market forum should be to carry out an annual appraisal and audit to gauge the state of play of the Single Market, primarily, whether the objectives and aims set out in the Act have been achieved or not, thus convincing European citizens that the Single Market truly represents their interests and aspirations.
Tadeusz Zwiefka (PPE). – (PL) Mr President, the Single Market may have seemed a pipe dream 60 years ago, but today it is a fact and a reality in the everyday lives of nearly 500 million Europeans. Of course, on the one hand, we can be proud that the idea of the European Union has been put into effect with such excellent results but, on the other, we have to be aware that this project will, in fact, never end, because the world is moving forward, Europe continues to develop, and the citizens of the European Union are going to continue, to an ever greater degree, to use the opportunities the Single Market offers them.
The Single Market Act which we are debating, today, and the results of the social consultations show unequivocally that harmonisation of the EU market involves not just economic processes in the broad sense of the word, but also legislative solutions which are intended to help ordinary citizens in making full use of the opportunity presented by the EU’s internal market. Therefore, I greatly welcome Commissioner Barnier’s proposals, which are closely related to improving legal certainty and the functioning of the principles of international private law, because they produce practical solutions to problems which arise from the mobility of citizens. They are matters which perhaps, at first sight, are not directly related to improving the functioning of the free market, but which are becoming increasingly problematic for ordinary citizens and business people operating beyond national borders.
More efficient functioning of the Single Market will, to some extent, force the whole European Union to develop cooperation, too, in the areas of civil law and administrative law. The European market must adapt to the latest methods, and this will always present us with new challenges related to its modernisation. Therefore, I am going to expect fulfilment of the principles enshrined in the Single Market Act with great hope and enthusiasm.
Evelyn Regner (S&D). – (DE) Mr President, Mrs Győri, Mr Barnier, the internal market lies right at the heart of the European Union and, following several years of chaos, we must establish a new regulatory framework for citizens, workers, consumers and businesses.
The magic word in all these measures is inclusion – the inclusion of civil society, social dialogue and the active application of the horizontal social clause in accordance with the principles of the social market economy. What I believe is missing, which represents a genuine shortcoming of the internal market, is a proposal for the cross-border transfer of the place of business of public limited companies. The current situation leads to negative competition between the systems. That is not a good thing for businesses or for their employees.
Mr Barnier, we have seen that you are very hard-working and that you are prepared to present a wide range of proposals. Please come to grips with this subject as well.
Regina Bastos (PPE). – (PT) Mr President, the reports that we are debating – and I congratulate their rapporteurs – reinforce a series of initiatives for revitalising the internal market. I would like to highlight the commitment shown by the Commission, particularly Commissioner Barnier, whom I thank, and this Parliament’s positive response, through the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection, to prioritising competitiveness and market dynamism, a fundamental pillar of the Europe 2020 strategy.
Europeans and businesses are hoping for effective stimulus measures so that Europe’s economy can start growing again. They are hoping for higher employment and look forward to the creation of greater prosperity. As the Commissioner pointed out, opening up markets to our businesses by removing obstacles and difficulties will provide very special relief and an unparalleled opportunity for them to pursue their mission as the driving force of our economy. The measures aimed at cutting the administrative and bureaucratic burden on small and medium-sized enterprises, facilitating their access to credit and to the services market, and promoting the European patent and the recognition of qualifications, are essential. The development of e-commerce is important for improving confidence among consumers and businesses in this kind of trade; the focus on innovation is vital for strong, lasting growth; and the social business initiative is essential for creating innovative entrepreneurial projects for social inclusion.
These are a few measures that will guarantee this ambitious project for completing, deepening and making full use of the Single Market for the benefit of the European people. Lastly, there is the important recommendation for the Member States to redouble their efforts to improve their transposition and implementation of internal market legislation.
Françoise Castex (S&D). – (FR) Mr President, Commissioner, you are doubtless aware that the exhaustive discussions that we have had in this House on the subject of your communication have revolved around the role of public services, of services of general interest in the Single Market and how they are embodied in legislation.
We have managed to formulate a compromise, which invites you to move beyond your proposal 25, and we invite you to move beyond a mere communication, which would not meet the expectations and needs of stakeholders, users and all parties concerned in the public services, and nor would it meet the objectives which, moreover, you are setting.
The European Union must send a clear and unequivocal message about public services. In order to do so, we must set up a proper legal framework, whether that consists of a regulation or a directive. The Treaty of Lisbon provides us with the legal foundations to do so. It is now up to you to turn them into a legislative proposal. Parliament, I am sure, is ready to follow you in this matter.
Małgorzata Handzlik (PPE). – (PL) Mr President, Commissioner, I first want to congratulate the rapporteurs on a job very well done. We all agree with the statement that the European Union needs a Single Market which works better, so I welcomed the proposals on deepening and improving it. I would not like discussion on deepening the internal market to lack reference to the biggest and most ambitious plan – a plan which, despite many years of work, is not, however, a reality – the plan to create a Single Market for services. The European Commission has put forward many ambitious and new ideas for deepening this market. They are valuable and necessary for it to function efficiently, but I would also like to appeal for a continuation and strengthening of plans which are still not serving citizens and businesses fully.
The Services Directive is one of the first stages of opening up the services sector, but we should not stop at that. We should use the experience gained working on the Services Directive to remove other obstacles and to simplify existing regulations. Many sectors still remain closed, many practices in our Member States hinder the free flow of services, and the flagship idea of the Services Directive – the points of single contact – is not fully working.
Commissioner, in my opinion, many of the initiatives of the Single Market Act will not bring the expected benefits if we do not improve the Single Market for services. Effective accomplishment of the Act’s numerous initiatives depends on the efficient functioning of the market for services. It is enough to mention here the recognition of professional qualifications, e-commerce and better conditions for small and medium-sized enterprises, although the list is, of course, much longer. So I appeal to the European Commission to be consistent in opening up the services sector as a foundation for the success of the other initiatives of the Single Market Act.
Sergio Gaetano Cofferati (S&D). – (IT) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, Professor Mario Monti, a man whose liberal culture is appreciated and never questioned, says in his report on the domestic market that it is necessary to strike a balance between the market, its rules and the rights of people who live and work within that market. He says so because he is convinced that social cohesion is an important factor in competition and because he, like us, thinks that people’s dignity should never be questioned, neither as citizens, nor, of course, as employees.
For this reason, the social clause is important. It is an instrument which is supported by the overwhelming majority in this Parliament, and this is why we ask you and President Barroso to include it in all legislative acts governing the internal market. Only in this way, through the enhancement of the role and contribution of individual workers, will the market achieve its potential.
George Sabin Cutaş (S&D). – (RO) Mr President, I would like to congratulate the rapporteurs for the quality of their work, particularly Mr Campos, and for drafting the ambitious proposals for responding to the challenge of reconciling two seemingly contradictory objectives: relaunching the Single Market and restoring European citizens’ confidence in the proper functioning of the market.
As I see it, the Single Market Act must comprise a coherent, balanced package of measures, in keeping with the Grech report and the Monti report, which will lay the foundations for a Europe of Added Value for both citizens and businesses.
Citizens’ concerns and rights must be at the heart of the measures for relaunching and strengthening the internal market. In this respect, I welcome the proposal for a citizens’ charter at EU level, which will provide multilingual information about the right to live and work in any Member State.
President. – We now come to the catch-the-eye procedure. Unfortunately, I have about 18 names on my list, so not everybody will get the floor because we do not have enough time. However, I will try to divide that time fairly and evenly.
Ildikó Gáll-Pelcz (PPE). – (HU) Mr President, numerous factors of equal importance guide the internal market. The problem at EU level is caused by the absence of a comprehensive platform, yet this also creates the opportunity for growth. The three reports took account of these shortcomings and also defined them excellently. However, simply describing these will not, in itself, encourage the stakeholders. I proposed numerous amendments to the draft report, one area of which was the resolution of certain pending issues related to the free movement of employees. Moreover, the Single Market should benefit all enterprises equally. Here, I have in mind small and medium-sized enterprises in particular. More intensive economic growth in the EU can only be achieved by removing the obstacles of the internal market. In other words, an extensive, integrated market itself can be the engine of innovation in the future. I congratulate the rapporteurs, I thank Commissioner Barnier for his work, and I congratulate the Hungarian Presidency. Thank you, Mr President.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D). – (SK) Mr President, it is often the case that the effort to maintain the Single Market takes place at the expense of social rights and compliance with certain national traditions on the labour market. At present, moreover, the Single Market also faces another problem, as the economic crisis casts a shadow over the prospects for its further successful development. However, I consider it necessary to include a social element in the laws applying to the Single Market in order to direct policy genuinely towards citizens, and in order to ensure cohesion through compliance with social rights and workers’ rights.
Our common endeavour must be to ensure that the Single Market and its functioning are of benefit both to citizens and companies, thereby contributing to the overall growth of European competitiveness. We must also direct the adopted legal measures towards the fulfilment of objectives such as a stable and responsible policy on pay and the adequate representation of women in managerial positions.
Andrew Henry William Brons (NI). – Mr President, when dealing with European Union reports, never trust the label and always look at the contents of the packet. These reports appear to be about the Single Market, trade and the transfer of jobs from higher-wage economies to lower-wage economies. However, one rapporteur has not lost the opportunity to look for yet another pretext for yet further immigration – not just within Europe, but by clear implication from outside Europe.
The Correia de Campos report refers to an influx of highly-qualified workers and seasonal workers – not usually known for their surfeit of qualifications – as being beneficial to the European economy. People are seen not as human beings, but as mobile factors of production. Bringing skilled workers from the Third World robs poor countries of people they can ill afford to lose.
Furthermore, bring Third World people to Europe and you bring part of the Third World with them. You cannot turn them into new Europeans by the application of a little cultural stardust. People are not the product of distinctive cultures; distinctive cultures are the product of distinctive peoples.
Lara Comi (PPE). – (IT) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I agree with the guidelines laid down by this important communication prepared by the European Commission in response to Professor Monti’s report of last May.
Governance and partnership are two aspects essential to reviving the market. Indeed, to enable it to become ever more efficient and competitive, it needs strong political guidance and high-level leadership. This is also achieved by making the whole European system more democratic. The positions, decisions and acts we adopt must be the result of highly coordinated collaboration between the various European institutions.
In addition, Parliament’s role in drawing up legislation on the Single Market can be strengthened further. The Treaty of Lisbon has already made a great contribution in this direction; that is, it has established new rules to ensure greater power for Parliament, but this alone is not enough. I am thinking especially of those files on which Parliament expressed a position which is strong and clear but divergent from that of the Council and governments of the Member States.
Catherine Stihler (S&D). – Mr President, the debate is essential because by making the Single Market work more effectively, we have the potential to create economic growth, which fundamentally results in the creation of jobs. I was pleased that a compromise has been reached on the subject of the social clause. The balance between the market and our social values is vitally important; to have lost this principle would have been deeply damaging.
On the digital agenda, although many Member States are making progress, it is sadly also seen by many as non-essential. If Member States do not deliver on this agenda, the competitiveness of the whole EU suffers. What pressure can be brought to bear to ensure that no EU citizen, wherever he or she lives, is left behind in this digital revolution which surrounds us?
Finally, on public procurement, I welcome the Commission’s proposals. However, how do we ensure that innovative public procurement is at the heart of our agenda?
Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE). – (SK) Mr President, the idea that Europeans must create more employment, or more jobs, is fundamental for us. It is necessary, above all, to understand that the citizen must be at the actual heart of the initiative, whether from the perspective of consumer rights or at the level of communications strategies or copyright, or improving the environment for cross-border operations of small and medium-sized enterprises, which are the backbone of every economy.
We must speed up the process of recognising professional qualifications in order to boost mobility, while taking account of collective agreements. I also attach key importance to the implementation of the same laws in all Member States, adequate social protection – I repeat, social protection – and the fight against social exclusion.
Mr President, I would finally like to say that the incorporation of these elements into the European qualifications framework will be of real profit to citizens, as well as an effective mechanism for workforce mobility.
María Irigoyen Pérez (S&D). – (ES) Mr President, Commissioner, thank you for your words, and I agree with you that we must listen to our citizens and restore their faith in the European project. Today could, therefore, be a great day for Europe and European social integration. This is because, with the adoption of these reports, we are not only moving towards the revival of the Single Market, a key element in tackling the current economic crisis, but also responding to the demands of citizens who wish to move towards a larger Europe and strengthen social rights.
Europe must respond to new global challenges, turning the European economy into a highly competitive social market economy and stimulating noticeable growth, with more and better jobs. However, this goal should be based on the insertion of a social clause in all legislation related to the internal market, making citizens the focal point of our attention and priority, thereby strengthening their social rights.
Finally, I would ask the Commission to present these proposals as soon as possible.
Seán Kelly (PPE). – (GA) Mr President, without a doubt, the Single Market has been very important for Member States in the progress they have made in economic affairs. It will be more important in the future, especially for countries such as my own, which are trying to emerge from the economic downturn.
The Single Market requires two things, as I see it: one, a greater awareness amongst the public and particularly SMEs as regards its potential and two, we need to unlock the barriers to its progress.
Firstly, for the development of e-commerce, high-speed broadband is an absolute prerequisite. Secondly, for energy as a Single Market in Europe, the European super grid, which is a long-term project, is absolutely vital. Thirdly, in the area of innovation, we will need the European patent, which Mrs Győri referred to, under enhanced cooperation, and also centres of excellence at universities that are independently assessed.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL). – (PT) Mr President, experience has shown that there is no balance between competition and the defence of social and workers’ rights. What we have today in the name of the liberalisation of the Single Market is a rise in privatisations, the rise in unemployment that that has created, more precarious work and, in many cases, poorer services for consumers. There are huge examples, including in my own country, Portugal, with the spread of liberalisations in transport, the post office and communications, where services are now worse, fewer people are employed and jobs are more precarious. That is why we say it is important to defend the social clause in all these processes. The main problem is that it is not complied with either by governments or by the Commission itself or by the Council, as the Council deliberations on 25 March made very clear.
Olga Sehnalová (S&D). – (CS) Mr President, I firmly believe that the awareness and confidence of citizens are of key importance to the success of the single internal market. Of course, this presupposes, among other things, communications that are accessible and comprehensible to citizens. I would like to call again on the Commission to think seriously about how it will explain its plans to citizens. The public consultation over the single internal market document itself showed what people are asking for and what they see as the main weak points of European integration. Most people identified proposal number 48 as the main priority, under which the Commission makes a commitment to strengthen consultation and dialogue with civil society. It will then pay particular attention to the views of consumers when drafting legislation. I trust that the results of the public consultations will be brought into the equation in this case.
I would like to end by thanking and congratulating all of the rapporteurs, and I wish you, Commissioner, all the best for the continuing work.
Anna Maria Corazza Bildt (PPE). – Mr President, it is time to put back the real economy at the heart of the European agenda and to restore citizens’ confidence in our common market. The relaunching of the Single Market is a historic chance for Europe to get back to business. Let us take it.
The best way to pursue social Europe is to create jobs and that is what the Single Market Act is about. That is why I have been engaged in trying to avoid watering down this important act and to boost European capability to compete on the global market and generate jobs. I have resisted attempts to introduce unnecessary regulation and additional bureaucracy or issues such as the social clause. I have supported the consensus reached to give the Commission a broad mandate to move forward.
Now is the time for action. All EU institutions, stakeholders and the Council should take their shared responsibility in moving forward to implement issues such as the goods package, the Services Directive and the Small Business Act, and to boost confidence in e-commerce.
Last but not least, I hope that retail, which is a pillar of the European economy, would also be high on the political agenda.
Sylvana Rapti (S&D). – (EL) Mr President, Commissioner, do you realise that you hold the future of Europe in your hands? I think that today’s debate is hugely important to the future of the European Union, to the future of European citizens, and to the future of the euro. It is extremely hard for European citizens in the 27 Member States to withstand and understand the austerity measures imposed on them if they do not understand the value and importance of the internal market. Thus, today, I consider that this debate will decide if the 20th anniversary of the Single Market next year is a celebration or a memorial service.
I believe that there is a triangle formed by citizens, undertakings and governance. This triangle needs to be an isosceles triangle. At the present stage, the citizens’ side is extremely weak. This can only be corrected by a horizontal social clause, which is why we have asked for one, which is why we are trying to achieve a compromise. To close, Mr Delors said that no one can fall in love with the internal market. You should make it lovable.
Michel Barnier, Member of the Commission. – (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I am very grateful to every one of you for the quality of your speeches across a whole range of views. I listened with great attention to everything you had to say, the expression of your vigilance, and also, in general – and I am very conscious of this as it is something we need – the expression of your encouragement and your support for our approach.
I should like to reiterate my thanks to your three rapporteurs, Mrs Kalniete, Mr Buşoi and Mr Correia de Campos, and to tell Mr Kožušník that he was right to emphasise the central role in this debate of Mr Harbour, because it was not a foregone conclusion that 11 committees, and I should like to thank the rapporteurs who have spoken, would be able to work together. This holistic or global approach had been recommended by Mr Grech and by Mr Monti, and, in parallel, ladies and gentlemen, the Commission under the authority of President Barroso carried out the same work. We have, with 12 other Commissioners, worked to formulate these 50 proposals and, finally next week, to identify the 12 levers for the modernisation of the Single Market and the 12 symbolic proposals for these levers.
Just now, Mr Zwiefka spoke of utopia, recalling the founding fathers. I remember something that one of these founding fathers, Mr Jean Monnet, said when the very first step towards the Single Market was taken and coal and steel were first brought together in 1950. He said: ‘I am neither pessimistic nor optimistic, I am merely determined’. I believe, ladies and gentlemen that at present – and I am repeating myself here – when you listen closely to the public and hear their anger, their concern, when you see how many of them are suffering, when you see the lack of jobs and of growth, it is time for renewed determination, particularly in the areas of the economy and growth. Moreover, Mrs Thun referred to this European determination just now. I feel that it is very important, thanks to the extremely constructive work you have done jointly with the different committees and different groups, that you are able to arrive shortly – at least I hope you are – at a vote which expresses this determination and which the Council and, for its part too, the Commission will have to take into account. In any case, this supportive work you have carried out jointly makes me feel secure in my own determination, and I have felt reassured by the success of the public debate which we held for four months on the Single Market Act, since we received, as I recall, 850 contributions, and also by the fact that the European Council itself has signalled its support for our approach.
That is how the Commission will identify the proposals for which it is committed to provide the texts over the next 12 months, and I hope that we, the Council, Parliament and the Commission, are able to implement these texts in 2011 and 2012.
Ladies and gentlemen, as you can see, we, the Commission, through your legislation, produce a great deal of regulations. Those that I am currently drafting on the lessons to be learnt from the financial crisis are reactive or preventive regulations. Here, with the Single Market Act, our ambition is to construct a proactive and dynamic regulation, and to turn, as Mr Juvin and Mrs Auconie have recommended, this internal market into what it should be: a space of opportunity, much more than a space of constraints, which is the view that small and medium-sized enterprises and the citizens have of it.
Citizens are consumers, and we are going to work to guarantee the safety of the products that they consume and to lift all discriminatory barriers. Citizens are workers, and we are going to work on the recognition of professional qualifications and the respect of social rights for those who work in another country. That is what Mrs Jaakonsaari and Mrs Gebhardt have recommended. Citizens use public services. That is a concern that many of you have voiced, in particular, Mr Triantaphyllides, and, moreover, I recommend that Mrs Castex, who spoke just now, read carefully – which she no doubt has already done – my colleague, Mr Almunia’s proposal on the revision of the Monti-Kroes package. It contains, to my mind, new and open responses regarding the quality of and access to public services. In addition, citizens are savers and borrowers and I have just outlined provisions regarding a single integrated mortgage market.
Then there are, in addition to the citizens, the businesses that create the jobs. Mr Creutzmann, Mr Karas, just now, and Mrs Corazza Bildt have spoken of the need for competitiveness, particularly in the case of small and medium-sized enterprises. We shall work on more favourable accounting and fiscal conditions, on progress in innovation, patents and copyright, which Mr Manders mentioned, on access to investment and also, I believe, on public/private partnerships. I would like to thank Mrs Vergnaud for the support she has shown for our project on concessions.
We must improve the governance of the internal market. Mr Schwab said something very important just now on de-compartmentalisation and I have tried to work on this with my colleagues inside the Commission. This de-compartmentalisation applies to the assessment of the different directives.
I am currently carrying out an assessment, as you already know, country by country and service by service, on the Services Directive that Mrs Handzlik and Mrs Roithová mentioned just now, and I can see clear evidence of compartmentalisation. There is sometimes a concertina effect, for a particular worker or a particular engineer or architect, in the use of the Services Directive, the Professional Qualifications Directive and the E-commerce Directive.
I wish to work, Mr Schwab, towards the de-compartmentalisation needed.
Mr Løkkegard and Mr Grech also mentioned communication. Before you communicate, you have to do something and when you do something, you need to explain it in such a way that citizens grasp what has been done. That is why I attach a great deal of importance, in the entire system of the internal market, to those tools that bring Europe closer to its citizens: the Solvit system, which is starting to work well, the Internal Market Information System (IMI), points of single contact, Your Europe and the forum, which Mr Grech mentioned, to improve dialogue between all stakeholders and civil society.
In conclusion, Mr President, I should like to remind everyone of some of the beliefs that have guided what I have done throughout the mandate that was entrusted to me with your support.
Let me start with my principal belief, since we are talking about the economy and employment. Ladies and gentlemen, the rest of the world does not stand by waiting for us. It is going much faster than us in certain areas. We must not let ourselves stand by and be spectators of our own future. We, Europeans, must be the driving force behind our own future. Moreover, the main argument, the driving force impelling us to be the agents of our own future, is the Single Market. I was in China a few days ago. We are respected there because we represent a market of 500 million consumers and citizens. Let us continue to strive to pool our resources and let us strengthen our core – the Single Market.
The Single Market is the keystone, the platform of our economy. If it operates effectively, everything that we build on it in terms of private initiatives for businesses or local, national and European public and private initiatives will work better. Why, for example, are we fighting to re-launch the patents issue which has remained deadlocked for the last 30 years? The reason is that all public and private initiatives in the areas of innovation and creation have been weakened, seriously weakened, because we do not have a European patent or because our patents cost 10 times more than in the US So the platform must operate effectively. That is the nub of the issue and, once that happens, we shall be able to build more effectively a great number of initiatives on its foundations.
My second main belief is that the time has come to work towards renewed growth. Here, I should like to signal my agreement with Mrs Turunen who, just now, called for a different kind of growth. The growth that will emerge from this crisis, and here Mrs Turunen is correct, must be different from previous growth, must pay more respect to natural resources, natural spaces, which are neither free nor inexhaustible, and we shall incorporate these objectives in particular into the new code or new regulations for public procurement, as well as for taxation, which must play a role in achieving a more ecological growth.
My third belief, ladies and gentlemen, is that there cannot be sustainable economic performance without innovation or social cohesion. That is the dynamic compromise to which Mr Canfin referred and that Mr Monti had recommended, including in the area of taxation. Mr Canfin and Mr Cofferati both mentioned this subject and Mrs Toia mentioned just now a subject that will feature in the proposals for a Single Market Act, namely, the development of a sector in which I believe, that of social business.
My fourth belief, and I repeat it here, is that if we are to win the fight for competitiveness, each of our territories, no matter how weak or how distant from Brussels it may be, has a role to play. Each business is able to win its own battle, even the smallest amongst them, and we must help them do so. Finally, all our citizens, even the weakest, those who are sometimes excluded through handicaps, can win their own battles for competitiveness, providing that they receive encouragement and support.
My fifth belief is that, in relation to what is happening in the rest of the world, our ambition must, I insist, be one of being agents and not spectators. Furthermore, we must not merely be happy for Europe to be a continent of consumption. Europe must continue to be a continent of production, not only of services, but an area in which we maintain a productive base, and that is also the objective of a number of the proposals that we shall make about long-term investments.
Honourable Members, I outlined to you what my dual ambition was upon becoming Commissioner. It has not changed and will remain the same until the end of my mandate. We are going to put the financial markets, which we need, back in the service of the real economy, and not the other way around as it has been over the last 15 years. It is not the role of business to work for the markets, but of regulated financial markets, that are better governed and supervised, to be at the service of the real economy. Our aim is to place the real economy, namely the large Single Market, back at the service of growth and at the service of human progress. You should read next week – it may not be perfect and can doubtless be improved – the draft Single Market Act proposed by the European Commission in the light of your debates, and also in the light of this dual ambition: that of placing the market back at the service of the economy and of placing the economy back at the service of growth and human progress.
Enikő Győri, President-in-Office of the Council. – (HU) Mr President, I wish to thank everyone who participated in this debate today. For me, this is extremely important from two aspects. On the one hand, you have confirmed the Hungarian Presidency’s conviction that the internal market plays a huge role in stimulating, at long last, economic growth in the European Union, and in ensuring that finally we can create new jobs again. The other great benefit of this debate is that very many thoughts and ideas have been voiced which we will be able to incorporate into the Council’s work as well. The Commission has already completed a good part of the job. Naturally, however, they, too, still have much to do. The Council wishes to cooperate extremely closely with this House later in the adoption of specific legislation. Thanks are therefore due to everyone who has assisted in this process up to now, either as a rapporteur or member of the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection, and whose involvement we are counting on in the future as well.
As has been mentioned many times already, the Hungarian Presidency has advocated the goal of a strong Europe. This is the Hungarian Presidency’s motto as well. What is more, we always say that we are thinking of a strong Europe which places the citizen, the people, at the centre of its policies, and this is what we must not lose sight of either when we consider the Single Market.
I would like to address separately some of the most widely discussed issues in the debate. The first is the situation of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). They are, indeed, the key players in the internal market, and in consequence of this, we intend to do everything to put them on the map. This partly means making access to finance easier for SMEs, reducing administrative burdens and ensuring simplified access to public procurements. We attribute great importance to reviewing the Small Business Act, which will be on the Competitiveness Council’s agenda in May. We intend to adopt conclusions on the subject as well.
The other such topic is the digital agenda. A very great deal has been said about this, too, here in today’s debate. We all know that there is enormous unexploited potential in this area. We need to improve the options and conditions of paperless administration and business transactions. The e-commerce and e-government initiatives serve this purpose, but in a broader sense, I believe that the aim of the Consumer Rights Directive is also to encourage cross-border transactions based on a single set of European rules. Here, I could also mention the implementation of the Services Directive, which affects a significant part of the internal market, a major element of which is simplified electronic administration.
A third point I would like to raise is that the completion of the internal market is, in my view, inconceivable without building and completing the energy and transport infrastructure. The Hungarian Presidency has already devoted special attention to the realisation of the single energy market in the first three months. Several Members mentioned infrastructure bonds as well in the debate. We look forward with interest to the outcome of the public consultation in relation to this. Protecting intellectual rights is also an issue to which we have devoted much attention to date. I mentioned the European patent system in my introduction as well, and I trust that, after enhanced cooperation has begun, we will be able to formulate its content together and that, as regards implementing rules, we will be able to achieve the greatest progress possible at the Competitiveness Council in May. Moreover, I also hope that there is even a possibility that we will be able to reach an agreement.
Lastly, I would like to address social aspects. This is the issue which generated the greatest interest in today’s debate, too, and aroused the most emotion in the Chamber as well. I believe that there has been a very lively debate about this in the Commission as well as in this House, and I am certain that this will be the case in the Council, too.
As I have said before, we need a strong Europe with a human factor at its centre. I think that this clearly indicates the Hungarian Presidency’s approach to this issue, yet we can only do this in a balanced way and by considering all aspects. That is to say, if we place the human factor centre stage, creating jobs certainly is the most important task, because if we can guarantee that everyone who wants to work can do so, I believe that we cannot offer more than this to our citizens.
The other thing is that, as we are all aware, the European social model, the European social market economy, has been put to the test. It is our common interest to protect this. Of course, there is no single model in all the 27 Member States, as we all implement this differently. We must also be realistic. This model has been put to the test: the EU’s competitiveness, the Member States’ competitiveness, depends on whether we can adapt this social model to the challenges of the 21st century. For this reason, we must not treat this as sacrosanct but as something that we defend through joint efforts while adapting it to the 21st century.
Finally, mobility has also been mentioned frequently. I believe that this is the area where we may be able to make progress most urgently and most easily, and we would like to adopt conclusions about this in the Competitiveness Council in May by all means.
Finally, it is the Hungarian Presidency’s intention to ensure the greatest possible visibility for the Single Market, and we are prepared to make commitments at the highest level. In this, we are counting on the Members and President of the Commission as well as the Members and President of the European Parliament.
Sandra Kalniete, rapporteur. – (LV) Mr President, in concluding this most fruitful discussion, I should like to underline that this discussion has shown that we, the Members of the European Parliament, recognise our responsibility towards the people of Europe for reviving the economy and creating new jobs. Consolidation of the Single Market is just as significant for reviving the economy as the other two initiatives: the reinforcement of economic management and the 2020 strategy. We must raise the political profile of the Single Market. Both politicians and society as a whole must understand its significance, so communication is a very important element in the revival of the Single Market: communication with business, communications with Europeans and also communication between the three institutions. I am delighted that we are united in our aim to revive, unify and strengthen the European market.
António Fernando Correia De Campos , rapporteur. – (PT) Mr President, I would like to begin by thanking everyone for this debate, which has been very worthwhile. Just now, however, I did not have time to read the last part of my speech, which was basically to thank Commissioner Barnier. There is no better way for me to thank him than by recalling the first sentence in his speech. He said that it is time for Europe to raise the bar, and not just to give people bad news. I could not agree with you more, Commissioner, and I would like to tell you that in this respect, Parliament has done its job in good time and is ready to give the people good news.
Cristian Silviu Buşoi, rapporteur. – Mr President, I would like to thank you all for your contributions to this debate and for your positive remarks. I would also like to congratulate my colleagues, Mrs Kalniete and Mr Correia De Campos, for their good work.
We now have on the table three reports which are the result of a couple of months of hard work. Despite the difficulties we have encountered, I am pleased with the results we have achieved. We have identified the right challenges and a set of viable solutions. They are also a clear expression of the European Parliament’s commitment to deepen and strengthen the Single Market.
I strongly believe that the three reports will be a useful complement to the broad public consultation organised by the Commission, which generated almost 750 responses. I welcome the interest that enterprises, individuals, NGOs and public authorities have shown in the Single Market Act, since it is crucial that we have a broad consensus on measures to tailor the Single Market according to the expectations of our citizens and enterprises.
I am pleased to see that the Commission is really active and that some of the initiatives are already under way. I have no doubt that the Commission will take due account of the views of the European Parliament, because in the end, the most important question is: can we make a significant difference with our actions and our efforts? My answer is, yes we can, but to do so we need courage and not shyness. We need to take action immediately and not after some years. We need to all act together in our efforts and not separately with some isolated actions. It is time to act.
Nicole Sinclaire (NI). – Mr President, earlier in this debate, my colleague, Mr de Jong, said I was out of order in the comments I made in my question to a colleague. I do not think it is out of order to request a question on the balance of influence of a Member of this House on that institution.
Can I respectfully ask that I have some silence so I can actually make a speech?
It is not fair that a person can be criticised for asking a question in this Parliament. The question was not answered and should be answered. Instead, my colleague answered the question about jobs in the West Midlands. Would he then be reminded how the EU subsidised jobs out of the Ryton Plant in Coventry?
President. – The debate is closed.
Vote: 6 April 2011.
The vote on the Commission statement on public procurement will take place at the next part-session.
Written statements (Rule 149)
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) This proposal simplifies legislation by gathering together several directives. In fact, it clarifies laws and makes them easier for businesses and consumers to understand and adopt. I believe this will be a way to give new impetus to the internal market and, I hope, to those regions with weaker economies due to their scale, remoteness and economic dependence on a small number of products, as is the case of the outermost regions. In general, measures are needed to address the fall in demand resulting from cross-border purchasing, and it is important to ensure that this legislation is beneficial for regions such as the Azores. More isolated areas have a greater interest in seeing many of their products shipped out. Their businesses need access to clear legislation and their consumers need to have access to a wider range of goods at more competitive prices. In situations where there is harmonised legislation in areas such as that of precontractual information, which this new proposal enshrines, one way of further raising levels of confidence in products from outermost regions – and thereby increasing their availability and consumption in the internal market – will be to enhance their image through quality certification, by introducing specific measures to that effect.
Ioan Enciu (S&D), in writing. – (RO) The economic and financial crisis which we are still enduring has shown us that, if we move away from the economy’s essential objective, which is to ensure citizens’ welfare, we risk pushing the whole of society towards collapse. This also applies to the Single Market. We must not forget that its role is to allow every European citizen to enjoy equivalent economic and social rights ensuring their welfare, across the whole European Union. The Single Market must be deepened and geared again towards citizens and their interests. I believe that during this crisis period, it is important for us to gain the maximum possible benefit from something that Europe has which is more precious, namely, human capital. Worker mobility within the EU is the key to economic recovery and the Single Market’s development. We must encourage this mobility, and the first step it is worth taking is to remove any barriers preventing the movement of labour inside the EU. The restrictions imposed on workers from the new Member States are hindering the healthy development of the Single Market and must be lifted immediately.
Elisabetta Gardini (PPE), in writing. – (IT) For the revival of the Single Market, our European policies must operate in a business friendly environment which aims at encouraging innovation and growth and a strategic repositioning of the European economy. Europe needs strong political leadership to establish and implement economic priorities of this magnitude. The new European strategy, inspired by the guidelines of the Monti report, has the merit of indicating concrete measures for getting out of this period of economic crisis by restoring productivity and employment levels. Of the 50 proposals presented by the Commission, I would like especially to highlight the steps taken to ensure increased competitiveness of SMEs, easier access to credit and to internationalisation, so that they can seize the new investment opportunities offered by the global market. I should take this opportunity to remind you once again that SMEs are the most authentic representatives of the European economic fabric and provide numerous examples of excellence that should be encouraged and supported. The Digital Agenda, combating counterfeiting, strengthening e-commerce and streamlining the contract procurement system are other widely supported priorities to ensure the concrete realisation of economic benefits which favour monetary stability and cohesion.
Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg (S&D), in writing. – (PL) The expression ‘Single Market Act’ has been on everyone’s lips since Professor Mario Monti wrote his report. I eagerly await the 12 measures which the European Commission will identify as being crucial for the future of the Single Market. At the same time, I can imagine what they will include. So today, I would like to refer not so much to specific ideas, such as the EU patent, copyright or public contracts, but to concentrate on the principles by which, in my opinion, we should be guided.
I think future regulation of the Single Market should, on the one hand, reflect the philosophy of the Single Market which has been developed over the years but, on the other, it must be adapted to 21st century reality. As an example, I will refer to a principle which guided the European Community from its inception – defence of what is known as parallel trade, or trade in legal products outside official channels of distribution, for example, the sale in Germany of Grundig televisions which have been purchased legally in France. Today, parallel trade very often takes place on the Internet on a variety of sites. This right should be defended by supporting development of the Single Market on the Internet and development of e-commerce in general, and by ensuring greater access to cultural goods in legal Internet shops. We have much to do in this area, both in terms of making it easier for enterprises to operate in the virtual world and also in terms of increasing consumer confidence in Internet transactions.
Kinga Göncz (S&D), in writing. – (HU) The Single Market is the main driving force behind the development of the European Union, and besides improving competitiveness, it also creates a framework for social inclusion and job creation. Proposals for deepening the Single Market, whether they are about removing the administrative barriers faced by small enterprises or stimulating e-commerce, must be for the benefit of the citizens. The realisation of the strategy must be without prejudice to social rights and must not erode welfare achievements. There are still too many barriers to employees’, buyers’ and consumers’ rights being enforced without internal borders. The implementation of the Free Movement Directive is also incomplete, despite the fact that the employment of as many people as possible and the best possible management of the European workforce are particularly important from the perspective of recovering from the crisis. The smooth operation of the internal market is assisted by the common European action against corruption and organised crime, and by the implementation of the Stockholm Programme aimed at creating an area of freedom, security and justice. We must take steps to ensure the recognition of professional qualifications within the EU, the transferability of pension rights, and access to basic banking services. We also have further tasks ahead of us in ensuring the free movement of services and respect for the rights of posted workers.
Liem Hoang Ngoc (S&D), in writing. – (FR) Given the importance of this issue and the strict time constraints to which Parliament has had to work, we can all be pleased with what we have accomplished. In general, I agree with the priorities identified by the various reports, particularly the recognition of professional qualifications, the portability of pension rights, the rationalisation of procurement procedures, initiatives for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), and access for all to certain basic banking services
Certainly, in my opinion, other measures deserved to be highlighted, such as the issue of collective resources, but I am well aware that it was difficult to decide between these 50 proposals. I am also pleased that we were able to reach a compromise on the social clause, which states that any legislation on the Single Market should be subject to a social impact assessment and, if justified by the findings, should contain a reference to political and social rights.
Finally, another reason for us to be satisfied is the fact that Parliament calls for guaranteed access, quality and affordability of services of general economic interest (SGEIs) and social services of general interest (SSGIs), and invites the Commission to take sectoral legislative initiatives in this area.
Jan Kozłowski (PPE), in writing. – (PL) I would first like to thank the rapporteurs for the amount of work they have put in to preparing the reports on the Single Market, and also to congratulate them on the end result. I am pleased that on the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Single Market, we have before us a resolution which will help Europeans make full use of the Single Market’s potential. I am certain that its entry into force will allow the competitiveness of European markets to be strengthened and will bring us closer to achieving the goals set by the Europe 2020 strategy. I consider the TEN-T networks to be an important factor in achieving an efficiently functioning Single Market. I am pleased, therefore, that in the reports, attention has been drawn to their particular significance. The TEN-T networks are one of the mainstays of an efficiently functioning market economy, creating the conditions for fair competition on the scale of the entire European Union. In the context of decisions awaiting us on the future form of the TEN-T networks, I would like to draw attention to the need for better connection of the ‘old 15’ with the new Member States, and to the fact that greater internal transportation cohesion of the enlarged European Union is an important factor for the EU’s competitiveness.
Alajos Mészáros (PPE), in writing. – (HU) The Single Market is crucial for the future growth of the EU economy. Special attention must be paid to small and medium-sized enterprises, as it is these that hold the greatest potential for growth and job creation. The Single Market must offer advantages to small enterprises, because it is they who provide the majority of jobs but which, at the same time, have greater difficulty in making use of the opportunities presented by the Single Market. The financing of development and innovation represents a problem for them. Similarly, we must pay attention to local enterprises in disadvantaged, sparsely populated areas and in urban districts facing difficulties. Competition policy is a fundamental means of enabling the EU to have a dynamic, effective and innovative internal market, and to be competitive at the global level, too. The EU must take important measures to ensure the improvement of SMEs’ access to information in order for them to be aware of the opportunities offered by the Single Market and the financial measures provided by the EU. I, too, believe that the incorporation of the objectives of the Europe 2020 strategy and elements of the Small Business Act into all EU policies concerning the Single Market is important. This is crucial for overcoming existing barriers at the national and EU level.
Rareş-Lucian Niculescu (PPE), in writing. – In my opinion, a Single Market for Europeans should also mean a Single Market of quality. Unfortunately, this report does not make any kind of reference to this issue. In the European Union, products are sometimes offered under the same brand names, but with a different product formulation, in different countries. Products reportedly have the same brand name but are available in different concentrations or strengths. Situations have been reported where products of four different quality categories were sold under the same brand, depending on the destination country. As a result, the – apparently – same product is of different quality depending on the country of purchase. As a brand name is associated with perceived quality, this practice could result in misleading the public. Businesses must avoid misleading consumers about the advantages related to the brand of goods. If producers want to reduce the quality of the goods they offer, they should use a different brand name. Our citizens believe that the quality of brand goods should be identical on every market, based on the principle that one brand equals one level of quality. As my constituents are preoccupied by this issue, I would like to see it raised in our discussions in this House.
Marianne Thyssen (PPE), in writing. – (NL) I am pleased that the report by former Commissioner Monti, which has been generally praised, in which he argues for further development and completion of the internal market as ‘a prerequisite for a highly competitive social market economy’ has met with a ready response from the European Parliament. After all, it is undeniable that the financial and economic crises have dealt Europe a heavy blow. Further development of the internal market, which is the largest market in the world, will be one of our most important assets in this respect.
We need to take targeted action for our SMEs, which make up the economic hub of Europe: sufficient access to capital markets, facilitating online trading and a first step towards a common consolidated corporate tax base. Our citizens stand to benefit from this as well: for example, from opportunities to study abroad, more stringent toy safety, cheaper roaming rates. As European policy makers, we cannot emphasise this enough. The challenges are considerable, which is why we need to do our best to create a fully fledged framework for an internal market for online services. With these three reports, the European Parliament is sending out a clear signal that we are serious about reforming the internal market. Let us now be consistent in getting down to this work.
Niki Tzavela (EFD), in writing. – (EL) If Europe is to overcome today’s difficult conditions and compete with rapidly emerging economies, it needs to invest in sectors which will give it a competitive advantage. The common market is Europe’s biggest competitive advantage and it should be exploited accordingly. Moreover, the recession is taking the EU Member States into deeper economic unification and we must take advantage of this to consolidate the European economy so that it is more competitive at both domestic and international level. Consequently, we must aim in our official documents to foster a more ambitious deepening of the common European market, especially in services. Also, the role of undertakings in creating a functioning Single Market should be acknowledged.
IN THE CHAIR: GIANNI PITTELLA Vice-President
7. Request for the waiver of parliamentary immunity: see Minutes
Sonia Alfano (ALDE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, before the vote, I should like to take a few moments to remind the House, the Council and the European Commission that two years ago, there was an earthquake in L’Aquila in which 309 people died and over 1 650 people were injured. Now I have raised the matter, I will send all MEPs today a video that was filmed in L’Aquila on 13 January. I urge all colleagues to look at it because the citizens of L’Aquila are waiting for a strong response from Europe.
President. – Thank you, Mrs Alfano. I, too, during this morning’s debate, mentioned this terrible anniversary. You were quite right to remind this packed House of it.
David-Maria Sassoli (S&D). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, last night, there was another tragedy in the Mediterranean. Immigrants from north Africa died trying to reach Italy and Europe. There are 130 missing and 20 bodies have already been found.
When it comes to immigration, we must never forget that we are talking about men, women and children, not just numbers. There must be no more reticence; the Council and governments must act. Civil and democratic Europe must show its sorrow and, for this reason, Mr President, I ask you to invite the House to observe a minute’s silence in memory of the victims of immigration.
(Applause)
President. Thank you, Mr Sassoli. – Of course, I will grant your request. Before asking the House to observe a minute’s silence, to reflect on the memory of these victims, I would like to give the floor to Mr Tavares who has asked to speak on the same subject.
Rui Tavares (GUE/NGL). – Mr President, we have received information that a boat from Libya carrying refugees has capsized in the Mediterranean. We know that there are dead bodies and 150 people are missing.
Almost a year ago, this Parliament approved a codecision instrument providing for an emergency mechanism in order to resettle refugees who were under armed attack or in crisis situations, such as is the case with the civil war in Libya. That instrument has now been sitting on the Council’s table for a year. Last month, we addressed an oral question to the Council saying that this concerned people’s lives and was important. And now, sadly, that goes without saying.
President. – Following Mr Sassoli’s request, which I believe will be shared by everyone, we will now observe a minute’s silence in memory of those who died last night.
(The House rose and observed a minute’s silence)
Bruno Gollnisch (NI). – (FR) Mr President, 20 seconds just to make a voice of dissent heard in this chorus of political correctness. You alone are responsible for these deaths on account of the false hopes you are creating across Europe and the world that we are ready to welcome all of those people. They are entirely your responsibility.
Cristiana Muscardini (PPE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I just wanted to ask how many more minutes’ silence we will have to observe before we get a common European policy on immigration.
(Applause)
President. – This is not the time to open a debate on an issue we discussed just yesterday.
President. – The next item on the agenda is the vote.
(For the results and other details on the vote: see Minutes)
8.1. Draft amending budget No 1/2011 - Section III - Commission (A7-0115/2011, Sidonia Elżbieta Jędrzejewska) (vote)
8.2. Mobilisation of the EU Solidarity Fund - Floods in 2010 in Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania (A7-0114/2011, Reimer Böge) (vote)
8.3. EC-Comoros fisheries agreement (A7-0056/2011, Luis Manuel Capoulas Santos) (vote)
8.4. Dispute settlement mechanism under the Euro-Mediterranean Agreement establishing an association between the EC and Jordan (A7-0067/2011, Emilio Menéndez del Valle) (vote)
8.5. EU-Morocco agreement establishing a dispute settlement mechanism (A7-0066/2011, George Sabin Cutaş) (vote)
8.6. Dispute settlement mechanism under the Euro-Mediterranean Agreement establishing an Association between the EC and Egypt (A7-0068/2011, Gianluca Susta) (vote)
8.7. Participation of Ukraine in Union programmes (A7-0063/2011, Ryszard Antoni Legutko) (vote)
8.8. Imports from Greenland of fishery products (A7-0057/2011, Carmen Fraga Estévez) (vote)
8.9. Granting and withdrawing international protection (A7-0085/2011, Sylvie Guillaume) (vote)
8.10. European statistics on tourism (A7-0329/2010, Brian Simpson) (vote)
8.11. Community financial measures for the implementation of the common fisheries policy and in the area of the Law of the Sea (A7-0017/2011, João Ferreira) (vote)
8.13. Estimates of revenue and expenditure for 2012 - Section I - Parliament (A7-0087/2011, José Manuel Fernandes) (vote)
– Before the vote
José Manuel Fernandes, rapporteur. – (PT) Mr President, I would like to make a simple technical correction that does not alter this report in any way. There is a transcription error in Article 400 on own revenue; this article concerns proceeds from taxation on the salaries, wages and allowances of Members of the institutions, officials, other servants and recipients of pensions. The figure given is 48 103 216, whereas the correct figure is 63 103 216. This is merely a technical amendment or correction that does not alter the report in any way or have any other implication.
8.14. Authorisation and refusal of authorisation of certain health claims made on foods and referring to children's development and health (B7-0227/2011) (vote)
– Before the vote
Glenis Willmott (S&D). – Mr President, MEPs have an important role to play in scrutinising decisions on health claims. I have received many letters and emails of concern from parents, major health and consumer organisations, midwives, nurses and doctors’ organisations, as well as Unicef and the WHO. Until there is real consensus in the scientific community about the validity of this claim, we must not allow it. The evidence we currently have is not conclusive and no evidence exists to support the use of such a claim on follow-on formulas.
If, in the future, synthesised DHA is proven to be truly beneficial to babies, we should make it an essential ingredient in all formulas, and not allow it to be used as a marketing ploy by a specific brand. I would urge you to support this resolution.
Esther de Lange (PPE). – Mr President, I definitely do not want to reopen the debate, but we really should think twice about giving the floor to people who can put their personal opinion forward under the disguise of scientific evidence. Let us just vote. We have made up our minds.
(Applause)
8.15. European international investment policy (A7-0070/2011, Kader Arif) (vote)
8.16. Protection of Communities’ financial interests – fight against fraud (A7-0050/2011, Cătălin Sorin Ivan) (vote)
8.17. Political parties at European level and rules regarding their funding (A7-0062/2011, Marietta Giannakou) (vote)
8.18. Governance and partnership in the Single Market (A7-0083/2011, Sandra Kalniete) (vote)
8.19. Single market for Europeans (A7-0072/2011, António Fernando Correia De Campos) (vote)
– Before the vote on Amendment 2
Jürgen Creutzmann (ALDE). – Mr President, on behalf of the ALDE Group, I wish to propose an oral amendment to Amendment 2. It takes the following words out of Amendment 2: ‘by providing public authorities with a ‘tool-kit’ to evaluate the quality of such services’.
(The oral amendment was not accepted)
8.20. Single market for enterprises and growth (A7-0071/2011, Cristian Silviu Buşoi) (vote)
Recommendation: Luis Manuel Capoulos Santos (A7-0056/2011)
Peter Jahr (PPE). – (DE) Mr President, the aim of the proposal is to establish a new protocol setting out the fishing opportunities and financial contribution provided for in the Partnership Agreement in the fisheries sector between the European Community and the Union of the Comoros.
The proposed resolution will determine the fishing opportunities for European Union fishing vessels, depending on the surplus fish stocks available, and the financial contribution required in return for the access rights and the support for the fishery sector.
In principle, I welcome this agreement. Controlled fishing is always better than uncontrolled fishing. However, we must make proper use of this agreement and constantly assess its performance. For me, the simple, naïve question is that even if there are currently surplus fish stocks, we must ensure that this situation remains unchanged in the years to come.
Daniel Hannan (ECR). – Mr President, reading our voting list today, I have the feeling that I am reading a long and expensive bill of fare. Each of these items comes down to a reallocation of resources from European taxpayers either to some fishing fund, or the solidarity fund, or rescuing flood-stricken areas, or whatever it is.
I would like to focus on one particular abuse of this process, which is the use of Article 122(2) to mobilise money for bail-outs of stricken economies, specifically that of Portugal. This fund was designed for natural disasters such as earthquakes and floods. It has been reinterpreted to mean an economy that has run out of money. It is patently illegal. Not only is it not provided for in the Treaties; it is expressly forbidden under the ‘no bail-out clause’. This Chamber is in plain violation of its own regulations. In bailing out these countries, we are hurting them – because you do not help an indebted friend by pressing more loans on them – and, of course, we are hurting our own taxpayers as well as violating the law. It is absurd that Ireland and Greece will be joining the bail-out of Portugal. You cannot carry on forever getting deeper and deeper in debt. The day of reckoning is coming.
Syed Kamall (ECR). – Mr President, in yesterday’s votes, we discussed the issue of migration. One of the issues that should have been discussed concerning migration is how do we make it less attractive for people to leave their own country, or more attractive to stay in their own country, and why do they seek to leave their country, often breaking family and other local emotional ties?
One of the things we have to look at is the impact of our policies in the EU. When we sign these fishing agreements – often with governments of countries and they benefit from this – do these agreements really benefit local fishermen?
Surely we should be re-examining all these fisheries agreements, and instead of signing fisheries agreements, we should perhaps be increasing the fishing capacity of local fishermen to spread wealth and create more jobs locally so that people want to stay in their own countries rather than seek to leave.
If we do not think carefully about the implications of some of these agreements, we will see more demand for migration and will end up debating migration rather than the issues we are debating here.
Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE). – (ES) Mr President, I voted in favour of this agreement because Greenland’s exports of fishery products represent 82% of their exports. Eighty-seven per cent of those are sent to the European Union, mainly to Denmark, that is, 97%.
There is disagreement with the Commission over the legal basis, but I share the opinion of the Committee on Legal Affairs, which unanimously adopted the application of Article 43(2), and Article 204 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union and the Sole Article of Protocol (No 34) on Special Arrangements with Greenland.
The position is also supported by the European Parliament’s Legal Service. Therefore, in accordance with the legislative process, it should be understood that this is the first reading in Parliament.
Finally, I appreciate the Commissioner’s position in accepting the legal basis and showing her willingness to facilitate an agreement with the Council and not to further delay such an important agreement.
Pino Arlacchi (S&D). – Mr President, my group voted in favour of this report. I take note that the discussion in Parliament on the issue of asylum seekers did not have the inflammatory tone frequently used in several EU Member States.
This is probably due to the fact that, contrary to widespread perceptions, the overall number of people claiming asylum in the west has dropped by more than 40% over the past decade, according to data just released by the United Nations.
A total of 358 000 asylum applications were made in industrialised countries in 2010, compared with 620 000 applications filed in 2001. The drop is mainly due to push factors in the areas of origin. This means that the picture is much more encouraging than is usually thought.
Silvia Costa (S&D). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, naturally, I wish to offer my congratulations to the rapporteur on this report which really signals a significant step forward in EU policies, in its invitation to the Commission to submit a proposal for a directive on the procedures to be adopted by Member States to recognise, and possibly revoke, international protection. I believe that the events of recent days between the African and European coasts indicate that we need the ‘asylum package’ – as it is to be called – to become a binding rule.
In particular, I think of the positive amendments that were approved; for example, the whole question of greater safeguards with regard to minors, since I believe that children must not be detained under any circumstance (which is exactly what has been happening in Lampedusa, where children have been treated in exactly the same way as adults, together with adults, often in totally unacceptable conditions). It would have been better to have this directive in place before these dramatic events took place in Europe and Africa.
Another very important issue is that of vulnerable people and their issues, especially women, and problems relating to family matters and reunions. Congratulations also to the rapporteur.
Roberta Angelilli (PPE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, let me say that perhaps, before making judgments about how children are treated in Lampedusa, Mr Costa should go there himself. I have been to Lampedusa and have seen that all the children were treated according to Italian and, above all, international rules.
Now back to the subject which, as everyone has said, is very current. I believe that all Member States should be obliged fully to respect the principle of non-refusal and the right to asylum. Responsibility must, therefore, be shared, using the resources of the European Fund for Refugees and asking the European Office for strong support to implement the right of asylum, including provision for support in terms of border staff training and improving European asylum mechanisms.
Morten Messerschmidt (EFD). – (DA) Mr President, the report that we have adopted today states that the Commission’s proposal is pragmatic. I find it very difficult to see what is pragmatic about taking away the opportunity for people in the 27 Member States to decide for themselves the population makeup of their own countries.
Asylum policy and policy relating to foreigners are so closely linked to a country’s existence that it is appalling that the EU is starting to interfere in these matters. It is also precisely why Denmark has retained its opt-out on justice and home affairs so that in the Danish Parliament, we have the chance to decide for ourselves on these matters and so that these are not issues which the European Parliament and the other EU institutions are to concern themselves with.
It is therefore shocking to see how the European Court of Justice is now trying to undermine the Danish justice and home affairs opt-out, and even more shocking is the fact that this Parliament can adopt a report – never mind that it is in contravention of my vote and that of the Danish People’s Party – without even dealing with this matter – the matter that entails removing people’s right to determine their own policy relating to foreigners and, in particular, in cheating and deceiving with regard to the promises that were originally given to a country like Denmark.
Gerard Batten (EFD). – Mr President, I and my UKIP colleagues abstained on the amendments to the Guillaume report on granting and withdrawing international protection, but one should not take this as indifference.
This report is a development of the common immigration and asylum policy under the Lisbon Treaty. I do not want the Lisbon Treaty, or a common immigration and asylum policy. The peoples of Europe do not want a common immigration and asylum policy, and that is why they were denied a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty.
I abstained on the amendments because it would have involved endorsing existing EU law and a nit-picking exercise to decide which bits were worse than others. I leave it to the quisling MEPs of the Conservative, Labour, Liberal Democratic and Green parties to haggle about the terms of surrender of their country. I and my UKIP colleagues voted ‘no’ to this report and ‘no’ to a common immigration and asylum policy.
Giommaria Uggias (ALDE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I worked as shadow rapporteur on this dossier and so could not but vote in favour, together with my group. I did so believing it to be a very useful tool for the development of a sector that will be a driving force for the European economy.
Industry is moving away from Europe; agriculture suffers from serious deficiencies; meanwhile, tourism is one area that can certainly offer prospects for employment, economic development and intelligent, inclusive and compatible growth. To this end, the instrument we have approved today, which allows for more modern data gathering, processing, treatment and transmission than the previous situation, will surely give impetus to this activity. This is why the ALDE Group and I have voted in favour.
Roberta Angelilli (PPE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, since December 2009, tourism has been recognised in the Treaty and so at last has a legal basis for development and support at European level. Moreover, tourism represents a strong growth engine for Europe. We have already noted that the tourism industry generates more than 5% of GDP in the European Union, involving nearly two million small and medium-sized enterprises and contributes an employment rate that exceeds 12%.
We need more studies and more comparable statistics, because these are useful for monitoring activities, making comparisons between Member States, showing how EU funds are used, helping develop best practice, and also for assessing and developing tourism programmes for those categories of people on low budgets.
Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE). – (ES) Mr President, with 40% of all arrivals, the European Union continues to be the world’s number one tourist destination. It is therefore an economic force for employment that also promotes the integration of rural areas.
However, tourism demand has changed in recent years. That is why I supported the objective of creating a common framework for the systematic production of harmonised European statistics on supply and demand in Member States, and of adapting, as is necessary, the legal framework to reflect recent trends, such as same-day visits. The systematic collection of information is a necessary tool for defining effective policies and facilitating decision making in the private sector.
I also supported the introduction of satellite accounts, because they would be better able to show the effects of tourism on the economy and on jobs, and would have enabled us to more accurately define policies for the future.
Seán Kelly (PPE). – (GA) Mr President, the tourism industry has been very important for Europe and will be more important in the future, especially if we are to create jobs, particularly in remote and rural areas. However, it must be based on planning, especially planning based on the statistics we have.
So if we want to have proper planning and develop tourism, it has to be based on statistics that show trends regarding rented accommodation, one-day tourists, etc. Based on that we can develop tourism, particularly to end seasonality, to encourage an ageing population to holiday more and, indeed, also to encourage young people to do so. Any football team now has at least one statistician and bases its plans on that, and that applies also to the tourist industry.
Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE). – (ES) Mr President, Regulation (EC) No 1288/2009 extends the transitional technical measures so that they can be applied until the adoption of permanent measures.
It is preferable for everyone if these measures are adopted definitively and as quickly as possible. Nevertheless, in view of the forthcoming reform of the common fisheries policy, the measures need to be adopted after a new legislative framework is in place.
That new framework is planned for 2013, and it is therefore necessary to extend the validity of the transitional technical measures until 31 December 2012, bearing in mind that the current regulation will cease to be in force in 2011.
That is why I voted in favour of this initiative.
Jim Higgins (PPE). – Mr President, I voted for the Grelier report but I voted against my group on four amendments – amendment 4, amendment 5CP, amendment 6 and amendment 3.
Amendment 4 is an amendment by my colleague, Pat the Cope Gallagher, to allow the use of tangle nets, which Irish fishermen use inshore. Otherwise, we risk forcing the fishermen further out to sea in the North Atlantic, which is not practical and is very unsafe. A 50 metre boat on the Atlantic is very different to a 50 metre boat in the Mediterranean.
I voted for amendment 5CP in relation to mesh sizes. Again, this causes a major problem for our own fishermen on the west coast who are working in mixed fisheries with megrim, monkfish and hake. This will not have adverse impacts on cod stocks, as there is very little low bycatch of cod at present.
I also voted for amendment 6 by Mr Struan Stevenson in relation to doing away with the scandalous business of the discarding of haddock.
Last, and by no means least, I supported amendment 3, which was proposed by my Portuguese colleague, Mrs Patrão Neves, which supports Portuguese fishermen. I have no problem with that.
Report: João Ferreira (A7-0017/011)
Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE). – (ES) Mr President, I made a mistake in my previous speech: I spoke about the wrong subject because of a translation problem, so I will reverse my speeches and say now what I should have read out before.
I voted in favour of the financial measures because it was necessary to amend the regulation in order to adapt it to current demands and to the functioning of the Union.
I would also emphasise that the regulation envisages expanding the list of organisations eligible for financial aid and updating the list of advisory bodies. It also guarantees uniform conditions for implementing measures concerning control and enforcement, and for the expenditure incurred by Member States in implementing the control system and enforcement applicable to the common fisheries policy, and in the area of the collection, management and use of basic data.
The financial measures also include the economic aspects of fisheries and aquaculture and a reference to data collection relating to environmental measures.
Ville Itälä (PPE). – (FI) Mr President, I voted in favour of the report, but we have to set an example and be very meticulous, especially as far as budgetary discipline is concerned.
I would like to say why I voted against the group with regard to Amendment 8, which the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament had tabled. In it, the rapporteur mentions the use of unspent appropriations for construction projects. This has been a custom here for many years now, but financing construction projects in this way is not open or transparent. We have to state what construction projects we have right at the stage when the budget is being planned, and we should not engage in a transfer of appropriations in this way, which is contrary to budgetary discipline. That is why on this point, I voted against the group’s proposal on behalf of the S&D Group regarding Amendment 8.
Morten Messerschmidt (EFD). – (DA) Mr President, I voted against this budget report, but I would actually like to thank the many fellow Members – a few too many, unfortunately – who voted in favour, because it gave a wonderful picture of the shift in the perception of reality here in the European Parliament and here in the EU’s institutions in relation to the outside world where the people who we are actually creating regulations for are to be found.
Despite the fact that we have asked the Member States and other institutions to make cuts, we have doubled the expenditure in a number of areas for the European Parliament itself and for the EU institutions in general. This has happened, for example, by introducing the intention now to build a completely new museum for glorifying European history and the European institutions, etc.
I believe that an incredible number of people out there in the Member States, where they are experiencing cuts at national level, are wondering how their representatives in the European Parliament can so casually play fast and loose with money, even in the middle of a financial crisis.
Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE). – (ES) Mr President, if you do not mind, I would like to mention something before I finish. In my previous point I said, ‘because of a translation problem’, not meaning the excellent translators here, but an error I made when reading the text. I am the one who made the translation error, and I wanted to make that clear because the translators always seem to get the blame.
President. – Indeed, the interpreters merit our appreciation for the excellent work they do both in the House and in the Committees.
Hannu Takkula (ALDE). – (FI) Mr President, I would like to say a few words about this budget, revenue and expenditure. We must definitely ensure in this economic situation and, furthermore, here in the European Parliament, that expenditure is kept under control. For that reason, I voted differently from what had been recommended with regard to some aspects of the matter.
In my view, we should be prepared to cut down on travel costs, for example, but if we cut the number of flights, the airline tickets of Members of the European Parliament should be exchangeable. Sometimes, the problem is that these cheap airline tickets cannot be exchanged. I myself have to take several flights to get here; for example, to get to Strasbourg, you have to take three different flights. It is therefore important that airline tickets should be exchangeable. Occasionally, proposals to make savings such as these can end up costing more, simply because there is no flexibility with them.
We have to cut costs, however; that is absolutely clear. Some costs are to be seen as investments, and I think that this European House may be a good investment and one which, in the future, will produce added value, even in economic terms, for the European Union and its institutions.
Nicole Sinclaire (NI). – Mr President, it is spend, spend, spend, isn’t it? We keep hearing about the 500 million citizens in this Chamber, but this Chamber separates itself from them as much as possible.
Amendment 15 insisted that the salaries and allowances of MEPs should not be updated in 2012 to set an example, but 391 of our colleagues voted against it because they obviously do not care about the average EU citizen, do they? The average EU wage is EUR 368 a week, but some of our colleagues – 60 to 70 of our colleagues – continually sign in on a Friday here in Strasbourg, when there is no business, to claim EUR 304.
What example is that giving? Another waste of money: how many billions is this House of History going to cost, to sell propaganda and tell how the European Union ‘saved the world’?
Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE). – (SK) Mr President, the consolidation of democracy in the EU requires a constant effort towards building a fair and transparent environment both for the running and the funding of political parties at the European level. EU citizens should be more involved in political life at the EU level, and it is therefore necessary to create favourable motivational conditions for the operation of political parties. This is in order to avoid situations where, for example, less than 20% of registered voters participate in European Parliament elections, as happened in my own country.
I agree with the idea that these political parties should have a common and single legal statute, as well as their own legal personality based directly on the laws and treaties of the EU. As far as the funding system is concerned, transparency forms an inseparable part of the implementation of values, and the first priority must therefore be to have unambiguous funding conditions.
Alfredo Antoniozzi (PPE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Article 325 obliges the Commission and Member States to protect the financial interests of the European Union and to combat fraud in areas where this responsibility is shared between the Union and the Member States. According to Article 325(5), the Commission, in cooperation with the Member States, shall submit to the European Parliament and the Council an annual report on measures taken for the implementation of this Article.
I agree that we need to quantify in greater detail the recovery levels of funds unduly paid to the EU Member States by gathering specific data. Another important point, rightly highlighted by Mrs Ivan in her report, is the use of better investigative methods regarding fraud carried out by Member States. In this way, we can standardise counter measures throughout the European Union and determine whether similar types of fraud have been committed in other countries. This is why I have supported this report.
Marian Harkin (ALDE). – Mr President, I voted against Amendment 1, which stresses the need for zero tolerance for error. I think it is extremely important to distinguish between fraud and error. Yes, there should be zero tolerance for fraud, and indeed criminal prosecution, but in many cases, the error is inadvertent. While we need to uncover all errors and ensure the recovery of such monies, I cannot agree with zero tolerance for one very simple reason. This is that I have worked with many community groups, voluntary groups, leader companies and partnership companies, and seen the level of sheer and utter frustration at the myriad of rules, the revision of the rules half-way or three-quarters of the way through the programme and the different interpretation of rules at local, at regional, at national and at European level – with any infringement considered an error. Therefore, while we do need to remain vigilant about fraud, we also need to simply, simplify and simplify again the rules.
Ville Itälä (PPE). – (FI) Mr President, I voted in favour of this proposal, which is a very worthy one, as it concerns whether we should fund parties using taxpayers’ money. In a case such as this, there obviously need to be clear rules that are the same for everyone.
In my opinion, the parties must also have their own system of fund raising, even if it is on a small scale. In Amendment 2, the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament suggested that this share of selffunding should be just 5%. I think that it should be at least 10%. That is a very small amount when we consider that this is a matter of taxpayers’ money, and we should be very meticulous in these matters.
Andrzej Grzyb (PPE). – (PL) Mr President, the Giannakou report paves the way to fulfilment of the provisions of Article 10(4) of the Treaty on European Union and Article 244 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. Parliament and the Council should work together to define the status of a party at European level and their foundations, and should establish rules for funding both parties and foundations. However, it is necessary to call attention to the provisions of paragraphs 10 and 11 of the report, which concern the future of transnational lists in elections to Parliament. It is, admittedly, only a proposal for the future, but at the present time, it does not have the approval of the citizens. This concerns, in particular, Member States which have had experience of national lists and have abolished them. Another important matter is the timing of these proposals – the crisis and the proposed savings are also a cause of reluctance to increasing the size of European institutions. From our point of view, I think a more important matter is the possibility of increasing the size of the European Parliament in connection with enlargement of the European Union by the accession of new Member States rather than the possibility of increasing its size on the basis of new lists.
Morten Messerschmidt (EFD). – (DA) Mr President, I, too, would like to see clear rules for the European parties, but I must essentially question what the point of the European parties actually is.
The report states that they will create a greater understanding among European citizens for the EU’s institutions and cooperation across borders. However, what we actually see is that, as the European parties grow larger, as more money is continually used both within the parties and in the funds and all manner of other institutions relating to these, in line with these things, the European people’s support for and understanding of the EU’s institutions falls.
The latest Eurobarometer survey showed support for the EU among the European people to be at an all-time low, so this is not working. I would therefore ask the fundamental question of whether there really is any point continuing to waste billions of euro on these European parties. I do not believe that there is, and therefore I voted against this report.
Nicole Sinclaire (NI). – Mr President, I voted against this report. You can keep your 30 pieces of silver. I will not be joining any pan-European party. I will not be selling out my principles as some in this Chamber are willing to do.
It is not fair that the public, once again, have to use their resources to fund politicians. Politicians should be privately funded through donations, etc., and that should be heavily regulated. This Chamber found out only recently how politicians do need to be regulated, but the funding of political parties for a European ideal can never be right. I will never join a pan-European party. I will stand up for my principles and to hell with the lot of you.
Roberta Angelilli (PPE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, we have voted on three own-initiative reports on the Single Market Act, which is an important mechanism for growth in the European economy, and obviously for the creation of jobs, with concrete and direct results both for European citizens and for small and medium-sized enterprises.
There are many proposals made by the European Commission which tend towards the integration and liberalisation of European markets, resulting in measures to support small and medium-sized enterprises, in particular, to have an effect on innovation and the protection of creativity, improving the efficiency and sustainability of both material and non-material networks and infrastructure.
I hope that we will confront some obstacles in this structural context of support to small and medium-sized enterprises, such as the diversity of national laws, including rules and tax systems that fragment the market resulting in higher compliance costs for businesses to shoulder.
Emma McClarkin (ECR). – Mr President, today, we have voted on the three Single Market Act reports and their key priorities; I hope the Commission and Council have taken note of these. We need to make sure that we deliver on this for all citizens in order to allow the European economy to grow, provide jobs and compete globally. We need to make sure that EU legislation is implemented across the board to reduce the barriers to trade, but also that we do not make EU legislation that increases the burden on our businesses.
Report: António Fernando Correia De Campos (A7-0072/2011)
Ville Itälä (PPE). – (FI) Mr President, this was a very important report for taking the Single Market forward.
When we talk of consumer protection, however, Amendment 3 was important in that connection. It dealt with the fact that minimum harmonisation in the area of consumer legislation must be given priority over complete harmonisation. I voted in favour of this amendment and against the recommendations of my group, because I believe that levels of consumer protection in my country, for example, are extremely high. If we now quickly move to a position where we have fully harmonised consumer protection throughout the EU, I know that standards in my country will fall. That is why I think that we can approach this harmonised standard of consumer protection only by first establishing certain minimum standards, and then, on that basis, taking the path to a completely harmonised standard.
Sergej Kozlík (ALDE). – (SK) Mr President, the volume of the EU internal market in goods represents 17% of the global market in goods. The volume of the EU internal market in services represents 28% of the global trade in services. If this mass is set in motion in the right direction, it should achieve results in the form of economic growth based on the dynamic of our own resources. This will hold true, however, only on the assumption that the implementation of the proposed measures, which I supported, results in the elimination of bottlenecks in the movement of people, capital, goods and services between the individual countries of the Union, increasing the availability and reliability of loans and banking services, as well as Internet commerce.
It will hold true only if a more functional Single Market unlocks new potential for the implementation of products and activities originating from the EU, and on the markets of the EU. If that happens, a 4% contribution to economic growth over the coming decades might not be unrealistic.
Morten Messerschmidt (EFD). – (DA) Mr President, I share the view that the Single Market is essentially a good idea and that better governance of the Single Market is sensible and in the interest of consumers. However, I am surprised that the six amendments I tabled for this report were voted against by such an overwhelming majority. What does it boil down to in essence? Well, it came down to the fact that we should apply minimum harmonisation instead of total harmonisation and thereby ensure that the countries that already have good regulations for consumers are not forced to lower their level of consumer protection. It was also about the totally unique labour market model that we know from the Nordic countries, where it is not legislators but the social partners who decide on wage conditions and conditions for the labour market, the fact that it is they who set the rules and that we should retain and protect the Nordic labour model rather than undermine it; two completely harmless proposals that I am convinced would receive a significant majority in a vote amongst European citizens are voted down in this House. This reveals the shift in the perception of reality that is characteristic of the Members here in the European Parliament.
Alfredo Antoniozzi (PPE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the Single Market is a valuable tool for economic recovery in the European Union, particularly for the creation of new jobs.
The reports regarding the Act for the Single Market are, generally speaking, contributions made by the European Parliament in the consultation process begun by the Commission with its announcement ‘Towards a Single Market Act. Fifty Proposals for improving our work, enterprises and dealings together for a highly competitive social market economy’.
I think we should have put more emphasis on the competitiveness of small and medium-sized enterprises, the fight against counterfeiting and piracy, and the stimulation of innovation and competitiveness by the lifting of bureaucratic, administrative and regulatory burdens.
However, I agree with the general structure of the report and, in particular, with the measures mentioned which aim to strengthen e-commerce and the simplification of the procurement system. For this reason, I voted in favour of this report.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I voted in favour of this resolution because I believe it represents a further step forward towards the creation of a well-functioning, integrated single European market. Today, Europe is one of the major economies of the world but its potential is still huge, especially with regard to economic and employment growth.
Small and medium-sized enterprises are the engine and the main players in the current economic recovery. Europe needs to offer them greater protection, facilitating their access to credit, reducing bureaucracy and promoting the development of electronic commerce. Only in this way will we be able to create a social economy based on growth, competitiveness and sustainability.
Giving the EU an efficient and innovative Single Market in today’s globalised world means making it the undisputed protagonist of the global economic scene.
Pascal Canfin (Verts/ALE). – (FR) Mr President, I wanted to clarify why we voted in favour of this Single Market Act. I think it is a step forward. Parliament managed to find the right compromises that do not flush the text of its content but, instead, put real pressure on those who, in the Commission, want the Single Market to continue to adopt a purely free market approach, without including social issues, tax issues or environmental issues.
I also merely wanted to clarify that paragraph 54, which deals with public services, services of general interest, is problematic, and we therefore voted against part of this paragraph, which continues to call, ideologically but in veiled terms, for further liberalisation. We argue instead in favour of European public services and securing the European framework, leaving each Member State the option to continue organising public services as they wish, especially at territorial level.
Andrzej Grzyb (PPE). – (PL) Mr President, a Single Market without exclusions, either of citizens or of businesses – that, in a word, is how I could describe the main thrust of today’s debate on the now endorsed package of reports on the Single Market Act. It is with great interest, and also with pleasure, that I would like to emphasise the proposals which are intended to make it easier for small and medium-sized enterprises in particular to operate. It is very important for SMEs to have access to public procurement procedures. The announcement that these procedures are to be simplified, and, in particular, that the financial barriers in public procurement which exclude SMPs are to be reduced, and also that specific features of the local market are to be taken into account in procurement, is deserving of particular support.
Similarly, it should be recognised that SMEs expect help in gaining access to the market, they expect administrative measures which will make it easier for them to operate and they also expect a solution in the area of patents. It is with great interest that I, personally, await the presentation announced by Mr Barnier of the 12 levers for stimulating the Single Market. Greatly encouraging is the announcement that the period in which it will be possible to evaluate innovative solutions in particular which are related to these levers will also be relatively short.
Written explanations of vote
Report: Sidonia Elżbieta Jędrzejewska (A7-0115/2011)
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am in favour of this report, since I agree with the amount recommended for repairing the damage caused by flooding in the countries of Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania, totalling EUR 182 388 893.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), in writing. – (LT) I agreed with this report which approves without amendment the Council's position on Draft amending budget 1/2011. This Draft amending budget aims at mobilising the EU Solidarity Fund for an amount of EUR 182.4 million in commitment and payment appropriations in order to mitigate the effects of flooding resulting from heavy rainfalls in Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Croatia and Romania. I believe that in general, the EU Solidarity Fund should be mobilised as swiftly as possible following a natural catastrophe, and that applications for financial assistance should be dealt with in an effective and fast-acting manner, so that it is possible to provide urgent financial assistance to countries that have suffered natural disasters.
George Becali (NI), in writing. – (RO) I supported the report because the Member States which were affected by the flooding caused by torrential rain expect the sum of EUR 182.4 million to be included. These are Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Croatia and Romania. Like the rapporteur, I believe that it should be possible to mobilise the contributions from the Solidarity Fund much more quickly and efficiently than happens at present.
Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), in writing. – (PT) I agree with the adjusted amount for mobilisation from the European Union Solidarity Fund (EUSF), given that in several countries, namely Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania, the direct damage caused by natural disasters exceeds the normal threshold of 0.6% of Gross National Income required for mobilising the EUSF. I also consider it important that the EUSF should be mobilised as swiftly as possible following a natural disaster, and that all related organisational, legislative and executive procedures should be dealt with quickly and efficiently. I therefore agree with the Council’s common position on the Draft amending budget of the European Union for the financial year 2011.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The Commission proposes to amend the Commission budget for 2011 so as to cater for the need to mobilise the European Union Solidarity Fund to the sum of EUR 182.4 million in commitment and payment appropriations in order to mitigate the effects of flooding resulting from heavy rainfall in Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Croatia and Romania. This proposal should be approved by Parliament on the terms proposed by the rapporteur.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The report under discussion deals with the Council’s position on Draft amending budget No 1/2011 of the European Union for the current year. The Commission is empowered to present draft amending budgets whenever there are ‘unavoidable, exceptional or unforeseen circumstances’. Certain EU Member States have suffered natural disasters that have destroyed various infrastructures, the damage amounting to some EUR 5.5 billion and exceeding the threshold of 0.6% of Gross National Income in some cases. This situation constitutes justification and grounds for mobilisation of the European Union Solidarity Fund (EUSF), the objective of which is solely to repair infrastructure. Since existing budget appropriations are insufficient to cover the applications, I agree with this amending budget – the first proposal for mobilisation of the EUSF presented by the Commission – which proposes a reinforcement of EUR 182 388 893 in commitment and payment appropriations.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) This amending budget aims to respond to the request for mobilisation of the European Union Solidarity Fund (EUSF) to repair the damage caused by disasters that affected five Member States as well as Croatia in May and June 2010. These were ‘unavoidable, exceptional or unforeseen circumstances’, as defined in the Financial Regulation, and therefore, in our view, this procedure is both justified and necessary.
The amount mobilised in support of these countries – EUR 182.4 million – represents only about 3% of the total damage, which is estimated at about EUR 5 512.7 million. The Member States of the EU have been hard hit by a considerable number of disasters in recent years. In the first six years of the EUSF, the Commission received 62 requests for financial support from 21 different countries. About a third of these qualified as ‘major natural disasters’, as do four of the cases that we are considering here today. The EUSF is an important instrument for helping to remedy the almost always considerable and often long-lasting impact of disasters on people, the environment and the economy. However, there must also be a corresponding commitment to disaster prevention, putting into practice the recommendations recently approved by Parliament to that effect.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) This is a report on the Draft amending budget that aims to respond to the request for mobilisation of the European Union Solidarity Fund (EUSF) to repair the damage caused by disasters that affected five Member States, as well as Croatia, in May and June 2010.
These were ‘unavoidable, exceptional or unforeseen circumstances’, as defined in the Financial Regulation, and therefore, in our view, this procedure is both justified and necessary. The amount mobilised in support of these countries – EUR 182.4 million – represents only about 3% of the total damage, which is estimated at about EUR 5 512.7 million.
The Member States of the EU have been hard hit by a considerable number of disasters in recent years. In the first six years of the EUSF, the Commission received 62 requests for financial support from 21 different countries. About a third of these qualified as ‘major natural disasters’, as do four of the cases that we are considering here today.
The EUSF is an important instrument for helping to remedy the almost always considerable and often long-lasting impact of disasters on people, the environment and the economy. A commitment to prevention is also important.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I agreed with the report and the rapporteur’s proposal to accept without amendment the Council’s position on Draft amending budget 1/2011, because financial assistance to these countries, i.e. Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Croatia and Romania, has to be delivered and cannot be delayed further.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this Commission proposal for mobilisation of the EUSF which is based on point 26 of the IIA of 17 May 2006 on budgetary discipline and sound financial management that allows for such mobilisation within an annual ceiling of EUR 1 billion. The conditions of eligibility to the Fund are detailed in Council Regulation No 2012/2002 establishing the EUSF. It should be recalled that the objective of the Fund is to repair infrastructure and act as a refinancing tool, and not to compensate private damages. This proposal for mobilisation of the EUSF is the first to be presented by the Commission for the year 2011.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This Draft amending budget makes sense, considering the purpose of the funds mobilised through the Solidarity Fund to address the effects of the landslides and severe flooding resulting from heavy rainfall in Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Croatia and Romania. After verifying that the requests meet the eligibility criteria of Regulation (EC) No 2012/2002, the Commission proposed the mobilisation of the Solidarity Fund for the sum of EUR 182.4 million in order to deal with the events in those countries. However, I would like to highlight the delay in the mobilisation of this type of support. The procedure needs to be made less bureaucratic and more streamlined in order to respond to future disaster situations in a timely manner.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. – Taking into account the fact that Draft amending budget No 1/2011 to the general budget 2011 aims at mobilising the EU Solidarity Fund for an amount of EUR 182.4 million in commitment and payment appropriations in order to mitigate the effects of flooding resulting from heavy rainfall in Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Croatia and Romania, I voted ‘for’.
Andreas Mölzer (NI), in writing. – (DE) Natural disasters are no longer a rarity in Europe. The most recent events, such as the floods in 2010 in Poland, Slovakia, Romania, the Czech Republic and Hungary, show that the Solidarity Fund is essential. This fund is not used to compensate private individuals for damage to property, but primarily to rebuild infrastructure. Therefore, it can be regarded as an appropriate refinancing instrument. In particular, in countries such as Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania, there have been large-scale disasters and the direct damages exceed the usual threshold of 0.6% of Gross National Income. For this reason, I have voted in favour of this proposal.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This report refers to Draft amending budget No 1/2011 to the general budget for 2011, the aim of which is to mobilise the European Union Solidarity Fund to the sum of EUR 182.4 million in commitment and payment appropriations in order to mitigate the effects of flooding resulting from heavy rainfall in Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Croatia and Romania. The only purpose of Draft amending budget No 1/2011 is to formally incorporate this budgetary amendment into the budget for 2011. The reasons given fully justify this amending budget, and I therefore voted in favour of this report.
Paulo Rangel (PPE), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of this Draft amending budget, the aim of which is to respond to the mobilisation of the European Union Solidarity Fund to the sum of EUR 182.4 million in commitment and payment appropriations in order to mitigate the effects of flooding resulting from heavy rainfall in Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Croatia and Romania.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – We have abstained. The report concerns a transfer in payments for mobilising the EU Solidarity Fund for floods in 2011 in Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania. We agree with the urgent need to mobilise the funds, but not with the proposed financing method (via a ‘negative reserve’).
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am in favour of this report, which aims to provide EU aid from the European Union Solidarity Fund for Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania, following the flooding in May and June 2010 that affected these areas and their populations. The EU must continue to be an organisation that shows solidarity.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), in writing. – (LT) I agreed with this report on allocating financial assistance from the European Union Solidarity Fund to Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania. The interinstitutional agreement allows a mobilisation within an annual ceiling of EUR 1 billion. I believe that in general, the EU Solidarity Fund should be mobilised as swiftly as possible following a natural catastrophe, and that applications for financial assistance should be dealt with in an effective and fast-acting manner, so that it is possible to provide urgent financial assistance to countries that have suffered natural catastrophes.
Regina Bastos (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The aim of the European Union Solidarity Fund (EUSF) is to provide swift, effective and flexible assistance to the population of a Member State, or a country negotiating accession, in the event of a major natural disaster.
This fund supplements the Member States’ public funds in emergency situations, specifically for urgent infrastructure repairs, temporary shelter and emergency services to cater for the people’s immediate needs, as well as clearing up in the areas affected by the disaster. Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania were affected by torrential rains in 2010, which caused serious flooding resulting in huge losses in those countries. Following the disasters, the countries in question requested assistance from the EUSF. Since the eligibility criteria laid down in the relevant regulation were met, mobilisation of the EUSF was approved with a view to mitigating the pain, suffering and losses of the people affected by the abovementioned disasters. For the above reasons, I supported this report.
Adam Bielan (ECR), in writing. – (PL) The floods which hit the countries in the east of the European Union last year caused huge material damage in practically every region. Many of them continue to struggle with the flood’s tragic effects. Many people are still waiting for the financial assistance promised by the authorities. The serious damage primarily concerns agriculture, infrastructure, the transport network and cultural heritage sites. Many people have suffered, often losing everything they owned. In Poland alone, direct losses have been estimated at nearly EUR 3 billion. This, therefore, significantly exceeds the threshold for mobilising the Solidarity Fund. A similar situation exists in the case of the other countries which are applying for support from the fund. Finding the European funds foreseen in the interinstitutional agreement will bring significant relief to the regions worst affected by the catastrophe by allowing work to be carried out to mitigate the effects of the natural disaster. I am strongly in favour of mobilising the Solidarity Fund.
Jan Březina (PPE), in writing. – (CS) I welcome the decision of the European Parliament to release funds from the EU Solidarity Fund for the Central European states affected by last year’s floods. In the case of the Czech Republic, there is a sum of CZK 125 million to cover some of the damages caused by the floods in Northern Moravia last May and June. As the overall level of damage was estimated at CZK 5 billion, which represents less than 0.6% of Czech GDP, it did not constitute a ‘serious natural disaster’ under European law, in the case of which assistance from the Solidarity Fund is virtually assured. It was therefore necessary to request an exemption for the Czech Republic, based on the fact that our land was affected by the same natural disaster as neighbouring Poland, where the consequences were more destructive. In the original draft resolution of the European Parliament, only Poland was mentioned as an affected country, and it was only after I pointed out that the floods had also affected other states that its scope was extended to the entire region of Central Europe. I am pleased that the Czech Government, after its initial laxity and hesitation, swung into action and managed, within the set deadline, to submit an application for financial assistance from the Solidarity Fund, which will now undoubtedly prove very useful.
Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), in writing. – (PT) In light of the significant damage caused by the major natural disasters that have occurred, particularly with regard to private property, transport networks and cultural heritage sites, and also since the estimated total direct damage in all these countries exceeds the normal threshold for mobilisation of the Solidarity Fund, which stands at 0.6% of Gross National Income, I agree with the proposal for a decision of the European Parliament and of the Council on mobilisation of the European Union Solidarity Fund in favour of Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania.
Edite Estrela (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of the mobilisation of the European Union Solidarity Fund in favour of Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania following the severe flooding that affected these countries in May and June 2010. I should like to reiterate that the Council must urgently continue to revise the new Solidarity Fund regulation approved by Parliament, so as to make it swifter and more effective.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Mobilisation of the European Union Solidarity Fund in favour of Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania is justified in view of the heavy rain and flooding that affected these countries and the serious damage which resulted. The support that this decision received from a large majority in the relevant parliamentary committee shows the breadth of support that it enjoys. I regret the suffering that people have endured, and I hope that mobilisation of the fund will mitigate it and help provide swifter and more effective reconstruction in the worst-affected areas.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) In May and June 2010, Central and Eastern Europe was lashed by a severe storm which caused enormous damage in certain Member States, particularly through the destruction of public infrastructure, farms, road and rail networks, and public and private assets. Flooding in Poland affected almost the whole country, causing damage exceeding 0.85% of Gross National Income (GNI); in Slovakia, the storm left some areas under water, caused landslides and flooding, and led to damage in the order of 0.89% of GNI; in Hungary, the damage amounts to 0.73% of GNI; in Romania, it is estimated at over EUR 875 million, or 0.67% of GNI; in Croatia, it exceeds EUR 153 million (0.6% of GNI); and in the Czech Republic, the amount is EUR 204 million (0.6% of GNI). This situation justifies the mobilisation of the European Union Solidarity Fund and has led to the approval of the first amending budget for 2011. Thus, since it is covered by the Draft amending budget that has already been approved, and in view of the opinion of the Committee on Regional Development, I agree with the rapporteur’s position on the mobilisation of EUR 182 388 893 to help with the repair of public infrastructure damaged by the storms in the abovementioned Member States.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) The report endorses the mobilisation of the European Union Solidarity Fund (EUSF) to assist six countries: Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania. These countries were affected by torrential rainfall, in some cases, without precedent, extensive flooding, landslips and mudslides. In four countries – Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania – the disasters qualify as ‘major natural disasters’ according to the definition given in the EUSF Regulation; in other words, the damage is estimated to exceed 0.6% of their Gross National Incomes. We consider the mobilisation of this support to be important and necessary, and we therefore voted in favour of the report.
