Rapporti verbatim tad-dibattiti

Il-Ħamis, 7 ta' April 2011 - Strasburgu

1. Ftuħ tas-seduta

PŘEDSEDNICTVÍ: PAN LIBOR ROUČEK
místopředseda

(Zasedání bylo zahájeno v 9:00)

2. Dokumenti mressqa: ara l-Minuti

3. Rapport annwali tal-BEI għall-2009 (dibattitu)

  Předseda. − Prvním bodem pořadu jednání je zpráva, kterou předložil George Sabin Cutaş za Hospodářský a měnový výbor o návrhu výroční zprávy EIB za rok 2009 (2010/2248/INI) (A7-0073/2011).

  George Sabin Cutaş, Raportor. − Prezentarea acestui raport al activităţilor întreprinse de Banca Europeană de Investiţii face parte dintr-un exerciţiu democratic anual ce ţine de responsabilitatea pe care o are Banca în faţa Parlamentului European.

Cu toate că este vorba despre un exerciţiu regulat, el nu trebuie, totodată, banalizat, deoarece conţine recomandări asupra unor puncte importante pentru viitorul Uniunii Europene. Banca Europeană de Investiţii a devenit, odată cu intrarea în vigoare a Tratatului de la Lisabona în decembrie 2009, un instrument de sprijin al politicilor externe ale Uniunii Europene, reprezentând de asemenea un partener important pentru impulsionarea economiei Uniunii.

Doresc să le mulţumesc colegilor mei pentru îmbunătăţirile aduse raportului. De asemenea, doresc să mulţumesc colectivului Băncii pentru o foarte bună colaborare şi, în mod special, preşedintelui Maystadt şi vicepreşedintelui Kolatz-Ahnen.

Cu toţii căutăm o metodă de a împăca datoriile şi deficitele crescânde ale statelor membre cu obiective de creştere economică ilustrate, de pildă, în Strategia UE 2020, obiective ce necesită investiţii majore în educaţie, sănătate, tehnologie, energie durabilă şi infrastructură. Consider că soluţia la această problemă este una europeană, iar Banca Europeană de Investiţii are un rol important de jucat în acest context.

Voi prelua aici două exemple majore ale modului în care Banca Europeană de Investiţii a stimulat şi va continua să stimuleze economia europeană. În primul rând, împrumuturile către întreprinderile mici şi mijlocii şi obligaţiunile pentru proiecte. Nu trebuie să uităm că 99% din întreprinderile europene sunt întreprinderi mici şi mijlocii. A investi în IMM-uri reprezintă o metodă de a contribui în mod semnificativ la activităţile de inovare, cercetare şi dezvoltare ce au loc în Uniunea Europeană. Banca Europeană de Investiţii a oferit întreprinderilor mici şi mijlocii în 2009 şi 2010 finanţări superioare obiectivului său anual de 7,5 miliarde de euro.

Facilitatea Europeană de Microfinanţare a fost de asemenea creată în 2010, regrupând fonduri în valoare de 200 de milioane de euro, adresate celor ce au nevoie de microcredite. Cu toate acestea, constatăm persistenţa unor dificultăţi în etapa de accesare a fondurilor de către întreprinzători.

Consider că este nevoie de o ameliorare a transparenţei procedurilor de selectare a intermediarilor financiari ai Băncii şi de împrumut către aceştia. De asemenea, Banca Europeană de Investiţii are datoria de a oferi asistenţă tehnică şi cofinanţare regiunilor de convergenţă, pentru a le permite să absoarbă o cotă mai mare din fondurile pe care le au la dispoziţie.

Un alt subiect pe care vreau să îl ating este cel al obligaţiunilor pentru proiecte. Suntem îndreptăţiţi să ne punem atâtea speranţe în acest instrument financiar? Eu consider că suntem. Obiectivul acestuia este de a creşte ratingurile de credit ale obligaţiunilor emise de companii, atrăgând investiţii private, pentru a le suplimenta pe cele naţionale şi pe cele realizate prin intermediul fondurilor de coeziune. Datorită acestui efect multiplicator, companiile vor obţine mai mulţi bani pentru a realiza proiecte de infrastructură în domeniile transportului, energiei, tehnologiei informaţionale şi dezvoltării durabile. Este importantă axarea pe anumite proiecte cheie, precum cele de dezvoltare durabilă, de infrastructură rutieră şi feroviară, de conectare a porturilor la pieţele europene şi cele ce vor permite independenţă energetică, precum este cazul gazoductului Nabucco sau proiectului ITGI.

Pentru că vorbim astăzi despre posibile soluţii pentru ieşirea din criza financiară, ajungem la tema transparenţei şi a paradisurilor fiscale. Lipsa de transparenţă a intermediarilor financiari s-a concretizat sub forma evaziunii şi a fraudei fiscale şi a contribuit la situaţia dificilă cu care ne confruntăm în prezent.

Banca Europeană de Investiţii, în calitatea sa de bancă europeană, are datoria de a nu se implica în operaţiuni desfăşurate prin intermediul unor jurisdicţii necooperante, aşa cum sunt cele identificate în prezent de diverse organisme internaţionale. Totodată, aceste liste nu sunt încă satisfăcătoare. Banca Europeană de Investiţii îşi poate aduce contribuţia în acest domeniu prin realizarea propriilor evaluări şi publicarea periodică a rezultatelor sale.

Nu în ultimul rând, aş dori să menţionez rolul pe care Banca îl îndeplineşte în afara Uniunii Europene, în ţările pe cale de aderare şi în cele aflate sub incidenţa politicilor de cooperare şi de dezvoltare. În aceste state, Banca Europeană de Investiţii susţine obiectivele Uniunii Europene de politică externă. De aceea, consider că este nevoie atât de alocarea unui număr mai mare de angajaţi specializaţi în acest domeniu, cât şi de creşterea cotei de participare a actorilor locali în cadrul proiectului.

Sunt bucuros să ascult părerile celor prezenţi în sală şi să revin la sfârşit.

  Philippe Maystadt, Président de la BEI. − Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les parlementaires, permettez-moi tout d'abord de vous remercier de m'avoir invité une fois de plus – cela devient une véritable tradition – à prendre part à la discussion de votre rapport sur les activités de la Banque européenne d'investissement.

Je voudrais remercier en particulier votre rapporteur, M. Cutaş, qui a eu la bonne idée de ne pas se limiter à une vue rétrospective, mais qui a également donné des orientations pour l'avenir et, si vous le permettez, c'est essentiellement de cela que je voudrais vous parler. Vous indiquez que notre conseil d'administration a donné une triple orientation à l'action de la Banque européenne d'investissement pour les prochaines années. Notre action va se développer autour de trois axes: la mise en œuvre de la stratégie Europe 2020, la lutte contre le changement climatique et le soutien à la politique extérieure de l'Union.

Face à la crise financière, puis économique, qui a éclaté en 2008, les États européens ont apporté une réponse de court terme. Ce furent les différents plans nationaux pour assurer, d'abord, le sauvetage des banques, et ensuite, pour stimuler la reprise de l'économie. Et ces plans nationaux, vous le savez, furent appuyés par le plan européen de relance économique, adopté par le Conseil européen en décembre 2008. La BEI y a pris sa part en augmentant son volume de prêt de 48 milliards d'euros en 2007 à 79 milliards d'euros en 2009, et en orientant cette injection de moyens financiers dans l'économie réelle vers les secteurs désignés comme prioritaires par le Conseil, en particulier le soutien aux petites et moyennes entreprises, comme vient de le souligner votre rapporteur.

Mais après cette réponse de court terme, qui a permis d'éviter le pire, il s'agit maintenant de donner une réponse de plus long terme. C'est la stratégie Europe 2020. Et l'élément critique de cette stratégie, c'est l'augmentation du taux d'emploi et de la productivité, qui doit s'articuler autour de ce que l'on appelle souvent le triangle de la connaissance: la formation, la recherche et l'innovation. Et la BEI est prête à apporter une contribution significative à la mise en œuvre de cette stratégie. En 2010 déjà, elle a financé pour plus de 4 milliards des projets dans le secteur de l'éducation et pour plus de 7 milliards des projets de RDI – recherche, développement, innovation.

La BEI a l'intention d'accroître ses financements dans ces domaines et, à cet effet, elle entend continuer à mettre en œuvre, avec la Commission européenne, des instruments conjoints de financement, à l'exemple de la RSFF – Risk Sharing Finance Facility – pour la recherche, car de tels instruments donnent un effet de levier au budget européen. Avec le même montant budgétaire, le budget européen peut supporter un volume beaucoup plus important d'investissement et, dans le même temps, ces instruments conjoints allègent la contrainte de capital de la BEI. Cela signifie qu'avec le même capital, la BEI peut accorder un volume de prêts plus important.

J'ai cité la RSFF, la Risk Sharing Finance Facility pour la recherche. C'est un bon exemple. À la fin de 2010, avec une contribution du budget de quelque 390 millions, avec une allocation de capital de la BEI de quelque 700 millions, on a en réalité pu accorder des prêts pour plus de 6 milliards d'euros, qui ont financé plus de 16 milliards d'investissements en recherche. Vous voyez ainsi le double effet de levier que permet ce type d'instrument, et donc il nous paraît évident que la contribution de la BEI à la stratégie Europe 2020 sera d'autant plus efficace qu'elle pourra s'appuyer sur une coopération pragmatique avec la Commission et aussi avec d'autres institutions financières.

Deuxième axe: la lutte contre le changement climatique et ses effets parfois dramatiques. C'est devenu une priorité pour l'Union européenne, et donc aussi pour la BEI. L'accident nucléaire de Fukushima et les remises en cause qu'il entraîne renforcent encore la nécessité d'investir massivement dans les économies d'énergie, dans les énergies renouvelables et dans les nouvelles technologies énergétiques.

En 2010, les prêts de la BEI pour des projets qui contribuent directement à réduire le volume des émissions de gaz à effet de serre se sont élevés à près de 20 milliards, soit près de 30 % du total de nos prêts. Et, parmi ceux-ci, les prêts pour des projets d'énergie renouvelable ont représenté 6,2 milliards, principalement en faveur de projets de production d'électricité éolienne et solaire. Les prêts pour des projets d'amélioration de l'efficacité énergétique se sont élevés à 2,3 milliards en 2010. Ils vont encore augmenter dans les années qui viennent, car il y a un énorme potentiel d'économie d'énergie, notamment dans les bâtiments publics et les logements de nombreuses villes et cités européennes. Quant aux investissements visant à développer les transports urbains, et donc à réduire les nuisances du transport individuel, ils ont été financés par des prêts de la BEI à hauteur de 7,9 milliards d'euros en 2010.

Et donc nous allons poursuivre cet effort. Nous allons continuer à soutenir les économies d'énergie, l'efficacité énergétique, les énergies renouvelables et, en outre, nous sommes à la pointe pour la mise au point d'une méthodologie – inévitablement complexe en raison des difficultés techniques – en vue d'évaluer plus précisément l'empreinte carbone de l'ensemble des projets que nous finançons. Et cet effort particulier témoigne de notre volonté de faire de la lutte contre le changement climatique une priorité majeure.

Enfin, pour terminer, le troisième axe: aucune puissance ne peut prétendre mener une politique extérieure sans un soutien financier. La Chine l'a bien compris. Elle intervient financièrement dans le monde entier en vue de soutenir ses objectifs de politique extérieure. Si l'Union européenne souhaite réellement développer une politique extérieure qui ait une quelconque influence dans le monde, elle doit, elle aussi, disposer d'un bras financier. Si l'Union européenne le veut, la BEI peut être ce bras. Et c'est là l'une des conclusions du rapport Camdessus sur le mandat extérieur de la BEI. Il reste à voir si les États membres, qui sont aussi les actionnaires de la BEI, donneront une suite à cette recommandation et feront un choix clair à l'occasion de la préparation des perspectives financières 2014-2020.

Voilà, Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les parlementaires, une vue générale de la triple orientation de la BEI pour les années à venir.

  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Mr President, I would first like to thank our rapporteur, Mr Cutaş, for his very good report. I would also like to welcome Mr Maystadt to this plenary because it is very important that the Commission also congratulate him and the EIB for his continued forceful response to the effect of the global financial crisis.

EIB assistance was essential. The EIB helped us to address the credit shortage in the market and this was crucial, not only for the EU Member States and the candidate countries, but also for our partners around the world. The EIB was able to significantly increase its lending activity and, at the same time, to target the increase to the key growth-enhancing areas.

The Commission shares the Parliament’s view that support for the EU cohesion policy, as well as transition to low-carbon economies, are core targets for the EIB. Consequently, the Commission joined forces with the EIB Group to support convergence regimes with the joint financial instruments which we know very well – JASPERS, JEREMIE, and the new addition, ELENA – to fight climate change. Moreover, we welcome the increase in lending volume to SMEs and we agree with your call for more qualitative measures to increase the value added and transparency of the EIB Group intervention in this domain.

In this context, an assessment of the optimal division of labour between the EIB and the EIF seems to be necessary. The huge efforts undertaken by the EIB bring into focus the importance of optimising the use of EIB capital. It is crucial to strike the right balance between higher volumes and high-risk activities which consume more capital but add more value to the EIB Group intervention.

I would like to say a couple of words on financial instruments. We believe that the use of innovative financial instruments, together with the key financial institutions such as the EIB, should be extended. Instruments using instant loans, equity and guarantees help maximise the effects of the EU budget by attracting additional funds from third parties. In addition, an increased use of joint financial instruments and risk sharing with the EU budget could have the effect of freeing capital and permitting a higher leverage of the EIB own resources and enhancing its reach. At the end of the day, this means more projects in support of a Europe 2020 strategy and better support for its goals and objectives.

The Europe 2020 Project Bond Initiative, which is currently in public consultation, is a very good example. The EU 2020 Strategy calls for large-scale cross-border investment to underpin the EU 2020 flagship actions and develop smart, upgraded and fully interconnected infrastructures. The project bond initiative would support the financing of specific projects in the area of transport, energy and communications infrastructure, and potentially also in other sectors that can help lay the foundations for sustainable future growth and unemployment. I am glad to see your support for this initiative in your report.

In the context of the preparation of the Commission’s proposals for the next multiannual financial framework, the Commission is carrying out a strategic reflection and analysis to ensure an optimised use of the new instruments, in dialogue with the EIB and other financial institutions, to benefit from their financial expertise and experience in the market.

To conclude, I would like to make a few remarks on the EIB external activities. Regarding EIB financing outside the EU, the Commission supports the increase of the ceilings proposed by Parliament under the mid-term review of the EIB external mandate, in particular a EUR 1 billion increase for the Mediterranean region. We know how important that is today. This is essential in order for the EIB to pursue its intervention at a sustained level and support the democratic transformation of our partner countries. In the same way, we also reiterate the importance for the EIB to reuse reflows from previous investment in the Mediterranean region in order to make risk capital investment in private sector SMEs in the region. Moreover, we support a progressive reinforcement of the EIB’s development capacity because these additional needs would require a gradual increase of staff resources specialised in development aspects.

In line with the Commission’s proposal following the mid-term review of the EIB external mandate, the Commission will set up a working group to study the possible development of the EU platform for cooperation and development. The objective is to optimise the functioning of mechanisms, blending grants and loans involving the Commission, the EIB and other multilateral and bilateral institutions. The establishment of such a platform would help create synergies and foster cooperation between the EIB and other financial institutions. In this context, I would like to mention that the Memorandum of Understanding between the Commission, the EIB and the EBRD was signed early in March.

  Jean-Pierre Audy, rapporteur pour avis de la commission du contrôle budgétaire. − Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, je voudrais, cher Président Maystadt, saluer l'attention que vous témoignez aux parlementaires, alors que, en tant que président d'une banque intergouvernementale, vous n'y êtes pas tenu; nous y sommes sensibles. Mon propos aura trait à la sécurité et à la communautarisation de la BEI.

Sur la sécurité, vous avez dit, Monsieur le Président, que vous souhaitez être le bras armé, le bras financier de l'Union européenne. Oui, mais avec un triple A, et nous proposons depuis des années à la commission du contrôle budgétaire que vous ayez un contrôle de régulation prudentiel. Nous proposons soit de s'appuyer sur la Banque centrale européenne, soit que, volontairement, la BEI puisse s'appuyer sur la nouvelle Autorité bancaire européenne, avec ou sans la participation d'un ou de plusieurs régulateurs et, Monsieur le Commissaire, nous vous demandons de faire des propositions.

Je terminerai, Monsieur le Président, en rappelant notre proposition que l'Union européenne devienne membre de la Banque européenne d'investissement, pour que cet instrument intergouvernemental puisse progressivement être communautarisé.

  Danuta Maria Hübner, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, I would also like to speak, like President Maystadt, about the future, and would like to raise three points. First, growth and restructuring is what Europe needs and that means investment and funding of investment.

The legitimate question today is to ask where that funding can come from. The important element of the response to this question lies with the European Investment Bank and its family of institutions. I also think that it is important to remember that in the years to come we will have huge global competition for funding. We will have national budgets in a mood of further cuts. We will have also a banking sector with a lot of uncertainties when it resumes normal funding activities and, of course, we will have a European budget that will remain, as usual, too small to be efficient and to solve our problems. So the EIB will be absolutely essential.

  Thijs Berman, namens de S&D-Fractie. – Voorzitter, de complimenten aan collega Cutaş voor het uitstekende verslag over het jaarverslag van de EIB over 2009. Complimenten ook voor het overzicht dat hij hier gaf.

Ik wil echter graag ingaan op één enkel aspect, namelijk de verhouding tussen Raad en Parlement. Het Europees Parlement is medewetgever voor het externe mandaat van de Europese Investeringsbank, voor alle activiteiten van de bank buiten de EU, in nabuurschapslanden en in ontwikkelingslanden. Toch kost het de Raad de grootste moeite om serieus na te denken over voorstellen van dit Parlement aangaande de herziening van het externe mandaat. Tot mijn verbazing denkt de Raad dat het heel gewoon is om over allerlei nieuwe voorstellen van dit Parlement koudweg te melden dat zij niet aanvaardbaar zijn.

Het gaat onder meer om voorstellen voor een actieve rol van de EIB bij maatregelen tegen klimaatverandering en over een grotere rol van de EIB bij microfinanciering. Zijn die voorstellen niet aanvaardbaar? Is het de Raad die de ruimte definieert waarbinnen het Europees Parlement mag nadenken? Nee, het Europees Parlement en de Raad zijn medewetgever op gelijke voet en moeten samen en in nauw contact met de Europese Commissie komen tot regels voor het externe optreden van de EIB. Dat vraagt om overleg, om gezamenlijk nadenken, om compromissen, om een open houding van de twee wetgevers. Dan is het onzinnig en contraproductief om "onaanvaardbaar" te zeggen bij voorstellen waarvan het Europees Parlement in grote meerderheid meent dat zij belangrijk zijn. Zo'n ontoegankelijke houding van de Raad, die noem ík onaanvaardbaar. Dat er nu niemand van de Raad aanwezig is, is absurd en tekenend voor die ontoegankelijkheid.

De EIB is een essentieel instrument voor het externe optreden van de EU in de wereld. Voor de ontwikkeling van onze buurlanden is een publieke bank onmisbaar, die met leningen kan bijdragen aan de economische groei en de verbetering van de infrastructuur. Datzelfde geldt voor onze relatie met de ontwikkelingslanden. Ook daar is een publieke bank onmisbaar. Die bank moet dan wel het Verdrag van Lissabon respecteren en de doelstellingen ervan. Armoedebestrijding is zo'n doelstelling. Die opdracht wil het Europees Parlement helder in het externe mandaat van de Bank neerleggen. Ik verwacht van de Raad de open en constructieve houding waarmee wij gezamenlijk tot die verheldering kunnen komen.

  Sylvie Goulard, au nom du groupe ALDE. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Président de la BEI, je voulais insister sur un point.

Lorsque nous avons commencé à travailler sur ce rapport, la nécessité d'investissements à long terme était déjà criante en raison de ce qui s'était passé dans l'Union européenne. La crise a montré que nous avons trop travaillé avec une courte vue, comme aurait dit M. Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa. Nous avons vraiment besoin d'investissements à long terme et votre établissement joue un rôle considérable.

Tout ce qui s'est passé ces derniers temps – et je pense notamment à la rive sud de la Méditerranée, je pense à la prise de conscience, peut-être, d'un certain nombre de difficultés dans nos choix énergétiques –, incite encore plus à vous encourager dans votre travail et à vous soutenir. Vous aurez toujours dans ce Parlement des députés qui sont favorables à l'action que vous menez. Je pense quand même que, comme l'a dit mon collègue Jean-Pierre Audy, il est très important aussi que, au moment où nous avons accru la supervision d'un certain nombre d'établissements, des pas soient faits dans cette direction.

Je veux dire que, pour ma part, tout en étant favorable aux project bonds et à beaucoup d'idées qui circulent en ce moment, je suis très sensible au fait que nous ne nous engouffrions pas dans la solution des partenariats public-privé sans regarder de plus près exactement comment ils sont montés, et quelle sera, in fine, la facture pour les contribuables et pour tous ceux qui y participent. Je crois que ça peut être un outil très utile, mais il y a également des fonds qui, en Europe, se sont mis en place en ce moment – je pense au Fonds Marguerite, au travail des caisses des dépôts qui, par-delà les frontières, ont pris des initiatives – et je voulais donc plaider en faveur de plus d'investissements à long terme et de contrôles qui soient à la hauteur de ce que nous essayons de faire ensemble. Cela me paraît la moindre des choses.

En tout cas, nous vous soutenons et nous voudrions que tous ces derniers événements qui se sont produits incitent à penser plus loin et plus large.

  Pascal Canfin, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, Monsieur le Président de la BEI, vous savez que le groupe des Verts est traditionnellement très attaché à la BEI. Pour nous, c'est un instrument de politique publique tout à fait pertinent, et c'est parce qu'on y est très attaché, qu'on est aussi très exigeant à son égard, et les deux vont de pair.

Notre vision de la BEI est que, finalement, c'est une banque à part entière, ce qui veut dire qu'elle a des contraintes de banque qu'on doit intégrer. Plusieurs de mes collègues ont justement fait référence au fait qu'elle devait peut-être intégrer de nouvelles contraintes liées au secteur bancaire. Et, en même temps, c'est une banque entièrement à part, parce que, justement, c'est de l'argent du contribuable et, si elle est là, c'est pour faire aussi ce que les autres ne font pas. Et c'est pour adopter des règles qui vont au-delà de ce que le secteur privé peut faire.

Je voudrais insister sur quelques points sur lesquels il me semble que la BEI pourrait faire encore mieux, même si des progrès ont été enregistrés ces derniers mois. Le premier élément porte sur la question des paradis fiscaux. C'est un combat extrêmement important pour nous, mais je pense aussi pour une très grande majorité de mes collègues dans cette assemblée. La crise a montré que c'était un élément d'opacité, un élément de fragilisation, de vulnérabilité de l'ensemble du système financier et de l'économie mondiale.

Donc, dans ce rapport, nous avons une majorité du Parlement pour soutenir l'idée que vous devez garantir une transparence encore plus grande sur les prêts que vous attribuez aux entreprises, qui transitent par les paradis fiscaux. Je pense que cette pratique devrait être terminée. Je sais bien que vous avez des contraintes opérationnelles sur le terrain, mais il y a un élément politique qui consiste à dire que, si vous êtes le bras armé de l'Europe, ça veut dire que vous menez des batailles. Si vous menez des batailles, je pense que la bataille contre les paradis fiscaux doit en faire partie.

Et nous, nous souhaiterions évidemment aller plus loin, c'est-à-dire que vous conditionniez les prêts de la BEI aux entreprises qui ne sont pas présentes sur l'ensemble de la chaîne de valeurs dans les paradis fiscaux, qui sont au minimum sur la liste noire de l'OCDE, celle-ci étant en cours de révision.

Le deuxième élément sur lequel on voulait vous interpeler, c'est la question du contrôle et de la gouvernance. Sylvie Goulard vient d'en parler, je pense qu'il faut élargir le choix, la responsabilité collective de façon à ce que le choix des projets, qui engagent l'argent du contribuable, soit fait de manière la plus démocratique, la plus transparente possible.

Le troisième élément concerne la mesure du bénéfice de votre action. Vous le mesurez aussi en termes financiers, bien évidemment. Vous êtes une banque à part entière – comme je le disais tout à l'heure –, cela veut dire que vous avez des enjeux en termes de rapport risque-rentabilité. Mais vous cherchez aussi – et c'est pour ça que l'argent public est mobilisé – d'autres bénéfices. Vous cherchez des bénéfices en termes de cohésion sociale, en termes de lutte contre la pauvreté, en termes de protection de l'environnement. Et je pense que vous pouvez encore progresser dans le reporting, dans la mesure de ces bénéfices extra-financiers, qui sont au cœur-même de votre action et de votre légitimité. Et je pense qu'il ne faut pas opposer les bénéfices financiers et les bénéfices extra-financiers, mais avoir un bilan qui soit le plus large possible, qui ne soit pas restreint aux questions purement monétaires et financières.

Enfin, le dernier élément de mon intervention portera sur le changement climatique. Il est précisément écrit dans le rapport que vous devez poursuivre l'ensemble des objectifs de l'UE. Un des objectifs officiels de l'Union européenne, c'est le fait de réduire de 80 % les émissions de gaz à effet de serre en 2050. Cela ne sera pas possible si on continue de financer des centrales au charbon, qui ont une durée de vie de quarante ans et qui émettent énormément de CO2.

(L'orateur accepte de répondre à une question "carton bleu" (article 140, paragraphe 8, du règlement))

  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD). - Mr President, has Mr Canfin considered that the use of the EIB as a public policy instrument, which is what he and his party advocate, will be at the direct financial cost of EU taxpayers, and in particular British taxpayers? Has he considered this at all?

  Pascal Canfin (Verts/ALE). - Ma réponse sera très simple. Je pense que la BEI a coûté beaucoup moins cher au contribuable britannique que d'autres banques britanniques tout ce qu'il y a de plus privé, et je pense que l'intérêt général, tout comme l'intérêt du contribuable britannique, est bien mieux servi par la BEI que par d'autres banques britanniques que le contribuable a dû sauver.

  Kay Swinburne, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, Parliament has spent many hours in this Chamber discussing how to make the European Supervisory Authorities responsible for our financial services into the most transparent and accountable of organisations. The result has been to establish ESAs, which are fully scrutinised by this Parliament. However, in this new age of accountability after the financial crisis and in the light of the changes brought about by the Lisbon Treaty, we need to establish comparable levels of oversight and scrutiny of existing EU institutions, including the EIB.

Given how central the role of the EIB has become in financing EU Member States’ strategies and EU overseas activity, it is now time to improve the level of accountability of its activities to this Parliament. The loan book and the general banking and lending activities of the EIB need to be assessed in the same way as we would assess our commercial banks. They need to be subjected to rigorous stress testing and all financial activities need to remain on balance sheet. When leverage or risk is employed we should be sanctioning the risk limits, as ultimately any default means that it is the taxpayer who will pay again. It is time for this Parliament to seek a closer role in scrutinising the activities of the EIB, especially as the Bank’s role increases in developing new financial instruments.

  Jürgen Klute, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, Herr Maystadt, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Kernaufgabe der EIB ist es, die Ziele der EU durch langfristige Finanzierung tragfähiger Investitionen zu fördern. Damit ist auch gesagt, dass die EIB an den Wertekanon der EU gebunden ist, also an Sozialstandards, an Transparenz und an hohe Umweltstandards – eben an die Entwicklung einer nachhaltigen Wirtschaft und an die Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen. Von NGO, die sich vor Ort mit der Umsetzung von EIB-finanzierten Projekten befassen, hören wir jedoch, dass die Einhaltung dieser Standards keineswegs durchgängig sichergestellt ist. Das ist auch von anderen Rednern schon angesprochen worden. Kritisiert wird von den NGO der Mangel an Transparenz hinsichtlich der Art und Weise, wie Darlehen EU-weit und weltweit überwacht werden, wie sie benutzt werden und wie die Finanzmittler der EIB darüber Bericht erstatten. Wie weit ist diese Kritik der EIB bekannt, und inwieweit geht die EIB diesen Kritiken eigentlich nach? Das ist unsere Frage dazu.

Aus unserer Sicht gibt es jedenfalls plausible Forderungen von NGO an die EIB, die Kreditvergabe durch Finanzmittler transparenter zu gestalten und eindeutigere Finanzierungsbedingungen für Finanzmittler sowie Effizienzkriterien für die Kreditvergabe auszuarbeiten. Zur Verbesserung der Transparenz schlagen NGO weiterhin die Offenlegung von Umwelt- und Finanzinformationen über EIB-finanzierte Projekte vor, bevor sie genehmigt werden. Insbesondere EIB-Projekte in Drittländern sollten unabhängigen Nachhaltigkeitsprüfungen unterworfen werden, um wirtschaftliche, soziale und ökologische Folgen des jeweiligen Projektes zu ermitteln.

Es scheint aber nicht nur Probleme mit Blick auf die Transparenz zu geben. Auch die Überwachung der Einhaltung der EU-Standards in den Bereichen Umwelt, Soziales und Beschaffungswesen werden von NGO kritisiert. Eine strikte Überwachung der Einhaltung dieser Standards sollte bei allen Finanzoperationen der EIB selbstverständlich sein. Projekte, die diesen Standards nicht entsprechen, sollten von einer Förderung ausgeschlossen bleiben.

Zum Abschluss noch eine Anmerkung zum Thema Energiepolitik. Die Förderung nachhaltiger und sicherer Energieversorgung gehört erfreulicherweise bereits heute zu den aktuellen Zielen der EIB. Angesichts der Reaktorkatastrophe in Fukushima müssen die Förderung einer zukunftsfähigen, regenerierbaren, CO2-freien und atomfreien Energieerzeugung sowie die Förderung von Energieeffizienz in allen Investitionsbereichen der EIB höchste Priorität erhalten.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ zu beantworten (Artikel 149 Absatz 8 GO).)

  Hans-Peter Martin (NI). - Herr Präsident! Der Präsident der EIB hat ja ausgeführt, dass aus seiner visionären Sicht die EIB neben China zu einer Schlagkraft in der dritten Welt werden könnte. Sie haben jetzt verschiedenste Kritikpunkte über diese Entwicklungszusammenarbeit vorgebracht. Können Sie da bitte etwas konkreter werden, und was halten Sie von dieser Grundvorstellung, dass die EIB sehr wohl als Ergänzung oder Gegenmacht zu dem, was die Chinesen in der Dritten Welt unternehmen, ein taugliches Instrument wäre?

  Jürgen Klute (GUE/NGL). - Herr Präsident! Ich denke, dass es jetzt vom Zeitvolumen her schwierig ist, im Detail darauf einzugehen. Mir liegen aber eine ganze Menge Berichte von NGO vor, die ich gerne zur Verfügung stellen kann. Ich denke, dass sie auch der EIB bekannt sind. In diesen Berichten ist davon die Rede, wie in einigen afrikanischen und asiatischen Ländern Entwicklungshilfe vor Ort von der EIB unterstützt wird, und es wird darin auch entsprechende Kritik geübt. Ich kann die Berichte gerne zur Verfügung stellen, die Frage aber im Detail hier nicht beantworten.

  Godfrey Bloom, on behalf of the EFD Group. – Mr President, I rise before the House today to mention one or two things which might perhaps be of help. I spent 35 years as an investment banker, investment manager, investment adviser and economic strategist, and I never bought a dud bank in my life. I never bought a dud bank for my clients, but over the past few years I have had the politicians and bureaucrats put a gun to my head, as a taxpayer, and make me buy more dud banks than you could shake a stick at. These are not even British dud banks, they are foreign dud banks, and I hear today that the British taxpayer is being asked to fork out for Portugal.

If I want to invest overseas, I will buy an emerging markets fund. I do not want a form of nationalised Mickey Mouse bank investing my money or that of my constituents by force. I say ‘Mickey Mouse bank’, Mr Maystadt, because all I have heard from you so far is how you are going to invest money to change the weather. I have never heard so much nonsense in my life. I do not know where you get your advice from, but statistically the weather has not actually changed for about 15 or 16 years, so what are you going to shovel all this money into?

I do not want to invest in your bank and neither do the British people. I would counsel you, if you want to keep your AAA status, to ignore the pleas of this House – full of eccentrics, greenies and bored housewives – in particular in relation to paragraph 48 of the report. Solar panels in the land of the wildebeest, giraffe and bongo drum will lose you your AAA rating in no time at all.

  Hans-Peter Martin (NI). - Herr Präsident! Es gehört ja schon eine gewaltige Fähigkeit zur Realitätsverdrängung dazu, wenn man den Ausführungen des Redners aus Großbritannien gerade zugehört hat und die tatsächliche Entwicklung der Finanzmärkte und der Banken, in die angeblich so viel Vertrauen zu investieren ist, in den letzten Jahren beobachtet hat.

Konkret: Die EIB ist ein wichtiges Instrument in drei Bereichen. Ich denke, dass die Ausführungen von Herrn Klute in eine Strategie draußen in der Welt einzubeziehen sind. Es ist verheerend zu beobachten, wie chinesische Investoren, Staatsinvestoren, immer mehr auch politische Systeme dadurch unterminieren, dass sie vor Ort mit ein paar Brückenbauwerken vertreten sind. Und wenn man fragt, wo der Beitrag der Europäischen Union ist, bekommt man praktisch nichts zu sehen. Ich denke, dass Sie auf diesem Kurs weitermachen sollten.

Punkt zwei betrifft sicherlich die kleinen und mittleren Betriebe, die gerade von den traditionellen, nur auf Gewinnmaximierung ausgerichteten Banken sträflich vernachlässigt werden.

Drittens natürlich der Bereich der Energiewende: Da könnten Sie vermutlich einiges tun mit dem Rückenwind – so bitter das ist –, der jetzt aufgrund der Reaktorkatastrophe in Japan hier in Europa vorhanden ist.

  Jean-Paul Gauzès (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, Monsieur le Président de la BEI, après les propos que je viens d'entendre, qui ne sont pas dignes de cet hémicycle, je voudrais vous dire que pour une majorité d'entre nous, l'action de la BEI est très positive. Les améliorations apportées par le traité de Lisbonne donnent de nouvelles marges d'action, qui doivent lui permettre d'améliorer encore son efficacité et d'apporter des réponses pertinentes face à la crise financière mondiale.

La BEI apporte, vous l'avez souligné, un soutien réel aux entreprises, petites et moyennes, et une contribution déterminante à l'objectif de convergence de la politique de cohésion de l'Union européenne. Ces actions doivent être poursuivies et, autant que faire se peut, amplifiées.

L'intervention de la BEI doit être accrue pour les investissements stratégiques en Europe et, à cet égard, je voudrais vous inviter à apporter un soutien à ceux qui ont pris des initiatives en matière d'amélioration du financement à long terme, et notamment la caisse des dépôts, la cassa dei depositi, KfW. Je crois qu'il faut leur apporter un soutien parce que la réglementation bancaire et la réglementation comptable, telles qu'elles sont élaborées aujourd'hui, ne favorisent pas la prise en compte de l'investissement à long terme et pénalisent ceux qui se lancent dans ces investissements. Et contrairement à ce qui est souvent affirmé, il faut des modifications, et non pas simplement des adaptations. Le financement à long terme est, vous l'avez dit aussi, indispensable pour créer un nouvel horizon à l'Europe.

En dehors de l'Union européenne, vous avez raison de dire que la BEI doit être un élément moteur et doit, à cet égard, proposer des initiatives, notamment pour le financement des pays de la Méditerranée. Dans le contexte actuel des bouleversements qui affectent bon nombre de ces pays, la BEI peut, par ses financements ciblés, utilement concourir au développement économique dans le cadre de l'Union pour la Méditerranée et contribuer ainsi à la civilisation démocratique de ces pays dont l'avenir est encore incertain.

J'ai noté à cet égard votre disponibilité si la demande en est faite par l'Union, et j'espère que l'Union en fera la demande.

  Antolín Sánchez Presedo (S&D). - Señor Presidente, señor Presidente del Banco Europeo de Inversiones, señor Comisario, estimados colegas, quisiera, en primer lugar, felicitar al Sr. Cutaş por su magnífico informe.

El Banco Europeo de Inversiones tiene que hacer más, mejor y más rápido. Si tiene un papel importante en facilitar financiación al desarrollo de proyectos en todos los sectores de la economía, en interés de la Unión Europea, su responsabilidad se ha acrecentado con la crisis.

La crisis ha ocasionado dificultades para acceder al crédito y ha subrayado la necesidad de una reorientación profunda de nuestro modelo económico. El papel del BEI es crítico. Para acometerlo, debe mantener una elevada solvencia y condiciones financieras sólidas que le permitan acceder en buenas condiciones a recursos en los mercados de capitales, y contar con instrumentos que posibiliten realizar proyectos necesarios que, de otro modo, no serían financiados por los bancos comerciales y cuya realización toparía con dificultades en la búsqueda de condiciones favorables.

Es positivo que, durante el año 2009, el BEI haya incrementado en un 40 % su acción, en un 55 % la financiación para las PYME, en un 36 % la dirigida a regiones menos avanzadas, y en un 73 % la dedicada a la lucha contra el cambio climático y a la eficiencia energética.

Sin embargo, queda mucho por hacer y se necesita todavía una financiación sostenible, a largo plazo, para posibilitar los objetivos estratégicos de la Unión Europea. La crisis ha disminuido la disponibilidad de este tipo de financiación.

Por eso es necesario promover los eurobonos. Es necesario realizar nuevos instrumentos y aportar nuevos desarrollos en el ámbito de la ingeniería financiera y establecer una plataforma con otras instituciones financieras internacionales. Esto debe ir acompañado de una mejora de su propia gobernanza y de una revisión de su mandato interno. En definitiva, ha de ser un buen puente para unir las inversiones con las necesidades de la Unión Europea.

  James Elles (ECR). - Mr President, I rise as a British representative who believes we should be in the European Union and changing it. Mr Bloom, on behalf of the UK Independence Party, does not represent the British people. His party has no representatives in the House of Commons and no hope of putting any there in the foreseeable future.

(Applause)

I think that in this particular debate we are looking at pragmatic politics and seeing how to obtain value for money for European citizens in relation to scarce resources. I congratulate the President of the European Investment Bank on the work he has done over many years to build the credibility of that institution. My questions relate to the matter of project bonds.

When the document arrives in June, will you be submitting a text separate from that of the Commission, so that we can have your views when we are preparing the multiannual financial perspective, or will everything be put together?

Will these funds potentially be project bonds for purposes outside the Union, or will they simply be the project bonds for transport and other things that the Commissioner has mentioned?

Lastly, and perhaps most importantly, will we be able to consider making savings in the structural funds and the Cohesion Fund, given that you are providing supplementary finance for infrastructure, because that will be a key question when we are dealing with a potential freeze on the financial perspective up to 2020?

  Claudio Morganti (EFD). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la relazione sull'attività della BEI mette in luce alcuni punti significativi e apprezzabili, a cominciare dalla necessità di concentrare sempre maggiori sforzi in funzione di un più facile accesso al credito per le piccole e medie imprese. Valuto positivamente anche il riferimento ai project bond, che ritengo uno strumento utile per la crescita e lo sviluppo di un settore strategico come quello delle infrastrutture.

Mi lascia invece alquanto perplesso la parte relativa all'azione esterna della BEI, per la quale si chiede l'utilizzo di più risorse umane e finanziarie. Nella relazione 2009 della BEI sono indicati i paesi beneficiari di tali prestiti e noto con disappunto che è la Turchia a fare la parte del leone con quasi 1/3 del totale concesso a tutti gli Stati extra-UE. Questa cifra rappresenta inoltre poco più di 1/4 di quanto concesso all'Italia, uno dei principali azionisti della BEI, che necessiterebbe anch'essa in grande misura di prestiti e agevolazioni. Considero quindi assurda questa sproporzione e ritengo inaccettabile che vengano concesse enormi risorse a un paese come la Turchia, che è al di fuori dell'Unione e che tale, a mio avviso, dovrà sempre e comunque rimanere.

  Димитър Стоянов (NI). - Г-н Председател, първо бих искал да кажа, че рядко в този парламент може да се види толкова кратък, точен и ясен доклад по даден въпрос. Ролята на Европейската инвестиционна банка за развитието на Европа е несъмнено основна и много важна. Но бих искал да направя няколко забележки по доклада и по това, което беше казано тук в залата.

На първо място, аз подкрепям във вътрешно отношение политиката на Европейската инвестиционна банка за развитието на малките и средните предприятия. Смятам, че тази точка е много по-важна за Европа отколкото изменението на климата и банката трябва да съсредоточи своите усилия именно там, а не толкова в развитието на зелените технологии. Въпреки, че то също ще бъде развито, ако бъдат подпомогнати малките и средни предприятия.

Освен това във вътрешно отношение съм съгласен и с мнението на Комисията по бюджетен контрол за един евентуален надзор от страна на Европейския банков орган, който е новият орган за подобни дейности.

И накрая, данните, които г-н Morganti изнесе току що, са много притеснителни и съм съгласен също така с изказаното мнение, че специално за външните инвестиции е редно да има и парламентарен контрол, защото е недопустимо външни страни да получават повече от европейските пари, отколкото получават самите европейски страни.

  Alfredo Pallone (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sono pienamente d'accordo con il collega Gauzès. La Banca europea per gli investimenti ha sempre svolto un ruolo chiave e importante nello sviluppo dell'Unione. Il suo ruolo e la sua azione risultano ancora più fondamentali in un momento di crisi come quello attuale.

Le recenti riforme in campo di governance economica, legate agli effetti della crisi, potrebbero portare a minori stanziamenti da parte degli Stati per progetti importanti come la creazione di infrastrutture strategiche per lo sviluppo dell'intera Unione, come ad esempio le TEN-T per il trasporto ferroviario.

Concordo con l'iniziativa della Commissione europea di dare vita ai project bond, quelle obbligazioni legate a un progetto che rappresentano un'ottima soluzione per reperire credito e sostenere infrastrutture di cui l'Europa ha bisogno per modernizzarsi e per sfruttare al meglio il potenziale del mercato interno. Il ruolo della BEI nell'emissione e gestione di queste obbligazioni è dunque fondamentale.

La relazione invita ad aumentare i finanziamenti a favore delle piccole e medie imprese e concordo quando si afferma che l'attività della BEI deve essere mirata e orientata al risultato. Signor Presidente, mi consenta però di dire che sono emerse però alcune criticità legate all'attività della Banca. In particolare, vorrei farle rilevare che spesso molte PMI non riescono a beneficiare delle opportunità fornite, in quanto i progetti finanziati richiedono ingenti risorse e strutture, impedendo di fatto alle medie e piccole imprese di poter partecipare.

Un altro problema è poi relativo ai tempi delle procedure, spesso farraginose e burocratiche e poco consone alle attività e alle esigenze del settore. Non voglio ricordare quanto queste aziende siano importanti per il nostro tessuto socioeconomico e auspico pertanto che si attui un dialogo con le piccole e medie imprese per velocizzare le procedure per sburocratizzare al massimo la situazione.

La BEI può e deve avere un ruolo importante nella gestione dei recenti accadimenti del Mediterraneo. L'Europa infatti deve anche pensare oltre l'emergenza e attuare una strategia a lungo termine per far sì che gli aiuti e gli investimenti vadano realizzati in loco, e con scelte condivise, per la democrazia e per lo sviluppo dell'economia sociale e di mercato.

  Olle Ludvigsson (S&D). - Herr talman! Jag skulle vilja lyfta fram två huvudpoänger i detta betänkande. För det första har Europeiska investeringsbanken en central roll inom EU 2020-strategin. Inte minst gäller detta investeringar i grön infrastruktur. För att den europeiska ekonomin ska kunna bli stark och hållbar krävs större satsningar på järnvägar och hamnar. Det måste dessutom bindas samman med vägnät i effektiva transportnav. Infrastrukturen måste göras till en väl fungerande helhet. Europeiska investeringsbanken bör bli ännu aktivare på dessa nyckelområden. Detta förutsätter ett nytänkande när det gäller flexibla finansieringslösningar. Europeiska projektobligationer är ett utmärkt steg i rätt riktning, men dessa bör kompletteras med ytterligare några nya finansieringsalternativ. Framför allt ser jag en möjlighet att utveckla modellen där europeiska, nationella, regionala och lokala nivåer samverkar på ett mer produktivt sätt.

För det andra har Europeiska investeringsbanken en viktig roll i EU:s utvecklingspolitik. Här finns klara förbättringspotentialer. Bankens verksamhet bör göras mer transparent, få en starkare lokal förankring samt ges ett tydligare fokus på de övergripande målen för unionens utvecklingssamarbete. Miljö- fattigdoms- och utvecklingsaspekter bör alltid finnas med i bilden när investeringsbanken fattar beslut.

  Struan Stevenson (ECR). - Mr President, the EIB is providing up to EUR 1 billion for the construction of wind turbines and other renewable energy projects in the UK. While this fits neatly within the strategy to fight climate change, I am alarmed that the current criteria governing EIB funding lack transparency and accountability when it comes to the examination and due diligence of these projects. EUR 6 billion has been provided for wind farm developments across the EU, according to Mr Maystadt, but the EIB simply accepts the applications for funding from the governments concerned without scrutiny. I do not think that is good enough.

Renewable energy companies in the UK claim that their turbines have a load factor of 30%. In fact, over the whole of last year their load factor was only 21%. They do not work when the weather is coldest and demand for electricity is at its peak. They are not economically viable and they will double or treble electricity prices for consumers while failing to cut CO2 emissions. This is an unfolding financial scandal, and the EIB should stop funding wind energy.

  Mairead McGuinness (PPE). - Mr President, could I just thank James Elles for his observations in relation to the comments made by Mr Bloom and suggest to my UKIP colleagues that, if they do want to make a point or have a disagreement with colleagues, they do not need to insult us to make that point. Mr Bloom described Members as eccentrics, greenies and bored housewives; I would suggest that he tells us what category he falls into.

Now to my more substantive point about the European Investment Bank. Ireland has benefitted, through funding for SMEs, but perhaps the President would comment – or others may comment – on how accessible that funding is, because announcements are made and SMEs are enthused by these announcements, but when they go to look for the credit line, it can be extremely difficult to access it. I do think this is an issue of practical importance to the SME sector and I would like a response on this matter.