Once again, we must draw attention to the excessive delays between the occurrence of the disaster, the decision to mobilise the EUSF and the actual delivery of EU support to the Member States and regions affected. In this case, the disasters occurred in May and June 2010. Parliament has only just approved mobilisation of the EUSF, almost a year later. Now, other procedural requirements will delay the money’s arrival at its destination even more. That is why we have been advocating the need to adapt the rules for mobilising this fund, so as to make its mobilisation more flexible and timely.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) We voted in favour of this report, which endorses the mobilisation of the European Union Solidarity Fund (EUSF) to assist six countries: Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania.
These countries were affected by torrential rainfall, in some cases, without precedent, extensive flooding, landslips and mudslides. In four countries – Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania – the disasters qualify as ‘major natural disasters’ according to the definition given in the EUSF Regulation; in other words, the damage is estimated to exceed 0.6% of their Gross National Incomes.
We consider the mobilisation of this support to be important and necessary, and we therefore voted in favour of the report.
We must, however, draw attention to the excessive delays between the occurrence of the disaster, the decision to mobilise the EUSF and the actual delivery of EU support to the Member States and regions affected. It should be noted that the disasters occurred in May and June 2010. Parliament has only just approved mobilisation of the EUSF, almost a year later. Now, other procedural requirements will delay the money’s arrival at its destination even more.
That is why we advocate the need to adapt the rules for mobilising this fund, so as to make its mobilisation more flexible and timely.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), in writing. – (SK) The floods of 2010 affected extensive areas across several Central European countries. The natural disaster mainly affected Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania. The people living in these areas cannot cope with the consequences of the floods on their own. They cannot resolve the consequences from their own resources, because the budgets of the individual states are burdened with the economic and financial crisis. However, the Commission is proposing to mobilise the EU’s Solidarity Fund for the benefit of the affected countries. All of the countries mentioned requested assistance from the fund after they were struck and paralysed, in the spring and summer months of last year, by landslides, flood waves and almost continuous rainfall.
The natural elements consequently did extensive damage in the affected areas to both public and private infrastructure, as well as road and rail transport, while agriculture was also affected. There was also serious damage to property, residential buildings and cultural monuments. It is therefore appropriate to provide the affected European states with the necessary financial assistance, so that they can tackle the consequences of the natural disaster and be able to return to normal life as soon as possible.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I agreed with this document, because the Commission has informed Parliament in its proposal for a decision of the European Parliament and of the Council on the mobilisation of the EU Solidarity Fund (COM (2011)0010) that, on the basis of applications for assistance by Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Romania and candidate country Croatia relating to the flooding disasters of May, June and July 2010, it proposes the mobilisation of the EU Solidarity Fund. In order to avoid undue delay in approving this measure, which the Committee on Budgets intends to adopt as soon as possible, it should be noted that the Committee on Regional Development has no objection to the mobilisation of the EU Solidarity Fund to provide the sum of EUR 182 388 893 to the countries concerned as proposed by the Commission, and in accordance with the rules laid down in the interinstitutional agreement of 17 May 2006 and in Council Regulation (EC) No 2012/2002.
Cătălin Sorin Ivan (S&D), in writing. – (RO) The Solidarity Fund is an instrument of paramount importance to the EU. Apart from its financial impact, it also conveys an expression of European solidarity. However, the Council has just shown us that this solidarity is starting steadily to diminish. At the moment, in order to help citizens who have already suffered so much following last year’s floods, the Council is forcing us to slash funds from very important programmes.
Furthermore, if we look at which Member States are currently blocking in Council the notion of ‘new money’ to cover the fund’s needs, we will notice that it is those which, in their turn, have benefited from receiving large sums of money in previous years.
The Union is based on the concept of solidarity. Without it, we could not have shaped the Europe we have today, nor will we be able to shape the Europe of tomorrow.
Edvard Kožušník (ECR), in writing. – (CS) In contrast to the European Globalisation Adjustment Fund, I consider the Solidarity Fund, the resources of which are intended for covering damage caused by natural disasters, as a genuine manifestation of European solidarity. I very much appreciate the fact that this report also proposes the allocation of resources to cover flood damage to public property in the Czech Republic. This is specifically in Northern Moravia, which was affected in May last year by the same flood wave that caused damage throughout the region of Central Europe. I appreciate the fact that the Czech Republic has obtained resources from the Solidarity Fund to cover damages all the more for the fact that the surrounding countries were affected by the flood wave more than the Czech Republic.
Compensation for the Czech Republic was nonetheless not forgotten within the framework of European solidarity. I would also like to thank Mr Březina and Mr Tošenovský, with whom I successfully pushed for the inclusion of the Czech Republic in the group of countries to receive compensation from the Solidarity Fund in connection with this flood wave. Special thanks are also due to the President of Parliament, Mr Buzek, for visiting the affected areas of Moravia together with us, and personally backing support for the Czech Republic.
Bogusław Liberadzki (S&D), in writing. – (PL) The year 2010 was marked by disastrous flooding in many countries of Europe, with Poland suffering two floods. We should welcome the expressions of solidarity of the European Union in mitigating the effects of the flooding and the action taken to relieve the terrible plight of those affected – people who have lost a large part and, in many cases, all of their material possessions, suffered damage to their health and even lost their loved ones.
As part of support for the idea of solidarity in times of need and suffering, reflection is needed on how to prevent floods. The way to do this is to undertake water management: regulation of rivers, construction of reservoirs, etc. We should direct much more of the money allocated to environmental purposes in the Cohesion Fund to the purpose of flood prevention. In endorsing the Böge report, I call for support for the proposal for greater funds in the budget after 2013.
Elżbieta Katarzyna Łukacijewska (PPE), in writing. – (PL) I am very pleased that such constructive decisions are made in the European Parliament. The Members who come from regions affected by the floods tried very hard for Union assistance to be granted and, as we know, the route to this success has not been easy. The provision of EUR 182.4 million as compensation for the effects of last year’s floods is extremely important, not only for the regions affected by the natural disaster, but also for the people who live there.
Poland and the Podkarpacie region is an area which has particularly suffered as a result of the disaster, and it is my hope that the financial resources made available for the reconstruction of infrastructure will be used effectively. Today’s decision of Parliament is final and begins the procedure for the provision of EU money, and this is why I voted in favour of the resolution on mobilisation of the EU Solidarity Fund – floods in 2010 in Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I support this Commission proposal for a decision of the European Parliament and of the Council on the mobilisation of the EU Solidarity Fund. On the basis of applications for assistance by Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Romania and candidate country Croatia relating to the flooding disasters of May, June and July 2010, it proposes the application of the EU Solidarity Fund.
Barbara Matera (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I would like to express my satisfaction at today’s vote in favour of approving mobilisation of the European Solidarity Fund in order to provide aid to Poland, Slovakia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Croatia for the floods there last year.
Although there remains disagreement between Parliament and the Council on the technical procedure for the procurement of EUR 182.4 million needed to compensate Member States for damages, Europe has once again demonstrated its solidarity with its citizens. I agree with the use of the 2010 budget surplus to cover the ‘negative reserves’ used to find the necessary funds. Indeed, this reserve is an ‘accounting’ method which should be used for any emergency contingencies that may arise during the current financial year.
Iosif Matula (PPE), in writing. – (RO) Solidarity is the main feature of the European Union. Based on this solidarity, I consider timely and necessary the report on the mobilisation of the European Union Solidarity Fund for the floods which affected Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Croatia and Romania in 2010. This solidarity will be all the more necessary as climate change continues to trigger disasters throughout the whole of Europe. In this respect, strategies need to be devised which will also help reduce the level of greenhouse gas emissions.
The European Union’s efforts must be channelled towards consolidating the actions taken by Member States to prevent and reduce the impact of major floods in Europe, which have become increasingly frequent. One priority on this point must be for Member States to assess the activities which raise the risk of flooding and increase the speed of response, mobility and flexibility of the interventions made. Last but not least, I would like to stress how important it is for citizens to be informed about and participate in the actions and plans for flood management.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This solidarity instrument has been used in the past – specifically in my country, with the support sent to Madeira following the heavy rains there in February 2010 – and now it makes every sense to mobilise it in an attempt to mitigate the effects that natural disasters always have on the populations of the countries they affect.
Alajos Mészáros (PPE), in writing. – (HU) Last year’s intense rainfalls resulted in a disastrous situation in Central European countries. Overflowing rivers flooded streets and homes. People became destitute, and many of them lost almost everything they had. This is why a rapid assessment of the situation and quick assistance were crucial at that time. Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania all requested assistance from the European Union in order to be able to help those in need by drawing on the Solidarity Fund. I am very pleased to note that the European Parliament, too, recognised this situation, and it, too, intended to help these countries. This is why I consider supporting this proposal for a decision very important, and I would like to use this opportunity to extend my gratitude to all who expressed their solidarity with my fellow Central European citizens at that time. Thank you.
Andreas Mölzer (NI), in writing. – (DE) Following the heavy rainfall in August 2010, which caused rivers to burst their banks and forced people to leave their homes, the Czech Republic applied for assistance from the Solidarity Fund in October 2010. The threshold of 0.6% of Gross National Income was not exceeded, but the majority of the population suffered as a result and the economy of the region was on the brink of collapse. Important areas such as tourism and industry were severely damaged. This assistance will cover part of the cost of the immediate measures needed to rebuild damaged infrastructure. Therefore, I support this proposal.
Rareş-Lucian Niculescu (PPE), in writing. – (RO) Last summer, most of Romania’s territory was hit by severe flooding and landslides. The damage was estimated at almost EUR 900 million, which is nearly 0.7% of Romania’s GDP. I welcome the assistance from the Solidarity Fund and it will help both to mitigate the impact of the disaster and prevent other incidents of the same nature occurring. The Solidarity Fund is one of the specific examples which can be offered to our citizens showing the importance of joint actions at EU level.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The Commission is proposing to mobilise the European Union Solidarity Fund in favour of Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania, in accordance with the interinstitutional agreement of 17 May 2006 on budgetary discipline and sound financial management (IIA). The IIA allows for the mobilisation of the Solidarity Fund within the annual ceiling of EUR 1 billion. Alongside this proposal to mobilise the European Union Solidarity Fund in favour of Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania, the Commission also presented a Draft amending budget (A7-0115/2011). It is clear from the report that all the applications meet the eligibility criteria laid down in Regulation (EC) No 2012/2002. I therefore voted in favour of the mobilisation of the EU Solidarity Fund for the amounts of EUR 105 567 155 for Poland, EUR 20 430 841 for Slovakia, EUR 22 485 772 for Hungary, EUR 5 111 401 for the Czech Republic, EUR 3 825 983 for Croatia and EUR 24 967 741 for Romania, making a total of EUR 182 388 893 in commitment and payment appropriations.
Rovana Plumb (S&D), in writing. – (RO) The direct costs of the floods which hit Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Croatia and Romania in 2010 amount to EUR 5 512 719 662. I voted for this report so that the mobilisation of EUR 182.4 million from the EU Solidarity Fund intended for these floods is approved. I disagreed with the source of funding, a ‘negative reserve’ proposed by the Council. However, I voted for the Council’s proposal as I think that citizens who were victims of the flooding cannot become victims of an interinstitutional battle between Member States and the European Parliament.
Paulo Rangel (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The issue at hand is the requests for assistance submitted by Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Romania and Croatia (as a candidate country) in order to deal with the substantial damage caused by the disastrous floods in these countries in May, June and July 2010. Since all these requests meet the eligibility criteria laid down in Regulation (EC) No 2012/2002, I voted in favour of this proposal to mobilise the European Union Solidarity Fund to allocate the sum of EUR 182 388 893 to the countries in question, in the expectation that this support may help to speed up the reconstruction of the areas affected and mitigate the suffering of their populations.
Zuzana Roithová (PPE), in writing. – (CS) I was delighted to vote for the draft decision of the European Parliament and of the Council on the release of funds from the EU Solidarity Fund to Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania. All of these states were affected last year by powerful floods, as a result of torrential rain which caused landslides and substantial loss of human life, as well as damage to residential buildings, businesses, farming areas, the road and rail networks and other infrastructure. Although the amount of the proposed assistance represents only a few percent of the total quantified damage for most countries, it is still significant assistance, amounting in total to EUR 182 million. I would like to point out that the EU established the Solidarity Fund in order to assist the inhabitants of regions hit by natural disasters. I would like to thank Members for supporting this report.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – In favour. The Commission proposes to mobilise the European Union Solidarity Fund for Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania on the basis of point 26 of the interinstitutional agreement of 17 May 2006 on budgetary discipline and sound financial management (IIA). The IIA allows for mobilisation of the Solidarity Fund within the annual ceiling of EUR 1 billion. In parallel to the proposal to mobilise the Solidarity Fund for Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania, the Commission has presented a Draft amending budget (DAB No 1/2011 of 14 January 2011) in order to enter the corresponding commitment and payment appropriations in the 2011 budget, as foreseen in point 26 of the IIA.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I voted in favour of this text because we need to mobilise the European Union Solidarity Fund on behalf of those countries in Central and Eastern Europe which suffered damage due to flooding in 2010.
Countries such as Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Croatia and Romania incurred huge costs following the heavy rains of that period, which caused massive damage to their infrastructure. Poland alone, for example, suffered two consecutive floods of its major rivers in May and June 2010, which caused serious damage to agriculture, transport networks and sites of cultural heritage, resulting in total damage of almost EUR 3 billion. The priority now is to rebuild the regions most affected by the tragic events of last year, allowing them to restart their systems of production without further delay.
Olga Sehnalová (S&D), in writing. – (CS) The floods of 2010 affected several European countries, to varying degrees. For example, in the Czech Republic, the flood was smaller in terms of the area of land, but the consequences were truly destructive for this country, just as in Poland. I therefore supported the release of funds on the basis of the option provided under Council Regulation (EC) No 2012/2002 for such exceptional situations. I voted for the adoption of the report, including the release of funds for the Czech Republic and for Croatia, which presents a similar case.
Joanna Senyszyn (S&D), in writing. – (PL) I endorsed the report on mobilisation of the European Union Solidarity Fund, in accordance with point 26 of the interinstitutional agreement of 17 May 2006 between the European Parliament, the Council and the Commission on budgetary discipline and sound financial management. It is extremely important for the EU to support those countries which have suffered as a result of natural disasters. The losses caused by this disaster exceed EUR 2.9 billion. EU financial support will help in the reconstruction of public infrastructure which was damaged by the disaster: water mains, sewage systems, roads and bridges. Almost a year has already passed since the floods. Help is still imperative. It should be mobilised faster. To do this, procedures for granting financial aid from the Solidarity Fund should be shortened.
Recommendation: Luis Manuel Capoulos Santos (A7-0056/2011)
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am in favour of this report since it advocates responsible fishing in the Comoros fishing zone based on a policy of non-discrimination between the various fleets in the zone, while launching a dialogue on necessary reforms. I am also in favour of this report because it represents an advance on the previous agreement, in that it provides for implementation of the protocol to be suspended in the event of human rights violations. However, since the aim of this protocol is to strengthen partnership and cooperation in the fisheries sector through the use of all available financial instruments, I would draw attention to the immediate need for a framework favouring increased investment in the sector and optimisation of small-scale fishery production in the sector.
George Becali (NI), in writing. – (RO) I supported this report as it marks a commitment to promoting responsible and sustainable fishing wherever EU vessels might be operating, based on a thorough assessment of the resources available and making sure that the fishing opportunities to be used have been vouched for by credible scientific opinions and ruling out any risk of depleting local stocks. The Union of the Comoros is regarded as one of the least developed countries, with an economy which depends, to a huge extent, on foreign subsidies and technical assistance. While exploitable stocks in the Union of the Comoros, mostly large pelagic fish, are estimated at 33 000 tonnes per year, annual catches by local fishermen amount to approximately 16 000 tonnes, which are completely absorbed by the local market. The main objective of the new protocol is to define the fishing opportunities offered to EU vessels for access rights and sectoral support and to continue the cooperation between the EU and the UoC, with a view to expanding the partnership framework within which to develop a sustainable fisheries policy and responsible exploitation of fisheries resources in the Comorian fishing zone in the interests of both parties.
Slavi Binev (NI), in writing. – (BG) The conclusion of bilateral agreements in the fisheries sector between the European Union and countries outside it, termed ‘Fisheries Partnership Agreements’, is standard practice under the common fisheries policy. I voted in favour because I think that the new protocol to the Fisheries Partnership Agreement with the Union of the Comoros also serves the interests of both parties. On the one hand, it improves the fishing opportunities offered to EU vessels in the Comorian fishing zone as any opportunities for depleting the local stocks in the area are excluded. On the other hand, the EU allocates funds for the development of the sectoral fisheries policy in the Comoros.
Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), in writing. – (PT) I agree with the proposal for a Council decision on the conclusion of the protocol setting out the fishing opportunities and financial contribution provided for in the Partnership Agreement in the fisheries sector between the European Community and the Union of the Comoros. I consider said protocol to be positive since it promotes responsible and sustainable fishing in Comorian territorial waters and serves the interests of both parties, as it offers EU vessels fishing opportunities in exchange for important sectoral support for the community in the archipelago of the Comoros.
Edite Estrela (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of the recommendation on the EC-Comoros fishing agreement, since the parties undertake to promote sustainable and responsible fishing in the Comorian fishing zone and since it provides for a suspension clause in the event of human rights violations in the Union of the Comoros.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The current protocol to the Fisheries Agreement in force between the European Community and the Union of the Comoros, one of many fisheries partnership agreements of which the European Union is a co-signatory, expired on 31 December 2010. The new protocol will be concluded for a three-year period (2011-2013), starting with the entry into force of the Council decision on the provisional application of said protocol and following the expiry of the protocol in force. The aim of the proposal for a decision is to set out the fishing opportunities for European Union vessels on the basis of the excess stock available, as well as the financial contribution separately due for access rights and sectoral support.
The new protocol serves the interests of both parties and aims to reinforce fisheries cooperation through the use of the financial instruments that are available. The need has been felt to create a framework favouring the development of investment in this sector and to optimise small-scale fishery production. Like the rapporteur, I believe Parliament should be allowed to closely monitor the way in which the agreement develops and is complied with, and it is up to the Commission to ensure that it can do so.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This report focuses on a proposal for a Council decision on the conclusion of a protocol setting out the terms on which European Union (EU) fishing vessels can carry out fishing operations in the waters of the Union of the Comoros. Over the years, the EU has established fisheries partnership agreements with a number of countries and, in exchange, has made a certain financial contribution intended essentially to support national fisheries policies, particularly to protect stocks. With the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, Parliament has taken on increased responsibilities in this sector, and we now have to give our consent to new fisheries agreements. As the EU/Union of the Comoros protocol expired on 31 December 2010, it urgently needs to be renewed. The proposal in question serves the interests of both parties, as the rapporteur explains very well, and I therefore voted in favour of the proposal. It is just a pity that it is overdue.
João Ferreira and Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) This report supports the new protocol of the partnership agreement in the fisheries sector between the EU and the Comoros, which will be in force for three years, and whose main objective is to define the fishing opportunities offered to EU vessels, the financial contribution owed for access rights and sectoral support. This is an agreement concerning access rights to Comorian waters for 70 European boats in exchange for a financial contribution of around EUR 600 000 per year, with around half of this amount being intended for the development of the country’s fisheries sector. This country has practically no other resources; 30 000 of the country’s 800 000 inhabitants depend on this sector.
It is here that the so-called partnership agreements in this area have failed most visibly, which should be cause for reflection and for policy changes. Authorisation to fish will be given to 45 tuna seiners – 22 of which are French and 22 Spanish – and 25 surface longliners: this is more than the protocol currently in force, which authorises 40 seiners and 17 longliners. Portugal still has the five longliners it had before. France and Spain are still the major beneficiaries.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I agree with this document, because the conclusion of bilateral fisheries agreements between the European Community and non-member countries, termed ‘Fisheries Partnership Agreements’ (FPA) since 2004, has been standard practice under the common fisheries policy (CFP) and is central to the policy’s external dimension. Under the agreements with African and Pacific countries, the EU’s financial contribution is, to a large extent, expressly intended to support national fisheries policies based on the principle of sustainability and sound management of fishery resources. The partnership agreements therefore amount to a commitment to promoting responsible and sustainable fishing wherever EU vessels might be operating, based on a thorough assessment of the resources available and making sure that the fishing opportunities to be used have been vouched for by credible scientific opinions and rule out any risk of depleting local stocks. With the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, increased powers have been conferred on Parliament regarding fisheries partnership agreements: under Article 218(6)(a) TFEU, the EP now has to give its prior consent to the conclusion of an agreement, a requirement that replaces the earlier ordinary consultation procedure. I believe that the proposed new protocol for the Fisheries Partnership Agreement with the Union of the Comoros serves the interests of both parties.
Jarosław Kalinowski (PPE), in writing. – (PL) The fisheries sector in the region of the Comoros is very specific. The catches made by local fishermen hardly ever suffice to meet the needs of the local community. This is caused by poorly developed and, frankly, non-existent port and fishing fleet infrastructure. The people who live on the islands in this part of the Indian Ocean are very poor, face the problem of unemployment and, as the rapporteur himself writes, are, in practice, dependent on financial help from abroad. The partnership agreement, which allows vessels from the EU to fish in Comorian territory in exchange for financial support, will undoubtedly contribute to a strengthening of the region’s economy. We should, however, monitor the way in which these funds are spent, and whether they do, in fact, contribute to an improvement in the situation in the sector.
Elisabeth Köstinger (PPE), in writing. – (DE) The aim of the new protocol setting out the fishing opportunities and financial contribution provided for in the partnership agreement in the fisheries sector between the European Community and the Union of the Comoros is to strengthen the partnership and cooperation in the fisheries sector using all the available financial instruments. The protocol will create a framework which is conducive to the growth of investment in this sector and which will help to increase the value of the products of small-scale fisheries. I welcome the proposal to establish this new protocol.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The Council’s draft recommendation regarding the establishment of a protocol which stipulates fishing quotas and financial contribution as set out by the partnership with the fisheries sector of the Union of the Comoros is intended to outline the role that the European Parliament should play in the procedure of reviewing this agreement. Europe has always pursued partnership agreements in the fisheries sector and the partnership with the Union of the Comoros has been in force since 1988. The objective of this new protocol is to set out the fishing quotas to be offered to fishing vessels of the Union of the Comoros, providing a sustainable and responsible use of fishery resources, increasing investment in small-scale fisheries and enhancing their activity. The draft Council decision on the project ensures that both partners, Europe and the Union of the Comoros, will benefit from the renewal of the agreement but, since, with the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, Parliament has gained a specific role in the implementation of the agreements, it seems inevitable that, at each step until the final approval of the agreement, we must identify the measures that will involve Parliament.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this report. The conclusion of bilateral fisheries agreements between the European Community and non-member countries, termed ‘Fisheries Partnership Agreements’ (FPA) since 2004, has been standard practice under the common fisheries policy (CFP) and is central to the policy’s external dimension. Under the agreements with African and Pacific countries, the EU’s financial contribution is, to a large extent, expressly intended to support national fisheries policies based on the principle of sustainability and sound management of fishery resources. The partnership agreements therefore amount to a commitment to promoting responsible and sustainable fishing wherever EU vessels might be operating, based on a thorough assessment of the resources available, making sure that the fishing opportunities to be used have been vouched for by credible scientific opinions and ruling out any risk of depleting local stocks.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This new agreement replaces the one previously in force, which expired on 31 December 2010. This kind of agreement makes it possible for EU fishing vessels to access the fishing zones of the Comoros islands in exchange for a financial contribution. The great advantage of this kind of protocol is that the European Union can help with these countries’ development. In this case, it will give more help to the fisheries sector, since this sector will absorb about 50% of the funds contributed. We should bear in mind that about 30 000 people in the Comoros depend directly on the fisheries sector, hence the importance of this support.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. – The Fisheries Partnership Agreement between the European Community and the Comoros expired in December 2010. The new protocol is valid from 2011 to 2013 and should be provisionally applied while the European Parliament’s consent procedure is not closed. Under the draft agreement, the parties undertake to promote responsible fishing in the Comoros fishing zone based on the principle of non-discrimination between the different fleets fishing in this fishing zone. With regard to fishing opportunities, 45 tuna seiners and 25 surface longliners will be authorised to fish. The new agreement in comparison with the former one contains a clause to interrupt the implementation of the protocol in case of human rights violations. I believe that it is necessary to strengthen partnership and cooperation in the fisheries sector using all financial instruments available. Therefore, I voted ‘for’.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The conclusion of bilateral fisheries agreements between the European Community and non-member countries, termed ‘Fisheries Partnership Agreements’ (FPA), has been standard practice under the common fisheries policy (CFP) and is central to the policy’s external dimension.
This proposal for a new protocol to the FPA between the European Union and the Comoros islands is an integral part of the CFP’s external dimension and serves the interests of both parties.
This report makes the following recommendations, which are considered relevant:
• The Commission should send Parliament the conclusions of the meetings and proceedings of the Joint Committee provided for in Article 9 of the agreement, as well as the multiannual sectoral programme referred to in Article 7(c) of the protocol and the findings of the annual assessments;
• Representatives of the European Parliament, acting as observers, should be allowed to attend Joint Committee meetings and proceedings;
• The Commission should submit an implementation review of the agreement to Parliament and the Council before the agreement is renegotiated;
• Parliament and the Council should be treated fairly both as regards the right to be immediately and fully informed and in connection with the monitoring and assessment of the implementation of international fisheries agreements and with negotiations on their revision.
For the above reasons, I voted in favour of this report.
Paulo Rangel (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The purpose of this protocol is to replace the protocol annexed to the Fisheries Partnership Agreement between the European Union and the Comoros islands, which expired on 31 December 2010. The main objective of the new protocol is to define the fishing opportunities offered to EU vessels for access rights and for sectoral support and to continue the cooperation between the European Union and the Union of the Comoros, so as to encourage the establishment of a partnership framework within which to develop a sustainable fisheries policy and sound exploitation of fisheries resources in the Comorian fishing zone. Based on the new protocol, the overall annual financial contribution by the EU will be EUR 1 845 750 over the whole three-year period. The development of investments in the fisheries sector in order to optimise small-scale fisheries operations is also envisaged. Since I believe this proposal for a new protocol to the Fisheries Partnership Agreement between the European Union and the Comoros islands serves the interests of both parties, I voted in favour of it.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – I voted against. The conclusion of bilateral fisheries agreements between the European Community and non-member countries, termed ‘Fisheries Partnership Agreements’ (FPA) since 2004, has been standard practice under the common fisheries policy (CFP) and is central to the policy’s external dimension. Under the agreements with African and Pacific countries, the EU’s financial contribution is, to a large extent, expressly intended to support national fisheries policies based on the principle of sustainability and sound management of fishery resources. The partnership agreements therefore amount to a commitment to promoting responsible and sustainable fishing wherever EU vessels might be operating, based on a thorough assessment of the resources available and making sure that the fishing opportunities to be used have been vouched for by credible scientific opinions and rule out any risk of depleting local stocks.
With the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, increased powers have been conferred on Parliament regarding Fisheries Partnership Agreements: under Article 218(6)(a) TFEU, the EP now has to give its prior consent to conclusion of an agreement, a requirement that replaces the earlier ordinary consultation procedure. We, as Greens, are very critical of how these types of agreements have been implemented so far.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The signing of bilateral fisheries agreements between the European Community and third countries has always been a practice of the common fisheries policy and, hence, a central aspect of its foreign policy dimension.
The agreements with African and Pacific countries provide that a substantial share of the EU reciprocal financial arrangements be designated to support the national fishery policies based on principles of sustainability and good resources management.
Bilateral relations in the fisheries sector between the European Community and the Union of the Comoros date back to 1988. The resolution adopted today emphasises the fact that better information for and greater control by the European Parliament at all stages of negotiations would strengthen the partnership and would have a positive impact on the development of fisheries. It is necessary that both the European Parliament and the Council be placed on an equal footing, whether regarding the right to be fully and immediately informed, or relating to the monitoring and evaluation of the implementation of international agreements in fisheries and also to any negotiation of revisions to those agreements.
Angelika Werthmann (NI), in writing. – (DE) The EU fishing fleet is in operation throughout the world. A bilateral relationship has been in place between what is now known as the EU and the Union of the Comoros since 1988. The current revision of the 2006 Partnership Agreement in the fisheries sector as part of the process of extending it has also resulted in the basic principles of a sustainable fisheries policy and the responsible use of fishery resources in the Comoros fishing zone being included in the agreement. This is not only a welcome development, but also a necessity, if the EU and its common fisheries policy are to remain credible. In this context, the rapporteur’s call for more information and more control on the part of Parliament must be strongly supported. For this reason, I have voted in favour of the report.
Recommendation: Emilio Menéndez del Valle (A7-0067/2011)
Elena Oana Antonescu (PPE), in writing. – (RO) Improving the Euromed trade agreement may contribute towards economic and political stability in this region with a view to consolidating a single space governed by values such as peace, justice, equality, freedom and democracy. The creation of a standard dispute settlement mechanism is intended to provide streamlined and effective redress procedures within fixed time limits, which could increase the security and the predictability of bilateral trade relations, thereby improving the functioning of the Euromed Free Trade Area. I voted in favour of this draft resolution.
Slavi Binev (NI), in writing. – (BG) I voted for this resolution because an effective mechanism needs to be established for settling trade disputes between the European Union and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. The proposed mechanism is modelled on the dispute settlement mechanisms from the most recent agreements concluded by the European Union, which comply with the World Trade Organisation’s dispute settlement rules and procedures. This mechanism will support the functioning of the Euromed Free Trade Area, but will mainly bring stability to bilateral trade relations between the European Union and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.
Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), in writing. – (PT) All improvements to the Euro-Mediterranean agreements have an important impact on the countries’ economic and political stability, contributing to the innumerable social and democratic gains that result from them. I therefore welcome any efforts in that direction. Given the incomplete resolution of certain disputes under the trade provisions of the Euro-Mediterranean agreement establishing an association between the European Communities and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, I acknowledge that the diplomatic approach has been ineffective in this context. I therefore accept the need for a mechanism to apply resources simply and effectively, so I agree with the draft Council decision on the conclusion of an agreement in the form of a protocol between the European Union and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. The aim of this protocol is to establish a dispute settlement mechanism applicable to disputes under the trade provisions of the Euro-Mediterranean Agreement.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The Euro-Mediterranean agreements contain provisions to liberalise the trade in goods, but the rules for settling disputes arising from them relied primarily on diplomacy and could easily be blocked by the ‘injuring’ party. The Council authorised the Commission to open negotiations with its partners from the Mediterranean in 2006 with a view to establishing trade dispute settlement mechanisms, modelled on the dispute settlement mechanisms of the most recent agreements concluded by the European Union within the World Trade Organisation. A draft agreement was initialled with Jordan on 9 December 2009.
I support the dispute settlement mechanism and hope that it will have a deterrent rather than repressive function. I also hope that Jordan can withstand the instability affecting the region and remain the moderate and responsible partner that it has been during the reigns of King Hussein and King Abdullah II.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This recommendation is based on a draft Council decision on the conclusion of a protocol between the European Union and Jordan, the aim of which is to implement a dispute settlement mechanism as part of the Euro-Mediterranean agreement. In general, resolving trade conflicts between countries by diplomatic means has not always had the desired effect. Therefore, in the context of the Euro-Mediterranean region, negotiations were started between the EU and its Mediterranean partners, specifically Jordan. The draft agreement was signed on 9 December 2009 at the conference of Euro-Mediterranean Trade Ministers held in Brussels. I am voting for this draft legislative resolution of the European Parliament, as I am aware that it will significantly improve relations between the states in terms of free trade and contribute to the political and economic stability of this region. I therefore welcome the new agreement and hope that, after it comes into force, no conflict of any kind will arise between the EU or its Member States and Jordan.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) As is mentioned in this report’s explanatory statement, to date, disputes arising from the Euro-Mediterranean agreements relied solely on diplomatic approaches for a resolution. The ‘alternative’ model being proposed to us fits into the logic promoted within the World Trade Organisation which, in search of supposed efficiency, seeks to bypass national sovereignty, the resolution of disputes through respect for each country’s particularities, and the right of these countries to defend their interests and those of their peoples. Resolving disputes by diplomatic means guarantees equality of treatment between countries. This mechanism, by contrast, subverts this principle, encouraging the movement of capital and putting economic power before political power, and the interests of capital before the interests of countries and their peoples.
Our opposition to this mechanism and its implications is all the more justified because it results from the conclusion of an agreement between the EU, whose legitimacy resulting from the Treaty of Lisbon is questionable (and in any case deplorable), and the regime of King Abdullah, which continues to violently repress the emerging, peaceful youth movement demanding reforms and democratic freedoms.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) To date, disputes arising from the Euro-Mediterranean agreements relied solely on diplomatic approaches for resolution. The ‘alternative’ model being proposed to us fits into the logic promoted within the World Trade Organisation which, in search of supposed efficiency, seeks to bypass national sovereignty, the resolution of disputes through respect for each country’s particularities, and the right of these countries to defend their interests and those of their peoples. Resolving disputes by diplomatic means guarantees equality of treatment between countries. By contrast, the mechanism now proposed subverts this principle, encouraging the movement of capital and putting economic power before political power, and the interests of capital before the interests of countries and their peoples.
Our opposition to this mechanism and its implications is all the more justified because it results from the conclusion of an agreement between the EU, whose legitimacy resulting from the Treaty of Lisbon is questionable, and the regime of King Abdullah, which continues to violently repress the emerging, peaceful youth movement demanding reforms and democratic freedoms.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this report. The creation of a standard dispute settlement mechanism is welcomed, as it should provide streamlined and effective redress procedures within firm time limits. The rapporteur believes that these upgrades to the Euromed free trade agreements can contribute towards economic and political stability in this key region with a view to consolidating a single area of peace, development, justice, equality, freedom, plurality, democracy and respect. Furthermore, the proper application of such a mechanism could increase the security and the predictability of our bilateral trade relations and could represent a further step towards the setting up and proper functioning of the Euromed Free Trade Area.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The past shows us that diplomacy has not managed to be effective at resolving the various disputes that exist. I therefore welcome the creation of a standard dispute settlement mechanism, which should provide streamlined and effective redress procedures within firm time limits. I agree with the rapporteur that these improvements to the Euro-Mediterranean free trade agreements can contribute to economic and political stability in this region, which is key to the consolidation of a single area of peace, development, justice, equality, freedom, plurality, democracy and respect. In addition, the proper application of such a mechanism could increase the security and predictability of our bilateral trade relations, and represents a further step towards the creation and proper functioning of the Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Area.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. – I know that the proposed mechanism is modelled on the dispute settlement mechanisms of the most recent agreements concluded by the European Union and on the WTO. Bilateral trade agreements should always be fully compatible with the multilateral trading system. The Commission needs to ensure that the implementation is effective. Lingering disputes have a negative effect on the business community. Therefore, I voted ‘for’.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) With this report, the European Parliament is agreeing to the creation of a standard dispute settlement mechanism, which will provide streamlined and effective redress procedures within firm time limits when there is a need to settle conflicts between the European Union and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, resulting from the trade provisions of the Euro-Mediterranean agreement. To date, the settlement of disputes arising from the Euro-Mediterranean agreements relied solely on diplomatic means. In practice, such an approach proved ineffective and led to situations in which certain disputes remained unresolved, as they could easily be blocked by the ‘injuring’ party. These upgrades to the Euro-Mediterranean free trade agreements can contribute to economic and political stability in this key region, consolidating a single area of peace, development, justice, equality, freedom, plurality, democracy and respect. The proper application of such a mechanism could increase the security and the predictability of our bilateral trade relations, and could represent a further step towards the creation and proper functioning of the Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Area. My vote in favour was motivated by each of these facts.
Paulo Rangel (PPE), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of concluding this EU-Jordan agreement whose goal is establishing a mechanism for settling disputes under the trade provisions of the Euro-Mediterranean agreements. To date, disputes arising from the Euro-Mediterranean agreements relied solely on diplomatic approaches for a resolution. In practice, this approach is not effective and has led to situations where disputes remained unresolved or were blocked. I hope that the application of this standard dispute settlement mechanism will increase the security and the predictability of EU-Jordan trade relations.
Tokia Saïfi (PPE), in writing. – (FR) Within the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean association agreements, trade disputes that may arise between two parties, the European Union on the one hand, and Jordan on the other, are still settled through diplomatic channels. This solution is neither efficient nor transparent, which is why I voted in favour of establishing a standard dispute settlement mechanism, as this will enable players on both sides of the Mediterranean to trade in a safer and more predictable environment. This standard mechanism is based on solutions advocated by the World Trade Organisation in its memorandum of understanding on dispute settlement, as well as mechanisms incorporated into bilateral trade agreements recently concluded by the EU.
Ultimately, therefore, adding such mechanisms to an increasing number of agreements will create a level playing field not only for European economic players, but also for their partners in third countries.
Angelika Werthmann (NI), in writing. – (DE) These negotiations originate from what was, in fact, an area ungoverned by legislation, which meant that no procedures were available for resolving disputes between the EU and the Mediterranean countries. The dispute settlement mechanism is modelled on standard international procedures. As the existing approach has led to insoluble problems in the past, I have followed the rapporteur’s recommendation.
Slavi Binev (NI), in writing. – (BG) I voted for this resolution because an effective mechanism needs to be established for settling trade disputes between the European Union and the Kingdom of Morocco. The proposed mechanism is modelled on the dispute settlement mechanisms from the most recent agreements concluded by the European Union, which comply with the World Trade Organisation’s dispute settlement rules and procedures. This mechanism will bring stability to bilateral trade relations between the European Union and the Kingdom of Morocco.
Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), in writing. – (PT) All improvements to the Euro-Mediterranean agreements have an important impact on the countries’ economic and political stability, contributing to the innumerable social and democratic gains that result from them. I therefore welcome any efforts in that direction. Given the incomplete resolution of certain disputes relating to the trade provisions of the Euro-Mediterranean agreement establishing an association between the European Communities and the Kingdom of Morocco, I acknowledge the inefficiency of the system created in relation to this area using diplomatic means. I therefore accept the need for a mechanism that will enable the application of resources in a simple and efficient way, so I agree with the draft Council decision on the conclusion of an Agreement between the European Union and the Kingdom of Morocco establishing a Dispute Settlement Mechanism.
Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D), in writing. – (RO) Given that the current regulations for settling disputes rely on a diplomatic approach and can easily be blocked by the party which is failing to fulfil its obligations, I think that adopting this agreement will improve the security and predictability of trade relations between the European Union and Morocco, making it beneficial to both companies and consumers. The adoption of the agreement follows the Euro-Mediterranean road map for trade after 2010.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Like the others, the agreement between the European Union and the Kingdom of Morocco lacked conflict resolution measures which, naturally, contributed to making it less reliable and to reducing the expectations of the parties as regards obtaining fair solutions in cases of dispute. I hope that the envisaged mechanism will come into force and that it will contribute to reinforcing the parties’ trust, as well as that the Kingdom of Morocco will be able to continue with the reforms already started by Hassan II and carried forward by Mohammed VI.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This recommendation is based on a draft Council decision on the conclusion of a protocol between the European Union and Morocco, whose goal is to implement a dispute settlement mechanism as part of the Euro-Mediterranean agreement. In general, resolving trade conflicts between countries using diplomatic means has not always had the desired effect. Therefore, in the context of the Euro-Mediterranean region, negotiations were started between the EU and its Mediterranean partners, specifically Morocco. The draft agreement was signed on 9 December 2009 at the conference of Euro-Mediterranean Trade Ministers held in Brussels, and was confirmed on 7 March 2010 during the EU-Morocco Summit. I am voting in favour of this draft legislative resolution of the European Parliament as I am aware that it will significantly improve relations between the states in terms of free trade and contribute to the political and economic stability of this region. I therefore welcome the new agreement and hope that, after it comes into force, no conflict of any kind will arise between the EU or its Member States and Morocco.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) As is mentioned in this report’s explanatory statement, to date, disputes arising from the Euro-Mediterranean agreements relied solely on diplomatic approaches for a resolution. The ‘alternative’ model being proposed to us fits into the logic promoted within the World Trade Organisation which, in search of supposed efficiency, seeks to bypass national sovereignty, seeks to bypass the resolution of disputes through respect for each country’s particularities, and seeks to bypass their right to defend their interests and those of their peoples. Resolving disputes by diplomatic means guarantees equality of treatment between countries. This mechanism, by contrast, subverts this principle, encouraging the movement of capital and putting economic power before political power and the interests of capital before the interests of countries and their peoples.
Our opposition to this mechanism and its implications is all the more justified because it results from the conclusion of a free trade agreement with Morocco, a country that continues to occupy Western Sahara, and to make use of and profit from resources that do not belong to it: it is violating international law and denying the Sahrawi people their right to self-determination.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) This report is about changing the current situation by creating a mechanism for conflict resolution. As is mentioned in this report’s explanatory statement, to date, disputes arising from the Euro-Mediterranean agreements relied solely on diplomatic approaches for a resolution.
However, the Commission is now proposing an ‘alternative’ model that fits into the logic promoted within the World Trade Organisation which, in search of supposed efficiency, seeks to bypass national sovereignty, seeks to bypass the resolution of disputes through respect for each country’s particularities, and seeks to bypass their right to defend their interests and those of their peoples.
Resolving disputes by diplomatic means guarantees equality of treatment between countries. This mechanism, by contrast, subverts this principle, encouraging the movement of capital and putting economic power before political power and the interests of capital before the interests of countries and their peoples.
Our opposition to this mechanism and its implications is all the more justified because it results from the conclusion of a free trade agreement with Morocco, a country that continues to occupy Western Sahara, and to make use of and profit from resources that do not belong to it: it is violating the Sahrawi people’s rights and denying their right to self-determination. For this reason, we voted against.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I support the rapporteur who proposes that Parliament gives its consent to this agreement. Lingering disputes have a negative effect on the business community and on end consumers on both shores of the Mediterranean.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (FR) Civil rebellions against Arab despots have set the other side of the Mediterranean alight. This is clearly not a sufficient reason for the EU to stop advancing towards the establishment of the free trade area it agreed to with those same despots. We have sent a clear signal: the EU does not want to negotiate with the Arab democracies that might emerge. This is absurd. I shall vote against.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The past shows us that diplomacy has not managed to be efficient in resolving a number of existing disputes. I therefore welcome the creation of a standard dispute settlement mechanism, which should provide streamlined and effective redress procedures within firm time limits. I agree with the rapporteur’s opinion that these upgrades to the EU-Morocco free trade agreements can contribute to economic and political stability in this key region, with a view to consolidating a single area of peace, development, justice, equality, freedom, plurality, democracy and respect. Moreover, the proper application of such a mechanism could increase the security and the predictability of our bilateral trade relations, and represents a further step towards the setting up and the proper functioning of the EU-Morocco Free Trade Area.
Andreas Mölzer (NI), in writing. – (DE) Until now, one of the tasks of diplomatic services has been to arbitrate in disputes relating to the Euro-Mediterranean Agreement. Now, the plan is to introduce mechanisms at an EU level to settle disputes and to support politically unstable regions, such as Morocco, in establishing a homogeneous state characterised by peace, development, justice, equality, freedom, plurality, democracy and respect. I have abstained from voting because the rapporteur has not described in detail how we can guarantee that these mechanisms are complied with.
Cristiana Muscardini (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The liberalisation agreement between the EU and Morocco should be an emblem for the development, the stability and the economic recovery of the entire North African region. The Union cannot and must not lose the opportunity to play a part in creating a renewed trade policy, able to assist those countries which have been overwhelmed by social and political turmoil with dramatic consequences for national economies and, consequently, our investments in those areas.
With today’s vote on creating a standard mechanism for appropriate and efficient dispute resolution, we have a greater guarantee in support of European investments in Morocco, investments which are key to economic wellbeing in the entire region, covering almost all sectors.
Today’s vote also highlights the Union’s desire to avoid having a negative effect on the economies and end consumers on both sides of the Mediterranean by opting for protectionist policies which continue to prioritise special interests, delaying the ratification of agreements which are fundamental to rebalancing and stabilising the economic choices of an area that is beginning to be of interest to our trade competitors like China and the countries of the Middle East.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) With this report, the European Parliament is approving the creation of a standard dispute settlement mechanism which should provide streamlined and effective redress procedures within firm time limits in disputes resulting from Euro-Mediterranean agreements between the EU and Morocco. Dispute resolution through diplomacy was not effective and led to situations in which certain disputes remained unresolved, as they could easily be blocked by the ‘injuring’ party. Delays that occur in dispute resolution have a negative impact on companies and end consumers on both sides of the Mediterranean. These upgrades to the Euro-Mediterranean free trade agreements can contribute to economic and political stability in this key region, with a view to consolidating a single area of peace, development, justice, equality, freedom, plurality, democracy and respect. The model for the proposed mechanism is the dispute settlement mechanisms included in the latest agreements concluded by the European Union and the World Trade Organisation’s Understanding on Rules and Procedures governing the Settlement of Disputes. The Commission must ensure that the mechanism is effectively and efficiently implemented. For the above reasons, I voted in favour of this resolution approving the conclusion of the agreement.
Paulo Rangel (PPE), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of concluding this agreement between the EU and the Kingdom of Morocco, whose goal is establishing a mechanism for settling disputes under the trade provisions of the Euro-Mediterranean agreements. To date, disputes arising from the Euro-Mediterranean agreements relied solely on diplomatic approaches for a resolution. In practice, this approach is not effective and has led to situations where disputes remained unresolved or were blocked. I hope that the application of this standard dispute settlement mechanism will increase the security and the predictability of trade relations between the EU and the Kingdom of Morocco.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – In favour. To date, disputes arising from the Euro-Mediterranean agreements relied solely on diplomatic approaches for a resolution. In practice, this is not efficient and has led to situations were disputes remained unresolved, as they could easily be blocked by the ‘injuring’ party. The Council authorised the Commission to open negotiations with its partners from the Mediterranean in 2006 with a view to negotiating a proper dispute settlement mechanism. A draft agreement was initialled with Morocco at the Euro-Mediterranean Trade Ministerial conference in Brussels on 9 December 2009, and confirmed during the EU-Morocco Summit on 7 March 2010. The creation of a standard dispute settlement mechanism is welcomed, as it should provide streamlined and effective redress procedures within firm time limits.
Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE), in writing. – (ES) I support the creation of a standard dispute settlement mechanism with Egypt, enabling inefficiencies and deadlocks to be resolved and concluding the draft agreement with that country. This agreement can help contribute to economic and political stability in the Euro-Mediterranean area, which will allow a future based on peace, justice, freedom, plurality and democracy.
Slavi Binev (NI), in writing. – (BG) I voted for this resolution because an effective mechanism needs to be established for settling trade disputes between the European Union and the Arab Republic of Egypt. The proposed mechanism is modelled on the dispute settlement mechanisms from the most recent agreements concluded by the European Union, which comply with the World Trade Organisation’s dispute settlement rules and procedures. This mechanism will support the functioning of the Euromed Free Trade Area, but will mainly bring stability to bilateral trade relations between the European Union and the Arab Republic of Egypt.
Vito Bonsignore (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I voted in favour of the dispute settlement mechanism as proposed by Mr Susta. I completely agree that proper application of a standard mechanism for the settlement of disputes could be a further step towards the establishment and effective functioning of Euro-Mediterranean free trade. Until now, disputes arising from Euro-Mediterranean agreements have only been resolved, where possible, through diplomatic channels. Instead, we need a firm procedure because dragging out commercial disputes can result in adverse effects on final consumers on both sides of the Mediterranean. In the light of what is happening in some North African countries, there is no doubt that the path towards economic and political stability in those territories passes through, among other things, well-functioning free trade agreements in the Mediterranean.
Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), in writing. – (PT) All improvements to the Euro-Mediterranean agreements have an important impact on the countries’ economic and political stability, contributing to the innumerable social and democratic gains that result from them. I therefore welcome any efforts in that direction. Given the incomplete resolution of certain disputes relating to the trade provisions of the Euro-Mediterranean agreement establishing an association between the European Communities and the Arab Republic of Egypt, I acknowledge the inefficiency of the system created in relation to this area using diplomatic means. I therefore accept the need for a mechanism that will enable the application of resources in a simple and efficient way, so I agree with the draft Council decision on the conclusion of an Agreement between the European Union and the Arab Republic of Egypt establishing a Dispute Settlement Mechanism.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The present situation in Egypt perhaps eclipses the need to press ahead with adopting agreements like this. Nonetheless, with the turbulence and uncertainty characteristic of times like those recently experienced in Cairo now over, the Egyptian State should be careful to take up once again its functions in their entirety. Amongst those is foreign relations, specifically with the European Union, which is its partner in a Euro-Mediterranean agreement. While putative future disputes with the EU are probably the least of Egypt’s concerns for the moment, I believe that there can be no disadvantage in adopting mechanisms that enable these to be resolved easily, for the good of both parties. Egypt is inseparably bound up in the history of Europe and the world. I hope that it will have a future as great as its past.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This recommendation is based on a draft Council decision on the conclusion of a protocol between the European Union and the People’s Republic of Egypt, whose goal is to implement a dispute settlement mechanism. This protocol takes on a very special meaning at a time when Egypt is taking the first steps towards implementing a democratic regime. In general, resolving trade conflicts between countries using diplomatic means has not always had the desired effect. Therefore, in the context of the Euro-Mediterranean region, negotiations were started between the EU and its Mediterranean partners, specifically Egypt. The draft agreement was signed on 27 April 2010 at the EU-Egypt Association Council held in Luxembourg. I am voting for this draft legislative resolution of the European Parliament as I am aware that it will significantly improve relations between the states in terms of free trade and contribute to the political and economic stability of this region. I therefore welcome the new agreement and hope that, after it comes into force, no conflict of any kind will arise between the EU or its Member States and the Arab Republic of Egypt.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) As is mentioned in this report’s explanatory statement, to date, disputes arising from the Euro-Mediterranean agreements relied solely on diplomatic approaches for a resolution. The ‘alternative’ model being proposed to us fits into the logic promoted within the World Trade Organisation which, in search of supposed efficiency, seeks to bypass national sovereignty, seeks to bypass the resolution of disputes through respect for each country’s particularities, and seeks to bypass their right to defend their interests and those of their peoples. Resolving disputes by diplomatic means guarantees equality of treatment between countries. This mechanism, by contrast, subverts this principle, encouraging the movement of capital and putting economic power before political power and the interests of capital before the interests of countries and their peoples.
Our opposition to this mechanism and its implications is all the more justified because it results from the conclusion of an agreement between the EU and the regime of the dictator Mubarak. The Egyptian people’s uprising in favour of democratic changes, defending its sovereignty against foreign interference, and the regime’s collusion with the interests of imperialism in the region is a positive sign, which we hope will end up having practical expression in relation to this agreement and others.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) To date, disputes arising from the Euro-Mediterranean agreements relied solely on diplomatic approaches for resolution. The ‘alternative’ model being proposed to us fits into the logic promoted within the World Trade Organisation which, in search of supposed efficiency, seeks to bypass national sovereignty, seeks to bypass the resolution of disputes through respect for each country’s particularities, and seeks to bypass their right to defend their interests and those of their peoples.
Resolving disputes by diplomatic means guarantees equality of treatment between countries. This mechanism, by contrast, subverts this principle, encouraging the movement of capital and putting economic power before political power and the interests of capital before the interests of countries and their peoples.
Our opposition to this mechanism and its implications is all the more justified because it results from the conclusion of an agreement between the EU, whose legitimacy resulting from the Treaty of Lisbon is questionable, and the regime of the dictator Mubarak. The Egyptian people’s uprising in favour of democratic changes, defending its sovereignty against foreign interference, and the regime’s collusion with the interests of imperialism in the region is a positive sign, which we hope will end up having practical expression in relation to this agreement and others.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – Notwithstanding the uncertain situation in Egypt, I think Parliament is right to press ahead with the approval of this agreement which should make life easier for businesses without making any political comment on the current Egyptian Government.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The past shows us that diplomacy has not managed to be efficient in resolving a number of existing disputes. I therefore welcome the creation of a standard dispute settlement mechanism, which should provide streamlined and effective redress procedures within firm time limits. I agree with the rapporteur’s opinion that these upgrades to the EU-Egypt free trade agreements can contribute to economic and political stability in this key region, with a view to consolidating a single area of peace, development, justice, equality, freedom, plurality, democracy and respect. Moreover, the proper application of such a mechanism could increase the security and the predictability of our bilateral trade relations, and represents a further step towards the setting up and the proper functioning of the EU-Egypt Free Trade Area.
Paul Murphy (GUE/NGL), in writing. – I voted against this report as I have serious concerns in relation to the EU´s economic and political approach towards the countries that are covered by the Euro-Mediterranean Agreement. The establishment of a free trade area would have dramatic consequences for working people in the region. On the basis of the EU´s own figures, Egypt is expected to lose 1.5 million jobs. The dire economic prospects for young people and the anger against corruption and excesses of the tiny dictatorial elite lie at the heart of the revolutionary movements and the aspirations of the Egyptian people. A continuation of the free trade doctrine in the interest of European big business and the rich elites mean more of the same and therefore needs to be rejected. The negotiations on this deal were led by representatives of the dictatorial Mubarak regime which has been ousted by the revolutionary upheaval. The top tier of the army, however, is deeply tied to the economic interests of the former regime and does not represent the legitimate demands and aspirations of the working people. Trade relations must be based on the needs of the majority of the population, not the greed of tiny elites and corporations.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) With this report, the European Parliament is approving the creation of a standard dispute settlement mechanism which should provide streamlined and effective redress procedures within firm time limits in disputes resulting from Euro-Mediterranean agreements between the EU and the Arab Republic of Egypt. Dispute resolution through diplomacy was not effective and led to situations in which certain disputes remained unresolved, as they could easily be blocked by the ‘injuring’ party. Delays that occur in dispute resolution have a negative impact on companies and end consumers on both sides of the Mediterranean. These upgrades to the Euro-Mediterranean free trade agreements can contribute to economic and political stability in this key region, with a view to consolidating a single area of peace, development, justice, equality, freedom, plurality, democracy and respect. The model for the proposed mechanism is the dispute resolution mechanisms included in the latest agreements concluded by the EU and the World Trade Organisation’s Understanding on Rules and Procedures governing the Settlement of Disputes. The Commission must ensure that the mechanism is effectively and efficiently implemented. For the above reasons, I voted in favour of this resolution approving the conclusion of the agreement.
Paulo Rangel (PPE), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of concluding this EU-Egypt agreement whose goal is establishing a mechanism for settling disputes under the trade provisions of the Euro-Mediterranean agreements. To date, disputes arising from the Euro-Mediterranean agreements relied solely on diplomatic approaches for a resolution. In practice, this approach is not effective and has led to situations where disputes remained unresolved or were blocked. I hope that the application of this standard dispute settlement mechanism will increase the security and the predictability of EU-Egypt trade relations.
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am voting for this recommendation and welcome the creation of a dispute settlement mechanism, which should provide streamlined and effective redress procedures within firm time limits. I also agree with the rapporteur’s position that upgrades to the Euro-Mediterranean free trade agreements can contribute to economic and political stability in this region that is key to consolidating a single area of peace.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I agreed with this document because to date, disputes arising from the Euro-Mediterranean agreements relied solely on diplomatic approaches for a resolution. In practice, this is not efficient and has led to situations where disputes remained unresolved, as they could easily be blocked by the ‘injuring’ party. The upgrades to the Euromed free trade agreements can contribute towards economic and political stability in this key region with a view to consolidating a single area of peace, development, justice, equality, freedom, plurality, democracy and respect. Furthermore, the proper application of such a mechanism could increase the security and the predictability of our bilateral trade relations and could represent a further step towards the setting up and the proper functioning of the Euromed free trade area. Lingering disputes have a negative effect on the business community and on end consumers on both shores of the Mediterranean. With the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, foreign direct investment became part of EU trade policy, and thus part of the Union’s exclusive competence. In an era where foreign direct investment plays an important role in the economic welfare of countries and regions, a well functioning and effective dispute settlement mechanism will also serve to solve disputes in this area.
Elisabeth Köstinger (PPE), in writing. – (DE) As the rules for resolving disputes are based on a diplomatic approach and have led to a situation where disputes can easily be blocked, the new settlement mechanism for trade disputes deserves our support. This mechanism is modelled on the most recent agreements concluded by the EU and on the World Trade Organisation understanding. Draft agreements with Jordan, Morocco and Egypt are already in place, which also cover trade in agricultural products. I welcome the decision by the European Parliament to support these agreements.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I am voting in favour of this resolution because I consider it essential that the EU provide a suitable mechanism for resolving disputes arising from the implementation of Euro-Mediterranean agreements. In 2006, the Council authorised the Commission to open negotiations with partners in the Mediterranean region and only in 2009 was that agreement signed.
The creation of a standard method for resolving disputes should ultimately introduce simplified and effective resolution procedures within specific time limits. I agree with the opinion of the rapporteur who considers it essential that revisions of the Euromed free trade agreements be made in order to contribute to economic and political stability in this region and to consolidate an area of peace and development. The proposed method is modelled on the most up-to-date mechanisms for dispute resolution in partnership agreements as agreed by the European Union and the WTO. At a time when foreign direct investment has a crucial role in the economic wellbeing of European Member States, I hope that an effective dispute settlement mechanism will help to resolve disputes in this area also.
Recommendation: Ryszard Antoni Legutko (A7-0063/2011)
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am voting for this report, and would stress that it is an important step in the pursuit of negotiations between the EU and Ukraine towards establishing a path that may enable its full accession to the EU in the future.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this report. With the implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy, partner countries are gradually being given the opportunity to participate in certain Union programmes and agency activities. This is one of many measures aimed at promoting reforms, modernisation and transition in countries neighbouring the European Union. In June 2007, the Council of the European Union once again stressed the huge importance of the European Neighbourhood Policy, and therefore this protocol will create the conditions for Ukraine to participate in important EU programmes and benefit from EU best practices contributing to the development of democratic processes.
George Becali (NI), in writing. – (RO) I voted for our rapporteur’s proposal. I believe that both parties will stand to gain if the obligations assumed under this protocol are fulfilled. The European Union will gain a sound, stable, democratic partner at its eastern border, while Ukraine’s citizens will gain a somewhat clearer European perspective.
Adam Bielan (ECR), in writing. – (PL) From the very outset of my work in the European Parliament, I have strongly supported the pro-EU aspirations of Ukraine. Ukraine is one of the most important partners in Poland’s Eastern policy. In addition, together with Ukraine, my country is preparing to host next year’s European football championship. In order to achieve the objectives of Union foreign policy, and also for reasons of security, it is extremely important for the whole of the EU to step up cooperation with Ukraine. I consider supporting the fledgling democracy in Ukraine to be one of our most important obligations. I support, therefore, acceleration of negotiations concerning the free trade zone, and the broadest possible participation of Ukraine in Union programmes. I voted in favour of the resolution, and in so doing expressed my consent to the conclusion of the protocol to the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the European Union and Ukraine.
Slavi Binev (NI), in writing. – (BG) This protocol contains the framework agreement on the general principles for the participation of Ukraine in Union programmes. It includes standard clauses which are intended to be applied to all European Neighbourhood Policy partnership countries with which such protocols are due to be concluded. In my view, Ukraine is making the necessary efforts, and I support the conclusion of this agreement.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this legislative resolution on the consent of the European Parliament to the draft Council decision, on the basis of which there will be a supplementary protocol to the EU-Ukraine Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. On the basis of this protocol, Ukraine will be given the opportunity to participate in EU programmes concerning businesses and entrepreneurship, energy and information and communication technologies. According to this agreement, Ukraine will have to make a financial contribution to the EU’s general budget depending on the programmes it wishes to participate in, and the EU will, in turn, guarantee that these programmes are controlled and audited by the EU institutions. I am the Vice-President of the EU-Ukraine Parliamentary Cooperation Committee, and I am convinced that the conclusion of this protocol will give Ukraine more opportunities for the convergence of its policies with policies, standards and norms pursued by the EU in the areas mentioned.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The relationship between the European Union and Ukraine has experienced progress and setbacks which have, at times, resulted from the country’s decreased or increased strategic closeness to its neighbour Russia. On 18 June 2007, the Council issued guidelines to the Commission on negotiating framework agreements with Algeria, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Moldova, Morocco, the Palestinian Authority, Tunisia and Ukraine on the general principles governing these countries’ participation in EU programmes. I believe that the conclusion of the aforementioned agreement is positive, because of the need to stipulate clearly the framework in which Ukraine will participate in European programmes, thereby contributing to improving its relations with the Union.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) provides for the gradual opening up of European Union programmes to the participation of neighbouring countries, with the goals of promoting reform, of modernisation and, often, of their democratisation. As such, on 5 March 2007, the Council adopted a general approach intended ‘to enable ENP partners to participate in Community agencies and Community programmes’. As a result of this approach, the Commission started negotiating framework agreements with neighbouring countries, including Ukraine, whose documentation is complete and ready to be submitted for the European Parliament’s approval, under the terms of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. I am voting for this Partnership and Cooperation Agreement establishing a partnership between the European Communities and their Member States, of the one part, and Ukraine, of the other part, on the general principles for the participation of Ukraine in Union programmes, and I welcome it because it is another step in pursuing the objectives that guided the creation of the common market.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) For us, the conclusion of this agreement poses a number of questions, given the extremely vague nature of the proposal tabled. Mention is made of programmes, but we have not been told which programmes Ukraine will be able to participate in, what form such participation will take, or what the financial conditions and implications of this will be. Benefits are announced, without making it clear where they will come from.
We believe that the establishment of agreements with objectives such as those announced should be based on respect for the sovereignty of countries and their peoples, on mutual interest, on reciprocity, and on cooperation, taking into account each country’s particularities; that they should evaluate what each may bring to the agreement from the economic, social and cultural points of view. There is little else that we can say about this report, other than that it is regrettable that it agrees to the establishment of a protocol whose exact content and implications we are not allowed to know.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) The establishment of this agreement poses a number of questions, given the extremely vague nature of the proposal before us. Mention is made of programmes, but we have not been told which programmes Ukraine will be able to participate in, what form such participation will take, or what the financial implications of this will be. Mention is made of the general principles governing participation, but these are not specified. Benefits are mentioned without this report making it clear where they could come from.
We believe that it is still essential to refer to the following when establishing agreements between sovereign countries: respect for the sovereignty of the country and its peoples, mutual interest, reciprocity and cooperation, taking into account each country’s particularities; evaluation of what each may bring to the agreement from the economic, social and cultural points of view.
It is regrettable that we have voted for a report that agrees to the establishment of a protocol, having been given almost no information about its content and implications.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this resolution on the consent of the European Parliament to the draft Council decision, on the basis of which there will be a supplementary protocol to the EU-Ukraine Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. Ukraine will be given the opportunity to participate in EU programmes concerning businesses and entrepreneurship, energy and information and communication technologies. Ukraine will have to make a financial contribution to the EU’s general budget depending on the programmes it wishes to participate in, and the EU will, in turn, guarantee that these programmes are controlled and audited by the EU institutions. This partnership and cooperation policy will give Ukraine more opportunities for the convergence of its policies with policies pursued by the EU in these areas.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this technical report giving approval for the Ukraine to participate in European Union programmes.
Iosif Matula (PPE), in writing. – (RO) I voted for the draft resolution on the Council’s decision on a framework agreement between the European Union and Ukraine on the general principles concerning this country’s participation in Union programmes. This document is part of the European Neighbourhood Policy, but also meets Ukraine’s desire to participate in more current and future EU programmes. Furthermore, Ukraine will be able to request assistance from the Union to participate in a particular programme in accordance with the general provisions on setting up a European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument or based on any other similar regulation which provides for external assistance. This may also give a new lease of life to Romania’s relations with Ukraine. We must develop these ties in a pragmatic way so that citizens benefit directly from our political decisions.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) For a long time, EU-Ukraine relations have been going through their good and bad moments. The majority of the time, these moods are dictated by Ukraine’s increased or decreased closeness to its neighbour Russia. This protocol will contribute to the creation of a clear framework for Ukraine’s participation in the various European programmes so that in the future, EU-Ukraine relations do not have the highs and lows they have had to endure hitherto.
Andreas Mölzer (NI), in writing. – (DE) The participation of Ukraine in European Union programmes represents an important step both for Ukraine and for the EU. This will help to promote the exchange of scientific knowledge and research. The student programmes will be expanded and there will be financial, economic and social benefits for both sides. The geographical position of Ukraine is an important factor and also represents a major advantage for the EU, because it will enable the EU to improve its contacts with other Eastern European states. For this reason, I am in favour of this project.
Justas Vincas Paleckis (S&D), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of the recommendation to allow Ukraine to participate in current EU programmes and those established in the future, in areas such as enterprise, energy, technologies and communications. This agreement will accelerate the reform of public administration in Ukraine and the convergence of various areas of the country’s economy with EU legislation, standards and examples of good practice. In exchange for its financial contribution to programmes, Ukraine will have the right to participate as an observer in committees coordinating EU programmes. The programme initiatives proposed by Ukraine will be taken into account like those proposed by EU Member States. This will enable Ukraine to gradually come closer to the EU.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Relations between the European Union and Ukraine have been up and down. On 18 June 2007, the Council mandated the Commission to negotiate framework agreements with Algeria, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Moldova, Morocco, the Palestinian Authority, Tunisia and Ukraine on the general principles governing these countries’ participation in EU programmes. It is essential to establish a clear and precise legal framework for Ukraine’s participation in European programmes, thereby contributing to improving its relations with the Union. I therefore voted for the draft Council decision on the conclusion of the protocol to the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement establishing a partnership between the European Communities and their Member States, of the one part, and Ukraine, of the other part, on a framework agreement between the European Union and Ukraine on the general principles for the participation of Ukraine in Union programmes.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – Having regard to the draft Council decision (13604/2010), having regard to the draft protocol to the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement establishing a partnership between the European Communities and their Member States, of the one part, and Ukraine, of the other part, concluded on 14 June 1994, on a framework agreement between the European Union and Ukraine on the general principles for the participation of Ukraine in Union programmes (13962/2010), having regard to the request for consent submitted by the Council in accordance with Articles 114, 168, 169, 172, 173(3), 188 and 192 and Article 218(6), second subparagraph, point (a), of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (C7-0401/2010), having regard to Rules 81, 90(8) and 46(1) of Parliament’s Rules of Procedure, and having regard to the recommendation of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (A7-0063/2011), we consent to conclusion of the protocol.
Rafał Trzaskowski (PPE), in writing. – (PL) Participation in EU programmes and agencies by countries which are included in the Neighbourhood Policy is one of the most specific forms of those countries’ cooperation with the Union. We should endeavour to ensure that the programmes which are offered give the greatest possible support to the reforms being undertaken in these countries to bring them closer to the Union.
Viktor Uspaskich (ALDE), in writing. – (LT) The 18th round of Ukraine-EU negotiations on the signing of the association agreement is taking place this week in Brussels. The process has taken too long. It is time to sign the agreement, because it is in the interests of both the EU and Ukraine. With a population of 46 million, Ukraine needs stability in the region. In recent years, Ukraine has turned into a political football pitch: it must not be forced to choose between Russia and the West. It is important for EU Member States, in particular, Lithuania, to actively seek closer cooperation with their Eastern neighbours, even if some differences remain. The conclusion of a successful association agreement would encourage modernisation and reforms in Ukraine and help it to come closer to EU standards.
As for negotiations on the free trade area, we must seek agreements on tariff proposals, energy taxation procedures and sustainable development. Liberalising the movement of people is also crucial. Lithuanians still remember the travel restrictions they experienced. We know what it means to live on Europe’s external border. It is important for the issue of visa-free travel to be the number one priority.
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am voting for this report, since it is in the interests of the affected regions to establish a legal basis for trade between the EU and Greenland, in this case, coming under the umbrella of the rules of the EU’s internal market.
Vito Bonsignore (PPE), in writing. – (IT) In 2010, the Commission submitted to the Council a proposal for EU rules on the importation of fishery products, using Article 203 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union as its legal basis. I agree with the interpretation that this activity should be regulated on the legislative basis of Article 43, in conjunction with the provisions of Article 204, thus allowing revisions to be made through the ordinary legislative procedure.
In 2007 alone, almost 87% of fishery products exported from Greenland came to the EU. For this reason, establishing general rules for trade and the importation of fishery products originating from Greenland cannot be left entirely to the Commission and the Council because this would contradict the provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon. This is why I believe that Parliament should make its voice heard in such an important sector.
Edite Estrela (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I voted for the report on imports from Greenland of fishery products, which aims to apply internal market rules to these imports once Greenland undertakes to transpose European legislation, notably, legislation on animal health and food safety. However, I believe that the proposal’s legal basis should be adapted so that the text takes the form of a regulation rather than a Council decision.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This proposal sets out general rules for EU-Greenland trade in, inter alia, fishery products, live bivalve molluscs, echinoderms, tunicates, marine gastropods and their by-products. The Member States should authorise the importing of products originating in Greenland, in line with Union legislation on internal trade. The importing of products to the Union will be subject to a number of conditions, including the effective transposition and application of applicable rules established in Union legislation regarding animal health and food safety. Like the rapporteur, I believe that the proposed text should be adopted using the ordinary legislative procedure, and that Parliament should exercise its legislative rights in similar cases in the future.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Exports of fishery products from Greenland represent around 82% of its total exports, totalling EUR 255 million in 2007. The majority – 87% – were directed to the EU, notably to Denmark, at 97%. The Committee on Legal Affairs adopted unanimously an opinion supporting the request that Articles 43(2) and 204 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) and the Sole Article of the Protocol (No 34) on Special Arrangements for Greenland must form the legal basis for the proposed legislative text, instead of the legal basis chosen by the Commission: that is, Article 203 of the TFEU. Therefore, given that it is a legal issue that is in question and not the content of the proposal for a resolution, and given the consensus obtained, I agree with its adoption.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) The great debate surrounding this report is a side issue to its motivation. Specifically, the European Parliament’s Committee on Fisheries expressed its disagreement with the legal basis chosen by the Commission for tabling this proposal: Article 203 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), which provides for the Council examining ‘provisions as regards the detailed rules and the procedure for the association of the countries and territories with the Union’ after consulting the European Parliament. The Committee on Fisheries believed that Articles 43(2) – referring to the ordinary legislative procedure, or colegislation – and 204 of the TFEU should be adopted as its legal basis, along with the Sole Article of the Protocol (No 34) on Special Arrangements for Greenland.
This position was supported by the opinion of the Committee on Legal Affairs. The important issue that should, at its base, constitute the substance of the report remains on its margins: the defining of rules applicable to imports of fishery products from Greenland to the EU. Key fisheries exports from Greenland include prawn (59%), Greenland halibut (23%), cod (9.5%), crabs (1.9%), scallops (1.4%) and spawn (1.3%).
Ian Hudghton (Verts/ALE), in writing. – I voted in favour of Ms Fraga’s report, which allows Greenland to export fishery products to the EU despite not being a member. When Greenland won significant home-rule and decided to opt out of the EC, they had to negotiate their exit. This precedent gives the lie to false claims that internal enlargement of the EU would require newly independent EU states to reapply for membership.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this report on the proposal for a Council decision laying down rules for imports into the European Union from Greenland of fishery products, live bivalve molluscs, echinoderms, tunicates, marine gastropods and by-products thereof. Greenland’s exports of fishery products, approximately 82% of its total exports, totalled EUR 255 million in 2007, the largest part of which (87%) were directed to the EU, notably (97%) to Denmark. Key fisheries exports from Greenland include prawn (59%), Greenland halibut (23%), cod (9.5%), crabs (1.9%), scallops (1.4%) and spawn (1.3%). This decision includes an amendment to the legal framework, from a Council decision to a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council.
Elisabeth Köstinger (PPE), in writing. – (DE) The trade in fishery products, live bivalve molluscs, echinoderms, tunicates, marine gastropods and their by-products between Greenland and the European Union in accordance with the rules laid down in Union legislation and other conditions is perfectly acceptable. Therefore, there is no reason to object to the content of the agreement. The import of these products makes a welcome contribution to trade within the Union.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), in writing. – (IT) Commercial relations between the EU and Greenland have been significant in nature for some years. Indeed, since 2007, Greenland has exported 82% of its fishery products, of which 87% comes to the European market. We can therefore say that this is an important resource for Greenland, in addition to what Europe offers in terms of financial support in exchange for maintaining their fishing rights in Greenland’s waters. On 26 April 2010, the European Parliament asked the Committee on Legal Affairs to give an opinion so as to determine a legal basis on which to establish agreements with Greenland. The Committee on Legal Affairs recently supported Parliament and confirmed that the legal basis of the agreements can be found, as upheld, in Article 43(2) and in Article 204 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this proposal which lays down rules regarding imports into the EU from Greenland of fishery products and other marine products. Greenland and the EU intend to enter into a sanitary arrangement on these products, with the objective being that Greenland can trade these commodities with the EU on the basis of internal market rules, provided that Greenland transposes EU sanitary and animal health rules on fishery products.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) With the laying down of rules on EU-Greenland trade in fishery products, live bivalve molluscs, echinoderms, tunicates, marine gastropods and their by-products, imports from Greenland are in compliance with EU legislation. Imports of products to the Union have to be subject to applicable rules established in Union legislation regarding the issues of animal health and food safety. That is why the adoption of this report is important.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. – It is known that Greenland and the European Union intend to sign a sanitary arrangement concerning fish and fishery products for human consumption. The objective of such an arrangement would be that Greenland can trade these commodities with the Union on the basis of internal market rules, provided that Greenland transposes EU sanitary and, where appropriate, animal health rules on its fishery products. I support that arrangement and I voted ‘for’.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) On 26 April 2010, the European Parliament was consulted on this proposal by the Council under the consultation procedure provided for in Article 203 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). The Committee on Fisheries and Parliament’s legal service expressed serious doubts as to the Commission’s choice of Article 203 of the TFEU as the legal basis, suggesting instead as its correct legal basis Articles 43(2) and 204 of the TFEU and the Sole Article of the Protocol (No 34) on Special Arrangements for Greenland.
The Commission’s draft was amended in line with the report that is currently being voted on, following the recommendations of the Committee on Legal Affairs.
This report deserves my vote in favour as it is absolutely desirable that it be adopted now, at first reading.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – In favour. Greenland’s exports of fishery products, approximately 82% of its total exports, totalled DKK 1.9 billion (EUR 255 million) in 2007, the largest part of which (87%) went to the EU, notably (97%) to Denmark. Key fisheries exports from Greenland include prawn (59%), Greenland halibut (23%), cod (9.5%), crabs (1.9%), scallops (1.4%) and spawn (1.3%).
On 26 April 2010, the European Parliament was consulted on this proposal by the Council under the consultation procedure provided for in Article 203 TFEU. The Committee on Fisheries and the Legal Service of the European Parliament expressed serious doubts as to the choice of the legal basis by the Commission, i.e. Article 203 TFEU, suggesting instead Articles 43(2) and 204 TFEU and the Sole Article of the Protocol (No 34) on Special Arrangements for Greenland as the correct legal basis.
Accordingly, the Committee on Fisheries asked the Committee on Legal Affairs for an opinion on the proposed legal basis. At its meeting of 28 October 2010, the Committee on Legal Affairs adopted unanimously an opinion entirely supporting the request that Articles 43(2) and 204 TFEU and the Sole Article of the Protocol (No 34) on Special Arrangements for Greenland form the legal basis for the proposed legislative act.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) At the moment, a special agreement exists between the EU and Greenland by which the European Union maintains its fishing rights in the waters of Greenland in exchange for financial support.
Greenland, a former Danish colony, attained full independence in 1985, while maintaining ties with the European Union as one of its overseas territories. In 2007 alone, 82% of Greenland’s exports were fishery products, and of those, 87% came to the EU.
On 26 April 2010, the Committee on Fisheries and the Legal Service of the European Parliament expressed serious doubts about the legal basis chosen by the Commission to draw up the agreement. I hope that the agreement voted on will produce an extension of the application of internal EU rules relating to fishery products including those from Greenland. At the same time, existing European rules on animal health and food safety in the fishing industry must always be respected.
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I agree with the position set out in this report, taking into account the recommendations of the Consultative Working Party of the legal services of the European Parliament, the Council and the Commission, and because this is, therefore, a straightforward codification of the existing texts, without any change in their substance.
Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this resolution on minimum standards on procedures in Member States for granting and withdrawing international protection. Work on the creation of a common European asylum system (CEAS) started immediately after the entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam in May 1999, but despite the efforts made over the last ten years to achieve harmonisation in the asylum sector, major discrepancies still remain between national provisions and the way they are applied. I agree with the opinion that in whichever Member State applicants lodge an asylum request, they must enjoy a high standard of treatment that is equivalent throughout the Union. Legislative harmonisation alone in this area is therefore insufficient and must be backed up by enhanced practical cooperation among the Member States. It is clear that in order to achieve these objectives, it is necessary to adopt reforms without delay, so that people seeking asylum in EU Member States are provided with effective protection. By voting in favour of this resolution, we MEPs are contributing to the creation of a fair and effective European asylum policy.
Slavi Binev (NI), in writing. – (BG) I think that the proposals are contradictory. On the one hand, their aim is to achieve greater harmonisation, improve international protection standards and enhance the quality and efficiency of asylum procedures. On the other hand, they will result in an unjustified administrative burden, the simplified court procedures will make it much more likely for courts to make rash decisions, various groups of people may be treated differently for no good reason, and Member States’ sovereignty may be greatly restricted. Weighing up the pros and cons of the proposals, as neither is clearly supported by more convincing arguments, I abstained from voting.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), in writing. – (LT) The European Union’s key objective in the area of asylum entails establishing a common area of protection and solidarity by 2012 based on a common asylum procedure. Despite the efforts made over the last ten years to achieve harmonisation in the asylum sector, major discrepancies still remain between national provisions and the way they are applied. In whichever Member State applicants lodge an asylum request, they must enjoy the same treatment, taking into account common standards applicable throughout the European Union. The adoption of a sound European legal framework is a sine qua non if the Union wishes to introduce a common European asylum system in an adequate and effective manner. Thus, only by improving and harmonising the procedures and related guarantees will it be possible to achieve a common asylum system. Furthermore, a fundamental revision of the Procedures Directive is vital, so as to provide an accessible, fair and effective procedure, as much in the interests of asylum seekers as in those of the Member States. I would like to stress that the Commission’s new revised proposal for this directive may genuinely help to achieve greater harmonisation, improve international protection standards and enhance the quality and efficiency of asylum procedures.
Sebastian Valentin Bodu (PPE), in writing. – (RO) In spite of the efforts made over the last 10 years to achieve harmonisation in the asylum sector, major discrepancies still remain between national provisions and in the way they are applied. Such discrepancies are incompatible with a common European asylum system and are an obstacle to its development. They run counter to one of the cornerstones of the Dublin system, which is based on the presumption that Member States’ asylum systems are comparable. In whichever Member State applicants lodge an asylum request, they must enjoy the same high level of protection across the whole Union.
While legislative harmonisation will not suffice to reduce these differences and will need to be supplemented by practical cooperation among Member States, adopting a sound European legal framework is an absolute prerequisite for the Union to implement a common European asylum system in an adequate and effective manner, just as it has repeatedly pledged to do so. The Commission’s proposal will rectify the mistakes of the past, when the previous approach to asylum encouraged a series of shortcomings regarding procedural guarantees for asylum seekers.
John Bufton, David Campbell Bannerman and Nigel Farage (EFD), in writing. – UKIP MEPs abstained on the amendments to this report. This was not due to indifference on our part; rather, it is because this report is a development of the Common Immigration and Asylum Policy under the Lisbon Treaty. The peoples of Europe do not want the Lisbon Treaty or a Common Immigration and Asylum Policy either, which is why they were denied a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty. To vote on the amendments would have entailed endorsing existing EU legislation (which we don’t want either) and a nit-picking exercise in order to decide which bits were worse than others. Therefore, UKIP MEPs abstained on the amendments, but voted a resounding ‘No’ to the report as a whole.
Françoise Castex (S&D), in writing. – (FR) I voted in favour of this resolution to harmonise the various national systems while better protecting applicants’ rights and improving the quality of procedures. This resolution provides legal assistance right from the start of the procedure while taking better account of the specificity of vulnerable applicants such as unaccompanied minors. However, I regret that for the vote in plenary, the European right targeted the strengthening of accelerated procedures based on the notion that asylum seekers are all potential fraudsters. I regret that these amendments were adopted, because this perspective on asylum is out of all proportion.
Derek Roland Clark (EFD), in writing. – As a UKIP MEP, I am against any kind of EU interference in the UK system of asylum and in any related directive which would force EU rules on the UK. I therefore abstained on votes to all amendments because I will not accept even those that might be seen to be helpful; this is a matter for the UK alone. I therefore voted against the amended proposal and against the legislative resolution.
Carlos Coelho (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Enormous progress has been made towards the creation of a common European asylum system in the last decade. However, major discrepancies still remain between national provisions and in the way they are applied, which need to be overcome if we want to establish a common area of protection and solidarity by 2012, based, inter alia, on a common asylum procedure.
The great objective is that, irrespective of the Member State in which applicants lodge an asylum request, they must enjoy a high standard of treatment that is equivalent throughout the Union. That is why a fundamental revision of the Procedures Directive is important, so as to provide an accessible, fair and effective procedure. The Commission’s initiative is generally positive, enabling greater consistency and harmonisation, improving protection standards, and enhancing the quality and efficiency of procedures.
I would congratulate the rapporteur on her work and commitment, but I regret that some of her proposals went a little too far, which ended up making agreement with the Council impossible on this initiative that appears so urgently needed so as to increase the efficiency of the asylum process and prevent abuses.
Harlem Désir (S&D), in writing. – (FR) The report by Mrs Guillaume is an important step towards the revision of EU rules on asylum and protection for applicants for 2012. In view of the terrible tragedies that have taken place, such as the recent sinking of a Libyan boat off Lampedusa, this revision is vital, particularly considering that an applicant’s chances of obtaining asylum may differ greatly according to the Member State. With this text, we are calling on the European Commission to include in the proposed revision the right to free legal advice from the start of the procedure; better consideration of vulnerable applicants, such as unaccompanied minors; and a framework for the time limit for appeals. My one regret, however, is that the European right adopted a tightening of accelerated procedures based on the notion that asylum seekers are primarily potential fraudsters, limiting their rights. However, the adoption of Mrs Guillaume’s report sends a clear signal to the Council and Commission that they need to work to guarantee all asylum seekers in Europe decent, fair conditions and procedures.
Edite Estrela (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of this report because I argue that these measures contribute to the creation of a common European asylum system that is fair and efficient. These measures have a direct impact on those seeking protection, as well as on the European Union’s ability to develop and create a genuine area of freedom, security and justice.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The European Union and the Member States have been working towards implementing a common European asylum system for a long time. It is easy to understand the sensitivity and complexity that efforts to this end take on, since this issue gets right to the heart of states’ powers as regards foreigners. The Commission has, however, been tabling proposals to Parliament and the Council aimed at providing suitable solutions to the problems that have been detected. The recasting of the Procedures Directive, proposed by the Commission on 21 October 2009, is part of this improvement process. Despite the distance already travelled, we are still a long way from the harmonisation that many of us want. Increasing the harmonisation of procedures and guarantees will make a positive contribution to clarifying the process, so the proposed revision of the directive seems opportune.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Work on the creation of a common European asylum system started immediately after the entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1999. In December 2005, with the objective of harmonising the Member States’ legal procedures, Council Directive 2005/85/EC on asylum procedures was adopted, laying down the rules for granting and withdrawing ‘refugee status’. The recent social and political upheaval in a number of countries, specifically in North Africa and the Middle East, have brought issues relating to asylum applications in the European Union onto the agenda. In truth, when refugees cross a border, they should not be persecuted or received with mistrust. I therefore welcome the adoption of this proposal, which has ended up with a Manichaean interpretation of this problem, acknowledging that the right to asylum is a fundamental right and must be treated fairly and equitably by the Member States. I welcome the rapporteur’s proposals which aim to develop a legal aid system, given that these are vulnerable people who lack effective guarantees; to improve procedures; and to improve procedures and give applicants better rights, minors in particular.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) The proposal for a directive on minimum standards on procedures in Member States for granting and withdrawing international protection follows the same lines as the creation of a common European asylum system. Nevertheless, it should be understood that the progress of this legal ‘harmonisation’ goes hand-in-hand with overall foreign policy followed by the European Union, and its hypocritical positions on immigration and aid for refugees. The situation in Lampedusa, where there are thousands of refugees without adequate protection, is a clear demonstration of this, not to mention the hundreds or thousands who have been dying in boats crossing the Mediterranean, as has just happened again, disgracefully.
We are extremely concerned with the scale of the current problem, especially given what is happening in the serious armed conflicts, in Libya in particular. We would also stress the fact that this proposal for a directive includes aspects that will end up restricting the right to asylum and applying conditions to it, above all, limiting each Member State’s sovereign right to make its own choices and decide on its own asylum procedures.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) The proposal for a directive being voted on in the European Parliament today on minimum standards on procedures in Member States for granting and withdrawing international protection follows the same lines as the creation of a common European asylum system. Nevertheless, it should be understood that the progress of this legal ‘harmonisation’ goes hand-in-hand with overall foreign policy followed by the European Union, and its hypocritical positions on immigration and aid for refugees, such as the situation in Lampedusa, where there are thousands of refugees without adequate protection, not to mention the hundreds or thousands who have been dying in boats crossing the Mediterranean.
We are extremely concerned with the scale of the current problem, especially given what is happening in the serious armed conflicts, in Libya in particular.
We would also stress the fact that this proposal for a directive includes aspects that will end up restricting access to the right to asylum and applying conditions to it, above all, as regards each Member State’s sovereign right to make its own choices and decide on its own asylum procedures. Hence, our critical position as regards this report.
Bruno Gollnisch (NI), in writing. – (FR) International protection is supposed to enable people who are truly persecuted in their own country to seek refuge under better circumstances. However, as it is, and although some amendments have helped to improve it, the report by Mrs Guillaume is a real incentive for people to abuse this process, clogging up the relevant services and depriving those who really need their case to be reviewed quickly.
Minors, whatever their age or true circumstances, benefit from total goodwill that is entirely unjustified; there are limited opportunities to use the accelerated procedure in order to reject manifestly unfounded applications; appeals are systematically of a suspensive nature; the request for a review of negative decisions has become a right; and the necessary cooperation of the applicant for protection is hardly ever required, even when it is a matter of proving his or her identity and origin, which is nonetheless the minimum requirement for reviewing the case.
Applications for international protection cannot and should not be a means of circumventing restrictive measures against unwanted economic migration. It is disgraceful that Parliament lends a hand to this kind of circumvention by granting inordinate rights to false asylum seekers.
Louis Grech (S&D), in writing. – With reference to the Guillaume report, although, in principle, this represents a significant step towards the realisation of a common asylum policy system for Europe, I voted against the group on a number of clauses as I felt that they did not reflect realistically the complexities and problems faced by my country, Malta, which is a regular recipient of migrants. Having said that, however, when it came to the final vote, I voted in favour of the whole report which ultimately contained a number of very good clauses addressing Member States’ needs and preoccupations. One example is the call for the immediate mobilisation of financial, administrative and technical support for Member States receiving disproportionately large numbers of asylum applications. Such an initiative is essential for all Member States, but especially so for countries like Malta – often burdened with responsibilities and complexities, due to the reception of large inflows of migrants, which it cannot shoulder on its own.
Nathalie Griesbeck (ALDE), in writing. – (FR) On Wednesday, 6 April 2011, the European Parliament adopted the report on the so-called Asylum Procedures Directive. This vote represents an important step towards creating a genuine European policy on asylum, which we have long requested. Furthermore, this adoption is a clear sign that the EU needs a common European asylum system (CEAS) by 2012, especially since recent events in the Southern Mediterranean and the recent migration flows from North Africa have clearly proved the limitations of the current European system. There is an urgent need to revise the EU directives for a credible and efficient system. Specifically, it is my firm belief that the provisions relating to the accelerated procedure and the rejection of manifestly unfounded applications should not apply to unaccompanied minors or asylum seekers with special needs, so I voted in favour of those amendments that specified otherwise. Secondly, the Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe was totally opposed to adding further grounds for allowing an accelerated review of an application for asylum, given the risks that these provisions present for asylum seekers, and I deeply regret that the corresponding amendments were adopted by such a small majority. Finally, with regard to the ‘safe third country’ concept, I chose to abstain.
Sylvie Guillaume (S&D), in writing. – (FR) We must work harder than ever to establish a genuine common European asylum system (CEAS) for 2012 by better protecting applicants’ rights and improving the quality of procedures. My report goes in that direction, in particular, by including the right to free legal advice from the start of the procedure; better consideration of vulnerable applicants, such as unaccompanied minors; and a framework for the time limit for appeals. I regret that the European right only targeted the tightening of accelerated procedures based on the notion that asylum seekers are almost all potential fraudsters, because this perspective on asylum is out of all proportion. In my opinion, more robust procedures and decisions and faster examination of cases will mean that there are fewer appeals and unfounded applications will be more easily identified.
Ian Hudghton (Verts/ALE), in writing. – The Guillaume report covers important areas of law and emphasises the need for human rights to be fully respected in relation to people seeking asylum. My own country, Scotland, does not as yet have control over immigration. However, the policies which have been implemented by successive UK governments have been quite inhumane. I am proud to be a member of a party which has actively campaigned against the brutal incarceration of young children seeking asylum.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this document because I believe that we should seize this opportunity to develop a common European asylum system that is fair and efficient. Asylum policies have a direct impact on those seeking protection, as well as on the European Union’s ability to develop and create a genuine area of freedom, security and justice. It is necessary to ensure harmonised, fair and efficient procedures under the common European asylum system.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The proposal referred to Parliament for a directive regarding the possible provision of a unified procedure for the 27 States of the Union in granting the right of asylum is an important step, but the delicacy of the issue requires careful and thorough reflection. The ultimate goal is to ensure that States draw their laws closer to one another in accordance with the commitments made under the Treaty of Stockholm, simplifying and speeding up the procedures. Another goal is to provide a high degree of protection for asylum seekers, ensuring a rapid verdict in the first instance, free legal assistance and permission to stay in the country until the final ruling. Notwithstanding the good intentions, I voted against this draft directive as it is imprecise on some technical and procedural aspects and some of the definitions are ambiguous. In fact, it is formulated in such a manner that the directive would lend itself to easy abuse on the part of applicants. For these reasons, I decided not to support this version of the text as I do not agree with it totally.
Agnès Le Brun (PPE), in writing. – (FR) As part of its policy plan on asylum, the European Union aims to create a common European asylum system. Indeed, freedom of movement within Member States that are party to the Schengen Agreement now requires us to make a concerted effort to understand immigration issues. The report on the granting and withdrawing of international protection will reform the system that exists through Directive 2005/85/EC. The demographic pressures on Europe today require us to consider these issues with increased vigilance. Unfortunately, the report by Mrs Guillaume does not reflect those considerations, which led me, along with the Group of the European People’s Party (Christian Democrats), to oppose it. Indeed, it leaves too much vagueness and laxity in the procedures, which creates the risk that this historic right will be misused. For example, the notion of ‘family members’ is too broad and risks being abused. After six months of procedures, it will be up to the Member State in question to prove that the applicant is not being persecuted, making the task much more complicated for the relevant authorities. Restrictions on the use of accelerated procedures will further increase all these difficulties.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this report. The first days when refugees arrive in Europe are crucial in determining their status and European countries must, by 2012, improve their asylum procedures at that very first stage, according to the report. Notably, the adopted report calls on EU countries to enhance the minimum procedural safeguards, particularly as regards the right to free legal assistance, the right to information, and the right to personal interview; to give special attention to vulnerable applicants, like children; and the adoption, in codecision with the European Parliament, of a common list of safe third countries.
Véronique Mathieu (PPE), in writing. – (FR) I voted against the report by Mrs Guillaume because it establishes criteria for the harmonisation of asylum procedures that are unrealistic in relation to those procedures currently in force in our Member States. We certainly want a common asylum system, but not at the cost of a utopian harmonisation. Parliament’s vote today clearly shows the unease that is felt in this House, of which half rejected this demagogic approach, preferring a more responsible approach advocating the adoption of asylum systems that are effective and workable in practice.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (FR) All UN Member States have an obligation to protect refugees and asylum seekers. The EU gets away with ignoring this law by requiring Member States with EU borders to hold refugees and asylum seekers in camps to await a decision that is even more uncertain, given that suspicion is the norm, accelerated procedures have been maintained, and the number of officials in charge of these cases has been reduced.
On the other hand, I would note that this text makes some significant improvements, such as the end of the absurd ‘safe country of origin’ concept, the ban on detaining minors and the inclusion of persecution on the grounds of sexual orientation.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) More than 10 years have already passed since work on the creation of a common European asylum system (CEAS) started immediately after the entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam in May 1999, on the basis of the principles approved by the Tampere European Council. During the first phase of the CEAS (1999-2005), the goal was to harmonise Member States’ legal frameworks on the basis of minimum standards. There is still a long way to go before true harmonisation will have taken place, but we have to be conscious that only by improving and harmonising the procedures and related guarantees will it be possible to achieve a common system. With this in mind, a fundamental revision of the Procedures Directive is absolutely vital, so as to provide an accessible, fair and effective procedure, as much in the interests of asylum seekers as in those of the Member States.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. – If the aim of the resolution is to create an accessible, honest and efficient procedure for granting asylum on the territory of the European Union, in that case, people looking for protection will be granted standard European Union guarantees and EU Member States will be able to distinguish asylum seekers from other migrants. I voted ‘for’.
Andreas Mölzer (NI), in writing. – (DE) In the efforts to create a common European asylum system, the focus is on the rights of asylum seekers. However, this ignores the fact that the majority of these people are not genuine asylum seekers but economic migrants, who have no right to asylum under the Geneva Convention and who have taken up the authorities’ time by providing incorrect information and employing a range of delaying tactics, giving rise to costs of billions of euro. In the other direction, very little progress is being made with regard to repatriation.
In the light of the flood of refugees from the overpopulated regions of the world, most of whom are motivated by economic considerations, who are importing the problems and conflicts of areas all over the world into Europe and who are not required to cooperate in the process, we must oppose unequivocally the introduction of stricter unilateral standards of protection which will attract asylum seekers and economic migrants like a magnet and only exacerbate the problem.
Rolandas Paksas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this proposal because we must make every effort to ensure that we achieve a European asylum system that is even more efficient and has a positive impact on people. Asylum policies are very important as they have a huge impact on the European Union’s ability to develop and create a common area of freedom, security and justice. Above all, we must achieve greater consistency between asylum instruments. Procedures must be harmonised so that they can proceed in a fair and effective manner. Furthermore, we must enhance the minimum procedural safeguards. We must ensure that asylum applicants enjoy the right to information, the right to be heard and the right to free legal assistance, and that there are no restrictions on these rights. All procedural instruments must be non-discriminatory and uniformly applied with due regard for minimum rights guarantees and principles. Particular attention must be paid to vulnerable asylum applicants. The interests of children must be adequately ensured and represented by applying the necessary procedures. I agree with the proposal providing for the opportunity to immediately deport a person who may be a danger to the Member State’s national security or who has been forcibly expelled from a country for reasons of public security under national law. Such an opportunity is very important and necessary because it provides Member States with increased opportunities to stop terrorist networks from operating and to take appropriate preventive measures.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) It was in May 1999, following the entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam, that work on the creation of a common European asylum system (CEAS) started, on the basis of the principles approved by the Tampere European Council. There has been significant progress towards it. The proposal now being tabled of a fundamental revision and recasting of the Procedures Directive represents another step forward. In fact, the discrepancies still remaining between national provisions and in the way they are applied were totally incompatible with a CEAS, and are the reason for these amendments. The goal of the CEAS is for an applicant to enjoy a high standard of treatment that is equivalent throughout the Union, irrespective of the Member State in which they lodge an asylum request. To that end, I agree that there is a need to establish a robust European legal framework that enables the creation of an adequate and effective CEAS. I voted for this report because I think that only improving and harmonising the procedures and related guarantees will enable the construction of a common system.
Vincent Peillon (S&D), in writing. – (FR) I voted in favour of the excellent report by my colleague and friend, Mrs Guillaume, on procedures for granting and withdrawing asylum in Europe. This text marks a major step forward in establishing a common European asylum system (CEAS) by 2012, thereby putting an end to the intolerable situation whereby, depending on the European country in which an asylum seeker applies for protection, his or her chances of being recognised as a refugee vary between 1% and 65%. Parliament has therefore spoken out in favour of greater justice and greater efficiency in the processing of asylum procedures. It proposes that each country observe the same enhanced rules on protecting rights and modernising procedures: free legal advice from day one, a framework for the time limit for appeals, special assistance for unaccompanied minors, and a faster examination of cases. Also, although I regret that the European right, which has a majority in Parliament, has managed to adopt amendments to the text which cast widespread, exaggerated suspicion on the sincerity of asylum seekers, I warmly welcome the adoption of this report. The ball is now in the court of those Member States that have yet to decide on our proposals.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – In favour. I am particularly happy that our centre-right colleagues agreed on the need for special protection, regardless of their general position on asylum. Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people fleeing countries such as Iraq, Uganda, Honduras or Indonesia must receive particular protection taking into account cultural sensitivity. This is a major step towards fully complying with our engagements under international asylum law. The European Parliament is showing that asylum rules need updating to reflect reality: 76 countries criminalise homosexual acts and 7 foresee the death penalty (maybe 8 soon with Uganda). I regret that other progressive provisions did not pass, but today’s text will ultimately bring more fairness for LGBT asylum seekers. The text adopted today is the European Parliament’s formal position at first reading. Asylum rules will effectively be amended once EU governments examine the text and conclude an agreement with the European Parliament.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) After years of debate and having signed the Treaty of Lisbon, the Committee has submitted to Parliament the first draft for a common asylum procedure between Member States.
The objective is to establish by 2012 a common area of security and solidarity based on harmonised asylum policies between Member States, despite the persistent differences between national regulations. In fact, these national differences are inconsistent with a common European asylum system and constitute an obstacle to its realisation.
In particular, the new law states that asylum seekers should be granted an equivalent level of treatment throughout Europe, irrespective of the Member State in which the application is made. It is important that we work towards a gradual improvement and harmonisation of procedures and effective guarantees of asylum, in order to implement a common European system. I hope that in the context of this review, we ensure an accessible, equitable and effective procedure, in the interests of both asylum seekers and the need for protection for Member States.
Oreste Rossi (EFD), in writing. – (IT) We have expressed such convinced opposition to the Parliamentary directive on the unified asylum procedure because, if implemented, it would, in effect, override the sovereignty of Member States. We consider it unacceptable to prevent Member States from denying asylum and favourable treatment to unwanted people throughout the European Union when there are European families who do not even enjoy the right to housing. Asylum seekers are also granted the right to legal advice, aid and representation totally free of charge. It also specifies that NGOs can play an active role in providing services, giving information on procedures for obtaining protection and offering guidance and advice to asylum seekers which should be supplied at border crossings or in reception centres. Bear in mind that all these benefits will be paid for by European taxpayers and will be granted not only to refugees but to all asylum seekers and, consequently, to any illegal or clandestine immigrant who requests it.
Thomas Ulmer (PPE), in writing. – (DE) I have voted against the report. It concerns the implementation of a well-organised, common and rapid asylum procedure in Europe based on uniform legal standards. However, the amendments tabled by the greens and the socialists will ensure that foreigners can live in the EU with almost no means available for exercising control over them. As a result, we will be doing a disservice to the genuine asylum seekers who are applying for asylum because their lives are at risk or on political, religious or ethical grounds, as we will be grouping them together with all the other migrants. That is not my idea of asylum policy. Asylum policy should be an act of humanity and solidarity. If we provide these people with a service, then they must offer something in return, for example, by acknowledging and respecting the structures of their host country.
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) The tourism sector has been increasingly important to European companies and people in recent times. As such, it is important that statistics for developing more effective tourism policies at European, national, regional and local level be as reliable as possible, since they are instruments for supporting the decision-making process in companies and in the private sector. I should also stress that it is important that the Commission welcome these suggestions in the terms in which they are proposed.
Elena Oana Antonescu (PPE), in writing. – (RO) Tourism statistics play a major role in the development of more effective tourism policies at European, national, regional and local levels. However, these statistics are not only used to monitor tourism-specific policies, but also play a key role in the context of regional policy and sustainable development. I think that the European Union tourism sector needs to be strengthened through coordinated action at EU level which will complement Member States’ initiatives. I welcome the aim to update and optimise the legal framework for European statistics on tourism, which will better address the challenges facing this sector, such as climate change, environmental constraints, global competition, demographic trends and seasonal distribution of tourist movements. This new common framework for systematically generating European statistics on tourism must be established by the Member States collecting, compiling, processing and transmitting harmonised statistics on supply and demand. I voted for this report as tourism is an important economic activity in the European Union, contributing to higher employment and economic growth.
Liam Aylward (ALDE), in writing. – (GA) It is to Europe that most of the world’s tourists come: some 370 million international tourists visiting annually. About 7 million overseas tourists visit Ireland every year. The tourism sector is of great importance to European enterprises and to the economies of Member States. Currently, 1.8 million enterprises and 9.7 million jobs depend on European tourism. There are significant growth opportunities in the same sector, in terms of eco-tourism, heritage, sport and gastronomy. To get the best value from these opportunities, the tourism sector must be properly understood. To this end, I support this report on statistical information and tourism. Accurate information on local, national and European tourism will help the EU to develop effective policies and to encourage tourism in Europe.
Since the tourism sector is vital for Ireland and in the context of the country’s geographical location, I especially welcome what the report contains about the special situation of islands and outer regions, and about the discussion of those special cases in the EU Action Framework for European Tourism.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this report. Tourism is an important economic activity in the EU with a high potential for contributing to greater employment and economic growth, as well as to playing an important role in socio-economic integration in rural and less-developed areas. With some 1.8 million businesses, primarily SMEs, the European tourism industry employs approximately 5.2% of the total workforce (approximately 9.7 million jobs). I support the Commission’s aim to define a new policy framework for tourism in Europe, drawing on the new competences introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon. The tourism sector faces major challenges, such as increasing global competition, demographic trends, climate change and environmental constraints, the seasonal distribution of tourist movements and the increasing use by customers of new information and communication technologies. I believe that it is necessary to strengthen the EU tourism sector by coordinated action at EU level that complements Member States’ initiatives. This regulation, whose aim is to establish a common framework for the systematic production of European statistics on tourism by means of the collection, compilation, processing and transmission by the Member States of harmonised European statistics on tourism supply and demand, is very important because, if it is implemented properly, it will be possible to ascertain the true situation as regards tourism in the Member States and it will be easier to adapt to tourists’ changing needs.
Regina Bastos (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Tourism is an important sector of the European economy, with around 1.8 million companies, primarily small and medium-sized enterprises, employing approximately 9.7 million workers. It is estimated that the tourism industry produces more than 5% of the EU’s Gross Domestic Product.
With the tabling of Communication COM(2010)352, the Commission aims to define a new policy framework for tourism in Europe, seeking to reinforce the sector through coordinated action at EU level that complements the Member States’ initiatives. Therefore, in order for the new political framework to be successful, decisions must be taken, founded and based on reliable and comparable statistical data.
This report, which deserved my support, recognises the important role of statistics for developing better tourism policies at European, national, regional and local level, since they represent useful instruments for supporting the decision-making process. It also supports the establishment of a common legislative framework for the systematic production of European statistics on tourism by means of the collection, compilation, processing and transmission by the Member States of harmonised European statistics on tourism supply and demand.
Slavi Binev (NI), in writing. – (BG) Statistics plays an important role in the development of more effective tourism policies and in making business decisions. I support the text because, on the one hand, the changes that have taken place in the tourism industry in recent years have created the need to update the legal framework for European statistics on tourism. Once adopted, the proposal will improve the timeliness, comparability and completeness of the statistics transmitted, as well as make data processing more efficient.
Mara Bizzotto (EFD), in writing. – (IT) The Simpson report, and the regulation to which it refers, propose the establishment of a common framework for the collection and distribution of European statistics on tourism through data gathering and processing, to be carried out by individual Member States with harmonised statistics on demand and supply in tourism using aggregated tables which are then transmitted electronically to the European Commission (Eurostat). Despite the commendable work of the rapporteur, I cannot vote in favour of the report because it does not change the quantity of work and data collection set out in the regulation. The compilation of tables proposed by the regulation is somewhat complex and the collection of so much information is, in my opinion, an unreasonable burden. I cannot, therefore, approve the bureaucratic burden and interference which this regulation would produce.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this report because it is necessary to improve European tourism policies, particularly given the fact that the European tourism sector has recently had to endure a difficult economic situation. With the change in the legal framework following the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, the European Union received more competences and the European Commission presented a proposal on the new policy context for tourism. The aim of this proposal for a regulation is to update and optimise the legal framework for European statistics on tourism, but there is concern that the proposal does not provide for the introduction of tourism satellite accounts (TSAs). These TSAs are crucial to progressively developing integrated systems of tourism statistics and to better understanding the true value of tourism, as well as its effects on jobs and the economy. Furthermore, with a view to enhancing the knowledge base for the development and growth of tourism, the Commission should draw up a programme of pilot studies on tourism. These studies would be carried out by Member States on a voluntary basis in order to develop a system for the compilation of data showing the effects of tourism on the environment
Carlos Coelho (PPE), in writing. – (PT) In several Member States, as is the case with mine, Portugal, tourism occupies an important place in the economy that has intrinsic potential for generating new sources of revenue and economic growth. Tourism represents the third largest European socio-economic activity, generating over 5% of EU Gross Domestic Product. European Union remains the world’s number one tourist destination, with 40% of arrivals worldwide in 2008.
The EU aims to define a new policy framework for tourism, with the objective of reinforcing the sector so as to address the great challenges, such as climate change, demographic trends and globalisation, through coordinated action at EU level that complements the Member States’ initiatives. Compiling data on tourism enables better knowledge of the volume represented by this sector, of its characteristics, of the profile of the tourists and of the various travel patterns, which contributes, not just to the proper formulation of policies for the sector, but also to better understanding of its socio-economic implications.
I therefore support the updating and optimisation of the current statistics system so that we can have reliable and comparable statistics.
Lara Comi (PPE), in writing. – (IT) We cannot deny that over the past decade, tourism has changed radically, thanks, among other things, to technological progress. It is therefore necessary to update the legislation on the collection of data and statistics.
In this regard, I agree with the Commission’s proposal to introduce a new regulation which repeals some obsolete items. At the same time, however, I am in favour of the amendments to the regulation of Parliament, especially with regard to, on the one hand, the need to introduce harmonised statistics that reflect the purely social aspects of tourism and, on the other, the position opposing the adoption of actions delegated by the Commission on key issues and for an indefinite period.
Also, I consider it a serious shortcoming that the Commission has failed to take into account the introduction of tourism satellite accounts (TSAs), as this type of data would provide a more complete picture of the impact that tourism has on the labour market and the economy.
Finally, I am very interested in the proposal to introduce the voluntary collection of tourism statistics regarding the habits of people with disabilities or restricted mobility and the subsequent establishment of pilot projects in order to improve such persons’ participation in tourism.
Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D), in writing. – (RO) Europe occupies seventh place in the top 10 destinations in a statistical survey covering the 50 most popular countries in the world. This shows very clearly that Europe has great tourism and cultural potential, still offering opportunities to be utilised, including for European citizens. I think that one such opportunity is encouraging the participation not only of the elderly, but also of young people, families living in difficult circumstances and people with reduced mobility in the social tourism programmes developed by the Union. However, adequate statistics are required to do this, compiled using common collection methods, aimed at developing programmes targeted at these groups of tourists in every EU Member State.
Ioan Enciu (S&D), in writing. – I voted in favour of the European statistics on tourism report today. It is a positive step to establish a regulation that will take account of tourism statistics from all Member States. The importance of tourism in European law was greatly elevated when it was made a competence under the Lisbon Treaty in December 2009. Going forward, Member States will have to ensure the accuracy of statistical data transmitted in order to achieve quality results.
While European-level coordination will be very beneficial for the European tourism sector, any pan-European initiatives should seek to complement Member States’ initiatives and tourism strategies. By providing statistical data, the EU will be in a better position to help the tourism industry, including SMEs, and to improve the overall marketing of Europe as a highly desirable tourist destination.
The distinction between internal and national tourism is drawn in the report. Internal tourism covers the capacity of tourist accommodation establishments, and national tourism covers participation in tourism, including excursions.
Edite Estrela (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I voted for this report because I believe that tourism statistics contribute to the development of more effective policy and represent a useful tool for supporting the decision-making processes of companies and the private sector. There is no doubt that this new regulation will improve the timeliness, comparability and completeness of the statistics transmitted, as well as the efficiency of the data processing.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) According to the report’s figures, Europe remains the world’s number one tourist destination, and tourism is the third largest socio-economic activity in the EU, with some 1.8 million businesses, primarily small and medium-sized enterprises, 9.7 million jobs and production equivalent to 5% of EU Gross Domestic Product. For this very reason, it is an activity that should be properly monitored, regulated and supported, particularly in the specific context of the economic recovery and the need to increase production of saleable goods.
While this is the reality for the whole EU, it is especially important for Portugal, which is a country that has, for a long time, been very invested in tourism, as a particularly dynamic economic activity with vast potential for growth. In this context, and given the importance that a profound and realistic knowledge of the reality of tourism has for developing appropriate policies, the Commission’s proposal intended to update and optimise the legal framework for European statistics on tourism that we voted on today is important.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This report is on an area that is fundamental to the future of the EU: tourism. Despite the crisis that has taken hold at global level, according to the World Tourism Organisation (WTO), in 2010, this sector saw growth of 2%, despite all the political upheavals in a number of areas of the world. At European level, as well as growing steadily, tourism encompasses 1.8 million businesses, the large majority of these being small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), providing 9.7 million jobs, ranking as the third largest socio-economic activity in the EU, and generating more than 5% of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Moreover, Europe is the top tourist destination in the world, with 40% of all tourist arrivals. This activity is vital to realising the objectives set out in the Europe 2020 strategy. This regulation updates the one currently in force, particularly with regard to the collection and processing of data on provision and accessibility for people with reduced mobility, which are essential to preparing the new EU tourism strategy. I welcome the adoption of this proposal, which, as well as creating a programme of pilot studies to be carried out by the Member States, will include data on rural tourism and green tourism, which cover over 50 000 lodgings, the overwhelming majority of which are managed by SMEs.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) The usefulness of statistical information depends on its comparability in time and space, which entails the adoption of a common set of definitions and classifications. In the particular case of tourism, this sector includes concepts and definitions that have long been unclear, which has made it difficult to obtain reliable and credible information. It is therefore necessary to clarify and harmonise criteria and definitions that enable comparable data to be obtained. The existence of these statistics is of great importance in determining the direct and indirect impact of tourism on the economy, supporting the planning and development of new tourism options, or adapting existing ones.
The proposal included in the report is aimed at improving the timeliness, comparability and completeness of the statistics transmitted, as well as the efficiency of the data processing, including improved data evaluation. It is also aimed at adapting the legal framework so as to reflect the latest changes to the sector with the introduction of new variables, such as tourist movements over a single day. We therefore voted in favour.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) We know that it is important to have statistical information, although its usefulness depends on its comparability in time and space, which entails the adoption of a common set of definitions and classifications.
In the particular case of tourism, this sector includes concepts and definitions that have long been unclear, which has made it difficult to obtain reliable and credible information. It is therefore necessary to clarify and harmonise criteria and definitions that enable comparable data to be obtained.
The existence of these statistics is of great importance in determining the direct and indirect impact of tourism on the economy, supporting the planning and development of new tourism options, or adapting existing ones.
The proposal included in the report is aimed at improving the comparability and completeness of the statistics transmitted, as well as the efficiency of the data processing, including improved data evaluation. It is also aimed at adapting the legal framework so as to reflect the latest changes to the sector with the introduction of new variables, such as tourist movements over a single day.
We therefore voted in favour of this report.
Jacqueline Foster (ECR), in writing. – My group supported the report on Statistics on Tourism, which updates and modernises the method for collecting European statistics on tourism, particularly in the light of modern trends such as low-cost flights and short-stay holidays.
Politicians need to acknowledge the great importance of the tourism industry to Europe. Individual Member States realise that more must be done to help this sector, which contributes greatly to economic growth.
For example, tourism is one of the largest sectors of the UK economy. It directly supports 1.36 million jobs – and an expected 1.5 million by 2020 – and nearly 3 million if indirect employment is included. These figures speak for themselves!
The UK is keen to participate actively and positively in discussions on tourism at EU level, supporting fully the need to improve the competitiveness of the European tourism industry and its capacity for sustainable growth. However, we must ensure that EU-level action does not encroach on the principle of subsidiarity.
Member States are competing with each other, despite being able to share best practice and cooperate on certain issues, such as improving transport links across Europe and other measures enabling easier consumer travel.
Let me end with a simple message – Visit Britain!
Mathieu Grosch (PPE), in writing. – (DE) The Treaty of Lisbon has increased the EU’s responsibility for tourism. It goes without saying that statistics provide fundamental information and allow interesting conclusions to be drawn not only at an EU level, but also at a national and regional level.
In my region, which is home to the German-speaking community in Belgium, tourism is not only an important area of competence, but also a crucial economic factor. For this reason, these statistics represent a significant element of policy making. However, it is also clear that the different levels – regional, national and cross-border – must work together to define the regions of Europe more accurately as a tourism location, particularly in border areas.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this document because it is necessary to define a new improved policy framework for tourism in Europe. Tourism is an important economic activity in the EU with a high potential for contributing to greater employment and economic growth, as well as to playing an important role in socio-economic integration in rural, peripheral and less-developed areas, such as areas rich in industrial heritage. Statistics in this field are not only used to monitor tourism-specific policies, but also play a role in the wider context of regional policy and sustainable development. We need to address the main challenges facing the sector such as increasing global competition, demographic trends, climate change and environmental constraints, the seasonal distribution of tourist movements and the increasing use by customers of new information and communication technologies. There is a need to strengthen the EU tourism sector by coordinated action at EU level that complements Member States’ initiatives. In order to implement successfully the new policy framework, policy makers at all levels of governance need to take well-informed decisions, based on reliable and comparable statistical data. Tourism is an important economic activity that has a positive impact on economic growth and employment in Europe, and therefore it is necessary to update and optimise the legal framework for European statistics on tourism, thereby strengthening the tourism sector at EU level. Consequently, implementing the measures mentioned will increase the competitiveness of European tourism and encourage its harmonious growth.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I think the proposal for a regulation on European statistics on tourism, being voted on in this House, should be considered of particular interest and also very useful. The tourism industry is, for Europe, a leading sector of great importance within the community because it occupies an important role in the individual economies of Member States. The tourism industry still has significant potential in terms of employment and it would therefore be useful to adopt measures to facilitate better organisation, which would allow the development of its full potential. The creation of a common framework for the collection and compilation of comparable and comprehensive statistics on European tourism can only be helpful in improving the situation. Understanding consumer demand will enable private and public companies to intervene to address the needs of the sector, improving performance and competitiveness. I support the proposed regulation because I believe that unified European statistics which are transparent, reliable and objective are an effective way to support this large industry which is of considerable importance for my country.
Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), in writing. – (RO) I voted for this report as I think that we must do our utmost to remain the number one tourist destination in the world. To achieve this, we need to make maximum use of every possible funding option. The development of a sustainable, responsible, high quality tourism sector requires the legal framework for European statistics in this area to be updated and improved. If we improve the quality of statistical reporting, based on reliable, comparative data, we will benefit from a solid foundation when it comes to making decisions on devising EU financial policies and instruments.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this report which recognises the major role of statistics in the development of more effective tourism policies at European, national, regional and local levels. In the same manner, tourism statistics represent a useful tool to support decision making in business and in the private sector. Therefore, the rapporteur supports the aim of the proposed regulation to establish a common framework for the systematic production of European statistics on tourism by means of the collection, compilation, processing and transmission by the Member States of harmonised European statistics on tourism supply and demand. Once adopted, the proposal is likely to improve the timeliness, comparability and completeness of the statistics transmitted, as well as the efficiency of the data processing, including better validation of data. Furthermore, it is necessary to adapt the legal framework to reflect recent trends in the tourism industry by introducing new variables, for instance, concerning same-day visits.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Tourism is undoubtedly one of the economic sectors with the greatest potential for development. In the last few decades, tourism has grown steadily more important for European businesses and people. With around 1.8 million businesses, most of them small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), employing about 5.2% of the total workforce, that is, about 9.7 million jobs, it is estimated that the European tourism industry generates more than 5% of the EU’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Tourism therefore represents the third largest socio-economic activity in the EU. Moreover, the EU continues to be the world’s top tourist destination, having recorded 370 million tourist arrivals in 2008, or 40% of world tourist arrivals. However, there is still potential for further growth.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. – It goes without saying that tourism possesses a high potential which creates an opportunity to increase employment and economic growth. Tourism plays an important role in social-economic integration of rural, peripheral and less developed areas which have a rich cultural heritage. Statistics in the field of tourism are not used only for monitoring of tourism policy but also play an important role in the broader context of regional policy and sustainable development. I totally agree with the rapporteur.
Andreas Mölzer (NI), in writing. – (DE) Meaningful statistics which provide answers to questions concerning the reason for successes and trends in the tourist industry could help to prevent many mistaken investments. Many cities have been wondering for years why their expectations concerning tourism remained unfulfilled after they were chosen to be the European Capital of Culture. However, the limited availability and comparability of tourism data is also a problem from the point of view of town planning. At the end of the day, if there is the potential for an increase in visitor numbers, it is important to organise things in such a way that this does not have a negative impact on the local population.
Too many uncertain factors, differing expectations and intangible attractions, such as specific weather conditions, have turned tourism forecasts into a game of chance. Flexible working hours and safety have an influence on tourism, in the same way as social changes do. The decisive factors will probably ultimately be the global economy and the price of oil. Even the best European tourism statistics cannot change these, which is why I have abstained from voting.
Radvilė Morkūnaitė-Mikulėnienė (PPE), in writing. – (LT) Today, the European Parliament adopted an important document on the legal framework for European statistics on tourism. The Member States must provide a regular set of data on the capacity and occupancy of accommodation establishments and on tourism demand. As European travel habits change (e.g. the increase in short haul flights), and the tourism sector switches over to certain innovations (e.g. online bookings), it is necessary to update the legal framework, regulating the collection of statistical information in the field of tourism. However, in my opinion, a particularly important provision, supported by the European Parliament, concerns the collection of data regarding people with limited mobility, and its impact on the ability of such people to obtain fully-fledged tourism services. We constantly discuss improving quality of life for disabled people and we must include tourism in this area. Only then will we be able to implement tourism policy effectively and protect the rights of consumers.
Alfredo Pallone (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The report by Mr Simpson on European statistics on tourism is a text that will replace the directive on the matter, which is now 15 years’ old. Moving with the times and redrafting its regulations is a prerogative of the European system, particularly in view of the importance and continuous development of the tourism sector in Europe over the last decade. That is why I voted in favour of the report. New requirements in the sector, which needs increasingly detailed, up-to-date and comparable data, make it essential to update tourism statistics. Access to facilities, services for disabled people and costs for essential goods are key data that require an up-to-date database that users can consult.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Tourism is of huge economic importance in the EU, and mechanisms that contribute to promoting it are desirable and should be encouraged. Statistics play an important role in developing more effective tourism policy at European, national, regional and local level. Indeed, they are a useful instrument for supporting the decision-making process in businesses and the private sector. This regulation is aimed at establishing a common legislative framework for the systematic production of European statistics on tourism by means of the collection, compilation, processing and transmission by the Member States of harmonised European statistics on tourism supply and demand. This proposal should improve the timeliness, comparability and completeness of the statistics transmitted, as well as the efficiency of the data processing, including improved data evaluation. This regulation also adapts the legal framework to reflect the latest changes in the tourism industry through the introduction of new variables, such as tourist movements over the course of a single day. I voted in favour of the report for those reasons.
Aldo Patriciello (PPE), in writing. – (IT) Tourism is an important economic activity in the EU. Statistics are helpful for monitoring specific policies for tourism and are useful in the context of regional policies and sustainable development. Within the EU, the tourism statistics system is governed by Directive 95/57/EC. However, since the entry into force of this directive, the tourism industry and relative demand have changed significantly. The Commission has therefore set out a new proposed regulation aimed at establishing a policy framework for tourism by making use of the powers introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon. Its goal is to update and streamline the regulatory framework applicable to the European statistics on tourism in order to take into account the latest trends in the area. In this regard, it is necessary to not only strengthen the tourism sector through coordinated action at EU level, but also to create a common framework for the systematic production of statistics through the collection, compilation, processing and reporting by Member States of harmonised European statistics on supply and demand in the sector.
On the basis of the aforementioned, I hereby give my favourable vote to the proposed regulation.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – I voted in favour. Tourism is an important economic activity in the EU, with a high potential for contributing to greater employment and economic growth, as well as for playing an important role in socio-economic integration in rural, peripheral and less-developed areas, such as areas rich in industrial heritage. Statistics in this field are not only used to monitor tourism-specific policies, but also play a role in the wider context of regional policy and sustainable development.
In the EU, Directive 95/57/EC on the collection of statistical information in the field of tourism organises the system of tourism statistics. Eurostat publishes these statistics, which are collected and compiled by national statistical authorities. In order to successfully implement the new policy framework, policy makers at all levels of governance need to take well-informed decisions, based on reliable and comparable statistical data.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I voted in favour of this report because tourism is an important economic activity in the EU, with a high potential for contributing to the creation of jobs and growth. Tourism plays an essential role in the socio-economic development of rural areas, which are often marginalised and underdeveloped.
In this context, statistics not only monitor specific tourism policies, but are also useful in the broader context of regional policies and sustainable development. The document also addresses the main challenges that the sector is facing, such as increased global competition, demographic trends, climate change and environmental restrictions, the seasonal distribution of tourist movement and the increasing use of new information and communications technologies by customers.
Oreste Rossi (EFD), in writing. – (IT) I voted against the report because the proposed rules would require a monthly collection of data to measure the seasonal influences and the economic and social aspects of the sector, run mostly by small and medium-sized enterprises. This strategy’s objective is to gain a thorough understanding of the dynamics, characteristics and volume of tourism, but it appears to me to be excessively cumbersome, bureaucratic and costly. In addition, the Commission asks for delegated powers and, therefore, the ability to modify elements of the proposal. The tables to be compiled monthly under the proposed regulation are complex and require the collection of an excessive amount of information.
Vilja Savisaar-Toomast (ALDE), in writing. – (ET) I voted today in favour of the report under discussion concerning European statistics on tourism. I think that this report is an important one, given the influence of the tourism sector on the European Union’s economy and the proportion of jobs it provides. 1.8 million businesses employ around 10 million people, accounting for approximately 5.2% of all jobs.
The European Union gives considerable support to the development of tourism in the various regions in order to increase the availability of different types of tourism. It is therefore necessary that we possess accurate and relevant statistics, both for the private and public sectors. The European Union is visited by over 370 million foreign tourists a year, a total of 40% of the tourists in the entire world. At the same time, this makes it more important that we have timely and impartial statistical data. Thank you.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Tourism is the third most important socio-economic activity in the EU, which means that its economic dimension, as a generator of jobs, is vital for the Member States. Moreover, its private aspect not only enhances the image that Europe presents to the world, but also promotes European citizenship. Following the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, the EU has assumed new powers on tourism, as confirmed by Article 195 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). This new legal framework allows the EU to support, coordinate and supplement action by the Member States, and to reduce the administrative burden. I am voting in favour of this report for these reasons, as I believe that it is vital to equip all stakeholders in the tourism sector with reliable statistical data so that they can adapt to the challenges that European tourism is facing.
European coordination, with the effective participation of the Member States, is crucial in order to implement this system and for a concrete evaluation of the competitiveness of the tourism industry. Knowledge of the volume of this sector, its characteristics, tourist profiles, spending in the sector and the benefits and/or problems it brings to national economies should form part of this extended study.
Report: João Ferreira (A7-0017/011)
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am voting in favour of this resolution as it looks at important measures relating to the increase in cofinancing rates for action in the areas of international relations, governance, data collection, scientific advice, and the monitoring and implementation of the common fisheries policy. Since scientific knowledge depends on the sustainable development of activities, the increase in cofinancing rates relating to database collation, management and use becomes an asset. It is also worth highlighting the focus on the development of aquaculture, with measures for growth, along with tracking and monitoring from an environmental and health standpoint, which will enable its sustainability. With regard to measures for controlling their waters, carried out by the supervisory authorities of the Member States, these will only be successful if there is investment in technology and control systems that are more effective and less costly. Action relating to control measures for waters should also be considered for a higher rate of cofinancing, as a way of enabling and implementing greater compliance with the rules.
Regina Bastos (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Regulation (EC) No 861/2006 sets out Community financial measures for the implementation of the common fisheries policy and the Law of the Sea, this being an important EU financial instrument in the area of fisheries. Several elements of the legislation have evolved since the adoption of this regulation.
The Commission is proposing to amend it, with the aim of ensuring consistency between all the elements of the legislative framework, and also of clarifying the scope of some of the financed measures. I voted for this report as it proposes making certain amendments to the Commission’s proposal, which will contribute to clearer legislation. These amendments are based on recent developments in the fisheries sector and future prospects, namely, the possibility of increasing Union cofinancing from 50% to 60%, which represents an asset for the development of the fisheries sector in Portugal, and greater importance given to aquaculture, which justifies introducing the possibility of the collection, management and use of environmental data in this area, in addition to socio-economic data.
George Becali (NI), in writing. – (RO) I supported this report as Regulation (EC) No 861/2006 establishing Community financial measures for the implementation of the common fisheries policy and in the area of the Law of the Sea is an important EU financing instrument where fisheries are concerned. It is one of the two principal means employed to put the CFP into practice, the other one being the European Fisheries Fund. Like the rapporteur, I believe that it is increasingly obvious in general that fisheries management has to be based on up-to-date scientific knowledge of stock status. This is a prerequisite for sustainable fisheries development. As regards control, there is undoubtedly greater awareness at the present time of its importance for the future and sustainability of the fisheries sector and as a means of fostering a culture of compliance with the rules. Member States and their control authorities are playing, and must continue to play, a central role in overseeing and enforcing control measures in their territorial waters. This is a key way to ensure compliance with the rules and respect for stocks.
Vito Bonsignore (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I voted in favour of the report amending Regulation (EC) No 861/2006. In May 2006, the Council approved this important instrument for financing fishing activity. Now, however, we need to revise the regulation, to ensure consistency between all the elements of the legislative framework. Adapting to the times means making use of new technologies that can ensure a better service with less waste of economic resources.
To respond better to real needs, we think it appropriate to clarify certain articles of the regulation and clarify the scope of certain financed measures. Finally, I agree with the rapporteur on the need for fishery management based on updated and rigorous scientific knowledge of resources and greater control in order to make fishing more sustainable.
Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D), in writing. – (RO) I think that the importance of the aquaculture sector is steadily increasing. This report is proof of this, highlighting ‘a new impetus for the strategy for the sustainable development of European aquaculture’ and offering realistic prospects for this sector’s development. Environmental and health monitoring and surveillance carried out in the appropriate manner therefore help to make this important sector more sustainable.
Edite Estrela (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of the report on ‘Community financial measures for the implementation of the common fisheries policy and in the area of the Law of the Sea’. I regret, however, that the proposal to increase cofinancing rates in the area of additional data collection, management and use to 60% of eligible expenditure has not been adopted.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Regulation (EC) No 861/2006 of 22 May 2006, which the Commission is proposing to amend, is that regulation establishing Community financial measures for the implementation of the common fisheries policy (CFP) and in the area of the Law of the Sea, and it provides for funding in the following areas: international relations, governance, data collection and scientific advice, and the monitoring and implementation of the CFP. This revision does not entail any fundamental change to the objectives, the type of activity financed, or the financial structure and budget. The rapporteur considers it important, however, to table changes that bring the legislation more into line with recent trends in the sector and its future prospects, particularly with regard to fisheries management supported by scientific knowledge of stock status and to investment in aquaculture.
That is why the proposal to increase cofinancing rates provided for in the context of basic data collection, management and use is being tabled. I am voting for this from a purely national perspective, in order to support the fishing industry in our country.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This report concerns a proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Regulation (EC) No 861/2006 of 22 May 2006 establishing Community financial measures for the implementation of the common fisheries policy and in the area of the Law of the Sea. Since 2006, several aspects of the aforementioned regulation have changed and become outdated, so their amendment is justified. This proposal is based on the regulation in force and is intended to safeguard coastal activities by financing the sector’s modernisation, not least, equipment and computerisation. I am voting for this proposal for a regulation because the proposed amendments tabled by the Commission have been taken into account, along with other contributions that significantly improve the previous regulation, particularly in terms of financing for investment – which is crucial in order for us to have accurate and up-to-date scientific data that enable us, fundamentally, to take the measures required by each situation – and of increased cofinancing rates.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) We value Parliament’s adoption of the amendments to the Commission’s proposal for a regulation included in the report. These amendments will enable financing for the Member States to develop diverse technology to be used in the fishing industry, along with equipment and software or IT networks which allow them to compile, manage, validate, analyse and develop sampling methods, and move towards the exchange of fisheries data. One new possibility for financing relates to studies regarding dependence on imports of fisheries products. Within the area of aquaculture, it will also be possible to fund the collection, management and use of environmental data, promoting environmental and health monitoring and surveillance in this sector, in order to contribute to its sustainability.
However, we cannot but regret the rejection of the amendments aimed at increasing, albeit modestly, the maximum Community cofinancing rate for the Member States in the area of the collection, management and use of scientific data on stock status, and in the area of monitoring. This therefore shows the inconsistency of an EU which, on the one hand, has encroached upon the powers of the Member States in this area, but which, on the other, refuses to strengthen the financing resources dedicated to these activities.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) This report has amended Regulation (EC) No 861/2006 establishing Community financial measures for the implementation of the common fisheries policy (CFP) and in the area of the Law of the Sea. It constitutes an important European Union financial instrument in the area of fisheries. Together with the European Fisheries Fund (EFF), these represent the two main instruments for the application of the CFP.
The Commission also believes that, in some cases, experience has demonstrated the need to ensure that the provisions of the regulation be adapted slightly to better respond to needs.
It therefore offers us a limited scope for this revision, with the objectives and structure of the original regulation essentially being retained. However, the rapporteur, the Member from the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP), Mr Ferreira, has considered it appropriate to propose certain additional amendments, which although quite specific, could contribute to an improved alignment of this legislation with recent changes in the sector and with its future prospects.
However, I regret that not all of the proposals that he tabled have been adopted, especially the confirmation of the possibility of increasing Community cofinancing rates provided for in the area of collection, management and use of both basic and additional scientific data on fishery stock status, including the proposal to raise the maximum limit from 50% to 60%, and in monitoring activity.
Ian Hudghton (Verts/ALE), in writing. – I was able to support Mr Ferreira’s report. It is essential that there should be adequate funds for enforcement of the Law of the Sea, and this is one of the few fisheries-related areas where the EU provides some added value.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this document, because it is being increasingly recognised across the board that fisheries management has to be based on up-to-date accurate scientific knowledge of stock status. This is a sine qua non of sustainable fisheries development. I therefore believe that it should be permissible to raise the cofinancing rates laid down in the area of basic data collection, management and use, with a proposed maximum of 75%. Given that aquaculture is being viewed as a sector of increasing importance – witness the report recently produced, debated and adopted on ‘a new impetus for the strategy for the sustainable development of European aquaculture’ – with realistic prospects for growth, relevant collection, management and user arrangements should apply to environmental data as well as to socio-economic data. Environmental and health monitoring and surveillance could accordingly be carried out. This would help make the sector more sustainable. At present, the sustainability of the fisheries sector is particularly important. Member States and their control authorities are playing, and must continue to play, a central role in overseeing and enforcing control measures in their waters: this is a key way of ensuring compliance with the rules and respect for stocks. If this work is to be carried out effectively, Member States have to acquire, or be in a position to develop and modernise, the technologies available. The investment entailed could make control systems more efficient and cheaper to operate.
Elisabeth Köstinger (PPE), in writing. – (DE) The regulation is an important instrument for implementing the common fisheries policy. The control activities are playing a growing role in supporting sustainability and the continued existence of the fisheries sector. It is important that the Member States and their supervisory authorities enforce control measures in their waters to ensure that we have fisheries which comply with the rules and respect stocks. In addition, aquaculture is increasing in importance, which justifies the introduction of options for collecting, managing and using environmental as well as socio-economic data. I welcome the revision of the regulation, because it will guarantee that the measures referred to will be put in place.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The proposal to amend Council Regulation (EC) No 861/2006, establishing Community financial measures for the implementation of the common fisheries policy and in the area of the Law of the Sea is an important financial instrument aimed at protecting fisheries. I voted in favour of the proposal because I believe we need to change the current version of the regulation in order to bring its provisions in line with the Treaty of Lisbon. The review has allowed us to make improvements to the text, enabling us to respond appropriately and effectively to the needs of the sector. The growing importance of aquaculture justifies the introduction of provisions regarding the collection, management and use of environmental, socio-economic and health data, in order to contribute to its sustainability. A fundamental role is given to individual states, which have the duty to ensure compliance with the rules and control of the use of water, taking advantage of new technologies, in light of scientific developments.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this report. The modifications made in this legislation should facilitate moves towards a policy of regionalisation for the CFP which I welcome.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The existing Regulation (EC) No 861/2006 establishes Community financial measures for the implementation of the common fisheries policy (CFP) and the Law of the Sea, and constitutes an important EU financial instrument in the area of fisheries. Together with the European Fisheries Fund (EFF), these represent the two main instruments for the application of the CFP. This regulation provides for financing in the following areas: international relations, governance, data collection and scientific advice, and the monitoring and implementation of the CFP. I regret, however, that the proposal to increase the potential level of cofinancing to 60% of eligible expenditure, particularly for measures relating to the monitoring of fisheries activities and to the collection, management and use of data, has not been adopted, as the adoption of this increase would be beneficial to the fisheries sector in my country.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. – The amendment of Regulation (EC) No 861/2006 establishes the second main financial instrument of the common fisheries policy after the European Fisheries Fund. The so-called ‘second instrument’ provides funding for data collection, and control measures, scientific advice, common fisheries policy control systems and enforcement. It is necessary to clarify the scope of some of the measures financed and to improve the wording of certain articles. Furthermore, it considers, in the light of experience, that a number of minor adjustments should be made to enable the provisions of the regulation to be geared more effectively to real needs. The amendments to be tabled to Regulation (EC) No 861/2006 should help to allow the specified cofinancing rates of clearly defined common financing to be raised in the area of the Law of the Sea.
Alfredo Pallone (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The financial action on the part of the Union concerning implementation of the EU’s common fisheries policy and the Law of the Sea gives us the economic means to implement the common fisheries policy with funding targeted at those areas in need of development and coordination regarding the Law of the Sea. For this reason, I voted in favour of Mr Ferreira’s report. The amendment of this regulation will help enforce the common policy and utilise funds for collecting data, international relations, and scientific and technical areas regarding fisheries.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – I voted in favour. Regulation (EC) No 861/2006 establishing Community financial measures for the implementation of the common fisheries policy and in the area of the Law of the Sea is an important EU financing tool where fisheries are concerned. It is one of the two principal means employed – the other being the European Fisheries Fund (EFF) – to translate the CFP into practice. It provides for funding in the following areas: international relations, governance, data collection, scientific advice, and CFP control systems and enforcement. In each sphere of activity, this regulation applies in conjunction with other regulations or decisions. That related legislation has changed in some respects since the adoption of Regulation (EC) No 861/2006, which consequently needs to be amended in order to bring all elements into a coherent relationship within the legislative framework. The Commission is also seeking to clarify the scope of some of the measures financed and to improve the wording of certain articles. Furthermore, it considers, in the light of experience, that a number of minor adjustments should be made to enable the provisions of the regulation to be geared more effectively to real needs.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) Regulation (EC) No 861/2006 establishing Community financial measures for the implementation of the common fisheries policy and in the area of the Law of the Sea is an important EU instrument for funding fisheries.
This document is also one of the two main means used to implement the common fisheries policy. It provides funding for the following areas: international relations, governance, data collection, scientific consultancy, as well as control and implementation of the common fisheries policy.
The resolution adopted today recognises the importance of fisheries management based on up-to-date and rigorous scientific knowledge of resources. The document recognises the growing importance of aquaculture, an activity which generates feasible prospects of development of this activity, as well as others related to it, justifying the introduction of the possibility of applying guidelines regarding the collection, management and use of environmental and socio-economic data, thereby enabling environmental and health control in this sector which will contribute to its sustainability.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The document voted on today is aimed at adapting the financial measures for implementing fisheries policy to the evolution of the legislative framework, to changes in current needs, and to legal clarification on actions to be undertaken, particularly those included in Decision 2000/439/EC that have not yet been taken up by the text of Regulation No 861/2006. With regard to data collection, Parliament’s proposal considers it essential to broaden the scope of implementation so as to include its management and the terms of its use. It is also vital to facilitate the conclusion of public contracts with international bodies, and to provide for the obligation to possess detailed information in order to carry out joint projects.
It would be desirable to increase the potential level of cofinancing, particularly as regards measures for monitoring fisheries activities, and the collection, management and use of data, to 60% of eligible expenditure. Aquaculture is no less important, and data for this should stress both the socio-economic and the environmental fields. Moreover, it is becoming increasingly necessary to make use of new techniques here, which requires the constant adaptation and modernisation of existing techniques.
Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (FR) I would like to congratulate my colleague in the Confederal Group of the European United Left – Nordic Green Left, Mr Ferreira (PCP), on his report, which was adopted today by a very large majority in the European Parliament.
This report confirms the importance of fisheries management based on up-to-date, accurate scientific knowledge of stock status. This is a sine qua non of sustainable fisheries development. Some of Mr Ferreira’s amendments, for example, those enabling an increase in cofinancing rates (from 50% to 60%) in the area of collection, management and use of scientific data on fish stocks, were, regrettably, not adopted.
This report shows the contribution that the GUE/NGL Group can nevertheless make to debates in the European Parliament, and I know that we can count on Mr Ferreira to continue this fight for sustainable fisheries, giving priority to small-scale fishermen over industrial groups in the sector.
Iva Zanicchi (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I voted in favour of the report by Mr Ferreira to improve the management of financial instruments for fisheries which govern the funding of a range of activities, among which are, typically, fishing controls. I therefore consider the general agreement on the text between the Council and the European Parliament to be a good compromise in terms of the common fisheries policy and the Law of the Sea.
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am voting for this report. I believe that the purpose of this report is important, as it aims to extend the transitional arrangements for another 18 months, until 1 January 2013, so that the new package of technical measures can be designed as part of the continuation of the common fisheries policy.
Regina Bastos (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Since agreement on the draft regulation to simplify and clarify the Community rules on the conservation of fisheries resources was not possible in 2008, a regulation was adopted establishing a set of transitional measures for the period from 1 January 2010 to 30 June 2011.
This report, which merited my support, is aimed at extending this transitional period until January 2013, so that a new set of technical measures can be drawn up as part of the ongoing reform of the common fisheries policy. It also calls on the Commission to take the initiative during this new extension period for the existing regulation and to proceed, alongside the involved parties, with an assessment of the impact that the measures currently in force have on the ships implementing them and on the ecosystems covered. The results of this assessment should be considered when drawing up the new draft regulation. It is equally important that the future Commission proposal on technical measures clearly establish the competences of the Council and Parliament, in line with the ordinary legislative procedure.
Slavi Binev (NI), in writing. – (BG) I voted for the proposal because the absence of an agreement on the conservation of fisheries resources may produce undesirable consequences. The proposal to extend the validity of the 2009 Council Regulation on establishing transitional technical measures by 18 months, which means until 31 December 2012, will enable the Commission to prepare a new package of technical measures which will become part of the reform of the common fisheries policy. I think that the amendments are acceptable because the common fisheries policy must, on the one hand, conserve fisheries resources and, on the other, be beneficial to ordinary citizens, in this case, Ireland’s small-scale fishers. This is precisely the reason why I think that a balance needs to be struck between catch limits, technical measures and the fishers’ needs.
Françoise Castex (S&D), in writing. – (FR) I voted in favour of this report because technical measures are very important in that they determine the activities of fishermen and have an impact on the future of fisheries resources. We all have an interest in reconciling the economic equilibrium of the sector, and therefore in ensuring a decent income for fishermen, with renewable and sustainable fish stocks.
Nessa Childers (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this report to support the fishing industry in Ireland and Europe over the longer term. Sustainable fishing must be our guiding principal. I found many very strong arguments in favour of the Gallagher amendments but, in the end, voted with my group to maintain political cohesion within the group.
Edite Estrela (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I voted for the report on fisheries and establishing transitional technical measures. I regret, however, that the proposed repeal of the Commission’s decision prohibiting fishing for hake or anglerfish using trammel nets along the Portuguese coast, without any scientific studies to substantiate it, has been rejected.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) In 2008, the Commission tabled a draft Council regulation on the conservation of fish stocks through technical measures, which aimed to replace a previous regulation. As a similar proposal was not adopted for reasons of legal certainty and in order to maintain appropriate conservation and management of marine resources, Regulation (EC) No 1288/2009 was adopted, establishing transitional measures from 1 January until the end of June 2011.
In the light of the obligations arising from the Treaty of Lisbon, in 2010, the Commission withdrew its proposal for a Council regulation on the conservation of fish stocks through technical measures. The basic principles relating to these technical measures should now be incorporated into a new basic regulation on the reform of the common fisheries policy, and there is expected to be another proposal to this effect in 2011. As there is currently no other legislation in force, it is proposed that the validity of this regulation be extended for an additional 18 months, until 1 January 2013. Given the arguments of legal certainty and protection that have been made, I believe that this extension is worthy of support. I hope that this additional time will allow the impact of the measures in force to be assessed.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The fisheries sector is crucial for the European Union, not only because of the food issue, but also because of the environmental issue, as aquatic ecosystems are at risk. As Parliament is aware of the importance of this sector, it has often discussed this matter. In 2009, it adopted Resolution A6-0206/2009 on the need to conserve fish stocks in the Atlantic Ocean and the North Sea. The regulation in force, which was adopted in 2008, established a set of transitional measures that were intended to be in force until June 2011, the provisional date for the entry into force of a new legal framework under the common fisheries policy. However, the Commission was unable to table a draft regulation. The Commission is therefore seeking the extension of the current regulation until 1 January 2013, by which time the EU is expected to have legislation for adoption by the Council and Parliament, in line with the ordinary legislative procedure set out in the Treaty of Lisbon. This legislation will be based on up-to-date scientific studies, so that it does not jeopardise the planet’s marine resources. In view of this, I agree that the current regulation should remain in force until 1 January 2013.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) The existence of adequate regulation in terms of technical measures is an instrument necessary for the sustainable use and proper conservation of fisheries resources. This regulation on transitional technical measures resulted from the lack of agreement in 2008 on the draft regulation aimed at simplifying and clarifying Community rules on the conservation of fisheries resources. It was intended to apply for the period from 1 January 2010 to 30 June 2011. It is now proposed that it be extended for an additional period of 18 months, or until 1 January 2013, with the aim of establishing a new set of technical measures in the context of the ongoing reform of the common fisheries policy, pending a Commission proposal during 2011.
We believe that this extension should not be made without correcting the shortcomings and problems raised by the current legislation. Unfortunately, the rapporteur and the majority in Parliament, following the Commission’s position, have prevented that. This is a case of discrimination without any scientific justification against a section of the small-scale Portuguese fishing fleet, aimed at fishing for sole and hake using trammel nets, which is prohibited under the current rules. This will have negative economic and social consequences which could and should be avoided.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) This regulation on transitional technical measures resulted from the lack of agreement in 2008 on the draft regulation aimed at simplifying and clarifying Community rules on the conservation of fisheries resources. It was intended to apply for the period from 1 January 2010 to 30 June 2011. It is now proposed that it be extended for an additional period of 18 months, or until 1 January 2013, with the aim of establishing a new set of technical measures in the context of the ongoing reform of the common fisheries policy, pending a Commission proposal during 2011.
We believe that this extension should not be made without correcting the shortcomings and problems raised by the current legislation. Unfortunately, the rapporteur and the majority in Parliament, following the Commission’s position, have prevented that.
This is a case of discrimination without any scientific justification against a section of the small-scale Portuguese fishing fleet, aimed at fishing for sole and hake using trammel nets, which is prohibited under the current rules. This will have negative economic and social consequences which could and should be avoided.
Ian Hudghton (Verts/ALE), in writing. – ‘No more discards!’ cries the Commission. ‘Listen to the industry’ is its pretended watchword. Then it seeks to reimpose fundamentally flawed regulations for a further 18 months. No less than 42% of West of Scotland haddock catches are dumped back into the sea because of these rules. Today’s vote means that this obscenity will continue for another 18 months. London Labour backed the Commission: yet another shameful betrayal of our coastal communities!
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this report because, in 2008, in the absence of agreement on a draft regulation to simplify and clarify the Community rules on the conservation of fisheries resources, a regulation was adopted establishing a package of transitional technical measures intended originally to apply from 1 January 2010 to 30 June 2011. The purpose of the present proposal is to extend these transitional arrangements for a further 18 months, i.e. until 1 January 2013, so that a new package of technical measures can be drawn up – which will be the subject of a proposal submitted by the Commission in 2011 – as part of the ongoing reform of the common fisheries policy. The Commission must take advantage of this extension of the current regulation’s validity to carry out an evaluation – with stakeholder involvement – of the impact of the current measures on the vessels applying them and on the ecosystems concerned. It will have to take the results of the evaluation into account in drawing up a new proposal for a regulation which will apply from 1 January 2013 and which, with the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, will be adopted under the codecision procedure.
Elisabeth Köstinger (PPE), in writing. – (DE) Extending the validity of the regulation for the conservation of fishery resources through technical measures for a further 18 months opens up the possibility of analysing and evaluating the current impact on the vessels and ecosystems affected by the regulation. The proposal is therefore very welcome as it will allow the best possible use to be made of the opportunities for improvement that have been identified. The results of the evaluation can then be incorporated by the Commission into the process of drawing up a new proposal for a regulation for the conservation of fishery resources through technical measures.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this resolution but, in order to support the Scottish fishing industry, I want haddock exempted from the regulation.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) In 2008, the lack of an agreement on a draft regulation on simplifying and clarifying Community rules on the conservation of fish stocks led to the adoption of a regulation establishing a set of transitional measures which were originally envisaged for the period from 1 January 2010 to 30 June 2011. With this legislative proposal, we are aiming to extend this transitional system for another 18 months, until 1 January 2013, in order to establish a new set of technical measures as part of the ongoing reform of the common fisheries policy, pending a Commission proposal during 2011. The Commission should thus make use of the new extension period for the current regulation to carry out – with the participation of the involved parties – an assessment of the impact of the measures currently in force on ships that implement them, and on the ecosystems affected.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – I voted in favour. In 2008, in the absence of an agreement on a draft regulation to simplify and clarify the Community rules on the conservation of fisheries resources, a regulation was adopted establishing a package of transitional technical measures originally intended to apply from 1 January 2010 to 30 June 2011. The purpose of the present proposal is to extend these transitional arrangements for a further 18 months, i.e. until 1 January 2013, so that a new package of technical measures can be drawn up – which will be the subject of a proposal submitted by the Commission in 2011 – as part of the ongoing reform of the common fisheries policy.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The lack of agreement in 2008 on draft legislation aimed at simplifying and clarifying the Community rules on the conservation of fishery resources meant that we approved a regulation establishing a set of temporary measures initially foreseen for the period 1 January 2010 to 30 June 2011.
The legislative proposal voted on today is to extend the term of the transitional arrangements for another eighteen months, that is, until 1 January 2013, with the aim of setting out a new set of technical measures within the framework of the ongoing reform of the common fisheries policy, on which the Commission will submit a proposal in 2011.
Parliament has also passed Resolution A6-0206/2009 on the proposal for a Council regulation on the conservation of fishery resources through technical measures in the Atlantic Ocean and the North Sea. The text stresses the importance of an appropriate division of powers between the Council, Parliament and the Commission.
With today’s vote, Parliament asks that the Commission’s forthcoming proposal on technical measures to establish the essential elements of the rules be the responsibility of the Council and Parliament in accordance with a shared decision.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The proposal brought before Parliament’s plenary sitting today is aimed at extending the transition period established in 2008 for the conservation of fish stocks. Given that the legislation in question expires on 30 June 2011, this series of measures should be extended for an additional 18-month period, until January 2013. The Commission will therefore have to make use of the new extension period to promote an impact assessment of the existing measures and of those that should be taken into account in developing the new proposal for the period from 1 January 2013, which is scheduled to be tabled during 2011.
With regard to the revision of the technical measures covered in the legislation, it is vital to extend the use of trammel nets along the coast to depths of between 200 m and 600 m until 31 December 2012, which will allow ships to continue to capture stocks of great economic importance to Portuguese national fisheries, such as anglerfish, in a sustainable manner.
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am voting for this report, considering the achievements in the negotiations, particularly with regard to increasing Parliament’s budget by 2.3% compared to 2011, to funding for the Konrad Adenauer building in Luxembourg being limited, and to the withdrawal of the unit of assessment for the added value which provided for additional reductions to the value of EUR 13.7 million. Funding for needs arising from EU enlargement with the accession of Croatia and adjustment to the Treaty of Lisbon will be integrated into a charter or amending budget. However, I would like to emphasise that, in the light of economic and financial difficulties in the Member States, and the guidelines for the 2012 budget that Parliament has adopted, Parliament has stated the need to maintain budgetary discipline in its own budget, keeping it below the rate of inflation for the 27 Member States, and with the conviction that real savings will ensure that it functions properly and efficiently. I believe, however, that in the climate of austerity which the EU is experiencing, it is also important for Members to moderate their spending.
Sophie Auconie (PPE), in writing. – (FR) We are at the start of the procedure for voting on the 2012 budget. It is up to Parliament to propose an estimate. I consider the estimate we voted on today to be balanced, and I therefore supported it. For the first time, Parliament proposed a budget increase (2.3%) that is below inflation (2.8%). In these times of fiscal austerity, it seems to me that this is indeed necessary. Furthermore, I fully support the need to explore new funding opportunities in order to define a long-term budgetary strategy. I shall await the Commission’s proposals on this matter.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this report. I agree that the current financial, economic and social situation of the EU obliges the European Parliament and other EU institutions to respond with the quality and efficiency that is required and to employ strict management procedures so that savings can be achieved. The overall level of the European Parliament’s Draft Estimates 2012 should increase 2.3% over the 2011 budget and this does not exceed the current inflation rate of 2.8%. In future, Parliament must make greater savings and tighten management and monitoring procedures.
Elena Băsescu (PPE), in writing. – (RO) I voted for Mr Fernandes’s report. This report allows us to examine objectively the European Parliament’s 2012 budget. This will definitely need to be a tight austerity budget. It is important for us to take inflation into account as well, which means that the 2012 budget actually entails a reduction in the amounts available. All expenditure items must be justified and authorised. Variable expenditure items must be processed as part of cost-benefit analyses so that any additional costs can therefore be avoided in the future. In 2012, we must improve the situation of young people. The targets that are set must relate primarily to young people. I should point out that young people require help in obtaining vocational training and in tackling the school dropout rate. In this respect, more money must be made available for projects targeted at young people. They need support to enable them to become integrated into the labour market.
Nessa Childers (S&D), in writing. – I support this report because it gives an adequate budget framework for the important work of the EU institutions during this time of economic crisis for European citizens. I did not, however, support the Group line on issues such as freezing the allowances of MEPs and provision of business class travel for MEPs. This, I feel, was appropriate in these times of crisis when ordinary workers are suffering huge pain with cutbacks.
Carlos Coelho (PPE), in writing. – (PT) I am voting for the report by Mr Fernandes on Parliament’s budget, and I would congratulate him on the tremendous work that he has done. I would like to emphasise the efforts made towards restraint and austerity, which correspond to the priorities that he had established. As Parliament’s powers have increased through the Treaty of Lisbon, it would be reasonable to have higher operating costs. However, Parliament’s 2012 budget represents a decrease in real terms, with an increase lower than inflation in the EU, and with cuts of EUR 49 million compared to the initial proposal. The adopted budget has remained below 20% of heading 5, which has not happened for several years. The rapporteur has also had to fight against misinformation and demagoguery. Some people have, in bad faith, tried to insinuate that it was increasing Members’ salaries. Parliament is not responsible for this matter: the salary of Members – which stands at 38.5% of the salary of a judge in court – is set by the Council, and the value of the other grants is set by the Bureau and not by Parliament, and cannot exceed the level of inflation published by Eurostat. Moreover, the budget line related to grants and payments, including funds for paying Members’ salaries, is only increasing 0.55% compared with 2011.
Mário David (PPE), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of this report and would highlight that the 2.3% increase in Parliament’s budget provided for is lower than the inflation forecast of 2.8% for the EU, which will lead to a 0.5% cut in real terms for 2012. However, I would like to denounce the demagoguery surrounding three proposed amendments aimed at modifying the rules on Members travelling to and from their country of residence and Parliament, and I voted against them. I do not like to shirk my responsibilities, so I used my vote, although the amendments were so misleading that I would probably be included in the numerous exceptions that they offered. I also regret the stance of certain fellow Members who, knowing in advance that a particular proposal would not be adopted, placed the burden of doing something ‘politically incorrect’ on others, and still others who ‘preferred’ not to participate in voting on the three amendments in question, despite participating in all the voting before and after them. It should also be remembered that, according to the current statute, no one is obliged to travel business class. Nonetheless, every week, I see my fellow Members, from all the parties, travelling business class, including on the flight to Portugal that followed that vote; there are a few rare exceptions, not of individual members, but on some sporadic journeys.
Proinsias De Rossa (S&D), in writing. – I supported this report which presents the Parliament’s view on the expenditure required for policy implementation and administration for the financial year 2012. The report seeks to ensure that funding is increased at least in line with inflation for critical social policy expenditure at this time of rising unemployment. The report proposes a maximum budget increase of 2.3%, keeping the increase below the EU rate of inflation. This is more than half the original administrative request for an increase of 5.2%. I also supported a number of amendments to this report opposing increases in MEP salaries and allowances.
Martin Ehrenhauser (NI), in writing. – (DE) The European Parliament is under an obligation to spend taxpayers’ money in an appropriate and responsible way. In a time of economic crisis, it is particularly important to make economical use of taxpayers’ money. Therefore, it is highly regrettable that Parliament is not prepared to commit to saving money, for example, by travelling economy class on flights shorter than four hours.
As Parliament has once again missed the opportunity of demonstrating to the citizens of Europe its clear commitment to making savings, behaving responsibly with taxpayers’ money and giving up its privileges, I have voted against the report.
Lena Ek, Marit Paulsen, Olle Schmidt and Cecilia Wikström (ALDE), in writing. – (SV) We obviously share the Committee on Budget’s view that the European Parliament should now ‘show its budgetary responsibility and self-restraint’ and we welcome the report’s call for the limited resources to be managed with ‘rigour and efficiency’. However, as the amendments concerning freezing MEPs’ salaries and allowances next year were rejected – and the result of the vote also meant that the construction of a building for the European Parliament’s administration in Luxembourg was once again being welcomed, which, according to some calculations, will cost EUR 549 million – we were not able to support the resolution as it stands. We therefore chose to abstain in the final vote.
Edite Estrela (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of the report on the estimates of revenue and expenditure of Parliament for the financial year 2012 – Section I – Parliament. I regret, however, that during the current crisis, Parliament has not felt able to lead by example and has rejected the proposals on revising the current system of salaries for Members, as well as proposals for not updating salaries and allowances in 2012.
Göran Färm, Anna Hedh, Olle Ludvigsson, Marita Ulvskog and Åsa Westlund (S&D), in writing. – (SV) In the negotiations on Parliament’s budget for 2012, we fought to significantly reduce the original proposal of 5.7%. The final result was 2.3%, which represents a real reduction in the budget compared with inflation.
Even though this is a very big step in the right direction, we are nevertheless not entirely satisfied. We believe that it should have been possible to identify further savings. For that reason, we also pushed a proposal in the negotiations that has now received broad support from the whole of Parliament. In this proposal, we call for a more long-term review of Parliament’s expenditure. For far too long, there has been a tendency within Parliament to always take new decisions with long-term financial consequences without looking at the whole picture. Parliament cannot simply make decisions every year concerning cost increases without also trying to find a way to finance them by reprioritising and improving efficiency.
Finally, we would also like to emphasise the fact that we are in favour of a review of the costs for MEPs travel allowances and other allowances. However, it is not possible to decide on changes to these just by reducing the budget appropriations. It requires an amendment to the Statute for Members. This is something that we will work for and support in a future context.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The 2012 budget is being debated at a time when many Member States are facing an extreme need for budgetary restraint and austerity. Therefore, the budget for the functioning of Parliament should, as the rapporteur points out: ‘respond with the quality and efficiency that is required and […] employ strict management procedures so that savings should be achieved’. The European public would not understand if, when asked to make sacrifices in their countries, the EU did not show restraint and efficiency in managing its own resources. The public is therefore asking us to manage the resources allocated to us properly, and make savings whenever possible. The report by my colleague, Mr Fernandes, makes some headway in this direction. For ethical reasons, especially when we are asking sacrifices of the European people, particularly the Portuguese, I have decided not to vote for any amendment that affects my salary status or the performance of my duties as a Member.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) Despite the crisis of capitalism hitting workers and the general population hard, and austerity measures targeting those who have the least, EU budgets have not reflected the need to change the direction of the policies that are responsible for this crisis in the EU. This report does not refer to the guidelines for the EU general budget. However, it cannot be separated from the present situation.
In addition to the concerns that we raised during the debate in plenary, we are concerned that the intended framework will increase job insecurity, exacerbating the situation of workers who find themselves without a permanent employment contract after decades of service, as well as the ‘transfer’ of many workers to temporary employment agencies. For this reason, we are voting against the draft amendments, which open the way for insecurity by advocating savings in Parliament.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) This report on Parliament’s budget reflects the contradictions affecting most of the political forces represented here. Although it does not relate to the guidelines for the EU budget, these cannot be considered separately from the basic policies that guide their destiny.
Despite including adjustments to Parliament’s expenditure by reducing the external provision of services and other minor expenses, yet also increasing headings for grants and travel expenses, Section I of the provision for 2012, concerning Parliament, represents an increase of 2.3% on the same section of the 2011 budget.
We are concerned that the proposed framework will increase job insecurity, exacerbating the situation of workers who find themselves without a permanent employment contract after decades of service, as well as the ‘transfer’ of many workers to temporary employment agencies. For this reason, we are voting against the draft amendments, which open the way for insecurity by advocating savings in Parliament, and which seek to promote the funding of European parties and European political foundations, although we believe that Members should set an example by changing their financial status, and we voted against a substantial increase in salaries.
For all these reasons, we voted against this report.
Louis Grech (S&D), in writing. – With regard to the Fernandes report, even though I would, in principle, have voted in favour of Amendments 13 and 15, I abstained for a technical reason. This is that, essentially, the salary of an MEP is regulated by the Statute for MEPs, whereby a revision or update of MEPs’ salaries is achieved by amending the Statute for Members and not through a vote in plenary with regard to the EU annual budget of any particular year.
Catherine Grèze (Verts/ALE), in writing. – (FR) I voted in favour of Amendment 15 not to increase Members’ salaries and allowances because we are in a crisis.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this report because the current financial, economic and social situation of the EU obliges the institutions to respond with the quality and efficiency that is required and to employ strict management procedures so that savings can be achieved. Understandably, the institutions should be provided with sufficient resources, but in the current economic context, those resources should be managed with rigour and efficiency. I also believe that Parliament must make greater savings and tighten management and monitoring procedures. We must continue to modernise and rationalise the administration, reducing dependence on external services and applying an effective human resources management approach, and all institutions must exploit all possible efforts towards limiting expenditure in preparing their own estimates of expenditure for the Draft Budget 2012, which would undoubtedly help save taxpayers’ money.
Anneli Jäätteenmäki (ALDE), in writing. – (FI) The Member States of the EU are having to make tough decisions these days concerning their own national budgets. Expenditure is being scrutinised, and we also have to do likewise in the EU.
I am not in favour of increasing the Union’s budget: on the contrary, it should be cut. In a tough economic climate, it is not right that the European Parliament should be planning to increase its expenditure by 2.3% next year. We need to find more areas to make savings in Parliament’s generous annual budget of EUR 1.7 billion. Plans for the House of European History project now need to be put on ice. As for the StrasbourgBrussels rally, this costs European taxpayers around EUR 200 million each year. That is as much as the annual budget for the European Court of Human Rights. The Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, which represents centre and liberal parties in the European Parliament, has so far been the only one of Parliament’s political groups to say that Strasbourg should stop being used. I urge the other parliamentary groups and, above all, the EU Member States, which will actually decide the matter, to demand the same.
Anne E. Jensen (ALDE), in writing. – (DA) The Danish Liberal Party voted against Amendment 3 in the Fernandes report on the estimates of revenue and expenditure of Parliament for the financial year 2012. The Danish Liberal Party is in favour of Parliament reducing travel costs, but it is important for Members to continue to be able to change their tickets at short notice. The proposal does not take this into account.
Constance Le Grip (PPE), in writing. – (FR) I voted in favour of the European Parliament’s provisional budget for 2012, and I am delighted that it has been kept below inflation, hence sending a message of responsibility to our fellow citizens. In these times of great budgetary sobriety, it is important that the European Parliament sets an example in its management and achieves savings where it can. I particularly wished to express my perplexity and my concern about the way in which the House of European History project has so far been handled. As much as I share the objective of creating a place where the public can learn about the major phases of European integration since the end of the Second World War, I am nonetheless surprised by the relative approximation with which the necessary investments and provisional running costs are quantified and concerned about the opacity of certain decision-making procedures. I therefore abstained on an amendment tabled by the Europe of Freedom and Democracy Group calling for this project to be unconditionally cancelled. However, I voted in favour of an amendment tabled by the Group of the European People’s Party (Christian Democrats) introducing greater transparency and responsibility in the handling of this issue and demanding appropriate parliamentary control.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted against this resolution as I cannot support a 2.3% increase in Parliament’s budget at a time when the Council has made cuts of 4.4% and the Commission will limit its administrative expenditure rise to 1%.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The crisis that has devastated the world, and the difficult economic and budgetary conditions in the Member States, are leading Parliament to demonstrate budgetary responsibility and restraint in the 2012 financial year, without jeopardising the ambitious goals that it has set, including legislative excellence. Parliament’s budget for next year will increase by less than the rate of inflation. The budget should amount to EUR 1 725 billion, which means a 2.3% increase in 2012. This is lower than the 2.8% rate of inflation for the 27 EU Member States. It is this kind of concern that must always be present when discussing EU budgets, so that everyone in the Member States is able to have a say in EU policy and see that their contributions are being properly implemented.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Firstly, I would like to congratulate the rapporteur on the work that he has carried out. It concerns a matter that is always pressing but which, in the turbulent times in which we live, has become especially so. The economic and budgetary conditions that all the Member States are currently experiencing are not unfamiliar to Parliament, and it should show budgetary responsibility and restraint in the 2012 financial year while maintaining the level of quality of its work. The budget has been cut by 2.3% in real terms compared to the 2011 budget, and has suffered a total cut of EUR 48.9 million compared with the proposed estimates. This is particularly a result of cuts in expenditure on buildings. I would like to highlight the rapporteur’s concern, which reflects the concern of his whole group, for committing to young people. To this end, the rapporteur proposes lowering the ceiling of heading 5 of the multiannual financial framework for 2012 by EUR 100 million, and raising other headings which favour young people by the same amount. This is a balanced report which takes due account of the budgetary restrictions needed at a time of crisis, and maintains the conditions for successful and good quality work. That is why I voted in favour of this report.
Paulo Rangel (PPE), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of this report as I believe that in the current crisis situation, Parliament and the rest of the EU institutions should act with responsibility and self-restraint, using rigorous budgetary management processes to promote the optimisation of resources and to make savings. I would like to publicly express my appreciation here for the excellent work that has been carried out by the rapporteur, my colleague, Mr Fernandes.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – I voted against. The reasons are that no real savings have been made on any budget line, that expenditure has often just been postponed to 2013, that our requested reduction of travelling costs will most probably fail, and that the negotiating procedure for this report was not transparent and aimed to exclude smaller groups with more critical views on the proposed budget increases.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The report adopted today aims at promoting rigorous management of resources, with a view to curbing public spending. Considering the well-known financial difficulties Member States are having, it is necessary to reduce costs and keep their growth below the current inflation rate. The reduction in the total amount should therefore be welcomed. The additional resources required to meet the needs of the Treaty of Lisbon and future enlargement should be identified in budget reconciliation procedures at a later stage.
Peter Skinner (S&D), in writing. – I abstained in the final vote on this report because at a time of austerity across the European Union, it seems ridiculous to support projects such as the European House of History. This may be a worthy project in its own right, but clearly it would be remiss of Parliament, which represents the people, to agree with this expenditure at this time.
Bart Staes (Verts/ALE), in writing. – (NL) I voted against the estimates for the EP’s 2011 expenditure and income because the resolution contains a number of things which I cannot endorse. I object to yet another increase in Parliament’s budget. Parliament is selling this exercise as a budgetary decrease, when, in reality, this is about a decrease in the curve of resources used. In these times of crisis and cutbacks, a freeze on spending would seem to me to be a more appropriate measure. The amendments tabled by some Members requiring a degree of frugality (not flying business class on flights under four hours; freezing allowances for secretarial expenses etc.) have all been voted down, which is regrettable.
In addition, I voted in favour of the Museum of European History project being scrapped, not because I find such a project uninteresting or unimportant, but because I do not believe that such a project should be set up by Parliament with funds from its own budget. Besides, the costs of the project which has been scheduled for Brussels are running totally out of control. For this reason, I voted in favour of the amendment which explicitly states that a closer eye needs to be kept on the cost centre.
Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. – Given the tough austerity measures currently being taken across all Member States, I believe that it is inappropriate to provide funding for a European House of History at this time, which is why I voted against this report.
Michèle Striffler (PPE), in writing. – (FR) It was essential to take into account the current economic and budgetary difficulties in the vote on the Fernandes report on the estimates of Parliament’s revenue and expenditure for 2012. Thus, the initial draft of the report, which made provision for the realisation of a House of European History with exorbitant running costs, was absolutely contrary to my firm belief in budgetary restraint where public money is involved. It is therefore necessary that all financial guarantees relating to this project are clearly identified before any work can start. The European institutions must respect real budgetary discipline, especially in the current economic crisis.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Given the difficult economic and budgetary conditions that the Member States are experiencing, Parliament should show budgetary responsibility and restraint in the 2012 financial year without, however, jeopardising its aim of legislative excellence. The budget in question has been cut by 2.3% in real terms when compared to the 2011 budget, and has suffered a total cut of EUR 48.9 million when compared with the proposed estimates. This is particularly due to cuts in spending on buildings, on the cost of the 18 new Members, and on the accession of Croatia. These two latter points will be the subject of an amending budget later. Investment in young people is a key priority at present for the Group of the European People’s Party (Christian Democrats).
To this end, the rapporteur proposes lowering the ceiling of heading 5 of the multiannual financial framework for 2012 by EUR 100 million, and raising other headings which favour young people by the same amount. Finally, I would like to emphasise that the elimination of the budget line for the House of European History will not jeopardise its viability since the amount will be transferred to another heading, in line with a transparent process that is approved by the budgetary authority.
Angelika Werthmann (NI), in writing. – (DE) Mr Fernandes’ report on the EU Parliament budget for the financial year 2012 involves savings, cautious spending plans and the greatest possible degree of transparency in the use of budget funding, together with support for ongoing environmental policies and the constant provision of information for the citizens of Europe. However, on the one hand, it is difficult to understand why there was no majority in favour of freezing spending on ‘office costs’ for 2012 and, on the other, the spending levels on the House of European History are far too high and should be urgently reviewed in the light of the current structural crisis.
Iva Zanicchi (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I voted in favour of the own-initiative report by Mr Fernandes on the estimates of revenue and expenditure for 2012. I fully agree with the objectives outlined in the adopted text, which are: a stringent human resources management approach prior to the establishment of new posts, greater security within the European Parliament, a digital strategy with regard to social networks, the creation of a wi-fi service and a property strategy to manage more intelligently any expenditure on buildings belonging to Parliament.
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am voting for this resolution, which seeks to amend Regulation (EC) No 1924/2006 of Parliament and of the Council on nutrition and health claims made on foods, which have only been authorised by the Commission in line with this regulation. I am voting for this resolution as it relates to a health claim on the list of permitted claims concerning the use of baby milk in infants of six months or over, since docosahexaenoic acid (DHA), a type of acid, has been detected as having being added to milk formula.
Roberta Angelilli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I support the draft resolution regarding health claims on foods intended for children. Children’s health needs to be better protected from all the nutritional advice given on foods, which is sometimes misleading, and which lead people to purchase them just because they claim to have beneficial nutritional or physiological effects. We must give consumers the guarantee that products on the market are safe and their labelling truthful and appropriate, in order to give the consumer the necessary information to make choices with full knowledge of the facts and to create equal conditions of competition in the food industry.
At present, in some Member States, there is a vast range of indicators used in the labelling and advertising of foods that refer to substances whose beneficial effect has not been demonstrated, or on which there is not sufficient scientific consensus. Therefore, we must ensure that the substances which claim to be beneficial are subjected to scientific tests and studies carried out by the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA).
Sophie Auconie (PPE), in writing. – (FR) This resolution concerned the authorisation and refusal of authorisation of certain health claims made on foods and referring to children’s development and health. I voted against the resolution proposed in plenary as I consider it essential that claims for children between six and 12 months are able to be made and to be validated scientifically by the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA).
Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE), in writing. – (ES) I voted against this initiative because, in accordance with the procedure laid down in Regulation (EC) No 1924/2006, the health claim that docosahexaenoic acid (DHA) intake contributes to the normal visual development of infants between six and 12 months of age could not be concluded from the experts’ opinion communicated to the Commission.
What is more, a report published in June 2010 in the British Medical Journal found that 10 years after being fed with DHA fortified formula, children were heavier and had higher blood pressure. There is no clear scientific consensus on the effects of formula fortified with DHA on infants, which runs contrary to Articles 5 and 6 of the regulation in question.
As the claim is incompatible with the purpose and content of the draft regulation, I therefore voted against its adoption.
Jan Březina (PPE), in writing. – (CS) I agree that the claim that ‘the ingestion of docosahexaenoic acid (DHA) contributes to the normal development of the eyes of infants up to 12 months old’ should be added to the EU list of approved health claims, in accordance with the proposed Commission regulation. Generally accepted scientific knowledge shows that not only DHA in breast milk, but also synthetic DHA added to dairy foods for infants and other foods intended for infants, helps the development of infants’ eyes. If we reject the inclusion of DHA in the EU list of approved health claims, it might set a dangerous precedent whereby the work of the European Food Safety Authority comes to nothing, simply because any health claims relating to any substances that have gone through the demanding and strict evaluation process of the aforementioned authority could be vetoed for ideologically motivated reasons.
Cristian Silviu Buşoi (ALDE), in writing. – (RO) I supported this resolution as I think that health claims can influence the choices made by consumers, which is why these claims must be used responsibly, based on the highest quality scientific evaluations. It is certainly true that the presence of DHA in breast milk has a positive impact on the visual development of infants up to 12 months. However, this does not automatically mean that synthesised DHA, included in other forms of milk for infants, has the same effect. In breast milk, DHA is accompanied by other co-enzymes and co-factors, which jointly produce this effect on visual development. At the moment, there is no consensus among the scientific community on the positive effects that DHA fortified milk formulae have on infants. This is why I think that it is premature for us to authorise the use of such a claim until we have tangible scientific proof for this. This kind of health claim may mislead consumers and have undesirable effects on their children’s health.
Nessa Childers (S&D), in writing. – I condemn today’s vote, which narrowly defeated the objection to a misleading health claim by a major manufacturer of baby milk. This is a defeat for families with young babies. I am disappointed that many conservative MEPs stood with big business interests on this issue. This vote opens the door to further aggressive marketing on food products which is not backed up by sound scientific evidence. DHA is naturally found in breast milk, and it helps the development of children’s eyes. But the synthesised DHA added to formula milk is different. As the scientific evidence is still inconclusive, we cannot allow parents to be misled. Babies’ health is too important to be left in the hands of a multinational company’s marketing department. Today’s narrow vote by Parliament not to reject the claim is very disappointing.
Marielle De Sarnez (ALDE), in writing. – (FR) We did not want the statement that docosahexaenoic acid (DHA), a fatty acid found in breast milk, was good for the normal visual development of infants to appear on products for infants. There is no scientific data to support the opinion given by the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA), on which the European Commission relied to propose the authorisation to display this claim on food intended for infants. It was therefore necessary to apply the precautionary principle and, hence, not to authorise this claim. Unfortunately, by just 8 votes, Parliament decided to accept the Commission’s proposal. This puts the issue of the independence and of the accuracy of the EFSA’s assessments back on the table.