  Jaroslav Paška (EFD) - Európska investičná banka bola zriadená s cieľom podporovať ciele a politiky Európskej únie v rámci Únie, ako aj v zahraničí. Banka sa financuje sama prostredníctvom dlhopisov, za ktoré ručia členské štáty Únie.

Pán spravodajca Cutaş nás upozornil, že záruky rozpočtu Európskej únie za aktivity Investičnej banky dosiahli na konci roka 2009 objem takmer 20 miliárd EUR, čo je hodne aj pre možnosti Európskej únie, a preto Parlament, myslím si, oprávnene očakáva vysvetlenie rizík spojených s týmto záväzkom. Rovnako by bolo dobré vedieť viac o spôsobe využitia úrokov z poskytnutých úverov a o administratívnych poplatkoch získaných z rozpočtu Európskej únie.

Európska investičná banka sa zodpovedá členským štátom Únie, Dvoru audítorov, ako aj úradu OLAF. Návrh zavedenia potenciálneho regulačného dohľadu, ktorý by dohliadal aj na kvalitu financií, finančnej situácie, na presné meranie výsledkov či na dodržiavanie pravidiel osvedčených postupov obsiahnutých v správe pána poslanca Cutaşa, sa mi javí ako podnetný, a preto by som Európskej komisii odporúčal, aby sa jeho zriadením v záujme väčšej transparentnosti pri nakladaní s prostriedkami Európskej únie vážne zaoberala.

  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Aş dori să îl felicit şi eu pe colegul meu, domnul Cutaş, pentru realizarea unui raport foarte bine structurat.

Activitatea Băncii Europene de Investiţii trebuie să fie mai bine direcţionată, selectivă şi orientată către rezultate concrete. Banca trebuie să se asocieze cu intermediari financiari responsabili şi transparenţi. Este nevoie de o majorare semnificativă a investiţiilor europene strategice pe termen lung. Trebuie să ne concentrăm pe infrastructură şi coeziune la nivel european. Salut faptul că banca se concentrează pe domeniile cele mai afectate de criză, IMM-urile, regiunile de convergenţă şi acţiunile privind clima.

Referitor la împrumuturile acordate, BEI trebuie să aplice o politică activă de informare prin intermediul site-ului său. Accentul trebuie pus pe sumele plătite, numărul de transferuri efectuate şi regiunile care au beneficiat de aceste fonduri.

  Antonio Cancian (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, di fronte a questa crisi economica, di fronte a questa crisi sul Mediterraneo, di fronte a questa crisi energetica – si veda il caso del Giappone per quanto riguarda il nucleare – credo che la BEI, il braccio operativo di questa politica, abbia una funzione importantissima. Credo che la BEI debba agire all'interno dell'Europa e debba agire fuori dell'Europa. Oggi abbiamo il Mediterraneo a disposizione in un nuovo piano importante che bisogna avviare in questo prossimo periodo.

Attraverso quali meccanismi? Attraverso nuovi meccanismi finanziari quali, come noi abbiamo ripetuto più volte, i project bond. Signor Commissario, ci dica qualcosa di più sulla tempistica e sui modi di attuazione di questi project bond.

Al Presidente della BEI volevo chiedere: che fine ha fatto quel fondo creato dai residui del Recovery Plan che abbiamo avviato qualche mese fa? Siccome in questo momento particolare il tempo è fondamentale, ci dica qualcosa su questo principio, oltre al Fondo Marguerite, che non so che fine ha fatto. Per quanto riguarda questi fondi, che dovrebbero attivare e rilanciare l'economia, in questo momento è molto importante la tempistica, il timing di attuazione.

  Alfreds Rubiks (GUE/NGL). - Priekšsēdētāj! Manuprāt, iesniegtais 2009. gada bankas pārskats būtu atbalstāms un apstiprināms. Runājot par nākotni, es piekrītu daudziem, kas te uzstājās. No savas puses domāju, ka būtu vērtīgi veikt stratēģiskas pārdomas un analīzi par investīciju finansēšanu, neizslēdzot tai skaitā subsīdijas, EIB kapitālā iemaksāto dalībvalstu līdzekļu atmaksāšanu, aizdevumus, inovatīvos instrumentus, finanšu plānošanu un pārvaldību, kas virzīta uz tādiem ilgtermiņa projektiem, kuri nesniedz tūlītējus rezultātus, kā arī garantiju shēmu pilnveidošanu, investīciju iedaļas izveidi Savienības budžetā, finanšu konsorciju starp Eiropas, valsts, vietējām iestādēm, politisku un publisko partnerību, kā arī citas iespējas. Tas dos vēl augstāku kvalitāti bankas darbībai. Paldies!

  Iosif Matula (PPE). - Concentrarea investiţiilor BEI în regiunile de convergenţă, în IMM-uri şi în acţiunile ce privesc combaterea schimbărilor climatice răspunde efectelor crizei în domeniile cele mai afectate.

Regiunile de convergenţă beneficiază de sprijinul substanţial al BEI. Împrumuturile pentru programele structurale au rolul de a creşte absorbţia, de a eficientiza şi multiplica resursele suportului financiar european, în special în regiunile care se confruntă cu rate scăzute ale accesării fondurilor. Iniţiativele comune ale BEI şi ale Comisiei în sprijinul convergenţei au urmărit promovarea accesului IMM-urilor la finanţare, dezvoltarea microcreditelor în vederea creşterii economice şi crearea de locuri de muncă şi suportul pentru investiţii durabile în zonele urbane. Instrumentele de finanţare JESSICA, JEREMIE şi JASPERS au prezentat un real interes. Datorită succesului utilizării lor, susţin extinderea domeniului de aplicare şi identificarea unor produse financiare inovative în viitor.

Îl felicit pe domnul Cutaş pentru excelentul raport prezentat.

  Werner Kuhn (PPE). - Herr Präsident, verehrter Herr Präsident der Europäischen Investitionsbank! Diese Debatte ist sehr wichtig für die Volkswirtschaften in unseren Mitgliedstaaten. Es hat sich gezeigt, dass die Länder, die eine gesunde Struktur zwischen großen Konzernen und kleinen und mittelständischen Unternehmen haben, am besten aus der Krise herausgekommen sind. Wenn ich das auf Deutschland projiziere, heißt das, dass wir in der Situation mit 70 % kleinen und mittelständischen Unternehmen in der Volkswirtschaft auch die entsprechende Beschäftigtenzahl haben, dass wir die entsprechenden Ausbildungsplätze zur Verfügung stellen können.

Dieses Signal muss auch an die jeweiligen Banken in den Mitgliedstaaten gehen, dass hier Investitionen leichter verlaufen können, Erweiterungen von kleinen und mittelständischen Betrieben möglich sind, und dass die Europäische Investitionsbank hier Unterstützung leistet. Das ist sehr wichtig, damit wir in unseren Volkswirtschaften wieder Wachstum bekommen, damit wir gegenüber dem amerikanischen und dem südostasiatischen Handelsplatz wettbewerbsfähig werden. Deshalb finde ich diese Initiative der Europäischen Investitionsbank von größter Bedeutung. Aber sie muss auch Wirkung zeigen, damit hier Wachstum entsteht, damit wir aus der Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise herauskommen.

  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Mr President, several honourable Members referred to the issue of proper regulatory supervision. I would like to assure them that the Commission is giving careful consideration to the question of EIB regulatory supervision. Indeed, there is a need for an appropriate supervision framework to ensure that the EIB’s excellent credit standing can be preserved at all times. However, the supranational nature of the EIB and the EIB statutory provisions, which form part of the Treaty, should be taken properly into account.

The EIB has recently taken concrete steps to address the situation, in particular through the enforcement of its audit committee, which has significant banking supervisory experience. In addition to this, since the EIB has been granted refinancing from the ECB, it complies also with the necessary reporting requirements vis-à-vis the ECB.

On the other hand, we believe that the European banking authority and the ECB cannot ensure the regulatory supervision of the EIB but, of course, we will not rule out the possibility for the EIB to fund other types of arrangements based on a voluntary approach by the EIB with other bodies.

As regards cooperation and the role of the Commission in cooperation with the EIB, here I would like to underline that the Commission already has a significant role in the governance of the EIB in that it delivers an opinion on all EIB loans, on own resources, and has representatives sitting on the board of directors of the EIB. I can assure you that cooperation between the Commission and the EIB is exemplary and excellent.

As regards the supervision of the external EU programmes and the related discharge procedures, apart from the EIB activities under the aegis of the European Development Fund, meaning mostly the ACP investment facility, which are carried out under the specific EDF financial regulation, we are not aware of any other EU budget activity carried out in combination with EIB resources which are not subject to the usual discharge procedure.

In response to Mrs Hübner, of course we fully agree with the calls to maximise the potential of the EIB by opening new leverages for increasing the potential to offer credits and help SMEs, especially at this time of post-financial crisis and pressure on credits. Therefore, we are also looking for innovative approaches on how to do this. I would just like to remind the House that the EU Financial Regulation has recently been modified to recognise explicitly this call for innovative instruments. We are already using it, especially in the programmes that are oriented towards financing research and innovation. I am sure that with the experience gathered from this project the innovative financing tools can be used in other areas as well.

  Philippe Maystadt, Président de la BEI. − Monsieur le Président, je remercie tous les intervenants pour leurs commentaires, même si j'ai trouvé que l'un d'entre eux était particulièrement erroné. Je ne peux évidemment pas, dans le temps qui m'est imparti, répondre en détail à toutes les questions fort intéressantes qui ont été soulevées. Je pense que certaines d'entre elles pourraient faire l'objet d'un examen plus approfondi en commission.

Il y a, notamment, la question importante soulevée par Mme Hübner. Si vous souhaitez que la BEI puisse vraiment apporter une contribution significative à la mise en œuvre de la stratégie Europe 2020, notamment par le développement d'instruments conjoints avec la Commission, il faut évidemment que le cadre réglementaire le permette. Tandis que vous discutez actuellement du nouveau projet de réglementation financière, je pense que vous devez être attentifs pour assurer, qu'en effet, la Banque européenne d'investissement sera en mesure d'apporter cette contribution. La proposition qui a été faite par la Commission nous paraît, de ce point de vue là, tout à fait appropriée. Encore faut-il que le Conseil et le Parlement acceptent la proposition de la Commission. Mais donc, vous avez un rôle à jouer dans l'examen de la réglementation financière.

Je pense qu'un examen plus approfondi serait également intéressant pour d'autres questions qui ont été soulevées: la question des paradis fiscaux, qui a retenu l'attention de M. Canfin. Je peux lui confirmer que la Banque européenne d'investissement a, à cet égard, une politique plus stricte que les autres institutions financières internationales, ce qui explique d'ailleurs que, récemment, nous avons dû refuser de cofinancer, avec la Banque africaine de développement ou avec la Banque mondiale ou avec la BERD, certains projets parce qu'ils ne remplissaient pas les critères plus stricts que nous avons à cet égard.

Et je peux en tout cas dire à M. Canfin qu'il est exclu que nous financions un promoteur qui serait situé dans un pays qui se trouverait sur la liste noire de l'OCDE, mais je suis tout à fait disposé à examiner cette question plus en détail, de même que des questions soulevées par M. Klute, notamment à propos des crédits aux petites et moyennes entreprises et de la transparence à cet égard. Je pense qu'il n'y a pas beaucoup d'institutions financières qui sont disposées à donner autant d'informations sur les allocations aux petites et moyennes entreprises, et je souligne que le nombre de petites et moyennes entreprises qui ont effectivement bénéficié des crédits fournis par la Banque européenne d'investissement aux banques intermédiaires a sensiblement augmenté. Il était de plus de 60 000 petites entreprises en 2010.

Je voudrais souligner trois caractéristiques qui font de la Banque européenne d'investissement une institution assez unique. La première, c'est que, contrairement à ce qui a été dit par l'un d'entre vous, nous n'utilisons pas l'argent des contribuables.

− To be clear, we do not ask the UK taxpayer for one single cent.

Nous n'utilisons pas l'argent des contribuables, nous utilisons les ressources que nous prélevons tous les jours sur les marchés financiers du monde entier. Et c'est d'ailleurs la raison pour laquelle il est essentiel que nous conservions la notation triple A. Nous empruntons en Asie et aux États-Unis, et avec les ressources ainsi collectées, nous pouvons financer des projets à de bonnes conditions. Le seul impact budgétaire, c'est la garantie qui est donnée concernant le risque politique pour la mise en œuvre du mandat extérieur que le Conseil et le Parlement nous donnent. Là, il y a en effet une garantie qui a un coût provisoire sur le budget européen, puisqu'on provisionne 9 % du total des prêts faits sur la base du mandat extérieur - on provisionne d'ailleurs deux ans après le premier déboursement – et, bien entendu, cette provision diminue au fur et à mesure du remboursement. Donc, comme, dans les faits, nous ne faisons pas appel à la garantie, en fin de compte, le coût pour le budget européen est nul. Zéro! Donc, il faut bien voir que nous ne sommes pas une institution qui coûte au contribuable, c'est clair.

Deuxième caractéristique: nous sommes la seule institution financière qui est proprement européenne; dont les actionnaires sont tous les États membres et uniquement les États membres de l'Union européenne. Nous sommes la seule institution financière qui soit légalement obligée, aux termes du traité, de soutenir financièrement les objectifs politiques de l'Union européenne. Nous sommes d'ailleurs la seule institution financière qui ne puisse financer un projet que s'il a reçu, au préalable, l'avis favorable de la Commission européenne. Et la Commission européenne rend cet avis après un examen par tous les services, par toutes les directions générales, de la concurrence à l'environnement. Nous sommes donc tenus d'appliquer strictement les règles et les politiques européennes. Nous sommes soumis au contrôle de la Cour des comptes dans la mesure prévue par l'accord tripartite. Nous sommes en coopération constante avec l'OLAF, et j'ajoute que nous sommes sur le point d'accepter la supervision de la nouvelle Autorité bancaire de supervision européenne. En tout cas, du côté de la Banque européenne d'investissement, nous serions tout à fait heureux d'être soumis officiellement à une forme de supervision bancaire. Nous le faisons d'une manière indirecte, notamment en associant à notre comité de vérification des personnes qui ont l'expérience de la supervision bancaire. Mais je le confirme une fois de plus, nous sommes tout à fait ouverts à une supervision en bonne et due forme par cette nouvelle autorité européenne.

Et, enfin, la troisième caractéristique que je voudrais souligner pour conclure, c'est que la Banque européenne d'investissement est assez unique aussi par le type d'expertise qu'elle a développée. Nous sommes – et c'est rare pour une banque – une institution qui emploie en permanence plus d'une centaine d'ingénieurs, plus une série de consultants spécialisés.

Dans certains domaines, nous avons une expérience, une expertise qui est d'ailleurs reconnue. J'en veux pour preuve que nous sommes appelés à donner des conseils techniques pour des projets que nous ne pouvons pas financer parce qu'ils sont situés dans une région en dehors de notre mandat. Je pense donc qu'il serait dommage de ne pas utiliser cette expertise. Dans certains domaines, comme les transports urbains, l'efficacité énergétique, le cycle de l'eau, le soutien aux PME, il est clair que la BEI a développé une expertise qui est assez unique. J'en conclus donc qu'il serait dommage de ne pas exploiter à fond ce potentiel, et ceci dans une coopération peut-être plus systématique et plus structurée avec le Parlement européen.

On a posé des questions tout à fait légitimes. Si nous finançons davantage en Turquie, c'est simplement parce que c'est notre mandat, décidé conjointement par le Conseil et le Parlement, qui nous a donné pour mission de financer davantage dans les pays candidats, ce qui veut dire qu'effectivement, nous finançons proportionnellement plus en Turquie et en Croatie que dans d'autres pays. Nous sommes là pour mettre en œuvre les mandats qui nous sont donnés par les autorités européennes, en particulier par le Conseil et le Parlement. Je pense donc que cela justifierait peut-être, sous une forme plus structurée, une coopération systématique avec le Parlement européen.

(Applaudissements)

  George Sabin Cutaş, Raportor. − Aş vrea în primul rând să mulţumesc tuturor celor care au intervenit în această dezbatere constructivă şi trebuie să recunosc că, în ciuda câtorva critici, domnule preşedinte Maystadt, toţi colegii care au luat cuvântul au recunoscut rolul important pe care Banca Europeană de Investiţii îl poate avea în contextul actual al crizei economice şi financiare.

E clar că avem nevoie de investiţii, avem nevoie de proiecte de dezvoltare durabilă în Uniunea Europeană şi, de aceea, cred eu că trebuie să punem în aplicare şi să avem în vedere idei ambiţioase şi nu trebuie să ne fie frică să venim şi să propunem astfel de idei.

Nu în ultimul rând, vreau să subliniez, ca o concluzie: nu uitaţi de transparenţă şi de o mai bună comunicare cu toate organismele europene.

În final, domnule preşedinte Maystadt, cred eu că, în numele colegilor, pot să spun că puteţi conta pe viitor pe sprijinul Parlamentului European.

  President. − The debate is closed.

The vote will take place at noon.

Written statements (Rule 149)

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – Sabemos da importância que os empréstimos do BEI - Banco Europeu de Desenvolvimento podem ter para o desenvolvimento e o progresso social, tendo em conta as taxas baixas e os prazos dilatados de pagamento que pratica.

No entanto, nem sempre as suas opções são devidamente transparentes e claras e nem sempre os países e as regiões que mais precisam são as mais favorecidas com os seus empréstimos. Por isso, há algumas criticas, sugestões e propostas neste relatório, que apoiamos.

Mas discordamos que se transforme o BEI num mero instrumento da União Europeia para a concretização das suas políticas, incluindo para a resposta aos problemas de coesão económica e social e de desenvolvimento social que devem ser consideradas no orçamento comunitário e nos seus fundos estruturais e de coesão. Claro que o BEI pode acompanhar e reforçar estas vertentes, mas não pode ser o substituto das políticas orçamentais comunitárias.

  Edit Herczog (S&D), írásban. – Legfontosabb kívánalom, hogy az EIB tevékenysége még átláthatóbb legyen az EP számára, valamint az általa kihelyezett pénzügyi eszközök még célirányosabban legyenek felhasználva. Megfontolásra ajánljuk azon javaslatot, miszerint az EIB pénzügyi helyzete minőségének és eredményeinek pontos mérése, valamint a hatékony és eredményes üzleti gyakorlat szabályainak betartása érdekében a prudenciális felügyelet erre az intézményre is kiterjedjen. Szeretném leszögezni, hogy ezt nem azért javasoljuk, mert kétségeink lennének az EIB tevékenységének szabályosságát illetően, hanem azért, mert általánosságban úgy ítéljük meg, hogy – amiként azt a G20-ak két évvel ezelőtti londoni nyilatkozata is világosan kimondta – „a szabályozást és felügyeletet ki kell terjeszteni valamennyi rendszerszinten fontos pénzügyi intézményre eszközre, piacra”. Javasoljuk felkérni az Európai Bizottságot arra, hogy végezze el az EIB prudenciális felügyeletére vonatkozó lehetőségek jogi elemzését az EP számára 2011. november 30-ig. A hatályos rendelkezések szerint ugyanis egyik európai intézménynek sincs joga felügyelni az EIB-t. Ezen pedig sürgősen változtatni indokolt a bank szerepének növekedése, valamint javára nyújtott közösségi garancianyújtás miatt is. A fokozottabb szakmai és társadalmi ellenőrzést a többi NFI-nél az utóbbi időben kialakított gyakorlathoz hasonlóan volna indokolt kialakítani. Az EIB hitelezési tevékenységének a jövőben szelektívebbé, hatékonyabbá, eredményorientáltabbá kell válnia, különösen a KKV-k finanszírozása terén. Ennek érdekében a folyósított kölcsönökkel kapcsolatos információkat is rendszerezettebben kell gyűjteni, közzétenni.

4. It-tilqima kontra l-bluetongue (dibattitu)

  President. − The next item is the report by Janusz Wojciechowski, on behalf of the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development, on the proposal for a directive of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Directive 2000/75/EC as regards vaccination against bluetongue (COM(2010)0666 – 05499/2011 – C7-0032/2011 – 2010/0326(COD)) (A7-0121/2011).

  Janusz Wojciechowski, sprawozdawca. − Z satysfakcją przedstawiam Wysokiej Izbie sprawozdanie dotyczące zmiany dyrektywy w sprawie szczepień zwalczających chorobę niebieskiego języka, która to choroba stanowi duże zagrożenie dla hodowli bydła, owiec i kóz w wielu krajach UE. Czynię to z satysfakcją, ponieważ 3 lata temu w tej Izbie jeszcze w poprzedniej kadencji miałem zaszczyt przedstawiać sprawozdanie dotyczące nowej strategii na rzecz zdrowia zwierząt, opartej na zasadzie „lepiej zapobiegać niż leczyć”. Dzisiejsza zmiana dyrektywy dotyczącej szczepień w zakresie choroby niebieskiego języka jest praktyczną realizacją tej właśnie zasady. Poprawiamy sposób zapobiegania tej chorobie, przyczyniamy się do tego, że zwierzęta będą zdrowsze, koszty związane z ich leczeniem będą niższe, a cały proces szczepień będzie można lepiej zorganizować.

Zmiana związana jest z tym, że dotychczasowa dyrektywa z 2000 r. była dostosowana do ówczesnych warunków, a przede wszystkim do szczepionek, które były wówczas dostępne na rynku. Te szczepionki musiały i nadal muszą być stosowane, lecz z pewnymi ograniczeniami związanymi z tym, że istnieje niebezpieczeństwo przenoszenia się wirusa ze zwierząt szczepionych na zwierzęta nieszczepione. Powoduje to konieczność różnych ograniczeń przy stosowaniu szczepień, np. stosowania ich w wyznaczonych rejonach, wprowadzenia ograniczeń w zakresie przemieszczania się zwierząt. Jest to dosyć uciążliwe dla hodowców i w związku z tym ograniczona jest skuteczność tych szczepień. Nauka poczyniła postęp. Posiadamy szczepionki innej generacji, które są wypróbowane i mogą być stosowane bez obawy o przenoszenie się wirusów na zwierzęta nieszczepione. W związku z tym można je stosować bez dotychczasowych ograniczeń. Zastosowanie tych szczepionek będzie więc korzystne dla hodowców, będzie mniej uciążliwe i zapewne bardziej skuteczne. W dużo szerszym zakresie będzie można je stosować.

Procedura w tej sprawie przebiega bardzo szybko. Komisja Rolnictwa w ciągu niedługiego czasu po uzyskaniu projektu legislacyjnego z Komisji Europejskiej przeprowadziła swoje prace i przedstawia je Parlamentowi. Chodzi o to, żeby można było masowo stosować nowe szczepienia już w tym roku w sezonie letnim. Stąd te zmiany i stąd w propozycji Parlamentu w poprawkach do sprawozdania, które złożyłem, przewidziane są terminy, w których prawo państw członkowskich ma być dostosowane do wymogów tej dyrektywy, tak aby przeprowadzenie szczepień było możliwe w tym roku i aby nie trzeba było czekać z tym do następnego sezonu.

Chciałbym wspomnieć o pewnej kontrowersji, która powstała wokół tego sprawozdania i zmiany dyrektywy dotyczącej obowiązku tablic korelacyjnych zaproponowanej przez Komisję. W moim sprawozdaniu zgadzamy się z tym, żeby wprowadzić obowiązek dołączania tablic korelacyjnych, które zawierają informacje o tym, jak dyrektywa przekładana zostaje na prawo krajowe i które konkretnie przepisy przenoszą postanowienia dyrektywy do przepisów prawa krajowego. Jest to postrzegane przez administrację niektórych państw członkowskich jako pewien biurokratyczny wymóg, ale należy spojrzeć na to inaczej. Dzięki wprowadzeniu tego wymogu prawo europejskie staje się bardziej przejrzyste. Łatwiej jest sprawdzić samym obywatelom, czy i w jaki sposób dyrektywa została przeniesiona do prawa krajowego. Myślę, że jest to dobra praktyka. Z tego co wiem, jest to pierwsza, albo jedna z pierwszych przyjmowanych dyrektyw, która wprowadza ten obowiązek i chyba słusznie. Powinno stać się to stałą praktyką w zakresie naszej legislacji.

Jeszcze raz dziękuję za umożliwienie mi przedstawienia sprawozdania i mam poczucie, że czynimy dobrą rzecz dla dobra hodowców, a także dla zmniejszenia cierpienia zwierząt w UE.

  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Mr President, the Commission is grateful to Parliament for its support for the proposal to further facilitate vaccination against bluetongue and for its recommendation in relation to this very important issue. In particular, I would like to thank the rapporteur, Mr Wojciechowski, for his commitment to this cause.

Bluetongue has been the cause of a great deal of concern to all farmers in the European Union. Until the 1990s, bluetongue was considered exotic to the EU, with outbreaks only occurring sporadically in southern Europe. However, recent years have brought several epidemic waves of the disease, affecting many Member States, including in central and northern Europe, causing significant losses to livestock production and disruption of the trade in live animals.

The past few years have seen a significant improvement in the bluetongue situation across the EU, thanks in no small measure to massive vaccination campaigns largely co-financed by the European Union. The EU co-financed EUR 150 million in 2008, and allocated EUR 120 million in 2009 and EUR 100 million for the following years. Under current rules, vaccination is only allowed in areas that are subject to certain restrictions because of the presence of bluetongue disease. The proposed amendments to the directive introduce the possibility of using inactivated vaccines everywhere in the European Union. The amendment would allow a wider use of preventive vaccinations against bluetongue and this will ensure better control of the disease and lessen the burden it causes to the agricultural sector.

Parliament’s report is most timely and important for the animal health situation in the European Union. The report rightly recognises the need for urgency in order to give Member States sufficient time to vaccinate animals before the next bluetongue season starts. We must not lose sight of the fact that, although the bluetongue situation has improved greatly in recent years, the disease has not been eradicated. The EU remains at risk for new epidemic waves of bluetongue in the future and it is important that Member States have the opportunity to protect animals against the virus when they are at risk. Member States should be able to optimise their vaccination programmes with the aim of reducing the impact of future bluetongue outbreaks in the European Union. Indeed, a number of Member States have already indicated that they wish to implement this measure at the earliest opportunity.

The rapporteur refers to the really very difficult issue of the correlation tables, which are very important for tracking the correct, appropriate transposition of EU legislation into national legal systems. This is a longstanding issue and we have had many debates in this House on how to control and monitor the proper transposition of EU law into national legal systems. We can see that the correlation tables are the best tool for doing this, monitoring it and assuring appropriate transposition of EU law.

At the same time we are very aware that, especially with such urgent issues as the one we are discussing today, we need to work very hard to find a solution between Parliament and the Council in order to avoid unnecessary blockages. I hope that the Council will demonstrate sufficient flexibility so that this legislation can be adopted on time before the start of the season in which bluetongue can break out.

  Elisabeth Jeggle, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die vorgelegte Richtlinie hinsichtlich der Impfung gegen die Blauzungenkrankheit ist, wie schon gesagt wurde, ein sehr wichtiger Schritt, um der Ausmerzung dieser gefährlichen Tierseuche einen Schritt näher zu kommen. Die Krankheit befällt Wiederkäuer wie Rinder, Schafe und Ziegen. Sie kann zum Tod der Tiere führen. Mit den neuen, inaktivierten Impfstoffen kann das Risiko einer Ansteckung ausgeschlossen werden, und daher kann dieser Impfstoff erfolgreich auch in Gebieten eingesetzt werden, in denen die Seuche noch nicht aufgetreten war.

Damit können die Mitgliedstaaten die Impfungen effizienter nutzen, und die Belastung des Agrarsektors durch diese Seuche kann wesentlich verringert werden. Die neuen Impfstoffe erlauben endlich eine wirklich flächendeckende Bekämpfung, und ich hoffe, die Mitgliedstaaten und die Landwirte akzeptieren diese Möglichkeit. Sie gibt mehr Sicherheit, und es ist ohne Frage eine wichtige Verbesserung der Tiergesundheit.

Je stärker wir die Blauzungenkrankheit durch die neuen Impfstoffe eindämmen, desto größer werden auch unsere Chancen für die Wirtschaft bezüglich des Exports von Zuchttieren.

Damit die Richtlinie in Kraft treten kann und die neuen Impfstoffe verfügbar sind, ist es tatsächlich wichtig, dass wir eine schnelle Entscheidung zustande bringen. Der Agrarausschuss hat am Montag mit seiner einstimmigen Annahme des Berichts ein klares Zeichen gesetzt, so dass die EVP-Fraktion in der heutigen Plenarabstimmung dieser Linie folgen wird. Ich unterstütze den Berichterstatter in seiner Forderung, die Entsprechungstabellen in der Richtlinie zu lassen. Es kann schließlich nicht sein, dass wir europäische Beschlüsse fassen, ohne dass die Mitgliedstaaten über die Art der Umsetzung informieren. Wir brauchen diese Transparenz – und ich sage das dem Rat ganz deutlich –, um auch die Glaubwürdigkeit in der EU zu stärken.

Zum Schluss danke ich dem Berichterstatter für seine gute Arbeit und für die gute Zusammenarbeit. Herzlichen Dank! Wir werden den Bericht unterstützen.

  John Stuart Agnew (EFD). - Mr President, I have a statement rather than a question. The vote was not unanimous because I did not vote in favour.

  Sergio Gutiérrez Prieto, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor Presidente, la lengua azul ha sido una amenaza constante para nuestra ganadería y con ella también para nuestra salud pública.

Una enfermedad contra la que luchábamos a través de la vacuna activada cuyo uso conlleva la creación de zonas restringidas para la circulación de animales, porque el uso de estas vacunas puede provocar una circulación no deseada del virus en animales no infectados.

Por estos motivos se limitaba el uso de la vacuna, el uso de la vacunación, a aquellas zonas donde se habían encontrado animales infectados con anterioridad, creando en ellas un doble perjuicio para los ganaderos: por un lado, la enfermedad y, por otro lado, las restricciones.

Pero todos estos problemas parecen poder evitarse a través de la nueva vacuna inactivada, que, además de evitar las perturbaciones que pueden provocarse en el mercado interior de ganado, permite desarrollar unas estrategias nuevas y más amplias –que es lo verdaderamente importante– de prevención en la lucha contra esta enfermedad.

Por todo ello es de vital importancia para este sector que modifiquamos la Directiva para permitir su uso y, además, que lo hagamos cuanto antes.

Señorías, el cumplimiento de lo que disponen nuestros Tratados, especialmente en lo que se refiere a las tablas de correspondencia, no puede servir de excusa para que esta normativa no entre en vigor antes del verano, porque con tal retraso sólo estaríamos perjudicando a los ganaderos.

  Marit Paulsen, för ALDE-gruppen. – Herr talman! Ett stort tack till Janusz Wojciechowski för ett effektivt och mycket bra jobb. Mina kolleger före mig har sagt vad det här egentligen handlar om, ett nytt effektivt vaccin. Jag skulle därför vilja använda mina få sekunder till att påpeka att detta är det kanske första påtagliga beviset för vad som kommer att hända inom vårt jordbruk när klimatet förändras våldsamt. I mitt hemland Sverige vore en sjukdom som blåtunga hos idisslarna en fullständigt orealistisk tanke för 4–5 år sedan. Det var en sporadisk sjukdom i södra Europa. Idag är den en realitet och vi har haft vår första epidemi. Så det är mycket viktigt att vi nu kommer igång med vaccineringen, men det är också oerhört viktigt att vi när vi pratar om klimat, miljö och framtiden inser att det är inte bara torka och regn som kommer att förändras. En stark klimatförändring kommer att innebära något helt annat, sjukdomar med epidemier och epizootier, både bland människor och bland djur. Vi måste ta detta med i beräkningen när vi diskuterar till exempel Europa 2020-strategin. Vart har vi tänkt gå? Det är också viktigt för oss som lagstiftare att inse. Vi kan bara fatta beslut med den kunskap vi har idag, men vi måste ha flexibilitet att kunna ta nya beslut vid nya kunskaper och nya ––i detta fall – vacciner.

  James Nicholson, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, first of all I would like to thank Mr Wojciechowski for the speed with which he has been able to bring this report to the House. He has worked extremely hard on this. I want to go back to the area of the correlation tables. The Commissioner said that he hoped it would be good enough, but I have to say to the Commissioner that ‘hope’ is not enough. This is a very serious disease that we need to get control of this summer. It is carried by small flies, by what we call midges, and has to be brought under control this summer.

Mr Wojciechowski has done his bit and he cannot be blamed in any way for any delay. It would be very unfortunate if infighting in Brussels or excessive bureaucracy were to result in a delay. We certainly need action, because the disease travels extremely fast and we have to be able to vaccinate outside affected areas. I have to remind the House that on many occasions, as Mr Wojciechowski and others have said, prevention is better than cure. On this occasion I think we have got to move, and I want the Commission to give us an assurance that bureaucracy will not hold us back.

IN THE CHAIR: EDWARD McMILLAN-SCOTT
Vice-President

  John Stuart Agnew, on behalf of the EFD Group. – Mr President, this is a disease in respect of which farmers should make their own decisions, based on their own particular circumstances. As a UK farmer, I will rely on veterinary recommendation and not the opinion of bureaucrats in other countries. I appreciate the support of the British taxpayer who funds my vaccines and I am frustrated that the EU needs to be involved at all. You gave us this disease. Please do not make matters worse.

We are now discussing this question despite assurances that the Lisbon Treaty did not constitute a fundamental change. If that is so, why do so many measures, large and small, like this one, have to be recast to conform to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union? We do not know how the issue of correlation tables is going to be resolved, and this topic perfectly illustrates the confusion that so-called codecision can lead to. Whilst the British Government will spend what it takes to conform to your way of thinking, other Member States may view things very differently.

  Diane Dodds (NI). - Mr President, my thanks to the rapporteur for this report. While I am generally in favour of the principle behind this report, I would like to add that this vaccine should only be used when the competent authority identifies significant risk to the livestock population. In Northern Ireland, both farmers and the Department of Agriculture and Rural Development have worked extremely hard to keep Northern Ireland a free area.

It is important that the Commission and the Council recognise free area status within the EU and put safeguards in place for these areas. However, there still remains a significant risk within Europe that this disease may spread and, as a result, I believe it is necessary that Northern Ireland has the ability to use the vaccines. It is imperative that the competent authority monitor movements and impose trade bans where necessary to stop the spread of blue tongue and that good practice is followed by all of the actors.

It is important that all Member States work constructively together to reduce the risk of the spread of this disease and protect the industry from a major outbreak. Communication between Member States and the Commission is a vital part of monitoring and controlling disease outbreaks. I would encourage this.

  Rareş-Lucian Niculescu (PPE). - Epidemiile, precum cele de febră catarală ovină, afectează grav crescătorii de animale, dar şi consumatorii şi economia europeană în general, prin mortalitatea animalelor şi prin perturbarea comerţului.

Restricţiile în privinţa circulaţiei animalelor lovesc puternic în resursele economice ale localităţilor sau regiunilor în care sunt instituite. În cazul unei campanii de vaccinare preventivă, de exemplu, în actualele condiţii legislative, trebuie menţinută o zonă de restricţii, chiar dacă nu s-a înregistrat vreodată prezenţa febrei catarale. De aceea, măsura propusă de Comisie este una corectă şi economic avantajoasă pentru producători şi consumatori. În acelaşi timp, măsura este în concordanţă cu principiul utilizării tuturor progreselor ştiinţifice în agricultură.

Remarc, de asemenea, contribuţia importantă pe care fondurile europene au avut-o până în prezent la îmbunătăţirea situaţiei în ceea ce priveşte epidemiile de febră catarală ovină. Uniunea a cofinanţat campanii de vaccinare importante, cu 370 de milioane de euro în ultimii trei ani, aşa cum a menţionat şi domnul comisar. Consider că ar trebui să continue cofinanţarea programelor de vaccinare şi în anii următori, având în vedere eficienţa acestora şi noul cadru legislativ mult mai simplu pe marginea căruia dezbatem astăzi.

  Paolo De Castro (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, vorrei innanzitutto ringraziare anch'io l'on. Wojciechowski e tutti i relatori ombra per il lavoro svolto su questo dossier, che intende rendere più flessibili le norme relative alla vaccinazione contro la febbre catarrale. La commissione per l'agricoltura si è impegnata al massimo per approvare con urgenza il testo e permettere la campagna di vaccinazione prima dell'estate.

La Commissione europea aveva presentato una proposta che non teneva conto dell'approvazione del trattato di Lisbona, ovvero lasciava il potere decisionale solo al Consiglio escludendo totalmente il Parlamento. Dopo intensi negoziati – e per questo vorrei ringraziare il Servizio giuridico del Parlamento e il segretariato della commissione per l'agricoltura – siamo riusciti a trovare l'accordo per cambiare la base giuridica a norma dell'articolo 43, paragrafo 2, del trattato, ovvero nel quadro della procedura legislativa ordinaria.

Ora ci aspettiamo che il Consiglio, con la stessa efficienza, accolga la nostra posizione, includendo le tavole di corrispondenza per dare una risposta rapida agli allevatori europei.

  Liam Aylward (ALDE). - Mr President, due to a combination of vaccinations and restrictions on animal movement, the number of outbreaks of bluetongue has fallen significantly in recent years. The disease causes intense suffering and death amongst the affected animals and has a measurable negative impact on the rural economy and the farming community. I welcome measures allowing Member States to use inactivated vaccination against bluetongue in areas not affected by the disease, and thank the rapporteur for his work on this issue.

Member States should be allowed the flexibility to be proactive and draw upon technological advances in vaccine production, thus reducing the burden on the agricultural sector posed by this disease and preventing occurrence without negating the disease-free status of the Member States, as was previously the case. Vaccination represents an effective veterinary measure in response to bluetongue which, when accompanied by further measures such as surveillance, means that eradication of the disease in Europe is a real possibility.

Vaccination in controlling and eventually eradicating the disease will result in reduced economic losses and would be of benefit to European livestock.

  Julie Girling (ECR). - Mr President, this legislation will give farmers flexibility, choice and hope, I am glad to say.

For too long, our vaccination strategy has been held back by the fact that we have not developed sophisticated enough products to allow vaccination of animals outside exclusion zones. Being in an exclusion zone can be disastrous for a farmer’s livelihood. It can also be disastrous not to protect your animals from disease, especially one as damaging and virulent as bluetongue. The development of new vaccines and the rules changes which I hope the Parliament will agree today will allow the UK to move to bluetongue-free status. It will allow freer movement of animals and save money in rural areas.

However, it is vitally important that these rules are brought into force as soon as possible. Farmers in the West Country need to be able to vaccinate before the end of May to ensure that animals are fully protected. All of us here understand the background to the interinstitutional battle raging over correlation tables, but I can tell you that the farmers I represent do not understand it and they rely on us, their elected representatives, to sort it out for them. This is an urgent issue and common sense must prevail. Let us get on with this now, agree a fast track for urgent issues of this kind and get on and get our livestock vaccinated.

  Elisabeth Köstinger (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Die Blauzungenkrankheit ist eine Tierseuche, die Wiederkäuer befällt und bereits großen Schaden im gesamten Tier- und Produktionssektor angerichtet hat. Seit im Jahr 2000 in mehreren Mitgliedstaaten Epidemiewellen ausgebrochen sind, ist es zu beträchtlichen wirtschaftlichen Schäden gekommen. Wie immer, wenn es wirtschaftliche Verluste gibt, trifft der finanzielle Schaden das unterste Ende der Produktionskette am meisten. Vor allem der florierende Handel mit Zuchtrindern kam zum Einbruch. Der Export wurde trotz Impfung in einigen Ländern komplett lahmgelegt. Auch in Österreich – die Rinderzucht hat bei uns bereits lange Tradition – waren viele bäuerliche Betriebe existenziell betroffen.

Wir müssen jetzt die Zeit nutzen, um vorausschauend Maßnahmen zu setzen. Die Krankheit ist nicht ausgerottet und kann jederzeit wieder auftreten. Man muss aus den Erfahrungen lernen und rasch Hilfe anbieten können. Was vor zehn Jahren galt, ist heute nicht mehr aktuell. Die alte Richtlinie zur Bekämpfung der Blauzungenkrankheit aus dem Jahr 2000 muss aufgebessert und aktualisiert werden.

Die derzeit geltenden Impfvorschriften müssen an die technologischen Entwicklungen angepasst werden, um die Blauzungenkrankheit effizienter zu bekämpfen und die Belastung für die Landwirte zu verringern. Die Vorschriften wurden damals für die Verwendung so genannter abgeschwächter Lebendimpfstoffe ausgelegt, die beim Erlass der Richtlinie vor 10 Jahren die einzig verfügbaren Impfstoffe waren. Heute sind die Impfstoffe ausgereifter. Diesem Umstand gilt es Folge zu leisten.

Ich begrüße das rasche Handeln der Kommission und des Parlaments und trete für eine rasche Umsetzung der neuen Richtlinie ein. Als bäuerliche Vertreterin weiß ich, wie wichtig es ist, im Jahreskreislauf zu denken. Mit der schnellen Beschlussfassung ermöglichen wir, dass es noch vor dem Herbst eine brauchbare und einheitliche Regelung im Sinne der Mitgliedstaaten und vor allem der Züchter und Landwirte gibt. Vielen Dank dem Berichterstatter!

  Luis Manuel Capoulas Santos (S&D). - Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, caros Colegas, as propostas contidas neste dossier legislativo não suscitam qualquer discordância de fundo e permitem-me felicitar a Comissão Europeia por esta iniciativa que pretende dar conta da evolução da ciência e atempadamente permitir o uso de vacinas contra a febre catarral fora das zonas onde existe restrição à circulação de animais, já que este tipo de vacinas não representam um risco para a circulação indesejada do vírus.

Gostaria ainda de felicitar e agradecer o trabalho do relator da Comissão da Agricultura, o Sr. Wojciechowski e o Presidente Paolo De Castro, que possibilitaram um entendimento célere com o Conselho e a Comissão relativamente à base jurídica desta proposta. Assim, contrariamente ao inicialmente proposto, a competência legislativa é partilhada pelo Parlamento e pelo Conselho de acordo com o processo legislativo ordinário introduzido pelo Tratado de Lisboa.

A Comissão da Agricultura discutiu e aprovou o seu relatório num curto espaço de tempo para permitir a votação que hoje terá lugar aqui nesta sessão plenária e para que o próximo passo com vista ao acordo com o Conselho possa concretizar-se o mais rapidamente possível e permitir a entrada em vigor das novas disposições desta directiva. Apelo, por isso, ao Conselho para vir ao encontro da Comissão, da posição do PE que estou certo, será hoje aqui aprovada por uma larga maioria.

  Horst Schnellhardt (PPE). - Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Die Anpassung der Impfvorschriften für die Blauzungenkrankheit steht im Einklang mit der neuen EU-Impfpolitik, wie sie im Rahmen der Tiergesundheitsstrategie 2007-2013 unter dem Motto „Vorbeugen ist die beste Medizin“ zum Ausdruck kommt.

Ein flexibleres Vorgehen bei der Impfung von Nutztieren ist notwendig, um Seuchen wie die Blauzungenkrankheit besser bekämpfen zu können und ihre Auswirkungen auf die Landwirtschaft zu verringern. Mehr Flexibilität und Vorbeugung sind bei einer Reihe von Tierseuchen sicherlich wünschenswert.

Eine strikte Nichtimpfpolitik, wie wir sie ja seit langem in der EU verfolgt haben, ist nicht mehr an der Tagesordnung; deswegen bin ich der Meinung, dass wir hier den richtigen Schritt tun. Ich möchte auch Frau Paulsen unterstützen, die gesagt hat, wir müssen aufgrund des Klimawandels in der nächsten Zeit noch mit anderen Tierseuchen rechnen. Da brauchen wir wiederum eine klare Strategie, und hier können wir diese natürlich richtig üben. Ich will in diesem Rahmen noch einmal sagen, dass das Keulen auch bei der Kommission nicht mehr zur Diskussion stehen sollte.

Bei der Blauzungenkrankheit ist es natürlich ein Vorteil, dass wir die Forschung unterstützt haben und nun einen inaktivierten Impfstoff haben und flächendeckend impfen können, was vorher sehr gefährlich und sehr schwierig war. Wir haben also hier eine neue Situation.

Ich danke auch dem Berichterstatter, dass er so schnell gearbeitet hat. Die Erfahrung lehrt ja, dass wir im Spätsommer und im Herbst mit ersten Erkrankungen rechnen müssen. Deswegen müssen die Länder Impfstrategien erarbeiten und diese auch umsetzen.

Herr Agnew, ich möchte Ihnen sagen, wenn Sie einen guten Tierarzt haben, dann wird er die Impfung empfehlen, denn das ist der Wunsch der Tierärzte, wie ich ihn kenne und wie ich es in den Diskussionen auch immer wieder höre.

Natürlich ist es damit nicht getan. Die Kommission muss Durchführungsverordnungen erarbeiten und diese dem neuen Prozess anpassen, und das muss genauso schnell gehen wie hier im Parlament. Deswegen die Aufforderung an die Kommission: Arbeiten Sie schnell, damit wir in diesem Jahr den wissenschaftlichen Fortschritt auch anwenden können!

  Marc Tarabella (S&D). - Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, je remercie notre collègue, Janusz Wojciechowski, pour son rapport qui rappelle l'importance d'une législation adaptée en la matière.

Toutefois, que le vaccin soit vivant atténué ou inactivé, dans l'état actuel de nos connaissances, les analyse sanguines ne permettent pas d'identifier l'origine de la présence de l'organisme pathogène dans le sang de l'animal, à savoir l'origine vaccinale ou sauvage. Dès lors, tant qu'un vaccin inactif marqué – c'est-à-dire un vaccin dont l'organisme pathogène est d'origine vaccinale– ne sera pas mis au point, il sera impossible de faire la distinction entre un animal vacciné et un animal infecté par le virus. C'est pourtant une condition indispensable pour qu'une région ou un pays puisse être déclaré indemne de toute contamination. Le risque est alors grand de voir les pays exempts de toute contamination instaurer des barrières commerciales vis-à-vis des pays qui utiliseraient ce vaccin inactivé.