Edite Estrela (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of the resolution on the ‘authorisation and refusal of authorisation of certain health claims made on foods and referring to children’s development and health’, as there is no recognised scientific proof that synthesised docosahexaenoic acid (DHA) added to formula milks and other foods intended for infants, and which is different from the DHA found in breast milk, contributes to the visual development of children. I therefore believe that until there are conclusive studies, the nutritional claim should not be authorised.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The issue of potentially acceptable claims on the labels or advertising of types of food is very important because it can lead to false expectations or to the adoption of behaviour that has no scientific basis. In view of this, any claim that is to be added to the list of permitted health claims should be considered in the light of the most recent scientific state of the art, so that it can be properly founded. The Commission argues that this is true in this case, where it considers it proven that ‘docosahexaenoic acid (DHA) intake contributes to the normal visual development of infants up to 12 months of age’.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This resolution of the European Parliament is about the draft regulation tabled by the Commission on the authorisation and refusal of certain health claims made on foods, relating to reduction of the risk of illness or the health and development of children. Nutrition for the public in general, and children in particular, has to be worthy of the utmost attention from all the European bodies, as people’s healthy growth and quality of life are at stake. The promotion of foods using claims may mislead consumers and contravene scientific advice. Therefore, taking into account the arguments put forward by the rapporteur on this matter, which is as sensitive as it is important, I am voting against this draft regulation, as I believe that it does not adequately protect public health, especially that of children.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) This document is opposed to adopting the draft regulation proposed by the Commission on ‘on the authorisation and refusal of authorisation of certain health claims made on foods and referring to children’s development and health’, as it is not compatible with the objectives and content of the regulation on nutrition and health claims made on foods.
It relates principally to problems resulting from the addition, using a number of means, of docosahexaenoic acid (DHA) to breast milk, where it contributes to normal visual development in children aged up to 12 months.
However, the generally accepted scientific evidence show that the effects of this same synthesised DHA added to formula milk and other foods for infants are not clear. This means that there is no clear scientific consensus on the effect on infants of DHA-enriched formulae in a biological environment other than breast milk, whether it is used in formula milk or other foods for infants. That is why there is opposition to adopting the Commission’s draft regulation.
Elisabetta Gardini (PPE), in writing. – (IT) Today, unfortunately, we have missed an important opportunity to reiterate that in no way should we discourage breast-feeding, not least using nutritional profiles which are supposed to give reliable information. In fact, there is no scientific evidence to show that adding docosahexaenoic acid (DHA) to milk substitutes improves visual development. I support the resolution because I consider it perfectly in keeping with the spirit of the international code on the marketing of milk substitutes issued by the World Health Organisation. Indeed, this code, among other things, seeks to ensure that no form of advertising or other form of promotion of breast-milk substitutes is allowed. It is widely recognised that breast-feeding has positive effects on both the child’s health and on that of the mother, reducing the risk of breast cancer. Moreover, recent research published by UNICEF, as well as by the Italian Society of Prenatal Medicine, emphasises that neonatal deaths could decrease by 22% if babies were breastfed. I would have preferred to see all the energy that has been put into promoting artificial milk put towards support of mothers who would be happy to breast-feed their children if they received the necessary support.
Françoise Grossetête (PPE), in writing. – (FR) Products for children such as formula milk must be able to benefit from claims if they have been scientifically validated by the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) as in the case of docosahexaenoic acid (DHA), which contributes to the normal visual development of infants from six to 12 months of age. To prohibit all communication, even on recognised scientific effects, would considerably hinder research and innovation in this sector.
It should also be remembered that, after six months, all women either do not wish, or are unable, to breast feed, and they must be able to benefit from preparations for infants for which health claims have been evaluated scientifically. It is not about claiming superiority for formula enriched with DHA over breast milk. It is not about that!
Today, Parliament chose the path of reason by rejecting this resolution in favour of banning this claim and of heaping opprobrium on the work of the EFSA.
Marian Harkin (ALDE), in writing. – I am voting for this resolution to reject the health claim that adding the natural fatty acid DHA to baby food contributes to the normal visual development of infants for a number of reasons. First, there is a difference between synthetic DHA and DHA in breast milk. Also, authoritative studies show that there is no proven benefit regarding visual development and also, some studies have shown negative effects of DHA fortified formula on some children’s health. In short, there is need for more research
Lucas Hartong (NI), in writing. – (NL) The delegation of the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV) voted in favour of this resolution, because there are clear doubts about the health claims made for DHA. However, we would like the procedures for the recognition of health claims to be re-examined. The PVV strongly supports independent scientific research and, for that very reason, we want a transparent procedure which will not produce disputable outcomes.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this document on the authorisation and refusal of authorisation of certain health claims made on foods and referring to children’s development and health, because goods in the common market must be safe to consume, comply with standards, and be legal. Health claims made on foods must be substantiated and scientifically proven, especially when we are talking about children and their health. It is necessary to ensure that the substances for which a claim is made have been shown to have a beneficial nutritional or physiological effect. A claim should be scientifically substantiated by taking into account the totality of the scientific data available, and by weighing up the evidence. Health claims should only be authorised for use in the Community after a scientific assessment of the highest possible standard, and nutrition and health claims must not be misleading.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this resolution, which challenges an authorised claim about baby food. The authorised claim is about DHA, a fatty acid found naturally in breast milk, which, in breast milk, is known to be important in the development of babies’ vision. However, the synthesised DHA which is added to formula milk is different. Formula milk producer Mead Johnson has applied to the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) and the Standing Committee on Food Chain and Animal Health (SCFCAH) for permission to use the health claim ’Docosahexaenoic acid (DHA) intake contributes to the normal visual development of infants up to 12 months of age’. The claim has been authorised, based on evidence supplied by Mead Johnson. However, an independent review of all the available evidence on DHA in formula milk in 2008 found that adding DHA to formula milk ’had no proven benefit regarding vision, cognition or physical growth’. Furthermore, no studies were submitted to EFSA that showed the effect of giving a baby follow-on formula supplemented with DHA after feeding the baby non-supplemented infant formula from birth. As this claim would only be allowed on follow-on formulas, this is crucial.
Cristiana Muscardini (PPE), in writing. – (IT) Public health and food security seem to me to be the cornerstones on which human society develops. When these requirements are met and guaranteed, health risks decrease and population growth takes place under controlled conditions which offer security. These were the criteria behind the EU regulation of 20 December 2006 regarding nutrition and health claims on foods. The principles still stated in this regulation today ensure a close relationship between experimented and verified scientific data and the authorisation of the use of certain foods.
The draft Commission regulation which we are discussing today does not provide all the necessary guarantees, nor the normal principle of caution in the absence of necessary scientific requirements, to ensure that nutrition and health claims are not misleading. This should incline us to deny approval.
DHA in breast milk carries out the function that scientific evidence has shown, but the synthetic version is not yet compatible with the aims and the substance of Regulation (EC) No 1924/2006. We cannot play around with health issues, especially when they concern children. For this reason, I share the opinion of the rapporteur.
Mario Pirillo (S&D), in writing. – (IT) I voted against the resolution rejecting the indication of the presence of DHA in milk substitutes for babies because I think it is right to advertise the reasons for which DHA is added. I want to mention here that DHA is an omega 3 fatty acid which is present in breast milk and has a positive effect on children’s eyesight. I would point out that the EFSA, the European Food Safety Authority, expressed a favourable opinion to extensively indicating the presence of this substance. I have not appreciated the many e-mails received indicating the belief that we want to favour artificial milk over breast milk. We must always provide adequate information on substances added to food products, especially when they are for children.
Frédérique Ries (ALDE), in writing. – (FR) This lunchtime, the European Parliament sent out a signal of unutterable weakness by rejecting a resolution that refused to add a health claim on foods intended for infants under 12 months with 328 votes for and 323 against, but with an absolute majority of 369 votes being required.
Yet this was a textbook case: to oppose the opinion given by the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA). In this case, the EFSA gave its authorisation to manufacturers of foodstuffs intended for newly-born infants to claim that the synthesised version of docosahexaenoic acid (DHA), a fatty acid naturally present in breast milk ‘contributes to the normal visual development of infants up to 12 months of age’. This has not been scientifically proven, as confirmed by a letter sent this morning to the Members of the European Parliament by the World Health Organisation.
I very much regret this slap in the face for a considerable number of European stakeholders: the European Large Families Confederation, the European Consumers’ Association, and the Standing Committee of European Doctors, which were simply asking for infants not to be considered ordinary consumers. I regret that Parliament simply forgot to make commonsense and ethics a priority of European food safety policies.
Robert Rochefort (ALDE), in writing. – (FR) I voted against the draft regulation aiming to authorise the health claim that docosahexaenoic acid (DHA) intake contributes to the normal visual development of infants up to 12 months of age.
While a majority of Members voted in favour of this rejection, there were 40 votes too few to reach the qualified majority required to validate the rejection. However, Regulation (EC) No 1924/2006 of the European Parliament and of the Council prescribes that nutrition and health claims must not be misleading and must be based on scientific evidence. Further, even if generally accepted scientific evidence shows that DHA in breast milk contributes to the visual development of infants, there is currently no scientific consensus on a possible causal relationship between the intake of formula supplemented with synthesised DHA and better visual development of infants.
It seems to me that, in the absence of a scientific consensus, there is a need for more research into the possible effects, both beneficial and harmful, of DHA supplementation before the use of DHA in follow-on formulae and foods for infants can be claimed in the EU to be beneficial. Parliament failed, today, to take advantage of the opportunity to prohibit the forthcoming use of this claim pending more convincing scientific evidence. I regret that.
Zuzana Roithová (PPE), in writing. – (CS) The supervision of health claims was introduced so that consumers would not be misled by false information. However, it should also serve to make consumers more aware. I have therefore voted in favour of the Commission proposal to include the health claim for DHA on powdered milk for children, as this provides positive information for mothers who, for serious health reasons, are unable to breast-feed their babies. It is necessary to give these women positive information on powdered milk at the point when they are deciding which product to purchase. We will not undermine the importance of breast-feeding for the development of the child in this way, as every mother is fully informed about this by the paediatrician.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – In favour, since the consensus resolution considers that the draft Commission regulation on the authorisation and refusal of authorisation of certain health claims made on foods and referring to children’s development and health is not compatible with the aim and content of Regulation (EC) No 1924/2006, and opposes the adoption of the draft Commission regulation.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) Docosahexaenoic acid, known as DHA, is a substance found in breast milk, and numerous scientific studies show that it plays a positive role in the development of eyesight in newborn children. I believe that specific information on products fortified with this ingredient, such as artificial milk, will allow the consumer to make a more informed choice when shopping.
I do not consider well founded the fears of those who argue that, by advertising this fortification, mothers would abandon breast-feeding in favour of this type of product. Breast milk contains substances and active ingredients which are fundamental and irreplaceable for babies, but unfortunately, not all women can breast-feed.
So I voted against this resolution because by preventing access to proper information, we are taking away one more aid for mothers, who, unable to breast-feed their babies, are obliged to resort to the use of these products.
Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. – I supported this resolution as I believe that the health claims relating to DHA have not been scientifically supported and feel strongly that consumers should not be misinformed.
Hannu Takkula (ALDE), in writing. – (FI) It is obvious that breast milk is the best food for newborn children. Not all mothers, however, are able to breast-feed their children, for reasons of health, for example. There is therefore a need for milk formula. In such a case, of course, it is to be hoped that the substitute is as much like breast milk as possible, as far as its composition is concerned.
This motion for a resolution questioned the importance of the ingredient known as DHA for children and their development. DHA seeks to replace the fatty acids in breast milk, which have been found to help the child’s eyes develop and which at least some manufacturers of the substitute have added to their products. This motion aimed, in particular, to deny the fact that the consumer would be informed about DHA, on the product label, for example.
Although, in general, I would like to urge caution in the use of different marketing materials, I feel that, following the large number of scientific tests carried out, it must now be possible to inform the consumer accordingly. Politicians should also have faith in the decisions of the safety authorities. In this case, the European Food Safety Authority (ESFA) has stated, with reference to scientific evidence, that the product is safe. For these reasons, I voted against the motion for a resolution entitled ‘Authorisation and refusal of authorisation of certain health claims made on foods and referring to children’s development and health’.
Derek Vaughan (S&D), in writing. – In light of the fact that the World Health Organisation maintains that ‘no solid evidence exists to be able to say that adding DHA to infant formula will have important clinical benefits’, I chose to vote against allowing companies to make unsubstantiated claims about the health benefits of DHA. There is a danger that these potentially misleading claims could result in an increase in formula milk being given to children who could lose out on vital nutrients, such as DHA, that are found naturally in breast milk.
Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (FR) The European Parliament today rejected the motion for a resolution tabled by the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety calling for more research to be carried out before it can be claimed that docosahexaenoic acid (DHA) is a substance with beneficial properties for infants.
I regret that the resolution was not adopted without all the necessary scientific checks having been made, even though the systematic review of evidence regarding DHA and neurological development in infants published by the Cochrane Library in 2008 found that feeding term infants with milk formula enriched with DHA and other similar long-chain fatty acids has no proven benefit in terms of vision, cognition or physical growth.
Despite the doubts expressed by the Members of the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety, the majority in Parliament has de facto authorised the European Food Safety Authority to declare that ‘docosahexaenoic acid contributes to the normal visual development of infants up to 12 months of age’. However, the case of the controversial Mediator drug, in particular, should lead European institutions to exercise a modicum of prudence.
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am voting for this report since, in the face of an increasingly globalised world, the EU as a whole needs to opt for productive investment options, and I agree with the position stated in this report that the Commission and the Council should open negotiations to begin investing in third countries such as Canada, India and China. In view of this, I believe that it is vital that Parliament ensure the responsible conduct of European investors abroad, while protecting the rights of the EU to regulate in accordance with our public interest.
Elena Oana Antonescu (PPE), in writing. – (RO) The future European policy must promote sustainable investments which will respect the environment, especially in the mining industries, and encourage suitable working conditions in the businesses targeted by international investments. I think that any investment agreement should be accompanied by a set of social and environmental regulations, both when negotiating a chapter as part of a free trade agreement and in the case of standalone investment agreements.
The European policy must protect biodiversity and support technology transfer and infrastructure improvement. I voted for this report as I believe that the European Union needs a coherent investment policy which will make a positive contribution to economic growth, sustainable development and employment.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), in writing. – (LT) The Treaty of Lisbon provides for exclusive EU competence in the area of foreign direct investment (FDI). This development, which has significant consequences, throws up a double challenge both for managing more than 1 200 bilateral investment treaties (BIT) already concluded by the Member States and to define a future European investment policy which meets the expectations of investors and beneficiary states while, at the same time, respecting the objectives of the EU’s external action. When concluding BITs, the aim is to ensure that investors from developed countries have legal and financial protection. I agree that when developing future EU investment policy, investor protection must remain the first priority of investment agreements. The EU’s future policy must also promote investment which is sustainable, respects the environment (particularly in the area of extractive industries) and encourages good quality working conditions in the enterprises targeted by the investment. Hence, the recent reform of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development’s guidelines to promote responsible behaviour on the part of international enterprises should be promoted by the EU.
George Becali (NI), in writing. – (RO) I voted in favour of this report. We are all aware that, according to the Treaty of Lisbon, foreign investments are the exclusive competence of the EU. Based on these new powers, both the Commission and Member States can devise, together with Parliament, a policy for promoting high quality investments, with a positive impact on economic growth and employment. The crisis has led, as was only natural, to a reduction in the volume of foreign direct investments, which had reached EUR 1 500 billion in 2007. I also welcome the proposal to introduce the term ‘EU investor’ and I believe that the protection of all EU investors should be the top priority of investment agreements.
Slavi Binev (NI), in writing. – (BG) I share the rapporteur’s view that not all kinds of investments require the same high level of protection and that, for example, short-term speculative investments do not deserve the same level of protection as long-lasting investments. Consequently, the scope of future European agreements must be limited to foreign direct investments (FDI) only. This is the reason why I supported this report, which is among the areas coming under the exclusive competence of the European Parliament.
Marielle De Sarnez (ALDE), in writing. – (FR) Parliament wished to clarify the rules that the EU will have to introduce when negotiating future investment agreements. In addition to investor protection, the Commission must include in all future agreements specific clauses laying down the right of the third party and of the EU to regulate in the technological areas associated with protection of national security, the environment, public health, workers’ and consumers’ rights and industrial policy. This is a powerful signal, which has been conveyed to the Council and to the Commission on the eve of the opening of investment negotiations with countries such as Canada, India and, in the very near future, China. European investors must adopt responsible behaviour abroad, while protecting the right of the European Union to regulate investments in the public interest.
Edite Estrela (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I voted for this report because I believe that the proposed investment policy will meet the expectations of both investors and the states involved, thus contributing to making the EU and its companies more competitive. A coordinated European international investment policy could have an important impact on job creation not only in the EU, but also in developing countries.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) According to Articles 206 and 207 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), foreign direct investment (FDI) is an exclusive competence of the EU. In addition to managing the bilateral investment treaties that have been concluded, it is up to the Union to set out a policy for future European investment that meets the expectations of investors and recipient countries, and which respects its objectives for external action at the same time. Protecting investors should remain the top priority in investment agreements. However, the Commission is called on to table a clear definition of the investments that should be protected. Future agreements should be based on best practice drawn from the experiences of the Member States, and they should take account of the needs of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs).
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This report addresses the problems of future European international investment policy. Since the founding of the EU, many bilateral investment treaties (BITs) have been signed by the Member States: around 3 000 since 1959. With the entry into force of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, this matter has come under exclusive EU competence, and is currently part of the preparation for a future European investment policy, which must be thoroughly debated. This matter is of the utmost importance, as we are at a turning point and are facing two challenges: providing the EU with the necessary tools to allow companies abroad to fulfil their investment programmes and, at the same time, ensuring that Europe remains a leader in global investment. We are living through times when business is very aggressive, so our criteria for choosing trade partners need to have been well thought out. I therefore agree with the rapporteur of this text with regard to respect for Parliament’s prerogatives, and that negotiation processes should be sent in time so as to prevent unnecessary delays or serious disruption of EU relations with those countries.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) Foreign direct investment (FDI) is defined as ‘a long-lasting investment, representing at least 10% of the affiliated company’s equity capital/shares and providing the investor with managerial control over the affiliated company’s operations’. With the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, FDI came under sole EU competence, the main roles of which are managing current bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and setting out a European investment policy ‘which meets the expectations of investors and beneficiary states’. The implementation of a common investment policy is being advocated on the basis of these new responsibilities. It is disputable, at the very least, that FDI brings the much-vaunted gains for the ‘beneficiary’ countries. This is particularly the case if it is carried out under the jurisdiction of the EU, in defence of the interests that it usually defends.
The example of Portugal is particularly revealing. Since it is true that one of the serious problems that the Portuguese economy is facing is the continued fall in investment, as is reflected in low rates of economic growth and rising unemployment, there has been a great deal of FDI in the Portuguese economy over the years. Nevertheless, the reality is that a growing share of the wealth generated in Portugal is being transferred abroad.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) In the definition given by the Court of Justice of the EU, foreign direct investment (FDI) means ‘a long-lasting investment, representing at least 10% of the affiliated company’s equity capital/shares and providing the investor with managerial control over the affiliated company’s operations’.
With the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, FDI came under sole EU competence, the main roles of which are managing current bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and setting out a European investment policy ‘which meets the expectations of investors and beneficiary states’. Due to these new responsibilities, the rapporteur advocates the implementation of a common investment policy.
However, our position is different. In most cases, FDI does not solve the problem of development in the countries where it is carried out. We are all well aware of what multinationals do. They stay whilst they obtain massive profits and grants. Then, at the slightest sign of trouble, they look elsewhere and pay no heed to the unemployment and obstacle to development that they create. Portugal, unfortunately, knows this situation only too well.
Bruno Gollnisch (NI), in writing. – (FR) Since the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, the Commission has had exclusive competence to sign and negotiate agreements on foreign direct investment. The report by Mr Arif is paved with good intentions, as is the road to hell. He is particularly concerned about the capacity of sovereign funds to do harm, speculative forms of investment, which must not be encouraged, the exclusion of sensitive sectors, social and environmental clauses, compliance with the principle of reciprocity, and the regulatory powers of Member States, all of which are issues he wants to see at the centre of future European policy. I think he is right, especially on the latter point. The financial interests of foreign investors absolutely must not be allowed to take precedence over the power of Member States to adopt binding social, environmental and fiscal standards. Yet that is what the Multilateral Agreement on Investments, which was fortunately never adopted in the World Trade Organisation (WTO), was proposing.
Yet the Commission supported this villainy! It is therefore an understatement to say that I have absolutely no confidence in this institution to defend, comply with or enforce the principles set out in the report. To give it today the exclusive power to negotiate ‘bilateral investment agreements’ in the name of, and on behalf of, the 27 Member States is criminal.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this report because it is necessary to build an integrated and coherent investment policy which promotes high quality investments and makes a positive contribution to worldwide economic progress and sustainable development. I believe that a common policy on investment will meet the expectations of both investors and the states concerned and help increase the competitiveness of the EU and its businesses and increase employment. Investment risk is generally higher in developing and less developed countries. Strong, effective investor protection in the form of investment treaties is key to protecting European investors and can improve governance and ensure stability. For investment agreements to further benefit these countries, they should also be based on investor obligations in terms of compliance with human rights and anti-corruption standards as part of a broader partnership between the EU and developing countries for the purpose of reducing poverty.
Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), in writing. – (RO) I voted for this report as I think that we need to guarantee external competitiveness and uniform treatment for all EU investors. We must also have maximum influence in international investment negotiations. They must cover every type of investment. The EU must ensure that no EU investor will be treated worse than under the bilateral investment agreements signed between Member States. Liberalisation of investments and protection are becoming the fundamental instruments of a common international investment policy. However, Member States will continue to apply policies promoting investments which will supplement and be compatible with the common international investment policy.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this report, which calls for better definition of investor protection standards and greater transparency in the arbitration system, the right to appeal against decisions by international arbitrators and the possibility to consult trades unions and civil society organisations. Until now, investment agreements were so focused on investor protection that companies could sometimes operate in developing countries without respect for environmental or social considerations. Such behaviour will no longer be tolerated. This is why the report calls for new rules and for corporate social responsibility to be a core element of any future agreement. The world has changed. The EU will increasingly receive foreign investment and we cannot push investor protection to the detriment of the general interest. The report calls for a real balance between public and private interests. It aims at effective protection of European investors from illegitimate expropriations or disguised legislation intended to cut them out of certain markets. It also guarantees that public authorities will always be able to regulate in favour of the general interest. I call for root and branch reform of the dispute settlement mechanism, which so far enabled private companies to take legal action against countries and sometimes attack their social and environmental law.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (FR) While Member States and their citizens are being asked to tighten their belts, this text urges the latter to ensure that the interests of foreign private investors are protected. It does not even provide for the obligation of protecting public services against all private investment. It has no regard for the goods belonging to all mankind, such as water. I am voting against the report.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Foreign direct investment (FDI) is under exclusive EU competence, as set out in Articles 206 and 207 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. The bilateral investment treaties that have been concluded need to be managed, and the Union should establish a European policy for future investment that meets the expectations of investors and beneficiary countries. It is important to protect investors, but the Commission is called on to submit a clear definition of the investments that should be protected. Future agreements should be based on the best practice of the past, and they should also take account of the needs of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs).
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. – As I understood, this report deals with international investment treaties. The main objectives of these treaties are to increase foreign investors’ access to markets and to provide a high level of protection for investments and investors against arbitrary actions by governments of states receiving the investment. Before the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, there was a division of tasks in which the Commission negotiated market access of foreign direct investment (FDI) while the Member States signed investment protection agreements with third states. With the Lisbon Treaty, foreign direct investment has become an exclusive competence of the EU and an integral part of the EU’s external trade policy. It is good that this report sends a strong signal to the Commission and the Council, which are about to start investment negotiations with third countries like Canada, India and, soon to come, China. Therefore, it is crucial for the Parliament to ensure responsible behaviour by European investors abroad while, at the same time, protecting the EU’s right to regulate in the public interest.
Rolandas Paksas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this resolution on international investment policy. As foreign direct investment (FDI) was brought under exclusive EU competence, every effort must be made to build a coherent and integrated investment policy that respects human rights and the principles of the rule of law. A common policy on investment will promote high quality investments, sustainable economic, social and environmentally friendly development, and will have a positive impact on economic progress worldwide. I believe that such a policy on investment will help Europe remain the principal actor in the field of foreign direct investment, and this will help revitalise economic growth, increase the competitiveness of businesses and promote job creation. I believe that the Commission must draw up the EU’s investment strategy as a matter of urgency, because both foreign investment in the EU and EU investment abroad have a positive impact on growth and employment in the EU and other countries, including developing countries. Every effort must be made to ensure a high level of investor protection, which is an anchor of stability and good governance. Furthermore, legal certainty must be ensured for small and medium-sized enterprises, creating favourable conditions for them to invest in foreign markets. Investment agreements should be concluded in full compliance with anti-corruption standards and while making a commitment to respecting human rights.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Under Articles 206 and 207 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, foreign direct investment (FDI) is an exclusive EU competence. This development, which has serious consequences, represents a two-pronged challenge, namely, managing more than 1 200 bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and defining a European policy for future investment that meets the expectations of investors and beneficiary states, while also respecting the EU’s external action objectives. Consistent, sound and effective investment policy requires a clear definition of FDI, and a clear definition of its scope and application. I voted in favour of this report and would like to emphasise the call by Parliament to the Commission that it makes provision for the establishment of a clear definition of the investments to be protected, including both FDIs and portfolio investments, stipulating that investments of a speculative nature, as defined by the Commission, should not be protected.
Vincent Peillon (S&D), in writing. – (FR) I voted in favour of the excellent report by my colleague and friend, Mr Arif, on the EU’s foreign direct investment (FDI) policy. With this document, Parliament formulates two, in my opinion, major requirements when defining how to frame future international investment protection agreements that are binding on Europe. The first requirement is that all these agreements include clauses compelling European investors to behave responsibly abroad in economic, social and environmental matters. The second requirement is that all these agreements leave scope for the governments of the countries receiving this investment to legislate for the common good. In the past, some private investment protection clauses enabled the adoption, by the third country, of social or environmental legislation to be regarded as indirect expropriation, resulting in compensation. We need to put an end to these abuses. While this Parliament has, for the first time, a say on such matters, the Arif report has fired a warning shot across the bows of the Council and the Commission as they prepare to open negotiations with India, Canada and, soon, with China.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) According to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, foreign direct investment comes within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Union. This represents a challenge to be overcome at all costs, especially as regards the establishment of a European investment policy which will meet the needs of European investors and recipient countries and is able, at the same time, to comply with the objectives of EU foreign action.
The numerous investment agreements signed by the EU, whether bilateral or multilateral, must guarantee the protection of investors in all the appropriate sectors. Future EU policy should promote sustainable and environmentally friendly investments which promote good working conditions in businesses affected by foreign investment. All investment agreements must be accompanied by a set of appropriate environmental and social rules as a form of additional guarantee.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – Abstention. According to Articles 206 and 207 TFEU, foreign direct investment (FDI) is an exclusive competence of the EU. This development, which has significant consequences, throws up a double challenge, both for managing the more than 1 200 bilateral investment treaties (BIT) already concluded by the Member States (MS) and defining a future European investment policy which meets the expectations of investors and beneficiary states, while, at the same time, respecting the EU’s external action objectives. Specifying this future policy, which will be integrated into the common trade policy, firstly involves an analysis of investment policies conducted so far.
Nikolaos Salavrakos (EFD), in writing. – (EL) These are critical times, in which the EU is being called upon to deal with an economic and social crisis. At this stage, the EU needs to concentrate its energies on growth and on generating investments and jobs. The extension of the competences of the EU to the foreign direct investment sector in the Treaty of Lisbon will allow us to lay the foundations for a single European policy in this sector. We must give European undertakings the tools needed to make safe and quality investments abroad. Protection for our undertakings abroad must be our priority. As the EU is the most ‘open’ market in the world, we need to adopt a framework to protect our businesses and the relevant conditions that will bring about a balance with our basic trading partners, so that European undertakings enjoy similar competitive conditions. I voted in favour of this particular report because I consider that it is a move in the right direction in terms of achieving this ultimate aim.
Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE), in writing. – (PL) The Treaty of Lisbon has introduced far-reaching changes to the area of common trade policy. Firstly, under the provisions of the Treaty, common trade policy has been extended by, among other things, matters relating to foreign direct investments. Secondly, the decision-making procedure has changed – the Council now makes decisions by qualified majority, while Parliament has gained the right of codecision. This means that the assent of our Chamber will be necessary both in the case of the ratification of trade agreements and on questions of investment (concerning foreign direct investments).
The Union must create, as part of its common trade policy, a European investment policy which meets the expectations of investors and beneficiary states. Investment policy must also take account of the priorities of European Union foreign policy. In this context, there is also the question of regulation at international level, with particular reference to negotiations at the WTO. The new powers given to the Union by the Treaty of Lisbon also indirectly affect the competences of the European Parliament, placing it on a par with the Council in the decision-making process in the area of foreign direct investments.
The new consistent and integrated EU investment policy should have a beneficial influence on global economic progress and development. As one of the most important economic blocs, the EU has a strong negotiating position which, thanks to a common policy in the area of direct investments, can contribute to a growth in the competitiveness of the EU and its businesses and increase employment.
Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. – I believe that the EU’s right to regulate in the public interest needs to be protected and also that we need to ensure the responsible behaviour of European investors outwith the EU, which is why I supported this report.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The Treaty of Lisbon has brought foreign direct investment (FDI) under exclusive EU competence. This represents a two-pronged challenge: firstly, with regard to managing the Member States’ current bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and, secondly, defining a European investment policy that meets the expectations of investors, the beneficiary states, and the interests of the EU. An integrated, coherent policy that promotes high quality investments, and which makes a positive contribution to economic progress and sustainable growth worldwide, is vital. To that end, we should move towards a clear definition of the investments to be protected, with the exception of those of a speculative nature, which should not be protected. It would be useful to introduce the term ‘EU investor’ and advisable to thoroughly define ‘foreign investor’. By identifying best practices drawn from Member States’ experiences, and by respecting basic standards such as non-discrimination, fair and equal treatment, and protection from direct and indirect expropriation, we will have the foundations for a coherent European policy on this issue. These measures and a definition of the sharing of responsibilities between the EU and the Member States will contribute to creating the conditions for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to invest abroad.
Niki Tzavela (EFD), in writing. – (EL) The report gives priority to protection for all EU investors. It also highlights the fact that new investments promoted by the EU must be viable and environmentally friendly and must encourage a high standard of working conditions. Finally, it creates a list of countries which will be privileged partners. I believe that all this will help to create a robust international investment policy in the European Union. That is why I voted for the report by Mr Arif.
Dominique Vlasto (PPE), in writing. – (FR) The Treaty of Lisbon brought foreign direct investment (FDI) under exclusive EU competence. I was keen to support this report, which outlines the new international investment policy and reinforces the position of the EU as the largest recipient of FDI. This report sends out a powerful message: Europe must be a key player in the investments of tomorrow. The emergence of new economies has upset the balance between countries and their capacity to invest. European enterprises must position themselves in the new markets and the EU must help them to grow by offering them legal certainty and by reinforcing their integration into the global economy. FDI is an essential part of the activities of European countries, but are they always a driver of growth? I do not think so. FDI is only effective if it is framed by adequate policies, which put in place clear regulations. The report thus guarantees an economic and legal environment for enterprises, especially our small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) which, as a force for growth and jobs, are fundamental to our economic fabric. We need to be vigilant in order not to leave them at the mercy of the aggressive behaviour of foreign investors.
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am voting for this report because of the proposals of the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament for better supervision of pre-accession funds, given the experience in 2009; because of EU actions against tobacco as part of a global partnership; and because of the movement of other goods into or out of the EU, which costs taxpayers money, and deprives the EU budget of funds and actions for dealing with this problem. Finally, it will be important to monitor the work carried out by the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) over the year, and not only in the debate on the annual report.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), in writing. – (LT) I agreed with this report, which calls for measures to be taken and resources to be provided to ensure that EU funds are not subject to corruption and also to ensure one-stop transparency of the beneficiaries of EU funds. EU taxpayers’ money must be used appropriately and effectively. The Member States must have effective control mechanisms and adequate fraud detection capability. All money paid as a result of irregularities must be returned to the EU budget.
George Becali (NI), in writing. – (RO) I wholeheartedly voted for the report and the proposals drafted by our fellow Member. Apart from criticism and ambiguity in the Commission’s assessment, I support the rapporteur’s idea that we can only draw conclusions with regard to the situation on the Union’s financial interests and the results of the fight against fraud if we include the data from the annual report from the Court of Auditors of the European Union for 2009 and from the OLAF report.
Sergio Berlato (PPE), in writing. – (IT) Article 325 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union obliges the European Commission and Member States to protect EU financial interests and fight against fraud in the areas in which the responsibility is shared between the Union and Member States.
I believe that, in general, the European Commission’s report entitled ‘The protection of Community financial interests – Fight against fraud – Annual Report 2009’ does not give information on the estimated level of fraud and irregularities in individual Member States, but concentrates rather on the level of reporting. The results, in my view, cannot be regarded as empirical evidence of the level of fraud and irregularities, precisely because you cannot glean from it a comprehensive view of the actual situation in terms of fraud and irregularities in the Member States.
I therefore agree with the rapporteur, who believes that the most appropriate approach is to base conclusions on the situation regarding the protection of EU financial interests and combating fraud as in the annual report of the Court of Auditors on the implementation of the budget, which represents the most reliable source of information, while the reports of the Commission and the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) chiefly provide information on specific cases.
Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE), in writing. – (ES) Article 325 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) imposes on the European Commission and the Member States the obligation of protecting the EU’s financial interests and of fighting fraud. The Commission should continue its efforts to ensure compliance by Member States in their reporting obligations with a view to providing reliable and comparable data and making a distinction between irregularities and fraud.
This will enable European institutions to take action. However, it will only be possible if the information is transparent. If so, we will be able to make proper use of EU funds, thereby gaining credibility and the trust of European citizens.
Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D), in writing. – (RO) Given the level of fraud compared to the number of irregularities in the own resources sector for the Member States of Austria, Spain, Italy, Romania and Slovakia, where fraud accounts for more than half the total amount of irregularities in each Member State, not to mention the deficiencies in national customs supervision, I think that customs supervision systems need to be strengthened.
At the same time, the European Commission must exercise its responsibility in ensuring compliance by Member States with their reporting obligations with a view to providing reliable, comparable data on irregularities and fraud.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Fraud, according to the rapporteur’s very apt definition, ‘is an example of purposeful wrongdoing and is a criminal offence’, and an irregularity ‘is a failure to comply with a rule’. This is the defining framework under which we should have zero tolerance for fraud and make it our goal, as he said with regard to the 2008 report, to achieve zero financial irregularities in the EU. As I pointed out in a question at the end of last year, following an investigation by the Financial Times, there are serious doubts as to the aim and effectiveness of the Cohesion Fund. These doubts cannot simply remain confined to the newspapers.
At the same time, this report too ‘deplores the fact that large amounts of EU funds are still wrongly spent and calls on the Commission to take appropriate action with a view to ensuring prompt recovery of those funds’. This misuse of EU funds makes better administration necessary, as well as monitoring of how funds are spent. There must also be provision for effectively penalising Member States that do not make good use of the funds that they have received. That is the only way that we can move towards the target of zero fraud in the EU.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This motion for a resolution refers to the Commission report to Parliament and the Council on the protection of the Communities’ financial interests – Fight against fraud – Annual Report 2009 (COM(2010)382), and is in line with Article 325 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), which requires the Commission and all the Member States to safeguard the financial interests of the EU, and paragraph 2 of which requires the Commission to submit a detailed annual report to Parliament and the Council. Despite the improvements of recent years, it is vital that efforts to prevent any kind of fraud continue, even if it is also being combated by bodies of the Member States. I agree with the proposals tabled by the rapporteur, which should be complemented by the recommendations suggested during the debate, especially the need to clarify the terms ‘fraud’ and ‘irregularities’, since this represents conscious behaviour that is harmful to the interests of the EU; there should also be a better system for managing irregularities. I hope that, through the incorporation of the suggestions made, the 2010 report will be better than that for 2009.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) The report presents a summary of the available statistics on irregularities reported by the Member States in various areas, including agricultural policy, cohesion policy, pre-accession funds and the recovery of the EU’s traditional own resources. Innumerable irregularities were found in the areas mentioned in various Member States during 2009. Many of these irregularities are detected and/or reported belatedly, jeopardising the protection and proper usage of the public purse. We support the criticisms and observations made by the rapporteur as regards the need to implement an effective recovery system.
Frankly, at present, the overall recovery rate is low. However, we would stress that the fight against fraud and corruption should be carried out at a level that is as close as possible to where these phenomena take place, for various reasons, particularly reasons of effectiveness. It is therefore necessary to step up the fight against fraud and corruption in every Member State, as common legislation at EU level alone is not a panacea for this phenomenon.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) This is a report on the EU’s financial interests which presents a summary of the available statistics on irregularities reported by the Member States in various areas, including agricultural policy, cohesion policy, pre-accession funds and the recovery of the EU’s traditional own resources.
Innumerable irregularities were found in those areas in various Member States during 2009. Many of these irregularities are detected and/or reported belatedly, jeopardising the protection and proper usage of taxpayers’ money.
We support the criticisms made by the rapporteur as regards the need to implement an effective recovery system. At present, the overall recovery rate is far from the desirable level.
However, we would like to stress that, more importantly than having common legislation at EU level for combating corruption and fraud, each Member State needs to put the fight against fraud and corruption into practice.
In any event, we would warn against confusion between control and excessive bureaucracy, which undermines the rights of those who seek support, especially small social organisations, and small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs).
Lorenzo Fontana (EFD), in writing. – (IT) I commend the work done by the rapporteur. Fraudulent irregularities within the EU emerge from the work, including an overview of OLAF. The Commission’s work, however, is not exhaustive because it does not report the fraud data of individual Member States as underlined by the rapporteur. For this reason, I approve this proposal.
Ian Hudghton (Verts/ALE), in writing. – Fraud within the EU strikes at the very integrity of the system. It is vital that the EU and its Member States continue the important work in this area and I was able to support this report.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this report because the Member States must act primarily as protectors of taxpayers’ money in their efforts to combat fraud. We must strengthen the applied reporting methodology and fraud detection capability in the Member States. The Commission’s ‘Protection of the European Union’s financial interests – Fight against fraud – Annual Report 2009’ does not provide information on the estimated level of irregularities and fraud in individual Member States, and it is therefore not possible to have an overview of the actual level of irregularities and fraud in the Member States and to identify and discipline those with the highest level of irregularities and fraud. The Commission’s report fails to consider fraud in detail and deals with irregularities very broadly. Unfortunately, large amounts of EU funds are still wrongly spent and therefore the Commission must take appropriate action with a view to ensuring prompt recovery of those funds. Errors should not be tolerated and the Commission, in cooperation with the Member States, must draw up an appropriate report in line with the Treaty, to provide Parliament with a reasonable assurance that this objective has been attained and that action to combat fraud is being carried out properly.
Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), in writing. – (RO) This report provides a statistical summary about irregularities reported by the Member States in those areas where they implement the budget (agricultural policy, cohesion policy and pre-accession funds, i.e. around 80% of the budget) and about the collection of the EU’s traditional own resources. I think that the protection of the EU’s financial interests and the fight against fraud are especially important areas, and responsibility for them comes under the remit of both the European Union and Member States. The report also gives an estimate of the irregularities which have occurred regarding expenditure managed directly by the Commission, as well as an overview of the operational activities of the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF).
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this report, which strongly criticises the Commission for providing too little information on fraud and irregularities. This is considered a result of bad reporting by Member States. The fraud rates in France and Spain are, for example, considered ‘suspiciously low’. In future, we want to see a clear division between irregularities and fraud, given that fraud is a criminal offence, whereas an irregularity is a failure to comply with a rule. The report also asks for a breakdown of estimated fraud and irregularities for each Member State so that disciplinary action can be taken against individual countries. Large amounts of EU funding is still spent incorrectly, says the resolution. Parliament calls on the Commission to take action to ensure prompt recovery of those funds, especially in Italy. In agriculture and cohesion policy in particular, the rate of recovery of outstanding amounts is ‘catastrophic’.
Jiří Maštálka (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (CS) I share the view of the rapporteur that the Commission failed to provide much-needed information in its report on the protection of the Communities’ financial interests and the fight against fraud, even regarding the estimated level of fraud and irregularities in individual EU Member States, in connection with the management of EU funds. In view of what may, without exaggeration, be termed the gigantic scale of corruption in some Member States, including the Czech Republic, this is a very serious shortcoming. If we look at fraud and so-called irregularities at Union level, there is usually ‘only’ a specific segment of corruption and fraud in general at the level of individual Member States, but it is nevertheless a very substantial segment. In my view, there is an urgent need to consider whether the work currently carried out by the European Anti-Fraud Office is sufficiently effective, and whether that work should not undergo structural and methodology-related changes, including a more aggressive approach.
Véronique Mathieu (PPE), in writing. – (FR) ‘Protection of the Communities’ financial interests’ groups together the fight against fraud and irregularities. It is important to make a distinction between irregularity, or failure to comply with a rule, and fraud, or purposeful wrongdoing, which is a criminal offence. In other words, the Committee’s report does not fully make this distinction and deals extensively with irregularities while failing to explore cases of fraud in any great detail. Three areas, representing around 80% of the EU budget, are singled out: agricultural policy, cohesion policy and pre-accession funds. The implementation of these policies and of expenditure depends on Member States, which are responsible for the national tools for the fight against irregularities and fraud.
The commitment of administrations is too heterogeneous and the high level of outstanding irregularities in some Member States is not acceptable. Improvements are also expected in public procurement procedures, especially in terms of ensuring transparency and combating fraud.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This report highlights the number of irregularities and fraud cases in the spending of EU funds in each Member State. The increase in the number of reported cases was caused by the introduction of new communication technologies. I believe that everything must be done to place responsibility on and penalise the Member States with regard to fraud and irregularities. The necessary information on each Member State must be made available so as to increase the effectiveness of control and monitoring systems, and to ensure that we have a true picture of the situation. The Member States should introduce the Irregularity Management System in order to develop improvements in fulfilling their reporting obligations to the European institutions. Agriculture, cohesion policy and pre-accession funds are areas where rates of irregularity and fraud are particularly pronounced. It is therefore necessary to take measures to increase monitoring, detection and correction. We have to concern ourselves with creating a transparent and effective system for managing and spending EU funds.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. – I know that the annual report examines how well EU finances are defended against fraud by the Commission and by Member States, as required in Article 325 TFEU. There are areas where Member States implement the budget (agriculture, cohesion, pre-accession funds) and for collection of the EU’s own resources through customs and duties. It is important to conclude the agreement on the fight against tobacco smuggling between the EU and tobacco manufacturers.
Andreas Mölzer (NI), in writing. – (DE) Anyone who is involved in shoplifting will be caught and punished. In contrast, it is possible to divert millions of euro from the EU funding pot without running almost any risk at all. It is not only that the likelihood of being discovered is small. Even when it is finally possible to prove that a fraud has been committed, the Member States are not interested in instituting legal proceedings and recovering the money. The generous subsidy system continues to lay itself open to fraud and irregularities. There are many cases of fraud, in particular, in the eastern and southern Member States. Pre-accession assistance funding has proved to be especially susceptible. In the case of Turkey, the pre-accession assistance is not only benefiting a non-European country, but is also, in some cases, disappearing into the pockets of corrupt officials.
In order to prevent taxpayers suffering further harm, we must clear the decks. This report only represents one step in this direction. Ultimately, it is unlikely to be able to guarantee that European taxpayers’ money will not be siphoned off to another EU state or even to regions outside the EU. I have voted accordingly.
Claudio Morganti (EFD), in writing. – (IT) This report on the fight against community fraud goes in the right direction, focusing on the need to demand greater clarity, and reiterating the absolute necessity to never lower our guard.
Italy is, unfortunately, among the countries most affected. The vast majority of these episodes takes place in Southern Italy and relate to the theft or misuse of funds intended for development in these areas. The purpose of these funds is to encourage the growth and development of deprived areas. However, if these episodes of fraud occur precisely where there is greater need for investment, then you can well understand how the resulting damage will be doubled.
Therefore, more and more attention is needed in this area, in the form of continuous monitoring and timely information, which would immediately bring potential abuse to our attention. This report highlights these issues, which is why I have decided to vote in favour.
Wojciech Michał Olejniczak (S&D), in writing. – (PL) On 5 April, the European Parliament adopted a resolution on the protection of the Communities’ financial interests and the fight against fraud. It is the European Commission’s and the Member States’ duty to protect the EU’s financial interests by fighting deceit, fraud and corruption. The document which has been adopted contains statistics on this problem, many of which are alarming. There is a lack of appropriate data, supervision systems do not always work properly and many governments do not seem willing to cooperate. Fraud and corruption act principally against the interests of the taxpayer, and I think every effort should be made to achieve their complete elimination. I support the opinions of the European Parliament and its requirement for the Member States to exercise real control over the spending of funds from the EU budget and also to provide full and reliable information in this area. Equally important is the introduction of open and transparent public procurement systems and improved supervision of simplified customs procedures throughout the Union. These measures will not only be helpful in detecting and combating cases of corruption now, but will also significantly reduce their occurrence in the future.
Alfredo Pallone (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I voted in favour of the report on the protection of EU financial interests and the fight against fraud because it is a topic of interest for all Member States, which we must all confront in order to better coordinate our efforts against speculation or inappropriate management of national and/or EU resources. The text lists a series of statistics on fraud, irregularities and inconsistencies found in various Member Countries and EU institutions themselves. The data serve as a warning to those who protect the financial interests of the Union and who try to give detailed and reliable information in order to give an exhaustive picture of the international situation concerning irregularities and fraud with a view to protecting public interests.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This Commission report on the protection of the Communities’ financial interests – Fight against fraud – Annual Report 2009, submitted in line with Article 325(2) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), does not, in general, provide any information about the estimated level of irregularity and fraud in each Member State, but rather focuses on the level of communication. It is therefore impossible to have a clear idea of the true scale of irregularities and fraud in the Member States, or to identify and discipline those with the highest levels of irregularities and fraud. I agree with the rapporteur that the most appropriate approach is to base conclusions with regard to the situation on the protection of EU financial interests and the fight against fraud on the Annual Report by the Court of Auditors for the year 2009, which he finds to be the most reliable source of information, with the Commission’s and the European Anti-Fraud Office’s reports serving mainly as auxiliary information on reporting tendencies and as case studies. I voted for this report for these reasons.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – In favour. Article 325 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union imposes on the European Commission and the Member States the obligation of protecting the EU’s financial interest and fighting against fraud in areas in which the responsibility is shared between the European Union and the Member States. Pursuant to Article 325(5), the Commission, in cooperation with Member States, each year submits to the European Parliament and to the Council a report on the measures taken for the implementation of that article. The report from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament on the Protection of the European Union’s financial interests – Fight against fraud – Annual report 2009 (COM(2010)382) provides a summary of statistics on irregularities reported by the Member States in those areas where Member States implement the budget (agricultural policy, cohesion policy and pre-accession funds, i.e. around 80% of the budget) and for the collection of EU’s traditional own resources. It also gives an estimate of irregularities in the field of expenditure managed directly by the Commission and an overview of the operational activities of the European Anti-Fraud Office.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I voted in favour of this report because too often, we lack reliable information on irregularities and fraud related to EU spending in Member States. Too often, there is no real check on the collection of customs duties and the recovery of money spent incorrectly. It is important now to take concrete steps to clearly distinguish between irregularities and fraud, as fraud is a criminal offence, while irregularities are the failure to comply with a rule and could easily be unintentional. We must have a breakdown of these for each Member State so that disciplinary action can be taken against individual countries.
Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE), in writing. – (PL) The European Anti-Fraud Office conducts several hundred investigations annually into matters concerning evasion of payments to the EU and misuse of the EU’s financial resources. Concealing the scale of the fraud will not do any good. Quite the opposite, when this happens, we are not aware of the dangers and, as a result, we do not guard against them.
I am worried by the current situation of the low recovery rate of money which has been wrongly spent. Money recovered from the beneficiaries in the years 2007-2009 represents only 10% of total recoveries. This is not acceptable. We must introduce an effective system for recovery and carefully monitor progress made in this area. Control of fraud must not be restricted only to European institutions, but should be ensured in individual Member States. It is they which should design and periodically evaluate systems of public procurement to enable the prevention of corruption.
Furthermore, the Member States should maintain transparency and responsibility in the area of public procurements. Efforts should also be made, both in the Union and in the Member States, to ensure that procedures are simple and that they curb excessive bureaucracy.
Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. – I voted in favour of this report as the fight against fraud is not only in the EU’s financial interest but is also crucial to protecting consumers.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This report, which has been approved by all the European political groups, highlights the estimated scale of irregularities and cases of fraud in each Member State relating to the spending of EU funds. According to the Commission, the increase in the number of reported cases was caused by the introduction of new communication technologies. I am voting for this report, and I believe that the Commission should do more to place responsibility on and discipline the Member States with regard to fraud and irregularities. The necessary information on each Member State must be made available so as to increase the effectiveness of control and monitoring systems, and to ensure that we have a true picture of the situation. At the same time, the Member States should introduce the Irregularity Management System in order to make improvements in fulfilling its reporting obligations to the European institutions.
Agriculture, cohesion policy and pre-accession funds are areas where rates of irregularity and fraud are particularly pronounced, and it is therefore necessary to take measures to increase monitoring, detection and correction. It is crucial that all the European entities, but particularly those of the Member States, work together in order to create a climate of transparency and rigour in the spending of European funds.
Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (FR) I voted in favour of the report on fraud linked to European expenditure in the Member States. This report criticises the increase in suspicions of fraud, both in number and volume, compared with the total number of irregularities found in certain Member States (Poland, Romania and Bulgaria), and calls on the Commission, the relevant Union agencies and Member States to take measures to ensure that European funds are not subject to corruption and to adopt dissuasive sanctions where corruption and fraud are found. This would seem to be a minimum requirement.
Through this report, Parliament also draws attention to France and Spain, ‘expressing its concern’ at the suspiciously low suspected fraud rates in these countries, and calls on the Commission to provide information on the fraud detection capability in these countries. The fight against corruption is fundamental. However, it must not obscure the complexity of procedures. Genuine simplification should allow greater access to funds both for the local communities and small organisations that need them. It would, without doubt, facilitate the management of funds and ensure better parliamentary control.
Angelika Werthmann (NI), in writing. – (DE) An effective solution must be found as quickly as possible for the problem of the high error rate in the allocation of EU funding. We must immediately put in place strict measures to prevent public funding from being obtained fraudulently. The EU and the Member States must work together to ensure that EU funding brings the maximum benefit to the citizens of Europe, because ultimately, this is in the interests of both sides.
The report states that the Integrated Administration and Control System is being undermined by inaccurate data, incomplete cross-checks and a lack of follow-up. These problems must be resolved. Clear provisions and complete transparency with regard to participation and allocation of funding, combined with strict rules governing controls, are the best means of ensuring that fraudulent practice is stopped before it can even start.
Iva Zanicchi (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I voted in favour of the text presented by Mrs Ivan on the protection of EU financial interests and combating fraud in areas where responsibility is shared between the Union and Member States. I think, especially in light of recent events, that it is important to pay attention to this problem and ensure a continued commitment to enable homogeneous and uniform opposition to fraud throughout the EU.
William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD), in writing. – We in UKIP are opposed in principle to European political parties. The only authentic way of representing the opinion and views of the electors of the Member States is a national political party. Nonetheless, it would be wrong if only the parties of the European superstate were eligible to benefit from taxpayers’ money, if that is what is on offer. That is why UKIP reserves the right to participate in a European political party. It would be wholly wrong if many millions of Britons and other peoples in the continent’s nation states who oppose the European project should have their voice stifled by the political establishment.
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am voting for this report as it is a big step in the creation of a common legal basis for regulating their funding. This report is a step in the right direction, as it does not recognise a European statute for the parties’ human resources, and it differentiates between the conditions for establishing a party and its funding. The inclusion of references to political foundations is also positive.
Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this resolution on the application of the regulations governing political parties at European level and the rules regarding their funding. This is an important document contributing to European political party development in order to activate public interest in EU affairs. So that EU citizens support and trust these parties, it is necessary to strengthen a single and transparent framework for the funding of political parties at European level. By adopting this resolution, the European Parliament is openly supporting transparent funding, which is a fundamental element of democratic values and good governance. It is very important for European political parties that promote democracy in the Union to be awarded a common and uniform legal status. The adoption of a European statute based on EU law, which would help harmonise fiscal aspects of the EU’s political parties, seems more important than ever for the parties in order to achieve their respective goals. I agree with the rapporteur’s opinion that this document will help make the EU’s political party system work more effectively.
Elena Oana Antonescu (PPE), in writing. – (RO) The European Union comprises a tableau of different nations, cultures, opinions and beliefs which, in the current social and political climate, must be represented uniformly and supported equally in legislative forums, whether national or European. The concept of representativity forms the basis for building Europe and it will have to be maintained and supported because this is the only way in which the project of a united Europe can have any meaning.
I think that relaxing the funding regime for political parties at European level may help strengthen and promote in the future the principle of representative democracy and, consequently, the interests of all European citizens, who contribute to the Union budget. In the process of moving from the concept of a European ‘polis’ to the sense of a European political identity, we must strive towards simplifying direct contact between European citizens and political parties. Mrs Giannakou emphasises in her report that this cannot be achieved without reviewing the status and funding of European parties. The focus must be placed, as is well set out in the report, on cutting the red tape to do with the procedures for granting funding, combined, however, with the introduction of harsh penalties in the event of irregularities or non-compliance with existing regulations. This is why I voted in favour of this report.
Sophie Auconie (PPE), in writing. – (FR) I supported the report presented by Mrs Giannakou, which proposes, in particular, that political parties and European foundations have a legal personality of their own, with the establishment of a common legal and fiscal status based in EU law. It calls on the European Commission to make specific proposals in this regard. In addition, it confirms that a political party at EU level may receive funding only if it is represented in the European Parliament by at least one of its members.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this important report. The Treaty of Lisbon envisages an important role for political parties in establishing a common European civic space, and therefore it is very important for them to have a uniform legal status and to ensure that funding is as transparent as possible and accountable to society. At present, many political parties operating in Europe are relatively closed, and there is little change in their leadership, which consequently weakens the role these political organisations play in ensuring the involvement of citizens in the adoption of political decisions. By reforming the regulation of party activities, the European Union could use this opportunity to promote the revitalisation of European political parties. I believe that when establishing new unified rules on party activities and funding, we should include democracy criteria regarding the formation of parties’ internal structures and specific democratic safeguards. Should political organisations fail to implement these, they would be deprived of some of their opportunities, such as being awarded public funding.
George Becali (NI), in writing. – (RO) I agree with the rapporteur that European political parties are basic instruments of parliamentary democracy, even if, at this stage, they are only umbrella organisations of the affiliated national parties. I also support the idea that only those parties represented by at least one MEP are eligible for funding. I believe that the idea of asking the Commission to propose a draft statute for European political parties, in accordance with the TFEU, is correct. I advocate, along with the rapporteur, that we need changes to the financial regulations governing the funding of European parties and political foundations, and that funding must be allocated in full at the start of the year.
Jean-Luc Bennahmias (ALDE), in writing. – (FR) It is a sentiment shared by all European citizens and, at this level, whether you are pro-Europe or against the integration of Europe changes nothing. There is an urgent need to re-appropriate European issues. Political parties at European level have considerable scope for action. They must devise fresh perspectives and give fresh impetus to the instruments of a democratic Europe. We must therefore relax the conditions under which political parties at European level exist in order to release energies. We need to give a clear status to these new spaces for debate and, finally, a genuine perspective to the activity of political parties at European level in the forthcoming elections.
Slavi Binev (NI), in writing. – (BG) I rejected this report for a number of reasons. Many of the proposals on the direct funding and status of European political parties conflict with the national parties. MEPs are elected by the various countries via national parties. After their election, thanks to their national parties, they can form European groups, but while pursuing their party interests domestically. This report does not support this idea.
Sebastian Valentin Bodu (PPE), in writing. – (RO) The development of European political parties is vital for generating public interest in EU affairs. Dealing with the issue of regulating European parties is a deeper concern, linked to how to create a transnational civic space composed of free and equal citizens, and what a ‘collective founding’, in the form of a ‘civic contract’ among diverse peoples, might entail for the future of integration. Devising a reform package for European political parties as a means of mobilising the democratic energies of individual and organised citizens is not an easy task, not least due to the EU’s systemic complexity.
Strengthening European political parties is a means of enhancing participatory governance in the EU and, ultimately, of strengthening democracy. The EU’s future rests on European political parties, complicated as it sounds. Creating a safe and transparent environment for the operation and funding of European political parties marks a first step. We need a European space where political parties actively put citizens at the heart of the European Union’s concerns and help them in their everyday life, at a time when it is noticeable that European citizens are detached from the Union.
Jan Březina (PPE), in writing. – (CS) European political parties, which play an important role in shaping democracy in the EU, should be given a common and uniform legal statute. European political parties should be bodies with legal personality, in order to be capable of overcoming the difference between European political parties and European authorities, from the perspective of taxation procedures. As far as the establishment of European parties is concerned, it is right and proper that the statute of European parties regards European, national and regional elected representatives as being equal, as long as the regional representatives are elected members of regional parliaments. In addition to this, every European political party should have at least one representative who is a Member of the European Parliament. In the end, that is also a condition for a European political party to qualify for funding from the European Parliament.
John Bufton, David Campbell Bannerman, Derek Roland Clark and Nigel Farage (EFD), in writing. – UKIP is, in principle, against European political parties. They are a waste of hard-pressed taxpayers’ money. There is no need for them, and the authentic way of representing the opinion of the peoples of the Member States remains the national political party. Nonetheless, it must be clearly understood that UKIP reserves the right to participate in a European political party so that it, too, might benefit from those taxpayers’ money, the better to represent the many millions of Britons and other people across the continent who oppose the European Union and all its works and whose voice is stifled by the ruling political class.
Nessa Childers (S&D), in writing. – I strongly support this report as another step in the building of real European political parties which can act on a pan-European basis. The only way to overcome the democratic deficit whereby the citizens of Europe do not feel part of the European project is to build real European politics. Crucial to this are pan-European political parties.
Nikolaos Chountis (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (EL) I abstained, despite the fact that the report proposes a solution to the problem caused by the fact that European political parties operate as NGOs based in Belgium. European parties, with their own ideological and political attributes, must acquire a clear legal personality. Under certain conditions, they may help to galvanise the citizens into action and seek decisions for the benefit of the people, not the financial strong. However, I have reservations about certain points in the report, in so far as they might be used as restrictions on the free and independent organisation and action of European parties. Their internal operation and organisation and their political action must depend on their own political choices, without external restrictions. The rules governing the political and legal recognition of parties and their necessary funding must facilitate their action, so that they can freely create alternative policies, which is the very essence of democracy. They must also ensure that they act, without any influence from restrictive political frameworks and strong economic interests, as spokesmen for the people of Europe.
Carlos Coelho (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The EU operates as a representative democracy, in line with the Treaty of Lisbon. At European level, political parties have a vital role in creating European political awareness and expressing the will of the EU public. However, European political parties are only umbrella organisations for national parties, and will not ultimately be in direct contact with voters in the Member States. Strengthening European political parties also involves their adoption of a political, legal and fiscal statute, including autonomous legal personality founded directly on EU law. Better regulation of European political parties, and their associated political foundations, will also bring benefits in terms of transparency. Transparent funding is a key element of supporting democratic values and promoting good governance, with the expectation that this can also help to reinforce public confidence in political parties.
Philippe de Villiers (EFD), in writing. – (FR) Political parties at European level are a nonsense. A ‘political space at EU level’, which many defend, does not exist. Ideas can be expressed and real and political debates can be had only within an entity in which citizens share the same values, the same language and the same culture, namely the nation.
This report argues that political parties at European level must be the place for ‘expressing the will of the citizens of the Union’. This is an unrealistic objective. The record of abstention beaten at every single European election should serve to remind us that the supranational level is not that of a fair and effective democracy. The huge European subsidies granted to these parties is a scandal. The growing sense of estrangement and lack of interest on the part of the citizens are palpable, but the European Parliament and, more generally, the European institutions, are determined to create a European political space from scratch.
Edite Estrela (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of this report as it advocates safe and transparent standards for the functioning and funding of European political parties within the EU. The future European statute of political parties will be an important step towards greater public participation, a more representative democracy, and a Europe that is closer to its people.
Göran Färm, Anna Hedh and Marita Ulvskog (S&D), in writing. – (SV) With regard to the report on regulations governing political parties at European level and the rules regarding their funding, we chose to vote against the paragraph in the text that proposes that the European political parties should be allowed to participate in referendum campaigns in the Member States if the referendums have EU relevance. The European political parties, which are, to a large extent, financed by EU funds, are currently only permitted to campaign in European Parliament elections. We believe that the current rules are reasonable. National elections or referendums should be decided without the involvement of parties that are financed via the EU’s budget or other external funding.
Diogo Feio (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Our democracy is based on representativeness, which is put into practice through political parties. These are, for that very reason, democratic instruments representing the legitimate interests of the public, both closely, such as through local government, and at a more distant level, through their representation in the European institutions. It is no coincidence that the Members of the European Parliament are organised into political parties, and thus seek to represent the interests of the public in line with an agenda of priorities defined by their political orientation. As the rapporteur says, ‘creating a safe and transparent environment for the function and the funding of European political parties is an act deeply democratic’, so I believe that the initiative to establish a clear regulatory framework on their recognition and funding is a positive step.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Political parties and their associated political foundations are vital instruments in a parliamentary democracy. They contribute towards giving shape to the political will of the people. They are also crucial in training and selecting their candidates. The Treaty of Lisbon provides for this role to be carried out by the political parties and their respective foundations, with a view to creating a European polis, a political space at EU level, and a European democracy, of which the European Citizens’ Initiative is a key constitutive element. European political parties and political foundations have become indispensable actors in the political life of the EU, particularly as they shape and make known the positions of the different ‘political families’. I agree with the criteria for accessing funding, in particular, the percentage of revenue and the representativeness of the respective political party.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) There are a number of considerations set out in the report that have caused us to disagree with it. The participation of political parties at European level in referendum campaigns in the Member States is one such consideration, even if the subject of the referendum is directly linked to issues concerning the EU.
We also disagree with the proposal made that European political parties should begin a process of examining the conditions for the direct recruitment of individual citizens as members. These considerations add up to a position of principle that is unfavourable to the creation of political parties with European scope. This process is inseparable from the neoliberal, federalist and militaristic nature and objectives of the current integration process, in which, moreover, it has an instrumental role.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) We voted against this report because of our opposition to the creation of Europe-wide political parties, and of our position on the capitalist integration of the EU. The same goes for the proposals being made on the respective political foundations.
However, in the specific case of this report, there are also other reasons for our vote against. For example, we believe that it is wrong for political parties at European level to participate in referendum campaigns in the Member States, even if the subject of the referendum is directly linked to issues concerning the EU.
We also disagree with the proposal made that European political parties should begin a process of examining the conditions for the direct recruitment of individual citizens as members.
Bruno Gollnisch (NI), in writing. – (FR) To give political parties at European level a legal status and a legal personality based solely on EU law is to transform them into a supranational entity on top of the domestic laws governing the political parties of which they are composed. It is to create, artificially and dogmatically, a twenty-eighth political space that is only virtual. I am also against tightening the rules governing the creation of these parties, with a corresponding easing of the financial conditions to which they are subject, and against any link between the recognition of the ‘European’ status of a party and its access to public funding. They are trying, by any means at their disposal, to reduce the club so that the privileged few who are members can more easily enjoy its financial and political advantages. Finally, the right of political parties at European level to participate in referendum campaigns on European affairs is, in my view, ambiguous.
Some of my fellow MEPs approved, thinking of possible referenda on the entry of Turkey into the EU, which will, in any case, not be staged. I, personally, imagined unacceptable interference in referenda on accession or on the adoption of the euro by a country, referenda associated with the right of each nation, and each nation alone, to self-determination. I voted against this report.
Sylvie Guillaume (S&D), in writing. – (FR) This report had my full backing as it goes some way to encouraging the emergence of a European democracy based on parties with a properly clarified legal status and legal personality. This has the undoubted advantage of reinforcing their legitimacy in the eyes of citizens who still feel that the EU is too far removed. It is also about promoting transparency of operation, which I regard as essential for an assumed democracy. Finally, their funding will be more transparent, which can only increase their legitimacy, and I welcome this.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I agreed with this report because creating a safe and transparent environment for the functioning and funding of European political parties is a deeply democratic act. We need a space, a European space, in which political parties would unite the EU’s citizens and help them in their everyday lives. The fact that specific rules will be adopted, enabling this objective to be achieved, has two consequences. On the one hand, up-to-date and public information will be provided quickly on the formation of European political parties and their situation in Europe. Citizens will be aware that when participating in the work of a European political party, they must follow European Union law and that political parties have rights and obligations. On the other hand, the European statute of European political parties paves the way for the creation of a transnational party system. It is a crucial first step towards more participation, more democracy and finally, more Europe.
Anneli Jäätteenmäki (ALDE), in writing. – (FI) It is important to develop the European political parties. An age-old concern of the European Parliament has been the fact that the public has shown little interest in EU affairs. This has been evident in the poor turnout in parliamentary elections. In the last European elections, a mere 40.3% of Finns who were entitled to vote actually went and voted.
There has been a substantial increase in the funding for European political parties and foundations in recent years. This current year, the parties will be receiving financial support worth a total of EUR 17.4 million, and the foundations will get EUR 11.4 million. Now we need to take special care that this money, which comes from European taxpayers, is spent openly and as sensibly as possible. Neither in the future should there any longer be any increase in financial support.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), in writing. – (IT) ‘Political parties at a European level contribute to forming European political awareness and to expressing the will of citizens of the Union’. With these words, Article 10(4) of the Treaty on European Union sets out the role that European political parties must have. Although this role is given to them by the Treaty of Lisbon, they cannot always fulfil it in the optimum manner. I believe that the European political parties can and should contribute more effectively to the political and social life of Europe in order to increase public interest in the internal affairs of the Union. In light of these considerations, it is vital that European political parties be given recognised legal status, and single, uniform tax policies which allow true convergence of organisation. Indeed, I believe that the statute on political parties at a European level could pave the way not only towards the involvement of the population, but also to the creation of a truly transnational party system which would be vital to guaranteeing greater democracy in Europe.
Agnès Le Brun (PPE), in writing. – (FR) For 7 years now, the major European political groupings have established themselves as European parties, joined together within the groups represented in this House. However, the visibility and activity of these trans-European parties is seriously constrained by the pervasiveness of national allegiances. Without calling into question the latter, which are essential for the democratic aspirations of the Union, we must endeavour to foster the emergence of a European supranational debate as the only means that will enable Europe to move forward. The report by Mrs Giannakou specifically aims to promote the establishment of political parties at European level, and it therefore had my backing. It calls on the Commission to implement legislation creating a status for such bodies, facilitating their funding and enabling them to integrate better into the daily political life of citizens. This regulation would create a privileged space to ensure that trans-European interests see the light of day, while offering prudential rules guaranteeing an open and transparent debate.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this report, which I see as a major step towards creating a legal statute governing political parties at the European level.
Véronique Mathieu (PPE), in writing. – (FR) As the political parties are represented at European level, the institutions expect them to inform public opinion on European issues. I voted in favour of the report establishing a common legal and fiscal status for the European political parties. This has been made possible by the Treaty of Lisbon, which grants the EU a legal personality. This status is necessary for convergence in relation to the budget and the organisation of the political parties at European level and their foundations.
Foundations affiliated to political parties contribute to debates on political issues of general interest. The financial rules are clarified in order to have reliable and transparent information on their funding and functioning. One important rule is the condition on funding that requires the party to be represented by at least one Member in the European Parliament.
Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of this report as I believe that, if it can be said that there is no democracy in our countries without political parties, it should also be said that there will not be true European democracy without European political parties. As I would argue that the funding of national parties by businesses and their lobbies should be completely banned, with public funding guaranteed by the state, I also believe that European parties should be funded from the EU budget and barred from receiving ‘donations’ from legal persons.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) Advocating secure and transparent standards for the functioning and funding of European political parties in the EU is of the utmost importance. The future European statute of political parties will have a big role in making this a reality, as it will generate greater public participation, a more representative democracy and a Europe that is closer to its people.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. – I am convinced that creating a safe and transparent environment for the function and the funding of European political parties is a deeply democratic act. We need a space, a European space, of acting political parties that bring citizens into the core of the Union and help them in their everyday life. The adoption of specific rules makes this target possible and it is twofold: on the one hand, it provides current, quick and public information on the formation of the European political parties and their common European status. Citizens are aware that participating in a European political party signifies that they are participating in a body covered by the law of the European Union and that political parties have rights and obligations. On the other hand, the European statute of European political parties paves the way for the creation of a transnational party system. I voted ‘for’.
Wojciech Michał Olejniczak (S&D), in writing. – (PL) At Wednesday’s sitting, the European Parliament adopted the Giannakou report on the status and rules regarding the funding of political parties at European level. In my opinion, European political party development is a crucial tool, thanks to which we can raise the interest of public opinion in European Union affairs, which, in my opinion, will result in greater turnouts at European Parliament elections. In addition, political parties are a platform for dialogue with the citizens, which takes place through numerous seminars and political discussions. By introducing the possibility of funding European political parties, the Maastricht Treaty and the Treaty of Nice enabled them to operate independently of parliamentary groups. However, despite this undeniable step towards improving the status of European parties, their main sources of funding are still individual membership subscriptions and, to a small extent, donations. I would like to express the hope that the document which has been adopted will lead to a significant improvement in the position of political parties at European level.
Rolandas Paksas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this important resolution, because political parties at European level are an important factor for integration within the Union, which aims to create a European polis, a political space at EU level, and a European democracy. European political parties have to cooperate closely with their members in national and regional parties, and therefore they should enjoy favourable working conditions and should be allocated funding. It is necessary to ensure maximum transparency and financial controls for European political parties financed by the general budget of the European Union. Above all, the Financial Regulation must be supplemented with provisions purely intended to regulate the funding of European parties and foundations. Furthermore, it would be advisable to make an exception, whereby the funding would be made available to these parties at the beginning of the financial year at 100%, not 80%, and the independent resources that the parties are required to demonstrate would be reduced to 10%. To ensure that funding allocated is used transparently and as intended, the regulation must provide for penalties for violating funding procedures. Given the fact that European political parties play a political role at EU level, I agree with the proposal to give them the right to participate in referendum campaigns, which are directly related to EU issues, and to allow them to use the money they are allocated to finance these campaigns. Only strong and effectively functioning European political parties can help to connect EU institutions with citizens more strongly, and therefore the Commission should propose a draft statute for European political parties as a matter of urgency.
Justas Vincas Paleckis (S&D), in writing. – (LT) European Parliament elections should become more democratic. EU citizens should be given the opportunity to vote not only for national, but for European lists. European political parties and political foundations are gaining increasing importance in the political life of the European Union. However, it is still difficult for them to acquire more popularity and support because they are merely umbrella organisations for national parties and not directly in touch with the electorate in the Member States. We must improve the conditions in which European political parties operate, because this would equate to an improvement in the EU’s representative government and the strengthening of democracy. I voted in favour of this report because I believe that it is an important step – probably the first one – towards strengthening political parties at European level. I agree with the rapporteur that we need to establish a legal framework for the activities of European political parties as a matter of urgency. The funding of European political parties’ work must be transparent. To ensure this, it should be made possible to carry out checks on funding.
Alfredo Pallone (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The democratic system on which the EU is based focuses on the citizen as a reference point around which all decisions are made. The citizen is represented by the political parties which, in order to act as guarantors of the will of their constituents, must adopt common rules of transparency and uniformity. That is why I voted in favour of implementing the regulations on the statute and the financing of political parties at a European level. An EU regulation of this scale offers the opportunity to obtain extensive information on European political parties, guarantees against internal corruption and stimulates citizens’ interest, facilitating their participation in EU politics.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This report is based on the assumption that the development of European political parties is critical to the mobilisation of the public interest in EU matters. Underlying the debate on the European parties’ statute is a deep concern about co-constituting a transnational civic space composed of free and equal citizens, and what collective funding, in the form of a ‘civic contract’ among diverse peoples, might entail for the future of integration. Designing a reform package for European political parties as a means of mobilising the democratic energies of individual and organised citizens is a difficult but noble task, particularly due to the EU’s systemic complexity. However, this disadvantage can be converted into an advantage if the ‘constructive mission’ of the European political parties is clarified, along with the way in which clear and serious dialogue on their political development can contribute to the emergence of a more pluralistic democracy. I voted in favour of this report as I believe that creating a safe and transparent environment for the functioning and funding of European political parties promotes the quality of European democracy.
Miguel Portas (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of this report as I believe that, if it can be said that there is no democracy in our countries without political parties, it should also be said that there will not be true European democracy without European political parties. As I would argue that the funding of national parties by businesses and their lobbies should be completely banned, with public funding guaranteed by the state, I also believe that European parties should be funded from the EU budget and barred from receiving ‘donations’ from legal persons.
Paulo Rangel (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The deepening of representative democracy and the creation of a political space at EU level undoubtedly strengthen the role of the European political parties and their respective foundations. The adoption of a common and uniform legal status for all European political parties and the foundations that are associated with them, founded directly on EU law, represents a very important first step in this direction. I therefore welcome the adoption of this report, as it stresses the importance of the European political parties as indispensable actors in the political life of the EU, putting forward concrete proposals with a view to creating a safe and transparent regulatory environment for the functioning and funding of European political parties.
Robert Rochefort (ALDE), in writing. – (FR) The European political parties contribute to creating European political awareness and expressing the will of citizens. At a time when we are striving to increase the participation of citizens in the EU’s activities and to strengthen its democratic character, we ought to take steps to improve the regulatory environment of the European political parties. I am supporting the report by my fellow Member Mrs Giannakou. The European political parties must be permitted – and even encouraged – to participate in European referendum campaigns. I also think that it is essential for them to offer the option of participating individually and directly to citizens who wish to do so. Furthermore, the financial rules applying to the political parties must be modified. We must encourage self-financing by increasing the current donation limit per year and per person. Other rules must also be relaxed – I am thinking, in particular, of authorisation for the carrying-over of funds to the following financial year. While making such modifications, however, we must also retain all the current transparency requirements and bring in sanctions – primarily financial ones – something which is currently lacking in the Financial Regulation.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – In favour. European political party development is critical for the activation of public interest in EU affairs. By transcending the centrality of the oft-raised questions ‘who governs and how’, it calls attention to the question ‘who is governed’. Underlying discourses on European party regulation is a deeper concern of how to co-constitute a transnational civic space composed of free and equal citizens, and what a collective founding, in the form of a ‘civic contract’ among diverse peoples, might entail for the future of integration. Designing a reform package for European political parties as a means of mobilising the democratic energies of individual and organised citizens is not an easy task, not least due to the EU’s systemic complexity. But this may be turned into an advantage, should one clarify the ‘constitutive mission’ of European political parties and how an informed and principled dialogue on their political development can facilitate the emergence of a plural demos, whose members can direct their democratic claims to, and via, the central institutions. Strengthening European political parties is a means of enhancing participatory governance in the EU and, finally, strengthening democracy.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) It is not an easy task to work out a package of reforms for Europe-wide political parties that will allow them to mobilise the democratic impulses of individuals and citizen organisations. However, the creation of a secure and transparent framework for the operations and financing of Europe-wide political parties constitutes a profoundly democratic act. We must foster the creation of a European space for political parties’ activities which puts citizens at the heart of the European Union and helps them in their daily lives.
The approval of specific rules can achieve this goal and has a double advantage. On the one hand, it provides updated, rapid and public information on the formation of political parties at European level and their common European status. In this way, citizens know that participation in a political party at European level is covered by EU law and that political parties not only have rights but also duties. On the other hand, the European statute of political parties at the European level opens the way for the creation of a transnational party system.
The approval of this resolution is a first, indispensable step towards the greater participation of citizens in Europe.
Bart Staes (Verts/ALE), in writing. – (NL) Obviously, I share the view that political parties and political foundations related thereto are essential tools of a parliamentary democracy. Indeed, they ensure that members of parliament are accountable, they help shape the political will of the citizens, they draw up political programmes, they select and train candidates, they maintain a dialogue with citizens and enable citizens to express their opinions. On top of that, the Treaty of Lisbon expressly provides for this role to be played by political parties and their affiliate foundations. They are an important part of the political space at EU level and of the European democracy, of which the European Citizens’ Initiative is an essential part.
However, I voted against this report in the final vote, in order to show my total disagreement with the rejection of Amendment 10. In terms of the funding and donations scheme, this amendment stripped legal entities and businesses of the right to make annual donations of up to EUR 25 000. The fact that the European Parliament is allowing this unfortunate practice to continue will open the door to companies and lobbying organisations exerting a strong influence over political parties and European foundations by granting them financial support. I do not want that, hence my protest vote.
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am voting for this report as it promotes better conditions for governing the Single Market and involving partners in it. However, it is important to put people at the heart of these policies and to give Parliament greater political importance in matters related to the Single Market.
Sophie Auconie (PPE), in writing. – (FR) I supported the report by our colleague, Mrs Kalniete, as well as the two reports by Mr Busoi and Mr Correia de Campos. These three reports were drawn up following the proposal for a Single Market Act published by the European Commission. The objective of Michel Barnier, Commissioner for the Internal Market, is to relaunch the Single Market but, above all, to bring it closer to the citizen. This is an objective which I fully support. The Single Market Act must be seen as an opportunity to demonstrate to citizens that European integration, and the Single Market in particular, is being carried out in their interest, not against them. Guaranteeing access to a basic banking service – or, more generally, safeguarding the quality and accessibility of services that are essential for our fellow citizens – is a step in this direction.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), in writing. – (LT) One of the main challenges in relaunching the Single Market is ensuring effective political leadership, commitment and coordination, and therefore, comprehensive guidance from the highest political level is crucial for the relaunch of the Single Market. The European Commission must play a greater coordinating role, and the President of the Commission should be given the mandate to coordinate and supervise the relaunch of the Single Market, in close cooperation with the President of the European Council and the competent authorities in the Member States. I agreed with this report because I believe that it is necessary to improve political coordination at all levels in order to properly implement Single Market priorities aimed at boosting economic growth, competitiveness, the social market economy and sustainability in the Union.
George Becali (NI), in writing. – (RO) I supported the rapporteur’s proposals and the approach adopted in the Commission communication ‘Towards a Single Market Act’, as well as the idea that an annual Single Market Forum is required. Local and regional authorities should have greater involvement in creating the Single Market, while dialogue with social partners and civil society will help restore confidence in the Single Market.
I, too, believe that the use of regulations instead of directives would create a clearer regulatory environment and reduce implementation costs. I also believe that it is useful to carry out an assessment of the state of the Single Market at every spring session of the European Council. We also need a legislative proposal from the Commission on resolving disputes using alternative mechanisms by the end of this year.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this report because, in my opinion, in order to successfully revitalise the EU Single Market, it is especially important to provide for and strategically plan not just specific measures to achieve the objective, but also effective ways of using those measures. One of the most important measures which has been stressed over and over by many representatives of the people and interest groups, as well as Professor Monti himself, is ensuring political leadership in this project which is particularly important for the whole of the EU. This would allow the importance of the completion of the internal market to be stressed throughout the European Union. Another measure that is equally important, in my opinion, is the strengthening of dialogue with social partners and civil society. When drawing up Single Market legislation, which could have an impact on the labour market, social partners should always be actively involved in preparatory work. It is also particularly important to involve and strengthen partnership with local and regional authorities in the process of establishing the Single Market because in practice, it is precisely at this level that most legislation must be applied.
Finally, I completely agree that simply adopting measures is not enough if we want to bring Europe closer to its citizens. It is very important to constantly inform European citizens about the achievements of the internal market and the benefits it provides so that they know what rights and opportunities they are offered by the European Union and one of its cornerstones – the common internal market.
Lara Comi (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I voted in favour of this report. Governance and partnership are two key issues in reviving the Single Market. Parliament’s role in drafting legislation on the Single Market, in particular, can be further strengthened. The Treaty of Lisbon has already made a great contribution in this direction, but it is not enough. I think, in particular, of those files on which Parliament has expressed a position which is strong and clear but divergent from that of the Council and governments of the Member States. Take, for example, the age-old question of the indication of origin of products, the ‘Made In’ label, particularly in the textile sector regulations which I have been following personally. Although Parliament has the power to block the adoption of an act if it does not agree with the Council, sometimes this is not enough. We need a change in mentality and attitude from everyone involved.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The strengthening of European economic governance, coordination for the implementation of the Europe 2020 strategy and the relaunch of the Single Market are key to revitalising the European economy. The Single Market should be competitive, making a positive contribution to the daily lives of workers, students, pensioners and the public in general, along with businesses, especially small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). One of the main challenges to relaunching the Single Market is ensuring political leadership, commitment and coordination. I believe that there can only be good governance of the Single Market if there is good quality and up-to-date information on how it functions. This requires the use of suitable instruments for monitoring and evaluating Single Market policies in order to link the different stages of the policy cycle, from conception to implementation. It is also important for the Member States to become engaged in the assessment and monitoring of Single Market rules.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) The Commission’s report on the Single Market Act follows on from Mr Monti’s report on ‘A new strategy for the Single Market’. That is the context of this report. The objectives are clear: strengthening free competition, and speeding up the process of liberalisation and privatisation of various sectors of economic activity and social life. The report’s rhetoric seeks to obscure its real intentions, and the claim that it is seeking to strengthen ‘a highly competitive social market economy, aiming at full employment and social progress and a high level of protection and improvement of the quality of the environment’ is symptomatic. It is full of contradictions and demagoguery, also mentioning that ‘companies, especially [small and medium-sized enterprises] (SMEs), and Europeans’ will be ‘at the heart of the Single Market’.
Indeed, they are sure to be at the heart of the negative consequences, which have become so evident during the recent decades of the Single Market. The conclusions of the Council of 25 March, and the ‘Euro Plus Pact’, adopted there, are illustrative of the war being openly waged against workers, young people and pensioners, and, in the end, against the general public.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) This report is part of the package relating to the Commission communication on the Single Market Act, the proposal of which follows on from Mr Monti’s report on ‘A new strategy for the Single Market’.
It is thus aimed at strengthening free competition and speeding up the process of liberalisation and privatisation, although the whole document is phrased in a way that seeks to obscure its real intentions, stating, for example, that the intention is to strengthen ‘a highly competitive social market economy, aiming at full employment and social progress, and a high level of protection and improvement of the quality of the environment’, and adding that it therefore aims to place companies, especially small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), and Europeans at the heart of the Single Market.
In fact, however, you only have to read the conclusions of the Council on 25 March, and particularly the ‘Euro Plus Pact’, to see clearly what is intended: war against the world of work, collective bargaining, trade unions, retirees and their right to pensions. The key objectives are to speed up the process of concentration and accumulation of capital to the benefit of monopolist groups, ending any attempt to protect SMEs, workers and public services. Hence, our vote against.
Lorenzo Fontana (EFD), in writing. – (IT) The report presented to us by our fellow Member from the Group of the European People’s Party (Christian Democrats) (PPE) has some findings which are certainly shared by our group, such as the need for greater involvement of the regions and for more transparency. However, this is not enough to gain my vote in favour since I do not agree with the majority of points it makes. For example, I do not agree with the conviction that the Commission should play an even more important role, nor with the overly frequent references to the issue of infringement proceedings, nor with the mandate given to the President of the Commission to coordinate the revitalisation of the Single Market.
Bruno Gollnisch (NI), in writing. – (FR) Of all the reports on the Single Market that have been adopted today, and against which I voted, only the Kalniete report stands out somewhat from the pack. It has the courage to talk of something other than further integration and consolidation of the Single Market, which has gone on for 25 years without Europeans seeing tangible benefits from it.
It talks, for example, of listening to citizens and proposes that, each year, we identify the principal sources of discontent and frustrations among citizens and take them into account. That would be a novelty! ‘No to the liberalisation of public services’ is what those citizens would say who are exasperated by delays in postal services, soaring energy prices, the deterioration of rail services, and so forth. And it would be stopped! People are sick of unfair competition; they have had enough relocations and imports that are killing off our jobs.
We would protect our markets and our industries by sending the WTO packing! Abandon the ‘Euro Plus Pact’, for which our wages and our purchasing power are less important than the survival of a currency which has only brought us trouble! And it would be done! Yet, considering how long demonstrators have been marching outside your windows saying such things, who have you been listening to, apart from the lobbyists and the wheeler-dealers?
Mathieu Grosch (PPE), in writing. – (DE) This report is of great importance, because it concerns the question of how the internal market, which is one of the EU’s main priorities, can bring increased benefits for European citizens and businesses by ensuring that those involved work more efficiently together.
In addition to dialogue and partnership between the stakeholders, such as the national parliaments, the local and regional authorities and the social partners, and increased coordination, there is a need for the existing regulations to be simplified and implemented more efficiently by the Member States.
In the context of this report, I welcome the recognition of the important role played by EURES (the European Job Mobility Portal), in particular, with regard to making the free movement of employees easier, because this contact point is of major significance, especially in border regions. The measures for small and medium-sized enterprises, which are to be provided with clear information about the internal market, are also extremely important.
Ian Hudghton (Verts/ALE), in writing. – The Kalniete report rightly emphasises the importance of authorities below the Member State government level in implementing rules relating to the Single Market. I fully support this sentiment and consider that, when Scotland wins back her independence, it will be appropriate for those levels of government below the Scottish national government to be fully involved in implementing Single Market rules.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted for this report because it proposes adopting a directive that would involve national governments and regional authorities more in the drawing up of a new directive, through consultation with employers, unions and other associations. It calls on the Commission to indicate the implementation timetable for the Single Market Act and to publish regular updates of tangible progress in order to make the EU public more aware of the Act’s implementation and highlight its benefits. It is proposed that partnership with local and regional authorities needs to be broadened from cohesion policy to Single Market policies. Single market rules are very often implemented and enforced by Member States’ authorities at regional or local levels. The experience with the implementation of the Services Directive has clearly shown that involvement of regional and local authorities can be extremely important for ensuring that Single Market legislation is properly implemented and applied. The dialogue and partnership element of Single Market governance should be strengthened through stronger involvement by national parliaments. The entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon offers a window of opportunity for the national parliaments to engage with Single Market rules throughout the legislative cycle and participate in joint activities with the European Parliament. This could speed up the adoption of subsequent transposition measures at Member State level. A constant exchange of information with national parliaments on the progress of transpositions could also facilitate the transposition process.
Jarosław Kalinowski (PPE), in writing. – (PL) All measures aimed at the development and integration of Member States are worthy of attention. There is no doubt that the current system of economic cooperation – the European Union Single Market – makes life easier for all citizens, among other things, by lifting trade barriers and enabling the free flow of people. However, new proposals need to be introduced successively to prevent stagnation occurring within the system. Let us consider whether political leadership would not be a good idea for revitalising the Single Market.
The President of the Council of the European Union, working together with the President of the European Commission, would be authorised to coordinate and supervise this process of revitalisation while maintaining, however, the involvement of the Member States. Partnership as a factor in managing the Single Market should be based on dialogue with the parliaments of Member States, and also on cooperation with local and regional authorities. Working together would help in implementing directives properly and would produce the expected results.
Edvard Kožušník (ECR), in writing. – (CS) I support the final form of the report on governance and partnership in the Single Market, and especially its key priorities. In my opinion, regular assessment of the situation on the internal market will improve the way it functions. A better functioning internal market is also promised from the more broadly conceived, more interactive and more transparent public consultations of the draft legislation. If we can persuade Member States to publish comparison tables for legislation relating to the Single Market, there is a chance that we will be able to reduce the deficit in the implementation of directives relating to the Single Market to 0.5% in the case of legislation not yet adopted, and to 0.5% in the case of legislation incorrectly implemented.
However, the fundamental precondition for success is for the Commission to take a more active approach towards enforcing the transposition of EU law than is currently the case, for example, with the directive on services on the internal market. This directive is one of the cornerstones of a functioning internal market. Unfortunately, however, many states have implemented it late and often incorrectly, in a bid to apply the principles of economic nationalism, and the Commission turns a blind eye to this. I have voted for the adoption of this report.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The report I have supported embodies many of the principles which I personally consider foundational for the European Union. I refer, in general terms, to the type of dialogue that must be established as soon as possible between citizens and institutions at different levels. This dialogue takes on specific and diverse connotations in relation to the life of all of us Europeans, but it becomes much more relevant when one considers the creation of a Single Market aimed at revitalising the entire European economy and improving communications between legislative bodies and the direct beneficiaries. I think the priorities in our pursuit of shared growth should be to proceed in this direction, while looking at new methods of governance and monitoring various kinds of procedures while, at the same time, streamlining our citizens’ access to public administration.
Agnès Le Brun (PPE), in writing. – (FR) Last October, the Commissioner for the Internal Market and Services, Michel Barnier, presented his ‘Single Market Act’, a collection of 50 proposals for boosting growth in the European Union. The European Parliament was then invited to give its view on the various parts of this paper. Part 3 of the Act calls on the Member States and the institutions to implement the measures necessary to bring the citizens and the Single Market closer together. In particular, this rapprochement will be achieved by launching a mutual evaluation system for the 2006 Services Directive and by increasing consultation and dialogue with civil society, both when preparing and implementing texts and in resolving problems. I voted for Parliament’s resolution because it welcomes the commitments made by the Commission and highlights the importance of improving the clarity of European texts or of using its power to impose sanctions in order to oblige the Member States to respect their commitments.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this report which states that one of the key challenges in relaunching the Single Market is ensuring political leadership, commitment and coordination. The 50 proposals for relaunching the Single Market encompass numerous portfolios, crucially involving the competences of several commissioners in the Commission, and touch upon the jurisdiction of various committees in the European Parliament. In the Council, the Single Market Act is furthermore split into different Council configurations whose role and effectiveness vary a great deal. National institutions also differ a lot in the ways that they are configured and in their organisational cultures.
Iosif Matula (PPE), in writing. – (RO) Member States must adopt a firm joint stance in order to improve the functioning of the European Single Market and prevent the return of economic protectionism, which would result in fragmentation of the internal market and affect competitiveness. The aim of the European Single Market Act is to develop administrative cooperation between Member States, also by means of expanding the role of regional authorities with a view to establishing coordination at their level. Unfortunately, it is relatively difficult to register such programmes at regional level as a result of the economic disparities between EU regions. In order to revitalise the less developed regions, we need to focus on human capital. The region’s prosperity is determined firstly by the productivity of its inhabitants and their skills, in addition to the level of capital investment and their innovative capacity. However, there are major differences even between regions in the same Member State.
I think that adapting the European Single Market to the needs of European citizens is achieved primarily through improving worker mobility. The free movement of labour can make a significant contribution to narrowing the disparities between regions. Another key aspect is the provision of ongoing education and training for workers. Specialist workers and those who have retrained for another career can meet the market’s specific needs much more easily, thanks to their high level of mobility.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (FR) The economic and financial crisis has demonstrated the failure of euro-liberalism, the dogmatic framework of the Single Market. Far from changing course, EU leaders are rushing headlong down the same path and consolidating the mechanisms which inherently underpin unbridled liberalisation. The ‘governance’ proposed on the pretext of improving coordination aims to bypass and punish national parliaments opposed to this dogma being applied. This report is harmful for the European economy and shows contempt for popular sovereignty. I shall vote against it.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The Single Market has always been one of the pillars of Europe’s economic development. I believe that one of the key challenges in relaunching the Single Market is ensuring political leadership, commitment and coordination. These 50 proposals to relaunch the Single Market encompass numerous portfolios, crucially involving the competences of several commissioners in the European Commission and touch upon the jurisdictions of various committees in the European Parliament. However, it is important for the Member States to establish their own priorities and develop their own agenda in line with the priorities of the Single Market.
Andreas Mölzer (NI), in writing. – (DE) It is important for us to strengthen the internal market, in particular, during an economic crisis, when the impact of the crisis is being felt. We need to return to a secure labour market. This can be guaranteed primarily with the support of small and medium-sized businesses, which are one of the main engines within the national economies. As the rapporteur has spoken out in favour of increased supervision and assessment of internal market policies, I have not voted for the report. It is not clear how this can be achieved and what consequences it would have for the individual states.
Claudio Morganti (EFD), in writing. – (IT) I have voted against the report on governance and partnership in the Single Market because I find it too unbalanced. Some outstanding issues are not assessed with due attention.
We should not believe that the great Single Market is the solution to all of Europe’s problems, as it appears to be in some parts of this report. I believe that some features and peculiarities of the various Member States should be taken into account. Not all countries are the same and a measure that may be useful in one country might possibly cause serious damage in another Member State.
In addition, the system of penalties for offences should be carefully considered, since it runs the risk of exacerbating already difficult situations with still more damaging measures. We still have to remember all the problems which the infamous Services Directive has caused and continues to cause, at least in Italy, for example, among itinerant tradespeople and seaside businesses. I would not like these problems to recur with increasing frequency.
Rolandas Paksas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this resolution because the establishment and operation of governance and partnership processes is one of the main factors ensuring the effective functioning of the market. Attention is drawn to the fact that partnership needs to be broadened from cohesion policy to Single Market policies. I believe that national parliaments and regional authorities must be more involved in drawing up the directive. This is very important for ensuring that EU legislation is properly implemented and applied in the Member States. Moreover, this would facilitate the transposition process. In order to take account of the needs and interests of society, there should be consultation with employers, unions and other associations. It is noted that a governance framework is established through interaction between the state, civil society and the private sector, and it is therefore particularly important for the governance of the Single Market to be based on the principles of transparency and accountability. For governance structures to function effectively, the Member States must regularly supply the Commission with clear and precise information in relation to the implementation of directives. I agree with the proposal to reduce the transposition deficit of Single Market directives to 0.5% for outstanding legislation and 0.5% for incorrectly transposed legislation by the end of 2012.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of this report as I agree with the key points on governance and partnership of the Single Market that are set out in it. In particular, I agree with the need to strengthen political leadership and partnership. Indeed, one of the key challenges in relaunching the Single Market is ensuring political leadership, commitment and coordination. The 50 proposals for relaunching the Single Market encompass numerous portfolios, crucially involving the competences of several commissioners in the Commission and touch upon the jurisdictions of various committees in the European Parliament. Moreover, in the Council, the Single Market Act is shared between various parts of the institution, whose roles and effectiveness vary widely. Strengthening political dialogue, commitment and coordination is essential to ensuring the relaunch of the Single Market. In order to ensure leadership, I also agree with the rapporteur, who suggests that the President of the Council be mandated to coordinate and oversee this process, in close cooperation with the President of the Commission, setting the spring session of the European Council as the time for the annual evaluation of the Single Market.
Rovana Plumb (S&D), in writing. – (RO) A competitive European Single Market without obstacles should be finalized in order to bring concrete advantages for employees, students, pensioners and citizens in general, and for businesses, particularly SMEs. Good governance and legal certainty are crucial to achieving the Single Market’s economic and social objectives, including the free movement of workers, promotion of a high level of employment, the guarantee of adequate social protection, the fight against social exclusion, a high level of education and vocational training, and the portability of pensions. The European executive must continue to promote a one-stop shop, integrating all existing services into one single access point and providing citizens and businesses with information and support concerning their rights in the Single Market, as well as practical information on national rules and procedures.
I call on Member States to increase public awareness of the one-stop shop and its constituent services. The European Commission has to incorporate fundamental rights into all Single Market legislation.
Implementation of the fundamental economic freedoms of the Single Market must not affect collective bargaining rights and the right to strike as defined by national legislation.
Paulo Rangel (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The full realisation of a competitive Single Market, without barriers, and with definite advantages for the daily lives of workers, students, pensioners and the public in general, along with businesses, is essential to relaunching the European economy and stimulating growth, competitiveness and sustainability in the EU. All stakeholders – the public, the European institutions, the Member States – should therefore make an effort to ensure the relaunch of the Single Market, and coordinate their respective activities closely and effectively, particularly in order to improve the transposition, implementation and application of the respective rules, to develop a clearer regulatory framework, to ensure greater involvement by the regional and local authorities in this process, to promote open, transparent and regular dialogue with their social partners and civil society, to strengthen administrative cooperation between the Member States, and to develop tools that enable the functioning of the Internal Market to be monitored properly.
Robert Rochefort (ALDE), in writing. – (FR) Following the Monti report on relaunching the Single Market, the Commission has submitted the paper ‘Towards a Single Market Act’, drawn up under the leadership of Commissioner Barnier, for public consultation. On the basis of the contributions received and the priorities set, the Commission will propose a definitive version of this Act, which will contain a dozen priority measures for completing the Single Market. That is why it is important for Parliament to look at its priorities and to send a clear message to the Commission beforehand. This ‘governance and partnership’ resolution, which I supported, calls for stronger political leadership, an improvement in the implementation of legislation relating to the Single Market, and the introduction of tools for good governance (reducing the transposition deficit, alleviating administrative burdens, partnership with local authorities, stronger involvement of national Parliaments, dialogue with civil society, and so on). One priority that has been identified is an alternative method of conflict resolution. On this point, I am disappointed that we neglected collective redress. This omission is a missed opportunity for the European Parliament to affirm its commitment to introduce such an instrument quickly.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – In favour. The rapporteur has suggested that one of the key challenges in relaunching the Single Market is ensuring political leadership, commitment and coordination. The 50 proposals for relaunching the Single Market encompass numerous portfolios, crucially involving the competences of several commissioners in the Commission and touch upon jurisdiction of various committees in the European Parliament. In the Council, the Single Market Act is furthermore split into different Council configurations whose role and effectiveness vary a great deal. National institutions also differ a lot in the ways that they are configured and in their organisational cultures.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. − (IT) I voted in favour of this resolution because I believe that the improvement of the single market, through the active support of Member States and all stakeholders, is essential for the European Union. The active participation of stakeholders can be achieved only with a change in the current single market policy that provides leadership and a commitment to its improvement. I am in full agreement with the rapporteur when she considers that merely enhancing the role of the Council, as the institution leading the implementation of the single market, is not enough.
We need a more targeted approach to the choice of legislative instruments, which, in addition to the Institution, would give the President of the European Council the mandate to coordinate the relaunch of the single market, in close cooperation with the President of the Commission. In fact, we must ensure top-level political guidance and invite Member States to set their own priorities and develop their own agenda in accordance with the priorities of the single market in order to take true ownership of its implementation.
Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. – I supported the twelve measures contained in the Single Market Act, in particular, focusing on the digital agenda and innovative procurement. I hope to see this translated into effective legislative measures by the Commission.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The implementation of the Single Market is now emerging as one of the measures for overcoming the economic and financial crisis, and thus promoting increased competitiveness and full EU integration. It is imperative to create a European space where the potential of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) can create added economic value, as suggested in the Commission communication – The Single Market Act. I believe it is essential to support Europe’s SMEs, along with the full liberalisation of the free movement of people, goods and services, so as to maximise the gains of the Single Market. The rapporteur sets out five priorities that the EU should focus on, of which I would highlight the following: the creation of a European patent and a unified system for resolving disputes, which is essential for innovation and creativity; new instruments for funding innovation for SMEs; the development of e-commerce by increasing the confidence of companies and the public with measures against piracy and counterfeiting; better access to capital markets; and the elimination and harmonisation of administrative and tax barriers in cross-border activities, the review of public contracts and public and private partnerships, and encouragement of cross-border contracts.
Viktor Uspaskich (ALDE), in writing. – (LT) A more competitive Single Market provides a perfect opportunity to stimulate economic growth in European countries affected by the crisis. The economic and social objectives of the Single Market – the free movement of workers, combating social exclusion and pension portability – are something worth fighting for. However, for a true Single Market to become a reality, there needs to be good governance and legal clarity. The Single Market’s management structures must be as simple as possible, because otherwise, the effectiveness and transparency of the Single Market will suffer. I agree with the rapporteur that we must choose more appropriate legislative measures.
More efforts should also be made to improve administrative cooperation between the Member States. This would help solve urgent problems implementing specific directives and also establish mutual trust between the Member States’ institutions and a more effective Single Market in the long term. I feel it is important for the relaunch of the Single Market to promote job creation and to create a business friendly environment. A successful Single Market should encourage entrepreneurship and remove obstacles hindering the establishment of new SMEs. This is particularly true for Lithuania, where there are approximately 31 SMEs per 1 000 inhabitants, which is clearly lower than the average in the EU 27 (40).
Dominique Vlasto (PPE), in writing. – (FR) I am very pleased at the adoption of three resolutions on relaunching the Single Market which strengthen governance and the role of businesses and growth, as well as that of citizens, in this policy. More than 20 years after the signing of the Single European Act, the freedom of movement of individuals, goods and capital throughout Europe is testament to the success of an ambitious policy serving citizens and growth, a policy from which everyone can draw benefits every day. However, it would not have been enough for us just to take stock, as Europeans are expecting specific proposals from us to respond to future challenges. In stating our priorities, we have drawn up a collection of balanced measures embodying a clear political, economic and social model. In relation to this particular resolution on governance and partnership, I wished to vote in favour of a report which gives the project a political dimension. In order to make sure that people are better informed, the supervision of the relaunch will, from now on, be undertaken by the President of the Commission. In this way, the Single Market is represented by a European body, which will allow European citizens to be federated around a single project and will strengthen European membership.
Angelika Werthmann (NI), in writing. – (DE) The practical findings of recent decades are being used to revitalise the internal market and form the basis for the incorporation of important corrective measures. In order to prevent future delays in the implementation of national measures, the instruments provided for in the Treaty of Lisbon will be used and the national parliaments will be included in the entire legislative process at a European level. However, the second proposal, in particular, is the essential one. Its aim is to guarantee the proper implementation of the measures at a regional and local level, where they will have the greatest impact on the citizens, and to ensure that the intention behind the preparation and adoption of the directive at a European level is made clear to the European citizens.
Iva Zanicchi (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I voted in favour of Mrs Kalniete’s report. It is important to focus on the revitalisation of the Single Market, focusing on activities with a high potential for growth and job creation that will provide concrete and immediately visible results for European citizens. I also think it is right to focus on streamlining legislation to make the EU’s internal market more accessible to small and medium-sized enterprises and, above all, establish renewed EU action for the liberalisation of regulated professions and for the mutual recognition of qualifications.
Report: António Fernando Correia De Campos (A7-0072/2011)
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am voting for this report because, amongst other progressive measures, it introduces a link between the Single Market Act and the Europe 2020 strategy, it mentions the need to protect the rights of workers, it focuses on job creation, and it allows the portability of pensioners’ rights. Despite all this, the social dimension of this report still lags behind what was hoped for.
Sophie Auconie (PPE), in writing. – (FR) I supported the report by our fellow Member, Mr Correia de Campos, as well as the two reports by Mrs Kalniete and Mr Busoi. These three reports were drawn up following the proposal for a Single Market Act published by the European Commission. The objective of Michel Barnier, Commissioner for the Internal Market, is to relaunch the Single Market, but, above all, to bring it closer to the citizen. This is an objective which I fully support. The Single Market Act must be seen as an opportunity to demonstrate to citizens that European integration, and the Single Market in particular, is being carried out in their interest, not against them. Guaranteeing access to a basic banking service – or, more generally, safeguarding the quality and accessibility of services that are essential for our fellow citizens – is a step in this direction.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this report. The fragmentation of the internal market is reducing EU citizens’ confidence in it because they are unable to take advantage of their freedoms. The Commission’s communication presents a toolbox, which should help to achieve a Single Market that is integrated and functions without obstacles, and which could boost Europe’s economic recovery and its competitiveness. I would like to highlight one particularly important aspect – the importance of the creation of a single energy market. A single energy market is especially important for EU competitiveness both within the EU and externally. The creation of such a market would help reduce external dependence and make energy prices more affordable, fair and competitive for our citizens and businesses. Legislative and non-legislative initiatives on energy should aim at safeguarding the supply of energy through a diversified energy network, new infrastructures of renewable energy and coordinated research and development on new energy sources. Such initiatives should be taken on a basis of close coordination between the Commission, the Member States and the relevant sectors of the industry. A real deepening of the Single Market benefiting citizens, business and European competitiveness must be strengthened by creating infrastructure projects that have added value for the whole of Europe, and which are funded and managed at EU level in order to ensure our energy independence and security.
George Becali (NI), in writing. – (RO) I voted for this report because we need to make progress. There are really too many obstacles hampering citizens wishing to study, work or go and shop in another Member State. It is also still just as difficult for small and medium-sized businesses. European citizens also need more information, not to mention simpler, more comprehensible and more clearly communicated legislation.
Jean-Luc Bennahmias (ALDE), in writing. – (FR) Europe is not just a market; it is also a community of citizens – that is a statement that we often hear. What is the reality, though? Few citizens believe in it. Hence, this report on a Single Market for Europeans, adopted today in response to the Single Market Act put forward by the Commission last October. Alongside the reports dealing with businesses, growth and the governance of the Single Market, this report addresses the expectations of citizens, consumers and users of public services. Among the ideas mentioned are greater transparency of banking charges, but also real recognition of professional qualifications and portability of pension rights. The negotiations allowed us to include a reference to the horizontal social clause which was established by the Treaty of Lisbon and which now has to be transposed concretely into legislation. Finally, the report once again takes up the concept, advocated by Commissioner Barnier, of a ‘toolbox’ for services of general interest – in particular, social services of general interest – which are currently a major concern of citizens and service providers in the national territories. Although it is non-legislative, this report has the merit of including citizens in the well-known necessity of completing the Single Market.
Sergio Berlato (PPE), in writing. – (IT) In 2010, the Commission adopted a proposal to renew the confidence of European citizens in the Single Market with the objective of reinforcing a ‘highly competitive social market economy, aiming for full employment and social progress’. In my view, efforts to implement the Single Market have focused on the market itself and its organisation, while ignoring the concerns and rights of citizens, workers and consumers.
Particularly essential is the establishment of a single energy market, which should be in a position to encourage European competitiveness by reducing energy prices and dependence on foreign sources. Legislative initiatives on energy should be implemented in close coordination between the Commission, Member States and the relevant sectors of industry.
Another fundamental issue is transparency in bank charges, costs and the real conditions for mortgage loans, in order to protect consumers and investors and ensure access to credit for individuals and small businesses.
Finally, I believe that any true widening of the Single Market for citizens, businesses and Europe’s competitiveness will be founded on the ability to develop EU-funded infrastructure projects. I therefore encourage the Commission to present legislative proposals in this area.
Slavi Binev (NI), in writing. – (BG) I share the view that a functioning Single Market is the key driver which will enable the European Union to reach its full potential in terms of competitiveness, smart, inclusive and sustainable growth, and the creation of more and better jobs. The Single Market strategy should strengthen social welfare and workers’ rights and ensure fair working conditions for all citizens. I voted in favour of the legislative initiative. I think that the European Commission must take measures to increase citizens’ mobility. I welcome the idea of drafting a green paper on the recognition of professional qualifications and of creating a ‘mobility scoreboard’ for measuring this indicator within the EU.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this report because, in my opinion, in order to restore European citizens’ confidence in the Single Market and support for the idea of the European Union, it is necessary to take further action to strengthen citizens’ social rights and their implementation. Areas mentioned in the report requiring further action, both at national and EU levels, include the creation of new jobs, taking account of demographic and labour market changes in the Member States, as well as workers’ rights and ensuring fair working conditions, which is particularly important, while also promoting movement of workers between the Member States.
The report also stresses the need to strengthen the rights of citizens as consumers and as public service users, and the need to organise appropriate information campaigns, during which they would be informed about their rights and freedoms. Attention is also drawn to the reform of the framework for recognising professional qualifications and the need to guarantee the portability of pension rights, while also encouraging the Member States to coordinate their pension policies more effectively.
Sebastian Valentin Bodu (PPE), in writing. – (RO) The communication proposal for restoring European citizens’ trust in the Single Market, drafted by the Commission, is slightly unclear when examining it in correlation with the EU 2020 strategy. Many of the proposals featuring in it overlap with various other initiatives. In these circumstances, more consistency, greater effectiveness and better governance are required for a renewed Single Market to foster, within the EU, economic growth, employment and competitiveness, as well as respect for the rights of citizens and consumers. The Council and Member States have to support together the European and national commitment to deepening and strengthening the Single Market. Efforts to achieve the Single Market have been concentrated on its organisation and too little on the concerns and rights of citizens, workers and consumers, which might explain European citizens’ reluctance and lack of enthusiasm towards the internal market. Citizens need to feature at the heart of the Single Market.
This point is clearly stated in the document’s introduction. On the other hand, the proposals to attain this objective are too weak to achieve it. The Grech report, adopted by Parliament in May 2010, recommended a holistic approach to relaunching and strengthening the internal market, encompassing key sectors such as industry, energy and infrastructure.
Vito Bonsignore (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The completion of the Single Market represents a valuable tool with which to relaunch the European economy, particularly as regards job creation. The reports on this subject, which we have approved here today, represent, in my opinion, an important step towards an integrated and functional Single Market. The Commission has made 50 proposals to allow us to work and trade together in a better way.
I voted in favour of this report which aims to ensure effective economic freedom, while protecting the right to work, the full implementation of the principle of equal pay and free movement of workers (which also includes full recognition of professions within the Member States). I therefore agree with the priorities identified by the rapporteur, such as strengthening the supervision of the European market, the establishment of an action plan to combat piracy and counterfeiting and the development of a communications policy which will highlight the activities carried out by the EU.
Nessa Childers (S&D), in writing. – This report is part of a package of three reports with which the Parliament has answered to the broad Commission communication on the Single Market Act (SMA) containing 50 legislative and non-legislative proposals and divided in three different chapters, one focusing on Citizens, one on Business and one on Governance. The objective of the SMA, was supposed to give implementation to the Monti report which had as main concern to re-launch the Single Market.
I voted for this report but abstained on some amendments as they were part of the negotiated package on the compromise amendments. I hope this report puts the citizens at the heart of the Single Market and strengthens its social dimension.
Ole Christensen, Dan Jørgensen, Christel Schaldemose and Britta Thomsen (S&D), in writing. – (DA) We voted in favour of the report on a Single Market for Europeans. The report contains many important proposals for the development of the Single Market. A particular priority for us is to ensure that labour market rights are respected in connection with revitalising a more competitively oriented Single Market. However, the report also contains proposals to call on the Commission to identify and eliminate the tax obstacles faced by European citizens and to further develop immigration policy in respect of migrants and seasonal workers. In our opinion, both of these are national matters. A number of amendments to the report were also tabled, the spirit of which we support, but we do not believe that this report warrants this type of amendment.
Lara Comi (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I agree with this report. The creation of a Single Market has always been one of the main objectives of the process of European integration and, today more than ever, we feel the need to strengthen it through concrete measures which aim to address three crucial aspects.
We must strengthen the single European market in order to make it highly efficient and competitive and we must renew it within the framework of EU policies in order to combat the effects of the financial crisis. I thoroughly agree with the proposals made by the European Parliament on strengthening consumer and business confidence. What emerges as a top priority for the realisation of this project is the adoption of urgent measures to facilitate the mobility of citizens which would make the market more open to European workers and promote full employment. We can no longer consider developing a Single Market without greater citizen involvement. For example, improving access to banking services and mortgages for the protection of investors, consumers and financial institutions, or resolving the outstanding issues concerning the free movement of workers, such as the mutual recognition of professional qualifications.
George Sabin Cutaş (S&D), in writing. – (RO) I voted for Mr Campos’s resolution as I feel that the final text he has proposed is balanced. Furthermore, I welcomed the fact that the proposals from both the Grech and Monti reports were mentioned again by the rapporteur.
Restoring European citizens’ confidence in the proper functioning of the Single Market ought to be the European Commission’s prime concern. In any case, dividing the proposals into three different chapters does not provide a complete overview of the Single Market Act. Indeed, this criticism was included in Mr Campos’s final report.
In addition, as shadow rapporteur for my political group for the opinion of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs on the report ‘A Single Market for Europeans’, I tabled an amendment which requested that Member States still applying restrictions on their labour markets to workers from the new Member States lift these barriers for the sake of the obvious economic benefits, especially during an economic crisis. I am pleased that this amendment enjoyed the support of most of my fellow Members.
Harlem Désir (S&D), in writing. – (FR) Too often, the European Union is distant from its citizens, its policies seem far removed, and the European project lacks meaning in the eyes of Europeans. If the Single Market is only to be a conduit for rampant liberalisation, deregulating public services, social systems and workers’ rights by submitting them to fierce competition, this is a cause for concern, even though it has and may have several positive specific consequences for consumers and in the everyday lives of our fellow citizens. With Mr Correia de Campos’s report, the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament have fought for better regulation when it comes to strengthening the Single Market, and for this strengthening to serve the general interest of Europeans and not just that of businesses. Such interests include consumers’ rights, the protection of workers’ rights against the tendency towards social dumping, with an explicit recognition of collective labour agreements in all the Member States of the Union, the call for a recognised framework for public services, and universal access to these services. The integration of the Single Market must now go hand in hand with the advances of a social Europe, which is needed more than ever at a time when the recession continues to affect Europeans.
Ioan Enciu (S&D), in writing. – I voted in favour of the ‘Single market for Europeans’ report. It is the duty of the European institutions to facilitate a highly developed, highly competitive social market economy that will seek to create full employment and stimulate social progress. I believe that the Single Market is one of the key drivers for European growth.
Market fatigue is a cause for concern and this must be examined in detail. Most importantly, this report reaffirms citizens’ fundamental social rights in the field of collective action, labour law, employment protection and industrial restructuring in line with primary European law.
I am in favour of the short-term strategies suggested in this report, including the enhancement of European market surveillance, the creation of a single integrated mortgage market and the removal of tax obstacles and double taxation. Implementing a sound e-commerce policy will increase citizens’ and consumers’ confidence when shopping online. I would like to also welcome the proposal to create an action plan to reduce illegal counterfeiting of goods. This will contribute to a rapid return to growth in the goods sector.
Edite Estrela (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour of this report as it contributes to the idea of a Single Market that is friendlier and more attractive to the European public. It should be stressed that the text includes measures safeguarding respect for social values and rights in EU legislation, so that these can never be subsumed by the market approach.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) This is one of three reports being debated and voted on today relating to the Internal Market and the consolidation of the Single Market. Although the rapporteur also tries here to gloss over the consequences of his support for liberalisation by advocating the social clause in all legislation on the Single Market, in line with Article 9 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, the truth is that he is not unaware that neither the Commission nor the Council comply with it. Many Member States do not comply with it either, as is the case with Portugal. There is more and more praise for free competition, and more professions of faith in the market, liberalisation and privatisation, one example of which is the insistence on implementing the Services Directive.
The link with the conclusions of the Council on 25 March and, above all, with the newly renamed ‘Euro Plus Pact’, is clear. Germany originally thought this up and dubbed it the ‘Competitiveness Pact’, and it declares war on workers, on their social rights and on the people in general, whilst denouncing the dependence of countries that have weaker economies and where civilisation is truly moving backward. We therefore voted against, as we did the two other reports.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) This is another report on the Internal Market, and it is part of the package relating to the Commission communication on the Single Market Act, the proposal of which follows on from Mr Monti’s report on ‘A new strategy for the Single Market’.
Although the rapporteur also tries here to hide his true support for liberalisation by advocating the social clause in all legislation on the Single Market, in line with Article 9 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, the truth is that he is not unaware that neither the Commission nor the Council comply with it. Many Member States do not comply with it either, as is the case with Portugal. In this way, the intention is to strengthen free competition and speed up the process of liberalisation and privatisation, which again the report does not hide, by insisting on the implementation of the Services Directive.
Thus, it appears to be in line with the conclusions of the Council on 25 March, and particularly the ‘Euro Plus Pact’, which declares war on the world of work and social rights by insisting on speeding up liberalisation. The key objectives are to speed up the process of concentration and accumulation of capital to the benefit of monopolist groups, ending any attempt to protect SMEs, workers and public services. Hence, our vote against.
Lorenzo Fontana (EFD), in writing. – (IT) In his report, our Portuguese fellow Member has included recommendations we support such as the need to move to a Single Market that favours consumer rights issues and especially making customs checks of goods from third countries a priority. In addition to these positive aspects, however, there are points of significant divergence on how Member States should comply with the directives and too many references are made to social forms of entrepreneurship. I will, therefore, abstain from voting.
Mathieu Grosch (PPE), in writing. – (DE) This report concerns the 19 initiatives proposed by the Commission which will put European citizens at the heart of the internal market and, at the same time, will work towards a sustainable social market economy. I particularly welcome this report, among other things, because it will benefit European citizens, especially those who live in border regions.
The proposed measures will make the everyday lives of citizens and businesses in border regions easier. The report supports the initiative to recognise professional qualifications and the ‘Youth on the Move’ initiative. In addition, tax obstacles will be identified and eliminated and decisive measures will be taken to prevent double taxation. Furthermore, the report calls for fair working conditions for all Europeans and also full portability of pension rights.
These measures will make citizens the centre point of the internal market. Their specific needs will be matched by specific measures.
Ian Hudghton (Verts/ALE), in writing. – I voted in favour of this report, which rightly highlights the need to ‘respect the principles of subsidiarity and Member State sovereignty’. It is just a pity that not all Member States are prepared to recognise where sovereignty lies. In 1953, the Lord President of Scotland’s highest civil court confirmed that, unlike in other parts of the UK, in Scottish constitutional law, sovereignty lies with the people. How unfortunate therefore it is that all the unionist parties blocked attempts by the Scottish Government to promote this principle by way of a referendum on Scottish independence.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this document because there is a need to enhance European market surveillance, provide better access to basic banking services, establish a single integrated mortgage market and remove tax obstacles and double taxation. The rapid and effective implementation of an e-commerce policy is also required in order to increase citizens’ and consumers’ trust while shopping online. Furthermore, there is a need for an action plan against counterfeiting and piracy as a major preventive tool, to guarantee that goods circulating in the Single Market are safe to consume, of the appropriate standard and legal. The Commission and the Member States should develop an effective communication policy on the Single Market Act, based on a policy audit of its tangibility to citizens. We also require a system of benchmarks, based on the horizontal social clause, to assess the relevance of all Single Market measures based on their social impact, tangibility and feasibility, to be used as a basis for future policy. Our citizens must be at the heart of the Single Market project.
Jarosław Kalinowski (PPE), in writing. – (PL) There is no doubt that the Single Market, which we are talking about today, is one of the greatest achievements of economic integration in the Union, but it should be remembered that our responsibility is not to encourage stagnation, but the relentless pursuit of perfection. A coherent whole depends on the constituent parts, which, just like the pieces of a puzzle, form a construction which is robust, strong, and stable. The constituent parts in the Single Market are the people, whose rights and responsibilities should always be our priority. Our objective is healthy and continuous development which will activate economic growth, and such growth is possible only thanks to improvements in economic and social issues and better governance. We should give thought to whether policies ought not to be truly citizen-centred. Development and valorisation of human capital is essential, and a real deepening of the market should bring benefits for every European – employee, consumer and entrepreneur.
Edvard Kožušník (ECR), in writing. – (CS) The report on the Single Market for Europeans contains many positive proposals, such as support for the mobility of citizens or elimination of the dual taxation of European citizens, but it also contains many proposals which bear the stamp of over-regulation and which would ultimately put a brake on the Single Market and cause it to stagnate. Personally, I do not support the proposals for a more regulated and controlled Single Market for retail finance, nor do I support the proposal for an automatic extension of the measure to regulate roaming, as this regulatory measure was only temporary and should have brought about the realignment of roaming prices. Where there is a failure of market mechanisms, the regulation of final retail prices should be the instrument of last resort, as in the case of the Roaming Regulation. The calls of politicians for an automatic extension of this regulation is more of a politically populist gesture than a rationally justified step reflecting the changes that have taken place in the EU in the field of telecommunications since 2007. The proposal to launch a ‘European cross-border business of the year’ television competition is, in my opinion, a senseless waste of European resources. I have therefore decided to abstain from the vote on this report.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I voted in favour of this report because I am firmly convinced that the existence of a Single Market would constitute the most significant manifestation of a strong and cohesive Europe. Promoting social enterprises, ensuring the free mobility of European citizens and promoting up-to-date banking services for everyone are but a few of the focal points on which we must concentrate our ideas, resources and projects. With reference to the first point, in particular, I wholeheartedly welcome the call for the Commission to publish a Green Paper on the recognition of professional qualifications across the various EU Member States. This would be an important step towards making the role of education and training more tangible in an increasingly open European context.
Agnès Le Brun (PPE), in writing. – (FR) Last October, the Commissioner for the Internal Market and Services, Michel Barnier, presented his ‘Single Market Act’, a collection of 50 proposals for boosting growth in the European Union. The European Parliament was then invited to give its view on the various parts of this paper. Part 2 of the Act lays the foundation for reconciling Europeans with the Single Market. Jacques Delors once said: ‘One cannot fall in love with a Single Market’. That is certainly true, but we can nevertheless try to make it useful for citizens. For this reason, I supported the European Parliament resolution, which welcomes the balance given to the relation between workers’ freedoms and the demands of a social economy. This part of the Act thus reserves an important place for those elements that are essential for Europeans, such as public services, communication infrastructure, solidarity and employment, as well as consumer protection. This balance reflects the full awareness of the Commission that the market cannot act against the citizens, but must act to serve them, in the short as well as the long term.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this report. Efforts to achieve the Single Market have been concentrated on the market and its organisation and very little on concerns and rights of citizens, workers and consumers, which can explain the Europeans’ reluctance and fatigue regarding the Internal Market.
Citizens need to be placed at the heart of the Single Market. This is clearly stated in the introduction of the document; however, the proposals to implement that goal are too weak to achieve it.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (FR) While admitting that Europeans overwhelmingly reject the Single Market, this report reaffirms a central place for it in the Community system. The stated desire to strengthen social legislation and to consider citizens’ concerns, while certainly a positive thing, is inapplicable to the principle of the Single Market, given the free and non-distorted competition we see currently. This report is contradictory and misleading. I shall vote against it.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The Single Market has always been one of the pillars of Europe’s economic development. Efforts to stimulate the Single Market should focus on the concerns and rights of the public and companies, providing them with tangible benefits. There also needs to be a reference to social rights in legislation relating to the Single Market, and measures need to be proposed to encourage mobility for the public and ensure the portability of their pension rights. This is the only way that we will be successful in terms of a complete and functioning Single Market.
Radvilė Morkūnaitė-Mikulėnienė (PPE), in writing. – (LT) More than half a century ago, the countries of Europe united in order to establish a Single Market. We believe we established it a quarter of a century ago. Today, however, there are still many issues that we have to address in order for the Single Market to function effectively and for the European Union to be competitive. I believe that of all the measures discussed and mentioned in the document we have adopted, two aspects are particularly important: lifelong learning and reducing unemployment for young people and the establishment and functioning of a single energy market. On the subject of young people, it is precisely this section of society that will live in the Europe we are creating. It is therefore important to create every opportunity for young people to properly adapt and engage in the creation of their future. An energy market is a new area of EU policy. Smart energy networks will undoubtedly play a major role in the economy of the future, and therefore we must not delay and devote sufficient attention and resources to establishing and improving them.
Rolandas Paksas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I agree with this resolution because most attention should be paid to basic social rights and to ensuring consumer rights and the free movement of workers, goods and businesses. The Single Market must create conditions for sustainable growth and higher employment and citizens must be at its heart. Consequently, it is very important to avoid distortions of competition. The Single Market will remain competitive if all social rights are respected. We must guarantee and constantly strengthen social welfare and workers’ rights, and provide decent working conditions. I agree with the proposal making it impossible to work in the territory of a Member State without complying with its provisions on wages and working conditions. The principle of equal pay for work of equal value must be implemented fully. Barriers to the free movement of workers must be removed. We must open the labour markets in the Member States to all European workers, but the regulation of these markets must be implemented in compliance with those Member States’ labour market rules, including the Scandinavian collective agreement model. It is very important to give the Member States the right to decide for themselves whether they should grant non-EU citizens the right to reside in their territory. For the Single Market to be socially oriented, industry must be restructured in a sustainable manner, and there must be constant consultation with social partners. It is very important to ensure that the public sector has opportunities to involve businesses more effectively in its work, so that citizens can receive high quality, innovative public services, and universal access to these can be guaranteed.
Alfredo Pallone (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I voted in favour of the report on the Single Market for Europeans because I believe that Europe should adopt a common regulatory framework which meets the needs of citizens and redresses the imbalances and divergences of the internal market. Following the economic crisis, Europe needs a market where workers and consumers are at the centre of policies. The text on the Single Market for Europeans calls for greater coordination between European institutions, Member States and businesses in order to strengthen policy, planned by the European Parliament, and to ensure it meets all the needs of the European market.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) I voted in favour because I agree with the main priorities submitted to the Commission by Parliament. The most important of these proposals is the call for measures to be taken to increase the mobility of European citizens, in particular, by publishing a Green Paper on mutual recognition of professional qualifications, including an assessment of the existing framework and, if appropriate, to propose a legislative initiative to reform this framework in 2012, at the same time assessing the feasibility and the added value of EU-wide professional identity cards and a ‘European skills passport’ in 2011. This is a positive measure which is grounded in the current situation, and which is aimed at increasing mobility within the EU. I would also stress the call for the Commission to table a legislative proposal on guaranteeing access to certain basic banking services by June 2011 and to improve the transparency and comparability of bank charges by the end of 2011, as well as the call to table a legislative proposal to remove obstacles encountered by mobile workers in order to ensure the full portability of pension rights.
Rovana Plumb (S&D), in writing. – (RO) The Single Market for Europeans is primarily about jobs and creating other new ones, which will help develop an environment in which businesses and citizens can fully exercise their rights, A more ambitious approach is needed on the proposal relating to the Posting of Workers Directive, aiming at a revision of the directive which will ensure, along with the economic freedoms, protection of the most advanced labour law and industrial relations standards and practices, as well as respect for the rights of collective representation and bargaining, collective action, including the right to strike, and the full implementation of the principle of equal pay for work of equal value.
It is vital to develop a European transport network through a common framework of European funding, boosting competitiveness and integration, and facilitating citizens’ and workers’ mobility through the provision of affordable services. I think that providing workers with training and qualifications is of paramount importance, as they are vital to job creation, social integration and the success of the Single Market. I call on Member States to eliminate barriers hampering the mobility of workers from new Member States, bearing in mind the positive impact of worker mobility in the context of the financial and economic crisis.
Paulo Rangel (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The full realisation of a competitive Single Market, without barriers, is essential to relaunching the European economy and stimulating growth, competitiveness and sustainability in the EU. Efforts to relaunch and strengthen the Single Market should also focus on the concerns and rights of the public, consumers, users of public services and companies, providing them with tangible benefits with the aim of completely restoring their confidence in the European project and giving them proper information about the opportunities offered by the Internal Market. In this context, measures should be adopted that can increase the mobility of Europeans and ensure the protection of consumers, along with strengthening social wellbeing and safeguarding workers’ rights.
Robert Rochefort (ALDE), in writing. – (FR) I voted for the Correia De Campos report, which relates to 19 initiatives on citizens and the Single Market contained in the Single Market Act proposed by Commissioner Barnier. I supported this report, which reminds us how essential it is to put citizens at the heart of the Single Market once again. Too often, up to now, efforts to complete the famous ‘great market’ have been concentrated on the Single Market and its organisation. We should carry out this exercise once more in the light of the concerns and rights of citizens, workers and consumers. I call on the Commission to support the key priorities contained in this resolution. In particular, I would like to mention here three urgent objectives so as to make the Single Market more attractive in the eyes of our fellow citizens: improving mobility (whether, for example, in terms of recognising professional qualifications or in terms of the transferable nature of pension rights for mobile workers), extending the ‘roaming’ regulation – in particular, proposing a limit on the retail price of roaming data transfer – and finally, the accessibility of basic banking services and the transparency and comparability of banking charges across Europe.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – In favour. On 11 November 2010, the Commission adopted a communication proposal to renew Europeans’ trust in the Single Market. This Single Market Act will be under discussion until 28 February 2011. The overall approach proposed by the Commission is a continuation of the report by Mario Monti to the President of the European Commission, ‘A new strategy for the Single Market’. Its purpose, in accordance with Article 3 of the Treaty on European Union, is to strengthen ‘a highly competitive social market economy, aiming at full employment and social progress, and a high level of protection and improvement of the quality of the environment’ by placing companies, especially SMEs, and Europeans at the heart of the Single Market. The Commission communication ‘Towards a Single Market Act for a highly competitive social market economy’ contains 50 proposals for improving our work, business and exchanges with one another’, and Chapter II in particular, ‘Restoring confidence by putting Europeans at the heart of the Single Market’, contains 19 initiatives on the social dimension of the Single Market.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The full implementation of the Single Market is the decisive step for the European Union to fully achieve its potential in terms of intelligent, inclusive and sustainable growth.
This requires harmonisation of national legislation to encourage the free movement of people, goods, services and capital. A prosperous and dynamic internal market depends on our capacity to put forward policies which can support growth, employment and innovation.
With today’s vote, Parliament is once again demonstrating that the public must be central to the renewal of the Single Market, since they are the key actors capable of activating virtuous circles of growth and innovation. The completion of the Single Market policy is closely linked to integration with other policy areas such as competition, industry, energy and transport.
Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE), in writing. – (PL) It is important that we have entered into such a wide-ranging discussion on the common, single European market, which has been operating for 20 years, but has not fully achieved its potential. In spite of all the legislation, recommendations and mutual assurances, we cannot say we have fully put the Single Market into effect, yet without a Single Market, Europe will not be united at all. Creating the Single Market is something which has the potential to strengthen the idea of the Union. Why is it still not possible to create a market without barriers, despite the universal agreement of Member States that precisely this course of policy should be followed?
Strongly-rooted national particularisms – and they are too strongly rooted – stand in the way of building the Single Market. We must lift protectionist barriers to be able to revitalise the Single Market. I agree with the view that the structures and processes of managing the Single Market are too complicated. This results mainly from the fact that there are too many differences within the Union. Strengthening the single currency and adopting it throughout the Union is necessary for the creation of a new quality in the Single Market.
The Single Market cannot exist just for large firms, but should also be for small and medium-sized enterprises, and especially for consumers. Transparency and harmonisation are our goal. Creating a truly Single Market is our priority, which is why the European Council and the European Parliament should assess the state of the Single Market every year, as this will allow us to monitor the extent to which we have succeeded in achieving the goals we have set.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), in writing. – (PT) This report seeks to strengthen measures to put citizens at the heart of the Single Market project, focusing on 19 initiatives targeted at the needs of European citizens. I believe that it is essential to restore the confidence of the European public in the European project, and in order to do this, efforts must be concentrated on the concerns and rights of citizens, consumers, users of public services, and companies. It is necessary to create a holistic approach to the Single Market which is able to respond to the democratic deficit being felt by both the European public and by public and private bodies.
Encouraging mobility through the elimination of administrative and tax barriers and the harmonisation of qualifications, investment in cross-border projects in several areas, the coordination of customs activities and monitoring of national markets, and the expansion of the Roaming Regulation, are examples of the measures that I believe are key to forging closer relations between the public and the European project. However, it is worth emphasising once again that the social aspect of the Single Market should be complemented by political governance and by partnership between the EU and the national bodies, and by the economic dimension, which will facilitate economic growth and make Europe more competitive.
Dominique Vlasto (PPE), in writing. – (FR) I am very pleased at the adoption of three resolutions on relaunching the Single Market which strengthen governance and the role of businesses and growth, as well as that of citizens, in this policy. More than 20 years after the signing of the Single European Act, the freedom of movement of individuals, goods and capital throughout Europe is testament to the success of an ambitious policy serving citizens and growth, a policy from which everyone can draw benefits every day. However, it would not have been enough for us just to take stock, as Europeans are expecting specific proposals from us to respond to future challenges. In stating our priorities, we have drawn up a collection of balanced measures embodying a clear political, economic and social model. This particular resolution on a Single Market for Europeans puts the citizen at the heart of our concerns. By encouraging mobility and exchanges, regardless of place of origin, age or profession, this report marks a step towards a European labour market. The social protection measures addressed in the resolution are, furthermore, vital for regulating this market and for supporting the model of a social economy based on solidarity.
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), in writing. – (PT) I am voting for this report because it focuses on the need to support projects that bring added value to Europe, on the need for a new industrial policy, and on regional development, by investing in clusters by region. I am also voting for it because it promotes a Single Market for energy, by reducing energy dependence, and by creating more competitive infrastructure and prices for end consumers.
Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this resolution on a Single Market for Enterprises and Growth. The Single Market is the cornerstone for businesses and consumers alike, and particular attention should be paid to small and medium-sized enterprises, which have the highest potential for further development and increased employment. I support the rapporteur’s opinion that stimulating e-commerce and the creation of a digital Single Market represent another important aspect of the Single Market. This is a very complex process, bearing in mind the differences in tax systems, contract law and requirements for conducting a business across the EU Member States, but efforts must continue in this area. There is also a need to coordinate fiscal policy, because the introduction of a common consolidated corporate tax base would make the Single Market a better business environment for European enterprises.
Elena Oana Antonescu (PPE), in writing. – (RO) In order to achieve the EU 2020 strategy goals, the Single Market must provide the conditions necessary for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth. The European Union’s economic governance needs to be improved in order to create the economic conditions required for businesses to take advantage of the opportunities provided by the Single Market, allowing them to grow and become more competitive. The removal of barriers to mobility and the harmonisation of institutional regulations, with the aim of fostering integration, economic growth and European solidarity, are major benefits for the Single Market. I voted for this report to encourage confidence in the Single Market at every level and to remove the current barriers preventing businesses from accessing the market. A Single Market based on free and fair competition is the European Union’s crucial economic reform objective and offers Europe a key competitive edge in a globalised economy.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), in writing. – (LT) A Single Market that functions smoothly and is based on free and fair competition is the principal objective of EU economic reform. Currently, the internal market remains fragmented, and lingering administrative and regulatory obstacles are having a negative impact on all businesses, in particular, small and medium-sized enterprises, which are unable to fully benefit from all the advantages offered by the Single Market. The regulation of copyright licensing in the EU has not been resolved, which has a direct impact on counterfeiting and piracy. This leads to reduced business confidence in e-commerce and fuels the fragmentation of intellectual property protection rules, which stifles innovation in the Single Market. It is particularly important to properly address the issue of public procurement, which accounts for 17% of EU GDP. Hitherto, cross-border procurement has accounted for a small share of the whole public procurement market, because SMEs still have limited access to public procurement markets. Services are a crucial sector for economic growth and employment, but the Single Market for services is still underdeveloped, particularly due to gaps and difficulties encountered by the Member States with respect to the implementation of the Services Directive. I agree with the proposals made in the Commission communication ‘Towards a Single Market Act’, but I believe that in order to ensure the effective functioning of the Single Market, the Member States must improve the implementation of EU initiatives that have already been adopted, such as the Small Business Act, which would help address many of the administrative and regulatory problems that EU enterprises face today.
Adam Bielan (ECR), in writing. – (PL) To maintain its position as a world economic leader, Europe must constantly support and stimulate economic development. The European Single Market is of fundamental significance for both businesses and consumers. We should give particular care to small and medium-sized enterprises, which drive economic growth and provide significant numbers of jobs. Innovative measures and suitable financial instruments should be used to improve their competitiveness, access to information and participation in research programmes. An interesting idea is the proposal to create project bonds, which will allow businesses to raise funds. The digital Single Market should also be an important part of the economy. Efforts should be made to stimulate electronic commerce in particular, because it contributes to increasing cross-border trade. I also think it is essential to create an EU patent and a unified litigation system. I am certain that a well-functioning Single Market will contribute to sustainable economic growth, so I endorse the resolution.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this report because I believe that in order to successfully revitalise the EU Single Market and to increase the global competitiveness of the EU as a whole and to create new jobs, it is necessary to adopt and implement many measures that would promote sustainable business growth and development. I also believe that it is very important for these measures to be coordinated with measures for regional development, and for these to be complementary, so as to avoid a concentration of industry, businesses and services in certain regions, while other more remote regions are left to the mercy of fate. The report also touches on a myriad of other issues affecting citizens’ daily lives, the competitiveness of businesses and also the creation of new jobs in Europe – the carrying out of research and promotion of new technologies, as well as the development and expansion of transport, energy and telecommunications infrastructure.
In addition, the report touches on an issue that is important for Lithuania, drawing attention to the need to upgrade energy infrastructure in Eastern European countries so that they can be linked successfully to Western European energy networks. The affordability of energy for consumers throughout Europe is also highlighted in this area. The report also encourages cooperation between the Commission and the Member States to establish and promote the use of more effective and cleaner transport systems, as well as develop international e-commerce, also improving online payment systems.
Vito Bonsignore (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The European Union is one of the world’s leading economies, the engine of which is made up of small and medium-sized enterprises. The EU must pay particular attention to these organisations who have felt the effects of the economic crisis most of all, not least because SMEs have the greatest potential for growth and employment.
It goes without saying, therefore, that European efforts should be aimed at encouraging sustainable economic growth. I voted in favour of this report because it has the merit of identifying the right priorities to build a stronger Single Market, able to better meet the needs of EU companies and create higher growth rates.
So I agree with the guidelines outlined in this document which, in my opinion, can actively contribute to the transformation of the Single Market in an innovative environment, favourable to businesses, based on digital economy and the effective free movement of services. To this end, I agree with the need to encourage e-commerce able to promote cross-border trade, the coordination of fiscal policies and greater streamlining of cross-border public contract procurement, points on which the European SMEs lag behind.
Ole Christensen, Dan Jørgensen, Christel Schaldemose and Britta Thomsen (S&D), in writing. – (DA) We voted in favour of the report on a Single Market for enterprises and growth. The report contains many important proposals for the development of the Single Market.
However, we do not support the idea that differences in fiscal provisions may result in significant obstacles to cross-border transactions or that the coordination of national tax policies, as proposed by Mr Monti in his report, would bring substantial added value to enterprises and citizens. On the other hand, we are in favour of coordination between the Member States to prevent tax avoidance and tax havens for enterprises. Tax rates remain a matter for the Member States.
Lara Comi (PPE), in writing. – (IT) I voted in favour of this report. In order to create a functional Single Market in which healthy and productive competition is the rule, I believe that the measures described in this report are essential
I strongly agree with the need to create a single digital market, because the lack of adequate rules affects the efficiency of the European market in no small way, especially in recent times, given the technological advances of other countries that are our economic competitors. We must consider the enormous potential of e-commerce, especially as regards the growth of cross-border trade and, as I said before, the resulting increase in competitiveness that it would bring to the market.
Furthermore, I agree with the need to act on two other fronts; the services sector and SMEs. Proper implementation of the directive on services and on reforming the regulatory framework on standardisation so that it extends to these is indispensable. In addition, we are waiting for the European Commission’s proposed legislation. Finally, as I have said in other debates, we must identify new incentives and give more support to small and medium-sized enterprises, the backbone of our market and creators of so many jobs.
Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D), in writing. – (RO) I think that Europe will benefit from the improvement in access for all companies, including small and medium-sized enterprises, to information about the financial support for innovation which they can apply for, so as to become more involved in research programmes and, in particular, in public/private partnerships intending to run the research and innovation programmes. I think that the potential offered by these enterprises has not been tapped sufficiently. This is why the EU must support this sector in extending its activities, including at cross-border level, and in taking advantage of all the current opportunities available within the Single Market.
Ioan Enciu (S&D), in writing. – I voted in favour of this report on a ‘Single Market for enterprises and growth’ because I believe it will greatly enhance our internal market for the benefit of all citizens. This report will, in reality, seek to strengthen industrial competitiveness, sustainable development and job creation.
The European Union has a unique economy, boasting 500 million consumers. By maintaining, enhancing and promoting Europe’s internal market, this will ensure greater movement of goods and services without barriers to trade between Member States. It is critical during times of austerity to increase growth in our economy.
I agree that further steps should be taken to ensure adequate implementation of the Services and Professional Qualifications directives. Through proper implementation of these directives, European citizens will be able to travel to other European Member States for work and to provide services without high administrative burdens. One of the core objectives of the European Union is to have an area without barriers.
This report is also in favour of supporting SMEs which require a lot of support at this time.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), in writing. – (PT) As Europe is the largest economy in the world, implementing the Single Market is key to giving citizens and companies a feeling of confidence and security. The crisis that the world, in general, and Europe, in particular, are experiencing leads us to reflect on the future of the EU and the measures that we must adopt in order to relaunch the European economy. In October 2010, the Commission adopted a communication called ‘The Single Market Act’, following Mr Monti’s report, ‘A new strategy for the Single Market’. Among its objectives was the implementation of measures providing businesses with stronger, more sustainable and more equitable growth. I am therefore pleased that this report has been adopted, as it aims, among other things, to reduce the bureaucratic burden on small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) by giving them access to credit, by investing in innovation and the modernisation of services, such as through electronic management, and by implementing a digital economy. These are fundamental pillars of the Europe 2020 strategy, which will contribute greatly to making the Single Market more competitive and stimulating its growth.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) This is another report from the package on consolidating the Single Market. It contains shameless praise for the market and free competition, when faced with the obvious disaster that was caused by these policies and their terrible consequences, which are today being felt by workers, small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and the people in general, particularly in countries with weaker economies. Let us focus on the examples given in some quotes from the report, such as on the area of energy, for example: ‘points out the importance of a fully operational internal market for energy […]; stresses that the internal energy market should contribute to maintaining energy prices affordable for both consumers and businesses’.
The contradiction and falsehood here is obvious. One only has to look at what is happening in Portugal to realise that liberalisation has led to privatisation, high prices for businesses and consumers, and profits of more than EUR 1 billion for the shareholders of EDP – Energias de Portugal, S.A., and a similar amount for Galp Energia, SGPS, S.A. and other companies in the sector. However, the same might be said of sectors like the postal services, telecommunications or the financial sector.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (PT) This is another report from the Commission’s communication package on the Single Market Act, whose proposal follows on from Mr Monti’s report entitled ‘A new strategy for the Single Market’.
It is another paean to free competition, although it glosses over its contents to disguise the dynamite contained in this gift sent to workers, small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and especially the people of countries with weaker economies.
Let us look at some examples of the items included in the report, especially on energy:
‘points out the importance of a fully operational internal market for energy […]; stresses that the internal energy market should contribute to maintaining energy prices affordable for both consumers and businesses’. Moreover, one only has to look at what is happening in Portugal to realise that liberalisation has led to privatisation, high prices for companies and consumers, and profits of more than EUR 1 billion for the shareholders of EDP – Energias de Portugal, S.A., and a similar amount for Galp Energia, SGPS, S.A. and other companies in the sector.
Something similar might be said of other sectors including postal services or telecommunications, not to mention the financial sector. We therefore voted against the report.
Jim Higgins, Seán Kelly, Mairead McGuinness and Gay Mitchell (PPE), in writing. – The four Irish Fine Gael MEPs voted for the report on the Single Market Act for enterprises and growth because we support the overall thrust of the resolution, but we do not support CCCTB, as we have explained in previous explanations.
Ian Hudghton (Verts/ALE), in writing. – The Buşoi report calls for a business friendly Single Market and quite rightly stresses the importance of SMEs. In one part of the EU, Scotland, tens of thousands of small businesses have benefited from the Scottish Government’s Small Business Bonus Scheme and I hold this up as an example of best practice for other European nations.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this report because in order to successfully revitalise the EU Single Market and to increase the global competitiveness of the EU as a whole and to create new jobs, it is necessary to adopt and implement many measures that would promote sustainable business growth and development. Today, Europe has become the world’s biggest economy. The Single Market is the cornerstone for businesses and consumers alike, but it can offer more growth and jobs and its full potential is yet to be seen. Particular attention should be paid to small and medium-sized enterprises, which have the highest potential for further development and increased employment. Therefore, it is very important to encourage sustainable economic growth. The Single Market itself and the enterprises operating within it are vital for the future growth of EU economies. The Single Market must become an innovative, business friendly environment, based on a digital economy and where the free movement of services is effective. A well functioning Single Market for services has an important potential for growth and, hence, for our economic recovery. Only sustainable growth can guarantee the creation of sustainable jobs. Further steps should be taken to ensure proper implementation of the Services Directive and of the Professional Qualifications Directive. Moreover, the creation of EU-wide professional cards where appropriate is an idea that needs some analysis, given the potential of such cards to enhance freedom of movement for EU citizens and simplify recruitment procedures for EU businesses.
Tunne Kelam (PPE), in writing. – I voted in favour of this report as I see an urgent need to improve the conditions for SMEs so as to make Europe really competitive in the world. It has been proved on countless occasions that the reduction of bureaucratic burdens on SMEs has resulted in economic growth and enhanced their competitiveness. Not enough efforts have been made to enable SMEs to operate with fewer bureaucratic obstacles and with more efficiency. SMEs are the driving force of Europe’s economy. There are also dramatic developments going on in the e-world. Currently, the EU is not really competitive on e-markets. This means we have to do everything we can to boost e-commerce, making real progress in implementing the European Digital Single Market. Important steps have been taken, but more remains to be done and we have to progress fast. I welcome the efforts this report has proposed to further the issue in question.
Edvard Kožušník (ECR), in writing. – (CS) The report on the Single Market for businesses and growth is, in my opinion, very balanced, and I believe that the implementation of the proposed measures will stimulate the growth of the Single Market and, ultimately, the economies of the Member States as well. I particularly agree with the key priorities of the report, such as creating an EU patent and a single system for dispute resolution, emphasising the need for long-term investments in innovative sectors, boosting the confidence of business and consumers in e-commerce and galvanising the development of e-commerce in the Single Market, eliminating the bureaucratic obstacles faced by small and medium-sized firms in cross-border activities and rationalising the processes for awarding public contracts. As I support all of the aforementioned measures, and as I am convinced of their usefulness and benefits, I voted for the adoption of this report.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The pursuit of the objectives set out by the 2020 strategy calls for Europe to create conditions which are favourable for growth and innovation through investment and decisive action in the European market. Europe needs to sustain growth and promote effective strategies within the internal market, which aim at increasing competitiveness, innovation and research. The Commission must guarantee the implementation of a package which will ensure the achievement of these objectives by taking measures to improve competitiveness in the domestic market. The strengthening of economic governance in the European Union is therefore an important step which will enable companies in the market to maximise the benefits offered by the Single Market. The creation of European bonds to finance projects and a patent which is valid throughout Europe are some of the points which led me to support the resolution. The Single Market is an important goal to be reached. Bearing in mind the different conditions within the various Member States, the EU’s task must be to minimise such discrepancies so as to allow all European enterprises to benefit.
Agnès Le Brun (PPE), in writing. – (FR) Last October, the Commissioner for the Internal Market and Services, Michel Barnier, presented his ‘Single Market Act’, a collection of 50 proposals for boosting growth in the European Union. The European Parliament was then invited to give its view on the various parts of this paper. Part 1 of the Act discusses the Commission’s plans for introducing an environment which encourages entrepreneurship. We must therefore promote creation and innovation from a perspective of sustainable development which combines international competitiveness with protection for SMEs. This resolution by the European Parliament approves and supplements the commitments of the Commission, which is why I supported it. It also reminds us of the need to support the real economy more than ever; in particular, through an ambitious European industrial policy. With a view to establishing a genuinely Single Market for SMEs, the resolution proposes the creation of a ‘European private company’ status which would encourage the cross-border creation and functioning of these essential components of the Union’s economic fabric.
Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), in writing. – (RO) I voted for this report as I think that the Single Market is unquestionably the main asset to our global competitiveness. Without it, we would not play such an important role in maintaining the global balance of economic forces, especially at a time when new powers are emerging on the global stage. The progress of the internal market and further development of the regions complement each other and jointly create a powerful Europe characterised by cohesion and competitiveness. In this respect, I would like to highlight the particularly important role played by regional policy in the integration of the Single Market. I think that increased accessibility for every single region in the European Union is an absolute prerequisite for a dynamic and powerful Single Market.
The new Member States are in a specific situation where there is still a low level of accessibility. Support for investments in the infrastructure and its improvement will help boost the competitiveness of the regions lagging behind and ensure the internal market’s harmonious operation. This will help improve the whole European Union’s global competitiveness significantly.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. – I voted for this report. The Single Market itself and the enterprises operating within it are vital for the future growth of EU economies. This draft report outlines the priority measures which should be taken to build a stronger Single Market that responds better to the needs of EU businesses and which would generate higher growth rates than before.
The priorities of the rapporteur are arranged in four groups, aiming at transforming the Single Market in an innovative, business friendly environment, based on a digital economy, and where free movement of services is effective. A well functioning Single Market for services has an important potential for growth and, hence, for our economic recovery. Only sustainable growth can guarantee the creation of sustainable jobs
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (FR) This report proposes increased liberalisation of the energy and postal sectors and a stronger application of the Services Directive, on the pretext of supporting businesses and boosting growth. True to neoliberal ideology, it blames administrative regulation and the protection of public services for impeding growth. The European leaders have not learned the lessons from the 2008 crisis, yet a radical change of direction to another Europe is essential. I am voting against this report.
Nuno Melo (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The Single Market has always been one of the pillars of Europe’s economic development. The communication ‘A Single Market Act’ is based on the theme of political leadership and the principle of partnership as the fundamental instruments for relaunching and deepening the Single Market. We have to create a new dynamic in interinstitutional relations, and in the cooperation and commitment of the Member States, as well as of the national parliaments and regional and local authorities, so that it is possible to improve the applicability and implementation of Single Market legislation. We all have to commit, Member States and European institutions, to monitoring, evaluating and modernising the implementation of European legislation.
Andreas Mölzer (NI), in writing. – (DE) Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in particular are an important engine for our entire economy. They should be offered far more opportunities to become established and to expand within the internal market. Capital is required for this purpose and SMEs must be given easier access to it. Another factor which will help us to ensure lasting and sustainable growth in European national economies is support for the service sector. For this, the free movement of services is needed. The internal market must be made more attractive as a whole in order to become an innovative and business friendly environment.
The EU also needs a digital internal market to improve competitiveness and promote growth. All businesses within the EU should be able to benefit from the internal market, even if many areas, such as e-commerce, are still in clear need of development. I did not vote in favour of the report because the rapporteur proposed the introduction of a new VAT strategy, but did not go into sufficient detail about how this would work in practice.
Rolandas Paksas (EFD), in writing. – (LT) I voted in favour of this resolution because the Single Market is a very important factor for enterprises and growth. Significant attention should be paid to innovations and creativity, and an appropriate mechanism for funding these. Innovations provide a basis for strong and more sustainable growth and job creation. Above all, in order to ensure that the funding mechanism functions effectively, we must create favourable conditions for long-term investment in innovative and job-creating sectors. Particular attention must be paid to small and medium-sized enterprises which have a huge economic impact on the European economy. The Single Market must become a better environment for SMEs, helping them to expand their cross-border activities, improving their access to capital markets, and removing administrative and fiscal barriers. The conditions must be created for SMEs to receive appropriate support under the Union’s regional policy, given their importance for improving social ties in urban districts or sparsely populated areas. The structure of the European banking sector must be pluralistic in order to meet the financing needs of SMEs. It is very important to lay down a clearer VAT framework and a common consolidated corporate tax base. I believe that a Statute for a European Private Company must be adopted as a matter of urgency to facilitate the establishment and cross-border operation of small and medium-sized enterprises. It is noted that public procurement procedures must be more rational. We must make conditions for cross-border procurement more favourable, ensuring reciprocity with industrialised countries and major emerging economies.
Alfredo Pallone (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The financial and economic crisis has mobilised the EU in search of new rules and systems that ensure balance and growth; Mario Monti’s report has set the tone for the drafting of the single European internal market act. The main objective is to ensure growth and development, but also security and guarantees for small and medium-sized enterprises, investors and consumers and all market participants whose commercial functions must be facilitated. My ‘yes’ vote indicates not only a willingness to support the text, but also a real commitment to citizens to improve regulations and ensure equal opportunities for investment and consumption in a continually growing system for both the public and the private sector.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), in writing. – (PT) In this report, Parliament presents five major priorities, with the aim of consolidating the Single Market for enterprises and growth: the creation of an EU patent and a unified system for settling patent-related disputes; funding for innovation; the promotion of e-commerce; improved access to and greater participation in the Single Market by small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs); and the streamlining of procedures relating to public procurement. I agree with the priorities presented, and I therefore voted in favour of this report. I would like to reiterate my belief that the creation of an EU patent and a unified system for settling patent-related disputes is indispensable in order to support innovation and creativity in the Single Market. Innovation and creativity are known to be factors in growth. Alongside this measure, I believe that the Commission and the Member States should take into account the importance of innovation for strong and sustainable growth, as well as for job creation. The way to promote growth is to ensure that there is proper funding for innovation, particularly through the creation of European loan securities for funding EU projects.
Rovana Plumb (S&D), in writing. – (RO) The Single Market must be relaunched and completed in order to meet the objectives set in the Europe 2020 strategy so as to offer more growth for businesses, including social economy enterprises (cooperatives, associations, mutual societies and foundations) and create more and better jobs, as well as provide adequate protection for the rights of European workers and consumers. I call for the creation of a more SME-friendly regulatory environment by carefully assessing the impact of any new regulatory or legislative measures on SMEs, with a view to cutting red tape, boosting competitiveness and promoting quality employment. It is also necessary to keep existing health and safety provisions for workers. The Commission’s proposal needs to publish a VAT strategy as better tax coordination between Member States is needed to avoid unfair tax competition and market distortions. I think that the proposal for a directive on introducing a common consolidated corporate tax base will boost the competitiveness of SMEs, in particular, by reducing obligations arising from administrative complexity and cutting high costs generated as a result of complying with different national tax systems, thereby exerting a potentially positive impact on public finances and employment.
Paulo Rangel (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The full realisation of a competitive Single Market, without barriers, is essential to relaunching the European economy and stimulating growth, competitiveness and sustainability in the EU. It is therefore advisable to adopt measures enabling a stronger Single Market to be built which is better able to respond to the needs of companies in the EU, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises, thereby making it a favourable environment for innovation, based on a digital economy, where there is real freedom of movement for services.
Robert Rochefort (ALDE), in writing. – (FR) A Single Market which works well is essential for ensuring competitiveness, the creation of jobs and sustainable growth in Europe. That is why I voted in favour of the excellent report by my colleague, Mr Busoi, which puts forward several priorities for improving the functioning of the Single Market, accompanied by a number of legislative proposals for achieving this. We must speed up the creation of the Community patent, rationalise procurement procedures and provide more of a stimulus to the digital economy by reinforcing the confidence of businesses and citizens in e-commerce. Finally, let me highlight two essential levers of growth that must be applied urgently. The first is long-term innovation for supporting the ecological transformation of economies. This can be done by creating bonds in the EU, more specifically in the fields of energy, transport and telecommunications. The second is to increase the participation of SMEs in the Single Market by developing their funding sources and by improving their access to capital markets, by eliminating fiscal barriers to their cross-border activities, and by revising the public procurement framework in order to make procedures more flexible and less bureaucratic.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. – I voted in favour. In October 2010, the Commission adopted a communication entitled ‘Towards a Single Market Act’ to re-launch the Single Market. In the first part of this communication, the Commission proposes a number of actions to have stronger, sustainable and equitable growth for business. Today, Europe has become the world’s biggest economy. The Single Market is the cornerstone for businesses and consumers alike, but it can offer more growth and jobs, and its full potential is yet to be seen. Essential attention should be paid to SMEs, which have the highest potential for further development and increased employment.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), in writing. – (PT) The communication, ‘A Single Market Act’, addresses the issue of political leadership and the principle of partnership as the fundamental instruments for relaunching the Single Market. The dynamics of interinstitutional relations and the cooperation and commitment of the Member States, particularly national parliaments and regional and local authorities, are mechanisms that will improve the applicability and implementation of Single Market legislation. I am voting in favour of this report as I believe that the measures presented are vital. Of these, I would like to highlight the inclusion of an assessment of the state of the Single Market in the spring session of the Council, the publication of a Green Paper with the participation of civil society and regional and local authorities, the publication of correlation tables and, finally, the reduction of deficits and errors in the transposition of directives.
Both the Member States and the European institutions should engage in monitoring, evaluating and modernising the implementation of European legislation, as only then can integration policy be successful. I would also like to point out that regional and local authorities should have a more important role, in line with the subsidiarity principle and the partnership principle.
Sophie Auconie (PPE), in writing. – (FR) I supported the report by our fellow Member, Mr Busoi, as well as the two reports by Mrs Kalniete and Mr Correia de Campos. These three reports were drawn up following the proposal for a Single Market Act published by the European Commission. The objective of Michel Barnier, Commissioner for the Internal Market, is to relaunch the Single Market but, above all, to bring it closer to the citizen. This is an objective which I fully support. The Single Market Act must be seen as an opportunity to demonstrate to citizens that European integration, and the Single Market in particular, is being carried out in their interest, not against them. Guaranteeing access to a basic banking service – or, more generally, safeguarding the quality and accessibility of services that are essential for our fellow citizens – is a step in this direction.
Giovanni Collino (PPE), in writing. – (IT) The three European Parliament reports in response to the Commission’s Single Market Act address issues which are important to European industry and its small and medium-sized enterprises. The simplification of legislation and bureaucracy, the fight against counterfeiting, the importance of innovation and increased access to credit represent points on which our businesses are expecting necessary interventions from Europe so they can return to being competitive again in international markets.
On the other hand, what is really necessary for the recovery and completion of the single European market is a uniform tax policy within the Union. Tax policy is the oxygen that small and medium-sized European businesses need for a resurgence which must not stop at the initial incentive, but which will see them through consolidation and growth. The lack of fiscal harmonisation in Europe creates imbalances between the various EU territories, such as North-Eastern Italy and Slovenia, which compete on fiscal levels as well as on the degree of development of their economies.
Lorenzo Fontana (EFD), in writing. – (IT) The three reports on the internal market do not excite us because, along with items that we could support, we find others with which we disagree. In this case however, despite the things I disagree with in the report by the Member from the Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE), such as the measures which, I believe, benefit large corporations rather than small enterprises, I will abstain from voting because of the importance given to emphasising innovation to promote growth.
Derek Vaughan (S&D), in writing. – The European Commission’s proposed Single Market Act aims to unlock the potential of the Single Market and put the EU’s economy and competitiveness back on track after the economic crisis. I voted for Parliament’s recommendations on the Commission’s Single Market Act and I urge the European Commission to take up those recommendations to ensure that governance structures are strengthened, support for innovation and job creation is provided, and citizens are put at the heart of the Single Market. We need to work together on strengthening the governance of the Single Market and putting in place a more coordinated political leadership approach, which will increase the effectiveness of the Single Market Act and restore citizens’ confidence in the initiative.
I welcome the resolution calling for an increased focus on the mobility of citizens and I believe it is also essential that the re-launch of the Single Market focuses on the needs of SMEs in order to provide an environment that will create new, innovative businesses across the EU, and especially in Wales.
Reports: António Fernando Correia De Campos (A7-0072/2011) - Cristian Silviu Buşoi (A7-0071/2011)
Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. – I supported the twelve measures contained in the Single Market Act and hope that the Commission will translate this into effective legislative measures.
10. Corrections to votes and voting intentions: see Minutes
(The sitting was suspended at 13:25 and resumed at 15:00)
IN THE CHAIR: ALEJO VIDAL-QUADRAS Vice-President
11. Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting: see Minutes
President – The next item is the debate on the Council and Commission statements on lessons to be drawn for nuclear safety in Europe following the nuclear accident in Japan.
Enikő Győri, President-in-Office of the Council. – (HU) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, first of all, allow me to say that I am pleased that we are continuing the debate that started last month. On the one hand, this proves the gravity of the matter, and on the other, it is an indication that, beyond all those emotional reactions that the still extremely serious situation in Japan rightly elicits in all of us, our institutions intend to take action in this matter with appropriate prudency. At the same time, I would like to reaffirm that we are ready to provide continuous and concrete assistance to the Japanese people, both in the form of humanitarian aid and assistance from nuclear experts. The European Council stated this clearly on 25 March.
Furthermore, I would like to point out that the Hungarian Presidency reacted immediately to the disaster in Japan, in particular, the activities related to nuclear energy risks. Let me already at the very outset dispel those misconceptions that the public may form regarding nuclear safety, namely that only now, in relation to an external crisis situation, does the EU realise the significance of the matter. That is a major fallacy, on the one hand because in actuality, there has been a legally binding framework in effect on this subject in Europe for more than 25 years, which we are continuously adjusting, most recently, for example, through the 2009 Nuclear Safety Directive. On the other hand, also because ensuring nuclear safety is a continuous process, during which we are gradually perfecting the specifications, drawing conclusions from events such as those that took place now in Fukushima, and regularly checking the actual safety condition of the installations. In March, the European Council provided actual confirmation that the EU’s response must follow directions which combine guaranteeing safety on-site with perfecting the regulatory framework. One aspect of this multi-threaded EU response is the comprehensive risk and safety assessment of European nuclear power plants, that is, the matter of ‘stress tests’.
The scope of this, and the practical steps involved, must be established while taking into account recent events and making full use of available expertise. The European Nuclear Safety Regulators Group and its members, the independent national regulatory authorities, must finish determining the aforementioned practical steps by the middle of May, which will probably allow for the assessment of these to be started in the summer. Several Member States and nuclear operators have already adopted decisions requiring the safety review of power plants. Based on this, the first conclusions can therefore be drawn and published at the end of the year. The assessing authorities will therefore share the results of the stress tests with both the general public and the Commission.
Based on the latter report, the European Council will evaluate the preliminary results by the end of the year. In the framework of the other, that is, the regulatory aspect, the European Council has already asked the Commission to review the existing legislative and regulatory framework for the safety of nuclear installations and to make a proposal for perfecting it as required. At the same time, we must continue the work that is already under way in the field of legal regulation, and we must adopt the proposal for a directive on the management of spent fuel and radioactive waste. After all, the safety specifications obviously need to be determined in such a way that they cover the entire life cycle of nuclear installations. As a third step, we must also ask third countries in the neighbourhood of the EU to join this assessment and raise the level of their safety requirements.
Safety concerns are, of course, not restricted to nuclear energy. We cannot afford, with regard to any energy source, however large its share in supply security may be, to put considerations of guaranteeing supply before safety aspects related to human health or environmental protection. As you know, we must also take into account the existing situation in Europe, namely, that the fuel use of the Member States is based on different mixes. As such, everyone is free to decide upon their energy mix. It will remain this way in the foreseeable future, because we are talking about the energy mix, the determination of which lies within Member State competence. However, in respect of common goals, this does not prevent us from making progress on the road to creating a common energy policy.
This year, for example, we will begin the examination of the Energy Roadmap 2050. In doing so, we will assess the degree to which individual energy sources need to contribute to achieving climate-related targets, in parallel with which we also need to meet our energy policy, supply security, sustainability and competitiveness objectives. In addition to the freedom to determine the energy mix, however, the deepening of the internal market and increasingly close interconnections result in a growing interdependence between Member States’ energy policies and energy source selection decisions. Accordingly, it is also sensible to form a common vision about the consequences of our energy policies on investments, energy prices and regulation.
This also means that, since nuclear energy currently accounts for 30% of Europe’s energy production, none of the 14 Member States that choose nuclear energy can afford to close down their nuclear power plants immediately without first consulting the other Member States, and examining both potential alternative energy sources and network-related issues in the process. To this end, the Presidency intends to hold a detailed exchange at the informal meeting of energy ministers in May to resolve issues relating to this subject. Last but not least, it is important that we also inform the public about the underlying assumptions and about both the advantages and disadvantages of the chosen energy sources. I am certain that we can also contribute to this with today’s debate. Thank you very much, Mr President.
Günther Oettinger, Member of the Commission. – (DE) Mr President, Mrs Győri, ladies and gentlemen, the terrible earthquake of 11 March, the subsequent tsunami, the accident in the nuclear power plant, which caused damage to the various blocks, and the fact that there is still no end in sight to the process of repairing the damage and overcoming the risks, as the nuclear power station is still out of control, even with the use of the latest technology: all of these events are causing us concern with regard to safety and the energy sector in the European Union and elsewhere. For this reason, on 11 March, we invited a high-level group consisting of ministers and representatives of the national governments, the nuclear power plant construction companies and the energy sector to attend a meeting on 15 March. In the Council of Energy Ministers, we made preparations on 21 March for the European Council, which finally, on 25 March, called on the Commission and the national nuclear safety authorities to carry out a special stress test and a comprehensive safety investigation with the aim of ensuring the highest possible safety standards. Since then, we have been drawing up the test criteria.
The Directorates-General, myself and the nuclear safety authorities have been putting together a catalogue of test criteria, which will be presented to you and to the public before it is finally adopted. On the one hand, this concerns the consequences of the risks for power stations in the European Union from earthquakes and from high water, particularly on the Atlantic coast. On the other hand, it concerns the consequences for the power stations themselves, in other words, the question of how the cooling systems, the electricity supply and the emergency generators can be protected. Other test factors include terrorist and cyber attacks and aircraft crashing into power stations.
We believe that the consultation and the decision on the test criteria will be completed by the middle of May at the meeting of ENSREG, the European Nuclear Safety Regulators Group. By the end of the year, we expect comprehensive testing to have taken place in order to ensure the highest possible safety standards in the 143 nuclear power plants in the European Union. We have spoken to the governments of the Russian Federation and Ukraine and, in the next few days, we will be contacting Switzerland and Armenia and, in addition, the countries that are planning to build nuclear power stations, such as Turkey and Belarus. Our aim in all of this is to ensure that the highest safety standards and the test criteria for the safety investigation are applied in the countries which are the immediate neighbours of the European Union.
We know that the responsibility for the energy mix and, therefore, also for energy technology, nuclear power plants and other technologies lies with the Member States. Over the last few days, it has become clear that the Member States want to retain these powers. In other words, it does not seem realistic on the basis of current treaties and legislation to take the decision on nuclear power at a European level. However, the safety test, which everyone must take part in, seems to me to be the common denominator for all the Member States because of the high standards it imposes, regardless of whether they do or do not have nuclear power. Around 76% of electricity in France is generated by nuclear power, while the figure in Austria is 0%. A total of 14 Member States use nuclear power and 13 do not. Germany is currently investigating shortening the operational time spans of its power stations. Poland is considering whether to build its first nuclear power plant and Italy is looking at whether to invest in additional power stations.
Alongside the implementation of the safety investigation, we believe that the transfer of the Nuclear Safety Directive into national law by July of this year is of the greatest importance. Our plan was to carry out an evaluation in 2014 of the Nuclear Safety Directive, which was adopted by Parliament and by the Council and is to be transposed into national law. We now want to bring this forward. We intend to inform you by the end of the year about our further considerations on how the directive can be strengthened, as it currently primarily concerns formal powers and the bodies that have to be established, together with other areas.
I would also like to mention the proposals for nuclear waste which have been presented by the Commission and are currently being debated by Parliament and the Council. These will also contribute to the joint measures for ensuring the highest possible levels of safety. We know that the safety investigation will result in the Member States drawing their own conclusions. However, I am relying on the impact that reality will have in this case. I am relying on the Member States to take on board the safety evaluation, the standards and the necessary measures proposed by the experts and to put these things into practice in their countries and their nuclear power stations. In the middle of May, we will tell you when we expect to be able to present to you the draft of the stress test and the test criteria produced at a working level.
Corien Wortmann-Kool, on behalf of the PPE Group. – (NL) Mr President, on behalf of my group, I would like to thank Commissioner Oettinger for setting to work on the issue of nuclear safety immediately after the disaster in Japan. This work is of great importance to the safety of our citizens, because the nuclear disaster in Japan has shown that we need to review our rules on nuclear safety.
This is an important task for you, and the Council, because we in Europe are mutually dependent when it comes to nuclear safety. We need a European stress test for all nuclear installations and, as you said, the criteria must be harmonised. We need an objective and transparent report – that is, a public report – on that stress test, the starting point of which has to be the highest security level.
Mr President, I hope that you and the Member States are working hard on that harmonised approach, so that we can rely on the highest security standards being in place. Should a nuclear installation not pass the stress test, you and the Council must ensure that there is a commitment on the part of that Member State to taking immediate action. Such action could even include the temporary, or even permanent, closure of a nuclear power plant. In that regard, it is important that we also include nuclear power plants which straddle our borders because, sometimes, these have an even greater impact on our citizens than nuclear power plants which are fully in Europe. Please pay great attention to this.
We need to properly investigate the considered actions and risks. Nuclear power is a source of energy which we cannot give up just like that, because it provides a large part of our energy and contributes to our reduction in CO2 emissions. However, we have to rethink our future and renewable energy and also ambitiously develop energy efficiency further.
Marita Ulvskog, on behalf of the S&D Group. – (SV) Mr President, nuclear power differs from other energy sources. In an extremely short time, it can do an enormous amount of harm to countries, people and future generations. I am therefore pleased that there seems to be strong and broad support in the European Parliament when it comes to nuclear power and the safety issues. I hope that this will also result in clear, broad, joint decisions.
Nuclear power cannot be regulated and monitored at national level alone. Nuclear power does not know national boundaries, nor does it know European boundaries. The safety debate and the safety work must therefore have a very wide agenda. In the light of this, it is important for us to take as united a decision as possible and, for once, overlook the fact that we have slightly differing opinions on the issue of nuclear power. This is about a common interest, in the short and long term: safety.
In the longer term, the situation indicates the unsustainable state of our current energy supply. We do not have a sufficiently diverse energy mix. Talk about investments in renewable energy and energy efficiency must be turned into action. What we need is nothing less than a paradigm shift in our energy policy, but that is not what this resolution should be about. It must be the beginning of a new start for the shifting of our energy system in the direction of sustainable energy and, of course, preparation for a strategy that also phases out nuclear power – in some cases, in the near future, and in others, in the slightly longer or medium to long term.
Lena Ek, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, the tragic events in Japan have not only revealed mistakes and flaws in Japanese reactors. The Fukushima events have also revealed shortcomings in the international system of safeguards in nuclear power plants. Today, many Europeans are concerned about nuclear safety here in Europe. It is therefore essential that the European Union should comprehensively reassess its approach to nuclear safety.
The view of the Liberals and Democrats is that the Council’s proposed stress tests are too weak. We should not only test technology and geography, but also the entire safety culture and preparedness to respond to multifaceted disaster scenarios. It is also absolutely vital that the tests should be made mandatory and be based on common and transparent Community criteria.
It should be obvious to everyone that we cannot leave it to governments and national authorities to supervise themselves. Instead, the stress tests should be conducted by independent experts and in full transparency. All facts should be made public under the supervision of the Commission.
(Applause)
Today, that is the only credible alternative for this technology. There should also be a comprehensive review of EU nuclear safety legislation by the IAEA. We should have European standards and stringent requirements. There is a responsibility for the Commission, but there is also a responsibility for the Council to step forward and take its responsibility. Lastly, it is essential that we should now also draw the lessons for alternative energy and energy efficiency. It is time to decide on binding targets.
(Applause)
Rebecca Harms, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – (DE) Mr President, Mr Oettinger, you already know that I do not trust your stress tests. I would like to explain to you briefly why this is the case. I believe that it is not a good thing for the national authorities and the supervisory bodies to be given responsibility for defining the criteria for the test and evaluating the results. Until now, they have been solely responsible for supervising and testing the nuclear power plants in the European Union.
The members of these bodies will be part of the familiar old boys’ network who are happy to certify that each others’ nuclear power stations were safe, are safe and will continue to be safe. Do you really believe that the national regulatory authorities will suddenly realise that they have been doing a bad job up until now and have been too tolerant? I do not believe that, Mr Oettinger, and you have not yet explained to me how you plan to guarantee that this whole supervisory system will suddenly become independent.
The voluntary nature of the stress tests is further proof that we cannot take them as seriously as we would like to. However, you still have time to change your plans and provide us with a guarantee that independent experts will be given access to the plants. You can guarantee that everything will be tested and that we will not just see reports on paper from a system which I have rightly described as an old boys’ network, because those people involved have all known each other and been friends for decades and have always accepted the highest levels of risk.
I would like to explain to you that we in the Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance expect the stress tests to be designed in such a way that they show which nuclear power plants really are no longer acceptable and which should be disconnected from the grid first. If the stress tests are genuinely to bring about a change of direction in Europe, we see them as the basis for an exit timetable which will start now and, if everything goes well in Europe, could come to an end in around 2025.
I would like to ask you to do one specific thing, Mr Oettinger. Over the last few days, you have given a number of interviews and have explained in Germany, for example, that you know which nuclear power plants will not pass these stress tests and that you are certain about some of them. Please make the names of these power plants public. For example, if one of them is Fessenheim, a power station which, as the French supervisory body has said, is not adequately protected against high water or earthquakes, then you should publicise the names of the sites which represent a risk. This would increase public confidence in your policies.
(Applause)
Giles Chichester, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, may I thank the President-in-Office and the Commissioner for their statements. Their measured content is in contrast with some other contributions. First of all, let us remember that there is a world of difference between 50-year-old reactors in Japan and the new designs under preparation in Europe – a world of difference. Let us also remember that there is a world of difference between the seismic risks faced in Japan and those in Western Europe. We need, above all, to be absolutely certain about what happened before taking steps to review what we are doing and plan to do.
Modern reactors are being designed now to withstand risks that were unimaginable 20 or 50 years ago. I am glad to see you agree with me, Mrs Harms.
(Heckling from Mrs Harms)
That was a rudery off-mike and you are taking up my speaking time, Mrs Harms.
There is a proposal for a moratorium. I oppose that because it would be to act in haste without scientific evidence. We must find out what has happened before we take any steps to change our already impressive safety culture in Europe. I agree we want to reinforce our safety culture, but let us not act in haste.
Sabine Wils, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – (DE) Mr President, there have recently been demonstrations in Germany in which 250 000 people called for an immediate exit from nuclear power and a changeover to 100% renewable energy. Both of these things are possible.