L'Union européenne se doit donc d'encourager la poursuite des recherches d'un vaccin inactif marqué pour une plus grande biosécurité au sein de l'Union, ce qui permettra de conjuguer plus efficacement les approches sanitaires et commerciales.

  Mairead McGuinness (PPE). - Mr President, it is worth recording the Commissioner’s comment that the instance of bluetongue is on the decline: from 48 000 cases in 2008 to 120 in 2010. That said, we are still not sure what the trend will be in the future, so the development of this inactivated vaccine and discussion of the technicalities around its use are very welcome.

It would be useful if the Council were in the Chamber so that we could address the issue of whether it is willing actually to provide the correlation tables that Parliament and the Commission believe to be essential – and perhaps this is something on which the Council could come back to us quite swiftly. The prevention of all diseases, and of this one in particular, centres on animal husbandry, on the restriction of animal movement, on protection from vectors and on the issue discussed this morning – namely vaccination.

  Oldřich Vlasák (ECR). - Pane předsedající, problémem vakcinace inaktivovanou vakcínou mimo uzavřená pásma bude skutečnost, že při sérologickém vyšetření budou zvířata vykazovat pozitivní výsledky a pro ověření, zda jsou zvířata vakcinována nebo skutečně nemocná, bude muset být provedeno virologické vyšetření, které je finančně nákladnější. To způsobí komplikace při obchodu a přesunech zvířat. Vzhledem k tomu, že se jedná o transpozici směrnice do národní legislativy, bude i termín 30. června 2011 z procesních důvodů těžko splnitelný. Osobně nesouhlasím ani se změnou dne vstupu směrnice v platnost z dosavadního dvacátého dne na den následující po uveřejnění. Je třeba si také uvědomit, že vypracování korelačních tabulek bude další zvýšení administrativní zátěže.

  Giommaria Uggias (ALDE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, credo che sia un passo avanti che stiamo facendo nel capire che non è un problema legato ad alcune zone dell'Europa, al Sud dell'Europa o al Nord dell'Africa. Però la mia considerazione è comunque positiva sul provvedimento.

Volevo chiedere al collega Tarabella se la Commissione o il collega non ritenga che sia da affrontare immediatamente anche il problema dell'applicazione nei servizi veterinari, perché ci possa essere un provvedimento che consenta di eliminare il problema in tutta l'Unione europea.

  Peter Jahr (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Das Anliegen, bessere Impfbedingungen gegen die Blauzungenkrankheit zu schaffen, ist äußerst wichtig, denn nur mit den neuen, inaktivierten Impfstoffen können die Produzenten das Risiko einer Ansteckung durch diese potenziell hochgefährliche Seuche ausschließen, weil die Impfstoffe nun auch in Gebieten eingesetzt werden dürfen, in denen die Blauzungenkrankheit bisher nicht auftrat. Wir müssen vor diesem Hintergrund immer wieder betonen, dass die Landwirtschaft einschließlich des Exports von Zuchttieren ein bedeutender Standortfaktor in allen europäischen Staaten ist. Darum brauchen die Landwirte die Möglichkeit, diese neuesten tiermedizinischen Erkenntnisse, die in die Entwicklung dieser Impfstoffe eingeflossen sind, zu ihrem Vorteil zu nutzen.

Was wir jetzt besonders brauchen, sind zwei Dinge: Erstens brauchen wir eine schnelle Lösung für die Praxis in der Europäischen Union. Zweitens brauchen wir – aus meiner Sicht – genauso dringend eine Meldepflicht über die in den Mitgliedstaaten eingeführten Maßnahmen, d.h. eine Meldepflicht der Mitgliedstaaten an die Kommission.

  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Mr President, I would first like to thank the House for its strong support for this proposal and also for its recognition of the urgency of the matter and the very speedy procedures.

Several of you referred to the problem of correlation tables. I would just like to remind you that the Conference of Presidents injected fresh impetus into tackling this issue, and has accorded it greater importance, notably in recognition of the problem of the transposition of EU legislation into national law.

I would like to ask whether it is really so difficult for the Member States to notify the Commission of the legal basis on which they transposed the EU regulation into their national legal order. Is it really so difficult? I am sure that when they are considering how to transpose legislation they must do some preparation and decide how they intend to transpose it.

I think we all recognise the fact – and we have had several debates on this issue – that the European Union suffers when the transposition of EU law is uneven. In particular, on an issue as important as the one we are discussing today, incorrect transposition could have detrimental effects.

At the same time, as I said in my opening remarks, I would emphasise that the Commission is clearly against unnecessary hold-ups. We are fully aware of the urgency of this matter. Therefore I hope that, through increased flexibility and intensive negotiations, we can find a solution to this problem. The Commission will try to be as helpful as possible so that we can adopt this legislation before the beginning of the season for a potential bluetongue outbreak.

Concerning the Commission’s readiness to implement this measure, I would like to assure Mr Schnellhardt and Mr Uggias that the Commission has done its part. Our implementing measures are almost complete. What we need is approval of this proposal by the legislator. Once we have that, we can proceed very quickly.

Once again, I would like to thank our rapporteur and to thank the House for its strong support for this measure.

  Janusz Wojciechowski, sprawozdawca. − Panie Przewodniczący! Dziękuję wszystkim posłom, którzy występowali w debacie i wyrazili poparcie dla mojego sprawozdania. Dziękuję kontrsprawozdawcom, dziękuję wszystkim posłom z Komisji Rolnictwa za to, że mogliśmy tak sprawnie i szybko procedować nad tym sprawozdaniem. Rzadko się zdarza, żebyśmy przyjmowali taki jednoznacznie pozytywny dokument, który w sposób oczywisty zmierza do polepszenia stanu obecnego.

Jeżeli chodzi o tabele korelacyjne, które przywoływane były w dyskusji jako kwestia problematyczna uważam, że trudno jakby tutaj współczuć administracji państwa członkowskiego czy rządom. Sporządzenie takich tablic i przesłanie ich do Komisji nie będzie naprawdę wielkim problemem. Na pewno większy problem będzie miał obywatel, chcąc sprawdzić, czy prawo jego kraju jest zgodne z prawem Unii Europejskiej. To on będzie musiał się natrudzić i naszukać, jeśli takich tablic nie ma, tak jak do tej pory. Bardzo często trudno jest się w tym prawie unijnym rozeznać. Myślę i mam taką nadzieję, że to narzędzie będzie dostępne dla wszystkich zainteresowanych, nie tylko dla Komisji, że będzie to jawny dokument, do którego będzie można sięgnąć w razie potrzeby. Będzie to też bardzo przydatny dokument.

Proszę i apeluję, żeby Rada nie wchodziła w spór o te tabele korelacyjne, a jeśli już, to nie na gruncie tej sprawy, tak aby te szczepienia mogły wejść w życie tak, jak tego wszyscy oczekujemy, czyli już w tym sezonie. Nie możemy dopuścić, żeby doszło do opóźnień, bo wtedy zniweczylibyśmy efekt tej naszej szybkiej i sprawnej pracy. Jeszcze raz dziękuję wszystkim za wspólną pracę nad tym sprawozdaniem.

  President. − The debate is closed.

The vote will take place shortly.

5. L-importazzjonijiet tal-UE ta' tadam mill-Marokk (dibattitu)

  President. − The next item is the debate on the oral question to the Commission on EU tomato imports from Morocco (Petition 1565/2009 by José Maria Pozancos (Spanish)), by Erminia Mazzoni, on behalf of the Committee on Petitions (O-000040/2011 – B7-0211/2011).

  Erminia Mazzoni, Autore. − Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'interrogazione che abbiamo presentato come commissione per le petizioni mostra quanto la nostra commissione non si sia ritenuta soddisfatta della risposta che la Commissione esecutiva ha ritenuto di dare sulla questione posta dalla Federazione spagnola di associazioni di produttori ed esportatori di frutta, ortaggi, fiori e piante.

Infatti, la Commissione ha focalizzato la propria attenzione sulla responsabilità degli Stati membri nel meccanismo di fissazione dei prezzi, senza invece considerare il punto specifico posto dalla petizione, che è quello della denuncia delle irregolarità nelle importazioni di pomodori e di altri ortaggi dal Marocco.

Questa presunta irregolarità, tra l'altro, è già stata rilevata da qualche anno dall'OLAF, l'organismo di controllo, che ha evidenziato una non corretta applicazione del metodo di detrazione fissato nel regolamento (CE) n. 3223/1994 che stabilisce tre diversi metodi di calcolo. Le conseguenze di questa situazione sono minori entrate per l'Unione europea, una concorrenza impropria e violazione delle regole del mercato, nonché un impoverimento graduale dei produttori e degli esportatori europei, con situazioni di grave allarme segnalate soprattutto in Spagna, Grecia, Portogallo, Francia e Italia.

La Commissione sta negoziando un nuovo accordo bilaterale con il Marocco e in questo accordo sembra ancora una volta non prendere in considerazione questi dati allarmanti e proseguire sulla strada dell'implementazione di un flusso di esportazioni dal Marocco verso l'Unione europea assolutamente non regolamentato e non rispettoso della normativa europea.

Credo che questo sia un tema sul quale dovremmo concentrarci, un tema che prende in considerazione e tocca anche un nervo scoperto di questi giorni, che riguarda i flussi migratori. Infatti, questa grande massa di cittadini che vengono dai paesi delle coste del Nord dell'Africa, tra cui anche il Marocco, verso l'Unione europea diventano molto spesso nei nostri paesi – come ricorda la recente vicenda di Rosarno – braccia per l'agricoltura.

Noi abbiamo una grande difficoltà ad accogliere, ma soprattutto abbiamo una grande difficoltà come Unione europea, e in particolare in questo momento come Italia, a dare prospettive di vita. Ridurre ulteriormente il potenziale di produzione agricola dei nostri paesi, e quindi anche della Francia, della Spagna, dell'Italia, del Portogallo, che in questo momento soffrono di gravi difficoltà, produce danni multipli. Vorrei sapere che cosa intende fare la Commissione.

  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Mr President, if you will allow me I will try to answer several questions that were raised in this petition. I would like to thank Mrs Mazzoni for bringing up this question so we can clarify our position on this matter.

First, I would like to assure the House that the Commission monitors the quantity of tomatoes imported from Morocco closely, attentively, using a cross-checking system based on designation of quantities, imported by Moroccan operators and daily import records kept by national customs authorities. The Commission until today does not have any proof of systemic fraud or systemic failure of the system that was put in place. We have the information concerning one case, to which I will come back a little later. This is related to the year 2007, when OLAF indeed emphasised that the system as it stands at present could result in opportunistic behaviour but not necessarily involving irregular behaviour.

It is recalled that the application of the entry price system and the levying of possible import duties in connection with this mechanism are the exclusive competence of the customs authorities of the Member States.

Another aspect to this question, which is quite important, is the international context of this matter, something that is really dominated by the Doha Round, which has not yet been completed. Any change to the entry price system and its current application mechanism could have a detrimental impact on the results achieved so far. The new bilateral agreement with Morocco preserves the interests of the European producers by maintaining the system of monthly tariff quotas of tomatoes and strict control of the quantities imported.

In addition, the agreement provides for improved cooperation and greater transparency in terms of market data in the fruit and vegetable sector. The quantitative increase in the tomatoes quota has been limited to 52 000 tonnes, which is well below traditional trade levels, and the increase is progressive and staggered over four marketing years thereby preserving current market shares and the traditional supply to the European Union. The Commission therefore considers that any change to the current entry price system must respect the terms of the relevant international agreements.

The Commission ensures that the regulation is properly applied and therefore has carried out the investigation through OLAF. This is probably the case Mrs Mazzoni is referring to, whether there are irregulatirities as a result of incorrect interpretation of the implementing regulation. However, it is the responsibility of the national customs authorities to follow up on the results of the investigation. Recuperation is in progress but the publication of the data is strictly the responsibility of the competent customs authorities.

As regards the organisation of surveillance; this was one of the items that was raised by Mrs Mazzoni. Here, I have to say that the Commission, as I said, monitors tomato imports from Morocco using a cross-checking system. The quantities imported and reported by the Moroccan authorities on a weekly basis are monitored. The data is then compared with the data provided by the national customs authorities, who survey the system, and also by Eurostat. I think that we have very good and precise information and, if there were some systematic fraud and systematic irregularities, we would definitely spot it and take action.

  Esther Herranz García, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señor Presidente, en primer lugar, quisiera agradecer a la Comisión de Peticiones el trabajo que ha realizado tras la denuncia presentada por la Federación Española de Asociaciones de Productores Exportadores de Frutas, Hortalizas, Flores y Plantas Vivas (FEPEX), basándose en el informe que publicó, en el año 2007, la OLAF, la Agencia antifraude de la Unión. Creo que las conclusiones de ese informe son clarísimas y justifican sobradamente que la Comisión Europea se hubiera puesto manos a la obra, ya hace mucho tiempo, para aclarar el funcionamiento del sistema de precios de entrada en lo que respecta, al menos, al sector del tomate.

Sin embargo, la Comisión no sólo no ha intervenido para solucionar posibles trampas a las que puede dar lugar el Reglamento de precios de entrada en vigor, sino que ha negociado un nuevo acuerdo agrícola con Marruecos sin haber resuelto previamente los fallos del régimen de importación vigente.

Señorías, ya va siendo hora de que la Comisión Europea tome en serio sus responsabilidades y empiece a investigar dónde se producen los fraudes, y pida, eventualmente, la recuperación de los derechos aduaneros impagados. Pienso que de ninguna manera se debe ratificar un nuevo acuerdo con Marruecos sin que se hayan resuelto los pormenores que hemos expuesto.

Nuestro objetivo no es frenar la firma de acuerdos internacionales, sino garantizar que dichos acuerdos no perjudiquen gravemente los intereses de las producciones europeas y que se respeten las reglas firmadas en esos acuerdos.

En lo que respecta al nuevo acuerdo con Marruecos, el sector de frutas y hortalizas europeo sólo pide garantías para que el cumplimiento efectivo de las medidas acordadas se lleve a cabo, y ello sólo es posible a través de la reforma del régimen de precios de entrada en vigor. Hasta que no tengamos un nuevo sistema de precios de entrada, no podemos tener un nuevo acuerdo con Marruecos. No podremos ratificar ese acuerdo que ya ha cerrado la Comisión.

Además, si ese control es responsabilidad de los Estados miembros, se debería exigir a éstos un esfuerzo económico importante, pero también es verdad que llevamos mucho tiempo reclamando que haya un sistema de frontera, de aduanas, europeo, como el que tienen los Estados Unidos, para asegurarnos ese control efectivo.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg, w imieniu grupy S&D. – Zdaniem hiszpańskich rolników, którzy skierowali petycję do Parlamentu Europejskiego, importowane po zbyt niskich cenach marokańskie pomidory stanowią zagrożenie dla europejskich producentów żywności. Chodzi o zaniżone ceny minimalne, które ustalono w preferencyjnej umowie o imporcie i eksporcie pomiędzy UE a Maroko na poziomie ok. 46 euro za 100 kg. Wg EUROSTATU Maroko wyeksportowało w grudniu 2010 r. ponad 70 tys. ton pomidorów, co więcej niż dwukrotnie przekracza kwotę, jaką przewiduje porozumienie między Unią a Maroko. Fakt ten spowodował liczne straty europejskich producentów, nie wspominając już o stratach we wpływach z ceł. W tej sprawie wypowiadał się już OLAF stwierdzając w sprawozdaniu w 2007 r., że w imporcie pomidorów z Maroka może dochodzić do nieprawidłowości związanych właśnie z określaniem ceny pomidorów poniżej ceny wejścia ustalonej przez Unię, co w efekcie umożliwia uniknięcie płacenia dodatkowych ceł. Dołączając się do innych posłów z komisji Petycji, chciałabym jednak zapytać, czy Komisja przewiduje rewizję tego rodzaju zasad i ewentualne odzyskanie niezapłaconych ceł.

  Ramon Tremosa i Balcells, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, last October I tabled a written question to the Commission concerning the discrepancies between the figures in the different EU services on the EU import of tomatoes from Morocco.

In 2008, there were about 100 000 tonnes in difference between DG TAXUD and Eurostat. The Commission answered that it had observed the problem and was solving it, but it is not clear to me whether the Commission will achieve what European citizens and European producers deserve.

In the European Union we import tomatoes not only from Morocco but also from other third countries. We should find a way for negotiations to be very fair to everyone and not at the expense of the European agriculture sector. We should also find a way to control what we are importing from other countries outside the EU, especially in some northern European ports. Without effective border controls, the European agriculture sector will have a very difficult future.

If European production of tomatoes is damaged by the EU-Morocco Agreement, it will be very difficult to regain production on EU soil. The rules and the obligations should be applied to everyone, which means fair competition. What we cannot accept is the application of different rules and duties to a European producer and an agricultural producer outside the EU. Accepting this means accepting the loss in competitiveness of our agricultural sector and a huge effect on the labour force in Europe. I am in favour of free trade, but under symmetric conditions of production and information. If they do not exist, free trade is not fair trade and competition is not fair competition.

Finally, I do not think that Parliament should ratify the EU-Morocco Agreement without the inclusion of clauses concerning the labour market, the social dimension and the environment in Morocco. If this does not happen, we may lose our European farming activity and our food chain industry.

  João Ferreira, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Senhor Presidente, aquando da discussão sobre os acordos comerciais sobre produtos agrícolas com Marrocos ou com outros países mediterrânicos, como o Egipto e também Israel, fizemos aqui vários alertas. Avisámos que a sua assinatura acentuaria ainda mais a pressão para a baixa dos preços na produção com que se confrontam os agricultores na União Europeia, nomeadamente em países como Portugal, e as dificuldades acrescidas de escoamento dos seus produtos. Denunciámos que a liberalização do comércio de frutas e hortícolas, produções tipicamente mediterrânicas lavaria à entrada nas grandes superfícies comerciais de produtos de mais baixo preço, muitas vezes isentos de regras e normas iguais às que são impostas aos agricultores na União Europeia. Chamámos a atenção para o facto da liberalização do comércio de produtos agrícolas promover modelos de produção intensiva de cariz exportador, que favorece a grande agro-indústria em detrimento da pequena e média agricultura, da agricultura familiar e do abastecimento dos mercados locais e regionais, tudo isto com consequências negativas na soberania, na segurança e na qualidade alimentares e também no ambiente.

A realidade dá razão aos alertas que aqui fazemos, alertas que a Comissão lamentavelmente ignorou e ignora. Ignorou a necessidade de defender os interesses dos produtores da União Europeia, garantindo preços justos à produção e a continuidade da actividade, nomeadamente aos pequenos e médios agricultores. E ficamos agora a saber que a Comissão ignorou também o relatório do Organismo Europeu de Luta Anti-Fraude, o OLAF, que denunciou irregularidades na importação do tomate proveniente de Marrocos, relatório que reconhece o impacto destas importações na baixa do preços do tomate no mercado da UE. Não contente com isso, no novo capítulo agrícola do Acordo se Associação com Marrocos, a Comissão decidiu aumentar ainda mais as importações de tomate para a União Europeia.

Para quando um freio neste fundamentalismo liberal que tudo sacrifica aos interesses de alguns grandes grupos económicos europeus e das multinacionais exportadoras? Como pensa a comissão ressarcir os produtores europeus dos prejuízos que manifestamente lhes causou? São estas as questões que aqui deixamos.

  Gabriel Mato Adrover (PPE). - Señor Presidente, los productores de tomates de Canarias, de Murcia, de Andalucía, de la Comunidad Valenciana, todos ellos productores comunitarios, necesitan que la Comisión actúe de forma decidida ante una situación injusta que les está causando graves daños. Hay fraude, y ustedes lo saben.

Marruecos, gracias al Acuerdo con la Unión Europea, se beneficia de un precio de entrada, que no cumple. Además, no hay que mirar sólo al 2007, también al 2010. Sabe bien la Comisión que los productores de tomate españoles tienen que competir con los marroquíes en condiciones discriminatorias, asumiendo unos costes de producción mucho más elevados como consecuencia de la exigente normativa europea en cuanto a estándares de calidad y seguridad alimentaria o laborales, o de limitaciones fitosanitarias que no se exigen a terceros países.

Aun así, nuestros productores, con enorme esfuerzo y apostando por la calidad, siguen trabajando con ahínco para salvar sus cultivos. Pero lo que es inaceptable es que la Comisión ignore el mal funcionamiento del régimen de precios de entrada, cuya complejidad favorece el fraude, como así ha puesto de manifiesto la propia OLAF, y que la Comisión mire hacia otro lado ante el incumplimiento de los contingentes de tomates acordados con Marruecos.

No es suficiente que la Comisión nos diga que la vigilancia compete a los Estados miembros. Si éstos incumplen sus obligaciones, la Comisión tiene que actuar. Lo que no es tolerable es que se vulneren las normas sobre los volúmenes importados de Marruecos sin que se paguen las tasas aduaneras correspondientes, y que la Comisión no haga nada.

La Comisión quiere que aprobemos un nuevo acuerdo con Marruecos. No cuente con nosotros mientras no nos garanticen que el sistema de precios se va a variar de forma que las producciones marroquíes no sigan compitiendo de forma desleal con los productos españoles.

Su obligación es velar por que los acuerdos se cumplan, pero, en todo caso, su obligación es defender los intereses de los agricultores de Canarias, Murcia, Comunidad Valenciana o Andalucía. ¡Háganlo ya, antes de que sea tarde!

  Josefa Andrés Barea (S&D). - Señor Presidente, desde el año 2003 se exige la modificación del Reglamento de precios de entrada. Lo han solicitado este Parlamento, los Estados miembros, España, Francia, apoyados por Italia, Grecia y Portugal.

La causa: una aplicación inadecuada del Reglamento, según la cual se dejan de pagar algunos derechos y se aplica un método de cálculo interesado. La consecuencia: se perjudica al sector, una competencia desleal y, por parte de los Estados, se perciben menos derechos aduaneros.

Lo han constatado el cuerpo Especial de Inspectores Hortofrutícolas, que señala que el artículo 5 de este Reglamento permite una utilización sesgada, y, como se ha venido afirmando aquí, la OLAF, la Agencia Anticorrupción de la Unión Europea, que dice que el método de cálculo utilizado evita el pago de los derechos adicionales.

Le corresponde a la Comisión dar una solución. Es necesario dar una solución, una respuesta al sistema productivo y una respuesta a los Estados. ¡Hace dieciséis años que existe esta situación!

El sector se encuentra afectado, el sector hortofrutícola europeo, el sector hortofrutícola español, valenciano, murciano, andaluz, está siendo afectado, y tiene que haber una solución. Los consumidores también lo están sufriendo.

  Paolo De Castro (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la petizione in discussione oggi arriva in un momento in cui la commissione per l'agricoltura e la commissione per il commercio internazionale del Parlamento stanno discutendo del nuovo capitolo sull'agricoltura dell'accordo con il Marocco.

L'OLAF conferma che ci sono state irregolarità sul calcolo dei dazi sull'importazione dei pomodori e che si è creato un danno per i produttori europei, quegli stessi produttori che esprimono tutta la loro inquietudine per il previsto aumento delle importazioni di pomodori e di ortofrutta in genere che ci sarà se l'accordo verrà siglato.

Siamo ovviamente sensibili a queste preoccupazioni causate da accordi bilaterali che spesso sacrificano la parte agricola a interessi industriali più ampi. Non è un buon modo di procedere e lo continueremo a ribadire alla Commissione europea. Tuttavia, vorrei segnalare che l'attuale situazione di crisi economica e politica in tutta l'area del Maghreb ci deve indurre a una riflessione attenta e più solidale su questo accordo.

  Iratxe García Pérez (S&D). - Señor Presidente, tal y como plantean los peticionarios de FEPEX, la Comisión debe modificar –y reitero aquí la petición hecha tanto por España como por algunos otros Estados miembros– algunos artículos del Reglamento al que estamos haciendo referencia.

Respecto al método de cálculo para fijar el precio de entrada, es necesario eliminar uno de los tres métodos actuales, concretamente el denominado «deductivo». Éste es el cambio más necesario, teniendo en cuenta que los importadores eligen el método que más les interesa en cada momento, con el fin de no pagar los derechos adicionales.

Ahora que la entrada en vigor del nuevo Acuerdo con Marruecos está pendiente de la aprobación de este Parlamento, el mejor argumento que la Comisión debería dar sería proceder, de una vez por todas, a las correcciones del sistema. Insistimos hoy en ello, una vez más, pues el buen funcionamiento de los precios de entrada es la lógica contrapartida que pueden esperar nuestros agricultores cuando se decida su entrada en vigor.

  Giovanni La Via (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, credo che il dibattito di oggi, a seguito di questa petizione presentata dalla Fepex, sia un dibattito opportuno che cade in un momento importante, visto che in questo Parlamento si sta parallelamente discutendo dell'accordo commerciale con il Marocco.

È ovvio che la petizione solleva un problema al quale sembra che la Commissione non abbia ancora dato una risposta. Questo Parlamento sollecita con forza questa risposta prima di procedere alla sottoscrizione del nuovo accordo, perché non è possibile continuare a far pagare agli agricoltori europei questa voglia di libero scambio che pervade l'Europa.

Abbiamo la necessità di difendere e tutelare i nostri agricoltori e questo non solo con riferimento alla produzione del pomodoro, ma con riferimento anche a tutta la produzione degli ortofrutticoli che verrebbe a essere pesantemente colpita da questa apertura indiscriminata del mercato.

  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sono comprensibili le critiche sentite qui questa mattina in ordine alla petizione presentata. Credo ci sia molto da fare per far sì che un possibile accordo in generale sui prodotti agricoli con il Marocco possa trovare un consenso. Un accordo che deve rispondere da una parte alle esigenze di un equilibrio, che non metta in situazione di grande difficoltà i produttori agricoli europei, e dall'altra all'esigenza di avere regole chiare e trasparenti di competizione sui mercati agricoli. È questa la strada da seguire per fare in modo che sia reso possibile un rapporto positivo tra Unione europea e Marocco.

Invito quindi la Commissione a cercare soluzioni adeguate che non perdano di vista gli interessi in campo dei produttori, ma non perdano di vista anche una rinnovata politica generosa nei confronti del Marocco, soprattutto di fronte alle cose che stanno avvenendo nel Maghreb.

Sarebbe di grande utilità comprendere e non vorrei che, anziché importare prodotti agricoli e pomodori, finissimo per importare sostanzialmente i raccoglitori di pomodori. È quindi importante una verifica sostanziale per una politica europea nuova.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE). - Señor Presidente, creo que, en el pasado, la experiencia del business as usual ya nos ha deparado muchas desgracias. En este caso tenemos que ser muy cautos, especialmente en relación con la situación que se está viviendo en la zona del Magreb. Y, precisamente por eso, me sumo a quienes han dicho que, en las condiciones actuales, es muy poco pertinente seguir adelante con el Acuerdo comercial con Marruecos.

Como ponente de la opinión de la Comisión de Pesca, creo que es necesario clarificar muy bien cómo están avanzando las cosas en el marco actual, pedir claramente que el tomate –o el producto que sea– que entre en la Unión Europea venga en las mismas condiciones que las que se exigen a los productores locales y, si eso no es una garantía, si eso no se garantiza, deberíamos, y debemos –y eso es lo que espero que esta Cámara haga también– replantearnos el marco en su conjunto.

Creo que estamos ante una necesidad, no de apostar por una política proteccionista, pero sí de apostar por una clara justicia comercial. Y es necesario que tengamos claro cuál es el marco, para poder saber y actuar de la forma más responsable posible.

  Cristina Gutiérrez-Cortines (PPE). - Señor Presidente, he de agradecer a todos los compañeros que están comprendiendo el problema del Mediterráneo, a la delegación española y a todos aquellos que entienden que Canarias, Murcia, Valencia y Almería, además de estar siendo frustrados porque la Comisión no cumple con sus acuerdos, y habiendo tenido que cerrar muchas empresas, seguimos siendo el punto de recepción de emigrantes del África subsahariana, el punto de recepción de emigrantes de Marruecos y el colchón ante la crisis, puesto que estamos manteniendo, en un momento de absoluta carencia económica, a personas que vienen a trabajar y pueden devolver una renta a sus familias.

Por tanto, creo que la Comisión, además, debe ser responsable con las competencias que le confieren los Tratados, y me parece que todavía no ha reflexionado sobre la necesidad de defender los intereses de los ciudadanos; de no abrir la puerta a una política indiscriminada donde, además, nos hace importar productos elaborados en unas condiciones fitosanitarias ampliamente dudosas.

  Peter Jahr (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Der europäische Binnenmarkt ist auch etabliert worden, um dem europäischen Verbraucherschutz besser gerecht zu werden. Der Verbraucher hat ein Recht darauf, dass er überall in der Europäischen Union gesunde und fair produzierte Produkte kaufen kann.

Marktöffnungen, d.h. eine kontrollierte Importquote, müssen deshalb mindestens drei Anforderungen gerecht werden: Erstens muss die zugelassene Importmenge eindeutig kontrolliert werden. Das betrifft vor allen Dingen erst einmal die quantitative Seite. Zweitens muss auch die Qualität der Produkte kontrolliert werden. Das betrifft auch Produktionsstandards. Und drittens müssen die Auswirkungen auf die Landwirte der Europäischen Union berücksichtigt werden. Geschäfte zu Lasten Dritter, das heißt hier meist Geschäfte zugunsten der Industrie und zu Lasten der Landwirtschaft, müssen verhindert werden.

Deshalb bitte ich die Kommission, das neue Abkommen mit Marokko noch einmal kritisch unter die Lupe zu nehmen und es erst nach einer erneuten Prüfung abzuschließen.

  Michel Dantin (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, je voudrais remercier les producteurs espagnols qui nous ont adressé cette pétition qui arrive à point nommé.

En effet, depuis des mois, dans ce Parlement, nous alertons la Commission sur le danger, pour notre économie intérieure, d'un certain nombre d'accords bilatéraux. Évidemment, nous sommes sensibles à la question du développement du Maroc. Évidement, nous savons que fixer la population marocaine chez elle est la meilleure des solutions, et que cela nous évitera d'avoir à régler de nombreux problèmes d'immigration demain. Mais, lorsque la Commission nous dit qu'un nouvel accord ne fait qu'entériner une situation, nous voyons bien, à travers les rapports de l'OLAF, que la situation à laquelle la Commission fait allusion n'est pas la solution réelle.

Je voudrais en plus alerter la Commission sur un autre point. On nous dit que les accords négociés, renégociés, permettront de soutenir les producteurs marocains. Mais de quels producteurs parle-t-on? Les exportateurs sont d'abord de grandes firmes agroalimentaires, qui ont installé au Maroc de grosses exploitations. Ce ne sont pas les petits producteurs marocains qui bénéficient de nos accords, car ils n'ont pas la capacité de produire dans des conditions qui seront acceptables par le marché européen. Ne nous trompons pas de sujet, mais ne trompez pas les parlementaires européens non plus, voilà ce que je demande à la Commission.

  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Mr President, if you will allow me, I will start with some figures because they were referred to by several speakers in their statements. I will use the Comext data for this.

EU imports of tomatoes from Morocco grew from 185 000 tonnes in the 1999-2000 season to 295 000 tonnes in 2009-2010, following the normal trend of fresh fruit and vegetable imports from all over the world. At the same time, total additional EU imports of tomatoes increased from 242 000 tonnes to 493 000 tonnes. I have to underline that Morocco’s share of total EU imports actually decreased from 76% to 59%. EU tomato production varies between 16 and 18 million tonnes per year, of which 6.5 to 7.5 million tonnes are destined for the fresh market. I think that it is very good to bear these figures in mind so that we can keep this discussion and the size of the problem in proportion.

Regarding the new agreement with Morocco, we in the Commission believe that it is modest and balanced. If it is adopted the Commission will of course ensure that all its conditions and rules are fully respected. Additional quantities under the tariff rate quota will be kept below the traditional average of supplies to the EU. The current average annual level is 300 000 tonnes. With an additional 52 000 tonnes there will be 285 000 tonnes within the tariff rate quota, so there will still be scope for 15 000 tonnes of imports under the usual erga omnes regime.

Turning to another problem raised, namely the claim that we failed to act, I really cannot accept that because we did not find any systemic failure in the system. There was one case that was also presented here today in which OLAF investigated the problem and referred the whole file with the findings to the French court, which did not support the full extent of OLAF’s findings, but nevertheless the partial recovery of unpaid duties has started.

I would also like to assure this House that, regarding control of phytosanitary standards, the Commission is assuring the highest possible control and the highest possible level of standards for every import of fresh fruit and vegetables to the European Union. At the same time, I have to say that I understand the vigilance of the Members of the European Parliament and the vigilance of the agricultural sector on these very pertinent issues. I would like to assure them that, if the organisations have concrete evidence of fraud, they are invited to bring this to the attention of the Commission, which will carefully analyse it and take appropriate action if needed.

  President. − The debate is closed.

(The sitting was suspended at 11.35 and resumed at 12.00)

IN THE CHAIR: DIANA WALLIS
Vice-President

6. Ħin tal-votazzjonijiet

  President. − The next item is the vote.

(For the results and other details on the vote: see Minutes)

⁂

  Nigel Farage (EFD). - Madam President, under Rule 110 of our Rules of Procedure, the Commission may at any time request permission to make a statement on an urgent issue. Overnight, we have had the economically calamitous, but unsurprising, news that another country has bitten the dust and that Portugal is going to have to be bailed out. Can I ask whether you have received any request from the Commission to make a statement on Portugal today? If not, would the Commissioner say why not? Does he think that the bailing-out of Portugal is not important enough for this Parliament to discuss, or is he just burying his head in the sand?

  President. − Mr Farage, you have made your point and I am sure that Commissioner Šefčovič has heard. It is the prerogative of each institution to react. You have been heard and we will see what happens.

  Nigel Farage (EFD). - Madam President, I ask: is the answer yes or no? Have you received a request from the Commission to make an urgent statement on the Portuguese situation or not?

  President. − Mr Farage, it is the Commisison’s prerogative and you have had the chance to be heard. We will now proceed with our votes.

6.1. It-tilqima kontra l-bluetongue (A7-0121/2011, Janusz Wojciechowski) (votazzjoni)

– Before the vote:

  Paolo De Castro, Presidente della commissione AGRI. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mi permetto di intervenire brevemente solo per sottolineare l'importanza della relazione Wojciechowski sulla febbre catarrale per una questione istituzionale che ci riguarda tutti.

Per quanto concerne il contenuto non c'è alcun motivo di conflitto tra Commissione, Parlamento e Consiglio. Rimane invece molto sensibile la questione dell'inclusione nel testo delle tavole di corrispondenza, le correlation tables. Nonostante il Consiglio fosse assolutamente contrario, la commissione per l'agricoltura ha ritenuto di votare un testo che include le tavole di corrispondenza che impegnano gli Stati membri a rendere conto dell'implementazione della direttiva.

Sarà ora il Consiglio a dover scegliere se accettare le tavole di corrispondenza e chiudere l'accordo in prima lettura, o prendersi la responsabilità davanti gli allevatori europei di far saltare quest'anno la campagna di vaccinazione contro la bluetongue pur di non cedere su questo punto.

Credo che questo dossier possa servire da esempio per le negoziazioni future con il Consiglio e dobbiamo essere uniti e determinanti nel pretendere dagli Stati membri la massima trasparenza e nel difendere il rispetto pieno della legislazione comunitaria.

  President. − I believe the rapportuer would also like the floor.

  Janusz Wojciechowski, sprawozdawca. − Pani Przewodnicząca! W zasadzie pan De Castro powiedział to, co chciałem powiedzieć. Tylko przyłączam się do tego apelu, aby Rada nie czyniła przeszkód w szybkim wprowadzeniu w życie nowej dyrektywy. Tablice korelacyjne są bowiem początkiem i precedensem, który, moim zdaniem, tworzy dobrą praktykę na przyszłość, pomagającą łatwiej śledzić zgodność prawa europejskiego z prawem krajowym.

6.2. It-tagħlimiet li għandna nisiltu għas-sikurezza nukleari fl-Ewropa wara l-inċident nukleari fil-Ġappun (B7-0236/2011) (votazzjoni)

6.3. Is-sitwazzjoni fis-Sirja, fil-Baħrejn u fil-Jemen (B7-0249/2011) (votazzjoni)

6.4. Ir-Raba' Konferenza tan-Nazzjonijiet Unit dwar il-Pajjiżi l-Anqas Żviluppati (B7-0228/2011) (votazzjoni)

– Before the vote on paragraph 16:

  Nirj Deva (ECR). - Madam President, I would like to include, after ‘climate change risk assessment’, the words ‘which does not harm trade’.

(The oral amendment was not accepted)

6.5. Ir-rapport ta' progress 2010 dwar l-Islanda (B7-0226/2011) (votazzjoni)

– Before the vote on amendment 2:

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). - Aş vrea să înlocuim:

Urges the people of Iceland to support this agreement’ with Encourages the people of Iceland to support this agreement’.

  President. − Mr Preda, I am sorry but I think you have read the wrong oral amendment. You have two, could you try the other one. That would be helpful.

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). - Aş vrea să înlocuim, în amendamentul 2.

‘Enter into constructive talks’ with ‘Continue the constructive talks’.

  Gerard Batten (EFD). - Madam President, I urge all Members not to adopt the amendment, and I urge Iceland to protect its fish stocks ...

(Interruption by the President) (Heckling)

(The oral amendment was accepted)

6.6. Ir-rapport ta' progress 2010 dwar Dik li kienet ir-Repubblika Jugoslava tal-Maċedonja (B7-0225/2011) (votazzjoni)

– Before the vote:

  Νικόλαος Σαλαβράκος (EFD). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, υποβάλω σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 177 αίτημα αναβολής της συζητήσεως, διότι ο κ. Zoran Thaler, ο οποίος είναι ο εισηγητής της παρούσης εκθέσεως, δεν είναι πια μαζί μας μετά τις γνωστές, σοβαρές καταγγελίες της Sunday Times. Κατ' εμέ, απολαμβάνει του τεκμηρίου αθωότητας, υπό το πρίσμα όμως των καταγγελιών εναντίον του, η παρούσα έκθεση για την FYROM δεν απολαμβάνει του τεκμηρίου της αξιοπιστίας. Σε κάθε περίπτωση η έκθεση αυτή θα έχει ένα σπέρμα αμφιβολίας. Ζητώ λοιπόν ν' αναβληθεί η συζήτηση, να ορισθεί νέος εισηγητής και μετά τρίμηνο να επανέλθει, για να διατηρήσουμε το κύρος του Κοινοβουλίου.

  President. − We indeed have a new rapporteur who has taken over the report. Mr Vigenin, if you care to take the floor I will allow you to do so briefly.

  Kristian Vigenin (S&D). - Madam President, we should not enter into this propaganda exercise. This report has been discussed.

(Applause)

There was broad agreement between all political groups on this report. It was adopted by the Committee on Foreign Affairs by an overwhelming majority. We had a good debate yesterday, and I would ask you to continue with the vote now.

(The request to postpone the vote was rejected)

– Before the vote on Amendment 1:

  Eduard Kukan (PPE). - Madam President, I want to propose that the final vote on this resolution be a roll-call vote.

  President. − Let us wait until we get to the final vote and we will see if the House wishes to do that.

– Before the final vote:

  Gerard Batten (EFD). - Madam President, it says that roll calls may be taken with 24 hours notice. If there is another rule which supersedes this and says a roll call can be decided by Parliament, would you please tell us what the number is. Otherwise we could all request roll calls when we felt like it.

  President. − I have the power as your presiding Vice-President today to decide whether we take a roll-call vote or not. It is Rule 20 that gives me the power, but I am going to ask the House nevertheless. Let us have a show of hands. Do you wish to vote by roll-call? It is clear that the House wishes to vote by roll-call in accordance with my wish also, so I open the vote on the final motion for a resolution.

(Parliament agreed to the request for a roll-call vote)

6.7. Is-Sitwazzjoni fil-Côte d'Ivoire (B7-0256/2011) (votazzjoni)

6.8. Rieżami tal-Politika Ewropea tal-Viċinat - Id-Dimensjoni tal-Lvant (B7-0198/2011) (votazzjoni)

6.9. Rieżami tal-Politika Ewropea tal-Viċinat - Id-Dimensjoni tan-Nofsinhar (B7-0199/2011) (votazzjoni)

– Before the vote on Amendment 7:

  Paweł Robert Kowal (ECR). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Chciałbym poprosić o to, żeby w przedstawionej przez mnie poprawce dokonać małej korekty. Ta korekta została zresztą już w całości przedstawiona na końcu listy do głosowania. Generalnie chodzi o to, żeby odnieść się nie tylko do wydarzeń w Libii, żeby nie stwarzać wrażenia, że ta poprawka, że nasza praca ma tylko charakter partykularny, ale odwołać się do tego wszystkiego, co się dzieje w Afryce Północnej i na Bliskim Wschodzie i podkreślić wagę tego, by dwie trzecie środków (ustalony podział ⅔ do ⅓) został zachowany jako pewien gest dobrej woli i wyraz tego, że zależy nam na wymiarze południowym.

(The oral amendment was not accepted)

6.10. L-użu tal-vjolenza sesswali fil-kunflitti fl-Afrika ta' Fuq u fil-Lvant Nofsani (B7-0244/2011) (votazzjoni)

6.11. Rapport annwali tal-BEI għall-2009 (A7-0073/2011, George Sabin Cutaş) (votazzjoni)

  President. − That concludes the vote.

7. Spegazzjonijiet tal-vot

Oral explantions of vote

Report: Janusz Wojciechowski (A7-0121/2011)

  Ville Itälä (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, näen erittäin tärkeänä, että äänestimme selkeällä enemmistöllä tämän mietinnön puolesta. Tämä on juuri sitä työtä, jota Euroopan parlamentin täytyy tehdä, jotta kansalaisten usko tähän järjestelmään säilyy.

Mutta miksi halusin ottaa nyt äänestyksen jälkeen vielä esille tämän? Korostan samaa kuin mietinnön esittelijä, että erityisesti instituutioiden välillä tämä on tärkeä asia ja nämä vastaavuustaulukot ovat tärkeä alku. Toivon, että tämä loppuun asti toimii niin, että instituutioiden välillä ei tule riitaa, vaan tämä pannaan toimeen mahdollisimman nopeasti.

  Giommaria Uggias (ALDE). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è un provvedimento importante per tutto il mondo agropastorale. A tale provvedimento, però, deve far seguito rapidamente l'impegno del Consiglio, e quindi dei governi nazionali, affinché venga adottato immediatamente, prima della fine della stagione, in modo tale da risolvere questo problema che non riguarda soltanto la parte meridionale dell'Europa ma riguarda – e il voto di oggi ne è la testimonianza – l'intero territorio europeo.

La bluetongue affligge il patrimonio ovino e il patrimonio bovino delle nostre aziende. Quindi, procedere verso una totale eradicazione è un obiettivo di politica sanitaria al quale con questo provvedimento i governi nazionali potranno in misura maggiore dare il loro contributo attraverso l'elasticità. Si tratta anche di adottarlo immediatamente attraverso il recepimento della direttiva.

Motion for a resolution RC-B7-0236/2011 (Lessons to be drawn for nuclear safety in Europe following the nuclear accident in Japan)

  Ville Itälä (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, tämä oli äärimmäisen tärkeä keskustelunaihe, ja näen tärkeäksi, että parlamentilta olisi lähtenyt selkeä viesti, että me olemme todella huolissamme siitä, mitä tapahtui. Me haluamme osoittaa kansalaisille, että me teemme kaikkemme, jotta ydinvoimalat Euroopassa ja maailmalla ovat mahdollisimman turvallisia. Me haluamme myös kuitenkin osoittaa sen, että ydinvoiman kanssa voidaan jatkaa, kun varmuus tästä on olemassa. On sääli, että täällä kuitenkin enemmistö äänesti vastaan, ja tätä selkeätä viestiä ei näin ollen täältä tänään lähtenyt.

  Bernd Lange (S&D). - Frau Präsidentin! Ich bin etwas enttäuscht, dass das Parlament heute keine Mehrheit gefunden hat, um vernünftige Konsequenzen aus dem Reaktorunglück in Japan zu ziehen. Für mich steht außer Frage, dass dies bedeuten muss, eine klare Energiewende raus aus der Atomenergie – also einen Einstieg in den Ausstieg – auf europäischer Ebene zu organisieren. Zum Zweiten muss auch klar sein, dass, wenn wir Stresstests haben, dann auch ein AKW, das durchfällt, verbindlich vom Netz genommen werden muss.

Beides hat in der Abstimmung keine Mehrheit gefunden. Deswegen konnte ich die Entschließung nicht mittragen. Ich hoffe, wir bekommen es hin, in der nächsten Zeit eine vereinheitlichte Energiepolitik zu organisieren, damit wir sicher und mit einer vernünftigen Position in die Energiezukunft – in Richtung Energieeffizienz und erneuerbare Energien – gehen.

  Sergej Kozlík (ALDE) - Určite nikto nepochybuje o tom, že havária vo Fukušime ukázala, že je potrebné sprísniť hodnotenie prevádzky súčasných a výstavby nových atómových elektrární. Bude treba prehodnotiť a upraviť právne predpisy a parametre záťažových testov európskych jadrových elektrární na základe spoločných kritérií platných v celej Európskej únii. Vzhľadom na to, že ide o globálny problém, ktorý nepozná hranice, malo by ísť dokonca o medzikontinentálne dohody zastrešené svetovými autoritami.

Nemožno však konať unáhlene, aby sme spolu s vodou nevyliali z vaničky aj dieťa. Ide o riešenie prísne odborných problémov, ktorým politizácia môže len uškodiť. Svedkami mnohých demagogických a odborne nepodložených tvrdení sme denne na stránkach médií, ale aj tu v Európskom parlamente.

Nakoľko závery rokovania Európskeho parlamentu plne zobrazujú takúto rozporuplnosť postojov, pri záverečnom hlasovaní o pozícii Parlamentu som sa zdržal hlasovania.

  Mitro Repo (S&D). - Arvoisa puhemies, minä en voinut myöskään äänestää tämän päätöslauselman puolesta siinä muodossa kuin se tuli äänestettäväksi.

Euroopassa kansalaiset pelkäävät syystä turvallisuutensa puolesta. Tämän tulisi olla meille nyt prioriteetti. Kansalaisten turvallisuudentunteen kohottamiseen tarvitaan konkreettisia toimia.

Tämä päätöslauselma jakoi mielipiteitä halki koko parlamentin. Ei tulisi olla kyse siitä, olemmeko ydinvoimaa vastaan vai sen puolesta, vaan me vaadimme turvallisuutta koskevia vähimmäisstandardeja koko Eurooppaan. Komission ehdottamat stressitestit eivät yksin riitä rauhoittamaan kansalaisia. Komission tulisikin tutkia vaihtoehtoisia tulevaisuuden energiaratkaisuja ottaen samalla huomioon EU:n jäsenvaltioiden erilaiset energiatarpeet. Mielestäni ydinvoimaan investoiminen ei saa vähentää uusiutuviin energialähteisiin suunnattavaa tutkimusta tai tuotekehitystä.

  Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE) - Katastrofa vo Fukušime vyvolala oprávnené obavy verejnosti z využívania jadrovej energie, a preto je namieste vážne sa zamyslieť nad súčasným stavom v EÚ a podniknúť rázne kroky k zvýšeniu bezpečnosti, s tým súhlasím, transparentnosti pri prevádzkovaní jadrových elektrární, ochrany ľudského zdravia. Či už chceme alebo nie, v dnešnej dobe nie je ani pri najlepšej vôli možné predstaviť si funkčný konkurenčný trh s energiou bez prispievania jadrovej energie do vyváženého energetického mixu.

Únia a členské štáty majú povinnosť vytvárať takú energetickú politiku, aby zabezpečila udržanie suverenity, politickej nezávislosti a ekonomickej bezpečnosti každého štátu. Nástrojmi na dosiahnutie takéhoto vytýčeného cieľa sú okrem vhodného energetického mixu, aj primeraná úroveň výrobnej kapacity, rovnováha medzi dodávkou a dopytom, znižovanie energetickej náročnosti hospodárstva a tak ďalej.

Nebojím sa zdôrazniť, že nukleárna energia je významný zdrojom pre produkciu elektrickej energie, pretože prispieva k väčšej energetickej bezpečnosti, predovšetkým štátov s obmedzenými zdrojmi pevných palív. V záverečnom hlasovaní som sa zdržal vzhľadom na to, že bol návrh hlasovania, aby prešlo moratórium na nové reaktory. S tým určite nesúhlasím.

  Paul Murphy (GUE/NGL). - Madam President, I voted in favour of the amendment insisting on a nuclear-free future for Europe. The tragedy of Fukushima underlines the huge danger that nuclear power represents for humanity and for the environment. The potential for massive catastrophe and the lack of a safe way to dispose of spent nuclear fuel means that nuclear power does not represent a safe means to develop energy production.

The tragedy also underlines the fact that private profiteers cannot be trusted with the vital task of energy production and energy distribution. Ultimately, the capitalist pursuit of profit, without regard for human life, human safety or the environment, is responsible for this crisis.

I call for the nationalisation of the energy sector under democratic worker control and management. On that basis, we could develop a rational and sustainable plan for energy production, distribution and use, to provide cheap and safe energy for all, while protecting the environment. At the centre of that plan there must be a long-term programme of investment in renewable energy sources leading to the progressive replacement of oil, gas, coal and nuclear power stations.

  Francesco De Angelis (S&D). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dopo la tragedia di Fukushima dobbiamo tutti un po' riflettere. Torna il nucleare e credo che noi dobbiamo pensare soprattutto al futuro, al futuro dei nostri figli. È vero che c'è bisogno di energia, ma c'è bisogno di energia pulita e di energia sicura. Va bene la sicurezza, ma non basta. Non basta la moratoria, bisogna andare oltre.

La tragedia di Fukushima ci dice che non ci sono centrali a rischio zero e ci dice soprattutto che dobbiamo organizzare la rapida uscita dal nucleare e puntare decisamente sulle fonti di energia rinnovabili e alternative. All'Europa serve una nuova politica energetica per fermare la costruzione di nuove centrali nucleari per i tremendi impatti che queste centrali comportano sulla sicurezza, l'ambiente, il clima e le generazioni a venire. È necessario cambiare radicalmente prospettiva, per un futuro sicuro segnato dal risparmio energetico e dall'utilizzo delle fonti rinnovabili.

  Filip Kaczmarek (PPE). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Głosowałem za przyjęciem rezolucji. Rezolucja miała być też głosem solidarności z ofiarami klęski żywiołowej i awarii jądrowej, która nastąpiła po niej, a także wdzięczności i uznania dla wszystkich osób, które narażają własne życie, aby zapobiec jeszcze większej katastrofie. Ja też jestem pełen podziwu dla solidarności, odwagi, determinacji, z jaką mieszkańcy Japonii reagują na tę klęskę.

Zgadzam się z wnioskiem, że Unia Europejska musi kompleksowo ocenić swoje podejście do bezpieczeństwa jądrowego, ale nie możemy wymuszać na państwach członkowskich rezygnacji z działań na rzecz własnego bezpieczeństwa energetycznego, dlatego cieszę się, że odrzuciliśmy nierealistyczne i niebezpieczne zapisy w naszej rezolucji.

  Giommaria Uggias (ALDE). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la delegazione italiana dell'Italia dei valori ha votato contro il testo di risoluzione sul nucleare, perché questo testo non aveva la chiarezza per indicare un no chiaro al nucleare.

Sono purtroppo stati respinti tutti gli emendamenti che potevano migliorare il testo e scegliere un'Europa libera dal nucleare, libera subito dalle centrali esistenti e senza nessuna futura centrale nucleare. Un'Europa libera dal nucleare è l'unica strada percorribile per garantire ai nostri figli e alle future generazioni un futuro sicuro dal ripetersi di catastrofi come quella di Fukushima e come quella di Chernobyl.

Queste lezioni ci insegnano che non può esistere una sicurezza teorica. Ecco perché noi dobbiamo dire con chiarezza un no alla scelta nucleare e investire in termini di ricerca e innovazione sulle altre fonti che siano veramente verdi, rinnovabili e pulite.

  Peter Jahr (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin! Ich habe für den Entschließungsantrag gestimmt und bedauere es außerordentlich, dass das Parlament es heute nicht geschafft hat, zu einer einheitlichen Position zu kommen. Das sage ich auch besonders den Kollegen, die womöglich mehr verlangt haben. Ich denke, es wäre besser gewesen, dem Kompromiss zuzustimmen, denn ich weiß auch, dass die Frage der Kernenergie in der Europäischen Union sehr unterschiedlich beantwortet wird.

Aber gerade weil Umwelt- und Unfallauswirkungen an Landesgrenzen nicht haltmachen, wäre es für mich wichtig gewesen, die Minimalforderungen aufzunehmen und zu akzeptieren. Wir brauchen erstens einen einheitlichen Sicherheitsstandard in der Europäischen Union. Wir brauchen zweitens eine Vorsorge für eventuell eintretende Unfälle oder Katastrophen. Wir brauchen also einen europäischen Katastrophenmaßnahmenplan. Und drittens sollten wir die Forschung im Bereich erneuerbare Energien, aber auch im Bereich Kernfusion sowie hinsichtlich der Etablierung von Lagerstätten und des Recycling von Kernbrennstoffen weiterhin nicht vernachlässigen.

  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE). - Madam President, I also am disappointed that this House was not able to send a balanced and reasonable message. There is no doubt that the damage to the Fukushima nuclear power plant is a disaster, but the final death toll will not be counted in thousands or hundreds, and perhaps not even in tens.

As a result of the world’s most severe earthquake recorded in that area, there will be an estimated 30 000 to 40 000 deaths due to destroyed roads, bridges, railway lines and buildings. Should we demolish all similar structures in the EU, just in case? That is my question.

Nuclear technology is not at fault in Japan; the location is. A panic reaction in Europe is therefore not only ridiculous, it could also damage the environment because there is no credible supply of a low-carbon alternative to nuclear energy, and fossil fuels will prosper. Do we really want that?

  Hannu Takkula (ALDE). - Arvoisa puhemies, varmasti kaikki Euroopassa ovat huolissaan turvallisuudesta, ja se on tärkeä asia. Meidän täytyy rakentaa järjestelmiä, jotka ovat turvallisia.

Mutta kyllä täytyy sanoa, että Fukushiman jälkeen on hiukan ylireagoitu. Se on toisaalta hyvin inhimillistä. Muistan sen ajan, kun Estonia-laiva upposi: jotkut olivat sitä mieltä, että kaikki laivat pitäisi kieltää, koska ne ovat vaarallisia. No, tällaisia yksittäisiä ajatuksia saattaa syntyä. Nytkin täytyy muistaa, että yksi 54 ydinvoimalasta ei läpäissyt tuota testiä, jonka tsunami ja maanjäristys aiheuttivat.

Mutta siitä huolimatta nyt täytyy rauhallisesti tarkastella asioita ja muistaa se, että yksittäisestä ei saa tehdä yleistä. Nimittäin 300 000 eurooppalaista kuolee joka vuosi fossiilisten polttoaineiden päästöjen vaikutuksesta ja siinä meillä olisi ensimmäinen tarkistuksen paikka. On erittäin tärkeää varmistaa, että ydintekniikka on turvallista, ja tiedän sen, että Euroopassa rakennetaan turvallisesti myös jatkossa ja siihen täytyy kiinnittää huomiota mutta tällaiseen vääränlaiseen hysteriaan ei ole millään muotoa syytä.

  Gay Mitchell (PPE). - Madam President, can I say I abstained on the votes all of the way through on this. This was not because I am not concerned about the issue, as I really am concerned about this issue, but I realise that it has to be nuanced and there are no easy answers.

I live in Ireland, I represent Dublin, which is on the east coast of Ireland. Along the west coast of Britain there are five active nuclear plants; I have no objection to them. However, I do think that in the area of nuclear safety and in the interests of good neighbourliness it would be a good idea to have some form of joint British/Irish –when I say Irish I mean North-South Irish – safety overview of the workings of those plants so that we would be informed about the risks, if there are any. Furthermore, in the event of an accident, we could participate in any evacuation that there might need to be for people in Wales or England, so that we could play our part as a good neighbour.

Within Member States, where there are neighbour Member State countries with facilities of this kind, there needs to be good neighbourly cooperation. That is the reason why I wished to make this explanation.

Motion for a resolution RC-B7-0249/2011 (Situation in Syria, Bahrain and Yemen)

  Mitro Repo (S&D). - Arvoisa puhemies, Syyriassa, Bahrainissa ja Jemenissä ihmiset ovat nousseet puolustamaan ihmisarvoa, avoimuutta, perusoikeuksia ja oikeutta demokratiaan.

Euroopan unioni on osoittanut tahtoa ja kykyä Libyan siviiliväestön suojelemisessa ja demokraattisen vallankumouksen tukemisessa. Meidän on vältettävä kaksinaismoraalia ja osoitettava, että toimimme arvojemme mukaisesti Euroopan unionin ulkopolitiikassa.

Pohjois-Afrikan ja Lähi-idän tilanne on Euroopan uudelle ulkosuhdehallinnolle todellinen koetinkivi. Toimiva ja oikeudenmukainen yhteiskunta tarvitsee rehellistä vuoropuhelua ja vuorovaikutusta kansalaisyhteiskunnan ja poliittisten päättäjien välillä. Kansalaisia on kuunneltava – tästä me tahdomme Syyriaa, Bahrainia ja Jemeniä muistuttaa. Me emme ole lietsomassa vallankumousta.

Kansalaisten tyytyväisyys, turvallisuus ja hyvinvointi on oikeudenmukaisuutta kunnioittavan valtion prioriteetti. Tämän päätöslauselman myötä osoitamme, että Eurooppa seisoo ulkopolitiikassaan niiden arvojen varassa, joille se on myös rakennettu.

  Paul Murphy (GUE/NGL). - Madam President, I abstained on the vote on the situation in Syria, Bahrain and Yemen. The revolutionary movements that started in Tunisia have inspired and encouraged millions of people across North Africa and the Middle East to engage in popular uprisings against the brutal regimes that have dictatorially ruled those countries for decades.

Those uprisings have once again proven the potential power of the working class and the poor to stand up and defeat their oppressors. I denounce the hypocrisy of the leaders of the EU and other Western countries who today condemn the brutal repression that is used by these dictatorial leaders, but who yesterday supported, and provided a lifeline for, their regimes.

It is now vital that the masses unite across ethnic and religious lines to clean out the corrupt elites and build genuine democratic societies that can provide decent jobs, decent education and end poverty. To achieve that, the working class and poor must take control over the economy and wealth that exists in the region and use it in the interests of the majority.

  Adam Bielan (ECR). - W ostatnim czasie obserwujemy masowe demonstracje w krajach takich jak Syria, Bahrain czy Jemen. Protestujący domagają się demokratyzacji życia publicznego, ustąpienia dyktatorskich przywódców, a także, zwłaszcza w Syrii, zniesienia stanu wyjątkowego. Niestety władze tych krajów w sposób brutalny używają siły przeciw demonstrantom, zabijając wiele osób. Szczególnie niepokojące jest zagrożenie całego regionu. Stosowanie przemocy wobec własnych obywateli jest pogwałceniem wszelkich praw. Używanie ostrej amunicji jest niedopuszczalne i zasługuje na kategoryczny głos potępienia. Apeluję do rządów tych państw o zaprzestanie represji w imię poszanowania praw człowieka, w tym prawa do pokojowego protestu i wolności słowa. Zwracam się do instytucji europejskich oraz właściwych organizacji międzynarodowych o uruchomienie działań dyplomatycznych w celu ochrony demonstrantów. Mam nadzieję, że przyjmując dzisiejszą rezolucję przyczynimy się również do obrony podstawowych praw człowieka w tych krajach.

  Hannu Takkula (ALDE). - Arvoisa puhemies, Euroopan unioni tietää tietenkin, että politiikassaan sen täytyy toteuttaa omia perusarvojaan. Ihmisoikeudet ovat yksi keskeinen asia; niitä meidän pitää viedä Lähi-itään. Me tarvitsemme sinne todellakin käsitystä ja ymmärrystä siitä, mitä ihmisoikeudet tarkoittavat. Se ei ole helppoa, koska Lähi-idän kulttuuri perustuu toisenlaisille arvoille. Mehän Euroopassa olemme kasvaneet juutalaiskristilliseen arvomaailmaan, ja heidän arvonsa nousevat taas islamilaisesta ajattelusta. Kummassakin ihmistä käsitellään eri tavalla ja ajatus ihmisestä on erilainen.

Joka tapauksessa Syyria on vuodesta 1963 toteuttanut poikkeuslakia, joka on mahdollistanut ihmisten teloittamisen ilman oikeudenkäyntiä. Nyt tämä kansannousu osoittaa meille sen, että Euroopassa täytyy todellakin avata silmät näkemään, että ainoa menestystarina Lähi-idässä on sen ainoa demokraattinen valtio – Israel, jossa on mielipiteen vapaus, ihmisoikeudet ja demokratia.

Meidän pitäisi saada nyt tällaista vaikutusta enemmänkin Syyriaan, Bahrainiin ja Jemeniin, niin että he hyväksyisivät ihmisoikeudet kaikille ja myös naisten ja lasten oikeudet, ja sitä kautta ehkä pääsisivät demokratian tielle. Mutta en ole naiivi, ja tiedän sen, että islamilaisessa maailmassa on vaikea viedä näitä arvoja eteenpäin, mutta eurooppalaisina meidän pitäisi yrittää viedä ja edistää näitä arvoja.

Motion for a resolution B7-0226/2011 (2010 progress report on Iceland)

  Paul Murphy (GUE/NGL). - Madam President, I abstained on the 2010 report on Iceland. As a result of the financial and economic crisis, Iceland went from being the fifth-richest country in the world to being a country racked by crisis, with the collapse of its banking system, where 40% of households could not pay their bills and pensioners lost their life’s savings.

Last year, 93% of the Icelandic population, in a referendum, rejected the notion of paying more than EUR 3.5 billion to the governments of Britain and the Netherlands. Despite some modifications they are faced with essentially the same deal in the vote to be held on 9 April. They should not be bullied into accepting this deal; the deal should be rejected. It is not the responsibility of the Icelandic people to pay for the crisis. Workers, pensioners and poor people have not created this crisis and must not pay for it; not in Iceland, not in Greece, not in Portugal, not in Spain, not in Ireland nor elsewhere. Those international speculators who profited massively from the deregulation of the financial markets must pay.

  Peter Jahr (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin! Ich freue mich grundsätzlich über jedes Mitglied in der Europäischen Union und habe diesem Antrag deswegen auch zugestimmt. Aber ich wünsche mir, dass gerade auch in Beitrittsverhandlungen alle Probleme klar und deutlich auf den Tisch kommen und vorher erörtert bzw. geklärt werden. Denn Probleme, die aus falsch verstandener Freundlichkeit nicht geklärt werden, sind deshalb nicht beseitigt. Nachbesserungen sind dann oft schwieriger und langwieriger und führen zu gegenseitigen Enttäuschungen. Ich wiederhole: Ich freue mich über jedes neue EU-Mitglied, aber jedes Mitglied hat nicht nur Rechte, sondern auch Pflichten.

Motion for a resolution B7-0225/2011 (2010 progress report on the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia)

  Mitro Repo (S&D). - Arvoisa puhemies, olen pahoillani ja valitan äänestyksen edellä tapahtunutta välikohtausta. Te toimitte aivan oikein.

Euroopan unioni on luvannut laajentumismahdollisuuden Balkanin maille. Pidän sitä ainoana rauhan takeena siellä, kuten Martti Ahtisaarikin on todennut ennen minua.

Komissio suosittelee jo toista vuotta peräkkäin jäsenyysneuvotteluiden aloittamista Makedonian kohdalla. Euroopan unioni ei saa paeta nimikiistan taakse Makedonian jäsenyysprosessissa. Muodolliset jäsenyysvaatimukset tulee tietenkin täyttää, ja uudistuksia on toteutettava.

Makedonian nimikiista ei olisi ensimmäinen kerta, kun uusi jäsenvaltio tuo mukanaan ratkaisemattomia ongelmia. Meidän kaikkien on syytä siis katsoa peiliin. Miksi meidän tulisi kohdella Makedoniaa eriarvoisesti? Makedonian edistyminen on ensisijaisesti kiinni Makedoniasta itsestään, mutta EU:n ei tule sulkea ovea sen edestä poliittisiin syihin kuten nimikiistaan vedoten.

  Martin Kastler (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin! Ich habe auch für diesen Bericht und für diese Entschließung gestimmt, für Mazedonien. Aber es gibt eine Kleinigkeit, die man schon erwähnen muss, um ehrlich zu bleiben. Wir können Völkern und Ethnien in anderen Ländern nicht vorschreiben, dass sie ihre Sprache umbenennen, weil es anderen Staaten nicht gefällt, wie sie sich benennen. Das ist im Völkerrecht geregelt, und auch in unserem Fall müssen wir als Europäer darauf achten, dass wir ehrlich bleiben.

Dabei hat mich sehr geärgert, dass leider der eine Änderungsantrag angenommen wurde, gegen den ich gestimmt habe, wonach man Mazedonisch nicht als Mazedonisch bezeichnen darf. Mazedonien ist vor allem deswegen ein Land mit großer Perspektive in Europa, weil es auch wirtschaftlich auf dem Balkan, einer Region, die wirklich schwierig ist, große Perspektiven hat, wirtschaftlich gut dasteht und mit Elan die Verhandlungen führt, was sehr positiv ist.

Und angesichts dieser positiven Haltung möchte ich mich bei allen Kollegen bedanken, die für diese Entschließung gestimmt haben, sowie bei allen, die in der Delegation des Europäischen Parlaments gemeinsam mit dem dortigen Parlament zusammenarbeiten. Wir sollten diese Perspektive den Menschen dort mit auf den Weg geben, die sich auf Europa freuen. Lassen Sie uns gemeinsam daran arbeiten!

Motion for a resolution RC-B7-0256/2011 (Situation in Côte d'Ivoire)

  Adam Bielan (ECR). - Ponad czteromiesięczna brutalna walka o władzę między dotychczasowym i nowo wybranym prezydentem Wybrzeża Kości Słoniowej jest zaprzeczeniem wszelkich zasad funkcjonowania współczesnego świata. Krwawe walki doprowadziły do śmierci kilkuset osób. Ponad milion mieszkańców Wybrzeża musiało opuścić domy, wielu uchodźców nadal szuka schronienia w sąsiednich państwach. Należy uczynić wszystko, aby winni zbrodni ponieśli konsekwencje. Wyjaśnieniu podlegać musi przede wszystkim kwestia, czy doszło do ludobójstwa i zbrodni przeciwko ludzkości. Niezwykle istotne staje się również zapewnienie porządku i bezpieczeństwa mieszkańców poprzez powstrzymanie wszelkich form przemocy. Akty zastraszania miejscowej ludności i zagranicznych obserwatorów nie mogą mieć miejsca. Wyniki demokratycznych wyborów muszą być w pełni przestrzegane. Należy zatem potępić wszelkie działania byłego prezydenta pozostające w sprzeczności z wolą narodu. Uzurpowanie władzy, podsycanie przemocy i łamanie praw człowieka wymagają osądzenia przez właściwe organy międzynarodowe.

Motion for a resolution B7-0198/2011 (Review of the European Neighbourhood Policy - Eastern Dimension)

  Ville Itälä (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, äänestin mielelläni tämän päätöslauselman puolesta. Erityisesti koen erittäin tärkeäksi, että otamme selkeän ja tiukan kannan Valko-Venäjään, joka on selvä häpeätahra Euroopan kartalla, ja meidän pitää toteuttaa toimenpiteitä, jotta Valko-Venäjä löytää demokratian tielle.

Mutta erityisesti haluan käydä äänestyksestä läpi sosialistiryhmän 10 kohtaan tekemää tarkistusta 1, jossa he totesivat, että EU:n kumppanimailla on pitkällä aikavälillä mahdollisuus liittyä EU:n jäseneksi. Äänestin sitä vastaan, koska mielestäni meidän ei pidä antaa mitään automaatiota eikä flirttailla sillä, että tänne voi tulla jäseneksi kuka tahansa, kunhan vain on kumppani. Me tiedämme, miten kansalaiset kokevat liian nopean laajentumisen, ja siksi tämänkaltaisia esityksiä ei pidä hyväksyä. Siksi tässä kohdassa itsekin äänestin vastaan.

  Adam Bielan (ECR). - Europejska polityka sąsiedztwa w wymiarze wschodnim jest strategicznym elementem relacji międzynarodowych Unii Europejskiej. To w tym kierunku postępować będzie dalsze rozszerzenie. Konieczne zatem jest zwiększanie nakładów finansowych celem rozwoju demokratycznych struktur tych państw. Niebagatelne znaczenie dla niezależności mediów na Białorusi ma wsparcie takich inicjatyw jak Bielsat, przy jednoczesnym cofnięciu pomocy dla kontrolowanych mediów państwowych. Wzywam do aktywnego wsparcia lokalnych władz demokratycznych w tych krajach poprzez programy partnerskie. Układy o stowarzyszeniu pozostają ważnym narzędziem stymulowania reform, tym bardziej owocnym, im większe wsparcie finansowe i techniczne zapewniają. Poszerzenie bazy intelektualnej poprzez programy stypendialne również wymaga dodatkowych środków. Apeluję o zwiększenie nakładów na rzecz wspierania praw człowieka i rozwoju społeczeństw obywatelskich. Pogłębiająca się integracja gospodarcza pomoże wpłynąć na zmiany społeczne i polityczne, będąc istotną inwestycją w przyszłość. W oparciu o powyższe popieram rezolucję.

Motion for a resolution B7-0199/2011 (Review of the European Neighbourhood Policy - Southern Dimension)

  Cristiana Muscardini (PPE). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, 21 riferimenti documentali, 21 considerazioni esplicative e 63 punti che riassumono le richieste del Parlamento nella proposta di risoluzione, per un totale di 105 punti. Mi sembrano veramente eccessivi per poter essere efficaci. Sulla questione manca invece una proposta su come può essere utile lo sviluppo del commercio internazionale per raggiungere la stabilità, e con essa la tranquillità e la pace, nelle regioni a sud del Mediterraneo.

Il commercio internazionale è ormai diventato una specie di nuova politica estera e può contribuire a creare migliori condizioni di vita in tutta la regione. L'Unione non deve tralasciare nulla che possa favorire lo sviluppo di corretti rapporti commerciali, stimolando l'attività produttiva nei diversi settori. Ogni progresso in questo campo contribuirà a promuovere la democrazia e i diritti umani, tutelando la dignità della donna, rafforzando la sicurezza e la stabilità, la prosperità e un'equa distribuzione del reddito e della ricchezza, evitando la tragedia di tante migliaia di persone che fuggono dalla fame ed emigrano senza reali speranze.

Written explanations of vote

Report: Janusz Wojciechowski (A7-0121/2011)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo o presente relatório que altera a Directiva 2000/75/CE. Tanto o Conselho e o PE concordaram na mudança da base legal devido ao facto da proposta da Comissão ter sido apresentada antes da entrada em força do Tratado de Lisboa. Estas alterações, a meu ver, justificam-se devido ao alastramento da doença e pela descoberta científica de uma vacina que não coloca os riscos que a anterior colocava.

  Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Ho sostenuto con unn voto favorevole la relazione dell´onorevole Janusz Wojciechowski che, attraverso una serie di interessanti emendamenti al testo della Commissione, intende rendere aggiornata e flessibile una normativa datata e non più al passo con le esigenze contingenti, aiutando gli Stati membri ad incrementare l´efficienza dell´utilizzo della vaccinazione contro la febbre catarrale riduucendone l´incidenza nel settore agricolo.

  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. − Congratulo-me com as alterações previstas na presente directiva que tornam as regras de vacinação mais flexíveis. Graças às novas tecnologias estão disponível «vacinas inactivadas» contra a febre catarral ovina, que não constituem riscos para os animais não vacinados. É hoje consensual que a vacinação com vacinas inactivadas é o melhor instrumento para o controlo da febre catarral ovina e para a prevenção da doença clínica na União. A generalização da utilização destas vacinas durante a campanha de vacinação em 2008 e 2009 deu origem a uma melhoria significativa da situação sanitária. Apelo à alteração das regras vigentes em matéria de vacinação estabelecidas na Directiva 2000/75/CE, para ter em conta a recente evolução tecnológica da produção de vacinas, a fim de garantir um melhor controlo da propagação do vírus da febre catarral ovina e reduzir os encargos que pesam sobre o sector agrícola devido a esta doença.

  Diane Dodds (NI), in writing. − I voted for this report. However, whilst I believe in the principle of enabling the competent authority, i.e. the Member State, to vaccinate against bluetongue, I am opposed to the principle of including in legislation the requirement to provide tables on transposition into national law.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − Tradicionalmente a vacinação contra a febre catarral ovina era feita com vacinas de vírus vivo atenuado, o que implicava uma série de restrições à vacinação, por forma a evitar a propagação do vírus a animais não vacinados. Contudo, os desenvolvimentos científicos permitiram a criação de novas vacinas inactivadas. Contrariamente às "vacinas vivas atenuadas", estas podem ser utilizadas com segurança e sem restrições, na medida em que não há já o risco da circulação de qualquer vírus activo. Sabendo das graves consequências da febre catarral para a exploração pecuária, todas as medidas que tornem mais fácil e efectiva a vacinação devem ser tomadas, de modo a proteger os criadores de perdas de animais e, em última análise, a segurança alimentar.

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − A febre catarral, também conhecida como língua azul, é uma doença que afecta, essencialmente, os animais ruminantes como ovelhas, cabras e bovinos, e pode tomar a forma de epidemia quando as condições ambientais e climáticas forem favoráveis, nomeadamente no final do Verão e princípio do Outono. Embora não haja registo de qualquer contágio humano, é fundamental conhecê-la e procurar implementar medidas que levem à sua erradicação. A nível europeu, esta doença tem-se manifestou-se, primeiro no sul, e depois no centro e no norte da Europa. Graças a sucessivas campanhas de vacinação co-financiadas pela União Europeia. A utilização de determinadas vacinas podem não erradicar a doença mas permitir que continue a circular. Assim, foi desenvolvido um tipo de vacina que assegura o controlo e a prevenção desta doença na UE mas cujo uso se encontra limitado pelas regras actuais. Assim, impõe-se uma alteração da actual Directiva. Considerando que esta proposta de alteração da Directiva 2000/75/CE do Parlamento Europeu e do Conselho está em conformidade com a Estratégia da Saúde Animal (2007-2013) e aponta para uma abordagem mais flexível do sistema de vacinação contribuindo, assim, para a melhoria do controlo das doenças mais graves dos animais, voto favoravelmente esta proposta de alteração

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Este relatório tem como principal objectivo actualizar a Directiva 2000/75/CE, que aprova as disposições específicas relativas às medidas de luta e erradicação da febre catarral ovina. Ao longo dos últimos anos foram realizados avanços na área da vacinação animal. O risco que se verificava com as chamadas "vacinas vivas atenuadas" deixou de se colocar, pois encontram-se actualmente disponíveis novas vacinas inactivadas. Estas vacinas inactivadas, contrariamente às "vacinas vivas atenuadas" não colocam o risco de uma circulação indesejável do vírus da vacina e podem ser utilizadas com segurança fora das zonas submetidas a restrições. Isto mesmo é referido no relatório.

Consideramos que uma maior flexibilização na vacinação da febre catarral ovina, tendo em conta os desenvolvimentos tecnológicos na produção de vacinas, contribuirá para o melhor controlo da doença e para a diminuição dos encargos que esta acarreta para o sector agrícola. Consideramos também necessário que as alterações a esta Directiva possam ser implementadas o mais breve possível, para benefício do sector agrícola.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šį pranešimą, nes mėlynojo liežuvio liga serga atrajotojai (pvz., galvijai, avys ir ožkos). Nuo XXI a. pradžios daugelyje valstybių narių, įskaitant centrinės ir šiaurės Europos valstybes, kilo keletas epidemijos protrūkių, atnešusių didelių nuostolių dėl gyvūnų sergamumo, mirtingumo ir sutrikusios prekybos gyvais gyvūnais. Iki šiol mėlynojo liežuvio ligos kontrolės ir likvidavimo reikalavimai rėmėsi „gyvų susilpnintų vakcinų“ taikymo praktika, nes tai buvo vienintelės turimos vakcinos. Galima nepageidautina šių vakcinų naudojimo pasekmė – jose esantis virusas gali išplisti tarp nevakcinuotų gyvūnų. Per pastaruosius kelerius metus buvo sukurtos naujos inaktyvuotos vakcinos. Priešingai nei „gyvos susilpnintos vakcinos“ atveju, naudojant šias inaktyvintas vakcinas nekyla nepageidautinas pavojus, kad jose esantis virusas išplis, todėl jas galima sėkmingai naudoti teritorijose, kuriose neribojamas gyvūnų judėjimas. Priėmus šį pasiūlymą būtų panaikinti kai kurie apribojimai, kurie, atsižvelgiant į pastaruosius pokyčius, tapo nereikalingi. Pagal naująsias taisykles valstybės narės galėtų veiksmingiau taikyti vakcinavimą ir kontroliuoti mėlynojo liežuvio ligos prasiveržimo atvejus, taip pat sumažinti naštą, kurią žemės ūkiui sukelia ši liga.

  Jarosław Kalinowski (PPE), na piśmie. − Ze względu na rozwój technologiczny pojawiły się na rynku bardziej nowoczesne niż w chwili ustanawiania dyrektywy Komisji szczepionki przeciwko chorobie niebieskiego języka. Dlatego też popieram stanowisko sprawozdawcy, iż przepisy dotyczące szczepionek należy uaktualnić, a przez to ułatwić hodowcom produkcję zdrowych zwierząt. Uelastycznienie i złagodzenie przepisów pozwoli na bardziej efektywną hodowlę, a przede wszystkim usprawni ochronę zwierząt przed niechcianymi i niebezpiecznymi chorobami. Popieram w pełni tę inicjatywę również ze względu na jej charakter, gdyż, aby usprawniać działanie systemu prawnego, należy maksymalnie go upraszczać i czynić bardziej elastycznym. I taki cel realizuje powyższe sprawozdanie.

  Elisabeth Köstinger (PPE), schriftlich. − Die Blauzungenkrankheit ist eine gemeine Tierseuche, die Wiederkäuer befällt und großen Schaden im gesamten Tiersektor angerichtet hat. Die wirtschaftlichen Schäden und die Einbußen durch das Erliegen des Handels treffen den landwirtschaftlichen Tiersektor massiv. Auch in Österreich, wo die Rinderzucht eine lange Tradition hat waren viele bäuerliche Beitriebe existenziell betroffen. Nun ist es wichtig vor dem Auftreten der nächsten Epidemie unterstützende Maßnahmen zu setzen und die alte Verordnung zu überarbeiten. Die derzeit geltenden Impfvorschriften müssen an die technologischen Entwicklungen angepasst werden, um die Blauzungenkrankheit effizienter zu bekämpfen und die Belastung für die Landwirte zu verringern. Ich begrüße das rasche Handeln auf EU-Ebene und trete für eine schnelle Umsetzung der neuen Richtlinie ein. Als bäuerliche Vertreterin weiß ich, wie wichtig es ist, im Jahreskreislauf zu denken. Mit der schnellen Beschlussfassung ermöglichen wir, dass es noch vor dem Herbst eine brauchbare und einheitliche Regelung im Sinne der Mitgliedsstaaten und vor allem der Tierhalter gibt.

  Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. − Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la febbre catarrale ovina è una malattia che colpisce i ruminanti e che ha provocato già dai primi anni del 2000 numerose perdite di animali affetti dal morbo. L'Europa è intervenuta con la direttiva (CE) n. 75/2000 per fronteggiare il problema mediante norme che disciplinavano l'uso di vaccini cosiddetti "vivi modificati" o "vaccini attenuati", in modo da combattere efficacemente le conseguenze provocate dal fenomeno. I vaccini finora impiegati, il cui utilizzo era stato previsto dalla precitata direttiva, producevano però il rischio che il virus si trasmettesse anche ai capi non vaccinati, motivo per il quale era previsto che il vaccino potesse somministrarsi solo in zone ben individuate. I nuovi vaccini disponibili, cosiddetti "vaccini inattivi", a differenza di quelli presenti sul mercato ai tempi dell'introduzione della direttiva (CE) n. 75/2000 non presentano pericoli di questo genere. Ho votato a favore di questa relazione perchè le nuove norme consentiranno agli Stati di controllare il fenomeno, riducendo l'onere che questa malattia genera per molti allevatori europei. Spero che ciò contribuisca ad adottare nei tempi previsti le misure di urgenza già a partire dai prossimi mesi.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted for this resolution. I support the substance of the Commission proposal. It would relax some restrictions, which have become unnecessary in light of the recent developments in vaccine production. The new rules would help Member States to make more effective use of vaccination to control bluetongue and reduce the burden on the agricultural sector posed by this disease.

  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − A vacinação contra a febre catarral ovina era feita com vacinas de vírus vivo atenuado, o que implicava uma série de restrições à vacinação, de forma a evitar a propagação do vírus a animais não vacinados. No entanto os recentes desenvolvimentos tecnológicos levaram ao aparecimento de novas vacinas com ausência de vírus vivos. Estas novas vacinas podem ser utilizadas com um maior nível de segurança e sem qualquer restrição, pois deixa de haver qualquer risco na circulação de qualquer vírus activo. Face às graves consequências da febre catarral para as explorações pecuárias, todas as medidas que facilitem as boas práticas de vacinação devem ser adoptadas, de forma a proteger os criadores da perda dos animais, originando prejuízos muita vezes fatais para as referidas explorações.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Tierseuchen können Landwirte nach wie vor um ihre Existenz bringen. Eine davon ist die Blauzungenkrankheit, die seit dem Jahr 2000 immer wieder epidemieartig in Nordeuropa auftritt und besonders großen Schaden anrichten kann. Besonders betroffen von der Krankheit, die durch einen Virus ausgelöst wird, der durch die Gnitzen, eine Mückenart, übertragen wird, sind Rinder und Schafe. Bei Ziegen wurde eine Erkrankung auch beobachtet, der Krankheitsverlauf ist jedoch weit weniger dramatisch als bei den anderen beiden Gattungen. Im Jahr 2000 wurde eine Impfmöglichkeit zugelassen, die jedoch strengen Regulierungen unterlag, da die nicht behandelten Tiere die Viren durch den Impfstoff hätten ebenfalls aufnehmen können.

Nun gibt es jedoch eine neue Impfmöglichkeit, bei der diese Gefahr nicht besteht, so dass Impfungen dadurch auch flexibler gestaltet werden können. Der Bericht hat meine Stimme erhalten, da ich es für gut und richtig erachte, den Nutztierbestand vor Seuchen zu schützen. Durch die geforderte Flexibilität wird den Landwirten eine Möglichkeit geboten, ihre Tiere zu schützen.

  Franz Obermayr (NI), schriftlich. − Seit einigen Jahren kommt es insbesondere im Norden Europas immer wieder zu Vorfällen im Zusammenhang mit der Blauzungenkrankheit. Es handelt sich dabei um eine Tierseuche, die bei Wiederkäuern wie Rindern, Schafen oder Ziegen auftritt. Die Folgen waren gravierend für die Tierbestände und die Landwirte. Ich habe für den gegenständlichen Bericht gestimmt, da er sich für die Einführung eines neuartigen Impfstoffes ausspricht, welcher (im Gegensatz zur Vorgängerversion) keine Gefahren birgt, dass sich gesunde Tiere durch die Impfung anstecken.

  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − A proposta da Comissão sobre a vacinação contra a “língua azul”, agora melhorada pelo presente relatório, visa tornar as regras, em matéria de vacinação contra a febre catarral ovina, mais flexíveis, nomeadamente ao permitir a utilização de vacinas inactivadas fora das zonas sujeitas a restrições à circulação de animais. As novas regras ajudarão os Estados-Membros a tornar mais eficaz a utilização de vacinas para controlar a febre catarral ovina e reduzir os encargos que esta doença representa para o sector agrícola. Com feito, as medidas de restrição da mobilidade e comercialização têm, desde 2004, implicado grandes condicionalismos para os produtores abrangidos, comprometendo os circuitos comerciais normais dentro de zona sujeita a restrições e sempre com custos acrescidos para os produtores. Pelo exposto, votei favoravelmente o relatório sobre Vacinação contra Língua Azul.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − I voted in favour. Bluetongue is a disease affecting ruminants such as cattle, sheep and goats. Since the early 2000s, several epidemic waves of disease have occurred in many Member States, including in central and northern Europe, causing significant losses in terms of morbidity, mortality and disruption of trade in live animals. Council Directive 2000/75/EC of 20 November 2000 lays down specific provisions for the control and eradication of bluetongue, including rules on vaccination. These rules were designed for the use of ‘live attenuated vaccines’ that were the only vaccines available when the Directive was adopted a decade ago. Those vaccines may lead to undesired circulation of the vaccine virus in unvaccinated animals. For this reason, Directive 2000/75/EC allows vaccination only in specially designated zones in which the disease has occurred and which have been subject to animal movement restrictions. In the last few years, however, new inactivated vaccines have become available. Unlike the ‘live attenuated vaccines’, these inactivated vaccines do not pose the risk of undesired vaccine virus circulation and could therefore be successfully used outside areas subject to animal movement restrictions.

  Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. − Per assicurare una migliore lotta alla febbre catarrale e ridurre l'onere che essa rappresenta per il settore agricolo, è necessario aggiornare le vigenti norme in tema di vaccinazione. La relazione votata oggi mira a rendere più flessibile l'attuale normativa, in considerazione del fatto che sono oggi disponibili vaccini inattivi, i quali possono essere impegnati con successo al di fuori delle zone dove sono state imposte restrizioni allo spostamento del bestiame. La proposta è in linea con la nuova Strategia per la salute degli animali nell'Unione europea (2007-2013) "Prevenire è meglio che curare", poiché prevede sia un approccio più flessibile alle vaccinazioni che un miglioramento delle misure attualmente vigenti per lottare contro le principali malattie animali.

  Brian Simpson (S&D), in writing. − The EPLP wholeheartedly supports the report aimed at amending Directive 2000/75/EC with a view to allowing the use of inactivated vaccines against bluetongue outside areas subject to animal movement restrictions. The new law ushers in the use of a new bluetongue vaccine for the first time, which takes advantage of developments in science since the previous rules came into force. The new vaccine will be an ‘inactivated’ jab and will allay farmers’ fears over the traditional ‘live’ vaccines. The EPLP is delighted that the EU has brought in this new law, which has real benefits for farmers in the UK. It reassures farmers who are concerned by the deadly disease and the existing vaccination as the bluetongue season approaches with the warmer weather. Farmers will now have a new and safer vaccine available and will be given greater powers over their own vaccination programmes. Until now, farmers would have lost the right to vaccinate their animals if the UK was declared entirely free from bluetongue. But under the new law farmers are given the power to keep vaccinating for their own peace of mind, whilst profiting from easier exports.

  Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report which will assist in the fight against bluetongue disease within the EU.

  Derek Vaughan (S&D), in writing. − I voted to change the rules on vaccination against bluetongue disease in order to allow the use of more effective vaccines and to reduce red tape for farmers. The new law will have real benefits to farmers across Europe and especially in Wales. The UK will be granted bluetongue-free status, but farmers will still be allowed to vaccinate their animals against the deadly disease. Giving farmers greater powers to make their own decisions concerning vaccinations is a welcome boost to the farming industry in Wales and will ensure that livestock can be exported without the current restrictions.

Motion for a resolution RC-B7-0236/2011 (Lessons to be drawn for nuclear safety in Europe following the nuclear accident in Japan)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo esta resolução porque visa sobretudo garantir os mais elevados níveis de segurança no que respeita à protecção das populações após tragédias como a que se viveu recentemente no Japão. Os aspectos técnicos para o aprisionamento seguro de energia devem ser considerados com muita atenção pois qualquer situação do género que se volte a verificar pode trazer consequências mais graves, tanto a nível da saúde humana e do meio ambiente, para além dos aspectos materiais.

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE), raštu. − Balsavau prieš rezoliuciją „Ko galima pasimokyti branduolinio saugumo Europoje klausimu po branduolinės avarijos Japonijoje“. Balsavau prieš visą rezoliuciją todėl, kad balsuojant dėl 5-osios rezoliucijos pastraipos EP dauguma pritarė jos antrajai daliai, kurioje raginama įgyvendinti moratoriumą atominės energetikos plėtrai ir naujų branduolinių elektrinių statybai Europos Sąjungoje.

Ši nuostata buvo priimta, nors mano frakcija – Europos liaudies partija (krikščionys demokratai) – balsavo prieš. Pralaimėjus balsavimą šiuo svarbiausiu klausimu, aš negalėjau balsuoti už visą rezoliuciją, todėl balsavau prieš. Priešingu atveju būčiau balsavusi prieš mano valstybės – Lietuvos – energetikos strategiją, kurios pagrindinis tikslas – energetinė nepriklausomybė. Lietuva jau kelerius metus rengiasi naujos branduolinės elektrinės statybai, jau kelerius metus vyksta parengiamieji darbai.

  Roberta Angelilli (PPE), per iscritto. − Signora Presidente, il disastro nucleare di Fukushima ha avuto una serie ripercussioni sulla vita politica europea. La prima lezione che l'UE ha appreso dalla catastrofe giapponese è stata quella di attivarsi rapidamente affinché venissero intensificati i controlli di sicurezza presso gli impianti nucleari attraverso gli "stress test". Ogni impianto nucleare, che si trovi in Europa o fuori dai suoi confini, può essere una potenziale arma di distruzione, e credo che nessuno di noi voglia più rivivere il disastro di Chernobyl di quel 26 aprile del 1986.

La seconda lezione è quella che la scienza e la tecnologia possono fare passi da gigante in tutti i settori, ma tenendo sempre presente un grande limite, vale a dire la natura e la sua imprevedibilità. È proprio a causa di avvenimenti fuori dal controllo umano che dovremmo diversificare le fonti di approvvigionamento energetico, facendo leva anche sulle risorse rinnovabili a nostra disposizione.

Ma qualora si scegliesse l'utilizzo del nucleare quale fonte di sostegno energetico, sarebbe importante prima di tutto informare i cittadini riguardo ai costi, ai benefici e alle conseguenze che comporta una simile scelta, senza dimenticare che questa scelta tecnologica deve essere necessariamente legittimata dalla volontà popolare che va ascoltata e rispettata.

  Pino Arlacchi (S&D), in writing. − I voted against this report because of its several flaws, starting with its approach to the nuclear issue. After the Japanese tragedy it is no longer possible to deal with the nuclear argument solely in terms of safety. The title of the report is ‘on the lessons to be drawn for nuclear safety in Europe following the nuclear accident in Japan’, but there is no special lesson to be drawn except that confirming the practical impossibility of controlling both the risks and consequences of a major nuclear accident. A resolution on this subject cannot be centred around the issue of nuclear safety without addressing the most important nuclear safeguard, which is an exit strategy from nuclear energy itself.

  Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – L'accident nucléaire au Japon doit nous faire réagir. Ce qui ne veut pas dire que nous devons en tirer des conclusions hâtives. Il s'agit de mener une réflexion calme et sans parti pris sur l'état du nucléaire en Europe et sur les moyens de garantir une sécurité maximale. Je soutiens à ce titre la volonté de soumettre les centrales européennes à des tests de résistance poussés, inclus dans la résolution commune. Concernant l'enjeu plus large des sources d'énergie en Europe, je rappelle que nous devons prendre en compte l'objectif de réduction des émissions de CO2 de 20% d'ici 2020 ainsi que la protection de l'indépendance énergétique de l'UE.