After Chernobyl and Fukushima, it is clear that nuclear power will always involve a residual risk. Therefore, it must be mandatory for the nuclear safety standards throughout Europe to be based on the best available technologies. Despite the adoption of the Council Directive concerning the nuclear safety of nuclear installations in 2009, the existing safety standards remain in place in the Member States.
Therefore, we urgently need a revision of this directive with the involvement of Parliament under the codecision procedure which is not based on the Euratom Treaty. I want to see an initiative involving as many of the groups in Parliament as possible which will call on the Council and the Commission to draw up a proposal for a directive to this effect. I believe that we need a nuclear exit scenario covering the whole of Europe.
Niki Tzavela, on behalf of the EFD Group. – Mr President, I agree with what has been said until now and also that we have to think about the moratorium tomorrow, as Mr Chichester suggested.
However, I want to add the following: we are entering a new era, a new world. All natural disasters that have taken place in the 21st century have been mega-disasters: mega-fires, mega-earthquakes and mega-sea tides. How can we protect ourselves from, and avoid, the nuclear threat arising from these disasters? We can see that we risk ending up with mega-killings as well due to these catastrophes.
In this Parliament, we condemn crimes against humanity. I consider TEPCO’s efficiency as a company to be a new form of crime against humanity: no transparency, no precautions, and nothing is done about the workers who are fighting the problem. I urge all of you to think about this new crime against society that we are going to face in the 21st century.
Pilar del Castillo Vera (PPE). – (ES) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, we need energy to eat, travel, study, cure diseases, and for many other things. That energy has always come from a variety of sources. In some cases, from the oldest sources, such as hydropower, fossil energy, and even nuclear energy; in other cases, from the most modern, for example, renewables. In addition to this, technologies are being developed to bring about increased safety, in some cases, or to offer greater efficiency, as in the case of renewable energies.
There is also research that has not yet been applied, such as carbon storage, or that which is expected to – and will – lead us to fusion power. All of this is necessary, ladies and gentlemen, because human life has operated and developed on the basis of constant improvements to the resources used and the research that made this possible. Communication, energy, medicine and study are based on that: the continual improvement of all our resources.
Recently, the tsunami and the earthquake that caused it resulted in serious damage for the people of Japan, including victims, missing people and material losses, as well as significant damage to the Fukushima plant. With all that in mind, what we have to do is improve safety.
Tomorrow, this House will vote on a joint resolution, on which the vast majority of the parliamentary groups have agreed. It expresses what unites us, not what divides us. I would ask the groups to remain loyal to the content of the proposal and not to allow their own interests to get in the way of the common interest or of the shared view that we have achieved on this proposal. That is our responsibility for tomorrow.
Teresa Riera Madurell (S&D). – (ES) Mr President, first of all, I should like to express my deepest sympathy to the victims and the families evacuated because of the nuclear accident.
Ladies and gentlemen, the lesson we should indeed learn from this accident is the urgent need to strengthen security measures. However, security also involves human resources. We need to ensure the highest level of training for staff working in the sector. We must guarantee optimum working conditions. Creating an excellent framework for training and work is a task that can be carried out from within the European institutions.
I would also like to emphasise the commitments that the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament (S&D) has made in its energy plan for Europe, which are a firm pledge in favour of renewable energies, infrastructures, energy efficiency and electric mobility. In this context, I also think we should reopen the debate on coal, because it is our only indigenous source of fossil energy.
Fiona Hall (ALDE). – Mr President, stress tests on technical standards are not enough. It is not just about earthquakes. The problem in Japan was the accumulation of events: flooding, loss of off-site power and disruption of communications. We have seen how one problem leads to another, and that the very radioactivity of the site in Fukushima now is hugely hampering the safety work which needs to go on.
A nuclear accident is not a linear event; the consequences ripple outwards like the radioactivity which is still discharging into the sea. It is therefore vital that the proposed stress tests take into account the multiple, complex, geometric consequences of a disaster event.
Commissioner, as you say, Member States have the right to decide their energy mix, but you have the responsibility for nuclear safety. Do you agree that Member States should impose a moratorium on the planning and commissioning of new nuclear plants? What will you be proposing to make sure that governments and investors focus instead, now, on how to get a greater commitment to energy efficiency and renewables?
Claude Turmes (Verts/ALE). – (DE) Mr President, Mr Oettinger, ladies and gentlemen, the dramatic events in Japan have shown us that the only totally safe nuclear power plant is the one that was never built or the one that was shut down. These are the only ones that are completely safe. Since the events in Japan, we know that all other claims are untrue. The citizens of Europe know that and this is why they want to see a strong response from us. The only response that we can give is that our vision is to develop a Europe which is totally based on renewable energy.
We can gradually begin to put this vision into practice by a combination of energy efficiency in homes, transport, industry and electricity generation, a wide range of renewable energies and the use of natural gas as a transition fuel. Mr Oettinger, you are in the process of drawing up the Energy Roadmap 2050. Our question to you is: Are you prepared to work with us on a vision of this kind? Are you convinced that the Energy Roadmap 2050 should be used as the basis for a discussion not only with experts but also with the citizens of Europe about a different future for energy in Europe?
Konrad Szymański (ECR). – (PL) Mr President, if, today, we have to learn the lessons and do some homework after what has happened in Japan, we should do so with great caution. We will have to concentrate and think carefully. A move away from nuclear energy or the imposition of unrealistic requirements for this section of our energy system will not eliminate a single problem. Just across our borders, yet more power stations will be built, which will not be subject to our safety standards or the supervision of our regulatory bodies. In Kaliningrad and Belarus today, developments of this kind to supply the demand from Central Europe are already under way. The flight of nuclear energy from the Union will show our efforts to be illusory. Yet again, we will hit at the competitiveness of our energy system and, in so doing, at our economy and industry. For the umpteenth time, ecological plans will benefit our competition, mainly from Russia. Therefore, if today we are going to increase the standards we require from nuclear energy, we must have a guarantee that the electricity produced by reactors which are outside our borders will be subject to the same rigorous criteria.
Miloslav Ransdorf (GUE/NGL). – (CS) Mr President, there are several possible conclusions to be drawn from the disaster in Japan. First, the energy sector should be under state control, and there should be reliable back-up facilities at every power plant, positioned sufficiently far away. The TEPCO company has behaved irresponsibly. Secondly, we should support the environment in all ways possible and say ‘no’ to the green scaremongers who have long been blackmailing Europe. Thirdly, we need a change of mood in our Parliament and in the Commission. An uncivilised atmosphere has long prevailed in the European Parliament, and we need a Commission of courageous men and women who are not afraid of new solutions, and who have a pioneering spirit, not buck-passers who, after the manner of a certain kind of beetle, roll a ball of petty personal interests along in front of themselves, even in relation to European positions.
Peter Liese (PPE). – (DE) Mr President, Mr Oettinger, ladies and gentlemen, I fully support the joint resolution. We are sending two specific messages to those in positions of responsibility in the Member States and to the population of Europe. We need common rules to protect us from nuclear accidents throughout the whole of Europe. The time for a parochial approach to nuclear safety has long since gone. Two older power stations in Germany, 180 km from Strasbourg, have been temporarily shut down and disconnected from the grid. Around 100 km away from here in Fessenheim is a reactor which, as far as we know, is no safer than the two power plants in Germany that have been disconnected from the grid as a result of events in Japan.
This example clearly shows that we need common criteria at a very high level. We have the legal basis in place and the question of how far we go with the existing legal basis will always be a political one. We need to go much further than we have in the past.
The second message is that regardless of the decisions made in the Member States, and some will disconnect power stations from the grid more quickly than others, we should not be replacing the lost energy with additional gas imports, for example, from Russia. Paragraphs 21 and 22 show the direction in which we want to go. We want more renewable energy and more energy efficiency. Mr Oettinger, before the events at Fukushima, you produced an energy efficiency action plan. That was an important step forward and it now needs to be put into practice even more urgently.
Personally, I agree with the majority of this House that we need binding targets. We no longer want to use fossil fuels. We want jobs in trade and industry. Energy efficiency is cost-effective and so we urgently need to make progress in this area.
Catherine Trautmann (S&D). – (FR) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, nuclear power is a non-carbon energy source, but also a transitional energy source which depends on exhaustible resources. It is also a potentially dangerous form of energy. The obvious priority, after Fukushima, is to take a view on the safety of our power stations. These stress tests must be carried out in the most coordinated way possible at Union level, and potentially beyond in our immediate neighbourhood, by independent entities working in accordance with the strictest standards and with the greatest transparency.
Next, the fight against climate change requires a coherent and ambitious policy. While nuclear power means that we can emit less CO2 into the atmosphere to produce the electricity we need, we must not be dependent on it. In countries such as France which produce nuclear power, reducing its share is a precondition for any far-reaching decision. This process means that we must redouble our efforts when it comes to saving energy and increasing the share of renewables, which, in the medium and long-term, will be able to cover almost all of our consumption. This is about the safety of power stations, but it must also be about the security of provision throughout the European Union, so that no country finds itself in economic difficulty.
Finally, true solidarity requires the creation of an Energy Community.
Corinne Lepage (ALDE). – (FR) Mr President, regarding safety, I am, of course, only too happy to support all the proposals made by my fellow Members on the essential independence of those who will be responsible for carrying out the stress tests and the idea that these rules will be set at Community level.
Let us not deceive ourselves, though: we have some old power stations which were designed without regard for the accumulation of risks and, as a result, whether or not we carry out stress tests, we will never have complete safety with the existing power stations. We must be fully aware of this. Furthermore, I do not believe that most European citizens today accept the idea of paying the price for a nuclear accident in Europe. That is a luxury that we cannot afford; we must be fully aware of that.
We must therefore organise the phasing-out of nuclear power while bearing in mind our economic needs, our needs in terms of employment, our industrial capacities and the requirement not to increase our greenhouse gas emissions. I think that we are all aware of that.
How should we do this? We should do it with the great European project that is the phasing-out of nuclear power. Claude mentioned 15 years. I think that that is very optimistic; it will probably be a little longer. However, this is a great project which could mobilise Europeans, could restore confidence in ourselves and also in the institutions, because beyond Fukushima, Mr President, this is still an act of defiance towards the public authorities and the supervisory bodies. We have to be aware of this.
Paul Rübig (PPE). (Blue card question put to Mrs Trautmann under Rule 149(8)) – (DE) Mr President, I would like to ask Mrs Trautmann to answer a question for me. In France, there is a system of independent regulators who do a very good job. Do you believe that the French model could be applied throughout Europe, with a European regulator based on the French system?
Catherine Trautmann (S&D). – (FR) Mr President, I thank my fellow Member, Mr Rübig, for asking this question. I think that, actually, the French regulator is independent – his proposals are testament to that. I think that, given the logic of what I mentioned concerning the European Energy Community, we should have an independent regulator at European level and make available the supervisory means to ensure that the regulator’s work is independent and that the regulator is genuinely competent.
Corinne Lepage (ALDE). (Blue card question put to Mrs Trautmann under Rule 149(8)) – (FR) On this point, Mrs Trautmann, an independent authority on the paper, yes. Given its composition and the fact that there is no pluralism in the people who make it up, quite frankly, we could ask ourselves a lot of questions.
Catherine Trautmann (S&D). – (FR) Mr President, at national level, it is always possible to question the composition and, from this point of view, I agree with Mrs Lepage’s comment. I think that we will soon see a period in which pluralism can be better ensured, but in any case, I would not want to question the honesty of the work by those people who have taken up their task conscientiously, and one person in particular, Mr Lacoste.
Evžen Tošenovský (ECR). – (CS) Mr President, for several weeks now, we have been following with bated breath the incredible struggle in Japan with the effects of the gigantic earthquake and subsequent tsunami. I also admire the way the Japanese have coped with it, something which has not been said here yet.
People always learn from every disaster. Events such as these have always led to technical improvements and safety measures. People do not stop flying after major air disasters. Reliability and safety are improved. It is important to gather all of the experience on the operation of nuclear power plants from the disaster in Japan. We must evaluate this extreme natural stress test correctly and obtain as much experience as possible for technical and safety measures. Nuclear plants must be ready to withstand extreme natural disasters.
We must also learn from the emergency procedures, as this, too, is part of plant operation and safety. Politicians must refrain from quick and simple judgments. It is surely sensible to have the maximum number of repeat verifications of nuclear plants. The Japanese experience is an opportunity for the responsible appraisal of existing safety standards, without unnecessary political grandstanding.
Herbert Reul (PPE). – (DE) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, everyone knows that there are very different opinions both in the Member States and here in the political groups on the question of whether or not we should have nuclear power.
The debate today has shown that there are also differing views within the groups. On the other hand, there has been a disaster in Japan which represents a huge problem. We have started a debate on this subject and I think that the resolution offers us an important opportunity to focus today and tomorrow on one specific question, which is whether we can jointly raise our safety standards and whether we will be able to put in place increased European powers of whatever kind or greater European cooperation.
Although there are many things in this resolution which I do not like, I am of the opinion that my fellow Members have done an excellent job, because they have produced a text which focuses more closely on safety and on European cooperation. Therefore, I would like to ask if it is not high time that we took the opportunity presented by this debate today and tomorrow to put aside the question of whether or not we should get out of nuclear power, or of whether we are enthusiastic or unenthusiastic supporters of nuclear power, and to focus on this instead. If we could all agree not to put the amendments that we have tabled to the vote tomorrow – I would just like to see them presented – and to concentrate on voting with a large majority or perhaps even unanimously for more safety and greater European powers, we would be doing more for the reputation of the European Parliament and for the process of drawing consequences from the events in Japan than if we continue with the disputes that we are always having. We can perhaps postpone them until the week after next. I would like to ask you to think about whether we should try this.
(The speaker agreed to take a blue card question under Rule 149(8))
Rebecca Harms (Verts/ALE). – (DE) Mr President, Mr Reul, you know that I have always supported higher levels of safety in the nuclear industry. When it came to the Nuclear Safety Directive which we adopted two years ago, I had very little success. A large majority of this House was against the highest safety standards. The subject of a new feeling of mutual trust presents us with another major problem. Parliament has no contribution to make to this debate. If there is any doubt, the decisions on nuclear safety and stress tests will be made by the Council and by Euratom. Parliament will be excluded from the process. We are generally able to express our opinion, but whether this will have any consequences or not is in the lap of the gods. If you are now saying that we will take action against the old Euratom Treaty in future and ensure that there is consultation and transparency in all the areas relating to safety, we will perhaps be able to come to a better understanding.
Herbert Reul (PPE). – (DE) Mr President, Mrs Harms, I did not fully understand your question, because it was not a question. However, that is not a bad thing, because I have made an effort and will continue making an effort to take up this opportunity. You know that we have totally opposing positions on this subject.
It would send out an important signal, regardless of the question of powers, if we could agree on the issue of increased safety with a large majority. The resolution covers a number of areas, many more than those we have already adopted and many more than I was prepared to go along with. That is true and you are absolutely right. However, if we can manage to agree on more safety and more Europe, we will be sending out a signal to the Member States. If we do this tomorrow on the basis of a dispute, because we have different positions when it comes to the issue of whether or not we should exit from nuclear power, then it will probably not have a major impact. This is all that I am asking for, no more and no less.
Giles Chichester (ECR). – Mr President, I am deeply insulted that Mrs Harms merely heckled me from off microphone but waved her blue card at my colleague, Mr Reul. Can I not have equal treatment?
Michael Cramer (Verts/ALE). (Blue card question put to Mr Reul under Rule 149(8)) – (DE) Mr President, Mr Reul, I wanted to ask you whether your personal position has changed at all. The sweater that I am wearing today is 30 years old. In those days, we were demonstrating against nuclear power. The so-called experts told us that there was a risk of an accident once every ten thousand years. The Director of the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research, Mr Schnellhuber, recently said in an interview with Die Zeit that this is true. If you divide ten thousand years by the 400 nuclear power plants in the world, the result is 25 years. Therefore, we can expect a reactor accident to happen every 25 years. First Chernobyl, then Fukushima. Where next?
Have you changed your position on this point? Do you still believe that nuclear power stations are safe or do you share my opinion that Zwentendorf is the only safe nuclear power station in the world?
Herbert Reul (PPE). – (DE) Mr President, of course my opinion has changed, but not fundamentally. Is it so bad not to change your views about something? However, my opinion has changed a great deal and I hope you have noticed that. I have explained that I will vote in favour of this resolution if it stays as it is. That is a major change in comparison to my previous views. You may see that as being satisfactory or as unsatisfactory. I stand by what I have said. It would be good if we could adopt this resolution unanimously.
Jo Leinen (S&D). – (DE) Mr President, you have heard what the Chair of the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy has said. Now I am speaking as Chair of the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety and the differences could not be greater. The fact that we need the highest safety levels for all nuclear power plants goes without saying. We all agree on that. Mr Oettinger, your stress test is an important first step, but it does not go nearly far enough. I also believe that we need to rethink our approach and come up with a new one which goes into greater depth and is far more fundamental. This is why, in addition to the highest safety standards in the EU, we also need an exit scenario from a risky technology, which we cannot justify using on the densely populated continent of Europe.
Mr Reul, you and others will simply have to go along with this. Your colleagues in Berlin have made much more progress than you have here in Strasbourg and in Brussels. They have probably reached the turning point, while you are still stuck with your old ideas. I hope that we can come up with a formulation, a scenario and a strategy for exiting from nuclear power. Mr Oettinger, the road map which you are producing in June of this year would be a wonderful opportunity to achieve this. After the stress tests, you must also give us your idea of how we can get out of nuclear technology.
(Applause)
Antonio Cancian (PPE). – (IT) Mr President, Mrs Győri, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I think that our condolences should go to all the victims of the great disaster which has hit Japan. The situation is really worrying, but I think the task of politics is not to make choices under conditions of panic, but to try to remain rational and face reality as best we can.
That said, I think we should start from two important considerations. The first is that there is only one sky and yet the land is divided by boundaries that have nothing to do with the problems we have on our agenda; and the second is that we must always aim for sustainable development which has multiple components. This sustainable development has three components which must be put together: economic, environmental and social. If we succeed in this effort, I think we will move in the right direction.
I think the resolution tabled, which I fully support and which has been widely shared, comes at the right time for us to take on the responsibility of safety, an issue which should represent a diagnosis of the current situation, and to look to the future. How should we look to the future? By meeting the criteria we committed ourselves to respecting and, above all, by moving towards decisions regarding efficiency and renewal, which should always take into account culture and innovation in research, including the International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor (ITER).
President. – The Presidency has been informed that today is Mr Leinen’s birthday, so happy birthday, Mr Leinen.
Edit Herczog (S&D). – (HU) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, nuclear safety has a human face. The design, construction, operation, supervision and closure of a power plant, and the drafting of the related laws, are all human activities. The key component of safety is therefore knowledge and the maximum utilisation of human activities. The maintenance and practical application of this knowledge is essential both in connection with the operation of power plants and, for a long time afterwards, in connection with their closure. I agree with conducting stress tests and I agree that the experience gained should be incorporated in the Nuclear Safety Directive.
I agree that we should conduct cross-border checks, if only to calm the population. I agree that we should do everything to participate in international organisations contributing the best of our knowledge. I especially agree that we should use R&D activities to dispose of the nuclear waste of the past 60 years. There is one thing I particularly agree with: whatever decision we make with regard to energy, we should insist that the 500 million people in Europe be supplied with electricity. Thank you for your attention.
Gaston Franco (PPE). – (FR) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, we are talking today about improving the safety of nuclear power, not about calling civil nuclear power into question when it is an essential component of energy independence and of the fight against greenhouse gases in many Member States of the European Union.
The European initiative of performing stress tests on all our power stations is a first essential and reasonable step which responds to the expectations of European citizens. We must carry out these tests using a common approach and common criteria whose methodology will have to be entrusted to the European Nuclear Safety Regulators Group. The neighbouring countries of the European Union should also undergo these tests, given the cross-border risks that exist.
Besides these tests, the European Union must work to harmonise international standards at the highest level, within the G20 and the International Atomic Energy Agency, on the basis of the Western European Nuclear Regulators’ Association’s objectives for new reactors. Within the European Union, we should promote and intensify cooperation between the national safety authorities.
The European Union must serve as a model, both for the strengthening of the rules and for efforts in solidarity. In the face of this type of disaster, I think that the creation of a European Civil Protection Force is needed more than ever.
Kathleen Van Brempt (S&D). – (NL) Mr President, that is right: you will find advocates and opponents of nuclear energy across the political spectrum. However, what I do not understand is why some people have still not opened their eyes to this topic, even after Fukushima. The unthinkable has happened. A combination of factors has led to a disaster that could perfectly conceivably happen in our part of the world, too. There is no such thing as zero risk. Today, we need to take three steps.
First of all, as the Commissioner has proposed, the stress test should be conducted in all openness, in all transparency, whilst, at the same time, steps should be taken to ensure that it covers as broad a range of plants as possible. Yet, we must also ensure that we act on the results of this stress test. Any nuclear plant which is not safe should be closed down.
Secondly, we must ensure that we organise a phasing out of nuclear energy. We cannot have nuclear power plants which are built for a service life of thirty years still remaining in use after forty or even fifty years.
Thirdly, it would be too absurd for words if we, in this European Union, were to opt for new nuclear plants. There is only one way forward in Europe, and that is renewable energy, and we in this House ought to reach a consensus in favour of renewables.
Bogusław Sonik (PPE). – (PL) Mr President, on 26 April, a quarter of a century will have passed since the Chernobyl disaster, the worst nuclear accident in history. Twenty-five years on, we remember all the victims of the tragedy, those who suffered and those who, to this day, are still feeling the effects of the disaster. This tragic anniversary has unfortunately coincided with the events in Japan. In recalling the Chernobyl disaster, I would like to express my solidarity with the Japanese people, who are struggling with the effects of the accident at the Fukushima nuclear power station, which was itself caused by the waves of the tsunami.
Even today, contamination is to be found in food produced in the regions of Ukraine which were exposed to radioactive caesium 137 – an isotope which has a half-life of 30 years. Greenpeace has carried out research which shows that in at least two provinces, Zhitomir and Rovno, the local population consumes contaminated milk, mushrooms, fruit, fresh-water fish and vegetables. According to official data, there is a high level of radiation in areas at a distance of 30 km from the power station. It is estimated, however, that the affected area may, in fact, include a total of around 50 000 km2 across many provinces in Ukraine.
There are currently 165 operational reactors in Europe, not including Russia. It is important to know that they are not only located on the territory of the European Union, but also in neighbouring countries near the Union’s borders. Russia and Belarus are beginning the construction of power stations near the borders of the Union. We must ask what guarantee can be given of their safety? Energy should not be bought from nuclear power stations located outside the borders of the European Union if they do not comply with the highest standards of safety as defined by stress tests in the European Union.
(The President interrupted the speaker)
I will say that again: at this moment, nuclear power stations are being built by Russia and Belarus near the borders of the European Union. In relation to this, I think European Union Member States should not buy nuclear energy from these power stations if they do not pass stress tests which are the same as those required in the European Union.
Ioan Enciu (S&D). – (RO) Mr President, I want to begin by expressing my complete sympathy for the Japanese people. I believe that it is important now for us to give them every support we can.
The Fukushima accident has shown us that some existing nuclear power plants are not safe. This is why we must attach greater importance to nuclear safety. I think that it is vital to carry out safety tests on the nuclear power plants immediately.
On the other hand, however, we must avoid the pitfall of making emotional and unfounded decisions about whether to keep or abandon nuclear energy. The decision about the composition of the energy mix must remain under Member States’ jurisdiction, while the European Union’s role must be to ensure that the highest safety standards are applied. However, any measure taken at European or national level with regard to the energy mix and regulating nuclear energy must be based on a high level of scientific objectivity.
Arturs Krišjānis Kariņš (PPE). – (LV) Mr President, nuclear energy currently generates approximately one third of total energy consumption in Europe. If we wanted to replace this capacity in a short time, there are only two real alternatives: i.e. increase the use of either coal or natural gas. Both these alternatives have their difficulties. With coal, it is CO2 emissions. With natural gas, of course, it is that the majority is imported from Russia. In the short term, therefore, there are two things that can be done. The more important thing is what has already been discussed: to increase safety measures. However, ladies and gentlemen, it will not be enough to increase safety measures in Europe, for Europe’s neighbours, Russia and Belarus, are going ahead, regardless of our debates on nuclear safety. They will develop their reactors, which is why we must ensure that Europe’s high standards are imposed not only in Europe, but also in the rest of the world, especially in our neighbouring states, Russia and Belarus. Naturally, the second thing that Europe must do, also in the short term, what we can do, is constantly to reinforce our measures in the area of energy saving, and to place ever greater stress on renewable energy resources, making more use of wind, solar, water and biomass sources. Naturally, also in the long term, it is precisely energy saving and an increased use of wind, solar, water and biomass that will reduce our dependence on both nuclear energy and on imported energy sources.
Mario Pirillo (S&D). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the news regarding Fukushima is increasingly worrying. Safety limits have been greatly exceeded and we do not know what will happen in the near future. There has been a lack of clear and transparent communications.
Stress tests should be conducted on existing nuclear plants and if the outcome raises concern we must have the courage to call for their immediate closure. We need to introduce higher international safety standards and there should be no thought of constructing new nuclear plants. We must prepare the way for a gradual withdrawal of this type of energy which causes irreparable damage to the environment and human health.
Careful thought on the development of future energy policies is essential. We must urgently develop policies that aim at energy conservation and efficiency, and increased investment in research into new technologies and renewable energy sources. Finally, we should open a debate involving citizens and local authorities.
Romana Jordan Cizelj (PPE). – (SL) Mr President, I agree with the Members who have said that we should ensure nuclear safety at the European level. However, ladies and gentlemen, we need to recognise in this respect that ‘safety culture’ is a very broad concept, which takes into account both ... which includes both a safe nuclear technology and the ensuring of adequate financial resources, human resources, adequate safety standards and strong and independent supervisory bodies. In my opinion, all this should also be part of these European safety standards. This is not about us lacking trust in the existing institutions, but about ensuring, at the institutional level, the highest possible safety in the future too.
Commissioner, you have said that Member States are not interested in that, but who are these Member States? If we asked our citizens (and such public opinion polls have already been carried out), you would see that they are happy for some of the powers to be transferred to the European Union.
I must state clearly that I am against the closure of nuclear power plants for political reasons. There are several nuclear power plants in Japan, and one of them has been struck by this severe nuclear accident. Before we adopt various measures, we need to have arguments and expert findings. We therefore need to have expert analyses of what happened in Fukushima if we are to find out at all the real reasons for the nuclear accident and the damage to the core.
To conclude, let me just say that we have come a long way towards adopting a directive on radioactive waste and that, with this directive, we will be able to show that we are serious.
(The speaker agreed to take three blue card questions under Rule 149(8))
Sonia Alfano (ALDE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I ask my fellow Member if thousands of deaths are not a matter to think over and reflect on for a long time, seeing as she just said that we do not have sufficient reason to believe that nuclear power is dangerous. Since there have been thousands of new deaths in Japan, I wanted to ask if this fact might not be enough.
Judith A. Merkies (S&D). – Mr President, I would like to ask my colleague how many nuclear plants have to go down before she says that it is enough. She talks about only one nuclear plant in Japan having been hit. However, there were six nuclear plants, not one. How many would be enough for her to change her opinion?
Hannes Swoboda (S&D). – (DE) Mr President, Mrs Jordan Cizelj, there is a power station in Krško in your country, which is viewed rather critically, among other things, because it is located in an earthquake zone.
Are you prepared at least to ensure that it is one of the first power stations to be investigated using strict and, hopefully, objective stress tests, so that we can make sure that the citizens are at no immediate risk from this power station, although it is in an earthquake zone, and that improvements can be made for as long as the power station remains in existence?
Romana Jordan Cizelj (PPE). – (SL) Mr President, there are, indeed, thousands of victims in Japan and I personally deeply sympathise with them and think that the European Union should offer all possible assistance. However, what I am against is these victims being misused in the name of some ideological fight against the use of nuclear energy. That is why I said that we need to analyse the causes which have led to this nuclear accident and that we need to find out whether they are at all possible in Europe and how we can avoid them. I would also ask that we do not confuse victims of a natural disaster, victims of an earthquake and a tsunami, with potential victims of a nuclear accident. That is my answer to the first question.
As far as the second question is concerned, how many accidents in nuclear plants ... May I continue? How many accidents will it take to change my mind? I mentioned one plant which has several reactors, so a single plant with several reactors. We know that there are a number of plants in Japan. I think that each plant ... or each accident should be taken very seriously; we should not be thinking in terms of how many accidents, because we need to take into account each accident, and not only the accident, but also any other incident assessed to be less than an accident. We have to learn something from each such incident. Indeed, this very example is telling us that we should not conclude from one accident that nuclear technology is unacceptable.
There is one more question I have not answered. There were three questions. The Krško nuclear power plant. May I? The safety of this plant has been tested and, at the time, Austria, which was very active on this issue, also carried out additional seismic safety tests. As a result, additional modifications were made and this is now, in fact, an established practice. I firmly believe that everyone in Slovenia will agree to such a stress test being carried out at Krško immediately. Since we are a small nuclear country, we are used to being subjected to a relatively greater number of international tests than is the case for other nuclear power plants in the larger countries.
Richard Seeber (PPE). – (DE) Mr President, Mr Oettinger, ladies and gentlemen, I come from Austria and we are all worried about Krško. I hope that the assurances made by Mrs Jordan Cizelj will be followed up. I would like to express my concern for and sympathy with the people of Japan who have suffered a great deal and who are coping with these events with calm stoicism.
However, we should try to draw some positive conclusions from the disaster. The only positive aspect is that we must reconsider our position and begin to learn lessons in Europe from the catastrophe. One short-term lesson is the need to bring about a huge improvement in safety standards in European reactors. Another lesson is that we must establish a European civil protection body. Europe must allow its safety and rescue teams to work together across national borders.
The long-term lesson involves the need to draw up a common exit scenario, because events have clearly shown that nuclear technology as it currently stands is too dangerous and that is unlikely to change in future. The consequences are too long-lasting.
You can see from my remarks that the divide runs right across all the groups, including the Group of the European People’s Party (Christian Democrats). However, overall, I believe that we should take to heart the fact that the famous safety standards promised us by everyone simply cannot be guaranteed. Therefore, the stress tests must cover an accumulation of different risks. If we only investigate individual risks, we will never have a realistic scenario. In this context, realistic means that it is very difficult, for example, to predict a tsunami, even if it is unlikely to happen here in Europe, but we do have earthquake zones here.
(Applause)
Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE). – (RO) Mr President, I would first of all like to express my admiration and respect for the attitude of the Japanese people towards the extraordinary situation they are going through. This situation has given rise to heated debates about the future of nuclear energy – whether to continue with or abandon it. I believe that we must adopt a balanced attitude, taking into account every aspect: the demands of the economy, public safety and climate change.
I believe that the future energy policy must be based on striking a balance between renewable energy, new technologies for conventional energy resources and nuclear energy in safe conditions. Investments must be made in research into the efficient production of renewable energy. We must invest to make secure new sources of conventional raw materials and new supply routes for Europe – the Southern Corridor. At the same time, innovation and research are required into new technologies which will eliminate the polluting effect conventional energy production has on the environment.
The Nuclear Safety Directive must be revised in order to tighten requirements. The stress tests proposed by the Commission are necessary. The criteria must be set out, taking into account every aspect: age, technologies and natural hazards. The tests must be carried out with the Commission’s involvement. The tests’ results must be used when revising the directive. The consequences of the tests must be very clear. Those which pass continue to operate, those which fail stop. I should point out the need for a European policy for treating and storing nuclear waste, as well as for decommissioning power plants.
Lastly, but by no means the least important point, the general public must retain their confidence in nuclear energy and be informed accordingly.
Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE). – Mr President, I would like to make a short comment regarding nuclear plants in third countries that are very close to EU borders. Two particular cases have already been mentioned today, two simultaneous nuclear projects: one in the Kaliningrad district of the Russian Federation, which is completely surrounded by Lithuania, Poland and the Baltic Sea, and the second in Belarus, where a nuclear power station is planned to be built just 20 km away from the Lithuanian border.
When the whole world was watching the dramatic developments in Fukushima, on 15 March, the Belarus Government and the Russian state-owned energy company Rosatom signed a contract under which Rosatom will have to finish the nuclear plant in Belarus by 2018. Russia is also preparing a USD 6 billion envelope to Belarus to finance this project. So the Belarus authorities have been defiant about the need to properly inform Belarus’s neighbours about the planned project, and the project as it stands clearly violates the Espoo Convention on environmental impact assessment.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D). – (RO) Mr President, I welcome the Commission’s decision to impose stress tests on the European Union’s nuclear reactors. We call on these inspections to be carried out based on common, detailed evaluation criteria in order to enhance nuclear safety further in the European Union.
The Union currently has 143 nuclear reactors, with nuclear energy accounting for 30% of the energy mix. Member States are responsible for their own energy mix, but nuclear safety is the responsibility of all of us. This is why it is important for us to have a resolution on nuclear safety in the European Union. I should emphasise that investments made in nuclear safety must be guaranteed for every nuclear reactor until the end of the period envisaged for their operation.
The stress tests will result in a rise in standards for future nuclear reactors and, by extension, in the cost of nuclear energy. The Union must therefore make considerable investments in energy efficiency measures and in the production and use of renewable energy sources, particularly for buildings and transport.
Anneli Jäätteenmäki (ALDE). – (FI) Mr President, it is a good thing that the EU wants stress tests for its Member States and its neighbours. The only drawback is that they will not be compulsory. The EU is now coyly asking if these could possibly be carried out. Another failing is that the EU has not drawn up common standards. It is imperative, however, that these should exist. Thirdly, an independent body should carry out these tests. I simply cannot believe that national bodies will say that there have been malfunctions in their country or that they themselves have neglected to monitor sites properly. If these are to be genuine tests, there should be standards in place for them, they should be carried out openly, and independent parties should conduct them.
Michèle Rivasi (Verts/ALE). – (FR) Mr President, I would nevertheless like to remind my fellow Members that the Fukushima accident is not over and that there are still risks of explosion relating to the molten core.
I have a question to put to our Commissioner, Mr Oettinger. It is about the implementation of these stress tests. As our fellow Member has just said, how will you get a guarantee that all the criteria that you have mentioned to the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy are taken into account by each Member State that uses nuclear power stations? How will you force a Member State to allow independent experts to verify and monitor the power stations if it refuses? The reason I ask this is that, if they monitor themselves, I do not see how we will apply your stress tests. There absolutely must be an independent body monitoring the power stations in each Member State.
How, furthermore, will we ensure that neighbouring countries – you spoke of Armenia, with Metsamor, and of other countries such as Belarus, and so on – accept such monitoring? Parliament will have to support you, Commissioner, but how will we do this?
Finally, we have a real responsibility to phase out nuclear power, and this is where scenarios for achieving this must be proposed to Parliament. It is the only guarantee that there will be no further accidents.
Jaroslav Paška (EFD). – (SK) Mr President, the extensive damage to the nuclear power plant in Fukushima caused by an extraordinary natural disaster has shown that it is extremely important to look after safety in facilities of this kind. It is therefore right and proper that the European Commission has decided to perform a safety audit of all nuclear plants on our territory without delay.
European citizens have a right to safety, and a professional independent audit of nuclear facilities can alert us to any deficiencies and risks which we might avoid with careful operation. I do not doubt that the result of the findings of the safety audit of our nuclear facilities will be a serious decision obliging operators of power plants to correct any deficiencies in the facilities immediately, and not try to circumvent the safety criteria, fulfilment of which must be a precondition for the running of a nuclear plant.
Commissioner, I am sure the European public expects us to conduct an open and honest dialogue today on the future of European energy policy, including the definition of new safety limits for all power plants in Europe.
Angelika Werthmann (NI). – (DE) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the nuclear disaster in Japan has shown us one thing. Nature is stronger and more powerful than mankind. For this reason, it is high time for us finally to disconnect from the grid the old nuclear power stations and those that are at risk of earthquakes and, in the long-term, to get out of nuclear power. We need stress tests, Mr Oettinger! We do not want a second Chernobyl. We need limits for food from Japan. I have one question for the Commission. Do you really want to irradiate the people of Europe?
You should withdraw this implementing regulation immediately and preferably today. We must invest in and make use of alternative energies. They do exist. They are safe, environmentally friendly and less harmful to people. One more point: they create new jobs.
In Austria, we had the Zwentendorf nuclear power plant that was never connected to the grid. Now it is a solar power station.
Mairead McGuinness (PPE). – Mr President, this debate should be about nuclear safety. It has obviously gone further than that and is about the energy mix. Could I suggest that we have that debate when the Commission brings forward its road map on energy?
On the issue of safety, can I ask the Commissioner whether it is appropriate to use the words ‘stress tests’, because when it comes to banking, the words ‘stress tests’ have certainly failed us. What I would ask is to use the words ‘safety assessments’ or ‘risk assessments’. What follow-up will there be on those safety assessments? Will you ensure that they are carried out on all nuclear plants, including waste and reprocessing facilities, because I have a particular concern about Sellafield, which is close to the Irish border?
We need to look at the safety of plants now. Regrettably, some colleagues say, we are highly reliant on nuclear power – even those who do not have plants on their territory – so safety is paramount. Let us move to another stage of looking at the energy mix. Let us be honest: renewables are not an easy answer either.
Kriton Arsenis (S&D). – (EL) Mr President, it took us 25 years to forget Chernobyl and I fear that the disaster in Japan will not suffice to remind us.
We have been systematically condemning Japan. It is as if we want to say that it is Japan, rather than nuclear energy, that is unsafe. We have started safety tests on our nuclear power plants and are again insisting that there is such a thing as safe nuclear technology. We need to shut down nuclear power plants over thirty years old immediately and put an end to any thoughts of building new plants. We need an immediate ‘nuclear’ tax that will allow us to reflect the entire environmental cost of nuclear energy. We need to invest in improving the performance of photovoltaic energy and to make real investments in increasing the performance of all renewable energy sources.
Commissioner, the legislative initiative and responsibility for our action, or the consequences of our failure to act, lie with you.
Günther Oettinger, Member of the Commission. – (DE) Mr President, honourable Members, first of all, I would like to look at our long-term energy policy. We want to invite you to become involved with the Energy Roadmap from day one. For this reason, I am offering to meet with the groups from May onwards to discuss different scenarios for Europe’s energy sector for the decades to come.
One scenario, in other words, one option with all the resulting consequences, will definitely involve setting the target for the proportion of renewable energy used in electricity generation as high as possible, even at 100%, which will have an impact on power grids, storage facilities, research, efficiency and a number of other factors.
However, at the same time, I would like to ask everyone to take the legal basis into consideration. The Treaty of Lisbon is only 18 months old and you were more closely involved in its creation than I was. The Treaty gives the European Union comprehensive legislative powers in the field of energy with only one far-reaching exception, which was included quite deliberately. The question of energy technology and the energy mix remains in the hands of the national parliaments.
We can argue about whether this was the right thing to do, but it is clear that the conclusions to be drawn from the events in Japan for the Energy Roadmap must be based on the Treaty of Lisbon and, as things currently stand, I believe that Article 194 is unlikely to be revised in the foreseeable future. I would like it to be revised and I believe that there is sufficient expertise at a European level with regard to the energy mix. However, for the next few years, energy technology and electricity generation are a matter for the Member States.
However, there is one restriction in place, which we agreed on together with the Member States. The target of 20% renewable energy restricts the powers of the Member States to the remaining 80%. Therefore, because we will have to reach a level of 20% renewable energy with the support and commitment of the Member States in nine years and will have to evaluate the situation constantly by means of progress reports, the powers of the Member States will be reduced to 80% or to even less than this. Why is this? This is because the overall figure of 20% will mean perhaps 10% renewable energy in the transport sector.
In the field of electricity generation, which is currently the focus of attention, we are aiming for a proportion of 35% renewable energy – water, biomass, geothermal, solar and wind energy – in nine years. This means that in three to four years, renewable energy will have overtaken coal and nuclear power in the electricity sector. I believe that we cannot praise this development process highly enough. A total of 35% renewable energy in nine years!
The Energy Roadmap will be focusing not only on 2050, but also on 2025 and 2030, in other words, the next decade, during which we must invest in technology, power grids and storage facilities. I am sure that we can come to a consensus on a percentage for energy generation of 40 + x% in 2030 and then reach a decision about this with the Member States.
Once renewable energy makes up a proportion of 40% or more, the Member States will only be responsible for 60% or less and this will mean that we will be making progress on the subject of powers at a European level with the knowledge and consent of the Member States. This may not be fast enough for some people, but without amending the Treaty of Lisbon, which is currently not realistic, the target will be 20%, then 35% and later 40% or more renewable energy. This means a clear shift of power towards European control and the European level.
When we look at the renewable energy scenario, we should also always consider what is happening in the Member States. One example is Poland, a large and up-and-coming country which I very much respect. In Poland, 90% of electricity is currently generated using coal. Ninety per cent! I do not believe that it is likely and, therefore, I would like to ask the Members of all the groups who are present from the large and up-and-coming EU Member State of Poland: Do you believe that the politicians in your country, regardless of who is in government, will be able to bring the percentage of coal down to zero over the next few years and decades? I do not think that they will.
Incidentally, Poland is currently planning a new nuclear power station. This means that the Poles want nuclear power to make up part of their energy mix, with the aim of becoming less dependent on gas and on the Russian Federation.
Mrs Harms, the Polish Government was democratically elected and is highly respected within its own country. We Germans in particular should not think that we always know better. I trust our friends in Poland to take security issues into consideration in just the same way as I trust you.
(Applause and heckling)
To the group chair, I would like to say that we have a tendency in Germany to want to decide everything in Europe. My advice is to take into consideration and to accept the democratic processes in Poland and in France with appropriate humility. I am speaking as a European. I know my own country of Germany and I respect the democratic processes in Poland, in France and in every other Member State.
However, any country whose energy supply is based on 90% coal will find it more difficult to get down to 0%. This is why my plans include the option of coal without CO2 emissions. Anyone who is familiar with the situation in Poland, Romania or Spain will understand that coal has to be included as an option in the Energy Roadmap 2050, otherwise they will be ignoring the realities of democratically elected parliaments and governments. For this reason, I believe that research into carbon capture and storage (CCS) and demonstration projects are very important en route to another objective, which involves achieving a CO2-free energy sector in the next few decades.
In Mrs Hedegaard’s road map, we have included a reduction of 10% in CO2 emissions for the energy sector by 2050 compared with today’s levels.
(Heckling)
As far as the subject of nuclear power is concerned, we all know that there are countries which currently have a moratorium on nuclear power stations or which want to shut them down, for example, Germany. Some of our neighbours, such as Switzerland, have postponed the planning process for new nuclear power plants. However, there are countries which are in the process of building nuclear power stations, Finland, for example, and there are countries which currently have nuclear power and are planning new plants and others which do not have nuclear power and want to build their first power plant. Therefore, I think it is very important, despite all these differences and differing cultures, that the stress test and the safety investigation with the highest safety standards should be introduced and accepted by all the Member States. It is a small but decisive common denominator which will ensure the highest possible levels of safety for countries with and without nuclear power.
Some speakers have mentioned the fact that the authorities should be independent. We have public control and supervision in a wide range of areas of life, including health, safety, road transport, energy, industry and other fields. I would like to express my fundamental confidence in the system of public supervision. Mrs Harms, you have made sweeping statements referring to the old boys’ network and suggested that the national nuclear regulatory bodies are not fulfilling their statutory tasks. I believe that this is a serious accusation which implies a lack of trust in your fellow Member Mr Trittin who, as German Federal Environment Minister, was responsible for this regulatory body in Germany for seven years. I have fundamental confidence in these bodies and we have the task of working with them.
Before the decision is made, I will be presenting you with a draft of the stress test and the test criteria in May in a way which is completely transparent. I will be interested to hear your suggestions on where the draft can be improved, added to or tightened up, with the aim of starting a process which will ultimately lead to broad acceptance among all the Member States and a high level of control. This stress test which we have been commissioned to develop by the Heads of State or Government is the first common European procedure for ensuring the highest safety standards in all 143 nuclear power plants. This is an innovation and a development which should win the support of Parliament and not be met with criticism and mistrust right from the start.
My final point is that I inherited the Nuclear Safety Directive of June 2009, which must be transposed into national law by July of this year. I can say to you quite honestly that I feel that it does not have sufficient substance because it focuses primarily on implementing formal regulations, defining powers and specifying the requirements for supervisory bodies; in my view, it does not have enough core content. Therefore, in the second half of the year, while the safety investigation is going on, I would like to discuss with you, in line with the European Council’s requirements, the issue of how we can carry out an early, rapid revision of this safety directive and establish concrete requirements for the safety of nuclear energy at a European level.
(Applause)
Enikő Győri, President-in-Office of the Council. – (HU) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, this debate has been most instructive. Thank you very much, I have been following it with keen attention.
The Hungarian Presidency began this half-year with great ambitions in the area of energy policy. One ambition we did not have was to settle the issue of the energy mix. I believe that today’s debate, too, has shown that this would not be a realistic goal. A multitude of arguments have been made for and against having some form of guidance regarding the energy mix in the European Union. I believe that we will not be able to settle this within the foreseeable future, but I am not sure if that is a problem; as such, the Member States must be able to make responsible decisions regarding their own energy mix.
We did, however, have ambitions to make significant progress in the creation of a common energy market. The European Council of 4 February 2011 set this as its objective, as well as the elimination of energy islands within the European Union by 2015, and subsequently, at the Energy Council at the end of February, we were also able to adopt conclusions, which I believe is a major step forward.
To our knowledge, the Commission will publish the Energy Roadmap 2050 in November. The energy ministers, however, will already hold a preliminary debate on this subject and the related goals at the informal Energy Council on 2 and 3 May in Budapest, and the Presidency will prepare a report and a political summary of this, which will be on the agenda of the formal Energy Council meeting in June.
I am certain that these questions, which have been raised now in this hall, will also come up during the Council debates, and I also trust that once the Hungarian Presidency summarises that debate, the Commission will be able to build upon it when finalising the Energy Roadmap it will publish in November. However, the fact that the Member States have a maximum commitment to both the issue of nuclear energy safety and having a common European framework is best demonstrated by the conclusions of the European Council of 24 to 25 March. These conclusions stress that we must draw lessons from the disaster in Japan, and that we must review the safety condition of the EU’s nuclear power plants and conduct the stress tests. ENSREG and the Commission have been requested to do so as soon as possible, and to make a proposal regarding the competence and modalities of these, so that a general assessment can be prepared subsequently and published by the Commission on the basis of the assessments of these independent authorities. Finally, the European Council itself will also address the topic again at the last European Council meeting of 2011.
The Heads of State or Government also stressed that nuclear safety must not be limited to the territory of the European Union, and that we will also ask our neighbours to take these stress tests. They also stated that the highest possible standards are needed in the area of nuclear safety, and that the European Council has set out serious tasks for the Commission, which – as I am certain, and as the Commissioner has also mentioned – it will carry out with the utmost commitment.
And so, as intense as today’s debate may have been, there have been common points on which, I believe, we are all in agreement: there should be a common European framework, we should do everything at every level to ensure the highest possible level of safety, and we should do all this in a transparent manner, ensuring maximum publicity. The Council is ready to cooperate with both the European Council and the European Parliament along these principles.
President. – I have received six motions for resolution(1)tabled in accordance with Rule 110(2) of the Rules of Procedure.
The debate is closed.
The vote will take place tomorrow at noon.
Written statements (Rule 149)
Liam Aylward (ALDE), in writing. – (GA) There is a significant nuclear threat to Ireland from nuclear stations, some working and some closed, on the west coast of Britain. Sellafield is the most famous. Those stations are an understandable cause of concern to the people of Ireland, who have a right to be given accurate and up-to-date information about them. Although there is a bilateral agreement on sharing information in case of a nuclear incident in place between Ireland and Britain, Ireland and other neighbouring countries must be involved earlier in the security process. The EU must carry out a major review of the approach to nuclear safety it has in place and of the criteria used to evaluate the safety of stations. Comprehensive, independent and transparent stress tests must begin immediately. Stress tests on nuclear facilities represent a step forward. To get the best from them, detailed results must be shared with neighbouring countries and with the European Commission to enable appropriate measures to be put in place and safety plans implemented, in order to protect the people of Europe.
Elena Băsescu (PPE), in writing. – (RO) Safety regulations in the nuclear industry must be reviewed against the background of the Fukushima nuclear disaster. We are talking about more than 400 nuclear reactors worldwide. I welcome the introduction of ‘stress tests’ as soon as possible. However, this measure is not enough – a nuclear safety culture is required. I should mention at this point the Chernobyl accident in 1986, which introduced the concept of ‘nuclear safety’.
As regards Romania, I should point out that there is no risk of an earthquake jeopardising the operation of the Cernavodă nuclear power plant. The preventive inspections carried out showed that both reactors are operating safely. They generate approximately 20% of the country’s energy consumption. The plant can withstand earthquakes with a magnitude of 8 on the Richter scale, while the earthquakes which can occur in Romania have an average magnitude of between 7 and 7.5.
Spyros Danellis (S&D), in writing. – (EL) The tragedy of Fukushima has taken us, in a very painful manner, into a new era in terms of the use of nuclear energy. At the same time, both the energy challenges of the 21st century and the hazards caused by the age and increasing unreliability of numerous nuclear power plants have caused a change and, as a result, the Euratom Treaty, which has basically not been amended for over half a century, needs to be reviewed. If there is to be full supervision at European level of a sector characterised by a lack of transparency, Euratom would need to be incorporated into the European Union and nuclear safety issues would need to be brought within the normal legislative procedure. As part of the review, stricter safety specifications, restrictions (such as earthquake zones) and strict construction specifications for new nuclear plants could be added, together with regular, reliable stress testing of existing plants. It goes without saying that the new strict framework would need to be applied by countries neighbouring the EU until such time, of course, as we manage to break free, once and for all, from the nightmare of nuclear power plants.
Proinsias De Rossa (S&D), in writing. – I am opposed to nuclear fission power on the principle of safety, while I support ongoing research into the potential of nuclear fusion as a possible safer alternative in the longer term. There is no safe way. There will always be accidents. The recent nuclear accident in Japan, which we were told could never happen, demonstrates yet again that current nuclear energy production is potentially catastrophic. Its by-product, radioactive waste, is already a lethal threat to human health, effectively for ever. Rather than investing billions of euro in new nuclear plants, we need to invest that money in developing renewable energy sources.
András Gyürk (PPE), in writing. – (HU) As a result of the Japanese experience, several countries will probably re-think their nuclear energy strategies. Germany has already taken concrete steps and has shut down its nuclear power plants built prior to 1980 for three months. Should multiple Member States across Europe re-think their nuclear energy strategies as a result of the events in Japan, this could have a considerable influence on European energy markets, as the power generated by the nuclear power plants would have to be substituted from other sources. I am convinced that, in the current situation, hasty measures could have the same harmful effects as a potential disaster. Instead, it would be most expedient to prudently take account of the effects of the individual scenarios. Only by doing so can we prevent an increase in electricity prices similar to the consequences of the aforementioned German measures, and prevent Member States that are electricity exporters under normal circumstances from also being faced with challenges of supply security. Europe must think through with a clear head the effects that a re-thinking of nuclear energy strategy would have on the energy market. It is also unclear what technologies could be suitable for replacing nuclear power plant capacities. A further important question is what effects a possible strategic shift would have on the gas markets, gas supply security and the EU’s carbon dioxide emission reduction targets. Finally, I welcome the quick reaction of the European Commission and the announcement that European nuclear power plants will be subjected to stress tests. The most important question, however, is what further measures Europe plans in order to guarantee the safety of nuclear energy production.
Ivailo Kalfin (S&D) , in writing. – (BG) The Fukushima tragedy forces us to learn lessons and immediately adopt the measures expected by European citizens. However, these measures should be targeted in the right direction.
The basic problem which we need to tackle is how to guarantee European citizens’ safety. In the coming months, the European Parliament will be dealing with a number of legislative texts which will determine the future of the energy sector in Europe, and of nuclear energy in particular.
At the moment, safety is our top priority. We should not compare Europe’s power plants with the 40-year-old Fukushima nuclear power plant whose private owner has refused to fulfil the requirements for increasing safety.
The EU must adopt as soon as possible the minimum safety standards to be made mandatory for all power plants. These standards should be drawn up and adopted prior to the stress tests being carried out at the power plants. During its term of government, the Bulgarian Socialist Party insisted on several occasions on such standards being established, but this has not happened so far. Both the standards and criteria for the stress tests must be drawn up by the specialists from the European Nuclear Safety Regulators Group.
I support the development of new technologies and especially renewable energy sources. However, it is patently clear that they are unable to replace the nuclear facilities in the short and medium term.
Pavel Poc (S&D), in writing. – (CS) Another lesson from the accident at the Fukushima 1 nuclear plant is that it is dangerous to entrust power generation fully to the private sector. Private capital maximises profits, even at the cost of neglecting safety measures. How many global economic crises, ‘Gulf of Mexico oil spills’ or ‘Fukushimas’ will it take before we finally acknowledge this? The world is now in a financial crisis due to the irresponsibility of private investors. There are millions of tonnes of oil in the sea due to the irresponsibility of private oil firms. Due to the irresponsibility of a private firm, Japan will take decades to sort out the radioactive contamination of its land, sea and food chain. Nuclear energy should always be under state and international control. Planned stress tests must have uniform standards, transparent and independent control bodies and a cross-border nature. Although, in Europe, there is a legal framework initiating constant improvements in the technology, there will be a need to invest extensively in research and training, in order to guarantee the highest possible level of safety and the protection of health and the environment, in line with the latest scientific and technical findings. Extensive investments will also be necessary in the area of managing nuclear waste and spent fuel, which are currently stored in more-or-less temporary conditions. The lessons from this disaster must be directed decisively towards ensuring safety, and not towards closing down the only truly sustainable, climate neutral energy source available to us.
Daciana Octavia Sârbu (S&D), in writing. – The nuclear accident in Japan has raised fresh concerns about the safety of nuclear power across the globe. In Romania, the nuclear power plant at Cernavodă has been assessed by various bodies, including the European Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency. A study in 2004 identified seismic hazard as being the single biggest risk factor for safety at the plant. This risk must be managed effectively and, as the tragic events in Japan remind us, as a matter of urgency. I therefore welcome the recent proposal to introduce stress tests for nuclear installations, as well as the entry into force of the directive on nuclear safety. Regardless of what we decide about the future energy mix and how we meet our low carbon objectives, the safety of nuclear facilities, including long-term depositories, will continue to be of the upmost importance for both current and future generations.
Theodor Dumitru Stolojan (PPE), in writing. – (RO) Nuclear energy is a resource which the global economy cannot do without in the long term. We must not come to the conclusion of rejecting nuclear energy just because dangerous accidents occur affecting the operation of nuclear power plants. The solution is for us to assign more resources to research in this area and to improve nuclear technology so that we can reduce the risks caused by accidents.
Marc Tarabella (S&D), in writing. – (FR) Yes, we must phase out nuclear power – that is clear. However, it is impossible to do this overnight. In Belgium alone, 55% of our electricity comes from nuclear energy. How would we heat, feed and provide light for ourselves if we decided to close all our power stations tomorrow? That is why we must act on two levels.
Firstly, we must increase the safety standards of the existing power stations, in particular, using the stress tests that are currently carried out in the Member States. As well as the essential harmonisation of these tests at European level, we must be as transparent as possible with the population. We must restore confidence in our nuclear power.
Secondly, we must intensify our research and innovation to develop solutions as quickly as possible that will allow us to save energy and to promote sustainable and effective renewable energies. The least expensive, least polluting and least dangerous energy is unconsumed energy. These efforts make it necessary, from today, to have a binding regulation and massive investments at European level and in the Member States.
President. – The next item is the debate on the statement by the Vice-President of the Commission and High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Mrs Ashton, on the situation in Syria, Bahrain and Yemen.
The President-in-Office of the Council, Mr Németh, will speak on behalf of Mrs Ashton.
Zsolt Németh, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, I am here today to present to you some remarks on behalf of the High Representative, Catherine Ashton, on the situation in Bahrain, Syria and Yemen.
Events have recently taken a dramatic turn in Syria. In Yemen, an already dire situation may well get worse and the very tense atmosphere which now prevails in Bahrain is of serious concern, even if the bloodshed there has been less. The EU has been following the rapidly unfolding events in the entire region very attentively, as confirmed by numerous high-level meetings, formal statements and Council conclusions.
More than this, Baroness Ashton has been maintaining constant contact with key partners, as well as with key players in the countries themselves. This is being done every day directly by phone or through her representatives in the countries in question, in order to bring the EU’s influence to bear wherever this is possible and whenever it can help. Every country’s situation is unique and demands a strategic, carefully thought-out, well-tailored reaction. But when events move so fast, it is all the more crucial to build sound policy on solid fundamental principles.
Let me cite three principles: first, the rejection of violence – mass protests must always be dealt with peacefully and with full respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms; secondly, the promotion of dialogue – differences and grievances must be addressed in a constructive manner by the right people being ready to talk to each other, setting aside prejudices and preconditions; thirdly, fundamental political and economic reforms must come from within the countries, and the EU has made it very clear that it is ready to provide prompt support as and when requested.
Allow me now to move more specifically to the three countries before us.
In Bahrain, in spite of some return to normality on the streets, the situation remains tense. Arrests are continuing, with individuals being seized for having apparently done no more than exercise their right to freedom of expression. Just as elsewhere in the region, the EU and the High Representative herself have condemned the violence in Bahrain outright and called on the authorities and all forces present to respect fully human rights and fundamental freedoms as well as international humanitarian standards.
We have also repeatedly urged the Bahraini authorities and the opposition to start a genuine national dialogue. The High Representative has spoken with the Foreign Minister directly to this end. Without concrete steps to get all the right people to talk to each other without exclusions and without preconditions, there is an increasing risk that radical elements will prevail. This would have clear and worrying implications for regional stability. The best way to preserve and promote stability remains dialogue. This is the message that the High Representative will be taking with her when she meets the ministers of the Gulf Cooperation Council very shortly this month.
In Syria, popular protests have spread over a number of cities since mid-March. The brutal repression with which they have been met is unacceptable. The High Representative and the European Union have made numerous calls on the Syrian authorities to stop the violence, respect people’s right to demonstrate peacefully and to listen to their legitimate aspirations. The Syrian people deserve long-awaited political reforms, notably in relation to freedom of expression, assembly, political participation and governance.
President Assad’s address to the nation on 30 March provided for neither a clear programme for reform nor a timetable for its implementation. The EU will continue to press Syria on delivering reforms without delay. They must be real, political as well as socio-economic, serious – not just cosmetic – and to be implemented without further delay. We will be monitoring very closely how the new government, still to be formed, will take reforms forward. We hope that the formation of a legal committee will result in the drawing up of new legislation to allow for the lifting of the state of emergency and guarantee human rights and fundamental freedoms.
At the same time, the EU will continue to press the Syrian leadership in public and private to refrain from using force against demonstrators. Equally important is to convey that those responsible for the violence and the fatalities must be held accountable and that all political prisoners and human rights defenders must be released.
In Yemen, the situation remains of the utmost concern. The High Representative’s messages, following the deplorable violence on 18 March, were crystal clear and the Foreign Affairs Council’s conclusions on 21 March reiterated the EU’s condemnation of the use of force against protesters. The EU also stated unequivocally that those responsible for loss of life and injuries should be held accountable for their actions and brought to justice.
Since then, the messages coming from the Yemeni leadership have been less clear. For this reason, the High Representative called President Saleh directly on the phone on 30 March urging him to do everything possible to avert further bloodshed. She stated her view that the best way to ensure this is for a credible and rapid political transition to begin without delay. That constitutional transition should be founded on substantive and consistent commitments which are properly followed through.
Time is running out and the victims will be the Yemeni people. This is why, in close concert with international partners, the EU has been, and will remain, very actively involved in trying to defuse the crisis in Yemen.
IN THE CHAIR: MIGUEL ANGEL MARTÍNEZ MARTÍNEZ Vice-President
President. – While Mr Brok is seated next to Mr Salafranca, I would like to take the opportunity to congratulate him on his team’s success yesterday. He is wearing the scarf of Schalke 04, a team that achieved a glorious victory, but with the help of one of the best players in the world, the Spaniard, Raúl. Now we have congratulated Mr Brok, Mr Salafranca has the floor on behalf of the Group of the European People’s Party (Christian Democrats) for one and a half minutes.
José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, on behalf of the PPE Group. – (ES) Mr President, I entirely agree with what you have just said.
Mr Németh, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to say that we have been continuously following the flow of information provided by the High Representative, Mrs Ashton, on the developments in these countries and I think we should recognise the efforts she is making on behalf of the European Union in support of the democratic aspirations in Bahrain, Yemen and Syria. Tomorrow, Parliament will adopt a resolution supported by all the political groups in this regard.
However I would like to put forward a couple of questions, Mr President, and would ask Mr Németh to pass them on to Mrs Ashton.
First of all, in some bodies of the Union and, of course, in this Parliament, there is the feeling that we are taking a step back in the development of the Common Security and Defence Policy, and that we are being taken back to the times of political cooperation. Obviously, that is not why we established the Treaty of Lisbon.
Secondly, a contradiction has arisen, related to the growing need for a European presence in those countries, with no knowledge of what will be the end result of these transitional processes. It is clear that we have to be present, and it is also clear that the slogan used in Mrs Ashton’s communication is very wise: ‘more for more’
However, the question I wish to ask – and I shall conclude now, Mr President – is whether the EU Member States are willing to increase resources to meet the growing needs that are emerging in those countries.
Véronique De Keyser, on behalf of the S&D Group. – (FR) Mr President, we are very aware of the intense diplomatic efforts that Mrs Ashton has deployed, and that she continues to deploy, and we are aware, too, of the difficulties of the situations that she is encountering. Indeed, Syria, Yemen and Bahrain are countries with which we have no agreements besides trade agreements, which do not, for example, contain clauses on human rights, and we have very few levers available to us.
Nevertheless, in spite of that, I would like to say three things. First of all, in relation to the inspirations of the people, in relation to those who are in the streets today, under fire from snipers, we must not only stand behind them, but we must also make sure that there is an end to violence at all costs. Today, I saw a Syrian dissident. What these dissidents are calling for, in the end, is an end to violence so that they can express themselves. On this topic, I would like to say that, even if we do not have an agreement with Syria, we should now make use of the entire arsenal of sanctions available to us, if necessary, to end this violence.
The second thing that I wanted to say is that in general, these are countries – and this is true of the Gulf countries as well as Libya – that we have armed, indeed overarmed. I think a minimum requirement is better arms controls, so that these countries and these governments do not become powder kegs which then turn against their populations.
Finally, there is the question of double standards. I would like to say that we have been very prudent in relation to Bahrain, and we have been very firm in relation to other countries. I know that Bahrain is a particularly sensitive situation, that Saudi Arabia has sent troops there, and that Saudi Arabia and the Gulf Cooperation Council are helping us against Libya, but we would not want to trade the price of a barrel of oil and of the support for us against the Libyan Government for the price of silence regarding the Shi’ites who are currently being repressed by the government of Bahrain.
Anneli Jäätteenmäki, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, I am angry. At our group meeting yesterday, we heard from three witnesses from Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International who were present in Bahrain, Yemen and Syria. Their stories were appalling.
It made me angry. The letter we received from Baroness Ashton is no strategy. Once again, it is another agenda. We should stop sending empty messages, as we have done for too long with Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. It is time to take action.
Firstly, the EU should call for a special session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva. The UN should send a mission to the three countries in order to hold the regimes accountable for human rights violations.
Secondly, the EU should call for a ban on arms exports from all EU Member States to those three countries. It is unacceptable that EU countries are still selling arms to these regimes.
Thirdly, the EU should make clear that, if political regimes in those countries constitute an obstacle to democratisation, it is time for them to go. Meanwhile, we should introduce sanctions such as freezing assets and a travel ban.
I repeat that it is time to take action.
Hélène Flautre, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – (FR) Mr President, it is very good news that populations are moving to reclaim their freedoms and rights, and to obtain a change of the political regime and more democracy. This is at the heart of the European Union’s foreign policy and of the European project. That can only evoke our enthusiasm and our support.
The very bad news, however, is that these populations are suffering an extremely tough repression, demonstrating these values and aspirations while putting their lives at risk, and that is totally unacceptable. Thus, the imperative of protecting the populations, which has led to military action in Libya, must now take other forms to protect those who are demonstrating in these three countries.
I think that the statements are extremely important – the legitimate statements, the aspirations held by these populations – but we also need action. As part of this action, we need an assurance that all those leaders responsible for using disproportionate force against their populations will not go unpunished. In order to do that, the diplomatic convocation and activation of the Member States of the United Nations Human Rights Council must be in full swing in order to get missions, reports and resolutions so that the politicians responsible get an assurance that these acts of violence will not remain unpunished.
Finally, I think that we certainly do have methods for bypassing the ‘blackout’ of the press. Journalists, whether national or foreign, are facing considerable difficulties in documenting the situation. We know what to do; we have instruments for bypassing these obstacles. We absolutely must make use of them. Then, when we have the means to act, I think that we must find a way of using them.
Clearly, this is not the time to chase the Syrian President to get his signature on a readmission agreement, which could, in any case, only be envisaged under certain conditions, including a very serious, effective and relevant programme, the implementation of reforms in Syria and the freeing of all prisoners of conscience and peaceful demonstrators, not just here, but also in the other two countries.
Sajjad Karim, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, I would like to say this to the Minister: as I sat here listening to your statement, I heard what you had to say, but it was mere words – sometimes very sweet words, but unfortunately empty words. It was all reactionary; there was nothing proactive in what you put before us. As I listened, I actually wrote the heading ‘Plan’ on a sheet of paper, where I intended to make notes of the information you would give us about what the EU was going to do. I still have before me a completely blank sheet. You had nothing to contribute today.
There was nothing proactive in the agenda you outlined. People throughout the Middle East are looking to Europe to come forward and help them to gain their rights, and all you have for them is empty words.
In the last action plan that was put forward, there was a core element missing throughout, and there was much press debate about the fact that Middle Eastern leaders are still able to take money from their populations and bring it into Europe, and we are doing nothing to prevent that from happening in the future.
You yourself said that time is running out. If that is the case, and I believe it to be the case, then why have you come forward with nothing but a blank sheet for us today? Please have more respect for this House.
Marisa Matias, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – (PT) Mr President, we are with the people of Yemen, Syria and Bahrain in their aspirations to freedom and democracy, and in the bloody repression of the demonstrations and popular protests. Therefore, we must be clear. Firstly, I call for us to please stop the sale of arms to these countries immediately. Europe continues to sell arms that are being used to kill civilians. Secondly, we should be on the side of the people, not of authoritarian or dictatorial regimes.
Having said that, in our solidarity, we should not forget that we are still applying double standards, with one set of rules for addressing peoples’ democratic aspirations, and another for taking care of and conducting business. In Libya, the bombing has clearly gone beyond the mandate of the UN itself, while in Bahrain, we did nothing more than protest when the Saudi Arabian army entered the country in order to save a kleptocracy. While young people are doing whatever it takes against armies and police, putting heart and soul into confronting these forces, we limit ourselves to writing diplomatic notes.
I would like to finish, Mr President, by saying that it is as wrong to think that there are military solutions to political problems as it is for us to think that the Arab peoples have still not noticed our duplicity.
Bastiaan Belder, on behalf of the EFD Group. – (NL) Mr President, radical regime change, in the sense of the seizure of power by radical Islamic forces in Syria, Bahrain and Yemen, would be tantamount to outright disaster, both domestically and internationally.
The real winner in this unforeseen situation, at least in the Arabian Peninsula, would certainly be the Iranian ruling duo, Khamenei-Ahmadinejad, and this would put paid to the already small chance of a Persian spring for the time being. By the way, the crisis situation in Damascus, Manamah and Sana’a has offered the EU an excellent opportunity to impose, in close coordination with the United States, clear conditions for our continued backing of these regimes which are in dire straits: political and socio-economic reforms.
Mr President, a few years ago, we visited Syria with an EP delegation. Since 2003, this state, the only secular one in the region, has provided shelter to hundreds of thousands of Iraqi Christians, which should serve as a warning sign. Let the west make every effort to ensure that the extremely bloody sectarian civil war in Iraq does not spill over into Syria.
Andreas Mölzer (NI). – (DE) Mr President, the jasmine revolution which started in Tunisia is unfortunately not taking such a peaceful path in Yemen, Syria and Bahrain. A dialogue between the government and the opposition is definitely the best way of agreeing on an active solution to social and economic problems, which is what is wanted by the people, and a move towards more democratic participation. Whether agreements of this kind will then be kept is another question altogether. After all, the wave of protests was triggered by broken promises of political reform. The people have been put off with promises for too long and now action is needed. The dual strategy of violently suppressing opposition demonstrations and, at the same time, promising a few small reforms without introducing any real political change could lead to an escalation of the situation in all three countries, as we are aware.
The ongoing unrest in Syria gives rise to the concern that arms bought by the government could be sold on to terrorist organisations, such as Hezbollah. In my opinion, the EU should play the role of impartial mediator in these conflicts.
Salvatore Iacolino (PPE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the match is not won until after the second game, so let us wait for the return leg between Inter Milan and Schalke 04 to see who will go through to the next round. Meanwhile, I agree that Raul is a great footballer.
What is happening in Syria, Yemen and Bahrain is not dissimilar from what is happening in other parts of the world. Though economic reasons are usually the cause of such upheavals, in all cases, there is a deep longing for freedom. Facebook and the Internet have broken the isolation of many, too many, fake democracies which have long lingered in many regions of the world.
There is a new leadership, a new idea of politics which reflects the dreams of many young people. There is a desire for citizenship, especially where the youth of the world are more aware and educated. A few days ago, the dissident, Suhayr al-Atassi, was released and this is a signal, though slight, which points to the development of freedom of thought and political freedom. The same excitement is felt in Yemen, where protests against President Saleh mount, and much the same in Bahrain. We must act with force to stop this violence. The journey to democratisation must be assisted; we cannot allow ourselves, once again, to lag behind.
What is happening in the Mediterranean is surely a difficult signal to understand, which is why Europe must speak up and act with solidarity which would, at this time, probably help the regions exposed to increased migration pressures in the Mediterranean.
Richard Howitt (S&D). – Mr President, whether it is the coordinated sniper attack or the protest camp in Sana’a, Yemen on 15 March, the crackdown on the protests by 100 000 people in Dara, Syria, on 17 March, or the sixth floor of Salmaniya Hospital, Bahrain, where injured protestors are taken by men in balaclavas wielding guns, never to return, and where the injured are forced to go because it has the only blood bank in the country, we have to show that, while the media may only concentrate on one country at a time, this Parliament will stand up for human rights everywhere where they are under threat.
Today, we must call on the Foreign Affairs Council to seek clear accountability for all those responsible for the violence, independent investigations and no impunity. This is the basic warning to prevent further violence against protestors now.
Secondly, when we hear that Bahraini security forces have fired supposedly non-lethal pellets, at a distance of less than one metre, killing protestors by literally splitting their heads in half, we have to suspend the authorisation, supply and transfer of all arms in the region.
Finally, the principles of Commissioner Füle’s communication on the southern neighbourhood must inform our approach to the process of seeking an association agreement with Syria. That has to start by our insisting on unhindered access for international human rights monitors now. The Arab world has changed with the Jasmine Revolution and we have to show that we have changed with it.
Alexander Graf Lambsdorff (ALDE). – (DE) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, spring has arrived in the Mediterranean, but in the Gulf and in Syria, winter still reigns. The images of violence which we are seeing are horrifying. Several hundred people have been killed and Amnesty International and the United Nations have produced alarming reports.
The calls which the Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe are making are clear. We want a special session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva to be held as quickly as possible. The Council of Europe and the Member States of the European Union which are represented on the UN Human Rights Council should take up this call. The UN Council is always very quick to act when it comes to taking one side in the Middle East conflict. It is now time for it to face the real challenge presented by these extreme violations of human rights. We need reform, we need a move to democracy, and we need an arms embargo. All of these things have already been mentioned here.
I watched the speech made by President Assad of Syria live. This is a medieval-style dictatorship which uses western PR agencies to present its representatives as pseudo-modernising influences in glossy magazines. The agencies and the magazines should be asking themselves whether this is really the right thing to do.
Now to Yemen. This is where there is, in my opinion, the greatest danger: the risk of a split between north and south, an active al-Qaeda cell and the danger of a failed state. We already have a failed state of this kind in the case of Somalia and our Atalanta mission is in operation in the Gulf of Aden. Europe has a direct interest in the area and we need to hear more than what the representative of the Council has said here today.
Frieda Brepoels (Verts/ALE). – (NL) Mr President, to be honest, I must admit that my reaction was one of astonishment when I noted the three principles which the minister was putting forward: the rejection of violence, the promotion of dialogue to patch up some of the differences of opinion and address some of the grievances and, of course, the necessary political reforms.
Now, merely calling for dialogue at the moment will really make no difference, nor is it really credible. I think that the European Union should really take much stronger action to bring about those democratic reforms. We hear that the High Representative has a great number of official contacts, but what is she doing to maintain contact with civil society; what is she doing to listen to them?
The previous speakers have said it already: the European Union must stop supplying weapons to the region immediately. When I see that, for example, more than EUR 100 million worth of weapons were supplied to Yemen alone last year by no fewer than eight European countries, I wonder if the European common position on arms exports actually means anything at all. Should we not be taking urgent action on this?
Fiorello Provera (EFD). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I refer to Bahrain. This little country lies in a strategic position in terms of the balance of the Gulf and energy supply distribution. The presence of a major oil refinery for Saudi crude is well known.
I would like to draw your attention to one aspect of this situation which seems particularly worrying to me. Reliable sources have identified Iranian influence on the Shi’ite population of Bahrain. This is in addition to the legitimate aspirations for more substantial reforms in the government of that country. It is difficult to determine how much weight outside influence has had on the recent events in Bahrain, but there is a risk of destabilisation of the region that could extend to eastern regions of Saudi Arabia, home to another large group of Shi’ites. Iran funds Hamas, supports Hezbollah in Lebanon and influences the internal politics of Iraq, where Shi’ite Islam is the predominant component of the government. If the disruption of balance spread to the Gulf, the impact would be obvious and there could be global repercussions.
We must be very careful in assessing what happens in the Middle East and distinguish the legitimate aspirations of peoples for greater democracy from external influences which have strategic ambitions in the area.
Ria Oomen-Ruijten (PPE). – (NL) Mr President, we are talking today about three very different countries with very specific local conditions. In Yemen, the uprising has reached mass proportions, despite brutal violence on the part of the police and the army. In Bahrain, there is a serious risk that the whole region might become destabilised because of the involvement of Saudi Arabia and Iran. Finally, in Syria, the opposition has virtually no room for manoeuvre and the regime seems prepared to go to any lengths to put down the protests.
On the basis of those specific circumstances, I believe that the EU should conduct bilateral relations with these countries. There are a couple of principles which need to be upheld. Obviously, every citizen has a right to demonstrate and to freely express his or her opinion. However, what should we do about peaceful protests, where those very citizens simultaneously become victims of repression, because of police and army intervention? Are we going to investigate this internationally? What is the EU doing to promote that investigation?
Secondly, there is an obligation on governments to engage in dialogue with the opposition and with civil society organisations, because violence and oppression are never the solution. What is the EU doing specifically to foster this dialogue? And if, after that, the regimes in Syria and Bahrain, and also in Yemen, are still unable or unwilling to listen to their people, what will be the consequences of that in terms of our relations with those countries?
Mr President, we need to offer concrete help, as has been said many times, but that concrete help must also have real substance. How are we going to achieve that? I would have liked to have heard a plan today of how we are going to go about this.
I would just like to address a comment to the Commissioner. I think that, in the specific case of Syria, and Turkey too, we should call for pressure to be applied, amongst other means, as part of the plans which are apparently going to be put together over the coming days.
One final comment. I think that our delegation for relations with the Mashreq countries could do some excellent work here and that we should do everything to enable them to do so.
Ana Gomes (S&D). – (PT) Mr President, the EU must be consistent in its statements and actions on the popular uprisings in Yemen, Syria, Bahrain and the other countries of the Arab world. More than its credibility is at stake: there is also the effectiveness of the message it is sending to the dictatorships that are the targets of the protests, along with the men and women who are risking their likes to take to the streets to call for human rights, justice and democracy.
The EU has been dismayingly ambiguous regarding Bahrain, in particular. This is a reflection of the contradictions of a foreign policy with double standards, which is concerned with oil and the supply of weapons by the Member States, not only to Bahrain, but also to Saudi Arabia, in violation of the common position on the export of military equipment.
Parliament is calling for an immediate halt to the sale of weapons, and the High Representative is calling – loud and clear – for the Bahraini authorities to account for those who have been killed or gone missing in the repression of the peaceful protests, and to stop the blackout measures being imposed on the media immediately.
Edward McMillan-Scott (ALDE). – Mr President, last night, I helped to organise a hearing of experts from the region who told us that in Bahrain, the deaths so far at the hands of the security forces have been at least 23; in Syria, 132; and in Yemen, at least 63. It may be asked: what can the EU do? Well, our resolution which will be adopted tomorrow makes some suggestions.
However, I have to say that in previous months, the European Parliament has passed resolutions on Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, and my office has made a comparison between those resolutions and the actions of the Commission, its blueprint for change, and it does not give me much courage. We are wasting our words here unless the Commission listens to us and unless the Council listens.
So, as I say, I am publishing this analysis on my website. I believe that the Lisbon Treaty gave the European Parliament additional responsibilities. We must be taken seriously by the other elements in the foreign policy of the European Union. Especially at a time of massive change in the Arab world, we all need to work together.
Pino Arlacchi (S&D). – Mr President, Syria, Bahrain and Yemen are three tyrannies being challenged by their own citizens and these citizens deserve our unconditional support. Until this moment, the EU’s action vis-à-vis the wave of democratisation in the region has been uncertain and lacking in strength and credibility. If we want to increase both, we should start first of all to eliminate the double standards we used in the past.
We supported these autocracies in several ways and we, the Europeans, along with Russia and the United States, sold them almost any sort of armaments. Now we are lamenting the consequences of our arms trade with the Gulf autocracies in terms of casualties, in terms of innocent victims of the weapons we sold to them.
If we want to be credible, we should cancel all contracts in armaments to these countries and to the Gulf Cooperation Council, and ask for the establishment of an arms embargo in all of the North Africa and Middle East region. The reduction of their military budget will be a dividend to invest in a fund for democratic transition.
María Muñiz De Urquiza (S&D). – (ES) Mr President, the historic and irreversible move towards democracy in the Arab countries did not end with the still-fragile transitions in Egypt and Tunisia, nor with the support, also historic, of the international community for the activation of the principle of responsibility to protect the Libyan population.
The change is now continuing in Syria, Yemen and Bahrain, and the European Union must be present; it must learn from what has gone before and take on the leadership of the international response, through far-reaching measures, Commissioner Füle, such as the well-defined European Neighbourhood Policy, and through concrete and immediate measures so that the population of these countries as well as the citizens of Europe know that there is no rift in the European Union’s commitment to freedom, dignity, democracy and human rights.
The authorities in Syria, Yemen and Bahrain should remember that the use of violence by the state against the people has immediate repercussions; they must also realise that it is not enough to make superficial changes in their autocratic governments. Instead, they must initiate an immediate dialogue with the opposition movements and civil society; release political prisoners, journalists and human rights defenders at once; and end the state of emergency immediately.
Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE). – Mr President, we should not turn a blind eye to blatant human rights violations taking place in the three countries.
The situation in Syria is very serious and its stakes the highest. In Syria, teachers, opposition activists, journalists and bloggers are being targeted. There are many people killed; many detained; foreign journalists have been kicked out of the country; an information blockade is in place; no independent press at all. So we should consider sanctions against Syria.
We should also consider policy actions in Yemen and Bahrain. As for Yemen, we have a standing agreement on arms exports; we should consider suspending this agreement.
As we debate the situation in those three countries: firstly, let us call for accountability; secondly let us have special sessions in the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva …
(The President cut off the speaker)
Rosario Crocetta (S&D). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I lived in Bahrain for three years, from 1987 to 1990. Then, it was considered one of the most democratic countries of the Gulf and has been considered so even in recent years. So one must say, imagine what happens in other countries given that Saudi Arabia performs a few hundred executions a year, given that terrible massacres take place in Iran, given that throughout the Gulf, killings are commonplace and there is complete denial of the rights of the press.
Today, we approved the resolution on Syria, Yemen and Bahrain, but when we will prepare a resolution for Saudi Arabia, for Algeria, for China and for the other countries which violate human rights in the world? The problem is that here in the West, I see a strange thing, on the one hand ...
(The President cut off the speaker)
Marielle De Sarnez (ALDE). – (FR) Mr President, what role must Europe play in countries whose regimes are being confronted by the people, but whose leaders remain deaf to repeated calls for more democracy, real structural reforms and fairer development? That is the question being put to us.
For me, there is an initial response. It is an urgent one. The Union must flex its muscles by using the entire arsenal of sanctions available to it to put a stop to the repression and to obtain the immediate release of political prisoners and journalists. It must support the introduction of an independent commission for an inquiry into the acts committed and call for a special session of the Human Rights Council.
In the medium term, I think that we must look again in depth at our relations with these countries. The European Union must, from now on, show that it is firmly on the side of public opinion, on the side of the people and not of those in power.
To this end, the Union must establish and conduct a permanent dialogue with all the forces of civil society, with all those who want to support democracy as well as the leaders of the opposition movements. This is, therefore, a profound change …
(The President cut off the speaker)
Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, we have heard that Parliament is now very serious about tackling the serious human rights violations in the three countries: Bahrain, Yemen and Syria. We need to hear from the European External Action Service, we need to hear from the Commission how we can show that we are no longer working on the basis of double standards.
We have been told about very many concrete measures. We need to hear how the operations in the UN Human Rights Council are proceeding. Is the European Union united in the call for special sessions on Syria, Bahrain and Yemen?
We have heard that it is time to stop exporting weapons to these countries.
We cannot wait, so please, what are the European External Action Service and the Commission going to do about these things now?
Charles Tannock (ECR). – Mr President, in Syria, security forces have brutally responded to demonstrations about legitimate grievances with lethal force. President Assad’s belligerence and his rhetoric towards Israel, our ally, his support for terrorists such as Hezbollah, and his friendship with Iran, all mark him out, in my view, as a dangerous autocrat.
In contrast, Bahrain is a relatively modern and progressive constitutional monarchy. Unfortunately, Shi’ite extremists, inspired and supported by Iran, continue to stoke sectarian tensions and spread propaganda against the government and the king. The king has made patient efforts to listen to protestors’ concerns and enter into dialogue, but, of course, we must condemn all deaths of unarmed protestors.
Finally, it seems in Yemen that President Saleh, by his use of disproportionate force, has alienated his principal backers, including the United States, despite his firm action over many years to root out al-Qaeda terrorists. Withdrawing EU support from him now, without knowing what comes afterwards, is a high-risk strategy.
(The President cut off the speaker)
Andrew Henry William Brons (NI). – Mr President, we might ask what we should do to alleviate the political impasse and suffering of the people in these countries, but it presupposes three propositions. One, that it is within our capacity to do anything; two, that it is the proper role to do anything; and three, that the present situation is not in any way attributable to our interference.
British military personnel are, as we speak, being handed redundancy notices – often while on active duty – by the wretched UK Government. It would be absurd to expect the remaining servicemen to be stretched to engage in further adventures.
States make a solemn, but usually unwritten, covenant with their troops to send them into battle and risk their lives, but only when the vital interests of the nation or nationals are at stake. We have no vital interests in these states. There is also every reason to believe that external forces associated with the United States and its allies have a vested interest in destabilising Syria. I have no brief for the Ba’athist regime …
(The President cut off the speaker)
Paul Rübig (PPE). – (DE) Mr President, I believe that many of the young people who live in these countries long for democracy, modernisation and freedom. We need to take this fact into account. We must try to win friends in these countries and not make blanket judgments. Instead, we must identify those individuals who do not follow the rules of a modern society. For this reason, we should try to organise exchange programmes for small and medium-sized businesses, for teachers, university professors and journalists. Our job is to make friends in these countries. I hope that we will soon be taking action of this kind.
Diane Dodds (NI). – Mr President, Minister, like many in this House today, I share a sense of horror at the violence and the human rights violations we have witnessed throughout the entire region. However, I could not let this moment pass without saying – particularly to you, Minister – that your statement today on behalf of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy demonstrates most ably, and perhaps better than any of us could ever do, the nonsense of this office and the millions of euro we have spent on it.
Your message today is quite right: one of rejection of violence, one of promotion of dialogue, one of reform from within the countries concerned. But, quite frankly, in these situations, it is all motherhood and apple pie. We need much, much more than the odd telephone call and a statement calling for this, that or the other; and I think that the people in the Middle East ...
(The President cut off the speaker)
Zsolt Németh, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – (HU) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, thank you very much for the speeches. (The speech continues in English.)
Mr President, allow me first to respond specifically to a few questions relating to Bahrain.
The question of Iranian interference in Bahrain’s domestic affairs was raised. There is no hard evidence so far that Iran has been meddling in the Bahraini situation by provoking radicalisation. Clearly this is a risk, and one more good reason to start a national dialogue in Bahrain as soon as possible to avoid that option.
Concerning the Saudi invasion in Bahrain, I would like to underline the fact that the six Gulf Cooperation Council states have a collective security agreement amongst themselves. The presence of Saudi and other Gulf forces in Bahrain was requested in the framework of that agreement and was provided for by more than one GCC Member State. This is not merely a legalistic consideration. We have to take the regional dimension very seriously in our evaluation of developments in this region.
Concerning Yemen, I would point out that the European Union did suspend some assistance to Yemen: for example, its assistance on civilian counter-terrorism. We thought that we needed to have a differentiated approach in this respect.
Allow me to speak now in Hungarian to respond to some questions which have been raised.
(HU) Mr Salafranca raised the question of what the result of the transition will be. In this regard, I would like to underline that we do not know what the result of the Arab Spring will be. Nobody knows, and a couple of months ago, we did not even know that such a domino effect could be set in motion. However, I believe that, for the time being, the final outcome of this Arab Spring is not set in stone. I therefore also believe that it will depend to a very great degree on us. This is how I would like to answer Mr Salafranca: the final outcome of this Arab Spring will depend to a very great degree on us, too.
I believe that the proposals put forward here have been very useful, and I believe that both the attending representatives of the Commission and the representatives of the Council and the External Action Service were very pleased to welcome all proposals put forward. We are in the process of reviewing our Neighbourhood Policy, and all proposals that have been put forward here will be integrated in the review of that policy. I therefore believe that it is a very fortunate circumstance that the Eastern Partnership summit in Budapest, which was scheduled for a few weeks from now, will not take place, because this way, we will have time to incorporate the proposals that have been put forward now into the review of the Neighbourhood Policy.