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją, nors ir ne visi S&D frakcijos pakeitimai balsuojant buvo priimti. Rezoliucijos tekste buvo ypač svarbios nuostatos dėl planuojamų statyti atominių jėgainių Kaliningrado srityje ir Baltarusijoje. Rezoliucijoje pažymima, kad minėtųjų statybų srityje esama didelių problemų, susijusių su branduolinio saugumo standartais ir su atitinkamų įsipareigojimų laikymusi pagal tarptautines konvencijas. Šios problemos yra aktualios ne tik Lietuvai, kuri tiesiogiai ribojasi su Baltarusija ir Kaliningrado regionu, bet ir visai Europai. Dokumente taip pat svarbūs pasiūlymai užtikrinti aukščiausių branduolinio saugumo reikalavimų laikymąsi bei atlikti išsamius testavimus jau ES veikiančiose atominėse jėgainėse, kad būtų galima įvertinti realią tokių jėgainių saugumo būklę.

  Ivo Belet (PPE), schriftelijk. − De EU-reactie op de ramp in Japan is de juiste: we hebben snel gereageerd zonder te panikeren. We hebben meteen de weg vrijgemaakt voor een grondige doorlichting onder Europees toezicht. Het is cruciaal dat 1. de stresstests gebeuren door onafhankelijke experts, en dat 2. de resultaten van die tests naadloos worden geïmplementeerd. Dat wil zeggen dat nucleaire installaties die niet aan de normen beantwoorden, die onder de lat doorgaan, worden stilgelegd. Uiteraard moeten de centrales elders in Europa, buiten de EU, aan dezelfde onafhankelijke tests worden onderworpen, onder het toezicht van de Internationale Organisatie voor atoomenergie. Staten die niet hieraan willen meedoen, verklaren zichzelf internationaal tot paria, ook op het vlak van de internationale handel. Kernenergie is en blijft een overgangstechnologie, waar we helaas nog tientallen jaren aan vasthangen. We zullen zelfs nieuwe investeringen moeten doen om in onze energiebehoeften te voldoen en tegelijk onze klimaatambities hard te maken. Gedurende die tijd moeten we er alles aan doen om het risico op ongelukken te herleiden tot een niveau dat grenst aan nihil.

  Jean-Luc Bennahmias (ALDE), par écrit. – Les lobbies pro-nucléaire ont encore de beaux jours devant eux! Inutile de revenir sur le contexte de cette résolution, il était plus qu’évident. Et pourtant, le Parlement européen n’a pas de position sur le nucléaire. C’est bien regrettable. Plusieurs enjeux clairement identifiés étaient sur la table : Celui d’un moratoire sur la construction de nouvelles centrales, la réalisation de stress tests indépendants, la relance des énergies renouvelables ou encore les efforts sur le chantier incontournable de l’efficacité énergétique. Cependant, les belles intentions initiales d’une résolution commune ont vite volé en éclats: Chacun des groupes parlementaires assumant le pour et le contraire, il devenait in fine impossible de voter une telle mouture dépourvue de message politique. Soyons clairs : Le Parlement européen m’avait habitué à beaucoup mieux ! On s’aperçoit que les lobbys pro-nucléaires ont encore de beaux jours devant eux. Et par la même occasion que de nombreux Eurodéputés n’ont pas encore perçu l’opinion publique et le sentiment des citoyens sur cette question.

  Jan Březina (PPE), písemně. − Mrzí mě, že EP dnes neschválil kompromisní podobu rezoluce o jaderné bezpečnosti v Evropě v návaznosti na jadernou havárii v Japonsku. Považuji za ostudu, že EP není schopen nabídnout veřejnosti svůj názor na jadernou energetiku. Důsledkem této nejednoty může být i to, že v nadcházejících jednáních evropských orgánů o podobě zátěžových testů elektráren bude EP tahat za kratší konec. Zelení a socialisté se evidentně nesmířili s tím, že neprošly jejich návrhy na ukončení využívání jaderné energie nebo na uzavření jaderných elektráren postavených před rokem 1980.

  Françoise Castex (S&D), par écrit. – J'ai voté contre cette proposition de résolution commune. La résolution de compromis était une bonne base et j'ai soutenu les amendements favorables à une sortie du nucléaire pensée et préparée, tenant compte de la lutte contre le réchauffement climatique. J'ai également voté en faveur des amendements demandant à investir dans la recherche et l'innovation, pour développer les économies d'énergie et accroitre massivement les énergies renouvelables. Mais le résultat des votes, incohérents, m'a obligée à voter contre la résolution telle qu'amendée. Il est maintenant primordial de mener un débat approfondi sur l'ensemble de ces sujets et de mettre en œuvre une transition énergétique dans la solidarité, tenant compte de la situation dans l'ensemble des Etats membres.

  Nessa Childers (S&D), in writing. − I am disappointed by the voting on this resolution. We are debating the lessons for nuclear safety in Europe following the crisis in Japan. However, my firm conviction is that there is no such thing as safe nuclear power and that the stress tests taking place this year are a distraction from the real issue – the transition to a Europe powered by renewable energy. Given the most recent studies, it is clear that it is technically possible that 95% of our energy supplies could come from renewables like wind, tidal, wave, solar and biomass by 2050. With that target in mind, and as we are now making long-term energy choices, we should be phasing out nuclear plants over the coming years across Europe.

  Carlos Coelho (PPE), por escrito. − Lamento que o Parlamento Europeu não tenho sabido tirar as ilações do que sucedeu no Japão. Persistir em negar os grandes riscos da utilização da energia nuclear não é a melhor forma de servir os nossos cidadãos. O Plenário do PE não foi capaz de aprovar uma resolução assistindo-se ao espectáculo pouco edificante de grupos que se anulam mutuamente, rejeitando as propostas dos outros sem terem a capacidade de aprovar algo em comum. O carácter transnacional dos riscos e das consequências dos acidentes e a segurança das populações devia ter falado mais alto. Reforçar a segurança do nuclear, testar fragilidades, congelar projectos de alargamento do nuclear na Europa e apostar com mais eficácia nas energias limpas e na conservação energética deviam ter sido conclusões óbvias. Fechar os olhos ao que aconteceu no Japão e pretender que nada aconteceu é insensato e perigoso. Reclamar maior transparência e informação sobre os riscos e os acidentes é algo que Chernobyl e Fukushima apenas tornaram mais evidente.

  Brian Crowley (ALDE), in writing. − Dear President, I wish to place on the record the fact that I did not participate in the vote on the individual paragraphs of, and amendments to, the Joint Resolution. Even though I have consistently opposed Nuclear Power I feel that the discussion was used by extreme opinion on both sides of the nuclear argument and this ensured that a common ground could not be found in Parliament. I believe that we must ensure that all facilities are checked to allow for the maximum protection of facilities, and more importantly for the safety and security of the populations in their locations. Obviously, we must ensure security of supply of power in a sustainable way and we have an opportunity to look at alternative sources of power which we can exploit whilst at the same time helping the environment. This ideological debate, however, must not take away from the immediate concern of assisting the Japanese people in every way possible to recover from this disaster. This is why I abstained on the final vote.

  Christine De Veyrac (PPE), par écrit. – Je regrette profondément l'instrumentalisation à des fins partisanes de la catastrophe qui a touché le Japon. Le Parlement européen a manqué l'occasion d'envoyer un message fort aux Etats Membres et à la Commission européenne pour renforcer la sûreté des installations nucléaires en Europe et dans les pays voisins, notamment par le biais de tests de résistance. Car c'est là que doit se concentrer le débat aujourd'hui pour garantir à nos citoyens une sécurité maximale vis-à-vis d'une énergie qui reste le pilier principal du mix énergétique de la plupart des pays européens ; et qui le restera certainement pour les années à venir, avant qu'une source d'énergie durable et renouvelable non-émettrice de co2 puisse la remplacer et satisfaire les besoins en électricité de notre société.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − No passado dia 11 de Março, o Japão foi atingido por um gravíssimo sismo seguido de um tsunami, que veio provocar a maior crise nuclear da sua história, tendo a central nuclear de Fukushima sofrido danos estruturais graves estando, desde então, em risco eminente um desastre nuclear de grandes proporções. Estes acontecimentos levaram a uma onda de reacções na Europa, tendo o Comissário Oettinger solicitado a convocação de uma reunião extraordinária da Agência Internacional de Energia Atómica; a Chancelar alemã decidido suspender por três meses a decisão de prolongar a vida útil das centrais nucleares do país; e o Ministro do ambiente austríaco, Nikolaus Berlakivich, exigido a realização de testes às centrais europeias. É fundamental que se tirem todas as consequências do desastre de Fukushima, nomeadamente no que se refere às regras de segurança impostas às centrais nucleares Europeias, para garantir a segurança destas e, em última análise, a segurança dos Europeus. Uma vez mais, aproveito esta ocasião para transmitir a todos aqueles afectados pela catástrofe do Japão o meu sincero pesar e a minha solidariedade neste momento difícil.

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − Os problemas surgidos com a central nuclear de Fukushima vieram colocar na ordem do dia a discussão sobre a energia proveniente da fusão nuclear, uma vez que 30% da energia consumida na União Europeia tem esta origem, existindo países com uma produção na casa dos 80%, como a França, e países sem centrais nucleares como Portugal e a Áustria. Assim, torna-se imperioso que a UE promova um programa de verificação da segurança das suas centrais nucleares, nomeadamente através da realização dos chamados “testes de resistência”. Estas avaliações devem basear-se num modelo de avaliação rigoroso e harmonizado, que cubra todos os tipos de riscos possíveis num cenário realista a nível da Europa e serem realizadas até ao final do ano em curso, de forma independente e coordenada, cobrindo todas as instalações nucleares existentes e previstas na UE; Neste momento, a energia nuclear é indispensável para assegurar o aprovisionamento energético com baixas emissões de carbono na Europa. No entanto temos de caminhar para uma maior eficiência energética e incremento das energias renováveis. A Comissão e os Estados-Membros devem apostar na modernização e expansão das infra-estruturas europeias no domínio da energia e na interligação das redes para garantia de um abastecimento energético fiável.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Garantir a segurança de instalações nucleares e evitar, de todas as formas possíveis, os riscos de acidente são questões importantes abordadas nesta resolução, que solicita também aos Estados-Membros a imposição de uma "moratória relativa ao desenvolvimento e entrada em funcionamento de novos reactores nucleares, pelo menos durante o período de realização de testes de resistência". Devemos contudo ter em conta que a tragédia ocorrida no Japão não deve ser oportunidade para o avanço de lobbies ou para recuar hoje para avançar amanhã. Devem tirar-se lições com seriedade e aprender com a experiencia, diagnosticar falhas e insuficiências de projecto e de operação de outras centrais que possibilitem a ocorrência de acidentes. E também ter em conta esta experiência nos desenvolvimentos futuros em matéria energética.

É necessário que os peritos dos organismos especializados dos Estados-membros e também da Agência Internacional da Energia Atómica (AIEA) sejam parte dessa avaliação, preservando a sua função, autoridade, autonomia e independência. As recomendações a este nível deverão partir da AEIA, enquanto organismo técnico, autónomo e independente, com o devido apoio da UE e não o contrário. É lamentável que, a pretexto desta resolução, se pretenda caucionar a denominada política energética comum e os seus objectivos de liberalização do sector da energia.

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Esta proposta de resolução não era a melhor. Por isso, foi rejeitada, embora tivesse alguns aspectos positivos, e, por isso, nos abstivemos.

Garantir a segurança de instalações nucleares e evitar ou minimizar quaisquer riscos de acidente são questões importantes abordadas nesta resolução, que solicita também aos Estados-Membros a imposição de uma "moratória relativa ao desenvolvimento e entrada em funcionamento de novos reactores nucleares, pelo menos durante o período de realização de testes de resistência".

Devemos, contudo, ter em conta que a tragédia ocorrida no Japão não deve servir de catapulta para interesses económicos desbravarem caminho, prejudicando o interesse da segurança das populações.

Em vez disso, é importante diagnosticar falhas e insuficiências de projecto e de operação da central que possibilitaram a ocorrência do acidente. É necessário que os peritos dos organismos especializados dos Estados-Membros e também da Agência Internacional da Energia Atómica (AIEA) sejam parte dessa avaliação, preservando a sua função, autoridade, autonomia e independência e acima de tudo devem ser retiradas com seriedade as devidas lições e incorporado o resultado da análise desta experiência nos desenvolvimentos futuros em matéria energética. Não concordamos com ingerências nas políticas energéticas dos Estados-Membros e países terceiros, sendo que as recomendações a este nível deverão partir da AEIA, enquanto organismo técnico, autónomo e independente, com o devido apoio da UE.

  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne − Japonsko čelí najväčšej povojnovej katastrofe. Vrcholní predstavitelia krajiny označili ničivé zemetrasenie spojené s prívalovými vlnami tsunami a následnú nukleárnu hrozbu za najhoršiu krízu, odkedy americké bojové jednotky zhodili na mestá Hirošima a Nagasaki atómové bomby. Prírodný živel má na svedomí obrovské a nenahraditeľné škody predovšetkým na ľudských životoch i majetkoch. Hrozbou však zostáva najmä situácia v jadrovej elektrárni Fukušima. V snahe vyhnúť sa podobným hrozbám v budúcnosti je vhodné zvážiť realizáciu tzv. záťažových testov jadrových elektrární členských štátov Európskej únie. Tie by mali preukázať, do akej miery sú elektrárne schopné vzdorovať podobným katastrofám. Situácia podobná tej, ktorá nastala v Japonsku, by sa mohla udiať kdekoľvek v Európe. Aj preto je žiaduci prísnejší monitoring bezpečnostného systému jadrových elektrární, posilnenie jeho slabých stránok a odstránenie prípadných nedostatkov. Hľadanie riešení jadrovej problematiky – či už snaha o zvyšovanie jej bezpečnosti, alebo jej úplné odstavenie – je v záujme a v možnostiach jednotlivých krajín. Nevyhnutná je ale aj spolupráca na celoeurópskej úrovni. Lebo hoci Európe nehrozia prívalové vlny tsunami, v 21. storočí sú hrozbou napr. teroristické útoky, útoky počítačových hackerov do systému jadrových elektrární a podobne. A je naozaj otázne, do akej miery dokážu elektrárne z hľadiska bezpečnosti čeliť takýmto potenciálnym hrozbám.

  Adam Gierek (S&D), na piśmie. − Nie poparłem rezolucji, gdyż po pierwsze, poza zakazami, ograniczeniami i ogólnie wyrażaną niechęcią do technologii nuklearnych nie wnosi ona nic pozytywnego. Po drugie, nie wskazuje ona żadnych dróg wyjścia z zupełnie nowej sytuacji dla całej polityki energetycznej. Na przykład punkty 19, 20 i 21 mogłyby wnosić nowe myśli i kierunki dotyczące kompleksowego myślenia o efektywności energetycznej, zwłaszcza efektywności energii ze źródeł pierwotnych, gdzie tkwią największe rezerwy, zwłaszcza jeśli chodzi o paliwa kopalne. Po trzecie, zawarte w niej radykalne sugestie wymagają ogólnonarodowego referendum, które w moim kraju ma się odbyć na wniosek lewicy. Być może powinno się takie referendum przeprowadzić w skali Unii. Po czwarte, mój kraj w wyniku dotychczasowych błędnych regulacji unijnych został zmuszony do wstrzymania niezbędnych inwestycji w elektrownie węglowe, a teraz ta sama grupa lobbystyczna mówi, że należy się wstrzymać od inwestowania w technologie nuklearne. Co zatem pozostaje? W rezolucji wskazuje się jedynie na energię ze źródeł odnawialnych. W moim kraju cały potencjał tych źródeł pokrywa 13 - maks. 20% niezbędnych potrzeb. Może w Szwecji wygląda to inaczej, gdyż posiada ona duże rezerwy energii wodnej, ale nie w Polsce. Kazus Fukuszimy wymaga rewizji całej dotychczasowej polityki energetycznej Unii Europejskiej.

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI), par écrit. – L'excitation qui s'est emparée de certaines formations politiques après l'accident nucléaire de Fukushima, qui espèrent en tirer des bénéfices politiciens, est insupportable. Je ne me souviens pas que les communistes, en 1986, aient été aussi virulents après la catastrophe de Tchernobyl. Alors c'est vrai, il n'y a pas de "risque zéro" dans le nucléaire. Il n'y a pas de risque zéro dans la vie tout court. Et il faut tout faire pour minimiser ce risque. Mais nous n'avons, pour l'instant, pas d'alternatives crédibles. Imposer aux États membres de renoncer de manière urgente à cette énergie, d'arrêter la construction de nouvelles centrales et de fermer les autres, est parfaitement incompatible avec le refus catégorique des énergies fossiles, sous le prétexte que leur usage contribuerait au réchauffement climatique.

Énergie nucléaire ou énergie fossile: vous pouvez privilégier l'une ou l'autre; vous ne pouvez exclure les deux. Ni l'énergie hydraulique, ni les énergies alternatives actuelles ne sont capables d'assurer nos approvisionnements. Les pays qui ont renoncé au nucléaire, mais pas à donner des leçons aux autres, sont d'ailleurs bien contents que leurs voisins, qui les approvisionnent, n'aient pas pris la même option qu'eux! Arrêtez l'hypocrisie.

  Estelle Grelier (S&D), par écrit. – La résolution parlementaire envisagée pour tirer les leçons de l'accident nucléaire au Japon contenait des éléments très positifs en matière de sûreté des centrales, préconisant par exemple des "stress tests" menés de manière coordonnée au niveau européen par des entités indépendantes travaillant selon les normes les plus exigeantes et dans la plus grande transparence. De même, comme l'ensemble de la délégation socialiste française, j'ai soutenu les amendements favorables à une sortie du nucléaire pensée et préparée, tenant compte de la lutte contre le réchauffement climatique. Cette sortie du nucléaire devra aller de pair avec un investissement accru dans la recherche et l’innovation, pour réduire la dépendance énergétique et accroitre les énergies renouvelables dans le mix énergétique des Etats de l'Union Européenne. J'ai cependant voté contre la proposition dans son ensemble car elle n'était qu'une juxtaposition de points de vue formant une proposition incohérente. La question de l'avenir d'un secteur aussi sensible que le nucléaire nécessite plus qu'une résolution "bricolée" suite à un événement catastrophique tel que celui de Fukushima. Il va maintenant falloir prendre le temps nécessaire pour organiser un débat réellement constructif, abordant l'ensemble des enjeux afférents tout en permettant à tous les avis d'être exprimés.

  Mathieu Grosch (PPE), schriftlich. − Diese Entschließung kann nicht alle Aspekte der Debatte um Atomenergie gründlich erfassen.

Es bleibt jedoch meine Überzeugung, dass es unser Ziel sein muss, progressiv aus dieser Energiequelle auszusteigen und verstärkt erneuerbare Energien einzusetzen.

Auch schlug Abänderung 10 vor, dass bei Atomkraftwerken in Grenzgebieten die lokalen und regionalen Instanzen in den Entscheidungen dies- und jenseits der Grenzen impliziert werden müssen.

Diese Abänderung wurde nicht angenommen und somit enthielt die Entschließung zwar gute Aspekte, aber diese Abänderung 10 war für mich ausschlaggebend. Daher meine Entscheidung, diese Entschließung nicht mehr zu unterstützen und mich zu enthalten

  Françoise Grossetête (PPE), par écrit. – Je salue le rejet de cette résolution par le Parlement européen.

Les leçons que nous devons tirer de l'après-Fukushima, c'est de préconiser la mise en place de tests de résistance, d'établir de nouvelles normes de sûreté communes dans l'UE et de nous prémunir contre tous les scénarios imaginables.

Cependant, la mise en place d'un moratoire sur les nouvelles centrales nucléaires pendant la période des tests de résistance dans l'UE n'est pas acceptable. Il constituera un frein au développement des installations de nouvelle génération beaucoup plus sûres.

La question n'est pas ici de savoir s'il faut remettre en cause le bien-fondé de cette énergie. Il ne s'agit pas ici de succomber aux valeurs idéalistes et obscurantistes de ceux qui voudraient bannir cette énergie.

Sortir du nucléaire, c'est garantir la promotion des centrales à charbon très polluantes, c'est retomber dans les mains des pétroliers, avec les aléas des cours du baril et l'énorme risque d'affaiblissement économique, c'est donc signer la fin de notre indépendance énergétique!

  Roberto Gualtieri (S&D), per iscritto. − Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ho espresso il mio voto contrario alla risoluzione comune come conseguenza della bocciatura da parte dell'Aula di due emendamenti chiave presentati dal gruppo S&D, riguardanti l'elaborazione di strategie di medio-lungo termine per il progressivo phasing out dal nucleare e la definizione di target vincolanti sulle energie rinnovabili.

Il voto negativo da parte dell'Assemblea sull'intera risoluzione rende ancor più evidente quanto la questione nucleare non sia più soltanto un problema di maggiore sicurezza: è ormai imprescindibile avviare una riflessione seria sulla questione energetica e sugli investimenti in materia di energie rinnovabili. La drammatica esperienza del Giappone ci insegna proprio quanto sia necessario discutere di energia nucleare in maniera approfondita, e in questo senso il voto espresso dal Parlamento europeo è il primo passo per una svolta nelle scelte di politica energetica, su scala sia europea sia internazionale.

  Carl Haglund, Marit Paulsen, Olle Schmidt och Cecilia Wikström (ALDE), skriftlig. − Katastrofen i Japan har väckt människors oro över kärnsäkerhet. I den liberala resolutionen lyfte vi fram att vi vill göra de föreslagna stresstesterna tvingande för medlemsstaterna, låta oberoende experter sköta genomförandet och att testerna ska vara transparenta.

Vi lade ned våra röster i omröstningen om den gemensamma resolutionen eftersom det också föreslogs ett "moratorium" om att inte utveckla ny kärnkraft under tiden som stresstesterna pågår. 

Eventuella problem rör sig i första hand om äldre reaktioner med äldre teknik och inte nya kärnkraftverk med ny teknik. Vi vill inte förbjuda utvecklingen av en teknik som bidrar till EU:s målsättning att minska sina koldioxidutsläpp. 

Vi är emot ett "tankeförbud om kärnkraft". I Sverige infördes efter Tjernobylolyckan 1986 regler som gjorde det olagligt att förbereda uppförandet av kärnkraftverk.

Vi anser också att Finland och Sverige ska satsa på kärnkraftsforskning och vara ledande i utvecklingen av framtida generationers kärnkraftsreaktorer.

Den slutsats man kan dra av olyckan i Japan är att man inte ska köra kärnkraftverken så många år. Olyckan kan snarare ses som en inspiration för att bygga ny kärnkraft.

  Sandra Kalniete (PPE), rakstiski. − Es balsoju par šīs rezolūcijas pieņemšanu un paužu nožēlu, ka Parlaments nespēja vienoties ne par vienu no rezolūciju projektiem par šo aktuālo jautājumu. Es uzskatu, ka kodolenerģijai ir jāsaglabājas kā svarīgam un drošam Eiropas enerģijas avotam. Es atbalstu prasību pēc visaptverošiem noturības testiem, kuri būtu jāveic gan visās esošajās, gan projektējamās atomelektrostacijās un kuru apmierinošiem rezultātiem ir jābūt par priekšnoteikumu šo staciju tālākai darbībai. Es pievienojos rezolūcijas projektā paustajām bažām par to, ka jaunu kodolprojektu izstrāde Baltkrievijā un Krievijā (Kaļiņingradas apgabalā) rada nopietnas bažas par kodoldrošības standartiem un starptautiskajās konvencijās paredzēto attiecīgo pienākumu ievērošanu un ka uz šīm bažām eiropiešiem, dalībvalstīm un Eiropas Komisijai ir jāatbild solidāri. Tāpēc mūsu Savienībai ir jāpanāk, ka šie noturības testi un to rezultātā noteiktie kodoldrošības standarti tiktu piemēroti ne vien ES, bet arī attiecināti uz jau uzbūvētām vai vēl projektējamām atomelektrostacijām Eiropas kaimiņvalstīs.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją. Japonijoje po įvykusios branduolinės nelaimės žuvo ir dingo be žinios tūkstančiai žmonių, padaryta didelė materialinė žala, pasekmės turės ilgalaikių padarinių žmonių sveikatai. Dar iki šiol juntame ir Černobylio pasekmes, todėl šiandien reikia naujai įvertinti požiūrį į branduolinį saugumą ES ir pasaulyje. Tobulinant branduolinius projektus Baltarusijoje ir Kaliningrade yra didelių problemų, susijusių su branduolinio saugumo standartais, atitinkamų įsipareigojimų laikymusi pagal tarptautines konvencijas, kadangi šios problemos aktualios ne tik valstybėms narėms, kurios tiesiogiai ribojasi su šiais regionais, bet ir visai Europai. ES ir atitinkami EK subjektai būtinai turi veikti kartu, vadovaudamiesi solidarumo principu. Rezoliucijoje dėl ES Baltijos jūros regiono strategijos ir makroregionų vaidmens būsimojoje sanglaudos politikoje teigiama, kad atsižvelgiant į numatytą branduolinės energetikos plėtrą Baltijos jūros regione ES šalys turi laikytis griežčiausių saugos ir aplinkos apsaugos standartų, o EK turi stebėti ir kontroliuoti, ar kaimyninėse šalyse, kurios yra šalia išorinių ES sienų, laikomasi tokio pat požiūrio ir tarptautinių konvencijų. Prie ES išorinių sienų statomos branduolinės jėgainės turi atitikti tarptautinius branduolinės saugos, aplinkosaugos standartus. Šiandien ypač padidėjusi energijos veiksmingumo ir energijos taupymo, atsinaujinančiosios ir tvarios energijos, Europos masto elektros energijos tinklų diegimo svarba. Be to, svarbu turėti išmanųjį elektros tinklą, kuris galėtų veikti gaudamas energiją iš decentralizuotų energijos gamybos įrenginių.

  Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. − Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il grave incidente nella centrale nucleare di Fukushima Daiichi, avvenuto il giorno 11 marzo 2011, causato dal terremoto e dal successivo tsunami, ha causato danni e conseguenze a lungo termine per la salute in termini di contaminazione ambientale. Anche a seguito degli avvertimenti dell'Agenzia internazionale per l'energia atomica sullo stato di centrali nucleari ormai obsolete, appare necessario individuare misure in grado di accertare il livello di sicurezza delle centrali. La collaborazione ed il coordinamento fra Stati sono prioritari in materia alla luce del fatto che crisi di questo genere non si ripercuotono sul paese in cui è costruita, ma hanno effetti generalizzati. Quanto avvenuto impone all'Europa, al fine di prevenire disastri di questa entità, di porre in essere una serie di misure, particolarmente rigorose, volte ad accertare i livelli di sicurezza esistenti. Lo sviluppo di nuove centrali nucleari in Bielorussia e in Russia, obbliga la Commissione ad agire, interloquendo con questi Paesi, al fine di garantire la sicurezza, non solo ai paesi confinanti, ma all'Europa tutta.

  Jörg Leichtfried (S&D), schriftlich. − Prinzipiell befürworte ich die gegenständliche Resolution, da sie einen ersten Schritt in Richtung Atomausstieg für die gesamte Europäische Union fordert. Inhaltlich ist aber schon anzumerken, dass wie so oft bei derartigen Resolutionen zuwenig und das zu langsam gefordert wird. Am Ende herrscht das Prinzip des kleinsten gemeinsamen Nenners vor, was auf Dauer sicherlich nicht zufriedenstellend sein kann. Die einzig richtige Lösung wäre ein kompletter Atomausstieg für die gesamte Europäische Union, und das so schnell wie möglich. Dafür werde ich mich auch mit ganzer Kraft einsetzen!

  Bogusław Liberadzki (S&D), na piśmie. − W kwietniu odbyło się głosowanie nad wspólną rezolucją w sprawie wniosków, jakie należy wyciągnąć dla bezpieczeństwa jądrowego Europy po awarii w elektrowni atomowej w Japonii. Głosowałem przeciwko tej rezolucji, gdyż poza zakazami i moratorium na rozwój energetyki jądrowej oraz sugestią stopniowego wycofania się z energetyki atomowej (co jest nierealne) nie wnosi ona nic pozytywnego, nie przedstawia żadnych rozwiązań co do przyszłości energetyki w ogóle. Sytuacja po tragedii w Fukuszimie całkowicie zmieniła filozofię podejścia do przyszłości energetyki w Europie i Polsce. W naszym kraju oparta w 95% na węglu energetyka już ucierpiała w wyniku przyjęcia pakietu klimatyczno-energetycznego. Podjęte inwestycje dążące do zbudowania dwóch elektrowni jądrowych też zostały powstrzymane. Rezolucja podkreśla jedynie znaczenie energii ze źródeł odnawialnych, co w Polsce stanowi jedynie 13%, maksymalnie 20% potrzeb. Ponadto referendum w sprawie energetyki jądrowej, które sugeruje lewica, dopiero się w Polsce odbędzie, wobec tego wnioski wynikające z przedmiotowej rezolucji są przedwczesne. Z zadowoleniem przyjąłem fakt, że większość posłów głosowała przeciw rezolucji.

  Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), în scris. − Consider că trebuie să evităm luarea unor decizii politice radicale şi imediate privind rolul energiei nucleare în mixul energetic pe termen mediu şi lung. Este important să avem o imagine clară, bazată pe date exacte, asupra a ceea s-a întâmplat la centrala nucleară de la Fukushima. Nu trebuie să pierdem din vedere avantajele energiei nucleare, care generează emisii scăzute de dioxid de carbon, are costuri relativ mai mici şi asigură independenţa energetică. Până în prezent, statistic, energia nucleară a fost cea mai sigură, cu cea mai mică rată a victimelor în caz de accidente, comparativ cu alte surse de energie (de exemplu: gaz, petrol). De asemenea, este esenţială respectarea deciziilor statelor membre de a stabili compoziţia mixului lor energetic. Rolul energiei nucleare prezintă importanţă pentru realizarea obiectivelor Uniunii, stabilite prin Strategia Europa 2020 şi strategia energetică pentru actuala decadă.

  Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat impotriva rezolutiei privind siguranța nucleară în Europa care se impun în urma accidentului nuclear din Japonia. Motivul votului impotriva este cererea rezolutiei de a se institui un moratoriu pentru dezvoltarea unor noi centrale nucleare. Consider ca productia de energie nucleara in conditii de securitate este extrem de importanta. Sunt de acord cu efectuarea testelor de rezistanta. Nu cred insa, ca este oportun sa se impuna un moratoriu pe o perioada care nu poate fi determinata in timp. Aceasta perioada poate fi foarte importanta pentru centralele care sunt in dezvoltare in acest moment, in special in ceea ce priveste finantarea. Structura mixului energetic este in responsabilitatea statelor membre si de aceea, nu cred ca poate sa se impuna de la nivel comunitar o asemenea decizie.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted against this resolution because the amendments adopted left us with a text which paid insufficient attention to nuclear safety issues.

  Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − O desastre de Fukushima recordou ao planeta que não existe risco zero para o nuclear. O perigo que a energia nuclear representa para a humanidade é absolutamente insustentável, assim como os riscos acrescidos pelos resíduos produzidos. Devemos, portanto, ir mais longe do que garantir a segurança e melhorar os testes de segurança. Estes dois critérios seriam uma condição mínima para chegarmos a um acordo.

Não foi ainda garantido um plano de saída tendo em vista a mudança efectiva da política energética europeia, que tem de passar necessariamente por uma definição das alternativas e do faseamento que permita abandonar progressivamente a indústria nuclear na Europa. Votei contra esta resolução uma vez que considero que nenhum dos pressupostos atrás referidos ficou garantido.

  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – La catastrophe de Fukushima rappelle au monde qu'en matière de nucléaire, il n'y a pas de risque zéro. Le danger que l'énergie nucléaire fait peser sur l'humanité n'est pas soutenable. Il faut donc aller plus loin qu'une sûreté améliorée et des tests de sécurité. Il faut préparer tout de suite un plan européen de sortie du nucléaire. Sortir du nucléaire prend du temps. Ne pas commencer dès maintenant à organiser cette sortie est un crime contre l'humanité. Je ne soutiendrai pas cette résolution si les amendements prônant la sortie du nucléaire sont rejetés.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Dieser Entschließungsantrag zur nuklearen Sicherheit in Europa war mehr als notwendig. Er thematisiert sämtliche Gefahren, die von der Kernenergie ausgehen, und wird hoffentlich ein Anstoß zu einem umfassenden Umdenken in Bezug auf die Nutzung der Kernenergie in Europa sein. Die zahlreichen Änderungsanträge, die von der Fraktion der Grünen eingebracht wurden, waren notwendig, um die vielfältigen Gefahren direkt anzusprechen und einen raschen Ausstieg aus der Nutzung der Kernenergie zu fordern.

Da ich der Überzeugung bin, dass die Risiken von Atomkraftwerken vom Menschen niemals ganz beherrschbar sein werden, befürworte ich diesen raschen Ausstieg und habe die diesbezüglichen Anträge auch unterstützt. Da der Entschließungsantrag schlussendlich auch in diese Richtung geht, habe ich dafür gestimmt.

  Vital Moreira (S&D), por escrito. − Na votação da resolução sobre a segurança da energia nuclear depois do acidente de Fukushima votei contra a proposta de emenda quanto aos objectivos de redução de CO2 por três razões: a) a questão não tem relação com o tema da segurança nuclear; b) os objectivos enumerados elevam desproporcionadamente a fasquia da UE na redução unilateral de CO2; c) uma redução de CO2 tão ambiciosa - e na verdade, irrealista - só seria aceitável se conjugada com a introdução de uma taxa de CO2 sobre as importações, sob pena de afectar gravemente a competitividade da indústria europeia, além de levar as empresas europeias a deslocalizar a sua produção para os países sem restrições de CO2, com graves efeitos sobre a economia e o emprego na UE.

  Rareş-Lucian Niculescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat împotriva propunerii comune de rezoluţie referitoare la concluziile privind siguranţa nucleară în Europa care se impun în urma accidentului nuclear din Japonia, din următoarele motive: cel puţin şapte dintre amendamentele depuse sunt nerealiste din punct de vedere ştiinţific; multe părţi din text sunt doar lozinci fără niciun temei real, iar cei care se pronunţă împotriva energiei nucleare nu aduc şi soluţii alternative la utilizarea acesteia. Nu în ultimul rând, ţin să precizez că regret faptul că Parlamentul European nu a adoptat o poziţie cu privire la acest subiect, însă o astfel de poziţie, pentru a fi adoptată, trebuie să fie una echilibrată, pragmatică, bazată pe realităţi documentate ştiinţific şi pe soluţii realiste.

  Franz Obermayr (NI), schriftlich. − Es ist höchste Zeit für ein Umdenken hinsichtlich der Nutzung von Kernenergie in Europa! Wir müssen jetzt beginnen zu handeln, gefährliche Reaktoren abschalten und mittelfristig einen Weg für einen Totalausstieg aus der Atomenergie finden. Es bedarf einer endgültigen Abkehr vom Irrglauben, dass der Mensch die Gefahren der Kernenergie im Griff hätte. Ich habe daher für den gegenständlichen Entschließungsantrag gestimmt.

  Alfredo Pallone (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho votato a favore della risoluzione sulla sicurezza nucleare perché dopo i recenti accadimenti in Giappone non si può non affrontare il problema con responsabilità e criteri oggettivi. Ritengo importante che l'Europa riveda la regolamentazione sulla sicurezza delle centrali nucleari per garantire dei livelli di sicurezza assoluti identificabili grazie agli stress test che mostreranno eventuali rischi e limiti dell'uso del nucleare. La risoluzione in sè vuole dimostrare come, nonostante tutto, si possa sempre imparare dalle catastrofi e reagire in modo chiaro ed efficace per fare in modo che non accadano più. Inoltre sottolinea come sia necessario puntare ad approvvigionamenti energetici alternativi, come le energie rinnovabili, nonostante il nucleare resti indispensabile in quanto energia a bassa emissione di carbonio.

  Vincent Peillon (S&D), par écrit. – J’ai voté contre la résolution portant sur les leçons à tirer de l’accident nucléaire au Japon pour la sécurité nucléaire en Europe car il est de mon avis que la question de l’avenir du nucléaire, primordiale pour nos concitoyens, ne saurait être tranchée par notre assemblée en quelques heures sous le coup d'amendements adoptés sans véritable débat. Toutes les questions doivent être mises sur la table, aucune option ne doit être écartée, mais c'est justement pour cela que nous avons besoin de temps. Il en va de la crédibilité de notre assemblée comme du bien-être de nos concitoyens qui ne comprendraient pas - à raison - que nous les engagions sur des voies de long terme qui n'ont pas fait l'objet au préalable d'une discussion sereine et exhaustive, tenant compte des différentes situations nationales et des contraintes de notre combat commun contre le changement climatique. Je tiens enfin à déplorer que, à cause des extrémistes de tous bords, le Parlement n'ait pu se prononcer dès maintenant en faveur du renforcement immédiat de la sécurité des centrales, alors même qu'un consensus exigeant un maximum de sérieux, de transparence et d'indépendance dans les contrôles s'était dégagé dans nos rangs.

  Frédérique Ries (ALDE), par écrit. – Je suis fâchée que le Parlement européen ait rejeté, ce midi, la résolution sur une question aussi essentielle que les leçons à tirer de la catastrophe nucléaire de Fukushima. Pour notre institution, il n'y aurait donc pas un avant et un après 11 mars 2011. Pourtant les signaux forts étaient là! Il n'était pourtant pas trop difficile de se mettre d'accord autour de principes simples:

– Un soutien à la Commission pour mener avec les États membres ces "tests de résistance" dans les 143 réacteurs nucléaires en activité en Europe;

– Un calendrier précis pour le 15 avril sur les critères retenus: indépendance de l'expertise, priorité donnée à la sécurité des sites nucléaires intrinsèquement plus dangereux car situés en zones sismique ou côtière, et communication au public des rapports de sécurité;

– Une fermeture immédiate des centrales qui ne réussiraient pas les "stress tests".

Les citoyens européens attendent de notre institution responsabilité et bon sens, surtout sur des sujets aussi polémiques que l'énergie atomique. Ce n'est peut-être finalement pas une mauvaise chose que le choix énergétique, et donc celui de la sortie ou non du nucléaire, reste une compétence exclusivement nationale.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − I voted against. I am extremely glad that, in the end, the pro-nuclear lobby has failed. It is completely incomprehensible that the PPE Group and others voted against saying that zero risk does not exist, against a progressive phase-out starting now, against going towards a near-100% energy-efficient renewables economy by 2050, against a nuclear-free future for Europe, and so on. The final text was absolutely unacceptable, and I am glad the majority of the house supported us Greens in rejecting the joint resolution.

  Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. − Il gravissimo incidente nucleare nella centrale Fukushima Daiichi dell'11 marzo scorso ha provocato la morte di migliaia di persone, oltre a danni materiali inimmaginabili per l'intera economia del Sol Levante.

Questa ecatombe sta portando tutti i paesi del mondo a rivedere le proprie posizioni circa l'impiego delle tecnologie energetiche legate all'atomo. Purtroppo, in molti casi queste scelte vengono accelerate sull'onda degli ultimi tragici eventi e da più parti viene invocato il totale e immediato smantellamento degli impianti nucleari.

L'UE già da tempo sta riconsiderando nel suo insieme il proprio approccio alla sicurezza nucleare, ma si deve tener conto del fatto che questa tecnologia continuerà a far parte del mix energetico di diversi Stati membri per molti anni a venire. In futuro forse sarà possibile soddisfare il nostro fabbisogno energetico grazie alle rinnovabili, ma questo non è ancora possibile e non lo sarà ancora per molto tempo.

Sono favorevole a norme di sicurezza più restrittive per le centrali nucleari, come già previste per quelle di nuova generazione. Tuttavia, considero l'opzione di bloccare da un giorno all'altro la produzione energetica nucleare una scelta miope e inutile, dettata più dai sentimenti che da reali motivazioni, in grado di mettere in ginocchio le economie dei principali paesi industrializzati del mondo.

  Oreste Rossi (EFD), per iscritto. − Dopo la catastrofe nucleare che ha colpito il Giappone non possiamo non rivedere il piano energetico europeo. Bisogna prestare particolare attenzione sia nei confronti delle centrali nucleari in attività sia di quelle in programmazione. L'Unione europea ha già previsto di effettuare gli stress test su tutti gli impianti, anche su quelli di paesi vicini ma che hanno rapporti correnti con l'Unione.

Questa risoluzione prevede anche un periodo di moratoria sulla costruzione dei nuovi impianti per permettere adeguate valutazioni sui rischi connessi. Dobbiamo essere consapevoli che comunque nei prossimi decenni molti paesi continueranno a dipendere dal nucleare, ma al tempo stesso non possiamo permettere che in Europa ci possano essere impianti che sottopongono a rischi la popolazione. Gli impianti antecedenti al 1980 devono essere smantellati.

In alcuni paesi, come in Italia, sono in atto valutazioni sulla scelta di uscire o meno dal nucleare ed è indispensabile che si attuino anche scelte condivise a livello europeo. Il fatto incredibile è che su un tema importante e sentito dai cittadini come questo, oggi in esame, il Parlamento europeo non sia stato in grado di esprimersi. Infatti, sono state respinte tutte le risoluzioni, anche quella comune sulla quale noi ci siamo espressi in modo favorevole.

  Marco Scurria (PPE), per iscritto. − Qualche giorno fa il ministro italiano delle Finanze, onorevole Tremonti, parlando in un convegno di industriali ha coniato il concetto di "debito atomico": gli Stati Membri che hanno investito sul nucleare sono quelli che hanno il debito pubblico più alto. Quanto costa chiudere le centrali di prima e seconda generazione? Quanto costano gli "stress-test" di cui tanto stiamo parlando oggi? Una volta che si dimostra che una centrale è "stressata", quanto costa "risistemarla"? E ancora, quanto costa lo smaltimento delle scorie? Nessuno ce lo ha ancora detto.

Come Unione europea potremmo cominciare a immaginare altre strade da mostrare agli Stati membri e, visto che la Commissione ci dovrà fornire una road map, perché non cominciare a pensare a un investimento vero sul nucleare di quarta generazione, il nucleare pulito, quello da fusione, o ancora cominciare a ipotizzare un piano regolatore energetico? Aspettiamo la Comunicazione della Commissione per delineare una road map su questo tema e per finalmente provare a dare un indirizzo concreto all'Unione europea in questo settore.

  Debora Serracchiani (S&D), per iscritto. − L'incidente nucleare della centrale di Fukushima ha creato una catastrofe enorme provocando contaminazioni radioattive anche tra numerosi feriti che si trovavano attorno alla centrale. Molti ospedali si rifiutano di ospitarli e curarli per via del rischio di contaminazioni.

Nonostante il Primo Ministro giapponese abbia dichiarato che la centrale di Fukushima sarà smantellata, la situazione rimane irrisolta con il sistema di raffreddamento di uno dei reattori ancora fuori uso e una notevole dispersione di radioattività nell'ambiente. Alla luce di questo, è importante garantire tutto l'aiuto necessario a livello umanitario e finanziario e definire regole internazionali in materia di sicurezza massimamente affidabili, per scongiurare in futuro altre catastrofi come quella in Giappone.

Per questo ho votato contrariamente alla risoluzione, perché non sono stati inclusi degli emendamenti che invitavano gli Stati membri ad applicare eventuali strategie per uno smantellamento dell'energia nucleare e a informare le autorità transfrontaliere regionali e locali sui loro programmi nazionali subito nel caso in cui l'attuazione possa avere effetti transfrontalieri.

  Peter Skinner (S&D), in writing. − Although this is a sensitive period of time just after the enormous problems with nuclear safety in Japan, nuclear energy remains a major contributor to energy supply cross the EU and globally. The views expressed by those in the House seeking to force early closure and abandonment of the policy in this matter made voting for elements of this report very difficult for pragmatic reasons rather than a particularly pro- or anti-nuclear approach. I could not support ‘aggressive’ amendments which could have damaged the energy supply policy of a ‘mixed’ approach leading to reduced CO2 emissions and the eventual growth in renewables.

  Bart Staes (Verts/ALE), schriftelijk. − We zijn het vandaag niet eens geworden over deze resolutie die de lessen moet trekken uit de kernramp in Fukushima. De Groenen pleiten al jaren voor het uitfaseren van kernenergie omdat de risico’s voor mens en milieu onaanvaardbaar groot zijn en bovendien alternatieven ruimschoots voorhanden zijn. Fukushima heeft dat eens te meer duidelijk gemaakt. Het is triest dat de liberalen en christen-democraten blijven geloven in hun nucleaire dromen. Zelfs als die, zoals vandaag duidelijk is in Japan en Tsjernobyl, uitmonden in nachtmerries. En zelfs dan willen velen niet wakker worden uit hun boze atoomdroom. De enige echte veilige kernenergie is geen kernenergie.

Het amendement dat vroeg om uitfaseren van kernenergie werd weggestemd. Een meerderheid van dit Parlement begrijpt blijkbaar nog altijd niet dat het technisch en economisch perfect haalbaar is om mede via energie-efficiëntie over veertig jaar onze stroom volledig duurzaam op te wekken met behulp van de zon, wind, aardwarmte, water en biomassa. De kernenergielobby lijkt vooralsnog aan de winnende hand. Daarom mijn neen-stem bij de eindstemming!

  Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. − I voted against the resolution in the final vote as I believe we need to debate this issue in the context of the overall EU energy strategy not in the context of the Japanese nuclear tragedy.

  Michèle Striffler (PPE), par écrit. – L'accident nucléaire en cours au Japon doit nécessairement conduire à une réflexion approfondie sur les centrales présentes en France et en Europe. Il est nécessaire de procéder à des tests de résistance ("Stress Tests") sur toutes les centrales nucléaires en activité, en particulier lorsqu'elles se situent dans des zones d'activités sismiques. Je pense notamment à la centrale de FESSENHEIM dans le Haut Rhin. Par ailleurs, je considère qu'imposer un moratoire non limité dans le temps sur la construction et la mise en service de nouveaux réacteurs nucléaires, n'est pas une solution viable économiquement et mettrait en péril de nombreux emplois tout en affaiblissant dangereusement notre production d'énergie.

  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru rezoluția Parlamentului European referitoare la lecțiile de învățat privind siguranța nucleară în Europa, în urma accidentului nuclear din Japonia, deoarece obiectivul acesteia este acela de a creste siguranța nucleară în UE, și nu de a interzice producerea și utilizarea energiei nucleare. De aceea, am votat împotriva tuturor amendamentelor care vizau eliminarea energiei nucleare din mixul energetic european. Deși nu am votat pentru instituirea unui moratoriu privind construcția de noi reactoare nucleare, am considerat că, dacă un astfel de moratoriu ar fi instituit, el ar trebui să fie limitat doar la perioada „testelor de stres” la care vor fi supuse reactoarele nucleare din UE. Astfel, construcția noilor reactoare ar beneficia de concluziile testelor de rezistență, iar siguranța nucleară va crește.

Astăzi energia nucleară reprezintă 30% din mixul energetic european. Îndeplinirea obiectivului „20-20-20” al Uniunii Europene depinde în mare măsură de mixul energetic al statelor membre. Nu putem decide eliminarea energiei nucleare fără a stabili care vor fi sursele sustenabile de energie care să poată acoperi, în următorii ani, cererea de energie din UE, la prețuri accesibile pentru cetățeni. UE trebuie să investească în măsuri privind eficiența energetică, în special în sectorul clădirilor și al transporturilor, și în utilizarea energiilor regenerabile.

  Traian Ungureanu (PPE), in writing. − The nuclear crisis in Japan set into motion a number of ideas that amount to an irrational tsunami. Nuclear energy is now demonised and there is growing pressure demanding a complete switch from nuclear to so-called alternative sources of energy. But this school of thought is bordering on outright superstition. The nuclear reactor of Fukushima was hit by an unprecedented combination of catastrophes. This proves that nature is unpredictable and that tsunamis cannot be banned, but it does not prove that nuclear energy is at fault. Nuclear energy has a much safer record than any other source of energy. While oil arguably generates exploitation, dependence, wars and dictatorships, nuclear energy is historically much safer. Our main concern with nuclear energy should indeed be risk assessment and unitary safety procedures at a European level. With these criteria fulfilled and observed, nuclear energy could put an end or severely limit the politics of energy dependence. And while natural disasters cannot be prevented, nuclear energy is not a serious risk per se. The real danger does not come from well serviced nuclear reactors, but from nuclear reactors under the wrong political control. In other words, look Iran, not Japan.

  Derek Vaughan (S&D), in writing. − I feel that this resolution was knee-jerk reaction to the tragic situation in Japan, and did not allow enough time for debate of the issues surrounding the safety of nuclear power plants in the EU. Nuclear power is a vital source of energy across Europe, with some member states getting as much as 75% of their electricity from nuclear power, and a review of the safety of nuclear power plants should be a priority, including stress tests on existing plants. This should not however lead to closures of existing power plants where there are no safety concerns or prevent the opening of new nuclear installations to replace out-of-date plants. We need a grown-up debate on these issues to ensure that there is a balanced mix of renewable and other low-carbon sources of energy to ensure that the lights stay on across Europe.

Motion for a resolution B7-0237/2011 (Lessons to be drawn for nuclear safety in Europe following the nuclear accident in Japan)

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − After the defeat of the joint motion for a resolution I voted in favour of this text which, while not perfect, struck a good balance between nuclear safety and a pragmatic approach to the issue.

Motion for a resolution B7-0242/2011 (Lessons to be drawn for nuclear safety in Europe following the nuclear accident in Japan)

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted for this Verts/ALE Group resolution because all the other resolutions on the subject had fallen. I backed it to show support for the safety recommendations but was uncomfortable with the more extreme anti-nuclear sentiments it espoused.

Motion for a resolution B7-0243/2011 (Lessons to be drawn for nuclear safety in Europe following the nuclear accident in Japan)

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted against this resolution, which I found almost naively pro-nuclear.

Motion for a resolution B7-0249/2011 (Situation in Syria, Bahrain and Yemen)

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją. Demonstracijų Bahreine, Sirijoje ir Jemene dalyviai išreiškė teisėtus demokratinius siekius ir tvirtus reikalavimus vykdyti politines, ekonomines ir socialines reformas, kuriomis būtų siekiama sukurti tikrą demokratiją, kovoti su korupcija, užtikrinti pagarbą teisinei valstybei, žmogaus teisėms ir pagrindinėms laisvėms, mažinti socialinę nelygybę ir sukurti geresnes ekonomines ir socialines sąlygas. Šių šalių vyriausybės į teisėtus žmonių lūkesčius atsakė smurtinėmis represijomis, savavališkais sulaikymais ir kankinimais, kurių metu daug žmonių žuvo, buvo sužeista ir įkalinta. Šių šalių vyriausybių naudojamas smurtas prieš savo pačių gyventojus turi turėti tiesioginės įtakos jų dvišaliams santykiams su Europos Sąjunga. ES gali ir turi naudoti daug priemonių siekdama atgrasyti nuo tokios veiklos, pavyzdžiui, įšaldyti lėšas, uždrausti įvažiuoti ir kt. ES turi prižiūrėti šių šalių atžvilgiu vykdomą savo politiką ir visapusiškai ir veiksmingai naudoti paramą, kurią galima teikti pagal Europos kaimynystės ir partnerystės priemonę, Europos demokratijos ir žmogaus teisių rėmimo priemonę ir Stabilumo priemonę, kad būtų galima nedelsiant padėti Artimųjų Rytų ir Persijos įlankos šalims ir pilietinėms visuomenėms, siekiančioms pokyčių, susijusių su demokratija ir pagarba žmogaus teisėms.

  Jean-Luc Bennahmias (ALDE), par écrit. – La Tunisie, l'Egypte et la Libye ont été au cœur de l'actualité en ce début d'année 2011. Il reste que les aspirations à la démocratie ne sont pas l'apanage de ces seuls Etats. Des mouvements massifs ont également vu le jour au Bahreïn, au Yémen comme en Syrie. Bien malheureusement, là aussi, les autorités en place ont répondu sous le prisme de la répression et de la violence. C'est intolérable. Or l'usage de la violence par un Etat contre sa propre population ne peut rester sans conséquence pour l'Union européenne dans le cadre de ses relations bilatérales. Par cette résolution, l'Union européenne soutient le peuple syrien dans son aspiration à lever véritablement l'état d'urgence en place depuis 1963, exprime sa solidarité avec l'ensemble des peuples de ces pays et invite l'Union européenne à redéfinir ses relations en fonction de l'évolution des réformes.

  Cristian Silviu Buşoi (ALDE), în scris. − Consider că Uniunea Europeană trebuie mai mult ca oricând să promoveze valorile democratice și să fie alături de popoarele din țările sud-mediteraneene în aspirația acestora către o societate democratică.

Situația din țările arabe îmi aduce aminte de căderea regimurilor comuniste din Europa Centrală și de Est. Am trecut și noi prin momente similare și putem înțelege revendicările acestor popoare, fapt pentru care avem datoria morală de a ne manifesta solidaritatea.

Protestele care au loc în aceste țări de câteva săptămâni sunt dovada clară a faptului că regimurile nedemocratice nu corespund așteptărilor populației și că acestea nu pot oferi stabilitate politică și prosperitate pentru aceste societăți.

Înaltul Reprezentant și Comisia ar trebui să ia o poziție fermă împotriva folosirii violenței contra manifestanților și să facă presiuni asupra autorităților din Siria, Yemen și Bahrain pentru ca acestea să se angajeze într-un dialog politic constructiv în vederea soluționării situației.

De asemenea, consider că încheierea acordului de asociere între UE și Siria ar trebui să fie condiționat de voința autorităților siriene de a face reforme în sensul democratizării. Uniunea are la dispoziție acest instrument și cred că ar trebui să îl folosească pe cât posibil pentru a sprijini democratizarea țărilor arabe.

  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. − Os recentes protestos em vários países árabes demonstram que os regimes não democráticos e autoritários não podem garantir uma estabilidade credível e que os valores democráticos ocupam um lugar central nas parcerias económicas e políticas. Apelo às autoridades do Barém, da Síria e do Iémen a cumprir as normas do direito internacional relativas aos direitos humanos e liberdades fundamentais. É fundamentar iniciar o mais brevemente possível o processo de diálogo político aberto e significativo, com a participação de todas as forças políticas democráticas e da sociedade civil, visando preparar o caminho para a verdadeira democracia, o levantamento do estado de emergência e a implementação de verdadeiras reformas políticas, económicas e sociais ambiciosas e significativas, que são essenciais para a estabilidade e o desenvolvimento a longo prazo.

  Corina Creţu (S&D), în scris. − Bahrainul riscă să devină terenul unei confruntări între Iran și Arabia Saudită. În acest context, nu putem trece cu vederea componenta religioasă a evoluțiilor din zonă, în condițiile în care opoziția șiită este susținuta de Iran, iar dinastia sunnită se bucură de suportul monarhiilor din regiune. De asemenea, relațiile strânse dintre Iran, Siria, Hamas și Hezbollah, precum și tensiunile religioase dintre sunniți și alawiți în Siria ar trebui să ne îndemne la prudență, pentru că există un risc imens ca escaladarea violenței să împingă și Siria spre un război civil, cu imixtiuni externe. Masacrul de la Hama din 1982, căruia i-au căzut victime 20 000 de sirieni, este un avertisment tragic în acest sens, la fel cum sunt eșecurile din Somalia, Afganistan și Irak în ceea ce privește modul în care Occidentul trebuie să acționeze într-un spațiu căruia nu-i pot fi neglijate particularitățile foarte pronunțate. Cred că avem nevoie de mai multă diplomație și mai putină forță armată, mai multă grijă pentru apărarea drepturilor omului și protecția civililor și mai putină preocupare pentru potențialul electoral al intervențiilor externe, precum și de o atenție sporită pentru sărăcia și corupția cu care se confruntă aceste societăți, în special cea yemenită.

  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente esta resolução por condenar a violenta repressão exercida pelas forças de segurança a manifestantes pacíficos no Barém, na Síria e Iémen. Manifesto o meu apoio e solidariedade para com o povo daqueles países que, movidos por legítimas aspirações democráticas, demonstram grande coragem e determinação.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − A Síria, o Bahrein e o Iémen têm sido sacudidos por protestos populares e têm-nos reprimido duramente. Apelo aos seus governos para que encetem vias de diálogo frutíferas com os manifestantes. A violência exercida sobre as populações não é de molde a impedi-las eternamente de reivindicarem aquilo que crêem ser seu por direito. Apenas retarda a assunção desses direitos, extrema as posições e possibilita reacções futuras mais reivindicativas. O próprio Maquiavel, que teorizou abundantemente acerca de ser preferível ser temido que ser amado, alertou os príncipes do mundo para a desnecessidade e perniciosidade de se fazerem odiar. Melhor será que as autoridades desses Estados empreendam reformas concretas e que permitam aos seus nacionais gozarem padrões de democracia, liberdade e justiça semelhantes aos melhores no mundo.

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − A união Europeia, pelo exemplo dado ao longo da sua existência, tem o dever histórico de denunciar todas as violações dos Direitos Humanos e pugnar pelo direito à autodeterminação dos povos, quer através da denúncia, quer com programas de apoio ao desenvolvimento. A situação que se vive no Bahrein - que detém uma posição estratégica para o equilíbrio do Golfo -, onde, debaixo de uma aparente normalidade, gravita uma situação muito tensa com detenções contínuas de pessoas que apenas são acusadas de violarem o direito à livre expressão; na Síria, com protestos em várias cidades que são brutalmente reprimidos apesar dos apelos da UE para que sejam respeitados os direitos à liberdade de expressão, de reunião e de associação; e, finalmente, no Iémen, onde a situação é profundamente preocupante, tendo já sido condenada pela UE devido à repressão de manifestantes, não nos pode deixar indiferentes. Assim, concordo com as medidas propostas nesta resolução, nomeadamente a condenação dos responsáveis pelos massacres nestes países, esperando que surtam efeitos no mais curto espaço de tempo para que estes povos deixem de ser espezinhados. Saúdo, também, a iniciativa de pedir à Comissão dos Direitos Humanos da ONU a condenação destas violações de Direitos Fundamentais.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Estamos perante mais um exemplo da hipocrisia da maioria deste Parlamento. Em primeiro lugar, porque juntam numa mesma resolução situações e países diferentes. Fazem-no de forma propositada, propondo o "diálogo" para a transição para ajudar os aliados (Barém e Iémen) e pressionando quem não defende os seus interesses (Síria). As contradições com o que se passou na Líbia, onde o diálogo foi substituído pela agressão militar, inviabilizando qualquer possibilidade de solução pacífica do conflito, são evidentes. Os objectivos são claros: camuflar a entrada de tropas da Arábia Saudita e dos Emirados Árabes Unidos no Barém em socorro do regime oligárquico, com o apoio dos EUA (país que tem a sua maior esquadra do Golfo Pérsico no Barém), para reprimir a luta desse povo por transformações sociais e pela democracia. O mesmo se passa no Iémen, onde saem em defesa de um regime que reprime violentamente o seu povo e a sua luta por transformações democráticas e por melhores condições de vida, para proteger um aliado na chamada "luta contra o terrorismo".

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Esta resolução é mais um exemplo da hipocrisia da maioria do PE. Desde logo, porque juntam numa mesma resolução situações e países diferentes. Fazem-no de forma propositada, propondo o "diálogo" para a transição para ajudar os aliados (Barém e Iémen) e pressionando quem não defende os seus interesses (Síria). Seria caso para perguntar porque não foi também defendido o "diálogo" na Líbia em vez do ataque à bomba?

Os objectivos são claros: camuflar a entrada de tropas da Arábia Saudita e dos Emirados Árabes Unidos no Barém em socorro do regime oligárquico, com o apoio dos EUA (país que tem a sua maior esquadra do Golfo Pérsico no Barém), para reprimir a luta desse povo por transformações sociais e pela democracia.

O mesmo no Iémen, onde saem em defesa de um regime que reprime violentamente o seu povo e a sua luta por transformações democráticas e por melhores condições de vida, para proteger um aliado na chamada luta contra o terrorismo.

Já na Síria procuram esconder a ingerência externa, financiando e armando o que dizem ser "protestos pacíficos", num país que tem tido uma atitude anti-imperialista, condenando a política de Israel e dos EUA na região.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šį dokumentą, kadangi po panašių įvykių kitose arabų šalyse demonstracijų Bahreine, Sirijoje ir Jemene dalyviai išreiškė teisėtus demokratinius siekius ir tvirtus liaudies reikalavimus vykdyti politines, ekonomines ir socialines reformas, kuriomis būtų siekiama sukurti tikrą demokratiją, kovoti su korupcija ir nepotizmu, užtikrinti pagarbą teisinei valstybei, žmogaus teisėms ir pagrindinėms laisvėms, mažinti socialinę nelygybę ir sukurti geresnes ekonomines ir socialines sąlygas. Todėl ES ir jos valstybės narės turi remti taikius demokratinius Bahreino, Sirijos ir Jemeno piliečių lūkesčius, o šių valstybių vyriausybės neturi reaguoti padidindamos smurtines represijas. Jokiais būdais negalima pateisinti sunkių nusikaltimų, įskaitant be teismo vykdomus žudymus, grobimus ir dingimus, savavališkus sulaikymus, kankinimus ir nesąžiningus teismo procesus.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted for this resolution. I believe the EU must reassess its bilateral relations with Syria, Bahrain and Yemen in the light of their violent repression of demonstrators, and talks on a future Association Agreement with Syria must be suspended. I am also concerned about the presence of international troops in Bahrain and call for an investigation into the deaths of 54 protestors in Yemen.

  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Le deux poids deux mesures continue de régner sur la politique extérieure de la majorité qui gouverne l'UE. Cette résolution en est le parfait exemple. Elle met en cause très justement Ali Asbullah Saleh et Bashar al Assad, mais ne fait pas de même pour le souverain du Bahreïn. Les morts et les blessés victimes de la répression des gouvernements du Yémen et de Syrie sont rappelés, pas ceux du Bahreïn. Rien ne justifie de tels égards. Je refuse de soutenir ce texte hypocrite qui, sous prétexte de condamner les uns, amnistie les autres.

  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − A Síria, o Bahrein e o Iémen têm-se visto a braços com uma série de revoltas populares que têm vindo a ser reprimidas pela força. Em minha opinião esta não é a melhor forma de lidar com a situação, pois violência só gera mais violência. Os governos desses países devem procurar encontrar vias de diálogo com os líderes das manifestações, para dessa forma podermos caminhar para níveis de entendimento que evitem as mortes e os banhos de sangue. As autoridades desses Estados devem preocupar-se em empreendere reformas concretas que permitam aos seus cidadãos o acesso à democracia, liberdade e justiça semelhantes aos existentes nos maior parte dos países.

  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente a presente resolução por considerar que a União Europeia pode envidar esforços no sentido de, através da sua diplomacia, promover um processo de mudança democrática e pacífica no Barém, no Iémen e na Síria. O povo destes países com o qual me solidarizo quer, como todos nós desejamos, a melhoria das condições económicas, a redução das desigualdades sociais, o combate à corrupção e ao nepotismo, a implementação de reformas democráticas e a garantia de direitos humanos fundamentais.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. I support this claim by the EP that strongly condemns the violent repression by security forces of peaceful demonstrators in Bahrain, Syria and Yemen, and extends its condolences to the families of the victims; expresses its solidarity with the people in those countries, applauds their courage and determination, and strongly supports their legitimate democratic aspirations. It also urges the authorities of Bahrain, Syria and Yemen to refrain from the use of violence against protestors and to respect their right to freedom of assembly and expression; condemns the interference by the authorities in Bahrain and Yemen in the provision of medical treatment and the denial and limiting of access to health facilities; stresses that those responsible for the loss of life and injuries caused should be held accountable and brought to justice; and calls on the authorities to immediately release all political prisoners, human rights defenders and journalists and all those detained in relation to their peaceful activities in the context of the protests;

  Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. − La situazione attuale in diversi paesi africani, come anche in Bahrein, Siria e Yemen, è il frutto della legittima aspirazione popolare di riforme politiche, economiche e sociali per conseguire un'autentica democrazia. Come è noto, in questi paesi vigono da sempre leggi repressive che limitano i cittadini nell'esercizio dei loro diritti civili e politici. Di conseguenza, forte è il desiderio del popolo di riforme politiche e sociali.

Purtroppo, a queste legittime richieste i governi stanno reagendo attuando una repressione violenta e applicando leggi contro il terrorismo per giustificare esecuzioni extragiudiziali, torture, sequestri e scomparse di numerosi manifestanti. Ad oggi, in Siria, Bahrein e Yemen il bilancio di morti, feriti e arrestati è altissimo. L'uso spropositato della forza dei governi contro i dimostranti ha violato qualunque patto internazionale sui diritti civili e politici.

Mi associo al relatore nel condannare la violenta repressione dei manifestanti pacifici da parte delle forze di sicurezza in questi paesi, appoggiando fermamente le loro legittime aspirazioni democratiche. Occorre esprimere tutta la nostra solidarietà e sostenere il coraggio e la determinazione che questi popoli stanno dimostrando al mondo intero.

  Traian Ungureanu (PPE), in writing. − The situation in Syria, Bahrain and Yemen is an unpredictable ongoing process and not a bloody but unstoppable march toward democracy. The political background in Syria and Yemen has been for a long time authoritarian or outright dictatorial. Yet this is not making the opposition a fully democratic alternative. Especially in Yemen, a lawless, fragmented polity, the forces gathering under the opposition umbrella are hosting or could give way to terrorist or radical anti-democratic forces. In the past, ‘stability’ in the foreign policy for the Middle East was a substitute for inaction or the status quo. It was certainly an overrated concept. Now it could become underrated. The European and largely the democratic interest would be better served by a rational, non-emotional approach. The need for democracy in countries with a long record of political oppression should not become the undoing of future democratic process. This does not mean that the Assad or Saleh regimes should be propped up, but it means that the solution should be a negotiated exit strategy rather than a violent and uncontrolled regime change. Caution and clear headed policies are much more appropriate in countries and regions that could turn from one system of oppression to another.

  Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Le Parlement européen a voté le 7 avril une résolution demandant la réévaluation des relations de l'UE avec la Syrie, le Bahreïn et le Yémen pour tenir compte des soulèvements populaires dans ces pays. Je ne pourrai qu'applaudir des deux mains si je pensais que telle était réellement l'intention des institutions européennes. L'élément fort de cette résolution consiste à demander "la suspension des négociations sur la signature de l'accord d'association entre l'Union européenne et la Syrie, qui n'est pas encore conclu" et que "la conclusion d'un tel accord dépendent de la capacité des autorités syriennes de mener à bien, de façon tangible, les réformes démocratiques attendues". Dont acte. Mais je ne peux m'empêcher de remarquer, et la résolution elle-même l'admet, que "la signature de cet accord est reportée depuis octobre 2009 à la demande de la Syrie". On ne peut donc que s'interroger sur la force pratique de cette déclaration. Je me suis donc abstenue sur ce texte.

  Dominique Vlasto (PPE), par écrit. – Ce vote de notre Assemblée, qui fait suite à plusieurs résolutions depuis la révolution du jasmin en Tunisie, est la preuve que les événements dans le monde arabe constituent une vague dont personne ne peut prédire l'ampleur ni la durée. Certes, la situation est différente pour chacun des pays, mais sur le fond, ces mouvements populaires sont la manifestation d'un désir inébranlable de démocratie, de liberté et de justice. L'Union ne peut tolérer que les revendications populaires légitimes, qui s'expriment pacifiquement, soient réprimées dans la violence, qui apparaît malheureusement comme l'unique réponse de régimes aux abois. La voix de l'Europe, notamment à travers la Haute Représentante/Vice-Présidente de la Commission, doit se faire entendre fermement pour affirmer son soutien aux manifestations citoyennes, qui demandent que les valeurs fondamentales promues et défendues par l'Union soient respectées dans ces pays. Notre Parlement, considéré comme un temple de la démocratie doit rappeler sa solidarité envers ces peuples et les soutenir sur le chemin de la transition démocratique. Une révision de nos relations avec les pays du Maghreb, du Proche et du Moyen Orient s'avère par conséquent indispensable pour qu'ensemble, nous parvenions à construire un espace de stabilité, de paix et de prospérité.

Motion for a resolution RC-B7-0228/2011( Fourth United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo a proposta de Resolução. Considero importante o enaltecimento da efectividade da ajuda para o desenvolvimento e a necessidade de uma coerente política de acompanhamento em áreas tais como as trocas e cooperação para o desenvolvimento, alterações climáticas, agricultura, etc. A UE necessita de seguir uma posição comum para os países menos desenvolvidos e não deve permitir que crises económicas e financeiras comprometam o desenvolvimento da parceria com os países menos desenvolvidos. É essencial que durante esta Conferência se reafirme o compromisso global de endereçar as necessidades especiais dos países menos desenvolvidos relacionados com a sustentabilidade do desenvolvimento nas suas dimensões económicas, sociais e ambientais e apoiá-los nos seus esforços para erradicar a pobreza.

  Roberta Angelilli (PPE), per iscritto. − Signora Presidente, in vista della Conferenza di Istanbul del prossimo maggio, l'UE ha ribadito il suo sostegno al raggiungimento degli OSM (Obiettivi di sviluppo del millennio) nei paesi in via di sviluppo, affermando ancora una volta l'impegno a fornire programmi di assistenza specifici. Sebbene in alcuni paesi e regioni si siano registrati notevoli progressi, si è ancora ben lontani dall'aver raggiunto l'obiettivo di dimezzare il livello di povertà nel mondo: 11 milioni di bambini muoiono ancora ogni anno di malattie curabili, la maggior parte dei quali prima dei 5 anni di età; una persona su quattro non ha accesso all'acqua potabile; 114 milioni di bambini continuano a non poter accedere all'istruzione primaria; si contano ancora circa 600 milioni di donne analfabete e altrettante milioni di persone non hanno accesso al progresso.

Il mancato raggiungimento degli obiettivi stabiliti nel 2001 non scoraggerà i paesi industrializzati che, al contrario, continueranno a garantire ai paesi che necessitano di assistenza una posizione centrale all'interno dell'agenda internazionale, incoraggiando l'erogazione di nuove fonti di finanziamento mirate e la creazione di programmi di cooperazione. Per risollevare questi paesi e dare un futuro a migliaia di persone serve impegno, grande determinazione politica e una consistente mobilitazione delle risorse finanziarie, requisiti che l'UE possiede.

  Pino Arlacchi (S&D), in writing. − I voted against the joint motion on the Fourth United Nations Conference on least developed countries because the motion is not focused enough on the problem of international aid ineffectiveness. The motion, and the statement by the Commission during the parliamentary debate, ignore the current critical discussion on the last 50 years of international aid to the countries of the global South, and ignore the lessons to be drawn by past failures and successes. Why the monumental failure of the aid to Africa? Why the monumental failure of the World Bank policies on development and poverty reduction? Why the huge scandal of foreign aid delivery to Afghanistan during the last 10 years? Why the huge success of the poverty elimination policies in China, Vietnam and Brazil? If we are not able to answer these difficult questions, we will never be able to use the EUR 60 billion in development aid for the benefit of the least developed countries.

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Pritariau šiai rezoliucijai. Ketvirtojoje JT konferencijoje mažiausiai išsivysčiusių šalių klausimu reikėtų skirti daugiau dėmesio politikos nuoseklumui vystymosi srityje, nes tai svarbus veiksnys siekiant sumažinti skurdą. Neminint jau esamų sunkumų, padėtis mažiausiai išsivysčiusiose šalyse dar labiau pablogėjo dėl neseniai kilusios pasaulinės finansų, apsirūpinimo maistu, klimato kaitos ir energetikos krizės. Todėl ši JT konferencija turėtų būti orientuota į rezultatus, grindžiama aiškiais rodikliais ir joje reikia siekti tikslo iki 2020 m. per pusę sumažinti mažiausiai išsivysčiusių šalių skaičių, kartu vykdant veiksmingą ir skaidrią stebėseną bei įgyvendinant tolesnes pagalbos priemones.

  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. − É lamentável que 48 países estejam actualmente classificados como países menos desenvolvidos e que 75% dos 800 milhões de habitantes desses Países vivam com menos de 2 dólares por dia. O objectivo a longo prazo da cooperação para o desenvolvimento deve ser o de criar as condições para um desenvolvimento económico sustentável e para uma redistribuição justa da riqueza. A paz e a segurança são vitais para a eficácia das políticas de desenvolvimento e a UE deve coordenar melhor a sua abordagem, a fim de resolver os problemas de estabilidade nos países menos desenvolvidos e apoiar os esforços para adquirir as capacidades destinadas à construção de Estados pacíficos, democráticos e inclusivos. É igualmente fundamental dar prioridade à segurança alimentar, à agricultura, às infra-estruturas, ao reforço das capacidades e, nomeadamente, ao crescimento económico, ao acesso às tecnologias, bem como ao desenvolvimento humano e social dos países menos desenvolvidos.

  Corina Creţu (S&D), în scris. − După ce conferințele anterioare s-au focalizat pe principii, îmi exprim speranța că a patra Conferință ONU va fi orientată spre determinarea de rezultate, formulând indicatori clari pentru a reduce la jumătate numărul țărilor mai puțin dezvoltate până în 2020. Din cele 51 de țări slab dezvoltate, în care 78% din populație trăiește cu mai puțin de 1,25 dolari pe zi, doar trei și-au depășit condiția în ultimii ani. Situația este îngrijorătoare, aceste țări fiind cele mai vulnerabile la șocuri precum crizele financiare și alimentare, schimbările climatice, confruntându-se, de asemenea, cu sărăcia extremă, lipsa infrastructurilor și șomajul în creștere.

Această realitate arată că, din păcate, comunitatea internaționala nu și-a dus la îndeplinire angajamentele formulate în Programul de acțiune de la Bruxelles. Îmi exprim speranța că în cadrul conferinței, la care voi reprezenta Grupul Socialist, ne vom concentra asupra coerenței politicilor pentru dezvoltare și a modalităților de implementare a unor mecanisme inovatoare de finanțare, pentru a ajuta mai eficient aceste țări, care trebuie încurajate să implementeze politici adecvate.

  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente esta resolução por considerar que a Quarta Conferência das Nações Unidas sobre os Países Menos Desenvolvidos deverá apresentar medidas para possibilitar a integração destes países na economia global e melhorar o seu acesso aos mercados da UE. A Comissão Europeia deverá ponderar o aumento da ajuda a estes países, no sentido de minimizar os custos decorrentes da liberalização dos seus mercados.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − Não obstante a ajuda técnica e financeira prestada ao longo dos anos aos países menos desenvolvidos, é forçoso reconhecer que a maioria destes não conseguiu elevar-se acima desse estatuto e mantêm debilidades e necessidades permanentes. É justo mencionar aqui, como o faz a resolução aprovada, a circunstância excepcional de Cabo Verde que, não obstante a sua escassez de recursos, conseguiu superar parte das dificuldades que enfrentava e elevar as condições de vida da sua população. Saúdo, por isso, o povo cabo-verdiano, o seu governo e os seus partidos que têm sabido conduzir a sua acção de forma responsável e respeitável sendo hoje aquele país lusófono um exemplo a seguir pelos países menos desenvolvidos. Não obstante as limitações ao comércio e os problemas de formação e de acesso à informação e aos meios e unidades de produção, não pode deixar de dizer-se que o atraso dos países menos desenvolvidos radica sobretudo na incapacidade dos seus decisores políticos e da ineficiência das suas instituições porque os seus povos são tão capazes quanto os demais.

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − Nos próximos dias 9 a 13 do mês de Maio, vai realizar-se, em Istambul, Turquia, a IV Conferência das Nações Unidas sobre os Países Menos Desenvolvidos (PMD’s). A UE, que sempre liderou o apoio aos países em desenvolvimento através de programas para a erradicação da pobreza – cuja dotação financeira triplicou nos últimos anos -, encontra-se muito empenhada na realização deste encontro. Também este Parlamento se fará representar através de uma delegação portadora de propostas bem fundamentadas, embora o seu estatuto de observador não permita grande visibilidade, e espero que constitua um forte impulso para que ganhemos a ‘batalha’ do desenvolvimento sustentável e o crescimento equitativo destes países. Tendo em conta que todos os países têm responsabilidades no apoio aos menos desenvolvidos em ordem ao cumprimento dos Objectivos de Desenvolvimento do Milénio, concordo com as propostas que constam desta proposta de resolução comum e formulo votos para que o objectivo de reduzir para metade os Países Menos Desenvolvidos até 2020 seja atingido.» A PMD-IV deve apoiar medidas concretas que ajudem a solucionar as necessidades de desenvolvimento dos países menos desenvolvidos, combater a pobreza e garantir um rendimento e uma subsistência decentes.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − No quadro da realização da 4ª Conferência das Nações Unidas sobre o Desenvolvimento, é pertinente considerar os Objectivos de Desenvolvimento do Milénio (ODM), adoptados pela Assembleia-geral das Nações Unidas em 2000 e avaliar a sua consecução, designadamente: erradicar a pobreza e a fome; promover a igualdade entre homens e Mulheres; aumentar e melhorar os cuidados de saúde materno-infantis; combater o HIV/SIDA; desenvolver a sustentabilidade ambiental; alcançar a educação primária universal. No que diz respeito à política de desenvolvimento, é evidente a dissonância entre as palavras e a acção levada a cabo pela UE. Os meios à nossa disposição para erradicar a pobreza existem. Fruto do desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico, ampliam-se mesmo. Mas aquilo a que assistimos é ao aumento da pobreza a nível mundial. São as consequências de um sistema, dominante à escala global - o capitalismo, intrinsecamente injusto e desigual. Sublinhamos a importância da resolução alternativa apresentada pelo GUE/NGL, bem como as emendas apresentadas à resolução comum (e infelizmente rejeitadas pela maioria), focando, entre outros aspectos, questões como: a soberania alimentar e o desenvolvimento da agricultura e a necessidade de se pôr um fim à chantagem exercida pela UE sobre diversos países em desenvolvimento com base nos chamados Acordos de Parceria Económica.

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − É fundamental apoiar os países mais pobres e mais frágeis do planeta, o que inclui quase meia centena de países, cujos povos sofrem na pele os sucessivos fracassos na implementação das conclusões de sucessivas conferências das Nações Unidas.

Esta situação deve-se, na maior parte dos casos ao colonialismo e à exploração das suas riquezas e das suas populações. Não é nenhuma fatalidade do destino, nem são inelutáveis limitações ou constrangimentos naturais que tornam estes países pobres. Bem pelo contrário: vários deles são ricos, muito ricos, em recursos naturais.

Noutros casos, é a continuação da exploração capitalista, com a injustiça e desumanidade de um sistema - de um modo de organização económica e social dominante à escala mundial - que se sustenta em relações assimétricas, geradoras e reprodutoras de desigualdades.

É o resultado do livre comércio, da desregulamentação financeira, da fuga ilícita de capitais permitida pelos paraísos fiscais, mas também da guerra e dos conflitos alimentados pela disputa de recursos naturais.

É na ruptura com os fundamentos deste sistema e numa genuína e solidária política de cooperação e de ajuda ao desenvolvimento, que reside a possibilidade de emancipação destes povos e de desenvolvimento dos seus países.

  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne − Viac ako štyridsať krajín sveta stále patrí k najmenej rozvinutým. Vítam snahu EÚ aktívne vystúpiť na vrcholnej konferencii OSN a sľubujem si od toho konkrétne záväzky. Za posledných 10 rokov najchudobnejšie krajiny zaznamenali väčší pokrok, než dekádu predtým. Napriek tomu ale pretrvávajú viaceré problémy: zvyšujúca sa závislosť na dovoze tovarov, chudoba, nízka úroveň ľudského kapitálu a zraniteľnosť voči klimatickým zmenám a prírodným katastrofám. Tieto problémy treba riešiť z každej strany, dôležité sú najmä dva body. Po prvé, tieto krajiny sa musia dostať k investíciám, ktoré potečú do produktívnych sfér hospodárstva. Po druhé, v týchto krajinách treba pomôcť budovať demokratické štruktúry, ktoré im umožnia samostatne rozhodovať o strategických prioritách bez cudzích zásahov. Osobitnou otázkou, ktorú treba riešiť, sú rozkývané trhy s komoditami a dôsledky, ktoré z toho plynú. Z dlhodobého hľadiska je odpoveďou diverzifikácia ekonomík. Z krátko- a strednodobého hľadiska je dôležité cenové šoky najmä v oblasti potravín kontrolovať. Vzhľadom na pozíciu EU je dôležité dbať na koherentnosť vonkajších politík. Dokument Komisie zo 16.2. je vyčerpávajúci, avšak treba zaujať kritickejší prístup. Treba priznať, že nie všetky aktivity EÚ v oblasti obchodu, či priamych zahraničných investícií sú v súlade s rozvojovou politikou. Ja tvrdím, že by sa jej mali podriaďovať.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šį dokumentą, kadangi surengus trečiąją JT konferenciją mažiausiai išsivysčiusių šalių klausimu ir priėmus Briuselio veiksmų programą įvyko keletas teigiamų pokyčių, pvz., sukurta iniciatyva „Viskas, išskyrus ginklus“, padidinta oficiali parama vystymuisi (2000–2008 m. ši parama padidėjo dvigubai), tiesioginės užsienio investicijos padidėjo nuo 6 iki 33 mlrd. JAV dolerių, tokiu būdu 19 šalių augimo rodiklis padidėjo iki 3 proc. Ketvirtoji JT konferencija mažiausiai išsivysčiusių šalių klausimu turėtų būti orientuota į rezultatus, būti grindžiama aiškiais rodikliais ir siekti tikslo iki 2020 m. per pusę sumažinti mažiausiai išsivysčiusių šalių skaičių, kartu vykdant veiksmingą ir skaidrią stebėseną bei įgyvendinant tolesnes priemones. Pabrėžčiau būtinybę teikti pirmenybę apsirūpinimo maistu saugumui, žemės ūkiui, infrastruktūrai, pajėgumų didinimui, integraciniam ekonomikos augimui, galimybei naudotis technologijomis, taip pat žmogaus ir socialiniam vystymuisi mažiausiai išsivysčiusiose šalyse.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted for this resolution. I believe that LDC-IV should focus on Policy Coherence for Development as an important factor for policy shift, at national and international level and call, therefore, for policy-making in all areas – such as trade, fisheries, the environment, agriculture, climate change, energy, investment and finance – to support the development needs of LDCs in order to fight poverty and guarantee decent incomes and livelihoods. I urge the EU to honour its commitments in terms of market access and debt alleviation and to reaffirm the importance of reaching the ODA target of 0.15% to 0.20% of GNI for the LDCs, mobilising, for this purpose, domestic resources and, as a complementary measure, innovative financing mechanisms.

  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − Considero que a Quarta Conferência das Nações Unidas sobre os Países Menos Desenvolvidos deve apresentar as medidas necessárias para possibilitar a integração destes países na economia global e melhorar o seu acesso aos mercados da UE. No entanto e apesar dos esforços de todos, os objectivos não têm sido conseguidos, devo no entanto aqui salientar Cabo Verde, que tem conseguido algum sucesso e elevado a qualidade de vida dos seus cidadãos a níveis superiores aos dos outros países menos desenvolvidos.

  Γεώργιος Παπανικολάου (PPE), γραπτώς. – Η οικονομική κρίση στον ανεπτυγμένο κόσμο φέρνει εμπορικά περιοριστικά μέτρα τα οποία με την σειρά τους οδηγούν σε οικονομικό στραγγαλισμό των λιγότερο ανεπτυγμένων χωρών. Οικογένειες στα όρια της απόλυτης φτώχειας βλέπουν αύξηση των τιμών των τροφίμων κατά 15% το τελευταίο εξάμηνο, ενώ συνολικά οι τιμές των τροφίμων έχουν αυξηθεί κατά 29% σε σχέση με το 2009 σύμφωνα με στοιχεία της Παγκόσμιας Τράπεζας. Επομένως, το πρόσφατο επίσημο αίτημα που κατέθεσαν οι φτωχές χώρες για άρση του περιορισμού στις εξαγωγές δεν μπορεί να αγνοηθεί. Η οικονομική κρίση σίγουρα δυσχεραίνει τις διαπραγματεύσεις, όμως σκληρές διαπραγματεύσεις στις πλάτες ανθρώπων που ζούνε στην απόλυτη ανέχεια είναι τουλάχιστον ηθικά αμφισβητούμενες.

Το συγκεκριμένο ψήφισμα, το οποίο και υπερψήφισα, τονίζει και προβάλει συγκεκριμένες πολιτικές για τη μεταστροφή αυτής της κατάστασης τόσο σε κρατικό όσο και διεθνές επίπεδο σε πολλούς τομείς όπως στο εμπόριο, στην αλιεία, στο περιβάλλον, στον αγροτικό τομέα, στην αλλαγή του κλίματος, στην ενέργεια, στις επενδύσεις και στον χρηματοπιστωτικό τομέα.

  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − O Parlamento Europeu através da presente resolução pretende dar o seu contributo para a Quarta Conferência das Nações Unidas sobre os Países Menos Desenvolvidos. Associo-me a esse contributo por considerar igualmente que a referida conferência deve fomentar políticas coerentes para o desenvolvimento promovendo medidas em todas as áreas – como o comércio, as pescas, o ambiente, a agricultura, as alterações climáticas, a energia, o investimento e as finanças – para apoiar fortemente as necessidades de desenvolvimento dos países menos desenvolvidos, combater a pobreza e garantir um rendimento e uma subsistência decentes. Quero aqui destacar, como o faz a resolução que votei favoravelmente, que Cabo Verde, em 2007, foi um dos três países que se emanciparam do estatuto de Países Menos Desenvolvidos. Trata-se de um país com poucos recursos mas que soube lutar pelo crescimento e pelo combate à pobreza. Por isto mesmo, quero aqui saudar o povo de Cabo Verde e os seus governantes.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. With this resolution, the EP: 1. Considers that LDC-IV should be result-oriented, on the basis of clear indicators and the objective of reducing the number of LDCs by half by 2020, combined with efficient and transparent monitoring and follow-up mechanisms; 2. Believes that LDC-IV should focus on Policy Coherence for Development as an important factor for policy shift, at national and international level; calls, therefore, for policy-making in all areas – such as trade, fisheries, the environment, agriculture, climate change, energy, investment and finance – to support the development needs of LDCs in order to fight poverty and guarantee decent incomes and livelihoods; 3. Urges the EU to honour its commitments in terms of market access and debt alleviation; reaffirms the importance of reaching the ODA target of 0.15 to 0.20% of GNI for the LDCs, mobilising, for this purpose, domestic resources and, as a complementary measure, innovative financing mechanisms;

  Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. − Ad oggi nel mondo i paesi classificati come meno avanzati sono 48, con circa 800 milioni di abitanti che vivono con meno di 2 dollari al giorno. Tra il 2000 e il 2010, l'indice medio di sviluppo umano per i paesi meno sviluppati è aumentato solo del 0,04%. Questo labile incremento li sta progressivamente allontanando dagli otto Obiettivi di sviluppo del Millennio fissati dall'ONU nel 2000.

Fortunatamente, sulla scia della Terza conferenza delle Nazioni Unite sono stati compiuti alcuni passi positivi in materia di aiuti pubblici allo sviluppo, consentendo a ben 19 paesi di registrare un tasso di crescita pari al 3%. Condivido l'opinione del relatore nell'evidenziare l'importanza della Quarta conferenza delle Nazioni Unite. Gli obiettivi principali devono essere rivolti alla politica di sviluppo, all'agricoltura e alla pesca, cercando di raggiungere risultati concreti e finanziamenti innovativi. Auspico che il contributo allo sviluppo sostenibile si traduca anche in sostegno alla salute, all'istruzione e alla promozione della democrazia, tenendo fermi il rispetto dei diritti umani e delle libertà fondamentali, come componenti fondamentali della politica di sviluppo dell'Unione europea.

  Joanna Senyszyn (S&D), na piśmie. − Obecnie jest 48 Krajów Najmniej Rozwiniętych (KNR), czyli co piąty kraj na świecie należy do tej kategorii. Kategorię KNR stworzyło Zgromadzenie Ogólne ONZ na początku lat 70, czyli ponad 40 lat temu. Od tego czasu liczba krajów KNR podwoiła się, a tylko trzem (Botswana, Malediwy i Wyspy Zielonego Przylądka) udało się opuścić grupę. Dowodzi to, że bieda się rozprzestrzenia, a efektywność dotychczas podejmowanych działań jest nikła. Krytyczną sytuację dodatkowo pogorszył kryzys ekonomiczny. Jego skutki dotknęły w dużej mierze KNR i spowodowały dalsze pogłębienie występujących tam problemów. Wynikają one zwłaszcza z zadłużenia, wysokich cen żywności i paliwa oraz zmian klimatycznych. Dlatego z pełnym przekonaniem i świadomością jej ważności poprałam rezolucję w sprawie IV Konferencji Narodów Zjednoczonych na temat krajów najsłabiej rozwiniętych.

Konieczna jest głęboka, kompleksowa analiza i diagnoza sytuacji KNR oraz konkretne propozycje rozwiązań zmierzających w krótkim czasie do poprawy warunków życia mieszkańców tych krajów, a w długim do wyjścia z grupy. Jako członkini Zgromadzenia Parlamentarnego AKP-UE w szczególności zwracam uwagę na brak mechanizmów kontrolnych podejmowanych działań. Nie brakuje nam woli politycznej i chęci pomocy, ale niestety dostatecznie nie monitorujemy naszych wysiłków, co skutkuje ich małą skutecznością.

  Michèle Striffler (PPE), par écrit. – Auteur de la résolution sur "la quatrième conférence des Nations Unies sur les pays les moins avancés (PMA)", j'estime qu'il est absolument nécessaire que le Parlement européen fasse preuve d'un engagement sans faille en faveur des habitants des PMA. L'augmentation du nombre d'Etats classés dans cette catégorie (depuis 1971, le nombre de PMA est passé de 25 à 48) nécessite que la communauté internationale redouble d'efforts afin d'atteindre l'objectif de réduire de moitié le nombre des PMA d'ici à 2020. De ce point de vue, il est primordial de trouver une véritable cohérence entre les politiques concernant directement les PMA, notamment l'aide au développement, les échanges commerciaux, la pêche, l'environnement, l'agriculture, le changement climatique, l'énergie, les investissements et le système financier, afin d'endiguer la pauvreté et de garantir des revenus et des moyens d'existence décents aux habitants des PMA.

  Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – J'ai voté pour la résolution du Parlement européen sur le sur la quatrième conférence des Nations unies sur les pays les moins avancés. Dans cette résolution le Parlement européen affirme le principe de cohérence entre les différentes politiques de l'Union dans le domaine de l'aide au développement et de la coopération. C'est-à-dire que dans les relations de l'UE avec les pays les moins avancés tous les domaines d'intervention – comme les échanges commerciaux, la pêche, l'environnement, l'agriculture, le changement climatique, l'énergie, les investissements et le système financier –doivent être conçus pour soutenir les besoins de développement de ces pays. De plus la résolution rappelle l'importance d'atteindre l'objectif de 0,15 % à 0,20 % du RNB consacrés à l'aide pour le développement en faveur des pays moins avancés, et alerte sur les effets négatifs des achats de terres agricoles, comme l'expropriation des petits agriculteurs et l'utilisation non durable des terres et de l'eau. Le principe de cohérence vise à éviter des déclarations de bonnes intentions qui ne sont jamais suivies de fait, ou encore des politiques sectorielles qui s'opposent les unes aux autres. Reste à le mettre en pratique.

  Dominique Vlasto (PPE), par écrit. – Par mon vote, j'ai tenu à réaffirmer mon engagement ferme en faveur de la lutte contre la pauvreté, qu'il s'agisse de ses causes ou ses effets. Les pays les moins avancés subissent un décrochage inexorable par rapport à l'économie mondiale, créant ainsi un cercle vicieux dont les victimes sont les populations. Les retards pris dans la réalisation des Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement sont une faute collective qui rend urgentes des actions coordonnées de l'Union et de l'ONU. Les chantiers prioritaires sont connus: sécurité alimentaire, accès à l'eau et aux soins de santé, alphabétisation. Les solutions le sont également, mais je regrette que les déclarations de bonnes intentions soient rarement suivies d'effet. C'est pourtant en œuvrant pour une meilleure répartition des richesses, en accompagnant ces pays sur la voie de la croissance et de la démocratie et en luttant contre la spéculation effrénée sur les cours des matières premières que ces pays extrêmement vulnérables seront en mesure de sortir de la spirale infernale de la pauvreté. C'est une responsabilité, mais également un impératif de sécurité pour l'Union, car la pauvreté est malheureusement souvent source d'instabilité.