I consider it very important that this Neighbourhood Policy be unified. This Neighbourhood Policy must cover the Eastern Dimension in the same way as the Southern one. And only if we are able to create a unified, coherent, well-thought-out Neighbourhood Policy here, within the European Union, can we be credible in the eyes of our southern neighbours, who are paying keen attention to everything we say. The proposals put forward here in connection with the Neighbourhood Policy – as, for example, by the last speakers here, Mrs Dodds and Mr Rübig – stressed civilian relations. The priority treatment of civilian relations, citizen relations, and especially relations with young people, is among our Neighbourhood Policy ideas.
The creation of truly new funds and, if necessary, funds of new magnitudes, must also be a key part of this review. At the same time, we should not forget that each aspect requires an individual approach. There are countries where the introduction of sanctions or arms embargoes, or, in some cases, military action, has already been unavoidable. As you know, Libya is not the only country in our southern neighbourhood where there is an armed intervention under way; there has also been one in Côte d’Ivoire for a few days now. This will be a separate topic here tonight, and we are yet to talk about this.
However, I believe that these countries, where military intervention has become unavoidable due to civil war, must not be confused with the countries we are discussing now, even though these repressive countries, these authoritarian, repressive countries, are also toying with the use of violence. However, I believe that the High Representative has sent a very strong message to these countries as regards their attitude to violence. And the military action itself, which is taking place in Libya and Côte d’Ivoire, must be a very strong message to these countries, to all three of these countries. In the past few weeks, the European and international community has managed to form a very clear philosophy.
The ‘right to protect’ and ‘the responsibility to protect’ are new principles which have been applied by the international community recently, and which must also be a warning sign to Yemen, Bahrain and everyone, to all authoritarian regimes in the region. What is taking place now, the military interventions, is not an analogy to Iraq, but much more to Rwanda or Kosovo, where the international community had to intervene in order to protect citizens. I believe that the international community is sending out this message very strongly now to countries that use violence against their citizens.
Ladies and gentlemen, the honourable institution that is the European Parliament, allow me to only briefly respond to a few more specific proposals. I will relay your highly unanimous and general proposal for convening a special session of the UN Human Rights Council to the High Representative. This proposition has definitely been a key element in the debate here and one that should be given consideration. Likewise, I will also relay to the High Representative the similarly clear and consensual opinion about arms exports that has been expressed here. I believe that we need to be able to establish a suitable balance between cooperation and sanctions with regard to these three groups of countries.
It is definitely a particular task when it comes not to the application of sanctions and military intervention, but to cooperation and, if necessary, some degree of sanctions with regard to a group of countries. I also consider what Mrs Oomen-Ruijten stated, that the European Union must also be able to rely very strongly on Turkey when forming its policy regarding the region, to be important. Thank you very much for the debates, and thank you very much for the comments, speeches and questions.
President. – I have received six motions for resolution(1)tabled in accordance with Rule 110(2) of the Rules of Procedure.
The debate is closed.
The vote will take place tomorrow at noon.
Written statements (Rule 149)
Dominique Baudis (PPE), in writing. – (FR) The resolution on the situation in Syria, Bahrain and Yemen rightly denounces the brutal and murderous repression whose victims are the demonstrators in Syria, as well as those in Yemen and Bahrain. The leaders of these three countries are giving orders to fire on their own people, who are legitimately demanding political freedom, human dignity and social fairness. Through this resolution, the European Parliament is strongly expressing its solidarity with the Syrian, Bahraini and Yemeni citizens, who are showing great courage in demonstrating their aspirations while faced with government forces who are opening fire on unarmed civilians.
Franz Obermayr (NI), in writing. – (DE) As well as the Islamic faith, Syria, Bahrain and Yemen have one thing in common: an authoritarian regime, regardless of whether the ruler is a king, a president or the Assad clan. In Western terms, they are undoubtedly undemocratic systems. Growing revolutionary tendencies like those in Egypt or Tunisia are being nipped in the bud and democracy and human rights are being disregarded. In Yemen, for example, 37% of under-age girls undergo forced marriages. This puts Yemen in second place in the world, exceeded only by Somalia. The governments of these three countries must demonstrate that they are working for and not against their people. For decades, the EU has supported and paid court to countries like this, while this was to its economic and geopolitical advantage. The EU should fight more strongly for democracy and human rights and combat the process of radical Islamification in these countries.
Kristiina Ojuland (ALDE), in writing. – Although the situation in Syria, Bahrain and Yemen is something that ought to be addressed urgently, I would like to draw your attention to the alarming situation in Lebanon, where seven citizens of the EU from Estonia are held captive. I would like to thank Baroness Ashton for her prompt reply and her reassurance two weeks ago that the matter will be treated on the highest possible level in the EU. We have now received the information that the abductors, claiming to be members of the ‘Renaissance and Reform movement’ have handed in an obscure ransom note that says that they will announce their further demands at a later time. The seven Estonian citizens are told to be alive. I would like to plea to Baroness Ashton to get involved in the resolution of the hostage crisis in her capacity as the Vice-President of the Commission and High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. There are European lives at stake and this requires urgently the instant attention of the European External Action Service. This is a chance for Baroness Ashton to demonstrate what she is actually made of.
President. – The next item is the debate on the Council and Commission statements on the Fourth United Nations conference on the least developed countries.
Zsolt Németh, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, the European Union is fully committed to the success of the Fourth United Nations conference on the least developed countries, which will take place in Istanbul on 9-13 May 2011. It believes that this conference provides a major opportunity to enhance support for the least developed countries (LDCs).
The Council has very recently adopted conclusions to be used as guidelines by the EU negotiators in the preparatory process and during the conference. Prioritising LDCs is a necessity in our common endeavour to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). We therefore remain firmly committed to supporting the inclusive and sustainable development of all LDCs, which represent the poorest and weakest segment of the international community, and which are also characterised by their acute susceptibility to external economic shocks, natural and man-made disasters and communicable diseases.
We strongly support an outcome focusing on areas and measures that can add value with regard to the specific needs of LDCs and which should reflect the lessons learned from the 2001 Brussels Programme of Action, by maintaining coherence with the MDGs and setting specific goals and targets for LDCs. A long-term commitment through a renewed partnership with LDCs containing suitable measures is fundamental in a rapidly changing world.
In particular, the European Union considers that the outcome of the Istanbul conference should address three main objectives: firstly, combating the vulnerability and fragility of LDCs and further enhancing their resilience to shocks; secondly, creating a favourable environment for the sustainable development of LDCs; thirdly, promoting inclusive and sustainable economic growth for LDCs. These objectives will continue to guide the European Union’s discussions with the LDCs throughout the preparatory process and during the conference itself.
The European Union has always led the international community’s efforts to support the LDCs, and is their largest donor. It has been the most successful development partner at fulfilling its commitments, notably in terms of market access, rules of origin and debt alleviation. It has made significant progress on official development assistance (ODA) as well as on policy coherence for development.
Some LDCs have achieved good economic growth and progress in development during the last decade, yet we recognise that overall, progress has been uneven. Considerable work remains to be done, notably in sub-Saharan Africa and in countries that are in both conflict and fragile situations. For that reason, the EU has recently reaffirmed its commitment, in the context of the overall ODA commitment, to meet collectively the target of providing 0.15-0.20 of GNP to the LDCs.
The LDCs have primary responsibility for their own development, and assistance by the donor community ought to be based on the initiative and full ownership of the recipient countries. The European Union also stresses the interdependence of overall progress in the LDCs with the improvement of good governance, democracy, human rights and gender equality.
Finally, at the same time, we are firmly convinced that all countries have the responsibility to help developing countries to lift themselves out of poverty and achieve progress towards the MDGs. Progress in the LDCs is interconnected with the quality and coherence of development partner policies. Strong efforts should therefore be directed at improving the efficiency and effectiveness of aid mechanisms and to fulfilling existing commitments. On several occasions, the EU has called on other donors to meet these commitments. Emerging economies should also provide their fair share of assistance to LDCs.
Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, the Commission is committed to the success of the Fourth United Nations conference on the least developed countries in Istanbul, creating a renewed political momentum for inclusive growth, sustainable development and poverty reduction in the least developed countries. This conviction and commitment of ours is expressed in the Council conclusions, adopted last week on 31 March, on Guidelines for the participation of the EU in the upcoming conference on the least developed countries. I am also very happy to note that Parliament will be strongly represented in the delegation that will be attending this conference.
Many least developed countries have made progress in their development, but progress has been uneven and considerable work remains to be done. Too few of the least developed countries are graduating from the category and most are lagging behind in achieving the Millennium Development Goals. We, both donors and least developed countries, need to learn important lessons from the success of some of the least developed countries, as well as from the implementation of the Brussels Programme of Action.
Global partnership and mutual responsibility are vital for the success of the conference. Development is a joint challenge. The developing countries have primary responsibility for their own development by designing and implementing appropriate policies and achieving good governance.
As regards the least developed countries, the European Union has been their most successful development partner in fulfilling its commitments, notably in terms of market access, rules of origin and debt alleviation. The European Union is the largest donor to the least developed countries and has made significant progress concerning Official Development Assistance, tripling its aid to these countries in the past decade.
In Istanbul, the European Union will call upon other donors and development partners to match its commitment and ambition. Developed countries have a responsibility to help developing countries to lift themselves out of poverty. In this context of global partnership, the emerging economies should also do their share.
Sustainable development and long-term equitable and inclusive growth are essential for each of these countries. The private sector has a crucial role to play in this regard and can have a huge impact on people’s lives through generating wealth and employment.
The potential of trade as an engine for growth and employment is considerable. Nevertheless, the European Union wants to underline the interdependence of progress in the least developed countries with human rights, gender equality, democracy, good governance, peace and security.
Progress in the least developed countries is interconnected with equality and coherence of development partners’ policies. Therefore, strenuous efforts should be directed towards improving the efficiency and effectiveness of aid mechanisms, as well as policy coherence for development.
The Presidency has already announced three priorities, so let me just add that the conference should address the issue of graduation also. The European Union will be calling for a more systematic mechanism for granting time-sensitive concession and support to graduating countries. The Commission is convinced that this new momentum will result in a significant increase in the number of countries graduating from the category of the least developed countries in the next decade.
IN THE CHAIR: STAVROS LAMBRINIDIS Vice-President
Eleni Theocharous, on behalf of the PPE Group. – (EL) Mr President, Minister, Commissioner, as you quite rightly said Mr Németh, the Council conclusions, in conjunction with the commitments made by the European Union, need to be accompanied by effective measures to support the overall endeavour. Of course, the European Parliament representation at the UN conference on the least developed countries in Istanbul will be ‘armed’ with a good resolution expressing satisfactory positions. However, there is a problem with the representation’s status because, as observers, they will not be able to intervene directly and I think that the Commission and President Barroso could make an important intervention in order to change this situation. Growth and security in the European Union and control of migration flows cannot be achieved with approximately one billion citizens living in misery and poverty.
It would appear that efforts to develop the least developed countries need to be revised because, although the least developed countries are also to blame, the mechanisms used to break the vicious circle of poverty appear to be ineffective.
I would point out that the wealth of under-developed countries is being exploited by outsiders and that the democratic deficit, corruption and insecurity are the overriding characteristics of these countries. All this results in a lack of basic infrastructures in the education, health, transport, communications, primary production, agricultural, banking and public administration sectors. I think that mechanisms could be adopted in Istanbul to improve the approach to the problem of poverty.
Thijs Berman, on behalf of the S&D Group. – (NL) Mr President, economic growth of 7%, a large increase in the number of children attending primary school, more countries whose people are demanding democracy: in the least developed countries in Africa, much progress has been made in the past 10 years. These countries have worked for better governance and mobilised their own financial resources. The rich countries’ particular contribution has been debt relief and ensuring the availability of vaccines. However, we are not there yet, because rapid economic growth in the poorest countries has not gone hand in hand with a proportional reduction in poverty.
The list of the poorest countries has remained virtually unchanged for decades. The number of people living on less than USD 1 a day has decreased, but the number of people living on less than USD 2 a day remains the same. The rich countries have kept corrupt regimes in place, rather than considering a fair sharing of resources. It is therefore absurd and cynical to say that development is not working. We have not given it enough of a chance.
The UN conference in Istanbul will have to draw some conclusions from this. Much more attention needs to be given to the equitable distribution of wealth within the poorest countries themselves. This will provide stability and a fair distribution. This will eliminate tensions and bring peace. Social justice will also do much more to bring about economic development than the inequality of dictatorships ruled by a small clique at the top. Countries with democracy achieve fair distribution much faster than dictatorships. Good governance will bring us closer to achieving the Millennium Development Goals.
We also need to do more for public health. For a family in a poor country, disease is a financial disaster. Disease is a luxury which no one can afford. We must therefore work towards financing healthcare through health insurance, so that not only vaccines are available, but also good hospitals and clinics.
Charles Goerens, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – (FR) Mr President, between 1980 and 2011, global GDP increased by USD 19 000 billion. This increase should mean that we have sufficient means to eradicate extreme poverty. So much for the arithmetic.
With regard to policy, improving the lot of the poorest is not as straightforward. We must therefore make some clear choices. Firstly, we must target the poorest countries in our cooperation programmes.
Secondly, and this is a corollary of the first point, we must withdraw gradually from emerging countries. China, the main creditor of the United States, has sufficient means at its disposal to deal with the poverty prevailing within its borders.
The third point is that we need strong partnerships with the least developed countries. They need to do the bulk of the work. All we can do is assist them with our know-how, our expertise and our political will. We can do nothing more and nothing less than that.
I would make one last point: as we are the largest donor, it is also up to us, as the European Union, to assume a leadership role at this conference.
Nirj Deva, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, I want to thank Mrs Theocharous for raising the issue of the status of the European Parliament at international conferences: we are one of the three sister institutions of the EU and we need to have a look at this very quickly or there is going to be trouble. We are the largest donor to the least developed countries in the world; we have trebled aid in the last few years, but poverty has increased, not decreased.
Some ten years ago, Pascal Lamy and the Development Committee introduced ‘Everything but Arms’. Gradually, this Parliament turned it into ‘Anything but Farms’. Now the least developed countries in the world do not have industrial capacity, they have agriculture capacity. If you are really interested in eliminating poverty and helping these people, we need to increase their capacity to trade. It is not aid but trade that is going to reduce poverty. But in order to reduce poverty and to increase trade, we need to increase their capacity to export what they can export, which is agricultural produce, fisheries produce and so on. But we do not do that.
We have introduced stringent standards, which is very important for the health of the European consumer, but we do not help to increase the capacity of these least developed countries. So, out of 51, only three have matriculated from being a least developed country to not being a least developed country. We have got to increase that effort otherwise we are just fooling ourselves and those countries.
Gabriele Zimmer, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – (DE) Mr President, I would like to ask the representatives of the Council and the Commission why they believe that they have to address this subject using speech bubbles. I do not think that we are helping anyone by not making a specific statement to the effect that in the run-up to the Istanbul conference, the Member States and the European Union must finally meet their obligations in full and that we cannot tolerate Member States increasingly shirking their responsibilities.
It is unacceptable that one billion people still live in hunger, most of them in the least developed countries (LDCs), in other words, the poorest countries in the world. It is also unacceptable that the majority of our development aid does not go to support and develop agriculture. The proportion used for this purpose has fallen rapidly in recent years, while one billion people go hungry. I am slowly beginning to think that saying that we hope the LDCs will become more resistant to shocks is a cynical approach.
I am calling on you to take specific measures to address the problems and to make concrete commitments to provide the LDCs with real help.
Philip Claeys (NI). – (NL) Mr President, the forthcoming UN summit on the least developed countries is a good opportunity for a debate on whether development aid makes sense or if it is, in fact, nonsensical. The aid quantity argument, as it is generally known – that is, the proposition that the more aid you grant, the more economic development there will be – has been totally discredited.
I would like to use my speaking time to quote what the Kenyan economist James Shikwati said to Der Spiegel online on 7 April 2005. Quote: ‘Development aid serves to keep large bureaucracies in place, encourages corruption and complacency and teaches Africans to beg, rather than be independent’, unquote.
In addition, development aid weakens the local markets and it causes the spirit of enterprise, the very spirit that we so badly need, to evaporate. Regardless of how absurd it may sound, development aid is one of the causes of Africa’s problems. If the west stopped these payments, normal Africans would not even notice. It is only government officials who would be hard hit. So, instead of us handing out more money, what is needed is less corruption, more entrepreneurship and more self-reliance.
(The speaker agreed to take a blue card question under Rule 149(8))
Thijs Berman (S&D). – (NL) Mr Claeys, would you agree with me that the foreign interests of the rich Western European countries and of the United States have led to dictators being kept in power and, consequently, to development aid often failing to work, because that aid has ended up in the wrong pockets and because we have never done anything to tackle that, in the interests of maintaining a ‘stability’ which has not, in fact, been worth the name, as has been demonstrated in North Africa and the Middle East? Standing up for democracy means standing up for democrats in developing countries and letting dictators fall, whilst keeping development aid flowing.
Philip Claeys (NI). – (NL) Mr Berman, yes, I do partly agree with what you have said. Indeed, we are to blame for the fact that some dictators have been able to remain in power. I am thinking, for example, of the European policy towards Cuba, where we have seen that Fidel Castro has been considered a partner with whom we can do business. That sort of thing should, indeed, be consigned to the past and we should only talk to people who have been democratically elected and who also have the power to establish democracy in their own country.
Filip Kaczmarek (PPE). – (PL) Mr President, the term ‘least developed countries’ arose 40 years ago to help developed countries and other donors identify those communities around the world which are most in need of aid. The definition of ‘least developed country’ used by the United Nations is not based exclusively on per capita income levels, but also takes account of human capital and problems with economic development. The geographical distribution of these countries is very distinctive, because the great majority of them are found in Africa. The European Union is right, therefore, in giving particular attention to this continent.
A fundamental problem is the fact that the number of countries identified as LDCs is growing, while the number of countries which have developed sufficiently to be able to graduate from the group is as low as three. This, therefore, is why the UN conference should give serious consideration to how to introduce an effective, measurable and easy-to-monitor strategy for countries to leave the LDC. I am pleased that the European Commission and the Council have proposals which might help in this process. One of these is the promotion of inclusive growth. I know that some fellow Members are worried by this term because they are not sure if the growth will be truly inclusive. On the other hand, however, without growth, we will not build developing countries’ economic potential.
Kriton Arsenis (S&D). – (EL) Mr President, Commissioner, we need a tangible objective, which can be adopted at the conference in Istanbul, and this objective should be to reduce the number of least developed countries to half of what they are today. This sounds self-evident but, over the last 30 years, just 3 of these countries have managed to rise above the category of least developed countries.
In order to achieve this, we need to honour our commitments and contribute 0.15 to 0.20% of our annual Gross Domestic Product (GDP) to development aid for these countries. It is equally important to safeguard policy coherence for development. We cannot give money to these countries, on the one hand, and basically steal from them through unfair trade agreements between them and the EU, on the other. We need to pay our monetary debt and that also means investing in these countries, both in order to adapt them and to combat climate change and to pay off our debt that has accumulated from our unfair common agricultural policy. In order to do so, we need to promote the food sovereignty of these countries by supporting traditional agricultural policies, local resources, local crops and local markets, and preventing speculative attacks, land capture and seed monopolies, which threaten all of us, especially these weak countries.
(The speaker agreed to take a blue card question under Rule 149(8))
Nirj Deva (ECR). – Mr President, I wonder whether the honourable gentleman will agree with me – because he used a very strong word ‘steal’ – that we steal from developing countries. Such an example could be that we give EUR 2 million to a small island off the Atlantic coast for their fisheries, for 7 000 tonnes of tuna, and we sell that on the streets of Europe for EUR 235 million. So we convert EUR 2 million to EUR 235 million. That is what we do with our fisheries policies.
Kriton Arsenis (S&D). – (EL) Mr President, Mr Deva is right. Fisheries agreements between the European Union and third countries are, to a large degree, an issue that needs to be re-examined in depth. Agreements are necessary, but the European Union also needs, when entering into these fisheries agreements with the countries in question, to do so in the most viable way possible. However, we also need to check if the money we pay in return for fishing is enough and if it is being used as development aid, to ultimately strengthen these countries so that they can get out of the category of least developed countries.
Marek Henryk Migalski (ECR). – (PL) Mr President, Mr Németh is not right in his optimism over countries graduating from least developed country status, whereas Mr Deva, Mr Kaczmarek and Mr Arsenis are right in saying that in the last 10 years, only three countries – Botswana, Cape Verde and Maldives – have graduated from this group. This means that in fact, the chief cause of the poverty is politics, for there are very wealthy countries which do not possess any natural resources, such as Switzerland and Japan, and, on the other hand, there are countries which are rich in natural resources but which are nevertheless poor. This means that the cause of the poverty is politics, and not vice versa. Therefore, alongside aid to the LDC countries and trading with them, the role of the European Union should be to give political assistance leading to stabilisation and democracy in these countries. This is what we have to do.
Elena Băsescu (PPE). – (RO) Mr President, the Fourth UN conference on the least developed countries provides a good opportunity to review the international Aid for Trade policy. This group of countries is facing financial difficulties against the background of the global economic changes in the wake of the financial crisis. The steady rise in basic food prices is an acute problem which cannot be ignored.
The main aim of Aid for Trade is to boost the 48 states’ domestic and international competitiveness. In this regard, I should stress the importance of eradicating poverty and making effective use of the financial aid provided as part of achieving the Millennium Development Goals. I think that it is useful getting developing countries involved in this process as a result of the experience they have in the area of reforming trade facilities.
Mariya Nedelcheva (PPE). – (FR) Mr President, progress in least developed countries reflects our own development policies and those of the international community. The rise in the number of countries classified as least developed is a clear indication that it is time to review our policies, our instruments and our resources. The poorest countries are very susceptible to war, crises and widespread poverty. Hence, it is vital that we continue to work to establish peace, stability, democracy and human rights.
Three other elements should be taken into account. Firstly, we need to re-examine internal factors such as corruption, the lack of democratic safeguards and property rights loopholes, which cause these countries to remain underdeveloped.
Secondly, we need to enhance our economic approach by providing greater support for farmers, for SMEs and for good use of State resources with a view to creating new instruments.
Lastly, we need to make our aid instruments more targeted and ensure that they are consistent with the Millennium Development Goals. If we adjust global development policies to reflect the real needs in each country and greater participation by the private sector and civil society, we will be better able to rise to the challenges of the next decade.
Ricardo Cortés Lastra (S&D). – (ES) Mr President, 10 years ago in Brussels, donor countries agreed on a Programme of Action for least developed countries (LDCs). We set targets for eliminating extreme poverty in those countries.
It is clear to all of us that LDCs are suffering most from the effects of the global crisis, whether economic, financial, or environmental, or caused by rising food prices.
However, 10 years later, we have not achieved the goals we set and only two of the 48 countries that make up the LDC block have managed to graduate from LDC status.
We are at a pivotal moment. At the upcoming Fourth United Nations conference in Istanbul, the work carried out so far will be reviewed and a new Programme of Action will be established.
We should renew our commitment to LDCs and show that in 10 years, we have learned the lessons of the previous period and are in a position to provide effective, quality support that will enable us to meet our objectives, not in 2021 but in 2015, by fulfilling the Millennium Development Goals.
Catherine Stihler (S&D). – Mr President, the three key areas – the vulnerability of LDCs, sustainable development and the promotion of economic growth – are all welcome. However, I wanted to ask whether food security will be part of the discussions.
There was mention of sub-Saharan Africa; currently 80% of sub-Saharan African farmers are female. If we can help with the development of better agricultural methods, investing in those who are the most vulnerable in our world, helping them to feed themselves, we can make a huge contribution to the health and the wellbeing of the poorest in our world.
I wish the delegation well as they go from this Parliament to the conference, but I also look forward to the report back that we will hear from all those who will attend.
Norica Nicolai (ALDE). – (RO) Mr President, I firmly believe that this Parliament takes responsibility for the results achieved by the European Union as part of the project promoting global solidarity in the fight against poverty. At the same time, it is my strong conviction that we are a Parliament which takes responsibility for using European taxpayers’ money. I would like to try to acknowledge the idea that this conference must provide, including us, with an opportunity to assess the solidarity model which we have promoted. This is because, if we look at what we call less developed countries, we will see that the poor countries still remain poor, while the rich countries maintain a certain standard of living.
We need to reassess the model we use for making donations and the support we give because we are at risk of this aid becoming detrimental to the recipient countries.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL). – (PT) Mr President, in this debate, we have been discussing the poorest and weakest countries in the world. These include almost 50 countries whose people are suffering from the effects of successive failures to implement the recommendations of successive United Nations conferences. It is not the inevitability of fate, nor inescapable natural limitations or constraints that make these countries poor; on the contrary, several of them are very rich indeed in natural resources.
Rather, it is the injustice and inhumanity of a system that is the world’s dominant mode of economic and social organisation, and that is sustained by asymmetrical relationships, which create and replicate inequalities. It is the result of free trade, of financial deregulation, of the illicit but permitted flight of capital to tax havens, and of war and conflicts fed by disputes over natural resources. It is in breaking with the foundations of this system, and in a genuine and solidarity-based policy of cooperation and development aid, that the possibility of these peoples’ emancipation and their countries’ development lies.
Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, I think that this interesting debate shows that we all share the same objectives. This is also reflected in the joint motion for a resolution presented by the political groups. In particular, I would like to mention the following main objectives that we all share: first of all, that the conference should be results-oriented and that the European Union should fulfil its commitments.
The object of this is to support countries, so that they can graduate from least developed country status. We have undertaken commitments in terms of market access and debt alleviation, as well as reserving a share of official development assistance for the least developed countries. Clearly, policy coherence for development should contribute to all policy areas in support of the least developed countries’ fight against poverty and priority should be given, as Ms Stihler quite rightly highlighted, to food security, agriculture and infrastructure. Indeed, as Mr Deva suggested, trade plays a very important role.
We have all recognised the least developed countries’ primary responsibility for their own development, which is why a more efficient tax system and good governance in tax matters are needed to enhance their domestic resources.
Finally, even if they bear practically no responsibility for climate change, the least developed countries will be hit the hardest by it and we have an obligation to help them adapt to this.
In conclusion, this House has always given great support for the cause of the least developed countries and I am sure that this will continue.
Zsolt Németh, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, concerning the sum total of the ODA, I would like to underline that, since 2002 when establishing its commitment for the Monterey conference, the Council has reiterated the need to mobilise all other available sources of financing for development – primarily domestic resources complemented by viable innovative financing mechanisms – and support from developed countries, the private sector and emerging economies.
In the latest conclusions of April 2011, the Council pointed out that the EU is seriously considering proposals for innovative financing mechanisms with significant revenue generation potential, with a view to ensuring predictable financing for development, especially for the poorest and most vulnerable countries. I agree with Commissioner Füle’s opinion concerning the relevance of keeping to our commitments in the European Union and also his comments concerning the importance of increasing the possibility of trade between LDCs and the European Union.
President. – I have received six motions for resolution(1)tabled in accordance with Rule 110(2) of the Rules of Procedure.
The debate is closed.
The vote will take place on Thursday, 7 April 2011, at noon.
President. – The next item is the Council and Commission statements on the 2010 progress report on Iceland.
Enikő Győri, President-in-Office of the Council. – (HU) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I greatly appreciate the European Parliament’s active involvement in the enlargement process and its constructive participation in the general debate on enlargement, and, of course, specifically in the accession process of Iceland. As one of the most successful Union policies in EU history, the enlargement of the European Union is among the most important of our Presidency’s priorities.
On 17 June 2010, the European Council unanimously decided to grant Iceland candidate status. The first meeting of the accession conference at ministerial level took place on 27 July 2010, and November 2010 saw the start of the screening process, which is proceeding as planned. The next accession conference at ministerial level is scheduled for 27 June; this way, we will have the opportunity to take stock of the results achieved and, we hope, open up as many chapters as possible.
There are several particularly important areas which I would like to point out specifically. Parliament’s draft resolution also identifies these issues. In its 2010 report on the results achieved, the Commission concluded that Iceland meets the political criteria required for membership, and even though it was hit hard by the economic and financial crisis, it is suitably prepared to take the measures necessary to meet the requirements of EU membership. On 14 December 2010, the Council recalled, in its conclusions, that Iceland is a democracy that has a long history of good functioning, with strong institutions and close relations to the EU. It also concluded that Iceland’s general preparedness was sufficient for it to adopt and apply the EU acquis, in particular, due to the fact that the country is a member of the European Economic Area and party to the Schengen Agreement. Iceland can be considered a functioning market economy and may, in the medium term, regain its ability to hold its own against the competitive pressure and market forces present in the Single Market.
The Council recalled that the negotiations are aimed at Iceland fully adopting and applying the EU acquis. The course of the negotiations will be determined by whether Iceland meets all of its obligations under the EEA Agreement, taking full account, among other things, of the European Council conclusions of 17 June 2010, and also by the results it achieves in eliminating other deficiencies identified in the Commission’s opinion. At the same time, the Council recalled, on the one hand, that while the accession negotiations are in progress, the EEA Agreement will continue to represent the fundamental treaty basis between Iceland and the EU and, on the other, that Iceland has also been an active and constructive partner over the past two years within this framework and with regard to the Schengen Area. The country has also achieved good results in applying the developing EU acquis. The Council therefore encouraged Iceland to continue this practice.
The European Parliament’s draft resolution paints a comprehensive picture of the results achieved and the tasks to be completed. As regards the latter, I would like to draw your attention to our common task, that is, the necessity for appropriate and in-depth communication with the public, both with regard to Icelandic and EU citizens. In the light of the above, I would once again like to point out that there is still very much work to be done, including during the Hungarian Presidency. As regards the Presidency, we are naturally counting on all Member States, the Commission and, of course, the European Parliament, to support Iceland in this endeavour. It is essential that we maintain the impetus of the work and thereby move the negotiations forward as much as possible while still in this half-year.
I am convinced that Iceland’s accession can become a success story. It may give impetus to the entire enlargement policy and enhance its success. The motto and goal of the Hungarian Presidency is a strong Europe. All progress made in Iceland’s accession process contributes to the achievement of this.
Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, today’s debate on Iceland and the next steps in its accession process is very opportune.
I would like to thank the House for its support for Icelandic membership and to congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Preda, for his high quality report. The resolution under discussion is a helpful contribution to the process: it delivers the right messages to Iceland at the right moment.
The assessment of Iceland’s compliance with the acquis – the screening exercise – is on track. Since November 2010, 24 chapters have been discussed and 23 bilateral screening meetings have been completed, covering fisheries, agriculture, environment, regional policy and financial services.
Screening is an important technical process and the meetings have already identified sensitive issues and challenges in key chapters, such as agriculture, environment and fisheries. This stage of the negotiation process will be completed by June 2011.
I can confirm that we expect actual negotiations to start towards the end of the Hungarian Presidency, with the opening of some chapters at the accession conference scheduled for 27 June 2011. This is an ambitious but achievable timetable and all sides are committed to moving forward.
The Commission stands ready to take Iceland’s specificities and expectations into account, within the existing approach on accession negotiations and fully safeguarding the principles and rules of the Union. We therefore aim to work in an open and constructive spirit to find solutions acceptable to both sides, in a way that reflects the high level of cooperation between the European Union and the Icelandic authorities. As with any accession so far, it is to be expected that this will not always be an easy task, but we trust that we have embarked with Iceland on a successful journey.
As regards Icesave, and as referred to in your resolution, the Commission would welcome a swift resolution of this matter in the interests of all the parties involved.
On the economic front, Iceland’s banking and fiscal consolidation in the framework of the IMF programme has been impressive. The adjustment programme is on track and the government is committed to further consolidation. Enhanced debt restructuring will help to strengthen economic recovery. The government is also working on a strategy for the gradual lifting of capital controls. This will contribute to an improved business climate.
Let me also briefly mention the support measures we are putting in place under the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA). There is provision for a total indicative envelope of EUR 28 million for the next three years to support strengthening of administrative capacity and to prepare Iceland for management of the structural funds.
Good progress is being made on finalising the national IPA programme for 2011 and a number of specific activities have started in the framework of the Technical Assistance and Information Exchange (TAIEX) programme.
I fully share your views on the need for a fact-based public debate on EU accession. It can indeed play a decisive role in increasing understanding of the realities of the policies and actions of the European Union, and can help to dispel myths. Furthermore, I warmly welcome the fact that the Icelandic authorities have started intensive communication activities.
It is encouraging to note that public opinion in Iceland has improved significantly in favour of the EU over the past year – both in relation to support for continuing the accession process and in terms of the attitude towards membership of the EU and its image.
The Commission is stepping up its own information and communication activities to facilitate well informed public debate. The European Union Delegation in Reykjavík is fully operational and actively involved in communication activities, and an EU info centre is planned.
With the screening period almost over, I am very much looking forward to starting to open the various chapters with Iceland.
Cristian Dan Preda, on behalf of the PPE Group. – (RO) Mr President, I would like to begin by welcoming the presence of the Commission and Council in the Chamber, as well as the fruitful cooperation we have had so far with these two institutions, including in drafting this resolution.
Just like nine months ago, when we announced Iceland’s application to join the European Union, we have decided to touch on four main points in this report.
1. Political criteria. Iceland excels in this respect, with a strong tradition of democracy. In addition to this, I believe that we must welcome the progress made during recent months on strengthening the independence of the judiciary, removing the predominant position of the Minister for Justice on appointing magistrates and on increasing the latter’s independence. At the same time, these measures must be implemented rigorously.
2. Economic criteria. As a member of the European Economic Area, Iceland already fulfils a large proportion of a Member State’s obligations. I welcome the agreement on the Icesave legislation. I hope that, as indicated by the surveys, the Icelandic population will decide to support it in the referendum to be held in three days’ time, thereby ensuring that this bilateral dispute disappears from the negotiation process for accession to the EU.
3. Regional cooperation is also an important factor. Iceland’s accession to the EU offers the Union a unique opportunity to strengthen its presence in the Arctic region in general, and on the Arctic Council in particular.
Last but not least, public opinion is vital to ensuring that the accession process culminates in success. With this in mind, I believe that encouragement must be given to the initiative from the authorities in Reykjavik to launch a public debate and consult with all the stakeholders in this project. This is all the more important as opinion polls indicate Icelanders’ support for continuing the accession negotiations.
David-Maria Sassoli, on behalf of the S&D Group. – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, tomorrow’s vote is one of the steps which will soon lead to the accession of Iceland to the European Union.
Iceland has made significant progress, as Mr Preda said. I will mention a few examples: the strengthening of judicial independence, a special commission of inquiry to investigate and analyse the processes that led to the collapse of the Icelandic banking system, the creation of a joint Parliamentary Committee between the European Union and Iceland, the situation regarding entry into the euro area, increased experience in the renewable energy sector.
The very thorny issue of ‘Icesave remains open, and on Saturday there will be a referendum which will bring Icelanders to the polls. Although the outcome of the referendum is a matter of debate, I think it has very strong democratic value because it gives the people of Iceland a sense of responsibility and involves them even more in this delicate stage of negotiations. Although the first referendum did not bring a positive result, the Icelandic Government has worked hard to create a broad coalition capable of explaining to citizens the reason for Iceland’s commitment to reimbursing the UK and the Netherlands for the damage they suffered.
Europe’s role at this time should be one of patience and respect, without exerting excessive pressure which might cause some sort of self-defence and closure in Icelandic society.
With regard to fisheries and agriculture, I believe that Europe and Iceland must find the best solution to meet the criteria established in the Treaty and to preserve the Icelandic economy, ecosystems and the country’s specific characteristics.
The accession of Iceland to the European Union will mean that Europe moves towards the North Pole, with significant positive effects in the political, economic, environmental and scientific fields. It is clear that belonging to Europe, sixty years on, is still an attractive possibility.
Pat the Cope Gallagher, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, I am pleased to learn from the Commissioner that screening the accession chapters relating to Iceland, which began in November of last year, is expected to be completed shortly.
Of course, Iceland, as a member of the EEA, has had a major advantage in that they have already adopted a significant part of the acquis. I am also pleased to note from opinion polls in Iceland that 65% of the Icelandic people want the negotiations to continue. I will use my position as chair of the JPC to prevail upon the Icelandic people not to take up entrenched positions until such time as they know exactly what the deal is later on this year.
The second meeting of the EU-Icelandic Joint Parliamentary Committee will take place in Reykjavík on 26 and 27 April. It was established last year and I genuinely believe that it is an important forum for dialogue and cooperation between the EU and the Icelandic Parliament.
I have to say that I am disappointed that the coastal states did not reach an agreement in Oslo at the beginning of March. It is essential that agreement be reached. We cannot fish one million tonnes of mackerel between the four coastal states while we are being told that the scientific advice is for only half of that.
Indrek Tarand, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, a small country always causes a lot of headaches to the EU when it wants to join, and Iceland’s headaches as we know are fisheries, the environment and everything else the Commissioner mentioned. However, we have a recipe and this Chamber could adopt a more welcoming attitude, because small countries need to be treated tenderly.
I always admire Mr Tannock’s principled, political approach towards the acquis and what Iceland is or is not doing. This time, however, my group and I disapprove of the radical tone of those amendments and that is why we very much ask for a compromise to be found by tomorrow with the rapporteur. I already envisage six extra chairs in this Parliament and an extra booth for interpreters.
Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, the ECR Group fully supports Icelandic accession to the European Union, although the decision is firmly a matter for Icelanders alone in a referendum.
Iceland is a small, stable and wealthy democracy and a founder member of NATO and the Council of Europe. Its economy is heavily dependent on fishing, however, having had a disastrous venture into financial services, and Iceland is therefore likely to demand a significant concession to protect its fishing industries if it ever joins the EU. This would then, hopefully, provide the UK and other Member States with an ideal opportunity to push for broader and further reform of the controversial common fisheries policy.
With regard to whaling, I make no apologies for it. I do not like bullfighting or cockfighting either but these are, believe it or not, allowed in some parts of the EU on the grounds of national culture, so if Iceland joins the EU, it must be allowed – in my personal view – to safeguard its whaling industry if it insists on so doing.
Finally, Iceland must commit to repaying monies owed to the UK and the Netherlands after the collapse of Icesave. A negative result in the forthcoming referendum in Iceland on this issue could prove a serious handicap with regard to support from the UK Government.
David Campbell Bannerman, on behalf of the EFD Group. – Mr President, in Britain, the first day of April is called April Fool’s Day and people take great delight in fooling one another. So when some report that Iceland is on course to join the EU next year, I think: ‘April Fool!’ In reality, a survey has shown that 64% of Icelanders want to remain independent, only 24% want to carry on applying for EU membership and, indeed, 60% of Icelandic businesses are against it.
It is also said that Iceland wants the security of the euro. April Fool! Even Portugal’s own banks are currently refusing to buy Portuguese bonds.
Iceland will neither give up its rich fishing grounds – producing 40% of its exports – to join the disastrous common fisheries policy, nor abandon an Icelandic Parliament that is more than 1 000 years old and the winner of a UNESCO award for democracy.
Even with a banking hangover, Iceland, like Britain, remains better off outside. No fooling there!
President. – I got a little confused there, Mr Campbell Bannerman, with the April Fool thing. It is 6 April today, I just double checked, but I suppose you can declare April Fool’s day as any day you want!
Nick Griffin (NI). – Mr President, as is so common here, this debate has little connection to reality and none whatsoever to democracy.
Most here talk as though Iceland being sucked into the Euro black hole is a done deal. But that is not the message coming from Icelanders. Current opinion polls show that those who wish to keep their independence outnumber the Euro-Quislings and Europhiles nearly two to one. Seventy-five percent of Icelanders wisely do not trust the EU. The only Icelandic party in favour of membership has slumped from 30% to 18% in the polls.
It is the same all over Europe. While the political elite move to ever closer union and federal empire, the people want freedom and independence. Such mismatches are the seedbed of revolution. Congratulate yourselves on accession progress all you like, but the coming financial meltdown in the countries being crushed in your Euro straightjacket will be costly to us all, but fatal to your Utopia. Iceland, and the nations now stuck in your raspberry Reich, will be free at last.
Alf Svensson (PPE). – (SV) Mr President, Iceland is a small nation in terms of its population, with around 300 000 inhabitants, but it is a great nation. I really want to emphasise what has been said here. Iceland has democratic traditions, it has an impressive culture, and it was actually also able to provide social security long before other countries were able to. Clearly, we could get bogged down talking about the economic excesses of 2008, but there have been such excesses in more countries than just little Iceland. It is clear that when a small nation with a population of 300 000 is affected by the unrestrained market economy, there are no inertia effects in the administration. That is something that we should not forget when we talk about a country, an island nation, in the Arctic region.
I also understand very well that the Icelanders are interested in fishing. It is also the branch of industry that has made it possible for generation after generation to live on the island. We have to be careful when we talk about a small nation that we do not fall into a kind of big brother role. Iceland is naturally subject to scrutiny by the EU, and I would like to say that it is coping with it better than many current Member States would have done if they had been subject to as rigorous scrutiny as we are now subjecting Iceland to. By that, I do not mean that it is wrong. I also believe that it will be easier for Norway to draw closer to the EU and eventually become a Member if Iceland joins. Iceland should be welcomed. Iceland will breathe life into the EU and it is certainly not a sacrificial offering.
Catherine Stihler (S&D). – Mr President, I would like to thank the rapporteur. The motion for a resolution before us is balanced and covers all key aspects of the progress report. With 33 chapters discussed in the progress report, Iceland moves forward quickly to meeting the criteria to join the EU. The reference in the motion to the report of the special investigation committee into the collapse of the Icelandic banking system is important. The fact that justice will be served on the culprits of the crisis is welcome. Perhaps the EU and its Member States could copy Iceland’s sensible approach. However, there are two issues I wish to raise this evening: Icesave and mackerel. The referendum at the end of this week will hopefully bring an end to the saga.
However, I was disappointed that the second referendum was necessary after the intense renegotiation and the approval of the Althingi, the Icelandic Parliament. On mackerel, the unilateral increase of quotas without discussion and the consequences for neighbouring fleets was short-sighted. The need to resolve issues surrounding fisheries is essential to the success of the accession negotiations.
Finally, I would like to wish the second JPC, led by Pat the Cope Gallagher, to Reykjavík on 26 and 27 April, well.
Struan Stevenson (ECR). – Mr President, I am glad to hear that a majority of the Icelanders in recent opinion polls say that they have no intention of joining the EU because, frankly, why do we want them to join? What exactly are they going to bring to our European club? They have got a collapsed economy, their banks have defaulted, their volcano closed our airspace for nine days – I presume we would have to pick up the bill for that if it happens again – and now they are plundering our mackerel stocks.
In 2005, Iceland landed 367 tonnes of north-east Atlantic mackerel. This year, they intend to land 150 000 tonnes. What kind of good management – sustainable management of fisheries – do you call that? They always pride themselves on having a sustainable fishery and they laugh at the common fisheries policy that we employ. This is almost criminal. This is almost illegal fishing and there is no way we should invite them to join the EU.
Alain Cadec (PPE). – (FR) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, let me begin with my usual refrain: Parliament has only one seat, Strasbourg.
As you know, the Committee on Fisheries is concerned about the mackerel situation. I am particularly troubled by the recent breakdown of negotiations between the European Union, Iceland and the Faroe Islands. For over 10 years, the mackerel quota has been allocated using a fixed allocation key based on historical catches for each coastal State.
Since 2010, Iceland has been demanding new, much higher quotas, citing a hypothetical geographic redistribution of mackerel stocks caused by climate change. Iceland therefore suddenly – as Mr Stevenson has just said – increased its catch quota from 2 000 tonnes to 130 000 tonnes in 2010. That is an increase of over 6 500%, ladies and gentlemen.
This decision is unacceptable because it has been taken unilaterally and penalises EU fishermen. What is more, it sends a very negative message in the context of Iceland’s accession negotiations. We cannot accept this unilateral decision. We would like to see a rapid resolution of the conflict between Iceland and the European Union. Iceland needs to adapt to our common fisheries policy, rather than our common fisheries policy changing for Iceland’s benefit. In my view, Iceland is playing a dangerous game by imposing these unacceptable conditions on us. Iceland needs to put forward a more realistic proposal. At the end of the day, no one wants to see overfishing or the collapse of mackerel stocks, which would be damaging for all sides. I urge Iceland to be more responsible and flexible in negotiations and to display greater transparency in discussions.
Jan Kozłowski (PPE). – (PL) Mr President, I would like to congratulate Iceland very sincerely on gaining candidate country status. According to the Commission statement, Iceland’s preparations to meet European Union requirements are generally good and on schedule. It should not be forgotten, however, that one condition for the accession of any country to the European Union is the clear commitment of both government and society. Therefore, I think an effective strategy for informing society is of key significance for gaining the support of society for Iceland’s membership of the European Union. Poland’s experience shows that a significant role may be played here not only by a broad range of government measures, but also by national media, local non-governmental organisations and international cooperation at regional and local level.
Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE). – (RO) Mr President, as I also observed during the European Parliament delegation’s official visit last year, of which I was a member, Iceland has made huge investments in education and research and development. I congratulate the Icelandic authorities for the support given to the Lisbon strategy and their involvement in it, including through the adoption of an Iceland 2020 strategy, which highlights the importance of these areas and outlines targets for the years ahead.
I think that accession to the European Union will entail benefits for all the parties involved. Iceland will gain economic and monetary stability, while the European Union will become more powerful in the Arctic region and in areas such as renewable energy and climate change.
I firmly believe that improving dialogue with civil society and also between the European Union and Iceland is of paramount importance. My simple recommendation to the Icelandic people is for them to wait for the final outcome of the negotiations before adopting a stance.
Mitro Repo (S&D). – (FI) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, we can actually congratulate ourselves. The willingness of the Icelanders to join us shows that the EU is still an attractive prospect. The stability, prosperity and security that result from European integration have been so successfully achieved that a country with such a high standard of living as Iceland is willing to join us. Of course, Iceland’s economic crisis may well also have some sort of role in all this.
Iceland’s membership of the EU, however, may not be a matter of course. Have we considered adequately what Iceland’s added value would be for Europe? Iceland has already, in practice, outsourced its legislation to Brussels and its defence forces to NATO. It would be the smallest country in the EU in terms of population.
On the other hand, it is perhaps an irony that, compared to earlier enlargements, Iceland, as a wealthy and cherished applicant country, would actually meet the conditions set for EU membership. I am hoping for active and completely open discussions on Iceland’s membership of the EU.
Katarína Neveďalová (S&D). – (SK) Mr President, it is necessary to take account of many aspects when evaluating the report on the progress of Iceland. Iceland is a fully functioning democracy and a country which fulfils all the expected standards on human rights. Iceland is part of the European Free Trade Area, and is therefore compatible with the acquis in many of the areas covered by this agenda. In comparison with other candidate countries, this puts Iceland ahead of the competition.
Despite the fact that Iceland has a functioning market economy, one of its biggest problems is the crisis in the financial sector. The divided banking sector and public debt amounting to 90% of GDP are alarming. The situation may be improving, but only very slowly. Reduced inflation is a positive development, in my opinion, but, at the same time, there is rising unemployment.
I welcome Iceland’s decision reinforcing the independence of the judiciary in relation to the replacement of judges. I personally consider the progress made by Iceland in the area of education and culture to be a huge success. Standards are very high compared to the EU, thanks to which the country is participating in the Youth in Action and Erasmus Mundus lifelong learning programmes I also agree with the Commission’s conclusions that Iceland is a stable democracy with strong institutions.
Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, today’s discussion has proved productive in identifying the steps Iceland needs to take in order to ensure a positive outcome in the accession negotiations.
As acknowledged in the draft resolution we discussed today, and in the Commission progress report of last November, Iceland is at an advanced stage of meeting membership obligations and has achieved a great deal, but it needs to deliver more on a number of well-defined issues.
Some of you have mentioned mackerel. While this issue relates primarily to the management, by the coastal states concerned, of the mackerel stock in the north-east Atlantic, let me say this: we are disappointed at the lack of progress in the latest consultations. Substantial differences of opinion between the parties remain – particularly between the European Union and Norway, on the one hand, and the Faroe Islands and Iceland, on the other – with regard to their respective shares. The sustainability of this resource is important for our fishing industry, and the Commission will continue to explore all possible avenues in order to find a balanced solution for the mackerel stock, in cooperation with the coastal states.
Iceland is now entering a decisive stage in which the pace of progress towards EU membership depends on its own determination. I am positive that, with our joint support and, most importantly, with the involvement and support of its people, Iceland is capable of making real progress in the direction of the European Union.
Enikő Győri, President-in-Office of the Council. – (HU) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, thank you for this debate. You have pointed out quite a number of issues, which I am convinced the Council will address appropriately during the accession negotiations, and we will be able to pay the utmost attention to their settlement. I would like to inform you that I am planning to attend the Iceland-EU Association Council meeting at the end of April, and I trust that we will receive first hand information from the Icelandic authorities regarding these matters. There has never been one second of doubt that it is agriculture, but especially fisheries, or the Icesave case, where the situation is the most difficult. However, I trust that the Commission will handle these issues in a very transparent manner.
The Members will also be appropriately informed about these issues at all times over the course of the accession negotiations. Finally, I would like to add one more thought: I am very pleased that, during the debate, no speaker questioned the fact that Iceland has a perfectly functional democratic institutional system and political culture – we all recognised this. And I am certain that the Icelandic people will make a very responsible decision about whether or not to join the European Union. Let us trust them with this; this is their task. Our task is to enable their accession, and should they decide on it, we will welcome them accordingly. Thank you very much, Mr President.
President. – To wind up the debate, I have received a motion for a resolution(1) tabled in accordance with Rule 110(2) of the Rules of Procedure.
The debate is closed.
The vote will take place tomorrow at 12:00.
Written statements (Rule 149)
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), in writing. – (SK) Iceland has not seriously considered full membership of the EU since the beginning of European integration, applying for accession in 2009, following a financial collapse. Despite this, the country has managed to achieve European standards and, in many areas, to fulfil the set conditions necessary for successful integration into the current 27 countries of the EU. Membership of the European Economic Area and the Schengen Area has contributed substantially to this progress. Although Iceland has managed to implement a considerable part of European legislation, the actual accession procedure may be complicated by, for example, economic policy or the policy on fishing. This represents half of Iceland’s exports, accounting for 10% of its GDP. The as yet unsettled dispute between Iceland and the Netherlands and Great Britain may be viewed as another possible obstacle to Icelandic membership. The parties involved continue to look for an appropriate way to compensate Dutch and British citizens who lost their savings through the collapse of Icelandic banks. The fact that a considerable proportion of Icelandic citizens do not much favour EU membership may also be regarded as a negative factor to some extent, despite the considerable support from the population for the accession talks. It might therefore be appropriate for the Icelandic Government to initiate steps to inform the citizens as to what membership in European institutions would mean for the country, and the resulting benefits in the everyday lives of the population.
Jolanta Emilia Hibner (PPE), in writing. – (PL) As we know, Iceland began accession negotiations in July 2010. From the outset, Iceland has been in a privileged position because of its membership in the European Economic Area. Iceland’s progress on the road to EU membership is evident. The prospect of accession is being seen in a positive light, but there are still some disputed matters, such as whaling, which is banned in the EU, Iceland’s desire to protect its fisheries and agriculture markets and the dispute over Icesave. Further progress is essential, mainly in the areas of fisheries, agriculture and rural development. It is important to reach agreement on the question of fishing quotas. We should emphasise the necessity of bringing Iceland’s fisheries legislation into line with the principles of the EU internal market. Let us not forget that Iceland is a country in which the economy is, to a great extent, based on fisheries. Therefore, following Iceland’s accession to the EU, it would want to retain a certain degree of control over the management of fisheries in its own exclusive economic zone. We should also give attention to the serious differences on the question of whaling. The ban on whaling is part of the body of EU law, which every new Member State has to accept. Worthy of note are the recent results of public opinion polls, which showed a rise in the support of society for continuing the accession negotiations and increased trust in the European Parliament.
Jarosław Leszek Wałęsa (PPE), in writing. – (PL) The prospect of Iceland’s accession has been well received. However, contentious issues still exist, such as whaling, which is banned in the European Union, and Iceland’s wish to protect its fisheries markets. I do not think we can make any allowances in the case of whaling. Regardless of historical factors, we cannot allow a situation in which a country applying for EU membership intends to catch these rare and protected animals.
Standards which were adopted and came into force in the European Community after many years of work cannot be ‘bent’ to fit a brutal reality for reasons of tradition. Another question is the dispute over the size of mackerel catches. As you know, despite appeals to observe the principles of responsible fishing, in 2010, the government in Reykjavik unilaterally established a total allowable catch for the species which was much higher than the limits put forward in scientific advice. Iceland has not demonstrated the necessary openness and flexibility to achieve a compromise on this matter. Furthermore, Iceland has announced that it will introduce catch limits for 2011 of 146 000 tonnes. Such an approach fills me with fear when I think of future cooperation with Iceland on fisheries. We all realise that this conflict jeopardises the accession negotiations with Iceland. However, I personally think that in both cases, we should not agree to any concessions and should enforce compliance with the standards set by the Union in the fisheries sector.
President. – The next item is the Council and Commission statements on the 2010 progress report on the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Enikő Győri, President-in-Office of the Council. – (HU) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, tomorrow, you will adopt the resolution on the 2010 progress report on the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. As you know, in its conclusions of 14 December 2010, the Council reaffirmed its unanimous commitment to the European Union perspective of the Western Balkan countries. The ultimate goal of this perspective is the membership of these countries in the European Union.
I congratulate you on the balanced findings of the draft resolution. The text objectively reflects the situation at hand, and formulates valuable recommendations. It is unfortunate that, despite the results and progress, FYROM has so far not been allowed to commence accession negotiations. I believe that this is a loss, not only for the candidate, but also for the EU. I am pleased that the core message of Parliament’s draft resolution corresponds to one of the basic principles of the Presidency. Individual performance must always be acknowledged by the EU.
As regards the specifics, we welcome the fact that the country has made significant achievements in such key areas of reform as the operation of the police, and the judicial system. The implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement continues to constitute a fundamental element of democracy and the rule of law in the country. There is some success to report in this respect as well, for example, in the implementation of the Act on languages. Nevertheless, it is essential that the country produce further achievements as soon as possible in areas such as dialogue between political actors, the reform of the justice system and public administration, the fight against corruption, freedom of expression and improving the business environment. The areas concerned are also covered in detail by the resolution you will be adopting, and these must also continue to have priority among the plans of the Skopje Government.
The Council acknowledged that the Commission repeated its recommendation for accession negotiations to be started with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. In its conclusions of December 2010, the Council stated that it was ready to come back to this issue during the term of the Hungarian Presidency, but unfortunately, in the absence of any new relevant developments, the Presidency has been unable to initiate this step as yet.
At this point, I must stress that good neighbourly relations continue to be of the essence. It must be treated as a fact that progress in general, and especially steps taken towards European integration, can only be successful if there is political commitment at all levels of society. Nevertheless, the political actors in a democratic society have a special, exceptional responsibility, for example, in resolving differences of opinion through democratic means, namely, dialogue and compromise. We therefore call upon the political actors of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to resume their dialogue, not only in order to accelerate the pace of the reform processes, but also to ensure the maturity of the democratic institutions of their country.
The perspective of the early elections requires special attention. The stability of the current coalition is remarkable despite the difficulties. It would be grounds for concern if the next elections created fault lines in the political palette. In order to reduce this risk, it would be important to announce the early elections based on the wide agreement that has been established in Parliament. While, on the one hand, I would like to encourage the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, its political leadership and institutions, to step up their efforts and endeavour to meet the expectations formed by their citizens, on the other hand, I would like to urge the Commission and the European Parliament to continue to pay appropriate attention to the candidate and the region. No other incentive for ensuring the stability and prosperity of the Balkans available to us is as effective as a European perspective and the promotion of the accession process. I trust that, during the Hungarian Presidency, there will be a tangible sign to prove to the Balkans that the enlargement process is being kept alive, and this sign could be the decisive event in Croatia’s accession, that is, the conclusion of its accession negotiations. I am convinced that this would act as a magnet to all countries in the Balkans, including the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, I am grateful for the opportunity to discuss the state of play of the accession process with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. I also thank Mr Vigenin for taking this report forward, building on Mr Thaler’s thorough preparation. The report is comprehensive, accurate and sets out the challenges ahead.
Over the last 20 years, the country has made significant progress for two reasons. Firstly, great efforts had to be made to overcome difficult problems and even conflicts. Secondly, the European perspective has been a great incentive for progress. The challenge today is to use the very same formula – great efforts combined with a European incentive – to take the country forward.
I am grateful for the support of the European Parliament for the Commission’s recommendation to start accession negotiations. We believe the country is ready to engage in a higher level of integration with Europe. In fact, the accession negotiations are our most powerful instrument to support reforms.
Yet I must share with you my preoccupation with recent developments. Our recommendation confirmed that the country has sufficiently met the political criteria but underlined that further efforts are needed in most areas. Developments so far this year have not shown the expected progress.
The Commission has been consistently asking for political dialogue, judiciary and public administration reform, fight against corruption, freedom of expression and implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement.
I had a very good meeting with Prime Minister Gruevski in Brussels on 24 March. We agreed to step up our efforts to bring the EU agenda back to top priority for the country. The Commission will support and monitor the process, including through a regular accession dialogue between the Commission and the government.
Concerning elections, we expect that the leaders will spare no efforts to ensure that elections will be fully transparent and in line with the best international standards. The timing is totally up to them.
I continue stressing that freedom of expression is fundamental and that journalists must be able to express their views freely. The Commission expects due process and non-selective application of the law.
The fight against corruption also needs to be pursued vigorously. I fully agree with the emphasis placed on this subject in the European Parliament’s report and I welcome your suggestions regarding strengthened monitoring in this field.
For me, the 10th anniversary of the Ohrid Framework Agreement this summer is an opportunity to take stock of implementation, to bring all the communities of the country together and to renew the commitment to address the ongoing challenges.
Lastly, on the post-visa liberalisation monitoring, we need a review of the measures taken to prevent abuses of the visa regime. Countries benefiting from visa-free access to the European Union need to take all necessary measures to limit unfounded asylum applications.
2011 is an important year for the whole region. President Barroso and I will be visiting the region together, starting tomorrow and concluding in Ohrid on Saturday. We will be showing our commitment to the countries of the region and, at the same time, underlining that they should spare no effort in creating a positive momentum for enlargement. It is important that Skopje plays an active part. It is therefore essential that the name issue is solved. Both parties have repeated their commitment to finding a solution. I would have hoped that this would be more substantially reflected in the recent round of negotiations in New York.
I have consistently raised the matter, encouraging both parties to remain fully engaged. And I know that the two Prime Ministers in their direct contacts have already invested considerable efforts in reaching a mutually acceptable agreement. I hope that they are able to capitalise on these efforts this year. A solution would be a major breakthrough in turning 2011 into a promising year for enlargement.
I also thank you for your comments and requests related to the IPA Programme. IPA is the concrete demonstration that we do not only assess and criticise countries, but we, in fact, support them very practically in their efforts. Therefore, I fully agree with you that this instrument must be used as efficiently and effectively as possible.
I take note of your requests for further funding in the areas of unemployment, transport and the environment, to add to our ongoing efforts.
For most IPA components, the choice of projects is the responsibility of the national authorities. This is very important for the country’s ownership. Furthermore, for the period 2011-2013, we are introducing, together with the authorities of the country, a sector-based approach. It means we will focus on sectors where the help is most needed, and plan for several years ahead. In this context, your suggestions are very valuable input for our ongoing programming dialogue.
In conclusion, I believe the Commission and Parliament are very much in agreement on the achievements of the country, and the remaining challenges. I very much hope that the name issue will indeed be resolved in the near future, and before the judgment of the International Court of Justice, which is awaited in the autumn. We are all keenly aware that the European Union has its role to play in providing the right incentives. We are at a critical juncture with the country. It can either take the path towards Europe, to our mutual benefit, or stand by as the rest of the region moves forward. This is a time for all of us to fulfil our responsibilities and our commitments.
Kristian Vigenin, on behalf of the S&D Group. – (BG) Mr President, representatives of the Commission and Council, ladies and gentlemen, I took responsibility for presenting the European Parliament resolution on the 2010 progress report on the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. I want to emphasise that the former rapporteur, Zoran Thaler, did an excellent job. We have before us an objective report which I hope will receive broad support during tomorrow’s vote.
In 2011, new impetus may be given to the enlargement process in the entire Western Balkans region. Croatia is about to complete its membership negotiations. Serbia is on course to receive an endorsement from the European Commission to start such negotiations. Macedonia must do everything it can not to lag further behind in this process.
The key problem is resolving the name dispute with Greece. The early elections provide an opportunity for the new government that will be formed to use the electorate’s trust to make a definitive decision on this issue. It must be clear that postponing the process entails an increasingly higher cost for Macedonia’s citizens. We hope that the country’s leaders will be bold and far-sighted. Mediation may also be sought from the European Commission so that the path to European Union membership can finally be opened to the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
We hope that the Council will take into account the European Parliament’s position and that membership negotiations will start as soon as possible. However, the country must not simply wait, but carry out all the necessary reforms in the meantime. This will enable the negotiations to conclude much more quickly in the future.
The process of building a stable political system must continue. A key element in this is to improve electoral legislation. A greater number and more effective measures and legislation are required against corruption, as well as reforms to the judicial system and public administration. We are expecting serious efforts in terms of guaranteeing media freedom and independence.
Interethnic relations are a cause for concern. The 10th anniversary of the Ohrid Framework Agreement provides an occasion to carry out a review of the achievements made and to outline future objectives with the involvement of all ethnic groups.
I hope that European integration and the necessary reforms in the country will convey key messages to all the main political forces and that they will give their broad agreement after the elections as well.
I wish to end by saying that the European Parliament will soon appoint a standing rapporteur whom we expect to be shown due respect and trust.
(The speaker agreed to take a blue card question under Rule 149(8))
Bernd Posselt (PPE). – (DE) Mr President, Mr Vigenin, you have spoken here as the rapporteur and not as an ordinary speaker. Are you aware that the country has introduced massive reforms and made huge progress? The instability comes from the European Union’s actions. The EU and the Council were prevented from acting by the blackmailing tactics of Greece, which have been clearly addressed by the Hungarian Presidency. Did you know that or do you really believe what you said?
Kristian Vigenin (S&D). – (BG) Mr President, I do not know, Mr Posselt, what you failed to understand in my speech and what contradicts the actual report and the view which the Committee on Foreign Affairs was united on. I do not think that we need unnecessarily to give the authorities in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia the opportunity to use statements like yours to attempt to shift the blame for the reforms that have not been carried out and the objectives not achieved to the European Commission and European Parliament.
I think that the report encourages the reforms, but also requires further measures still, which is natural when we see that there are genuine problems in a country which will possibly be a member of the European Union.
Eduard Kukan, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, we have quite a balanced and objective report before us and I wish to thank all the colleagues who contributed to it. The report is of significant importance for the future of the country and its EU integration process.
The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia has been a candidate country since 2005 and now, for the second time, the Commission has recommended that negotiations be opened. We are supporting this recommendation, and the report calls again on the Council to open the negotiations immediately. I believe this is a timely call. The FYROM needs the European agenda as a stimulus to positive changes in the future.
Having said that, we should not be giving concessions to the FYROM, but we do need to motivate its politicians to progress and work on the European agenda. The country has recently been going through a political crisis, with part of the opposition boycotting the parliament. This is not the way that political discourse should be conducted. Political contradictions need to be addressed through dialogue, on the basis of democratic institutions created for that purpose. Therefore, I hope that the early elections called for June 2011 will contribute to resolving the situation. They should be transparent, free and fair and should be conducted in line with all applicable international standards and with the participation of all the political parties.
The issue of regional cooperation and relations with neighbours is especially important for the FYROM and its neighbours. I hope that the main issue which has been holding the country back from starting negotiations will be resolved soon. In conclusion, let me say that we as politicians need to bring more vision and a broader perspective to the region. It is our duty and responsibility to stimulate positive changes in this country.
Norica Nicolai, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – (RO) Mr President, in keeping with the vision on enlargement, the Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe supports the immediate commencement of negotiations. Mr President, I would not like Macedonia to join Turkey as one of the states which, to paraphrase Talleyrand, are dancing rather than advancing towards their European aspirations.
Although this report – and I must thank the former rapporteur, Mr Thaler, for the balance and objectivity he showed in drafting it – concludes that the situation in Macedonia has improved in a number of respects, I believe that starting negotiations will be a solution which will help speed up the reforms, create a democratic framework and a real opportunity for this country to become a European Union Member State.
It is ironic that this country’s population, unlike Iceland’s, is motivated to embrace European values. In the latter, the number of people interested in sharing these values of ours is very small. On the other hand, in Macedonia, the assessment of the political leadership’s performance is not favourable. I do not believe that this assessment must take priority.
Marije Cornelissen, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, the Committee on Foreign Affairs has delivered a good and balanced report on the progress of Macedonia, and we as Greens will gladly support it. On the one hand, it is critical of the authorities in Macedonia, and more so than last year. They need to work on political stability, they need to stop any provocation of ethnic non-majorities and neighbours, and they need to guarantee freedom of the media and expression. On the other hand, it unambiguously calls for the opening of negotiations. The country complies with the criteria and deserves that.
I wish Greece would respect the advice of the Commission and Parliament and stop blocking the accession process. It can always put the brakes on the final decision if it really wants to. I very much hope Macedonia will keep working on becoming a mature European democracy, regardless of what Greece does. The accession dialogue that Commissioner Füle just mentioned sounds promising in that respect. Reform is a good thing in any case.
Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, this year, we celebrate 30 years since your country, Greece, became a member of the EU. As a confirmed philhellene, I believe Greece has contributed massively to our Union. It has gained a great deal too, so why Greece would continue to deny the same benefits to its neighbour, Macedonia, simply on the base of its name, is quite beyond me and many from my country.
It is time other Member States took a much firmer line with Greece on this matter. Having received a massive package of debt refinancing from the EU to prevent its euro-based economy from collapse, Greece is hardly now in a position to hold hostage the whole enlargement process with its neighbour. Macedonia as a candidate has waited long and patiently for accession negotiations to start. It would be a disaster now if continued delays result in Macedonia turning inwards and abandoning its EU and NATO membership ambitions.
This is a genuine risk given Macedonia’s domestic political fragility and its imminent elections. We need to send a strong signal of support to the forces of reform and progress in Macedonia. Failure to do so would resonate negatively throughout the Western Balkans, a region where EU membership prospects are the glue that binds these fractious countries together.
Nikolaos Chountis, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – (EL) Mr President, we are in favour of the enlargement of the European Union to include all the Balkan countries, if they so wish. However, I should like to point out, based on progress in enlargement to date, that cooperation with these countries and the accession procedure – especially in times of economic crisis – should contribute to sustainable development and the economic and social prosperity of the enlargement countries and the Union and their citizens, and not to the imposition of economic policies that plunge these countries into recession, increase unemployment and cut back social rights. Also, Commissioner, I believe that the accession procedure should be carried out with respect for international law and international procedures, in this case, with respect and support for the procedure to find a commonly acceptable solution to the question of the name, under the aegis of the UN.
This is an important issue and should be resolved before accession negotiations commence. The political forces in FYROM should take the necessary steps and avoid practices and rhetoric that exacerbate the problem. Their political will, in terms of whether or not they want an accession procedure, will be judged on this point and not on military-type missions, such as Afghanistan, which the report again considers to be an achievement of this country.
Nikolaos Salavrakos, on behalf of the EFD Group. – (EL) Mr President, Mr Zoran Thaler, who acted as the rapporteur on FYROM, is no longer with us following the serious complaints which we all read about in the Sunday Times. In my view, he enjoys a presumption of innocence. However, in light of the accusations against him, the present report on FYROM does not enjoy a presumption of credibility. In a letter to the President of the House dated 22 March, I asked for the report not to be put to the vote until such time as the results of enquiries had been released following the opening of the conciliation procedure.
I therefore call on every Member to abstain in this vote, in order to maintain the integrity and credibility of the House. I personally shall do so. Nevertheless, I must comment, in any event, that I do not agree with the position taken by Mrs Győri, but I do consider the views of Mr Füle and the deputy rapporteur to be realistic.
They have pointed out that this country is riddled with corruption, with no plan on the horizon, and that relations between the various ethnic groups and the quarrel with Greece over the question of the name remain. Therefore, serious account needs to be taken of this point in the report.
Dimitar Stoyanov (NI). – (BG) Mr President, I will agree, to a certain extent, with what Commissioner Füle said, namely, that we can actually see tangible progress in Macedonia’s development as it advances towards the European Union. However, numerous unresolved issues also remain.
For example, the case concerning the registration of the Bulgarian non-governmental organisation ‘RADKO’ has been pending for years on end before the Supreme Court of the Republic of Macedonia. On account of this registration and its rejection, to be more precise, ‘RADKO’ won a case here in the building of the European Court of Human Rights, very close to our Parliament, for which Macedonia was condemned.
People considering themselves Bulgarian, whom I will refer to as a ‘Bulgarian ethnic group’ to make it easier, even though this is not an accurate definition, are still the only ethnic group in Macedonia without a registered political party. This is due to the repression that has already been going on for 20 years against anyone declaring that they consider themselves Bulgarian. This has reached the point that these people no longer want to form a political party like all the other ethnic groups in Macedonia are doing.
I feel that these issues are vitally important and need to be resolved because they are part of the political criteria which, in my view – and on this point I will disagree with the Commissioner – Macedonia has not met. Until these problems are resolved, it is not possible to initiate any new phase whatsoever in the negotiations on Macedonia’s accession to the European Union.
Marietta Giannakou (PPE). – (EL) Mr President, I have listened to the Commission; the Commission report this time is much more critical than last time and we all know what is happening inside the country. Nevertheless, I have listened to fellow Members putting forward unprecedented theories. Theories such as, because Greece is in economic crisis, it should say ‘yes’ to whatever everyone else wants. I should like to point out to my fellow Members that, for as long as Greece is in economic crisis, no government will agree to start negotiations in the Council and the proof of Greece’s good faith was demonstrated when it agreed to this country’s candidature.
Consequently, either the issue over the name, which is being used as a cover for propaganda and efforts to put the current political situation first, will be resolved or negotiations will not start and no Greek government will agree to this. Also, I wish to say to my fellow Members that there are numerous countries which have prevented other countries – over long periods of time – from joining the Union. Greece cannot therefore be condemned for exercising its absolute right under the Treaties in the Council.
Hannes Swoboda (S&D). – (DE) Mr President, Mrs Győri, Mr Füle, I was one of the first or perhaps the first rapporteur on Macedonia in this House and I am watching with regret how the situation has and has not developed. After this, I became rapporteur for Croatia and there, it is possible to see a clear difference. Croatia had problems with its neighbours, including Slovenia, but Croatia worked to solve the problems. If Macedonia does not make enough effort to resolve its difficulties, although I do not want to blame just one side, then at least that is Macedonia’s problem. Let us be honest. You cannot give the country a greater sense of identity by erecting a statue of Alexander the Great in every square or by calling the airport after Alexander the Great. You must have an interest in resolving the problems.
Why is this interest important? Mr Füle referred to the Ohrid Framework Agreement, which represented major progress. However, the less effort the country and the government make to implement domestic reforms and to find a solution together with Greece, the more the Albanian population of the country will say: ‘What are we doing in this country when we really have no option of joining the European Union?’ This is why it is so urgent for Macedonia to work together with Greece to resolve the problem.
Andrey Kovatchev (PPE). – (BG) Mr President, Mrs Győri, Commissioner, I, too, would like to thank Mr Vigenin for the fine presentation of this report. The European Union’s political will is for all the countries in the Western Balkans to be quickly and successfully integrated into the European Union and be given full membership of the European family.
The problems which have accumulated historically, especially in the Balkans, can only be overcome through European integration. This would allow the borders in this part of Europe to turn from a sign of division to a sign of unity, as in the case here, for example, between France and Germany.
The resolution takes into account and welcomes the progress made by this country, especially in the economic sector. However, it emphasises that the country needs to complete the remaining section of the journey towards full membership.
The resolution mentions problem areas as well. These are political and interethnic relations, good neighbourly relations, the state of freedom of the media and the rights of all citizens, irrespective of their declared ethnic origin. Particularly those who openly declare their Bulgarian ethnic origin are sometimes subject to discrimination.
The resolution also mentions the importance of preserving cultural and historical heritage, which is an important European value. It is good that this resolution explicitly mentions the situation regarding the ethnic Bulgarian cultural monuments in Macedonia. Trust is built through respecting the historical facts and not through provocative, needless manipulation and distortion of the truth.
I sincerely want Macedonia’s citizens to overcome the problems of the past quickly so that we can welcome them as fully-fledged citizens of the European Union. However, this process of overcoming problems is achieved through having the political will to break the ties with people who served in the former Yugoslav Communist secret services, infiltrated and engaged in acts of provocation in Macedonia’s political and economic, media and social life, just as happened, of course, in other Eastern European countries.
Maria Eleni Koppa (S&D). – (EL) Mr President, a few days ago, Mr Gruevski’s government announced early elections. In the midst of the outcry about violations of the independence of the press, the independence of the judiciary and the Skopje 2014 urban development plan, at a time when political dialogue has ground to a halt, Mr Gruevski is attempting a forward retreat.
If the unresolved question of the name is added to this unfortunate internal environment, this will severely try the European prospects of this country. The Greek Government has repeatedly proven that it wishes to close this chapter once and for all, by increasing bilateral contacts at prime ministerial level. Unfortunately, so far, nothing positive has come out of this, through no fault of Greece’s.
Within this framework, Mr Gruevski is playing pre-election games and trying to convince international public opinion that it is Greece which is pulling new rabbits out of the hat on the name question, thereby constantly obstructing any resolution of the difference. Responsibility for the European future of this country is in its hands and it is being called upon to assume its responsibilities.
Anna Ibrisagic (PPE). – (SV) Mr President, as I only have one minute, I will just mention one point. What we have learnt so far from enlargement is that the real reforms only begin once the negotiations start. It is not the case that tomorrow, as soon as we initiate negotiations with Macedonia, we will also conclude this process. This is only the beginning.
There will then be numerous opportunities to block the country if Greece should so wish, but to block the country now in this situation, and with the particular geographical location of this country, is totally irresponsible. Macedonia is in a very sensitive position. To make this country wait even longer would be to send out the wrong signals. It would only contribute to increasing nationalism and strengthen the very negative forces that we want to combat through enlargement.
Anna Záborská (PPE). – (SK) Mr President, on the journey from Strasbourg to Brussels, we cross Luxembourg twice. First through the sovereign state of Luxembourg, and then through the Belgian region of the same name. If the Belgians had followed the logic of the Greeks when the EU was being established, it would not exist today.
Macedonia is ready to begin talks on EU accession. However, if it is to continue on a democratic path, it will need our help and solidarity, just as Greece needed it recently. I fully respect the veto right of every Member State when it comes to accepting new members. I would like to appeal to the Members from Greece, however, to show goodwill and support not only this report, but also the amendment, which reinstates the reference to Macedonian in the text as one of the official languages.
László Tőkés (PPE). – (HU) Mr President, the achievements made by Macedonia in relation to European integration were already greatly appreciated by the country report of February last year. The relevant decision of the European Parliament once again urged the settlement of the name debate and the immediate commencement of accession negotiations. I consider it unacceptable, and even downright scandalous, that there has not been any substantial progress in this regard in the past year either. This undermines the credibility of the EU itself. The EU, as well as the Hungarian Presidency, counts the accession of the countries of the Balkans, including Croatia and the Macedonian state, among its priorities. I ask Parliament, the Council and the Commission to support, regardless of the country’s name, Macedonia’s accession negotiations being started as soon as possible.
Csaba Sándor Tabajdi (S&D). – (HU) Mr President, I agree with those who point out that there is mutual responsibility. The European Union, the European Council is responsible for continuing to drag its feet over the accession negotiations and thereby depriving itself of one of its most important tools, namely, the stabilisation of the region, and so is the Macedonian leadership for believing that, if the accession negotiations do not begin, it does not need to continue the reforms referred to by Minister Győri and Commissioner Füle. And as far as the name is concerned, I must say that as a Central European, a Hungarian, I find this dispute between Greece and Macedonia exceedingly absurd. I consider the inflexibility of both parties unacceptable. I wonder how the European Union would have reacted if, for example, Hungary had objected to the accession of Romania in 2007. There was not the slightest risk of this happening in Hungary, and I therefore ask both parties to exercise reasonable self-restraint.
Katarína Neveďalová (S&D). – (SK) Mr President, it cannot be denied that Macedonia has made substantial progress over the past year. However, there is still room for improvement in key areas. In my opinion, the most important requirements are to secure the independence of the judiciary, the level of freedom of expression in the media, a stronger civil society and better political dialogue.
The office of ombudsman had considerably more work over the past year, but the number of its recommendations accepted by the public administration fell. I therefore agree with the Commission’s view that the position of the ombudsman must be strengthened.
However, I welcome the success in the area of improving the protection of minorities and cultural rights. Macedonia has substantially reduced the number of Roma who are without personal documents. Unfortunately, their living conditions are still wretched and they continue to face discrimination. As we all know, this is an issue which does not apply only to Macedonia. The situation of the Roma confirms to us all the more that this is a pan-European problem.
Despite the problems, Macedonia remains a stable country in the region, enjoying good relations with neighbouring states, and I believe it is well on its way towards the EU.
Jaroslav Paška (EFD). – (SK) Mr President, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia has long been interested in joining the EU. According to the available information, the country is now ready to begin accession talks, as it has sufficiently fulfilled the necessary political criteria, achieving progress in the reform of public administration, the judiciary and police forces. The political system appears to be stable, the political parties communicate with one another and the position of minorities has also improved. Certain reservations may still be raised in relation to the independence of the judiciary, the fight against corruption and freedom of expression in the media, all of which has a negative impact on the business environment and the inflow of foreign capital.
However, progress has been achieved in the area of harmonising laws and policies, especially in the free movement of goods, the law on trading companies and financial services, and also justice, freedom and security. I am therefore certain that the citizens of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia now quite rightly expect that free Europe will offer them the hand of friendship. Let us have the confidence to open the doors of the European Union to them.
Georgios Koumoutsakos (PPE). – (EL) Mr President, in this House, we all support the European prospects of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. We – and especially the Greek MEPs – also want to resolve the long-standing issue of the name of this country.
These are two objectives which, by default, are closely linked, but which do not run in parallel, Commissioner. Do you believe that these two interlinked objectives will be achieved if we support the immediate start of accession negotiations between this country and the European Union tomorrow? I can assure you that they will bring about precisely the opposite: we will give the Gruevski government an incentive for even greater intransigence, thereby prolonging the impasse in negotiations on the name and, as a result, further freezing this country’s accession prospects.
If we adopt this report tomorrow, it will therefore be the wrong message, the wrong policy and the wrong move, which is why I shall be voting against the report tomorrow.
Bernd Posselt (PPE). – (DE) Mr President, like Mr Swoboda, I would like to compare Croatia and Macedonia. Both countries have an exemplary record as far as minorities are concerned. The minorities in both countries are all represented in the government, which is not the case in most EU Member States. However, there is one difference. In Croatia, the opposition has largely taken a constructive approach. In Macedonia, the socialist opposition has used brutal blocking tactics. I regret the fact that some Members of this House have today turned themselves into the tools of the socialist opposition during the election campaign.
Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, as acknowledged in the draft resolution we are discussing today, and in the Commission progress report of November 2010, the country has sufficiently met the political criteria. However, it needs to maintain the momentum of the reform process in all areas. It is a critical issue indeed. As the discussion has shown, we all agree on this important point.
As I have said already, we are at a critical juncture with the country. It must continue on the path towards Europe as the rest of the region moves forward. The leadership of the country needs to focus on the future for the benefit of its citizens. They will have all our support in this endeavour.
Let me make one more remark which I think is important for the country we are debating and for the whole region. It is not for the first time we have seen a party being represented in a parliament walking out and boycotting the work of the parliament. Let me tell you my personal view; it is unacceptable. I think all the aspirant countries and candidate countries need to use the democratic institutions to strengthen them and not undermine them. They need to learn that democracy needs to be exercised within the democratic institutions and not outside.
I hope very much that you will join me in sending a powerful message to the countries in the region that the political parties, whether they are from the right or left, should use the inclusive character of the process to work together on the European agenda and not take their argument to the street.
Enikő Győri, President-in-Office of the Council. – (HU) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, allow me to respond to one aspect, namely the issue of the name of the country, and let me begin by stating that I deeply sympathise with the dissatisfaction, and even anger, of the Members over this matter. There is nothing worse than a situation where we are stalling over an issue, and even if the country delivers in terms of performance, we are unable to acknowledge it. I must say that I consider maintaining good neighbourly relations to be essential, and enlargement is only possible along these lines. A part of this should be that the parties come to a mutually acceptable solution through negotiations, under the auspices of the UN.
The Council welcomes the ongoing high-level dialogue and is looking forward to it yielding results. Currently, all attention is focused on the ongoing case before the International Court of Justice, where the arguments put forward orally were heard between 21 and 30 March. The final decision is expected for September 2011. However, the fact that the name dispute remains unresolved, and the protraction of the so far unsuccessful negotiations, must not be a justification for slowing down the reforms in the country. The Hungarian Presidency conducted in-depth bilateral negotiations with the parties concerned before the beginning of its term of Presidency, and encouraged them to find a solution. It is they who must find this solution. Although everyone else is free to help, it ultimately depends on them.
We therefore continuously encourage this dialogue and this search for a solution. I would be deeply sorry if we could not make progress in this matter during the Hungarian Presidency. As I have mentioned, the reason for this is not only the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, but the entire region, the courtyard of the European Union, for which the time has come to no longer be a courtyard but an integral part of the EU. It should be important for us to finally be able to make progress. Thank you very much, Mr President.
President. – I have received one motion for a resolution(1)tabled in accordance with Rule 110(2) of the Rules of Procedure.
The debate is closed.
The vote will take place tomorrow at noon.
Written statements (Rule 149)
George Becali (NI), in writing. – (RO) I am both pleased and sad that we are having this debate today. I am sad because six years have already elapsed since the Council granted the Republic of Macedonia candidate country status without any date being set for starting negotiations, in spite of the progress made.
While examining Mr Vigenin’s report, I recognise many of the demands made on my country, Romania, during the pre-accession period. However, I notice that, in spite of the prompt, specific response from the Republic of Macedonia to these demands, we have not made any kind of progress in opening negotiations. I think that the Republic of Macedonia’s journey towards EU membership is taking far too long and we do not want its citizens to lose their optimism and hope one day.
I agree with our rapporteur who is calling on the Commission, Council and High Representative to start developing a generally applicable arbitration mechanism which will resolve bilateral issues, including the dispute with Greece about this country’s name. This is an important test not only for the post-Treaty of Lisbon common foreign policy, but also for the Union’s ability to resolve disputes at its borders.
Jiří Havel (S&D), in writing. – (CS) The last assessment report on the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) is neither worse nor better than the previous ones. However, we all know that the content of these reports is not the main obstacle to the commencement of accession talks. The obstacle is the dispute with Greece over names. Without this, the talks would probably have started already. The EU should therefore play a more determined role in solving it, perhaps even a decisive role. After almost 20 years of fruitless searching for a way out, it is now entirely appropriate to debate the next steps, including possible changes to the negotiating mechanism. The Commission should submit relevant alternative proposals in this direction. Through our lengthy passivity, we have all contributed to the uncertain fate of the entire country, yet this is a country that is still – even after so many years – reporting to the EU. We should also end the ‘foot-dragging’ between Parliament, the Commission and the Council over the start of accession talks. No one takes seriously the ‘dialogue of the deaf’ between Parliament and the Commission on the one side, and the Council on the other. This is because it undermines the credibility of the EU as a whole. Let us not fool ourselves – support for EU accession is still high in FYROM. However, it has fallen noticeably over the long term. The patience of the people of FYROM, both Macedonians and Albanians, has its limits, even if each have their reasons for this.
President. – The next item is the statement by the Vice-President of the Commission and High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the situation in Côte d’Ivoire.
Zsolt Németh, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, last Monday, the United Nations operations in Côte d’Ivoire and French Licorne troops proceeded to neutralise the heavy weaponry that was concentrated in the hands of former President Laurent Gbagbo. These weapons had, during the last weeks, frequently been used to terrorise the civilian population in Abidjan, resulting in numerous dead and wounded. The neutralisation of these weapons was thus necessary to protect civilians, and was carried out in accordance with the mandate given by the UN Security Council in its Resolution 1975.
Shortly afterwards, the Republican forces loyal to the democratically elected President Alassane Ouattara launched a ground offensive on Laurent Gbagbo’s last stronghold in Abidjan in order to force him to hand over power. Due to these ongoing operations, it is our hope that the whole of Côte d’Ivoire has now been brought under the control of its legal government. I can only regret that this transfer of power could only be achieved at the price of human life and suffering, and that the verdict of the ballot boxes alone was not enough. This, however, is a victory for democracy in Africa and sends an important message to many countries undergoing political elections in this continent.
Since his defeat in the presidential elections on 28 November 2010, Mr Gbagbo has refused to hand over power despite the fact that international observers described the elections as free and fair and the entire international community, through the UN certification, recognised his opponent, Alassane Ouattara, as legally-elected President.
During the four months that have passed since, several initiatives have been made by ECOWAS, the African Union and the UN to negotiate a peaceful handover of power. I would like to commend these organisations for their efforts made in the name of peace and democracy. Unfortunately, all proposals for a peaceful handover of power were rejected by Mr Gbagbo, who insisted on clinging onto power illegally. The EU therefore holds him personally responsible for the sufferings and bloodshed that the Ivorians have endured during these last four months of post-electoral crisis. Mr Gbagbo should therefore be brought to justice to answer for his acts.
The EU, through the High Representative, Baroness Ashton, has congratulated President Ouattara on his victory, but we are aware of the numerous challenges ahead of him. He has won the war but must now win the peace. Law and order must be restored so that those hundreds of thousands of people who have fled their homes and even left the country can now feel safe to go home again. The economy must be relaunched to end the last ten years of recession and provide for growth and jobs. The administration must start functioning again so that public services can be provided.
The EU has stood by Côte d’Ivoire throughout the long years of crisis. EU cooperation has provided for humanitarian assistance but also for post-conflict aid for reconstruction and reconciliation. Some EUR 500 million has been disbursed since 2003. During the last dramatic months, the EU has taken a number of restrictive measures against individuals and entities supporting Mr Gbagbo, and this is recognised by our African partners as having substantially helped throughout the crisis. The EU should continue to accompany Côte d’Ivoire at this crucial moment. An aid package is being prepared, to be launched at the earliest possible opportunity. It is now time to start working to implement peace in Côte d’Ivoire.