Motion for a resolution B7-0226/2011 (2010 progress report on Iceland)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo este relatório na medida em que apoio a adesão da Islândia à UE, contando que o governo consiga assegurar o apoio dos seus cidadãos para este compromisso político nacional.

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją.Teigiamai vertinu Islandijos perspektyvą prisijungti prie ES, kadangi Islandija turi tvirtą demokratinę tradiciją ir susiformavusią pilietinę kultūrą, kas leis jai netrukdomai įsilieti į ES valstybių narių būrį. Manau, kad Islandijos priėmimas į ES padidintų Sąjungos galimybes atlikti aktyvesnį ir konstruktyvesnį vaidmenį Šiaurės Europoje ir Arktyje ir taip prisidėtų prie daugiašalio valdymo ir tvarių politinių sprendimų regione. Islandija jau dabar aktyviai dalyvauja Šiaurės taryboje ir ES Šiaurės dimensijos politikoje, Barenco jūros Europos Arkties taryboje, taip pat Arkties taryboje, kuri yra pagrindinis daugiašalis bendradarbiavimo Arktyje forumas. Dėl Islandijos įstojimo į ES dar labiau sustiprėtų ES dalyvavimas Arkties tarybos veikloje. Islandija taip pat gali vertingai prisidėti prie ES aplinkos ir energetikos politikos, nes turi patirties atsinaujinančiųjų energijos šaltinių, ypač geoterminės energijos panaudojimo, aplinkos apsaugos ir kovos su klimato kaita srityse.

  Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat pentru raportul de țară pentru anul 2010 privind Islanda, redactat de colegul Cristian Preda, deoarece consider că a sosit momentul să fie evaluate perspectivele europene ale acestui stat. De-a lungul negocierilor cu UE, autoritățile islandeze au dat dovadă de un angajament real față de acest proces și o voință politică puternică pentru a îndeplini în timp util totalitatea criteriilor de aderare.

În primul rând, Islanda are o tradiție democratică îndelungată. Protecția drepturilor omului și cooperarea cu organizații internaționale de profil sunt puncte prioritare pe agenda politică islandeză. În plan economic, autoritățile au elaborat deja o strategie de pre-aderare pentru a asigura diversificarea sectoarelor de activitate și ieșirea din recesiune. Consider că Islanda are capacitatea de a-și asuma obligațiile care rezultă din calitatea de stat membru al UE. Țin să reamintesc faptul că în acest moment sunt îndeplinite condițiile pentru 10 capitole de negociere. În acest context, salut inițiativa Comisiei Europene de a începe negocierile de aderare cu Islanda în luna iunie a acestui an.

  Dominique Baudis (PPE), par écrit. – Ce rapport rend bien compte du contexte actuel des relations entre l'Union européenne et l'Islande. Depuis le traité de Paris, nous entretenons avec ce pays des liens d'amitié, de proximité et de coopération. Il a été très durement frappé par la crise économique, financière et bancaire. Des réformes doivent être menées et nous devons les encourager.

Depuis le lancement du processus d'adhésion, nous avons démarré un dialogue ouvert et constructif avec le gouvernement du "Pays des Glaces", qui a d'ailleurs exprimé le souhait d'entrer dans l'euro. L'élargissement à l'Islande permettra à l'Europe de rendre plus cohérente sa politique dans la région de l'Arctique, notamment pour la pêche, le transport maritime, la recherche scientifique et la préservation du milieu. Toutefois, l'Europe n'est pas une roue de secours ou un remède à une crise conjoncturelle. C'est à l'Islande de souscrire clairement à un véritable projet d'intégration au reste de l'Europe.

  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. − Congratulo-me com a perspectiva de ter como novo Estado-Membro da UE um país com uma forte tradição democrática e sólida cultura cívica. A Islândia tem obtido bons resultados na defesa dos Direitos Humanos e tem assegurado um elevado nível de cooperação com os mecanismos internacionais de protecção dos Direitos Humanos. A adesão da Islândia à UE irá, por isso, reforçar o papel da União na promoção e defesa dos Direitos Humanos e das liberdades fundamentais em todo o mundo. Também no domínio das energias renováveis, a Islândia pode, pela sua experiência, dar um valioso contributo às políticas da UE, em particular nos domínios da exploração da energia geotérmica, da protecção do ambiente e das medidas de combate às alterações climáticas. A adesão da Islândia à UE melhorará as perspectivas da UE de desempenhar um papel mais activo e construtivo no Norte da Europa e no Árctico contribuindo para a governação multilateral e para soluções políticas sustentáveis para a região.

  Diane Dodds (NI), in writing. − I voted against this report. In the rush to enlargement I fear that this Parliament and the EU institutions are ignoring issues of strategic importance to Member States. It is very regrettable that, yet again, Iceland and the Faroe Islands have massively inflated their proposed catches of mackerel in 2011, endangering the stock and endangering the viability of our pelagic fishing industry. This outrageous behaviour exposes the lie that Iceland is at the forefront of sustainable fisheries management. Last summer, in response to Iceland’s intransigent stance on this matter, we were told that the Commission was considering suspending negotiations about Iceland’s accession to the EU. Yet little seems to have happened on this front. Iceland’s membership of the ‘EU Club’ cannot and must not be taken forward while Iceland blatantly ignores the rules of that club. As one newspaper headline put it, are we really going to contemplate Iceland turning from collapsing its banks to making our most valuable fishery disappear?

  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente o "relatório de acompanhamento de 2010 sobre a Islândia", porque penso que devemos apoiar a adesão à UE daquela que é uma das mais antigas democracias europeias, desde que sejam cumpridos os requisitos necessário, tais como a abolição da caça à baleia e do comércio de produtos extraídos da baleia.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − A Islândia é, de entre os países que se propõem aderir à União Europeia, aquele que se encontra mais bem preparado para o fazer e que comunga mais claramente dos valores e princípios que norteiam a acção comunitária. Creio que a União ficará a ganhar com o contributo islandês. Genericamente, a Islândia evidencia padrões idênticos ou, em alguns casos superiores, ao pretendido na União. Estou em crer que os ajustamentos ainda por realizar não serão de molde a entravar sobremaneira o processo de adesão.

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − A presente proposta de Resolução versa sobre o Relatório de Acompanhamento de 2010 relativo aos progressos realizados pela Islândia em ordem à sua integração na União Europeia (UE). A abertura das negociações para a adesão da Islândia teve lugar em Julho de 2010. Considero que se devem criar as condições necessárias para concluir o processo de adesão da Islândia e assegurar o êxito desta adesão; Este é um país com forte tradição democrática e sólida cultura cívica; e a sua a adesão vai reforçar o papel da União na promoção e defesa dos Direitos Humanos e das liberdades fundamentais em todo o mundo. A Islândia pertence à EFTA, apresenta uma economia de mercado que pode trazer algumas vantagens à UE, nomeadamente na área das energias renováveis. Todavia, é necessário que a Islândia dê provas de um interesse efectivo e colabore na resolução das questões pendentes no sector da gestão das pescas. De acordo com o relatório que nos foi apresentado, verificaram-se alguns progressos mas ainda há muito a fazer, nomeadamente no que diz respeito ao sector das pescas. Espero que as questões pendentes possam, rapidamente, ser resolvidas para que haja sucesso no processo de adesão da Islândia.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − É conhecida a nossa posição de princípio relativamente aos processos de adesão à União Europeia de novos países: essa decisão, a acontecer, deve resultar de uma vontade dos povos nesse sentido, que deve ser respeitada. Aguardamos por isso a posição do povo da Islândia sobre a adesão para, no futuro, termos em conta a sua posição. A nossa abstenção nestas votações, para além deste princípio, não ignora também o sentido profundo dos processos de alargamento na UE, tendo em conta a natureza capitalista do processo de integração e os objectivos que prossegue. Exauridas as periferias que resultaram dos anteriores alargamentos, é preciso crescer mais e alcançar novos mercados.

Lamentamos algumas exigências que a União Europeia está a fazer à Islândia, incluindo neste relatório. São exemplos, as exigências sobre liberalizações de sectores, designadamente o sector financeiro, o que é tanto mais grave quanto se sabe que este foi um dos sectores responsáveis pela crise que ali se viveu e de que só foi possível sair com uma intervenção clara do Estado.

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Abstivemo-nos nesta votação tendo em conta a nossa posição relativamente ao alargamento da União Europeia. Aguardamos a posição do povo da Islândia sobre a adesão, para, no futuro termos em conta a sua posição.

No entanto, lamentamos algumas exigências que a União Europeia está a fazer à Irlanda, incluindo neste relatório, e de que discordamos claramente. São exemplos, as exigências sobre liberalizações de sectores, designadamente o sector financeiro, o que é tanto mais grave quanto se sabe que este foi um dos sectores responsáveis pela crise que ali se viveu e de que só foi possível sair com uma intervenção clara da população e do Estado.

Aguardamos os futuros acontecimentos, designadamente o referendo do dia 9 de Abril, para uma posição mais forte sobre a adesão deste país.

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI), par écrit. – Je souhaite rappeler pourquoi je m'abstiens sur ce texte, comme à chaque fois qu'un rapport concernant les négociations d'adhésion avec un pays européen est voté ici. Ce n'est pas que je conteste le droit de l'Islande à entrer dans l'Union européenne, c'est que je pense que cela n'est pas une bonne idée. C'est d'ailleurs, semble-t-il, l'opinion ultra-majoritaire du peuple islandais. La décision de postuler à l'adhésion a été prise dans un moment de panique, après l'effondrement du système bancaire islandais, pour bénéficier du soutien de l'Europe.

Et chacun sait que l'Islande souhaite adopter l'euro sans être membre de l'Union européenne, ce qui est stupide quand on en connaît les implications, et que l'on sait que l'Islande est membre de l'Espace économique européen et de l'espace Schengen. Bref, il appartiendra de toute façon, in fine, au peuple islandais, de décider. Et j'espère, s'il dit NON, qu'il sera entendu.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šį dokumentą, kadangi 2010 m. liepos mėn. pradėtos stojimo derybos su Islandija ir kadangi itin svarbu sudaryti sąlygas, reikalingas siekiant užbaigti Islandijos stojimo procedūras ir užtikrinti, kad jos stojimas būtų sėkmingas. Islandija gali vertingai prisidėti prie ES aplinkos ir energetikos politikos, nes turi patirties atsinaujinančiųjų energijos šaltinių, ypač geoterminės energijos panaudojimo, aplinkos apsaugos ir kovos su klimato kaita srityse. Islandijos priėmimas į ES padidintų Sąjungos galimybes atlikti aktyvesnį ir konstruktyvesnį vaidmenį Šiaurės Europoje ir Arktyje ir taip prisidėtų prie daugiašalio valdymo ir tvarių politinių sprendimų regione. Be to, itin svarbu ES piliečiams teikti aiškią ir išsamią bei faktais grindžiamą informaciją apie Islandijos narystės ES pasekmes. Reikia dėti pastangas siekiant šio tikslo ir manau, kad taip pat svarbu išgirsti piliečiams susirūpinimą keliančias problemas ir klausimus ir juos spręsti, reaguoti į jų nuomonę ir atsižvelgti į jų interesus.

  Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. − Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la risoluzione votata in Parlamento sulla relazione concernente i progressi compiuti dall'Islanda nel 2010 non poteva che trovare il mio convinto sostegno. L'Islanda ha, nell'anno appena trascorso, dimostrato la volontà di conformarsi, su più fronti, alla politica europea ed ai principi che la ispirano. La forte tradizione civico-democratica, i progressi compiuti nel rafforzare l'indipendenza della magistratura, la particolare attenzione in merito all'aspetto economico che corrisponde sempre più ai criteri richiesti dall'Europa, ne fanno un paese il cui ingresso nell'UE non può che ritenersi positivo, anche in considerazione del fatto che rafforzerebbe il ruolo dell'Unione in seno al Consiglio artico. La salvaguardia dei diritti umani, il rafforzamento del contesto legislativo in materia di libertà di espressione e accesso all'informazione, i cospicui investimenti nell'istruzione, nella ricerca e nello sviluppo, finalizzati a fronteggiare l'alto tasso di disoccupazione tra i giovani, dimostrano l'operosità del paese e la ferma volontà di allinearsi all'Europa. L'ultima parola spetterà al popolo islandese, il quale dovrà esprimersi mediante referendum, nella speranza che si esprima a favore dell'entrata a far parte della grande famiglia europea.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted for this resolution which among other things ‘welcomes the agreement achieved between the representatives of the Governments of Iceland, the Netherlands and the UK on the Icesave issue, notably on guaranteeing the repayment of costs incurred in payment of minimum guarantees to depositors in branches of Landsbanki Islands hf. in the UK and the Netherlands; welcomes the approval by a three-quarters majority of the agreement by the Icelandic Parliament on 17 February 2011;’ and ‘takes note of the decision of the President of Iceland to refer the bill to a referendum and hopes for an end to the infringement procedure which started on 26 May 2010, brought by the EFTA Surveillance Authority against the Government of Iceland’.

  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Ce texte condamne le refus des Islandaises et des Islandais de rembourser les dettes contractées par des banques privées. Cela, en dépit du rejet très majoritaire de ce remboursement exprimé dans les urnes par ceux-ci. Il les oblige à appliquer rigoureusement les critères de Copenhague. Il se félicite des plans du FMI pour le pays. Il propose une campagne de la Commission en Islande, sur le modèle de la campagne irlandaise, en prévision du référendum national sur l'adhésion à l'UE. Je vote contre ces coups de force répétés contre le peuple islandais, et la grossière logique de normalisation libérale qu'il exprime.

  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − A Islândia tem vindo a dar passos concretos no sentido de uma futura adesão à UE, pois é de entre os pretendentes a essa adesão aquela que em melhor medida cumpre os requisitos requeridos para tal adesão. No entanto o recente chumbo em referendo do pagamento à Holanda e Inglaterra dos fundos perdidos por cidadãos desses países que tinham investimentos num banco Islandês que faliu pode trazer alguns entraves à sua adesão.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Island arbeitet als Mitglied des Europäischen Wirtschaftsraums, der Schengener Übereinkommen und der Dublin-Verordnung bereits eng mit der EU zusammen. Im Bereich des Schutzes der Menschenrechte erzielt Island auch sehr gute Ergebnisse. In Bereichen wie Bildung, Forschung und Entwicklung wird viel investiert, weswegen Island hier im internationalen Vergleich gut gestellt ist. Um aber von einem Beitritt Islands in die EU sprechen können, bedarf es der Zustimmung der isländischen Bevölkerung.

Propaganda von Seiten der EU, um die Isländer zu einem Beitritt zu überreden, muß tunlichst verhindert werden. Wirtschaftlich gesehen sind Island, laut OECD-Bericht vom Mai 2010, Konsolidierungen im Wirtschaftsbereich gelungen und trotz der Finanzkrise liegt das Pro-Kopf-Einkommen immer noch an Weltspitze. Deshalb hat dieses Projekt meine Stimme.

  Franz Obermayr (NI), schriftlich. − Eingangs möchte ich klarstellen, dass ein allfälliger Beitritt Islands zur Union die Zustimmung der isländischen Bürger voraussetzt. Die Entscheidung muss dem Volk überlassen und darf von der EU nicht weiter beeinflusst werden. Was den Fortschrittsbericht angeht, hält Island in zahlreichen Bereichen dem internationalen Vergleich stand und steht teilweise sogar im Spitzenfeld: ich denke etwa an das Pro-Kopf-Einkommen, Bildung, Forschung und Entwicklung oder an die Wahrung der Menschenrechte. Ich habe daher für den gegenständlichen Entschließungsantrag gestimmt.

  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − A Islândia é uma das mais antigas democracias europeias. Dos países que pretendem a adesão à União Europeia é seguramente o país mais bem preparado, não só por ter princípios e valores democráticos similares aos Estados que compõem a União, mas também por ter já padrões idênticos ou superiores de desenvolvimento. Votei favoravelmente o presente relatório de acompanhamento de 2010, por considerar que, uma vez cumpridos os requisitos necessários para a adesão, de que destaco a abolição da caça à baleia e do comércio de produtos extraídos da baleia, a UE ficará a ganhar com a adesão deste país.

Não obstante, a questão da entrada deste país deverá ser devidamente enquadrada nas políticas comuns da União, mormente a Política Comum de Pesca. Em virtude do peso relativo que o sector da pesca tem na economia islandesa poderão surgir algumas dificuldades na harmonização de políticas intrínsecas ao sector.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. With this resolution, the EP, among other things: Welcomes the prospect of having as a new EU member a country with a strong democratic tradition and civic culture; underlines that Iceland's accession to the EU will further enhance the Union's role as a world-wide promoter and defender of human rights and fundamental freedoms; Commends Iceland for its good record in safeguarding human rights and ensuring a high level of cooperation with international mechanisms for the protection of human rights; Supports the ongoing work to strengthen the legislative environment with regard to freedom of expression and access to information; welcomes, in this respect, the Icelandic Modern Media Initiative, enabling both Iceland and the EU to position themselves strongly as regards legal protection of the freedoms of expression and information.

  Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. − L'Islanda è uno dei paesi candidati all'adesione alll'Unione europea dal 2010. Ho votato a favore della proposta di risoluzione perché sono convinta che questo Paese abbia una solida tradizione democratica e cultura civica, e la sua adesione sarà in grado di rafforzare ulteriormente il ruolo dell'UE quale promotore e difensore a livello mondiale dei diritti umani e delle libertà fondamentali.

  Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report as I support Iceland’s accession to the EU.

Motion for a resolution B7-0225/2011 ( 2010 progress report on the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo a presente resolução que recomenda a implementação do Acordo de Associação e Estabilização com a UE, mas lamenta que o Conselho não toma em consideração a abertura das negociações como recomendado pela Comissão. Manifesto ainda a minha preocupação pelas crescentes tensões étnicas, falta de diálogo político e liberdade de imprensa. Os partidos políticos devem pôr um fim ao boicote ao parlamento nacional e assumirem um diálogo com as instituições. Lamento ainda o facto que a disputa com a Grécia continuar a bloquear o caminho do país para a adesão à UE. Os assuntos bilaterais devem ser resolvidos pelas partes concernentes num espírito de boa vizinhança e tomando em conta acima de tudo os interesses europeus.

  Pino Arlacchi (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour of this motion to wind up the debate on statements by the European Council and the Commission on the 2010 progress report on the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). I believe it is a very balanced motion. It expresses concern about the current political situation in FYROM, including the boycott of the national parliament by the opposition parties, and about the risk that these developments could adversely affect the country’s EU agenda. The motion also congratulates the country on the anniversary of the Ohrid Agreement, which remains the cornerstone of its inter-ethnic relations, and calls on the government to foster a comprehensive dialogue between the ethnic communities. I also appreciated the positive evaluation in the motion on FYROM’s continuous efforts to stabilise the region.

  Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – Membre de la délégation du Parlement européen pour l'ancienne République yougoslave de Macédoine, je suis avec attention les progrès de ce pays et l'avancée de sa candidature pour entrer dans l'Union européenne. Bien que ce pays doive encore faire des efforts dans les domaines politiques, judiciaires, de l’administration publique, de la lutte contre la corruption et de la liberté d’expression, l’Ancienne République Yougoslave de Macédoine a fait de nombreux progrès notamment dans le domaine de la décentralisation et de l’éducation et avec sa réforme du système pénitentiaire. Les problèmes bilatéraux de ce pays avec la Grèce ne doivent donc pas êtres un obstacle à l’ouverture des négociations d’adhésion. J'ai voté en faveur de l'ouverture de ces négociations. Par ailleurs je rappelle que le pays connaîtra en juin prochain des élections anticipées, j’appelle donc tous les partis politiques à s’unir et à travailler en étroite collaboration afin d’obtenir l’adhésion de leur pays à l’Union européenne.

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Pritariau šiai ataskaitai. 2005 m. Europos Vadovų Taryba Buvusiajai Jugoslavijos Respublikai Makedonijai suteikė kandidatės statusą, tačiau po to nenustatė derybų pradžios datos nepaisant to, kad ši šalis padarė didelę pažangą savo kelyje į ES. Nepaisant padarytos pažangos, Makedonijoje išlieka politinis nestabilumas, galintis pakenkti Europinės integracijos procesui. Šalyje nevyksta dialogas tarp vyriausybės ir opozicinių partijų, o tai neleidžia susitarti dėl struktūrinių reformų vykdymo. Nevisiškai užbaigta teismų sistemos reforma, politizuota žiniasklaida ir viešasis administravimas, neišspręstas etninių grupių integravimo klausimas užkerta kelią Makedonijai siekti tolimesnės pažangos bei vykdyti būtinas reformas, kuriso padėtų užtikrinti teisinės valstybės ir demokratijos principus. Manau, kad Makedonijos vyriausybė turi akyviau įtraukti opozicines partijas į sprendimų priėmimą bei užtikrinti atvirą ir konstruktyvų dialogą dėl visų esamų problemų, su kuriomis šiuo metu susiduria ši šalis.

  Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat pentru raportul de ţară pentru 2010 privind Fosta Republică Iugoslavă a Macedoniei deoarece consider că perspectiva europeană a Balcanilor este esențială pentru stabilizarea regiunii. În acest context, cooperarea cu Grecia este foarte importantă.

Disputa asupra numelui Fostei Republici Iugoslave ocupă un loc central în discuțiile pe tema negocierilor de aderare, fiind unul dintre obstacolele din calea începerii negocierilor. Relațiile de bună vecinătate sunt esențiale în procesul de tranziție spre statutul de stat membru al UE. De aceea, Fosta Republică Iugoslavă a Macedoniei și Grecia trebuie să găsească o soluție în problema denumirii statului. Până în acest moment, Grecia s-a dovedit un partener de discuție de încredere în privința celorlalte capitole. Este timpul ca cele două state să ajungă la un consens pentru ca viitoarele negocieri de aderare să se desfășoare cu sprijinul tuturor statelor membre ale UE. În acest sens, apelul la mediatori externi neutri poate fi util, precum intervenția în dispută a Secretarului General al ONU.

  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. − Na linha de anteriores resoluções do Parlamento, lamento que o Conselho não tenha tomado uma decisão sobre a abertura de negociações de adesão, como o recomendou a Comissão pelo segundo ano consecutivo. O processo de alargamento da UE é um poderoso instrumento para a paz, a estabilidade e a reconciliação na região. Preocupo-me, em particular, com o desemprego persistente e muito elevado, em especial entre os jovens, um problema que é comum a muitos países da região. Apelo ao governo que aplique rapidamente medidas mais eficazes para melhorar os investimentos públicos centrados nas políticas de emprego e na utilização da força de trabalho em empregos de qualidade, estáveis e condignos. Congratulo-me, no entanto, com a recente adopção da Lei da Energia, que visa a liberalização do mercado de electricidade do país e que está em conformidade com as directivas europeias pertinentes. Congratulo-me com a adopção da estratégia nacional para o desenvolvimento sustentável mas são necessários mais esforços para aplicar a legislação no domínio ambiental e para que sejam previstos financiamentos adequados para o efeito. Apela a uma cooperação mais estreita em questões ambientais transfronteiriças assente nas normas da UE, em especial, no domínio da qualidade das águas, da gestão de resíduos e da protecção da natureza.

  Νικόλαος Χουντής (GUE/NGL), γραπτώς. – Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ενωτική Αριστερά είναι από θέση αρχής υπέρ της διεύρυνσης προς τις χώρες των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων, εφ' όσον το επιθυμούν οι λαοί τους. Ψήφισα αποχή στη συγκεκριμένη Έκθεση γιατί υπάρχουν προβληματικά σημεία, εκτός των άλλων, σε ότι αφορά τις προτεινόμενες οικονομικές μεταρρυθμίσεις και τον τρόπο που αντιμετωπίζεται το θέμα της ονομασίας. Από την εμπειρία της μέχρι τώρα διεύρυνσης, η συνεργασία με τις χώρες των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων και η διαδικασία ένταξής τους, ειδικά μάλιστα σε συνθήκες οικονομικής κρίσης, θα πρέπει να συνεισφέρει στην αειφόρο ανάπτυξη, στην οικονομική και κοινωνική ευημερία των πολιτών των χωρών της διεύρυνσης και της Ένωσης.

Η Έκθεση όμως επιμένει στην επιβράβευση επιλογών, όπως η αποστολή στρατιωτικών δυνάμεων στο Αφγανιστάν και αλλού, ή στην προώθηση οικονομικών πολιτικών, όπως για παράδειγμα οι ιδιωτικοποιήσεις που βυθίζουν στην ύφεση, αυξάνοντας την ανεργία, τις κοινωνικές ανισότητες και την περικοπή των κοινωνικών δικαιωμάτων. Επίσης, η διαδικασία ένταξης θα πρέπει να γίνεται με σεβασμό στο Διεθνές Δίκαιο και τις διεθνείς διαδικασίες. Στην προκειμένη περίπτωση, στο θέμα της ονομασίας, η Έκθεση θα έπρεπε να προωθεί τον σεβασμό και την ενίσχυση της διαδικασίας εξεύρεσης κοινά αποδεκτής λύσης, υπό την αιγίδα του ΟΗΕ.

  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente esta resolução por recomendar, uma vez mais, que o Conselho tome uma decisão sobre a abertura de negociações de adesão da Antiga República Jugoslava da Macedónia. O Conselho Europeu atribuiu o estatuto de candidato a este Estado em 2005 mas, desde então, ainda não conseguiu definir uma data para a abertura das negociações, não obstante o progresso substancial alcançado por este país no seu caminho rumo à União Europeia.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − O processo de integração da Antiga República Jugoslava da Macedónia vem sofrendo atrasos. De todo o modo a Macedónia tem progredido no sentido de procurar adoptar o acervo comunitário e de dotar as suas instituições de estruturas fiáveis e das melhores práticas tais como as advogadas pela União. A crise política que tem assolado o Estado demonstra à saciedade o muito que ainda há a fazer e o longo caminho que há a percorrer até se cumpram objectivamente todos os critérios que permitam acalentar com realismo a adesão. Apelo à Grécia e à Antiga República Jugoslava da Macedónia para que procurem ultrapassar as divergências e sejam capazes de revelar-se fiéis ao espírito europeu generoso e fundador de que hoje todos tanto necessitamos.

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − A presente proposta de Resolução versa sobre os progressos realizados pela Antiga República Jugoslava da Macedónia em ordem à sua integração na União Europeia (UE) durante o último ano. Em 16 de Dezembro de 2005, o Conselho Europeu concedeu o estatuto de país candidato à adesão à Antiga República Jugoslava da Macedónia. Em 2008, foram fixados os princípios, prioridades e condições para essa adesão cuja monitorização tem vindo a ser realizada pela Comissão. Embora a avaliação seja positiva, há aspectos a acelerar, como o diálogo com a Grécia por causa da designação do novo Estado-Membro, a reforma da administração pública e do sistema judicial, combate contra o crime organizado e a corrupção, respeito pela liberdade de expressão, cooperação institucional. A actual situação política, como o boicote do parlamento nacional pelos partidos da oposição, pode afectar negativamente as prioridades do país em relação à UE. As partes interessadas têm que resolver as questões bilaterais num espírito de boa vizinhança. Todos os actores devem intensificar esforços e demonstrar responsabilidade e determinação na resolução de todas as questões pendentes que estão a prejudicar o processo de adesão do país candidato e a própria política da UE na região.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šį dokumentą, kadangi 2005 m. Europos Vadovų Taryba Buvusiajai Jugoslavijos Respublikai Makedonijai suteikė kandidatės statusą, tačiau po to nenustatė derybų pradžios datos nepaisant to, kad ši šalis padarė didelę pažangą savo kelyje į ES, kadangi dvišaliai klausimai, nors ir turėtų būti išspręsti iki narystės, neturėtų sudaryti kliūčių ir trukdyti stojimo procesui ir kadangi tęsiant stojimo procesą būtų prisidedama prie Buvusiosios Jugoslavijos Respublikos Makedonijos stabilumo ir būtų toliau stiprinamas etninių grupių dialogas. Dvišales problemas suinteresuotosios šalys turi spręsti palaikydamos geros kaimynystės santykius ir atsižvelgdamos į bendrus ES interesus. Visi pagrindiniai dalyviai ir susijusios šalys turi dėti daugiau pastangų ir veikti atsakingai ir ryžtingai sprendžiant visus neišspręstus klausimus, kurie ne tik stabdo šalies kandidatės stojimo procesą ir ES politiką regione, bet ir gali padaryti įtaką etninių grupių santykiams, regiono stabilumui ir ekonominiam vystymuisi. Dokumente atsakingos valdžios institucijos raginamos stiprinti žiniasklaidos nepriklausomumą ir laisvę, visoms žiniasklaidos priemonėms taikyti vienodus standartus bei padidinti jų nuosavybės skaidrumą. Susirūpinimą kelia nepakankamas vyriausybės ir opozicinių partijų dialogas ir bendra nepasitikėjimo ir konfrontacijos atmosfera. Būtina toliau vykdyti teismų sistemos reformą, siekiant užtikrinti jos profesionalumą, veiksmingumą ir nepriklausomumą nuo politinio spaudimo, aktyvinti kovą su korupcija bei gerinti verslo aplinką.

  Sandra Kalniete (PPE), rakstiski. − ES paplašināšanās process ir spēcīgs stimuls miera, stabilitātes un samierināšanās procesa veicināšanai Balkānos. Maķedonija ir sasniegusi ievērojamu progresu valsts demokratizācijā, tieši pateicoties politiskajai gribai pilntiesīgi pievienoties Eiropas valstu saimei. Eiropas Komisija šo progresu ir novērtējusi un jau otro gadu pēc kārtas aicina Eiropadomi uzsākt iestāšanās sarunas ar Maķedoniju. Un Padome jau otro gadu pēc kārtas nepieņem šo lēmumu. Rodas iespaids, ka viens no nepamatotiem škēršļiem šo sarunu uzsākšanai ir divpusējie strīdīgie jautājumi, tai skaitā attiecībās ar Grieķiju. Šie strīdi nedrīkst bloķēt Maķedonijas pievienošanās procesu. Vēl jo vairāk tāpēc, ka pievienošanās procesa turpināšana veicinātu stabilitāti un vēl vairāk stiprinātu dialogu starp etniskajām kopienām Maķedonijā.

Protams, Maķedonijai ir vēl ārkārtīgi daudz darāmā, lai reformētu valsts pārvaldes un tiesu iestādes, sekmīgi apkarotu organizēto noziedzību un korupciju, kā arī attīstītu demokrātiskos dialogus sabiedrībā. Protams, jebkuras jaunas dalībvalsts, arī Maķedonijas, uzņemšana ES notiks tikai tad, kad tās būs izpildījušas visas prasības, un tikai ar ES iestāžu un ES dalībvalstu nepārprotamu piekrišanu. Un tieši tāpēc ir svarīgi uzsākt iestāšanās sarunu procesu, kurš, es esmu pārliecināta, veicinās pozitīvas pārmaiņas Maķedonijā un reģionā kopumā.

  Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. − Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la proposta di risoluzione sottoposta al voto del Parlamento, in merito alla relazione 2010 sui progressi compiuti dall'ex Repubblica jugoslava di Macedonia, è stata approvata a larga maggioranza e con la convergenza di più gruppi politici. Apprezzo gli sforzi compiuti da questo Paese per allinearsi agli standard europei. Riforma del sistema giudiziario, lotta alla corruzione, riforma della Pubblica Amministrazione e del sistema carcerario, rappresentano alcuni degli importanti risultati ottenuti, in vista del rispetto dell'acquis communautaire. Lodevole è inoltre l'attenzione posta alla concessione dell'autonomia locale, oltre che all'adozione della legge antidiscriminazione e all'impegno in materia di parità di genere. La libertà di espressione e l'indipendenza dei mezzi di comunicazione rimangono, tuttavia, note dolenti. Preoccupazione, inoltre, producono le tensioni crescenti fra etnie all'interno del Paese. Nonostante i positivi risultati, ritengo quindi necessario continuare a porre attenzione sulla questione istituzionale, assai fragile e provata. Mi auguro, infine, che il processo di avvicinamento all'Europa si consolidi, mediante un'azione mirata a colmare le lacune ancor oggi esistenti.

  Monica Luisa Macovei (PPE), in writing. − I voted in favour of the resolution in order to acknowledge Macedonia’s progress towards European integration and highlight the remaining goals to be achieved for the benefit of its people. It is essential to send Macedonia a positive signal regarding its future within the European Union in order to maintain the European momentum and further the political dialogue that has been initiated. The name issue existing between Macedonia and Greece is exclusively a bilateral issue that should not interfere with the opening of accession negotiations. Moreover, under the 13 September 1995 Interim Accord between Greece and Macedonia, Greece agreed not to object to the application of Macedonia to international institutions, this covering also the EU-Macedonia negotiations process. In the Committee on Foreign Affairs, I contributed amendments concerning the public administration, the justice system and anti-corruption action.

The adoption of a National Strategy for Public Administration Reform and the creation of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement’s subcommittee are positive steps to ensure the capacities and professionalism of the public administration. I stress that the unification of jurisprudence and publishing of all court decisions are highly important for predictability of the judiciary and public trust in the system.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted for the report on Macedonia and welcome the continued efforts in the fight against corruption, manifested amongst other things by implementation of the second round of GRECO recommendations and the entry into force of the amendments to the Criminal Code. I encourage the authorities to continue implementing legislation to combat corruption and improving the independence, efficiency and resources of the judiciary. However, corruption remains prevalent and I call for further intensive efforts to eradicate it.

I stress the urgency of effective and impartial enforcement of anti-corruption legislation, in particular on the financing of political parties and on conflicts of interest. I draw attention to the importance of ensuring that the court system functions free of political interference and welcome the efforts to increase the efficiency and transparency of the court system. I stress the need to build up an enforcement record for prosecutions and convictions against which progress can be measured and call for the unification of jurisprudence in order to ensure a predictable judicial system and public trust.

  Κυριάκος Μαυρονικόλας (S&D), γραπτώς. – Στην πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβική Δημοκρατία της Μακεδονίας η παραβίαση της ανεξαρτησίας του τύπου, της ανεξαρτησίας της δικαιοσύνης αλλά και του σχεδίου αστικής ανάπλασης Σκόπια 2014 αποτελούν βασικά χαρακτηριστικά. Παράλληλα ο πολιτικός διάλογος έχει πλέον σταματήσει. Αν σε αυτό το δυσμενές εσωτερικό περιβάλλον προστεθεί και το άλυτο ζήτημα του ονόματος, είναι σαφές ότι η ευρωπαϊκή προοπτική της χώρας δοκιμάζεται σοβαρά.

  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Cette résolution demande à l'ARYM de tout faire pour libéraliser son économie et son électricité. Elle donne des leçons de démocratie et même de journalisme à l'ARYM. Je vote contre ce texte arrogant et grossier.

  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − A Antiga República Jugoslava da Macedónia tem vindo a sentir alguns entraves no seu caminho para a adesão à UE. Apesar de ter vindo a progredir no que respeita à adopção de todo o acervo comunitário, dotando as suas instituições de estruturas fiáveis e das melhores práticas, o caminho a percorrer ainda é longo. Há no entanto ainda muito a fazer e para prová-lo está a crise política que tem assolado o Estado.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Mazedonien hat 2001 als erster Staat des Westlichen Balkans am 9. April 2001 ein Stabilisierungs- und Assoziierungsabkommen mit der EU unterschrieben. Der Reformstand ist seit 2001 in vielen Belangen positiv zu beurteilen. In der Justiz wurden Rechtsvorschriften erlassen damit sowohl Unabhängigkeit von politischem Druck als auch Effizienz gewährleistet werden. Die Verbesserung der Transparenz des Gerichtssystems, insbesondere beim Abbau von unerledigten Rechtssachen in den meisten Gerichten ist auch zu begrüßen. Fortschritte des Landes beim Übergang zu einer funktionierenden Marktwirtschaft sind bereits sichtbar, es ist aber noch viel zu tun. Einzig der Namensstreit mit Griechenland blockiert den Beitritt des Landes zur EU und wird hoffentlich ehest baldig beigelegt. Da der Bericht jedoch an manchen Stellen sehr unausgewogen ist, habe ich mich der Stimme enthalten.

  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente o presente relatório de acompanhamento de 2010 sobre a antiga República Jugoslava da Macedónia. O processo de adesão da antiga República Jugoslava da Macedónia tem conhecido atrasos significativos apesar dos progressos políticos e socioeconómicos que o país tem conhecido. Faço votos para que as divergências existentes e os problemas regionais possam ser ultrapassados em prol do bem comum europeu.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. This resolution basically says that the EP shares the assessment by the Commission’s 2010 progress report on the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and regrets that the Council has not taken a decision on the opening of accession negotiations, as recommended by the Commission for a second year in a row and in line with previous Parliament resolutions. It is concerned at the current political situation, including the boycott of the national parliament by the opposition parties, and by the risk that these developments could adversely affect the country’s EU agenda and recalls its previous recommendation to the Council to start the negotiations immediately.

  Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho votato a favore di questa relazione perché ritengo che sia giunto il momento di iniziare i negoziati di adesione veri e propri all'UE della ex Repubblica jugoslava di Macedonia. Da quando infatti il Consiglio europeo del 16 dicembre 2005 ha concesso a questo Paese lo status di candidato all'adesione all'UE, a riguardo non sono stati fatti significativi passi avanti. Questo deve essere ricondotto soprattutto ad una serie di problemi interni all'ex Repubblica jugoslava di Macedonia, soprattutto per quanto riguarda il boicottaggio del parlamento nazionale da parte dei partiti di opposizione. Questo ed altri problemi, come quello della presenza di media liberi e indipendenti, presupposto necessario per lo sviluppo di una democrazia stabile, devono essere chiariti al più presto per poter riprendere da entrambe le parti il cammino verso l'allargamento ad Est dell'UE.

  Νικόλαος Σαλαβράκος (EFD), γραπτώς. – Καταψήφισα την συγκεκριμένη έκθεση γιατί, όπως δήλωσα και σε προηγούμενη παρέμβασή μου στην ολομέλεια, θεωρώ ότι το ψήφισμα αυτό δεδομένων των σοβαρών καταγγελιών εναντίον του εισηγητή του, του κυρίου Zoran Thaler (Sunday Times, 20 Μαρτίου), ο οποίος αρχικά εισηγήθηκε το κείμενο το οποίο εν συνεχεία προχώρησε προς ψήφιση στην Επιτροπή Εξωτερικών Υποθέσεων στις 16 Μαρτίου, δηλαδή πριν τις αποκαλύψεις εναντίον του, μπορεί μεν να απολαμβάνει του τεκμηρίου της αθωότητας εφόσον ορίστηκε νέος εισηγητής, δεν απολαμβάνει όμως και του τεκμηρίου της αξιοπιστίας. Αποτελεί λάθος κατ' εμέ για την ακεραιότητα και την αξιοπιστία του σώματος η ψήφιση αυτού του ψηφίσματος, προτού βγουν τα πορίσματα των ερευνών μετά το άνοιγμα του φακέλου της συνδιαλλαγής.

Motion for a resolution B7-0256/2011 (Situation in Côte d'Ivoire)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo esta resolução dado que a situação de crise que se vive na Costa do Marfim deve ser rapidamente terminada, até porque já resultou num conjunto significativo de mortos. A comunidade internacional reconhece a vitória democrática de Alassane Ouattara e deve multiplicar esforços no sentido de facilitar a sua chegada ao poder de forma pacífica. Tratando-se, portanto, de uma situação grave, que põe em causa não só os resultados eleitorais legitimamente alcançados pelo povo, mas que tem tido repercussões no domínio da quebra dos direitos humanos, deve a UE agir diplomaticamente, com todos os mecanismos que tem ao seu dispor, por forma a ajudar a normalizar a situação e sobretudo evitar mais mortes.

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Palaikiau šią rezoliuciją. Per pastaruosius keturis mėnesius Dramblio Kaulo Krantas atsidūrė gilioje politinėje krizėje, kurią sukėlė prezidento postą užimančio Laurent‘o Gbagbo atsisakymas perduoti valdžią teisėtam prezidentui Alassanui Ouattarai, nepaisant to, kad šis laimėjo 2010 m. lapkričio mėn. įvykusius prezidento rinkimus ir kad nugalėtoju jį pripažino tarptautinė bendruomenė. Pasak JT šaltinių, nuo 2010 m. gruodžio mėn. Dramblio Kaulo Krante žuvo šimtai žmonių ir tikėtina, jog tikrasis aukų skaičius yra žymiai didesnis, nes spaudoje ne visada pranešama apie šalies viduje vykstantį smurtą. Šalyje vykdomi tyčiniai JT taikdarių ir institucijų užpuolimai. Pritariu, kad būtina imtis skubių politinių veiksmų sprendžiant humanitarinę padėtį Dramblio Kaulo Krante ir užkirsti kelią naujai migracijos krizei regione. Komisija ir valstybės narės turi koordinuoti savo pastangas su kitais tarptautiniais pagalbos teikėjais siekiant reaguoti į skubius Dramblio Kaulo Kranto ir kaimyninių šalių gyventojų poreikius. Palaikau Jungtinių Tautų Saugumo Tarybos, Afrikos Sąjungos ir Europos Sąjungos Tarybos sankcijas – vizų neišdavimą ir lėšų užšaldymą, kurios būtų taikomos visiems asmenims ir subjektams, prieštaraujantiems teisėtai prezidento institucijai, bei šių sankcijų taikymą iki teisėtos valdžios institucijų grįžimo į valdžią.

  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. − Condeno veementemente as tentativas do ex-Presidente Gbagbo e respectivos apoiantes de usurpação violenta da vontade do povo da Costa do Marfim e junto a minha às vozes que exortam Laurent Gbagbo a abandonar imediatamente o poder. É lamentável que o povo da Costa do Martim tenha tido de pagar um preço tão alto para garantir o respeito da sua vontade democrática expressa nas eleições presidenciais de Novembro de 2010. Manifesto o meu pleno apoio ao Presidente Ouattara, ao seu governo e ao povo da Costa do Marfim na sua tarefa de reconciliação, recuperação e desenvolvimento sustentável. Apelo à abertura das negociações para restabelecer a ordem, a paz, a estabilidade e a segurança no país na dura tarefa de promover reunificação nacional.

  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente a resolução relativa à "situação na Costa do Marfim", por condenar as tentativas violentas de usurpação do poder pelo ex-Presidente Gbagbo e reiterar a necessidade de este abandonar imediatamente o poder a favor do Presidente democraticamente eleito, Alassane Ouattara, de modo a restabelecer a paz e a democracia no país.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − Apesar dos sonhos grandiosos de Félix Houphouët-Boigny, a Costa do Marfim é hoje um país dilacerado pelo confronto que opõe Laurent Gbagbo a Alassane Ouattara e que ameaça não ter fim. Os costa-marfinenses vêem acompanhando com preocupação e medo os avanços militares das respectivas facções, temendo pela sua segurança e pela ainda maior desestabilização do país. A Costa do Marfim é um exemplo mais do risco que constituem as lideranças ditatoriais que se perpetuam no tempo e que, depois de si, deixam um vazio institucional e de prática da democracia e do exercício das liberdades.

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − A união Europeia, pelo exemplo dado ao longo da sua existência, tem o dever histórico de denunciar todas as violações dos Direitos Humanos e contribuir para o respeito pelo direito à autodeterminação dos povos, quer através da denúncia, quer com programas de desenvolvimento. Recentemente, assistimos a um recrudescimento da violência e a autênticos massacres na Costa do Marfim, onde o processo de democratização não está a ser aceite por todos os marfinenses. Este Parlamento aprovou várias resoluções sobre a situação política neste país, nomeadamente a 16 de Dezembro de 2010. Também outras instituições europeias e internacionais, como o Conselho de Segurança da ONU e a Autoridade dos Chefes de Estado e Governo da Comunidade Económica dos Estados da África Ocidental (CEDEAO) condenaram a violação dos Direitos Humanos neste país na sequência da não aceitação dos resultados eleitorais, certificados pela ONU, por parte do presidente derrotado Laurent Gbagbo, que levou o país a uma onda de violência responsável por centenas de mortos e cerca de um milhão de refugiados. Assim, concordo com as medidas apresentadas e voto favoravelmente esta proposta pois entendo que este Parlamento deve ser defensor de uma política externa baseada em valores e não, exclusivamente, em interesses económicos.

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Não votámos esta resolução e continuamos preocupados com a situação da guerra na Costa do Marfim, com a paralisação económica do país e com a muita violência que atingiu a sua população, o que se transformou numa crise humanitária.

Sabemos que há razões antigas para a situação grave que ali se tem vivido, com destaque para a pobreza e as desigualdades sociais que ali deixaram, quer o colonialismo antigo, quer os planos de ajustamento estrutural impostos, há anos, pelo FMI.

Estes últimos quatro meses de desgraça, que se seguiram às eleições, mostram como é lamentável que a comunidade internacional, incluindo a União Europeia, não tenha usado suficientemente a via diplomática para uma solução pacífica e política da crise. É lamentável o papel da França que preferiu intervir militarmente em vez de usar a via diplomática.

Assim, insistimos no fim da guerra e da violência de todas as partes e apelamos a que a União Europeia aja nesse sentido.

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI), par écrit. – Cette résolution est un exploit de mauvaise foi. Elle réussit le tour de force de ne jamais parler de manière négative du camp de M. Ouattara, dont les Nations unies sont pourtant en train de vérifier sur place l'ampleur des exactions. Mais il est vrai que M. Ouattara, musulman d'origine non ivoirienne formé au FMI à Washington, ne peut que susciter votre soutien. Elle porte aux nues l'action de l'ONUCI, alors que l'ONU elle-même a été obligée d'appeler à l'aide la France pour assurer sa mission, et notamment la protection des ressortissants étrangers.