Cristian Dan Preda, on behalf of the PPE Group. – (FR) Mr President, the events of the past 24 hours in Côte d’Ivoire have been bewildering. We heard that Mr Gbagbo was set to surrender, a claim that was later denied. Now, tired of waiting for the outcome of the interminable wrangling, President Ouattara’s Republican forces have launched an offensive on Abidjan.
Amid all this confusion, let us not forget what brought us to the current situation. Let me remind you that over the last four months, there have been several hundred deaths and one million displaced refugees. We must not lose sight of the bigger picture. The reason that we are in this situation is that Mr Gbagbo has stubbornly refused to listen to the verdict of the ballot boxes and to accept defeat. I think that the time has finally come, as his regime is collapsing in the wake of defections by his supporters, for Mr Gbagbo to cede power to the rightful President, Alassane Ouattara.
What is more, we must not forget the human rights violations and infringements of humanitarian law that have been committed in the country, which may constitute crimes against humanity. No effort should be spared in bringing the authors of these violations to justice – and that includes international justice.
Lastly, I would like to praise the action taken by the United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI), with the support of French forces, to enforce the United Nations Security Council mandate aimed at putting an end to the use of heavy weaponry and at protecting civilians.
Thijs Berman, on behalf of the S&D Group. – (NL) Mr President, the end of the struggle for power in Côte d’Ivoire is in sight, after more than 1 500 people have died, nearly one million people in the region have been made refugees, entire streets of houses have been looted and the economy has ground to a halt. The country is experiencing a catastrophe and that is the price which Laurent Gbagbo has had to pay for refusing to admit defeat. His relentless refusal to respect the voters’ wishes merits strong condemnation.
Many other things also merit condemnation: all the violence of the last few months, the many human rights violations, the threats, the violence against United Nations personnel, the speeches stirring up hatred and the kidnappings. There are still some firefights going on, but Gbagbo’s departure is being negotiated, and that is good news. However, there is an emergency situation in Côte d’Ivoire. Many Ivorians are now running out of food and water, because they have not dared leave their homes.
It is essential that President Alassane Ouattara receives every support during the process of return to the rule of law, under which people will be able to live in peace and without fear, and under which the freedom of the press will be restored. A return to the rule of law is now the first thing that needs to happen. In that regard, the President has a duty to prevent his troops using force against the population and it is good that Ouattara has ordered an investigation into the circumstances surrounding the shocking massacre in Duékoué. Whatever means the Ivorians choose to restore the rule of law, through the courts or through a truth and reconciliation commission, one thing is clear: there is no statute of limitation on war crimes. The International Criminal Court must be allowed to do its work.
The sanctions have had an impact: Gbagbo has been financially drained. However, we must now ensure that we rapidly begin to dismantle the sanctions as soon as Ouattara takes up his rightful office because everything has ground to a halt. Even programmes for the provision of medicines to people in Côte d’Ivoire with HIV-AIDS are now at risk. Mr President, those donating aid to Côte d’Ivoire should not leave the country in the lurch now.
Marielle De Sarnez , on behalf of the ALDE Group. – (FR) Mr President, as we speak, hopefully the end of the Côte d’Ivoire crisis is imminent. We would all like to hear that Mr Gbagbo has surrendered in the next few hours.
The international community has been very patient, the African Union has undertaken several rounds of mediation, and the United Nations chose not to intervene between the two sides for several months. The United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI) has now taken action, with support from the French Licorne troops and in accordance with the Security Council resolution, but it has done so in order to protect civilians from the heavy weaponry used by the incumbent regime.
The crisis in Côte d’Ivoire should now serve as an example to all those who refuse to give up power despite electoral defeat. These individuals need to understand that, from now on, the international community is determined to enforce the law. Yet in strife-torn countries, where the concept of nationhood is still evolving, we cannot be satisfied with declaring a victor. We must strive for national reconciliation. This is the message that we now need to send to Mr Ouattara, who will be responsible for establishing a national unity government.
As each camp has accused the other of massacres and crimes against humanity, investigations need to be initiated with a view to apportioning blame and dispensing justice. Justice can involve vengeance, but it can also bring peace. I would like to plead in favour of the latter option, if that will allow Côte d’Ivoire to rediscover peace and stability and to see growth and development resume.
Judith Sargentini, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – (NL) Mr President, I am confused now. I heard the Hungarian Presidency say: Mr Ouattara has won the war; now he must win the peace. However, I have been watching television all day, keeping up with all the news, and it seems to me that Ouattara is still in the process of winning the war. It looks like it is going to happen, but it is still some way off.
When he finally manages to take up his post as President of the country, he will leave behind him four months of misery, which have left the country in a state of collapse, the economy in smithereens, people dead and population groups played off against one other. What a start to a new period of governance! If we are using expressions such as ‘a victory for democracy in Africa’ to describe elections which have resulted in wars, then it seems to me that we must be getting our words confused. However, what is far more serious is the fact that the country has responded to the elections in such a way.
What should we, in Europe, do now, if Mr Ouattara gets the chance to take up his position? I think that, with the cocoa boycott, we have demonstrated that we are capable of taking rapid action and that we are able to use trade to promote democracy. Côte d’Ivoire is one of the ACP countries: as such, it receives development aid from us and, thus, a political dialogue needs to be part of the picture. We have to enter into that political dialogue with a man who is able to show that he can bring all parts of the country back together. He has to show us and the rest of the world, but, above all, his own people, that he is able to move beyond this violence and that he is willing to make amends.
Marie-Christine Vergiat, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – (FR) Mr President, it is difficult to comment on the situation in Côte d’Ivoire when it is constantly changing and incredibly uncertain.
Let me start by thanking the shadow rapporteurs, who spent this morning working on the motion for a resolution that will be presented tomorrow. We have all worked together to ensure that the motion is balanced and forward-looking. We know today that atrocities have probably been committed by both camps and that the culprits will need to be brought to justice, no matter who they are.
The Ivorian population has been the main victim of the situation in Côte d’Ivoire. The United Nations presence on the ground, in the form of the United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI), has been unable to protect civilians. What is worse, it has taken action, with support from French military forces, against one side, admittedly under the auspices of a UN resolution, but one that dates back to 1975, making it 36 years old. The Chair of the African Union, Mr Obiang Nguema, denounced it in no uncertain terms yesterday. Fortunately, the UNOCI does not seem to be involved in the final attack that is apparently now being launched by Mr Ouattara’s troops.
In view of all this, we did not want to be associated with the resolution and will not be voting in favour of it. We are all aware of France’s role in Africa. Françafrique has caused a lot of harm and continues to do so. What is more, the French authorities make no secret of the policy, claiming that they want to protect and maintain France’s interests.
Bruno Gollnisch (NI). – (FR) Mr President, the terrible thing about our modern societies and, in particular, European society, and, even more specifically, our Parliament, is the generalised flock mentality: our tendency to behave like sheep.
Apart from the last two speakers, everyone has simply parroted what they have read in the paper, heard on the radio or seen on the television. Everyone tells us that Mr Ouattara won the elections, which is quite possible, but it certainly was not clear-cut.
Everyone tells us that the brutal military intervention yesterday was a means of neutralising heavy arms. These things are presented in the rosiest terms. Neutralising heavy weaponry is another name for a bombardment. I myself have seen the effects of bombardments: I am a reserve officer and I can tell you that a bombardment involves killing people, burning people, blowing people up. In other words, it is military action conducted in favour of one side and against another. It may be justifiable, but here, among parliamentarians, among political representatives, we should be brave enough to tell the truth.
We are also told that these arms were to be used to terrorise the civilian population. Yet at the end of the day, in a civil war, some civilians are armed, particularly when one camp has Kalashnikovs and the backing of half of the nation’s army. So I think we need to put an end to this hypocrisy. We took brutal action in favour of one camp and against another. Was that action justified? Perhaps.
Let me conclude by saying that I do not see how Mr Ouattara can be innocent of the atrocities committed by his troops while Mr Gbagbo is always blamed for the atrocities committed by his troops.
(The speaker agreed to take a blue card question under Rule 149(8))
Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – (FR) Mr President, I would simply like to ask Mr Gollnisch what he believes the outcome of the election signifies and whether it means that Mr Ouattara’s victory must ultimately result in him taking power. This is purely a question of democratic legitimacy.
I went to Côte d’Ivoire as head of the election observation mission and I can assure you that the elections were valid and that there was a clear and unequivocal winner.
Bruno Gollnisch (NI). – (FR) Mr President, Mr Preda, I said that Mr Ouattara might well have won the elections, but I do not think it was as clear-cut as you suggest. In any case, the Côte d’Ivoire Constitutional Court did not take that view, although the court is drawn up along political lines, just like the French Constitutional Court. For my part, I would be delighted if we were to focus on the French elections. I represent a group that has millions of voters, with a leader who reached the last round of the presidential elections, but which does not have a single member of parliament, nor yet a single senator in our national parliament. Yet you are completely impervious to this particular scandal.
(Calls of ‘off the subject’ from the Chamber)
Filip Kaczmarek (PPE). – (PL) Mr President, the former President of Côte d’Ivoire, Laurent Gbagbo, is said to have indicated yesterday he is ready to surrender and to have asked the United Nations for protection. Negotiations over Gbagbo’s surrender are in progress. They are being conducted after forces loyal to the democratically elected President Ouattara took over the presidential residence in Abidjan. In the opinion of Prime Minister Soro, the end of Gbagbo’s rule is a matter of hours away. I am not certain of this, but I hope this is how it will be. However, we do know for certain that civilians, including women and children, are also being killed in the armed conflict. In the clashes between the supporters of the two politicians, around 1 500 people have been killed, and a million have had to leave their homes. A few days ago, one of Gbagbo’s advisers said that even a possible massacre in Abidjan will not convince the former President to admit defeat in the presidential election and hand over power. It is easy to foresee, therefore, what should happen in Côte d’Ivoire: a quick end to the fighting, the departure of the former President from the country, which will stabilise the situation significantly, the administration of justice to all those who have committed war crimes or murders, and stabilisation of the country. The European Union should support all these measures.
Mitro Repo (S&D). – (FI) Mr President, we certainly hurried to help Libya, but with Côte d’Ivoire, we have remained inactive since November. The sanctions imposed by the Council are a step in the right direction, but when will they be lifted? Why have they been used to block the Abidjan Port Authority’s export of cocoa beans and to shut down the oil refinery? If we are not helping, at least we should not cause more trouble. The innocent victims will be the Ivorian economy and, in the long term, European consumers too.
Laurent Gbagbo must give way and there should be support for the speedy return of refugees to their homes. The surrounding countries cannot cope with the current volumes of refugees. The EU must help organise elections and the construction of democratic institutions. Normal business should not, however, be prevented. Côte d’Ivoire is the most prosperous economy in West Africa. Economic recovery and access to EU markets for exported products are the real key to restabilising the country. I shall expect a response from the Commission.
Charles Goerens (ALDE). – (FR) Mr President, unlike Mr Gollnisch, I am of the opinion that we cannot allow civilians to die amid general indifference as they are exposed to force and violence employed by an illegitimate Head of State.
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1975 authorises the international community to obstruct a regime which uses weapons against its own people. In the current case, this constitutes progress, in that we are no longer compelled to look on helplessly as civilian populations are subjected to atrocities committed by their leaders.
However, although we should welcome the fact that we can now break through the wall of indifference under international law, we must also ensure that all due precautions are taken to guarantee that military force remains a last resort. Unfortunately, in Côte d’Ivoire, President Gbagbo has not taken any action to avoid this terminal outcome.
When all is said and done, I dare to hope that Resolution 1975 on Côte d’Ivoire, together with Resolution 1973 on Libya, will serve to dissuade others from citing State sovereignty as an excuse for killing their own citizens. The combination of the International Criminal Court and the recent stance taken by the United Nations Security Council means that barbarous acts committed with impunity will soon no longer be the rule, but should hopefully become the exception.
Sabine Lösing (GUE/NGL). – (DE) Mr President, in a deeply divided country like Côte d’Ivoire, can a lasting peace be brought about by violent means and can the winner of the presidential election be legitimised? This seems extremely doubtful, especially as the real causes of the conflict have not been resolved. The country was destabilised as a result of economic problems brought about largely by the structural adjustment programmes of the World Bank. The sanctions which were rapidly imposed with the aim of weakening the Gbagbo government have exacerbated the situation and given rise to a humanitarian crisis in Côte d’Ivoire. The legitimacy of both claimants to the presidency is in dispute. The armies of both sides are responsible for massacring the civilian population.
Once again, the West has taken sides and now the United Nations (UN) is waging war alongside French troops to try to ensure the victory of one side in the conflict. Will European powers once again be deciding the fate of African people as they did in colonial times, but this time with the support of the UN? What has happened to the principles of international law? Is this the concept on which the UN was founded? Instead of aiming for peaceful solutions to conflicts, the UN seems to be supporting civil wars or taking sides in them. Whose interest is this in?
Michèle Striffler (PPE). – (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to emphasise that, setting aside the political crisis in Côte d’Ivoire, we are facing a genuine humanitarian crisis that may well linger on.
The post-electoral violence has resulted in over one million internally displaced persons and refugees. What is more, the flood of refugees may reignite simmering tensions in the region. The humanitarian crisis, ladies and gentlemen, will not be resolved by the political agreement that is currently being hammered out. We must be able to respond rapidly if we are to avoid a worst-case scenario. Whatever happens, the chaos in Abidjan will last for several months.
I would like to congratulate the Commission for deciding to increase its humanitarian aid budget to five times the original amount, bringing European support to over EUR 30 million. The European Union must mobilise all the necessary resources in order to help the most vulnerable population groups and monitor how their requirements evolve.
We must also ensure that the greater media coverage devoted to the situation in Libya does not eclipse the gravity of the humanitarian crisis in Côte d’Ivoire. Furthermore, the current security situation is preventing humanitarian workers from operating and reaching the people, which is terrible.
I would like to close by saying that there must be no impunity: we must do our utmost to ensure that justice is done.
Bernd Posselt (PPE). – (DE) Mr President, firstly, I would like to express my surprise that Baroness Ashton is once again not here. However, I am pleased that she is being represented by my friend, Mr Németh. I would like to see him, Mr Füle or another person permanently coordinating the foreign policy of the European Union and not someone who is hardly ever here in the European Parliament.
On the matter itself, I would like to make it quite clear that Côte d’Ivoire, of course, has many problems which need to be resolved. However, President Ouattara was clearly the winner of the election and he is the person who has democratic legitimacy. This is the view of the African Union and of many other bodies. Therefore, we should be grateful that the United Nations (UN) and, above all, the UN Secretary-General and President Sarkozy, have prevented a massacre from occurring like those in other African states, such as in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. For this reason, we should not quibble over this.
Of course, this does not resolve the problems. However, when Mr Putin starts to criticise the UN and to say that the UN Secretary-General has gone beyond his mandate, this destabilises the UN at a time when it is urgently needed. The African Union should also not express its opinions so loudly, because it has completely failed to help in this crisis. The African Union should have helped to bring about democracy in Côte d’Ivoire. We Europeans have made many mistakes in the past and we are continuing to do so. However, in this case, the mistakes are someone else’s responsibility.
President. – Our services have informed me, and I think it is important to know this, that at the beginning of the year, the Vice-President/High Representative’s office sent a list of the plenaries in which she would be able to attend. It was known from then that she could not be here this time, so obviously if we have a debate that involves issues like that, someone else has to represent her, and that should be clear.
We now move on to the catch-the-eye procedure. There are three speakers.
Mariya Nedelcheva (PPE). – (FR) Mr President, the violence is truly escalating in Côte d’Ivoire. Political conflict between two individuals has, unfortunately, resulted in a humanitarian crisis.
Clearly, the basic democratic principle of respecting election results must be upheld. Mr Gbagbo’s departure is therefore inevitable. The question is: what comes next? There is a danger that tensions between the two camps will intensify. What do we plan to do if civil war breaks out? We should work towards achieving three things.
Our first priority has to be maintaining peace and stability, which is needed so that the people of Côte d’Ivoire can resume their daily lives: eating, providing care, working and going to school. An independent commission must be established to investigate the violence perpetrated since the conflict began.
Secondly, the United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire and the African Union must continue their activities. However, we should also consider setting up a dialogue mechanism that will include all parties, both within the country and from the wider international community.
Lastly, let me remind you that the European Union sent an election observation mission. The Union must now press for the recommendations it made to be taken into account and integrated in the post-crisis process.
Catherine Bearder (ALDE). – Mr President, with the aid of modern technology, I am watching the situation in Côte d’Ivoire unfolding as I sit here. These pieces of equipment are playing their role in Côte d’Ivoire, just as they have done in North Africa, with people texting for assistance and medical help.
Over the past six months, the patience of the friends of Côte d’Ivoire has been sorely tried: it has been like a car crash in slow motion as we have watched the country slide into the situation in which it now finds itself – and it is always the most vulnerable who suffer. We have been talking here this week about refugees coming from North Africa to Europe, but we have also heard reports of nearly a million fleeing to neighbouring countries which are almost as poor, or even poorer, than Côte d’Ivoire. Friends of that country must be on stand-by to help, as soon as we can, to restore it to normality and health and give the people there the prospect of good fortune in the future.
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL). – (PT) Mr President, the civil war situation in Côte d’Ivoire remains worrying, with the country paralysed economically, and with high levels of violence that have affected its people and turned it into a humanitarian crisis. It is time to put a stop to this. We know that there are longstanding reasons for the grave situation being experienced there, particularly the poverty and social inequality left there by former colonialism or by the structural adjustment plans imposed for years by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). However, these last four months of misery following the elections have shown how regrettable it is that the international community, including the European Union, has not made sufficient use of diplomatic channels for a peaceful and political solution to the crisis.
The role of France in this matter is also regrettable, as it preferred military intervention to persisting with diplomatic channels. We therefore call for an end to the war and to violence by all parties, and we urge the EU to act accordingly.
Zsolt Németh, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – (HU) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, to quote the words of a famous Hungarian poet: ‘Among murderers, he who remains silent is an accomplice’. When we are seeing that thousands are dying and people are fleeing in their millions, we must not comfort ourselves with phrases recalling the dove of peace, but must take action. And before anyone draws parallels between the action in Libya and Côte d’Ivoire and that in Iraq, I would like to remind everyone that the current action is not reminiscent of Iraq or even Afghanistan, but of Rwanda, and of Kosovo, and it is no coincidence that we have been talking so much over the past few weeks about having, as we formulated it, a ‘right and responsibility to protect’ civilians, citizens.
Accordingly, I would like to repeat that yes, Mr Gbagbo has lost this fight, is alone in his bunker, and is awaiting his fate. I would also like to stress that the legal grounds for this action is indisputable in the present situation. The UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1975, and this resolution provides a perfectly clear mandate for the action. Thirdly, I would also like to emphasise that the crimes committed must no longer remain shrouded in obscurity and without investigation. It is to my great satisfaction that legally elected President Ouattara, as well as the Prime Minister, have consented to and clearly support the UN conducting an international investigation of the massacres committed. The investigation of these massacres is therefore already a part, and a very clear pre-requisite, of any settlement.
As far as the European Union’s contribution is concerned, ECHO has already at this point envisaged EUR 30 million in humanitarian aid and, as I have also indicated in my introductory speech, a package will be prepared by the European Union in the near future which will provide the European Union’s support to the economic and institution-building goals of the legitimately elected President and government.
President. – I have received seven motions for resolution(1)tabled in accordance with Rule 110(2) of the Rules of Procedure.
The debate is closed.
The vote will take place tomorrow at noon.
(The sitting was suspended at 20:35 and resumed at 21:00)
President. – The next item is the joint debate on the Commission statements on:
– Review of the European Neighbourhood Policy - Eastern Dimension (2010/2958(RSP))
– Review of the European Neighbourhood Policy - Southern Dimension (2011/2642(RSP)).
Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I am delighted to have this opportunity to have an exchange of views with Parliament on the European Neighbourhood Policy.
In the context of the current events in the Southern Mediterranean, redeveloping this policy could not be more important. In fact, over the past nine months, the Commission has undertaken a review of the policy. I want to take this opportunity to thank Members for their input into the consultation, which took responses from partner countries, EU Member States, academics and civil society groups.
I have read both Mário David’s report on the south and Marek Siwiec’s report on the east and find them both significant and useful. I am pleased that our thoughts are along the same lines.
You will have noticed that the results of our previous discussions on Neighbourhood Policy are already reflected in the communication on a partnership for democracy and shared prosperity of 8 March. Now, we are preparing for the wider communication on the results of the review, which is due to be published in May. A key outcome of the review is a new emphasis on differentiation of the Neighbourhood Policy, according to the needs and wishes of each partner country. While the policy will continue to offer engagement to all partners, every neighbour is different and has different aspirations. Some partner countries want to progress as far as they can towards the European Union – indeed as far as accession – but others prefer to make the most of other benefits of the Neighbourhood Policy. So it will deliver more for more, in a specific and differentiated way, alongside stronger political steering of our relationship with our partners.
Nevertheless, as both Mr David and Mr Siwiec recommend in their reports, our shared values of democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights will be at the heart of the revised Neighbourhood Policy for all partner countries. They should find their expression in stronger joint commitments to the elements indispensable to democratisation. I am thinking, in particular, of free and fair elections, freedom of expression and association, judicial independence, the fight against corruption and security sector reform.
As highlighted in both reports, the revised Neighbourhood Policy will also recognise and act on the importance of the civil society. Non-governmental organisations have the expertise and experience to deliver democratic and market-oriented reforms from the bottom up, based on shared values. A thriving civil society gets citizens involved and helps to hold governments to account, so the European Union will complement its relations with governments with much closer engagement with civil society. This is also important at a regional and sub-regional level where, for example, the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum has been making good progress.
The forthcoming communication will offer more detail on the approach towards the two sub-regions of our neighbourhood. It will spell out how we see the Eastern Partnership developing further in the wake of the summit under the Polish Presidency. In the south, the Union for the Mediterranean has the potential to make a real difference but, frankly, it has not yet done so, and must be revitalised. Its promise lies in developing concrete economic projects with a focus on employment, innovations and growth. The Union for the Mediterranean Secretariat is best placed to act as a catalyst and bring together states, international and financial institutions and private companies to work on such economic projects.
I would like to mention briefly three other elements brought to light by the review, which will be key to the revised Neighbourhood Policy: first, the role of trade and economic integration to help advance stability and prosperity in partner countries. The most significant vehicle to achieve this is the deep and comprehensive free trade area. A successful DFCTA has a transformative power. Regulatory reforms made by a partner country are encouraged through trade.
Next, the need for improved mobility between partner countries and the European Union since there is no better way to promote European values than through sharing experience person to person. The Neighbourhood Policy will seek improvements to mobility without losing sight of security.
Finally, the desire expressed in the consultation by many partner countries for greater political engagement with the European Union. Closer and more substantial political dialogue across all areas of our relationship will help us resolve difficult issues in a spirit of mutual confidence.
Thank you very much for your attention. I very much look forward to the coming debate and I will take your views on board.
Mário David, on behalf of the PPE Group. – (PT) Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the historic times we are living through demand firm and determined action. Like many of you, we have been watching the events unfolding in the Mediterranean region with a mixture of hope, concern and expectation. I am, however, pleased with the proactive stance that Parliament is preparing to adopt on the review of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) – Southern Dimension, which I hope will lead to a greater EU presence in this area, not only as a customer, but also as a committed partner. The absolute necessity of advocating our fundamental values in our relations with our neighbouring countries must be stressed from the outset. We can no longer acquiesce in our defence of democracy, human rights and, especially, social justice. We can no longer focus on short-term stability at the expense of the best interests of our citizens, of constantly defending them, and of their individual and collective freedom, with a particular focus on women’s rights.
In the future, the Union must favour a bottom-up approach to its Neighbourhood Policy. It is vital that this happens. Only greater involvement by local communities and civil society will ensure maximum effectiveness in implementing it. However, I cannot help but voice my frustration: I regret the fact that Parliament and the Commission have not been willing to make the most of this opportunity to differentiate once and for all between the ENP to the east – with countries that could, in the future, potentially become our partners in the Union – and the ENP to the south.
I also challenge the Commission to show, in its review process on 20 April, the ambition that the current situation demands, namely, with a tailor-made Neighbourhood Policy adapted to each state, with clear benchmarks and careful assessment that could lead to a future Mediterranean economic area, incorporating the new democracies of the south.
To finish, Commissioner, we trust that the good atmosphere and cooperation that have characterised work on this subject will lead to Parliament being permanently involved in planning and evaluating this policy.
Marek Siwiec, on behalf of the S&D Group. – (PL) Madam President, Commissioner, we have reached the final, today, or rather the semi-final, of work in connection with a review of the European Union’s Eastern policy. We might say that the Neighbourhood Policy was once designed as a kind of ‘consolation prize’ for countries which were not going to accede to the European Union. What is the situation like today? What are the countries like which are included in the policy?
It can be said that the policy is a list of successes – different kinds of success – because it is not possible to say in a word what has been achieved in those years by Moldova in comparison with Ukraine and, for example, with the tragic situation in Belarus. It can, however, be said that in these countries, more European values have appeared, more and better law is being made, greater concern for people is in evidence and economies are working much more efficiently – and we have played our part in this. This is the effect of Eastern policy, which today is called the Eastern Partnership.
If we are talking, today, about the fact that we want to conduct a review of this policy, then it is crucial to say that we want to see that these countries, in a variety of ways and at different speeds, are going to move towards our values – towards what the European Union offers them. If it is an à la carte policy, then let those countries show initiative, and let us respond well to those initiatives. We want, to a greater degree, and this is written in the report, to make Neighbourhood Policy something for the citizens, the elite, journalists and young people. We want them to see what our life is like, and that it is worth organising life in the way we do. We want, in the long run, to make it easier to travel to the European Union – we want the visa system to be easier.
Let us also say, as we do in the report directly: yes, this policy needs money. However, the money which the European Union allocates to this should be better spent, should reach those for whom it is intended, and should sometimes bypass states and any state administration which is capable of wasting that money. Finally, let us say something about the conflict. For there is a conflict in this Chamber about the fact that we are not able or do not want to say clearly what the wording is ...
(The President cut off the speaker)
Ivo Vajgl, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – (SL) Madam President, always with a smile on your face, Commissioner, from the start of this term of the EP, if not before, we have had a very intensive and lively debate on the urgency of reforming the Eastern and Southern Dimensions of the European Neighbourhood Policy. The need for such reform, which should lead to the interests in these regions being integrated more effectively, has, in fact, become topical and acute; it has become a necessity following the dramatic changes and processes which have unfolded in the region.
The resolution, which was prepared by my fellow Member, Mário David, who is an excellent rapporteur, and which was supplemented by a large number of shadow rapporteurs and Members as the events unfolded, is today a complete document. It emphasises our responsibility to develop relations with the countries in the region on the basis of modern values, democratic freedoms and human rights.
In this respect, it is no coincidence that we, in particular, the Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, have, more than ever, emphasised equal treatment of women, recognition of diversity and protection of all minorities. All of this should become an integral part of the policy which the European Union promotes in its neighbourhood in the future, including through its diplomatic service. We must be more efficient when supporting those who are fighting for the same causes in various countries: for freedom, for the right to participate in decision making and for a fair exploitation of natural resources.
The resolution draws attention to the urgent need for more operational financial instruments with which we can support economic development, the modernisation of infrastructure and investment in areas, where they are effective ... where the effects may be somewhat less visible, but which will be felt in the long term, for example, in education, integration of research and academic institutions and the introduction of new technologies.
Finally, it is no coincidence that the resolution calls attention to the urgency of reviving the Union for the Mediterranean with a view to development, a dialogue and resolution of outstanding problems in the region. It is time, ladies and gentlemen, that we opened the box of outstanding issues and frozen conflicts, so that the wave of democratisation can remove any remaining political obstacles on the road to peace, reconciliation and a new development framework in the region.
(The speaker agreed to take a blue card question under Rule 149(8))
William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD). – Madam President, I wonder if Mr Vajgl has considered the cost to the EU taxpayer of these extra-territorial initiatives proposed in the report and which he is also endorsing?
Ivo Vajgl (ALDE). – (SL) Mr Dartmouth, if you are talking about the initiative as a whole, as covered by the report, I think that our investments, at any rate, will certainly be very, very beneficial when compared with the damage that might arise if we do not engage more in this area. This is particularly true of the Union for the Mediterranean where it is evident that we need more elaborate instruments in order to develop some kind of effective policy on the part of the European Union.
Werner Schulz, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – (DE) Madam President, the Eastern Partnership is still very new. Therefore, it is important for us to evaluate, as we do in this report, whether our Eastern European neighbours have come any closer to the objectives of democratic reform. It is clear that there has been progress in this area, but we have also seen setbacks. For Belarus and also for Ukraine, Russia’s autocratic system, which is characterised by a flexible approach to foreign policy and a tough approach to domestic policy, and by oppression and repression, is obviously more attractive and provides more guidance than what the EU has to offer. However, the experiences and the mistakes made in the Union for the Mediterranean, where the aim was to achieve a state of security by supporting despotic regimes, show that we must rely on forces other than corrupt governments.
Our objective of an active civil society based on freedom and the fundamental values of the EU can only be achieved from the bottom up by promoting and supporting the self-organisation of civil society. The Civil Society Forum, founded as part of the Eastern Partnership, is a good start. It is also currently the only body in which the Belarus opposition is involved. Unfortunately, the seats at Euronest will remain empty while there is no freely and correctly elected parliament in the country.
The Civil Society Forum needs our support, as we have described in paragraph 20 of the report. However, it will remain a mere declaration of intent unless we back it up with effective measures. Therefore, I am calling on you urgently to support Amendment 5 tomorrow which provides for continuous financial support and a secretariat for the organisation. Please support Amendment 5 tomorrow so that we can make progress on developing a civil society. This really is an excellent approach. I have experienced myself in Berlin how people can achieve objectives of this kind by working from the grassroots upwards.
Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, the Middle East and North African countries of the Southern Neighbourhood clearly need the EU’s long-term political and – where appropriate – financial support. In countries such as Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, we should concentrate our efforts on consolidating nascent democratic awakenings into a lasting legacy of stable, secular and enlightened governance.
In Syria, we should be more supportive of democratic opposition to President al-Assad, who is clearly no friend of the West, as we have seen from his efforts with North Korea to develop a nuclear weapon and his political support for Iran and for terrorism.
Inevitably, the ongoing turbulence demands a refocusing of ENP priorities towards the South. However, this should not happen at the expense of our partners in the Eastern Dimension. Some of those countries have also embarked on a long-term process of democratic transition, openness and reform. It would be perverse to reward them for this progress by denying them the resources and support to maintain their pro-Western trajectory, simply on the basis that the Southern Dimension has more acute need of the EU’s attentions now.
On Libya, I strongly support the no-fly zone and the pressing need for regime change. I support recognition of the Transitional National Council and the unfreezing of EU-frozen Gaddafi assets and releasing the money to the Benghazi pro-democracy forces to buy supplies and, yes, even to buy arms. I believe that UN Security Council Resolution 1970 only specifically bans the sale of arms to the Jamahiriya and, therefore, not to the Benghazi rebels, though unfortunately the EU legislation appears to transpose 1970 incorrectly, with a blanket arms embargo.
(The President cut off the speaker)
Helmut Scholz, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – (DE) Madam President, Mr Füle, Mr Siwiec, thank you for devoting yourself to this subject. Parliament’s almost unanimous opinion is that Neighbourhood Policy has not produced the expected results. I agree with that. However, I do not agree with the analysis of the causes. The results do not meet our expectations because we have not focused on the interests which we have in common with our neighbours. Instead, we have concentrated on our own interests and on our ideas of how neighbouring countries should develop.
Quite obviously, what we need is a different approach. We need a policy which makes cooperation between both sides a central principle and which respects the sovereign right of the citizens in the partner countries to shape their future without outside interference. The content of the policy must focus on our common European challenges and transform partnership policy into a permanent tool for genuine cooperative discussions and for identifying solutions to joint problems.
We will not make any progress in our Neighbourhood Policy unless we change our views and develop new political approaches.
Bastiaan Belder, on behalf of the EFD Group. – (NL) Madam President, in preparation for this debate, I reread the open letter which Svetlana Alexeyivich, certainly the most important intellectual voice in Belarus, addressed to President Alexander Lukashenko. She writes, quote, ‘Our people are afraid of a revolution, too. However, nobody wants to carry on living like this anymore. Before the election, the political dialogue in our society had only just begun, but you blatantly nipped it in the bud straightaway. Our country has been paralysed by fear again.’ Unquote.
Alexeyivich urged Lukashenko to resume dialogue with the people. Was that perhaps a naïve idea? At the end of the day, in an interview given to the Neue Zürcher Zeitung on 31 January 2011, the writer referred to Lukashenko as holding the entire Belarusian nation hostage and as a dictator with small man syndrome over whom only the Kremlin could exert any real influence.
However, the point is that there is no evidence that Lukashenko is happy to place all his eggs in Moscow’s basket. In view of that, the European institutions could provide a strategic opening, despite the current difficult situation. I wish Commissioner Füle much wisdom, perseverance and, indeed, the full support of our Parliament in establishing and making the most of responsible contact with Belarus.
Marietta Giannakou (PPE). – (EL) Madam President, I thank the Commissioner for his comments. It is true that the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Dimension were decisive steps in efforts to deepen relations with our neighbours to the East.
Nonetheless, today, there is an urgent need to give new impetus to this effort. The crisis which has broken out in the countries of North Africa, which are included in the Southern Dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy, are monopolising international interest, but the Eastern Dimension has faced, and still faces, similar challenges. Events in Belarus are very clearly a message and wake-up call for the European Union in terms of the responsibilities which it must assume in such cases. We need a long-term strategic plan for growth and stability in the region. Consequently, the review of the European Neighbourhood Policy – and the Eastern Dimension – must reflect an assumption of greater political obligation on the part of our partners.
It must be clear from the outset that the promotion of, and respect for, democratic procedures, the rule of law, fundamental human rights and the protection of minorities are important points in evaluating the progress made by our partners. That is why we need clear priorities and quantifiable targets in advance. Of course, this sort of evaluation should not be horizontal; we need to differentiate our relations with our partners, as each country will need to be judged separately in terms of the progress it has made, based on clearly defined criteria.
Democracy and human rights brook no ambiguity; the European Union was founded on the basis of these principles and, therefore, has a moral obligation to maintain them in the future. Within this framework, the review of the European Neighbourhood Policy needs to give new impetus to efforts to promote a substantive political framework for cooperation with our eastern partners.
Hannes Swoboda (S&D). – (DE) Madam President, I would like to say something very briefly in response to my fellow Member’s objection about the costs, despite the fact that he has disappeared again. The two rapporteurs, who produced very good reports and whom I would like to thank very much, indicate relatively clearly what the costs would be if we did not have a Neighbourhood Policy. They would be much higher in terms of human costs, if we look at the refugee crisis in the south, but also, of course, in terms of economic and social costs, if we look at all our neighbouring countries in the south and east.
I would like to say a few words about the Eastern Partnership. Other Members will be speaking about the Southern Partnership. It is true that the situation in Belarus is bad, but we must make every effort to contact unofficial bodies, individual citizens, young people and students to encourage genuinely positive and democratic development from the inside out.
In response to Mr Schulz, who earlier said that Belarus and Ukraine were in the same situation, I would like to explain that the differences between them are very great. In Ukraine, we should look at the problems, but also at what is going well and at the positive changes.
A brief comment on the Southern Caucasus, because it is important for us to focus on this area, too. The developments in Azerbaijan, where bloggers and demonstrators are being imprisoned, are alarming. It is shameful for a country like Azerbaijan and for its President to do things of this kind. We are concerned about a possible new conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia.
I would like to ask Mr Füle to keep a very close eye on this region and to help the region to emerge from the mess it is in and from this conflict situation.
Kristiina Ojuland (ALDE). – Madam President, I would like to draw your attention to the frozen conflict in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, which is an inseparable part of the Republic of Azerbaijan. Whenever the Neighbourhood Policies or other policies involving the South Caucasus region are being discussed, the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, and also of Georgia, should always be kept in mind.
Parliament must respect the fact that the Nagorno-Karabakh region is internationally recognised as part of Azerbaijan, although it is occupied by the Armenian military forces and, as we know, supported politically by the Kremlin authorities. This acknowledgement should always be reflected in documents and statements both in Parliament, the Council and the Commission. All initiatives by the EU side to obscure this fact must be discouraged in order to move towards a peaceful and legitimate resolution of the frozen conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh and in the region.
Hélène Flautre (Verts/ALE). – (FR) Madam President, Commissioner, the popular movements in the Southern Mediterranean have clearly highlighted weaknesses in our European Neighbourhood Policy.
As I see it, the problem lies not so much with the Neighbourhood Policy objectives, which are set out in Articles 8 and 21 of the Treaty of Lisbon on promoting and respecting human rights and democracy – which are also social objectives – but rather in our flawed implementation of those objectives. Consequently, we need to learn lessons for the future. This is what is being done in the current work on reviewing the policy. The first issue, which was raised by Mr Schulz, is our ability to provide real and effective support for civil society in all neighbouring countries, irrespective of their importance in terms of trade or strategy, or their political situation.
When neighbouring countries are in a state of transition, this is extremely useful and necessary. It is also undeniably easier than when they are labouring under the yoke of an authoritarian regime, as is the case in Syria, but this is a challenge, an issue, that we need to learn to address effectively. I believe that we will also need to learn to discuss these matters with our partners, not only in forums dedicated to human rights, such as sub-committees, but also at the highest political level. Yet, at the same time, we must ensure that sub-committee agendas do not become disconnected from the situation, as has happened in the past, or fail to feed into other bodies, such as the Justice and Home Affairs Council (JHA).
I support the communication on a partnership for democracy and shared prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean, which I believe is pivotal. It seems to me that we should also add a separate target for social justice and combating inequalities. Naturally, we will also need to rethink our understanding of mobility in the Mediterranean region. I think that the mobility partnership is a positive feature, but we will also need to learn how to promote the benefits of this mobility for individuals who travel between the Northern and Southern Mediterranean and for both the host nation and the country of origin. We will also need to factor these changing movements into basic rights for those who cross the Mediterranean and settle in Europe.
Paweł Robert Kowal (ECR). – (PL) Madam President, the present discussion is taking place at a time when we are adopting a new approach to Neighbourhood Policy. We would like to bring to a definitive end the times when the concept of stability was used as a bargaining chip, when the concept of stability was used to gain concessions in the areas of human rights and the principles of democracy. Therefore, I would like to take this opportunity to draw attention to the holistic approach to Neighbourhood Policy. Let us not think back over just the last few months; let us also remember earlier events, such as those which have taken place in Belarus. Today, we are stressing the need to uphold the gentleman’s agreement concerning the allocation of one third of the funds available as part of the Neighbourhood Policy to Eastern policy. We are not thinking about sharing wealth but about sharing security. This is a matter of fundamental security and the future of cooperation of EU Member States with countries which, in the future, will perhaps also be Member States of the Union.
Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL). – (FR) Madam President, the Arab revolutions have given rise to a great deal of hope in the countries concerned and beyond. They have demonstrated that democracy and human rights can be universal values.
However, the people of these countries remain very sceptical about the European Union. I can understand that in the light of past history and of the support given to dictators. I can also understand it when I learn that we are incapable of discussing democratic assistance without immediately linking it to an economic approach that ignores the choices made by these countries – and worse, when I see that some governments, including my national government, are still demanding that European aid be conditional on readmission agreements. This is a strange understanding of mobility.
Commissioner, I wonder whether we could not give a strong signal with regard to Tunisia by calling for a moratorium on the country’s debt until a democratically elected government has been put in place, which is due to happen in July. I would also suggest that we should help them to audit the debt and to cancel the illegitimate debt which benefited the Ben Ali-Trabelsi family at the expense of the Tunisian people. I would like a detailed answer to my question, Commissioner.
Nikolaos Salavrakos (EFD). – (EL) Madam President, I consider that Commissioner Füle is handling correctly the question of supervision of the European Neighbourhood Policy, the scope of which extends to 16 States, from the underbelly of Africa to the underbelly of Russia.
However, the European Neighbourhood Policy has been tested by recent developments in the Arab world, which have highlighted the dissatisfaction of the people with their autocratic regimes and, at the same time, the failure of the economic and social reforms in these countries supported by the Union. The autocratic regimes in Libya, Tunisia, Egypt and other countries have been in place for years and we cooperate with them. Now, all of a sudden, we are taking action against them. We therefore need to review the European Neighbourhood Policy strategy by promoting democracy and human rights and controlling planned financing. The main factor that needs to be evaluated correctly is that young people in these countries are more educated and, at the same time, unemployed; unfortunately, 7 400 000 European citizens are in exactly the same position.
Kristian Vigenin (S&D). – Madam President, developments in the Southern Neighbourhood have provoked a lot of criticism of the EU Neighbourhood Policy as pursued so far. We should be critical, of course, but we should also be fair.
The Neighbourhood Policy has contributed a lot to the development of relations with those countries – and not only with those countries but also with their societies, which will be one of the main issues now to be added to the review of Neighbourhood Policy. These developments, to some extent, follow the engagement of the European Union with those countries. So, in that respect, we need to review this policy, and to adapt it, but we should not simply criticise what has been done so far. As such, the EP reports are an important contribution to the ENP review and I hope they will be taken into consideration by the Commission.
I would like to warn against the attempts to oppose East and South, not only as regards refocusing attention, but also, maybe, as regards reallocating funds and resources. We have to be very careful on this and to take into account the fact that, on the one hand, of course, the challenge is to assist democratic processes in Egypt and Tunisia, and to support democratisation in the South, but it is also to preserve the peace in the Southern Caucuses, for example, and to contribute to the peaceful solution of frozen conflicts and to consolidate democracies.
Riikka Manner (ALDE). – (FI) Madam President, it is very important that, in addition to the Southern Neighbourhood Policy, we should also be talking about an Eastern Neighbourhood Policy. There are very many internal administrative problems associated with it, and the administration of Russian programmes, at least, should be transferred to the DirectorateGeneral for Regional Policy. The reason for this is that the authorities administering the programmes would be able to revise them to reflect more particular regional features and conditions. This would also be a way to guarantee their continuity.
We have to remember that this change would not, in itself, require any special amendments to the legal basis of the programmes or the EU budget. It would instead be more a case of an internal decision on the part of the Commission. At present, there are very many problems within these programmes, and we should effect some structural changes to them. This would constitute a clear message, and I hope that the Commission will also do what it can to back this decision.
Jacek Olgierd Kurski (ECR). – (PL) Madam President, European Neighbourhood Policy and, as part of this, the Eastern Partnership, is a key area and challenge for the European Union. It is an important political framework for strengthening relations with the partner countries – countries with which we should be moving towards economic and political integration. In the case of Ukraine, this process should end with the prospect of full membership of the European Union, of course, following fulfilment of the Copenhagen criteria, and for this, it is essential for there to be greater political commitment from the authorities in Kiev.
Let us not forget the Europeans in Belarus, a country with a civilisation similar to our own, but one which is kept closed by the Lukashenko regime. Let us do everything we can for Belarusians to see that Europe remembers them and supports their endeavours to gain democracy. We can give real expression to our efforts by cutting the costs involved in obtaining Schengen visas, facilitating people-to-people contacts between Belarus and the rest of Europe and supporting community and civic initiatives in Belarus. By facilitating travel and contacts between the Union and Belarus, we can undermine the Lukashenko regime much more effectively than with dozens of statements or resolutions. Finally, I would like to point out that in many countries included in the Neighbourhood Policy, there are still serious problems in the area of respect for freedom of expression, particularly in the media, freedom of association and freedom of assembly. As a Parliament in a free Europe, we must ...
(The President cut off the speaker)
Jiří Maštálka (GUE/NGL). – (CS) Madam President, I hope there is no one here from the countries of the Eastern Partnership, as they might think, on the basis of our numbers here, that we are not interested in the Eastern Partnership. I, too, would like to stress the importance of, and the need for a debate on, the Eastern Partnership.
It is important because the area to the East of the borders of the EU offers business opportunities which are irreplaceable in terms of maintaining the competitiveness of the Union in the coming decades. The area also represents a vast wellspring of culture which plays a part in the creation of European traditions and without which it is not possible to understand European identity. A debate on the Eastern Partnership is also necessary due to the fact that it is not entirely clear that we all accord the same importance to this project. All of the multilateral initiatives connected with the Eastern Partnership – democracy, stability, economic integration, energy security and contacts between people – are undoubtedly useful, both for the EU and for the six neighbouring states. Confusion has been caused by the statements of some politicians, who talk of a Black Sea synergy or of a democratic buffer zone. At this point, the Eastern Partnership ceases to be an instrument …
(The President cut off the speaker)
Jaroslav Paška (EFD). – (SK) Madam President, the credibility of the European Union as a global political player also depends on its ability and will to promote development and reforms for the stabilisation of neighbouring countries. The EU’s cooperation with the countries of the Eastern Partnership creates an opportunity for these countries to make political progress towards the values of freedom and democracy. In view of the varying political development of the individual countries, however, the EU must apply a variable approach and provide more help and EU resources to those Eastern partners that are prepared to go further and faster in fulfilling their obligations.
We could do more to encourage Ukraine and Moldova, in particular, to make headway in negotiations and to try and reach agreement on a broad and comprehensive free trade zone. In my opinion, we should also continue negotiations with Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. Belarus will have to find a form of communications appropriate to the political situation. The inhabitants of the country must not, however, become hostage to their political representatives, who have decided to implement their own version of democracy.
Lambert van Nistelrooij (PPE). – (NL) Madam President, today, we are laying down an important foundation for the development of the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument (ENPI). I would highlight just one point here, a specific point for the Commissioner on the programmes for external borders, the cross-border programmes.
We have 15 programmes with a budget of EUR 1.1 billion. However, we keep hearing from all sides that they are not going well. Development has been slow. Flexibility is very limited and I understand, from what I have heard today, that the Polish Presidency intends to tackle this. The Poles really want to move forward and see if any changes need to be made to bring these programmes back to cohesion, to Objective 3, the INTERREG approach, which we have been familiar with for years.
My question to the Commissioner is: how are you going to address this? Actually, according to the ENPI Regulation, you were already supposed to have carried out an evaluation last year. I have not seen the documents pertaining to that. How are you now going to incorporate this into your publications in May and are you perhaps willing to hold a hearing, in conjunction with this Parliament, where we could invite the people most concerned and hear about their experiences? I have a feeling that some things really need to be modified.
Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). – (IT) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, with this review of the EU’s neighbourhood policies, we are setting forth on a journey that will not end any time soon. The events in the Mediterranean signal a process of profound change and they will have lasting consequences, not only for the countries of the region, but also for Europe.
We must be aware that the transition to full democracy will not be easy and that these transitions are accompanied by many risks and uncertainties. For this reason, there are numerous things we must do and these will take time. Europe’s response must be characterised by a strategy based on immediate and long-term actions.
We must facilitate access to European markets and allow greater mobility. We should organise a conference to explore the possibility of cancelling or renegotiating the debt of these countries which have chosen the road to democracy; we must make adequate financial resources available and provide assistance to the democratic process by strengthening parliamentary institutions and political parties, ensuring the full participation of all citizens. This should all happen within the framework of a revitalised Euro-Mediterranean dialogue.
At stake is the strategic, political future of Europe. I believe that Europe must understand that we have to work to the east and the south, but right now, there is a special priority to the south. These policies need fundamental change; we must finally open a new chapter.
Zbigniew Ziobro (ECR). – (PL) Madam President, the Eastern Dimension is one of the most important areas for the European Union’s development under the European Neighbourhood Policy. It includes such countries as Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia. The Union has very important economic and financial interests in these countries, and these should not be forgotten, but most importance of all should be attached to matters related to energy. It is through some of these countries that alternative energy routes to Russian pipelines, such as Sarmatia and the Nabucco gas pipeline, may be built. In order to strengthen cooperation between the countries I have mentioned and the European Union, the EU trade area should be liberalised, which would allow more business to be done and would bring these countries closer to the European Union, and the Union is, after all, already the biggest economic partner of these countries today. Ultimately, of course, we should think about a free trade area, which would naturally bring us together in a particular way. Finally, we must not forget about easing visa obligations, stepping up people-to-people programmes and giving financial support to exchanges of young people from countries in the Eastern partnership with young people from the EU.
Krzysztof Lisek (PPE). – (PL) Madam President, Commissioner, we would all like European Union policy to be effective, but for it to be effective, it must be fully consistent both in terms of the Eastern Dimension of Neighbourhood Policy as well as the Southern Dimension. As for the Eastern Dimension, I would like to draw particular attention to what are known as frozen conflicts, to the situation in Moldova and, in particular, to the situation in Transnistria and in Nagorno-Karabakh, and I would also like to say a few words – particularly as I am the standing rapporteur to the European Parliament for Georgia – about the situation in Abkhazia and in South Ossetia.
A consistent European Union policy is needed on these matters today. A consistent Union policy must mean shared as well as consistent, a policy which is identical both as followed by the European institutions, including the High Representative in particular, and other members of the European Commission, and also by the Member States. We must speak with one voice to Russia’s leaders, today, and tell them they are not meeting the commitments they made in 2008 and, for example, that the European Union Observation Mission should be given access to Abkhazia and South Ossetia as quickly as possible.
Ana Gomes (S&D). – (PT) Madam President, the popular uprisings in North Africa reveal the errors of European policy and diplomacy guided by a supposed realpolitik, which has supported dictators and devalued aspirations for freedom, justice and opportunity for all human beings.
As a result, the EU has redefined its priorities for the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) to the south. I agree with the new orientations, dubbed ‘the three Ms’: ‘money, market access and mobility’. I do so, however, on the understanding that the support that we offer to our neighbours must be conditional upon a demonstration of political will and concrete progress in democratisation processes. There is no democracy without political parties. Supporting the training of democratic political forces in terms of funding and organisation should therefore be a priority, as this will empower the young people and women who bravely began the Arab Spring.
In societies still dominated by the state’s religious outlook and run along patriarchal lines, the cornerstone of any truly democratic change will be based on the participation of women and respect for human rights. This must be a fundamental orientation of EU political support for the Southern Mediterranean.
Finally, the EU should also promote the involvement of all emerging players in the political dialogue, including parties with religious agendas, such as those associated with the Muslim Brotherhood, who should not be isolated but rather invited to play the democratic game.
Marek Henryk Migalski (ECR). – (PL) Madam President, for the policy we are discussing to bring the expected positive result, it will need to have money. We should, therefore, stick to the gentleman’s agreement over a one third to two thirds division of the money available. This is necessary to be able to pursue the policy effectively. Secondly, we need a clear diagnosis of the situation. Therefore, comparisons must not be made of Belarus, which is controlled by a clear, transparent and one might say clinical example of a regime, with Ukraine, which is struggling with the problems of democratisation. Thirdly, such a policy offers the prospect of membership to countries which are trying to achieve it. The clear perspective of membership helps to create a self-fulfilling prophecy, and if societies and those who govern these countries have the impression that full membership of the EU is an attainable goal, then it will certainly be more likely to be achieved.
Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). – (ES) Madam President, Commissioner, I regret the Council’s absence in today’s debate. With regard to the Southern Neighbourhood, I shall make three points. Firstly, the European Union must support and facilitate the processes of democratic change. In the past, neighbouring authorities used their concerns over stability as a way of justifying their inaction.
Secondly, I wish for economic prosperity for our southern neighbours; this requires a great deal of reforms, investments, and financial and economic aid, as well as trade, not just with the North, but also South-South trade, which is currently non-existent.
I am concerned about the line being taken by the Commission and the High Representative, Mrs Ashton: in an article published in The New York Times on 18 March 2011, she appears to be advising those countries to specialise in agricultural exports to European markets. I disagree. Commissioner Füle is well aware of this, although he seems to be shaking his head. These countries need diversified economies and agriculture. I repeat: diversified. They also need to attend to their domestic food needs and not restrict themselves to a few export products which, in addition, cause concern for European farmers. We therefore need common sense and prudence on this issue.
Thirdly, we need to revitalise the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) and its projects, which can help in the economic modernisation of the Mediterranean countries. Unfortunately, the UfM is still in deadlock, there is no General Secretary, and it cannot continue to be hijacked by the lack of progress between Israel and Palestine.
Ladies and gentlemen, we are facing a major challenge.
Evgeni Kirilov (S&D). – Madam President, the EU Eastern Neighbourhood could prove to be the best test for EU foreign policy. The Union needs to abide by its own legal framework and particularly the EU security strategy, which underlines ‘the need to have a wealth of well-governed countries on its border’. It should also implement this in its own comprehensive strategy in order to bring about positive change.
However, the most serious impediment for the formalisation of the ENP to the east remains the unresolved conflicts in Transnistria and the South Caucasus, which are the root cause of the region’s instability and political and economic problems. It is enough to mention today’s blast in Transnistria, which severely damaged the gas pipeline.
There is an urgent need for the EU to support conflict settlement efforts, including through direct mediation, confidence building and humanitarian assistance to the millions of IDPs and refugees. That is why the EU should ensure that its considerable financial and technical support in the region is accompanied by a reinforced political presence and a well-defined conditionality.
Jacek Protasiewicz, (PPE). – (PL) Madam President, Commissioner, I would like to begin by congratulating the authors of both reports and, in particular, the author of the report on the Eastern Dimension of Neighbourhood Policy, Mr Siwiec. These congratulations are not offered simply out of courtesy. They come from my sincere conviction that at last we have reports which show that European Neighbourhood Policy should, to a much greater extent, be based on values which, for us, are the most important: respect for human rights, freedom of the media and democratic governments.
I will repeat what I said here in this Chamber on Monday: the lesson of the events in North Africa and the Middle East proves that the people who live there, particularly young people, are not only demanding more bread; they are also demanding greater freedom and more respect for their rights as citizens and people. The same is true of our neighbours in the East and, in particular, in a country which is an immediate neighbour of the European Union, Belarus. I would like to tell you about the scandalous events which have taken place this afternoon in Grodno in Belarus, where a journalist, Andrzej Poczobut, who is accused of insulting the President in articles written for the international press in connection with his work as a journalist, has just been arrested by the KGB to prevent him from talking to us, Members of the European Parliament, at tomorrow’s sitting of the Belarusian delegation. These are scandalous practices. European Neighbourhood Policy should help us prevent situations such as the one which occurred this afternoon in the case of Andrzej Poczobut.
Christofer Fjellner (PPE). – (SV) Madam President, I am grateful that the Commission has chosen to present this review of the European Neighbourhood Policy’s Southern Dimension. It is certainly needed. We need to acknowledge that Europe has met dictatorships with tolerance rather than with tough demands for democracy. That has cost us in trust for Europe. We therefore need a new policy, a policy that will help to rebuild these countries after decades of misrule. Europe can do a great deal in this respect, above all, as the region’s most important trade partner. The best approach would probably be to invest precisely in this rebuilding and trade in order to regain the trust that we have lost. I am therefore pleased that the Commission is talking about the trade dimension in this communication – that we should increase market access for our North African neighbours in order to help them to use trade to bring them prosperity.
However, it is currently the European customs barriers, particularly in the agricultural sector, that are a major obstacle to development. Take, for example, the minimum prices of agricultural products that mean that the more efficiently that fruit and vegetables are produced, the higher the duties are that have to be paid on them. That is an obstacle to development and prosperity. I would therefore like to propose that the first step the Commission could take is to give those countries in North Africa that have begun the journey towards democracy free market access in Europe. That is something we did for the Western Balkans following the war in Yugoslavia, and why not learn from this example? We are building Europe’s prosperity on free trade in Europe, so why not help our North African neighbours to build their prosperity on free trade with us?
Georgios Koumoutsakos (PPE). – (EL) Madam President, the European Neighbourhood Policy is, without doubt, a successful policy. However, we need to make it more dynamic and more effective. The adverse economic climate we face at the moment should not be used as an alibi or pretext for failing to strengthen it still further. This should apply mainly to its Southern Dimension.
This is now urgently needed in the wake of the recent dramatic developments, the recent dramatic incidents in North Africa. These societies need our support; they need our essential but discreet support and I stress the word ‘discreet’ for obvious historic and political reasons. We need to support civil society in these countries, its democratic action and its demand for more freedom.
In addition, we must not forget that the Mediterranean is turning into an immigration time bomb; this is another reason for us to support stability, democracy and growth in these countries through the Neighbourhood Policy.
Jacek Saryusz-Wolski (PPE). – Madam President, I would like to congratulate the Commissioner on the communication on partnerships, which adopted a quick and far-sighted approach.
We are seeing a redesign of the Neighbourhood Policy and the Commission is the guardian of the holistic approach. I find it fatal to oppose the Southern neighbourhood and the Eastern neighbourhood. We are redesigning, and while there is good news about what is happening in the South, the importance of this redesign and rethinking goes beyond the South. It also includes the East. We should move from government-related or oriented policy towards society-oriented policy, and from short-sighted economic interest policy towards human rights and democracy-oriented policy. We should become, in our policy, generous towards societies and much more demanding and severe towards governments. Also, we should not mix up status quo with stability. We should move into a kind of transitional approach.
Building this new paradigm for a Neighbourhood Policy brings with it the necessity to change the Eastern policy in the same direction. We should pay equal attention to both South and East. There should be symmetric financing, as there is a false dilemma in opposing both, and it should be smart financing. There is structural under-financing here. Each year, we are paying to the Neighbourhood Policy countries 20% of what we are paying to the rest of the world. I know how difficult it is to talk about financing today. But this policy has to be redesigned and that also requires additional financing.
Radvilė Morkūnaitė-Mikulėnienė (PPE). – Madam President, at this time, it is important to consider carefully, and strike the right balance between, both the European Neighbourhood Policy factors. The ENP should become more flexible, proactive and optimised. If we want to create an area of stability, shared values and progress surrounding in Europe, we should, firstly, no longer limit ourselves with predefined quotas. Financial assistance should be balanced according to political involvement and the will to move closer to EU values, freedoms and standards. It should be result-oriented and tied to objective and clear criteria on democratisation and the progress achieved in reforms.
Secondly, we should consider creating a rapid reaction tool within the ENP for prompt and flexible response to political changes in partner countries, as has happened recently in the Southern neighbourhood.
Thirdly, the attractiveness of EU assistance is also important. The simplification of EU fund allocation procedures and active sharing of expertise by the Member States at the early stages of programming would be an additional incentive.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D). – (RO) Madam President, I come from Galaţi, a Romanian city situated at the European Union’s border with the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine. This is why I am going to mention specifically the review of the Eastern Dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy. I must stress its importance both to the implementation of the European Union strategy for the Danube region and to the European Union’s energy security.
I call on the Commission and Member States to launch a comprehensive European Union strategy for the Black Sea and to provide sufficient financial and human resources to implement it effectively. I welcome the accession of Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova to the Energy Community Treaty, which will make an important contribution to achieving the Union’s energy security objectives and to these countries’ security.
On the subject of the Union’s priority energy projects, I should emphasise the importance of the Southern Gas Corridor. I think that the Nabucco gas pipeline, along with the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline, the Pan-European Oil Pipeline, the Turkey-Greece-Italy Interconnector or the …
(The President cut off the speaker)
Tatjana Ždanoka (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, I do support the European Neighbourhood Policy as a meaningful political framework for strengthening democracy in both the Eastern and Southern Dimensions, but I have now asked for the floor in order to pose the following question to all of us: whether the European Union’s moral right to show third countries the way towards real democracy is well justified.
Both motions for resolutions recall such ENP values as democracy, the rule of law, and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the freedom of the media, the independence of the judiciary and the fight against corruption. Is the European Union itself a champion in all these fields, taking into account, for example, the situation of the media in Italy and Hungary, mass statelessness in Latvia and Estonia and the suspicion of corruption in our Parliament?
I hope very much that we will maintain a …
(The President cut off the speaker)
Seán Kelly (PPE). – Madam President, neighbourhood is the key word here. Even in private lives, having good neighbours is a great asset to anybody. A good neighbour is a person who is friendly, does not interfere unduly with one’s affairs, but is willing to extend the hand of friendship in time of need.
That is something that the European Union should practise as a policy. It is easy enough when your neighbouring countries are equally friendly and stable and democratic. If they are not, then one has more of a problem.
The suggestion that we should engage with civil society, particularly in these countries, is a very good one. My colleague, Mr van Nistelrooij, pointed out that we are spending EUR 1.1 billion on border activities and that we need a more cohesive approach. I agree with that.
Also, the suggestion that we should have regular hearings, especially with civil society from undemocratic regimes, is a good one, so that they can hear what we have to say, and we can hear directly from them.
Malika Benarab-Attou (Verts/ALE). – (FR) Madam President, Commissioner, in your description of the outlook for the European Neighbourhood Policy in the Southern Mediterranean, you referred to potential catalysts. However, you forgot to mention one group, to which I myself belong. In Europe, people like me –immigrants and the children of immigrants – who come from the area that was once colonised by Europe, are still stigmatised. Yet we are, and we could become, human resources: influential mediators between north and south at this historic time.
Commissioner Füle, what are your thoughts on that option? Will you take it into consideration?
Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE). – (LT) Madam President, the review of the European Neighbourhood Policy is one of our most important tasks. The events in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain and elsewhere are remorselessly breaking down many stereotypes in our minds: that most people in the Middle East or North Africa do not care about human rights, and that they are used to living under dictatorial regimes. The revolution in the Arab world has shown this to be a fallacy.
A few weeks ago, I visited Egypt on the day the referendum was taking place in the country on amendments to the constitution. Everyone we met talked about freedom, justice and democracy. Most stressed that they need a different kind of support from the European Union. Support is needed to strengthen civil society, establish political parties and defend human rights, so that future parliamentary and presidential elections are democratic, free and fair. The democratic processes taking place there are very fragile and vulnerable, and we must help them in a timely manner.
Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I appreciate one very important element, namely, that we, the Commission and Parliament, are approaching the review of our Neighbourhood Policy in parallel. It is not a situation, as with many other policies, where we come here with a product that has already been finalised and then have a discussion. We entered into the process some time ago and, through interaction, we have been able to take a number of Parliament’s good ideas on board already and to explain a number of our ideas. The long list of speakers who have made a number of valuable suggestions and asked good questions is proof that this approach was the right one.
In the Lisbon Treaty, which was also agreed and voted in this House, we set high ambitions. We agreed to have the European Union as a global player. Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission and High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and I are both of the opinion that we could hardly deliver on this expectation without, first of all, playing a truly constructive role in our neighbourhood and that we could hardly play such a role without addressing the challenges of our neighbourhood, including the protracted conflict.
It was with that in mind that together, we started the review process in June last year. At that time, our ambitions were, firstly, to reflect on the new instruments brought in by the Lisbon Treaty. There are big changes with regard to external action with the substitution of the six months’ Presidency and its priorities in external relations by the consistent and coherent policy that is guaranteed by a person with a dual role, combining the CFSP Community instrument, and also having for the first time capacities in the External Action Service. Embassies have also been upgraded in order to represent not only the Commission but also the European Union. These are huge things.
I know that there are a lot of challenges, questions and even criticisms here and there, but I am confident that these changes will deliver on a more coherent EU policy on external action. We wanted that to be reflected in our Neighbourhood Policy. We also wanted to do one of the important things that we sensed was missing. Looking at neighbourhood, we were lacking the feeling of ownership of these countries in the Neighbourhood Policy. Some of our partners were saying that the Neighbourhood Policy had been imposed on them and that they had actually never been consulted. So, they believe that their views were not being taken into account and that there was one scheme that was being applied to all, without taking the specificities into account. But then the Arab Revolution came. It has offered us a mirror – which, I think, was very much needed – for asking important questions, such as how ready we are to complement the aspirations of emerging democracies, how far we are ready to go to deal with the situations like the one we face in Libya, and how long we should make compromises here and there and associate stability with autocracy, accepting that we have not always had the values in the same place as our interests.
Our communication of 8 March was an attempt to answer some of those questions – to be absolutely frank with you, the easy questions – because we have actually answered only those that related to the emerging democracies. We left the more difficult questions for the strategic ENP review. Many of them still need to be answered.
In that communication of 8 March, we defined three basic pillars, which you will also see reflected in the strategic review. The first one supports the democratic transformation and institution building in our neighbouring states. In the second, the focus is on the relationship with societies and support for civil societies. The third gives support to inclusive and sustainable growth among our neighbours.
Many countries in the South are changing, change which is not limited to those countries but to the whole region. They are also changing us and the way we react to the situation – the way in which we will proactively react and pursue these new phenomena in our neighbourhood. It will have repercussions in the East and there is a lesson-learned process in our joint thinking with our Eastern partners. This reflection on the East is not taking place at the expense of the South and the events in the South and our current interest and focus on the South are not at the expense of our interest in the East. The ENP review process will strengthen the need for a balanced approach to our neighbourhood, whether it is the East or the South.
There is a new momentum to substitute, sometimes, preferred real politics in our neighbourhood by an ambitious and much more proactive policy based on our values. There is also a momentum to be clear on what we want to achieve with, or through, the instruments of the Neighbourhood Policy. A couple of years ago, we referred to the peace, stability and prosperity zone. It is an important concept, which is still valid, but the partners want more. In the East, some of them are very clear as far as European aspirations are concerned. Those in the South want to have a more institutionally defined framework for economic integration. Should we shy away from offering our thoughts on these issues? I do not think so. I think we should make it clear that the Eastern Partnership is not a way to keep EU membership from the countries in the East but it is a way for them to build more of the European Union inside their countries. I think we need to make an offer to those most advanced countries in the South – a kind of framework for them to be a part, not of decision making, but decision shaping.
Do not expect a very technical straightjacket for bilateral relations with our neighbours. Expect only very few, but very clear and very important benchmarks. Expect, as a result of this ENP review, a flexible and individually tailored structure and an interaction which works well between political steering on one side and our programmes and technical and financial assistance on the other.
It is not going to be an easy process. No change is easy but, compared to its predecessor, this is to be an ongoing process where the review capabilities or, if you like, a capacity for feedback or a reality check, will be an important quality incorporated in this review of the ENP.
Many of you talked about money. The higher our ambitions are, the more resources they will require. The logic here is very clear. But is it only about money? Absolutely not. It is also about our creativity, our coherence, taking seriously the interests of our partners and being ambitious as far as opening our trade market and tackling the mobility issue are concerned.
The Jasmine Revolution was very much about dignity and equity. Let us then turn these two issues – dignity and equity – into the principles our policy will be based upon. Parliament has a very important role to play in this regard.
President. – I have received two motions for resolution(1) tabled in accordance with Rule 110(2) of the Rules of Procedure.
The debate is closed.
The vote will take place on Thursday, 7 April.
Written statements (Rule 149)
Tunne Kelam (PPE), in writing. – All European countries which fulfil the EU accession criteria should have the prospect of EU membership. The ENP Eastern Dimension should clearly value this underlying principle as such, and ensure that our neighbours in Eastern Europe will be able to concretely see a reliable prospect of future membership.
The strongest incentive for democratic and political reforms and creating civil society is, and will remain, the prospect of EU membership. While future applicants should do their homework in full, the EU has to prove without any doubt that our commitment to enlargement remains valid and credible. To strengthen this credibility and to diffuse any doubts about double standards, the EU should make it absolutely clear that relations with our Eastern neighbours must be grounded, first and foremost, on democratic values, respect for human rights and the rule of law. As each country should be assessed on its own merits, the basic values must be equally respected in every country, notwithstanding concrete economic and political interests of particular Member States. The same principles should be applied to relations with Russia, where the rule of law and human rights situation is worse than in most ENP countries.
Jaromír Kohlíček (GUE/NGL), in writing. – (CS) I have to confess that I was quite amazed on reading the resolution proposed by the Committee on Foreign Affairs. The bracketing of the demonstrations in Belarus, where the so-called protesters receive much support from abroad, with the storm of revolt in Egypt and Tunisia caused by rising food prices and unemployment, is quite beyond my understanding. In my opinion, the absurd conclusion is typical of the absurdity of so-called politicians. Mr Siwiec clearly did not notice the demonstrations involving dozens of deaths in the monarchies of the Arab world, or the war in Libya. That is clearly just as it should be. In point 12, there is no statement on the negative developments in Moldova. Some Members from the Group of the European People’s Party have become so enamoured of Yulia Tymoshenko that a Ukrainian government without her seems undemocratic, despite the fact that the government has managed to improve the economic and political situation of the country substantially over the past year. In my opinion, the call in point 13 for multilateral support for the development of democratic parties in Belarus constitutes direct intervention in the internal affairs of another state. It is a pity that we do not see similar efforts to develop democracy in EU states such as Hungary, for example. I consider point 52 of the resolution to be another gross impertinence, in the same way as the support for various subversive activities such as Belsat or Radio Russia and European Radio for Belarus. It reminds me very much of the Cold War period, as we know it from the history books.
Elżbieta Katarzyna Łukacijewska (PPE), in writing. – (PL) In today’s debate in the European Parliament, we have held a further discussion about the Eastern Dimension of the European Union’s Neighbourhood Policy. We must not forget that its objective should be a strengthening of relations between the Union and its Eastern neighbours, particularly with Ukraine, by the promotion of all kinds of civic, social and economic initiatives. The young citizens of Ukraine expect support from the Union’s Member States and, most of all, they want the borders to be opened so they can move freely between countries, study and develop their passions and interests. It is very important to ensure better implementation of agreements on simpler visa procedures and an EU-Ukraine free trade area. We should also extend the stipend system for students from the Eastern countries of the European Neighbourhood Policy and encourage them to engage in greater social and political activity.
Cristian Dan Preda (PPE), in writing. – (RO) I welcome the joint discussion on the two reports on the European Neighbourhood Policy, insofar as we need to adopt a consistent approach to our neighbours in both the south and east. I want to stress, first of all, that it is counterproductive for us to make both geographical regions compete with each other. This is not about a competition for resources, but about channelling resources efficiently to those partners which make progress in relation to the common criteria forming the basis of our Neighbourhood Policy. I am thinking, in particular, about respect for human rights, democracy and the rule of law. This is why I believe that we need to be brave enough to acknowledge the positive results achieved by our Neighbourhood Policy, as in the case of Georgia and Moldova, but also the adverse developments, as has happened, unfortunately, with Belarus or Ukraine. Differentiation must be the basic criterion, which also applies to the Southern Neighbourhood. On the other hand, our demands in terms of our European partners’ respect for the Union’s common values must be consistent and very high.
Fiorello Provera (EFD), in writing. – (IT) When we review the European Neighbourhood Policy, it is important to assess the impact of this policy on migration. No Neighbourhood Policy can be fully effective in this area without tackling the causes of instability that trigger migration.
This entails regional cooperation, potentially via bilateral agreements, with both the countries of origin and with transit countries. We must cooperate with transit countries and with countries of origin for migration so as to prevent surges. We must help the migrants’ countries of origin to democratise and attain good governance by giving them access to our values and our experience.
With regard to the European Neighbourhood Policy, we need an economic agenda which can increase levels of employment and trade agreements that can generate real, market-driven, economic development. Commissioner Füle and High Representative Ashton support, with the ‘more for more’ formula, the concept of conditions for aid which aim to reward the countries most active in terms of democratic reforms and respect for human rights. This approach should be encouraged, as it is consistent with our values, effective for development, and does right by European taxpayers.
Debora Serracchiani (S&D), in writing. – (IT) In the wake of recent events in south-eastern Europe, we must revise the European Neighbourhood Policy in relation to the southern partner countries by providing the means and assistance necessary for a genuine democratic transition and establishing the foundations for deep political, social and institutional reforms. It is important that the policy review give priority to the criteria of an independent judiciary, respect for basic freedoms, including freedom of the media and the fight against corruption, but it is also necessary to reconsider and to examine carefully the EU’s Mediterranean strategy in order to strengthen political dialogue and to support all democratic and social forces.
Csaba Sándor Tabajdi (S&D), in writing. – (HU) The crisis of the Arab world has demonstrated that the direction pursued so far in the Neighbourhood Policy has failed. Financing instruments must be made more transparent, and a result-oriented approach must be applied during the disbursement of aid. This also holds true with regard to the Eastern Dimension of the policy. The European Neighbourhood Policy of the future must be founded on cross-border relations between people; this particularly applies to the Eastern Dimension, as the countries involved in the Eastern Partnership also have the prospect of obtaining candidate status. The matter of the mutual visa exemption between Ukraine and the EU should be treated pragmatically and should not be used to exert political pressure. The Ukrainian Government has much work to do in the area of reinforcing human rights and democracy. However, the last people we should be punishing for this are the Ukrainian citizens. If the European Council supports the Belarusian citizens while imposing sanctions on Belarus, it should not apply a different standard to Ukraine either. Granting visa exemption as soon as possible – hopefully still in this year – could lay the foundations of the economic trust required for creating a free trade area. I trust that the Polish Presidency will treat this matter as a priority. It is unfortunate that the Eastern Partnership summit could not take place during the Hungarian Presidency. Hungary could have treated the EU’s partners in the eastern neighbourhood far more objectively than the Poles, who, due to their historical experience, have been pursuing biased policies in several relations over the past years.
Traian Ungureanu (PPE), in writing. – The European Neighbourhood Policy should remain European, not French, Romanian or Polish. A distinction between neighbours in the South and in the East, followed by a transfer of funds from East to South, could benefit the agenda of a sponsor state, but it would put an end to the European Neighbourhood Policy. The pressure brought to bear by France to fund the South while starving the programmes for the East could set an unfortunate precedent. Europe should deal with its neighbourhood, and not with prioritised neighbours. A transfer of funds from East to South would send a disastrous signal to our eastern partners. It does not make sense to support democracy in the South by weakening it in the East. The European aspirations and democratic values of Eastern partners could be further damaged by an impulsive visa liberalisation policy. There is no place for a ‘Russia first’ policy in this domain. Russian citizens have a right to free travel, but not before our partners in the East. Granting a visa-free regime to Russia would transform the Russian passport into a golden document sought after in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. It would internally destabilise these countries. I insist that the EU should seriously consider these problems.
President. – The next item is the Commission statement on the use of sexual violence in conflicts in North Africa and the Middle East (2011/2661(RSP)).
Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, we must reject in the strongest possible terms any targeting of violence against women, from intimidation to sexual assault. These are abhorrent crimes, often perpetrated against the most vulnerable and defenceless people.
Unfortunately, it is a fact that many countries across the world, not only in North Africa and in the Middle East, still lack a proper legal framework to protect women and girls from violence. There is nothing to encourage the reporting of such attacks. Much more must be done to deter perpetrators and to hold them accountable for their actions. Women continue to endure discriminatory laws and deeply entrenched cultural inequality. In the case of Egypt, for example, the national committee formed to write the new constitution is composed only of men, and even the new cabinet has only one female minister.
This is not sustainable, as was made clear by the courage shown by Tunisian and Egyptian women during the recent events in their countries. If half the population is excluded from political and institutional reform, it can hardly succeed.
Against this backdrop, we strongly condemn the increasing reports of severe human rights violations including rape, sexual assault and severe humiliation of women activists. The European Union is committed to strengthening the role of women in political, civil, social, economic and cultural spheres, as well as to fighting against discrimination and impunity. This is why one of the EU’s eight Human Rights Guidelines explicitly aims to ‘promote gender equality and combat discrimination against women’. And the Barcelona Declaration of 1995, which established the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, specifically reinforces this commitment for the Euromed region.
Gender equality is one of the five-year work plan priorities agreed by the Heads of State at the Barcelona Summit in 2005, held to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Euro-Mediterranean partnership.
In view of these commitments, the Euro-Mediterranean Ministerial conference on strengthening the role of women in society, held in November 2006 in Istanbul, started an innovative and pioneering process. Ministers (including those from Algeria, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Occupied Palestinian Territory, Syria and Tunisia) agreed to embrace a holistic approach based on the following interlinked priorities: first, women’s political and civil rights; second, women’s social and economic rights and sustainable development; and finally, women’s rights in the cultural sphere and the role of communications and the mass media.
Since the 2006 conference, work has been ongoing on implementation of a Common Framework of Action, in particular, through the pursuit of country priorities, with a follow-up mechanism and reports published by the European Commission. The partners in the Union for the Mediterranean reaffirmed their commitments to this at the second Ministerial conference in Marrakesh in November 2009. Civil society was fully involved in the discussions. Increasing awareness and visibility of the process was one of the big challenges agreed by almost all participants in the process.
Beyond this regional framework, the European Union’s bilateral dialogue, including through sub-committees dealing with gender issues, is an important method for addressing these pressing concerns.
Let me conclude, Madam President, by saying that the European Union will not tolerate violence against women in any form and we will use every avenue we can to prevent it.
Edit Bauer, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, Commissioner, I really appreciate the Commission’s strong commitment to condemning violence against women as a weapon of war – used systematically in armed conflict for a variety of purposes including humiliation, intimidation, political terror, extracting information, rewarding soldiers, and even ethnic cleansing. Violence against women in armed conflict is largely based on traditional views of women as property. Because women in many cultures play the role of transmitters of culture and symbols of nations, violence against women is also used as a means of attacking a society’s values and its honour.
The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court recognises sexual violence as part of an attack against civilians – against humanity – as being a war crime. Various forms of sexual violence in armed conflict, including sexual slavery, forced marriage and forced pregnancy, are war crimes and should be considered as grave breaches of the Geneva Convention. Too often, those responsible for acts of sexual violence in war go unpunished; too often, violence against women is accepted as an unavoidable part of war; too often, its perpetrators are granted amnesty as part of peace deals.
It is time to condemn these inhuman practices in any part of the world, and our message today should be that perpetrators of these war crimes can no longer go unpunished.
Ana Gomes, on behalf of the S&D Group. – (PT) Madam President, in contrast with reports now reaching us from Libya, where we are seeing only men fighting on the frontline, the images of a month or so ago from the main square in Benghazi, from Tahrir Square, and from the demonstrations in Tunisia, Bahrain, Syria, Jordan and Morocco showed women of all ages calling for freedom, justice and democracy. Women, and particularly young women, had, and continue to have, a key role in the uprisings in North Africa and the Arab world. Their destiny in these countries, marked by strongly patriarchal and religious traditions, will not only be indicative of but also decisive for the path that these countries follow over the months and years to come in search of democracy and respect for human rights. The EU therefore needs to prioritise supporting the women who bravely launched the protests of the Arab Spring, including through funding civil society organisations and through political, technical and financial aid for women who want to participate actively, encouraging their involvement in all democratic institutions and organs of political and economic power as members, candidates of political parties, and so on.
It is also imperative that the EU mobilise all its efforts at the highest level to combat attempts at intimidation, reprisals and sexual violence perpetrated against women who dare to raise their voice. Examples such as virginity tests being forced on women who protested in Tahrir Square on 8 March or the rape and imprisonment of Iman al-Obeidi in Libya are utterly intolerable crimes, as Commissioner Füle has said. We are expecting the High Representative and the Commissioner to demand an immediate and independent investigation into these cases, making examples of them so that they will not be repeated.
Antonyia Parvanova, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, the ALDE Group proposed and initiated this debate, as we want to express our concern tonight at the situation of women in North Africa and the Middle East in the face of the current political change and turmoil. During the past few weeks, we have witnessed severe violations of human rights in Libya and Egypt, particularly affecting women. I am not going to enter into the details of all these cases, but let me mention just two symbolic and worrying situations that should be condemned immediately.
Iman al-Obeidi, a Libyan woman, has told the international press that she was gang-raped and subsequently detained by pro-Gaddafi soldiers and interrogated for 72 hours before being released. In Egypt, as my colleagues have mentioned, several female protestors have claimed they were subjected to so-called virginity tests – and also raped by soldiers – and some of them are now being tried for ‘failing’ such tests. These cases have provided additional evidence that rape is still used as a weapon in times of conflict in order to terrorise and humiliate the civilian population.
It would be unacceptable not to raise our voices against these terrible atrocities being committed against women. We call on the Commission and the Council strongly to oppose and condemn the use of sexual assault, intimidation and any other form of abuse of women taking place in the context of the current events in North Africa and the Middle East. We also need to use all our available policy instruments in order to guarantee that, after the transition of these societies, women’s rights will be guaranteed and upheld.
Yesterday, we adopted our report on an EU policy framework to fight violence against women, and it would be unacceptable to have double standards when it comes to our policy action outside the Union. In this regard, the promotion of women’s rights must be fully integrated into the European Neighbourhood Policy, its programmes and projects and, at the same time, specific policies for women’s rights and empowerment must be put in place.
Barbara Lochbihler, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – (DE) Madam President, the forced so-called virginity tests inflicted by the Egyptian army on women protestors in Tahrir Square and the multiple rape of a Libyan woman by soldiers are horrific crimes which have given rise to today’s motion for a resolution. We cannot rule out the possibility of more sexual violence being committed by all sides in the conflicts in North Africa and the Middle East.
Last November, we in the European Parliament called on the EU Member States and the EU itself finally to take seriously the situation of women in wars and armed conflicts. At that point, the representative of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs, Baroness Ashton, reported on the progress that had been made. There is now an improved international framework for preventing violence against women in conflict regions and several countries have also adopted national action plans. The exchange of best practices is very important.
The EU has already provided EUR 300 million for measures including medical provision and a further EUR 200 million has been authorised for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325. There are plans to introduce local strategies in conflict zones in 2011. The training of staff plays a very important role in this respect. Therefore, it is necessary for all these experiences and measures to be incorporated and taken into account in the implementation of the EU pact for partnership and democracy with the Southern Mediterranean countries. You will definitely have the support of the European Parliament for this work.
Ilda Figueiredo, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – (PT) Madam President, we know that women have been participating actively in the uprisings calling for more democracy, rights and freedoms in North Africa and the Middle East. However, we also know that they are subject to a generalised and systemic practice of rape and sexual slavery, which are recognised as crimes against humanity and war crimes under the Geneva Convention.
In view of this, the reports emerging, whether from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, or from Egypt, from Libya or from other countries, are alarming. We therefore call for effective diplomatic action that vigorously opposes the use of sexual aggression, intimidation and harassment of women in North Africa and the Middle East, or in any other place.
We would also highlight the importance of acknowledging women’s role in the revolutions, and stress the need to guarantee their rights, including their participation in the new democratic, legal, economic and political structures of these societies, bringing the centuries-old discrimination that they have suffered to an end.
Emine Bozkurt (S&D). – (NL) Madam President, the revolutions in North Africa and the Middle East have also brought opportunities. The work of rebuilding the country and of establishing democracy in Tunisia and Egypt can really start now. In the squares and streets of Cairo, Tunis and Benghazi, women have been, and continue to be, an important part of the revolutions. There are so many opportunities, but there are also dangers.
The claims made on television by a young Libyan woman that she had been raped by Gaddafi’s troops shook the general public. However, these were not the first such reports, and there have been others since. Sexual violence is being used as a tool for oppressing women and for silencing them, for example, in Cairo, where women have been abused and subjected to virginity tests by the military. In the war in Libya, violence against women is being used as a weapon. In the power vacuum which arises in times of lawlessness, there is no control. Women lose the protection of the law. We therefore need to send out a clear signal, Madam President, that this cannot and should not be allowed to happen! We need to send out a clear signal to the new leaders that crimes of this kind must be investigated and punished. No one with these crimes on their conscience should be allowed to get away with it.
I would also like to emphasise that these women must be protected and that the role of women in the rebuilding of society must not be overlooked. Women's rights must be enshrined in law and, to that end, women should also be appointed to positions on constitutional committees, in parliaments and governments, so that things like education for women, their rights and the combating of harmful traditional practices are placed high on the agenda. Economic independence is a key component of the empowerment of women and entrepreneurship should be encouraged, for example, through the use of micro-credits.
Kristiina Ojuland (ALDE). – Madam President, sexual assaults against women – and, in some cases, also against men – in North Africa and the Middle East are a grave concern and need to be addressed promptly by the authorities in the region, both the new democratic forces and the older regimes.
I would like to call on the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Baroness Ashton, to discuss the devastating situation with regard to sexual violence in this region with representatives of the target countries in the context of the Southern Dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy, with a view to bringing the perpetrators to justice and securing respect for the human rights of both women and men.
I consider that sexual violence is the worst sort of warfare. It should be avoided at all cost and should be punished in the harshest possible way.
Seán Kelly (PPE). – (GA) Madam President, two months ago, we were talking about violence against women in Europe. It was stated then that up to 25% of European women had suffered violence. Now we are talking about sexual violence against women in conflicts in North Africa and the Middle East. It is a sorry tale and can no longer be tolerated. Therefore, it is important that we discuss it and do something to prevent it.
Unfortunately, not just in war but also in peace, there is a very archaic attitude to women in the entire continent of Africa. It is obviously exacerbated in time of war. However, I agree with the Commissioner that we have to highlight these matters and, in particular, try and bring the people who commit these crimes to account. In that way, hopefully, at some stage, we may get a change of attitude and an elimination of this abominable practice.
Anna Záborská (PPE). – (SK) Madam President, sexual violence does not constitute a violation of female human rights or male human rights. Rights do not exist in this form. Sexual violence is a crime against human dignity, which is a fundamental right of every human being, women as well as men. This holds true not only in Europe, but also in Egypt, Libya, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and other countries in Africa and the Middle East referred to in this resolution. Military conflicts cannot be a mitigating factor. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, it began with the rape of women, and now men are being raped as well. Resolutions, however, are mere words. We must also act. The Commission must start to monitor worldwide human rights violations in detail and, at the same time, must propose instruments through which Europe can enforce compliance, in case of need. Failing this, the partnerships in which we are investing so much may as well be called ransom payments.
Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I would say to the honourable Members that the questions and specific cases that they have brought to our attention today are indeed very serious and are a black mark hanging over the developments which have taken place over the recent weeks in North Africa and the Middle East. I have taken note of the issues they have raised in this debate and of the suggestions made.
As I said, the European Union has a number of instruments in place and will do everything to support greater participation of women in civil and political life, free from threats, intimidation and violence.
I would also like to bring to Members’ attention some positive recent developments, such as the creation of a Human Rights Office in the Gulf Cooperation Council secretariat. We should welcome such steps. Our support for international organisations, not least United Nations Women, and for civil society, will be instrumental in supporting change from within. This also shows why our policy of dialogue and engagement is so important and must continue, not least with our new interlocutors.
President. – I have received five motions for resolution(1) tabled in accordance with Rule 110(2) of the Rules of Procedure.
The debate is closed.
The vote will take place on Thursday, 7 April.
Written statements (Rule 149)
Filip Kaczmarek (PPE), in writing. – (PL) Sexual violence is an exceptionally repulsive means of conducting a war and a hideous tool for fighting or humiliating the other side of a conflict. In the case of North Africa and the Middle East, these practices are particularly cruel, because they reveal a huge scale of cynicism and demoralisation, for the dominant religion in the region has a very restrictive approach to sexual matters. Those who commit acts of sexual violence break a great many rules and codes of behaviour. War and conflict often bring unimaginable evil out of such people. We will fight this and we will never cease our condemnation of this barbarity.