Belle preuve d'efficacité et d'utilité! Quant à l'attention que vous portez au respect du verdict des urnes, on aimerait qu'elle soit aussi soutenue quand des peuples européens rejettent les traités que vous leur proposez. Vous ne soutenez en fait que les résultats qui vous arrangent. Un tel manichéisme à courte vue ne peut pas être soutenu, pas plus qu'une résolution encore moins documentée que les articles des journaux européens dont elle semble être issue.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šį dokumentą, kadangi per pastaruosius keturis mėnesius Dramblio Kaulo Krantas atsidūrė gilioje politinėje krizėje, kurią sukėlė prezidento postą užimančio Laurent‘o Gbagbo atsisakymas perduoti valdžią teisėtam prezidentui Alassanui Ouattarai, nepaisant to, kad šis laimėjo 2010 m. lapkričio mėn. įvykusius prezidento rinkimus ir kad nugalėtoju jį pripažino tarptautinė bendruomenė, kai Jungtinės Tautos patvirtino rezultatus. Visos politinės pastangos rasti taikią išeitį iš aklavietės, susidariusios po rinkimų, įskaitant AS ir ECOWAS bei Pietų Afrikos prezidento pastangas, buvo nesėkmingos. Nuo vasario mėn. vidurio kovos suintensyvėjo tiek sostinėje, tiek šalies vakaruose, ir pateikiami nerimą keliantys pranešimai, kuriuose teigiama, kad karinės pajėgos vis dažniau prieš civilius gyventojus naudoja sunkiąją artileriją. Dramblio Kaulo Krante vykdomi žiaurumai, įskaitant seksualinio smurto atvejus, grobimus, žudymus be teismo, pernelyg didelį ir beatodairišką jėgos naudojimą prieš civilius gyventojus, kuriuos galima prilyginti nusikaltimams žmogiškumui. Todėl prezidentas A. Ouattara yra raginamas skatinti taiką, nacionalinį susitaikymą.

  Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. − Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la grave crisi politica e istituzionale che da mesi sta sconvolgendo la Costa d'Avorio ha provocato una serie di violenze che non sembrano trovare fine. Condanno fortemente il tentativo dell''ex presidente Gbagbo di sovvertire con la violenza un legittimo risultato elettorale, che lo ha visto sconfitto a vantaggio di Alassane Ouattara. La Costa d'Avorio vive oggi, e da qualche mese, una situazione di guerriglia urbana, in cui si assiste alla lotta tra i sostenitori del Presidente uscente e i cittadini. Credo che l'Europa, proprio in contesti come questo, in cui i diritti fondamentali dell'uomo e lo stesso ideale di democrazia vengono messi in serio pericolo, debba far sentire forte la sua voce, nel condannare simili atti e nel manifestare dissenso e indignazione profondi.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I welcome this resolution which urges all the political forces in Côte d'Ivoire to respect the will of the people expressed freely in the results of the presidential elections of 28 November 2010 that were announced by the CEI and certified by the UNSG Special Representative, and which recognised Allassane Dramane Ouattara as President-elect of Côte d'Ivoire. The resolution asks all Ivorian parties, in particular, to refrain from, prevent, and protect civilians from all forms of illegal coercion and abuses of Human Rights.

The resolution also condemns, in the strongest possible terms, the attempts by ex-President Gbagbo and his supporters to usurp the will of the Ivorian people by fomenting violence and undermining the integrity of the electoral process; it stresses, in this respect, that results of democratic elections must be fully respected by all participants, including the defeated candidates, and underlines that failure to uphold these results would further put at risk both peace and stability in Côte d'Ivoire;

  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − O respeito pela democracia é um princípio inalienável da UE. Assim, temos que condenar veementemente os acontecimentos na Costa do Marfim. O recurso à violência contra civis na Costa do Marfim por parte de Laurent Gbagbo, depois de ter perdido as eleições nas urnas, é inaceitável e este tem que renunciar e entregar imediatamente o poder. Os culpados não podem ficar impunes e assim temos que fazer o que estiver ao nosso alcance para identificar e julgar, incluindo a nível internacional, todos os responsáveis por crimes contra a população civil, sendo que a UE estará disponível para dar o apoio necessário aos inquéritos.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Nach dem Wahlergebnis in der Elfenbeinküste, war der auf demokratischem Wege abgewählte Präsident Gbagbo nicht bereit, seine Abwahl zu akzeptieren. Weder Verhandlungsversuche noch internationale Kritik haben gefruchtet, sodass es zu einer Krise mit gewaltsamen Auseinandersetzungen kam. Es ist wichtig, den internationalen Druck aufrecht zu erhalten, etwa indem die Menschenrechtsverletzungen und Verstöße gegen das humanitäre Völkerrecht aufs Schärfste verurteilt und Sanktionen gesetzt werden.

Ebenso wichtig ist auch der Einsatz für entführte Personen aus der Zivilbevölkerung, unter denen sich ja auch EU-Bürger befinden. In der vorliegenden Resolution wird allerdings nur auf die Gräueltaten der Truppen des abgewählten Präsidenten Gbagbo eingegangen, auf die Vorwürfe hinsichtlich der Truppen des neu gewählten Präsidenten Ouattara hingegen nicht. Für Gewalttaten darf es nicht darauf ankommen, wer sie begangen hat.

  Franz Obermayr (NI), schriftlich. − Die gravierenden Menschenrechtsverstöße und Gewaltakte des abgewählten Präsident Gbagbo müssen von der EU auf das Schärfste verurteilt werden. Sollte das humanitäre Völkerrecht weiterhin gebrochen werden, bedarf es konkreter Sanktionen. Wichtig ist aber auch, dass Gewaltverstöße von beiden Seiten geahndet werden, also auch jene, die dem neuen Präsidenten Outtara vorgeworfen werden. Denn für die Opfer von Gewaltübergriffen ist es unerheblich, von wem die Gewalt ausgeht. In dieser Hinsicht ist mir die Resolution zu einseitig.

  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − Atenta a crise política com consequências sociais graves que se vive neste país aplaudo o compromisso assumido pela União Europeia, e expresso pela Comissária Georgieva, no sentido de ajudar a resolver a crise humanitária.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. I join my voice to those who: 1. Regret that the post election political deadlock was not solved peacefully and all diplomatic efforts to this end have not been not been successful; 2. Condemn the tragic loss of life and properties in the post election violence and calls on MM Gbagbo and Ouattara to ensure the respect of human rights and the rule of law; and 3. Call upon M Ouattara and M Gbagbo to take their responsibility in order to prevent any violence and post battle reprisals in the country and demonstrate their commitment to peaceful democratic transition.

  Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. − Negli ultimi quattro mesi la Costa d'Avorio è piombata in una profonda crisi politica. Il rifiuto del presidente uscente Laurent Gbagbo di cedere il potere ad Alassane Ouattara, vincitore delle elezioni presidenziali nel novembre 2010, ha scatenato una spirale di violenze in tutto il Paese che non accennano a placarsi. Da metà febbraio i combattimenti si sono intensificati sia nella capitale che nella parte occidentale del Paese, e continuano ad arrivare notizie allarmanti sull'aumento dell'uso dell'artiglieria pesante contro i civili. Finora a niente sono valsi gli sforzi diplomatici della comunità internazionale, nonostante il risultato elettorale sia stato convalidato dalle Nazioni Unite. E' giunta l'ora di condannare i tentativi da parte dell'ex presidente Gbagbo e dei suoi sostenitori di sovvertire violentemente la volontà del popolo ivoriano: Laurent Gbagbo deve dimettersi immediatamente e cedere il potere ad Alassane Ouattara, presidente legittimamente eletto.

  Michèle Striffler (PPE), par écrit. – Depuis quatre mois, la Côte d'Ivoire est plongée dans une crise politique profonde provoquée par le refus de l'ex-président Laurent Gbagbo de laisser le pouvoir au président légitime Alassane Ouattara. Cette situation a des conséquences humanitaires particulièrement catastrophiques. Les violences postélectorales ont fait plus d’un million de déplacés internes et de réfugiés. De plus, cet afflux massif de réfugiés pourrait raviver les tensions patentes dans cette région. Cette crise risque donc de perdurer. Bien que je me félicite de la décision de la Commission qui a quintuplé son aide humanitaire portant ainsi le soutien européen à 30 millions d'euros, il est primordial que l'Union européenne mette tout en œuvre pour aider les populations les plus vulnérables et veiller à l'évolution de leurs besoins.

  Dominique Vlasto (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai tenu à soutenir cette résolution qui condamne clairement les exactions commises sur la population civile par les milices loyales au Président ivoirien sortant, Laurent Gbagbo. La sortie de ce conflit par la voie diplomatique aurait été préférable, mais le niveau de violence atteint à Abidjan ainsi que l'attitude jusqu'au-boutiste et autodestructrice du président déchu exigeait une intervention de l'ONU, pour protéger les civils et favoriser la prise de pouvoir du Président légitime, Alassane Ouattara. Cette résolution conforte donc l'intervention des forces françaises sous mandat de l'ONU, qui contribue à faire respecter le droit et le résultat des élections, et protéger la vie de civils et des ressortissants européens. Lorsque l'état de droit aura été rétabli, les autorités ivoiriennes légitimes, avec le soutien de la communauté internationale, devront veiller à ce que le candidat perdant lors des dernières élections présidentielles de Côte d'Ivoire, Laurent Gbagbo, ainsi que tous les responsables soupçonnés de violations des Droits de l’Homme rendent compte pénalement de leurs actions. Enfin, l'UE doit, à mon sens, poursuivre son engagement à soutenir sur le long terme la Côte d'Ivoire, afin d'accompagner la réconciliation nationale et d’aider à la reconstruction et la stabilisation du pays.

Motion for a resolution B7-0198/2011 (Review of the European Neighbourhood Policy - Eastern Dimension)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo este relatório, pois visa objectivos importantes como a liberalização de vistos, acordos de livre comércio, contactos com a sociedade civil e o não uso da força no que respeita ao envolvimento da UE nos conflitos, bem como a auto-determinação e integridade do território.

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − 2004 m. pradėjus įgyvendint EKP atsirado tvirtesni ryšiai su šalimis partnerėmis. Rytų partnerystė yra reikšmingas politinis pagrindas, kuriuo remiantis galima plėtoti santykius su šalimis partnerėmis, grindžiamus bendrų įsipareigojimų ir atsakomybės principais. Rytų partnerystės prioritetai susideda iš demokratijos plėtros, gero valdymo ir stabilumo, ekonominės integracijos ir konvergencijos su ES politikos kryptimis, ypač aplinkos apsaugos, klimato kaitos ir energetinio saugumo srityse. EPK įgyvendinimas susiduria su tam tikromis kliūtimis, todėl atliekant EKP peržiūrą yra būtina aiškiai nustatyti veiklos prioritetus, aiškias gaires ir rezultatais grindžiamus prioritetus. EKP ir toliau turi būti grindžiama demokratijos, teisinės valstybės, pagarbos žmogaus teisėms ir pagrindinėms laisvėms principais bei remti mūsų artimiausių partnerių politines, socialines ir ekonomines reformas.

  Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat pentru inițiativa Comisiei și a Consiliului de a revizui Politica Europeană de Vecinătate - dimensiunea estică. Această politică a dat rezultate datorită flexibilității sale, iar acum trebuie să se adapteze noilor realități din regiunea Europei. Tocmai de aceea este necesară o mai bună ajustare la specificul fiecărei țări incluse în program.

Consider că nu situarea geografică, ci angajamentul statelor partenere, ar trebui să aibă cel mai important rol. Însă oamenii sunt în centrul reformelor unui stat. Estul și sudul trebuie să aibă aceleași șanse, fiind necesară o reechilibrare a Politicii de Vecinătate. Fostele state sovietice au în egală măsură nevoie de cooperarea cu UE, fapt susținut și de Joe Biden cu ocazia vizitei sale recente la Chișinău. Precizez că Republica Moldova este liderul reformelor în cadrul Parteneriatului Estic.

  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją, kadangi, persvarstant Europos rytų šalių kaimynystės politiką, sprendžiami tokie pagrindinai uždaviniai: demokratiniai procesai, geras valdymas ir stabilumas, ekonominė integracija, aplinkos apsauga, klimato kaita ir energetinis saugumas. Europos Parlamentas laikosi nuomonės, kad kova su korupcija, ypač teismų ir policijos srityse, turėtų būti pagrindinis Europos Sąjungos prioritetas plėtojant santykius su Europos rytų šalimis. Be to, būtina dėti visas pastangas, kovojant su tarptautiniais organizuoto nusikalstamumo tinklais, plėtoti policijos ir teismų bendradarbiavimą su Europos Sąjungos kompetentingomis agentūromis. Labai svarbu, kad pilietinės visuomeninės organizacijos ir toliau aktyviai vykdytų savo veiklą, ypač žmogaus teisių srityje, skatinant demokratijos procesus ir užtikrinant žiniasklaidos laisvę. Norėčiau pabrėžti, kad demokratinių šalių vystymuisi itin svarbi žodžio laisvė bei laisva ir nepriklausoma žiniasklaida, įskaitant internetą. Būtina pabrėžti profsąjungų ir socialinio dialogo svarbą, nes tai yra Rytų partnerių demokratinio vystymosi dalis.

  Cristian Silviu Buşoi (ALDE), în scris. − Rapoartele Comisiei cu privire la PEV oferă o imagine a beneficiilor reale ale politicii de bună vecinătate, dar și a provocărilor. Este necesară o revizuire a PEV și o abordare diferită a felului în care Uniunea răspunde progreselor făcute de țările vecine în ceea ce privește reformele socio-economice, prin acordarea de sprijin financiar și politic și prin adaptarea la nevoile specifice ale fiecărei țări.

Parteneriatul estic oferă un cadru politic pentru consolidarea relațiilor dintre UE și vecinii săi de la est și pentru continuarea reformelor socio-economice în țările partenere.

Este necesară o evaluare a progreselor înregistrate de fiecare țară printr-o analiză comparativă bazată pe criterii prestabilite, dar nu fără a lua în calcul particularitățile fiecărei țări. „O perspectivă europeană, inclusiv articolul 49 din Tratat” constituie un motor al reformelor din aceste țări. Parlamentul trebuie să joace un rol important atât în stabilirea criteriilor de evaluare, cât și în consolidarea libertății și a democrației în țările vecine partenere.

  Mário David (PPE), por escrito. − Em primeiro lugar gostaria de congratular o meu colega Marek Siwiek pelo excelente trabalho efectuado e pela colaboração, diria mesmo sintonia de ideias que conseguimos obter, quanto aos princípios gerais da revisão da Politica Europeia de Vizinhança (PEV). Além do que já afirmei relativamente à resolução da qual fui relator sobre a dimensão meridional, gostaria de sublinhar a necessidade de, no futuro, ambas as dimensões da PEV terem absolutamente que privilegiar uma aproximação da `base para o topo`, destacando ainda que apenas um maior envolvimento das comunidades locais e da sociedade civil garantirá uma eficácia máxima à implementação da PEV por parte da UE. Espero ainda que a UE não mais privilegie a estabilidade de curto prazo em detrimento dos superiores interesses dos cidadãos e a sua defesa intransigente; a sua liberdade individual e colectiva, com uma particular atenção sobre os direitos das mulheres, como aliás afirmei na minha intervenção. Embora imensamente satisfeito pelos resultados obtidos com estes dois relatórios, deixo um pequeno lamento... o facto deste Parlamento e a Comissão não aproveitarem esta oportunidade para diferenciarem, de vez, a PEV Leste, com os países que potencialmente podem vir a ser, no futuro, nossos parceiros na União, da PEV Sul.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − O objectivo da resolução sobre a dimensão oriental da Política Europeia de Vizinhança é a de recomendar que a próxima revisão estratégica da política europeia de vizinhança reforce a diferenciação entre os Estados com base na ambição e nos compromissos respectivos quando acompanhados por verdadeiro progresso e medidas concretas. Deve ter-se em conta as especificidades de cada parceiro, incluindo os seus diferentes objectivos e potenciais. Valores fundamentais europeus, incluindo a democracia, o primado do Direito e do respeito pelos direitos humanos e liberdades fundamentais, a independência do poder judicial, a luta contra a corrupção, são a base sobre a qual a PEV foi estabelecida e deve ser a principal medida para avaliar o desempenho dos parceiros de Leste. A liberdade de imprensa e a luta contra a corrupção devem ser uma prioridade para a UE no desenvolvimento das suas relações com estes e isso deve reflectir-se no quadro global desenvolvimento institucional.

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − Os objectivos da União Europeia (UE) são vastos e consubstanciam-se num alargamento a países vizinhos de modo a ser criado um grande espaço de livre circulação de pessoas e bens. Nestas circunstâncias, a Política Europeia de Vizinhança (PEV) da UE assume um papel fundamental na sua estratégia de desenvolvimento e crescimento. Por isso, vários têm sido os instrumentos e as resoluções aprovados, nomeadamente o Instrumento Europeu de Vizinhança (IEVP) e as opções fundamentais da Política Externa e de Segurança Comum (PESC). Congratulo-me, pois, com a aprovação deste relatório e das medidas propostas, nomeadamente o reforço financeiro e a cooperação a nível dos vários sectores, bem como a realização de uma segunda cimeira da Parceria Oriental durante o segundo semestre de 2011. Gostaria de salientar a necessidade da UE intensificar o seu diálogo com as organizações da sociedade civil desses países, estimulando o comércio livre como fomento da estabilidade, incentivando a partilha de experiências e a mobilidade entre os Estados-Membros e esses países e promovendo o diálogo multilateral.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją, kadangi, peržiūrint Europos rytų šalių kaimynystės politiką, sprendžiami šie pagrindinai uždaviniai: demokratija, teisinė valstybė, pagarba žmogaus teisėms ir pagrindinėms laisvėms, rinkos ekonomika, tvarus vystymasis ir geras valdymas. Pabrėžiama, kad EKP vis dar yra strateginės svarbos pagrindas siekiant plėtoti ir stiprinti santykius su mūsų artimiausiais partneriais bei remti jų politines, socialines ir ekonomines reformas, taip pat pabrėžiama, kad rengiant ir vykdant veiksmus ir programas svarbu toliau laikytis bendrų įsipareigojimų principo. Yra pradėta įgyvendinti Rytų partnerystės iniciatyva, nes ji suteikia politinį pagrindą EKP rytų aspekto pažangai, kurios tikslas – vystyti ir stiprinti ES ir jos rytinių kaimynų santykius plėtojant politinius ryšius, ekonominę integraciją ir teisės aktų derinimą, tuo pačiu šalyse partnerėse remiant politines, socialines ir ekonomines reformas. Norėčiau pažymėti tai, kad ekonominės reformos turi būti vykdomos kartu su politinėmis reformomis, o geras valdymas gali būti užtikrintas tik užtikrinus atvirą ir skaidrų sprendimų priėmimo procesą, kurį vykdytų demokratinės institucijos. Itin svarbu toliau skatinti regioninį bendradarbiavimą Juodosios jūros regione ir plėtoti ES politikos kryptis, susijusias su šiuo regionu, visų pirma pradedant įgyvendinti visapusišką ES strategiją, skirtą Juodosios jūros regionui, ir užtikrinant, kad veiksmingam šios strategijos įgyvendinimui būtų pakankamai finansinių ir žmogiškųjų išteklių.

  Cătălin Sorin Ivan (S&D), in writing. − I have always encouraged the Eastern Neighbourhood Policy of the European Union and this can be seen from my previous activities. I endorse the review of the European Neighbourhood Policy, mainly because it is needed to make a substantial contribution to ensuring that human rights and political principles are more strongly integrated into the analysis of the political situation in third countries. It underlines the positive developments concerning human rights and democratisation in some partner countries and some negative developments in others, particularly in Belarus. I also found important the fact that it pays particular attention to the mobility of students, academics, researchers and businessmen by ensuring that sufficient resources are available and by strengthening existing scholarship programmes. For all these reasons I support the review of the European Neighbourhood Policy.

  Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), în scris. − Revizuirea politicii de vecinătate trebuie să asigure în continuare rezolvarea problemelor specifice pe care regiunile situate la frontiera Uniunii Europene le au de înfruntat. Consider că este nevoie de o capacitate administrativă semnificativă pentru a putea gestiona probleme atât de diverse. Pe lângă provocările demografice, schimbările climatice, competitivitatea economică și calitatea vieții, regiunile ce au frontiere cu state non-membre au de gestionat o serie de consecințe ale unei soluționări necorespunzătoare a unor probleme. Este cazul modului în care sunt gestionate, de exemplu, calamitățile naturale. Intervențiile în situații de urgență sunt extrem de dificile dacă vecinii nu au capacitate de reacție și nici regiunea însăși nu poate răspunde întregii situații. De aceea, am propus ca regiunile situate la frontiera UE, care au granițe cu cel puţin 2 state non-UE, să fie considerate regiuni platformă și susținute în mod corespunzător. Este nevoie ca politica de vecinătate să ia în calcul capacitatea regiunilor situate în interiorul UE, dar cu granițe externe, de a face față problemelor care sunt mult mai complexe, iar sprijinul financiar trebuie să fie pe măsură.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted for this resolution and encourage the countries in the region to cooperate more closely with each other and to engage in an enhanced and prolonged dialogue, at all relevant levels, regarding areas such as freedom, security and justice, and in particular border management, migration and asylum, the fight against organised crime, trafficking in human beings, illegal immigration, terrorism, money laundering and drugs trafficking, as well as police and judicial cooperation. The resolution recalls that good neighbourly relations are one of the most important preconditions for progress by ENP countries towards EU membership.

  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – La nouvelle politique européenne de voisinage qui nous est promise n'est rien d'autre que la répétition du même, quelques lueurs de lucidité démocratique en plus. Pour le versant oriental, tout est là: zones de libre-échange, soutien au projet Nabucco et au projet AGRI, externalisation de la "gestion des flux migratoires". Rien ne change. Je vote contre. L'UE n'est ni un État, ni une démocratie. Mais elle se comporte déjà comme une puissance impérialiste.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Ursprünglich waren die drei Länder des Südkaukasus von der europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik ausgeschlossen und wurden erst dann in den Aktionsradius der Nachbarschaftspolitik eingeschlossen. Aktionspläne zur Vertiefung der bilateralen Beziehungen sind ein wesentliches Instrument der europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik, die für jedes Land individuell ausgehandelt werden, da ja auch jedes Land in der Praxis seinen eigenen Weg beschreitet. Gerade die Region Südkaukasus ist von einer Reihe von Konflikten gezeichnet, deren endgültige Lösung teilweise auch von Experten als sehr schwierig eingeschätzt wird.

Wichtig ist in diesem Zusammenhang, immer wieder klarzustellen, dass die Nachbarschaftspolitik der EU nicht (wie beim Erweiterungsprozess) einen Beitrittsautomatismus bedingt. Vielmehr geht es um sicherheitspolitische Aspekte und Erhöhung der Stabilität. In der Resolution kommt das zu wenig zum Ausdruck, weshalb ich auch nicht zugestimmt habe.

  Franz Obermayr (NI), schriftlich. − Die europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik ist ein Instrument zur Sicherstellung von Stabilität und zur Förderung friedlicher und demokratischer Strukturen, sowie zur Vertiefung bilateraler Beziehungen in den Staaten rund um die EU. Gerade in den Ländern des Südkaukasus gibt es viel zu tun, zumal die Region immer wieder von Konflikten gebeutelt wird. Was die europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik hingegen nicht ist, und nicht sein sollte, ist eine Vorstufe zur Erweiterungspolitik. Ich vermisse diesbezüglich eine deutliche Klarstellung, weshalb ich den Antrag nicht unterstütze.

  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − A Política Europeia de Vizinhança tem demonstrado ser um instrumento de política externa eficaz, promovendo o reforço das relações com os países parceiros, tendo proporcionado alguns benefícios tangíveis. O objectivo último de uma política de vizinhança eficaz é a garantia da paz. A Parceria Oriental é um quadro político portador de significado para o aprofundamento das relações com – e entre – os países parceiros, com base no princípio da partilha de atribuições e de responsabilidades. Votei favoravelmente a presente resolução por considerar igualmente que o reforço das relações entre todos os países, tal e como se recomenda, pressupõe um compromisso comum mais aprofundado e a realização de progressos no sentido da boa governação e dos padrões democráticos.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente a presente resolução, que reafirma a necessidade da revisão da PEV assentar na defesa dos valores e princípios fundamentais da UE e num maior envolvimento da sociedade civil e das comunidades locais e salienta a importância da Dimensão Oriental da PEV enquanto instrumento de reforço das relações da UE com os seus vizinhos a leste, com vista a apoiar as reformas políticas, sociais e económicas nesses países e a aprofundar o seu compromisso para com os valores e princípios partilhados, tais como a democracia, o Estado de Direito, o respeito dos direitos humanos e a boa governação, no quadro de uma perspectiva de integração europeia.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. I join my voice to those that welcome the progress in relations between the EU and neighbouring countries within the ENP and reaffirm the values, principles and commitments upon which the ENP has been built, which include democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, a market economy, sustainable development and good governance; consider that the ENP is still a framework of strategic importance for deepening and strengthening relations with our closest partners so as to support their political, social and economic reforms, and underline the importance of maintaining the principle of joint ownership in the design and implementation of programmes and actions.

  Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. − L´art. 8 del Trattato sull'Unione Europea sancisce l´obbligo di sviluppare con i paesi vicini rapporti preferenziali al fine di creare uno spazio di prosperità e di cooperazione. Come dimostrato, la politica europea di vicinato ha contribuito molto al rafforzamento delle relazioni con i paesi partner e ha apportato molti benefici tangibili al benessere comune. Tuttavia, le sfide non sono finite, è opportuno porre l'attenzione sulle priorità d'azione secondo dei parametri più efficaci, in particolare riguardo il partenariato orientale. Il partenariato con i vicini Paesi Orientali costituisce un quadro politico molto interessante per il benessere europeo, la sua piattaforma di azione è incentrata su quattro tematiche: democrazia, buona governance, integrazione economica e convergenza con le politiche europee. Purtroppo, in questo momento i conflitti insorti in questi paesi stanno fortemente minando il loro sviluppo economico, sociale e politico, costituendo un grave ostacolo alla cooperazione e alla sicurezza regionale, come dimostrato nelle recenti rivolte in Tunisia e in Egitto. Auspico una revisione strategica della politica europea di vicinato, secondo i valori dell’Unione contrari ai regimi oppressivi, che sia di aiuto alle legittime aspirazioni democratiche dei popoli orientali.

  Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE), na piśmie. − Europejska Polityka Sąsiedztwa od jej utworzenia przynosi zauważalne korzyści dla wszystkich stron. Tworzy ona ramy współpracy, które mają strategiczne znaczenie dla wspierania politycznych, społecznych i gospodarczych reform naszych najbliższych partnerów. Partnerstwo Wschodnie koncentruje się na rozwoju demokracji, dobrych rządów i stabilności, integracji gospodarczej i na osiąganiu zbliżenia z polityką UE. Od momentu utworzenia EPS w wielu krajach partnerskich można zauważyć postępy w dziedzinie przestrzegania praw człowieka, demokratyzacji życia publicznego i reform gospodarczych. Jedynie Białoruś w ograniczonym stopniu uczestniczy we współpracy z UE i jej dalsze uczestnictwo w EPS powinno być uzależnione od gotowości do poszanowania podstawowych zasad demokracji i wolności.

Trzeba zwrócić uwagę na walkę z korupcją oraz na ordynację wyborczą i sposób przeprowadzania wyborów, tak aby były one zgodne w normami prawa międzynarodowego. Należy wyrazić poparcie dla Zgromadzenia Parlamentarnego EURONEST, podkreślając jego rolę w umacnianiu demokracji i rozwoju współpracy z krajami Partnerstwa Wschodniego.

  Bogusław Sonik (PPE), na piśmie. − Rezolucja Parlamentu Europejskiego w sprawie przeglądu europejskiej polityki sąsiedztwa staje naprzeciw wyzwaniom, jakie ujawniły się w ostatnich miesiącach w naszym sąsiedztwie, zarówno w jego wschodnim, jak i południowym wymiarze. Wydarzenia te ukazały nieadekwatność dotychczasowego unijnego zaangażowania w sąsiedztwo. Proponowana przez PE zmiana paradygmatu z „najpierw stabilność” na „demokratyzacja i prawa człowieka ponad wszystko” w unijnej polityce jest konieczna. Koniec z udawaniem, że polityczne status quo, tj. utrzymywanie autorytarnych reżimów, jest lepsze dla Europy i jej bezpieczeństwa. Czas na solidarność z sąsiadami.

Pomimo różnic, większość krajów sąsiedztwa ma wspólne cechy: ograniczona wolność albo jej brak oraz brak sukcesu modernizacyjnego. Przeznaczenie dodatkowych, ambitnych funduszy na zbudowanie stabilnego unijnego sąsiedztwa wydaje się nie do ominięcia. Fundamenty EPS powinny więc być kontynuowane w postaci zasady warunkowości, współpracy zarówno bilateralnej, jak i multilateralnej oraz rozbudowane o dążenie do instytucjonalnej integracji, liberalizacji systemu wizowego, otwarcia europejskiego rynku i wsparcia społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Warto przypomnieć jeszcze pozycję Polski, adwokata kolejnych rozszerzeń Unii, która dwa lata temu wezwała państwa członkowskie w partnerstwie ze Szwecją do wzmocnienia wymiaru wschodniego EPS w postaci inicjatywy Partnerstwa Wschodniego.

W obliczu aktualnych wydarzeń rola Polski nabiera znaczenia symbolicznego. Polska jako posiadająca historyczne doświadczenie transformacji systemu polityczno-ekonomicznego może być dobrym przewodnikiem-wzorem zarówno dla wschodnich, jak i południowych sąsiadów UE w bieżącej polityce.

  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. − A Política Europeia de Vizinhança (PEV) tem demonstrado ser um instrumento chave da política externa Europeia, proporcionando um estreitar de relações com os países parceiros e o alcançar de benefícios para ambas as partes. As alterações decorrentes da entrada em vigor do Tratado de Lisboa pretenderam conferir uma maior coerência, maior eficiência e maior legitimidade à dimensão externa europeia. Contudo, é imperativo rever e apontar os erros do passado. A revisão da PEV e da Parceria Oriental (PO) deve apresentar prioridades de acção específicas a cada parceiro, critérios de referência e uma diferenciação com base no desempenho e nos resultados alcançados. Uma abordagem da base para o topo, com um apoio à sociedade civil e aos processos de democratização, são requisitos prévios para uma estabilidade e um crescimento sustentável a longo prazo.

Uma aposta forte na formação, na educação, na investigação e na mobilidade são premissas para fazer face aos problemas socio-económicos da região. Por último, sublinho o apoio da UE à sociedade civil bielorrussa, no reforço das reformas democráticas e sociais, de forma a permitir a sua participação na PEV e em outras políticas sectoriais.

Motion for a resolution B7-0199/2011 ( Review of the European Neighbourhood Policy - Southern Dimension)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo as declarações com o compromisso de que se deve reflectir sobre os novos desenvolvimentos, erros do passado, apoio à transformação democrática e bem como às reformas económicas e sociais na região, combate à corrupção, promoção dos direitos humanos e das liberdades fundamentais. Acima de tudo deve desenvolver-se uma dimensão multilateral e criar sinergias entre as dimensões bilaterais e multilaterais desta parceria, incluindo o relançamento do UFM e o fortalecimento do papel dos sindicatos com a população civil. Para além disso é importante salientar que é necessário aumentar os fundos alocados para esta política e fazer melhor uso destes.

  Dominique Baudis (PPE), par écrit. – Nous avons besoin de repenser notre politique au Sud de la Méditerranée. La politique européenne de voisinage devait promouvoir les valeurs de démocratie et de droits de l'homme. Or, les évènements qui se déroulent sur la rive Sud depuis le début de l'année montrent que nous n'avions pas réussi. Certes, la coopération dans des domaines tels que l'éducation ou la modernisation de l'économie a été suivie d'effets. On ne peut pas en dire autant de la bonne gouvernance, de la réforme de la justice, de la démocratie qui sont pourtant des objectifs affichés de la Politique européenne de voisinage. Ce texte a le mérite de proposer des solutions afin de repenser en profondeur cette politique. J'espère que la Commission européenne et le Conseil sauront s'en inspirer.

  Mário David (PPE), por escrito. − Importantes mudanças estratégicas para a Política Europeia de Vizinhança foram hoje aprovadas pelo Plenário em Estrasburgo. Prova-se que a Europa pode ser pró-activa se o desejar e se se mantiver unida em torno de um ideal. Mais uma vez, provámo-lo hoje! É com satisfação que constato esta realidade, numa Resolução da qual tive a honra de ser relator. Na verdade, o Comissário Füle acolheu a quase totalidade das nossas propostas, como toda a Câmara pôde constatar no debate que precedeu esta votação, facto que me apraz registar. Desafio agora a Comissão a demonstrar no seu processo de revisão de 10 Maio a ambição que o momento actual reclama, ou seja uma Política de Vizinhança tailor-made, à medida de cada Estado, com benchmarks claros e uma avaliação cuidada, que permita levar a um futuro Espaço Económico Mediterrânico com as novas democracias do sul, esperando ainda que o bom ambiente e a cooperação que tem caracterizado os trabalhos sobre este tema levem a um envolvimento permanente do Parlamento Europeu no planeamento e avaliação desta Política. Considero ainda absolutamente imprescindível, que no futuro, a União privilegie uma aproximação da base para o topo, na sua Política de Vizinhança, pelas razões demonstradas nesta resolução.

  Diane Dodds (NI), in writing. − I voted against this motion. Whilst it is essential that we try to encourage peace and democracy in the Mediterranean it is absolutely clear that the strategy behind the European Neighbourhood policy has so far failed. This policy costs taxpayers in the region of one and a half billion euro per year yet it has manifestly failed to deliver. We are currently facing a refugee crisis in the area and many regimes are turning on their own people. There is no doubt in my mind that we will soon be asked to approve further funding. Without clear objectives and a programme of work this muddled policy will continue to fail the most vulnerable in the region. It is equally clear that the High Representative has been ineffective in coordinating a response to the continuing security and humanitarian situation.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − Os recentes acontecimentos no Sul do Mediterrâneo, começando com a Tunísia já em Dezembro de 2010, deram uma nova urgência a uma revisão da Política Europeia de Vizinhança. O Parlamento Europeu deve acompanhar os processos de transição democrática nos países do Sul do Mediterrâneo e, juntamente com as demais instituições europeias, deve apoiar essa transição do modo mais rápido e pacífico possível, fornecendo apoio significativo através dos instrumentos ao seu dispor que visem a promoção das reforma políticas, económicas e sociais. O fortalecimento da democracia, do Estado de Direito, da boa governação, a luta contra a corrupção e o respeito pelos direitos humanos e liberdades fundamentais são elementos essenciais do diálogo político entre a UE e os seus vizinhos do sul, Face aos acontecimentos, a União para o Mediterrâneo mereceria ser relançada, bem como deveriam ser reforçados destinados à dimensão meridional da Política Europeia de Vizinhança.

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − Congratulo-me com a qualidade desta resolução e com a consequente aprovação. Parabéns ao colega Mário David. «Os objectivos da União Europeia (UE) são vastos e consubstanciam-se num alargamento a países vizinhos de modo a ser criado um grande espaço de livre circulação de pessoas e bens. Nestas circunstâncias, a Política Europeia de Vizinhança (PEV) da UE assume um papel fundamental na sua estratégia de desenvolvimento e crescimento. Por isso, vários têm sido os instrumentos e as resoluções aprovados, nomeadamente o Instrumento Europeu de Vizinhança (IEVP) e as opções fundamentais da Política Externa e de Segurança Comum (PESC). Todavia, a revisão da PEV ganhou uma importância acrescida no contexto das ocorrências no Sul e Leste do Mediterrâneo. A UE deve tirar lições dos acontecimentos verificados no sul, em especial na Tunísia e no Egipto e rever a sua política de apoio à democracia e aos direitos humanos, de modo a criar um mecanismo de implementação das cláusulas dos direitos humanos em todos os acordos com países terceiros. A revisão da PEV deve conferir prioridade a critérios relacionados com a independência da magistratura, o respeito pelas liberdades fundamentais, o pluralismo e a liberdade de imprensa e a luta contra a corrupção.

  Elisabetta Gardini (PPE), per iscritto. − Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, alla luce dei recenti avvenimenti nel bacino del Mediterraneo e delle conseguenze dirette e indirette sui Paesi europei, è necessario procedere a una rapida e profonda revisione della politica di vicinato dell’Unione europea. La nuova strategia europea dovrà basarsi su una ridefinizione delle risorse a disposizione per il Mediterraneo, prevedendo un incremento degli impegni di natura finanziaria a favore delle riforme politiche, economiche e sociali nei Paesi della regione e sollecitando le risorse relative all’immigrazione. Inoltre, di fronte alle trasformazioni radicali che interessano i nostri Vicini meridionali, penso che sia giunto il momento di adottare un nuovo approccio europeo che punti non solo alla difesa della democrazia ma anche all’adozione di misure concrete per attenuare le pressioni migratorie e garantire la sicurezza dell’approvvigionamento energetico. E’ prioritario in tale contesto che si pongano quanto prima le basi per una nuova e rafforzata partnership con gli Stati del Vicinato meridionale al fine di favorire la stabilità, lo sviluppo economico e la transizione democratica dell’area. A tal fine ritengo che sia necessario che l'Unione Europea ricopra un ruolo chiave nel contesto geopolitico della regione.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šį dokumentą, nes pabrėžiama, kad svarbu sukurti darbo grupę, kurioje dalyvautų ir Parlamentas, atsiliepiant į demokratinių pokyčių siekiančių veikėjų raginimus stebėti perėjimo prie demokratinio valdymo procesus, visų pirma laisvus ir demokratinius rinkimus ir institucijų, įskaitant nepriklausomus teismus, kūrimą. Taip pat raginama ES stipriai remti politinių ir ekonominių reformų procesą regione, naudojant visas esamas priemones EKP kontekste ir, kur reikia, patvirtinti naujas priemones, siekiant kaip galima veiksmingiau padėti vykdyti perėjimo prie demokratijos procesą, atkreipiant dėmesį į pagrindines laisves, gerą valdymą, teismų nepriklausomumą ir kovą su korupcija, tokiu būdu patenkinant pietų kaimyninių šalių gyventojų poreikius ir lūkesčius. Reikia užtikrinti, jog pagalba būtų skiriama tikslingiau, ypač ją skiriant pilietinei visuomenei ir vietos bendruomenėms, laikantis principo „iš apačios į viršų“, tačiau skiriamų lėšų didinimas turėtų būti grindžiamas tiksliu poreikių įvertinimu ir turėtų atitikti vykdomų programų efektyvumo didėjimą, kuris turėtų būti atitinkamai pritaikytas šalių paramos gavėjų poreikiams ir skiriamas atsižvelgiant į jų prioritetus.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted for this resolution which recalls, in the light of current events in the southern Mediterranean, particularly in Tunisia and Egypt, the ENP’s failure to promote and safeguard human rights in third countries; urges the EU to draw lessons from those events and to revise its democracy and human rights support policy so as to create an implementation mechanism for the human rights clause included in all agreements with third countries; insists that the review of the ENP must prioritise criteria relating to the independence of the judiciary, respect for fundamental freedoms, pluralism and freedom of the press and the fight against corruption; and calls for better coordination with the Union’s other policies vis-à-vis those countries.

  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – La nouvelle politique européenne de voisinage qui nous est promise n'est rien d'autre que la répétition du même, avec quelques égards démocratiques obligés en plus. Pour le reste, les accords négociés avec les dictatures doivent demeurer: zone de libre-échange, externalisation de la "gestion des flux migratoires", sécurité énergétique de l'UE, tout est là. L'UE se moque des démocraties à naître. Je vote contre.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Seit Jahren setzt die EU in ihrer Nachbarschaftspolitik auf wirtschaftliche Liberalisierung und hofft auf positive politische Nebeneffekte. Die Dynamik wirtschaftlicher Reformen wurde lange Zeit von autoritären Regimes mittels verstärkter staatlicher Repression unterlaufen. Ob die europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik wirklich zu mehr Stabilität beitragen kann, darf angesichts der libyschen Eskalation bezweifelt werden.

Die Hoffnungen des Barcelona-Prozesses scheinen sich in den Maghreb-Staaten zwar zum Teil zu erfüllen, allerdings mit Nebenwirkungen, mit denen die EU nicht gerechnet hat und auf die sie auch nicht vorbereitet war, obgleich sie eine häufige Begleiterscheinung von Transformationsprozessen ist. Der Barcelona-Prozess an sich ist positiv, was ich bei meinem Abstimmungsverhalten auch berücksichtigt habe.

  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − A Política Europeia de Vizinhança tem demonstrado ser um instrumento de política externa eficaz. O Parlamento Europeu através das delegações interparlamentares e da Assembleia Parlamentar da União para o Mediterrâneo deve assumir a sua responsabilidade na promoção da noção de que a estabilidade e a prosperidade da Europa estão estreitamente ligadas à governação democrática e ao progresso económico e social nos países vizinhos do Sul e na promoção do debate político, de uma verdadeira liberdade, de reformas democráticas e do Estado de direito nos países parceiros vizinhos. Por estas razões, expressas na presente resolução, dei o meu voto favorável.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE), por escrito. − As recentes manifestações ocorridas em diversos países na vizinhança meridional da UE, designadamente na Tunísia, no Egipto e na Líbia, tornaram patente a necessidade de a UE alterar a sua Política de Vizinhança, dotando-a de instrumentos mais ambiciosos e eficazes que lhe permitam encorajar e apoiar as reclamadas reformas políticas, económicas e sociais. É, por isso, fundamental, como bem salienta o relator - o deputado Mário David, que aqui felicito pelo excelente trabalho realizado - que a revisão da PEV reflicta estes desenvolvimentos e permita responder adequadamente aos desafios que os mesmos colocam, pondo a tónica na defesa intransigente dos valores democráticos e dos direitos e liberdades fundamentais e apostando num maior envolvimento da sociedade civil e das comunidades locais.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. The EP reaffirms the values, principles and commitments upon which the ENP has been built, which include democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and respect for women’s rights, good governance, the market economy and sustainable development, and reiterates that the ENP has to become a valid framework for the deepening and strengthening of relations with our closest partners so as encourage and to support their political, social and economic reforms, which are designed to establish and consolidate democracy, progress and social and economic opportunities for all; emphasises the importance of maintaining the principles of shared responsibility and joint ownership in the conception and implementation of ENP programmes; considers that since its launch in 2004 the ENP, as a single policy framework and through its performance-driven differentiation and tailor-made assistance, has brought tangible benefits both for ENP partners and the EU.

  Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. − L´art. 8 del Trattato sull'Unione Europea sancisce l´obbligo di sviluppare con i paesi vicini rapporti preferenziali al fine di creare uno spazio di prosperità e di cooperazione. Il rispetto e la promozione della democrazia e dei diritti umani, in particolare quelli della donna, sono principi fondamentali dell'UE e devono rappresentare valori comuni condivisi con i paesi partner della politica europea di vicinato. Attualmente la rivolta civile in Tunisia, in Egitto e in Libia è la conseguenza del generale malcontento della popolazione verso i propri regimi totalitari, e si sta estendendo nell´intera regione orientale. Dinanzi a questa mutata situazione sociale e politica è necessario che l'UE apporti efficaci modifiche alla politica di vicinato al fine di sostenere efficacemente il processo di riforma in materia di diritti umani e di democrazia. Occorre che l'UE definisca in maniera dettagliata le priorità strategiche perseguite nei partenariati con i vicini orientali e meridionali. Auspico un´azione dell'Unione sorretta dalla volontà di avviare un processo di democratizzazione, in particolare per quanto concerne una maggiore partecipazione delle donne alla vita pubblica e una migliore programmazione degli sviluppi socioeconomici.

  Tokia Saïfi (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu ce rapport car les événements actuels doivent nous pousser à refonder et pas seulement à réorienter la politique de voisinage. En matière économique, commerciale, politique, le respect des droits et libertés doivent être à la fois des conditions et des objectifs de notre coopération. L'aide financière que l'UE offre à cette fin doit être sensiblement augmentée et répondre à ces mêmes conditions et objectifs. Nous devons également relancer l’Union pour la Méditerranée sur une base à la fois morale dans ses exigences et concrète dans ses réalisations. Notre coopération ne doit plus se limiter à des échanges avec les pouvoirs en place: l’Union européenne doit s’adresser en priorité aux différentes composantes de la société civile et favoriser l’émergence et la structuration du pluralisme politique dans cette région. C’est en favorisant l’apparition d’alternances régulières et organisées que nous échapperons au dilemme entre le soutien sans conditions aux gouvernements au nom de la stabilité et le chaos. Et c’est en refondant notre coopération sur des valeurs que nous lui donnerons la légitimité populaire et la continuité indispensables pour relever les défis historiques de cette région.

  Vilja Savisaar-Toomast (ALDE), kirjalikult. − Lugupeetud juhataja, lugupeetud kolleegid! Tänasel hääletusel toetasin resolutsioone, mis käsitlesid Euroopa naabruspoliitika läbivaatamist nii ida- kui ka lõunamõõtme osas. Käesolevad resolutsioonid on eriti olulised, arvestades lõunapiirkonna hiljutiste sündmuste käiku. Eriti tuleb arvestada mitme ELi lõunanaabruses asuva riigi elanikkonna kindlameelset nõuet diktatuuri kukutamise suhtes ning püüdlusi demokraatia järele. Euroopa naabruspoliitika strateegilisel läbivaatamisel peab neid sündmusi täielikult arvesse võtma ja kajastama.

Mõlema resolutsiooni, nii lõuna- kui idamõõtme puhul on oluline vastastikku kasulik koostöö EL ja erinevate naabermaade vahel, et tagada vajalikud arengud nii demokraatia, inimõiguste kui ka majanduse ja turvalisuse suhtes. Euroopa stabiilsus ja heaolu tihedalt seotud ENP lõunapoolsete naaberriikide demokraatliku valitsemistava ning majandusliku ja sotsiaalse eduga, mistõttu on oluline poliitilise mõttevahetuse, täielike vabaduste, demokraatlike reformide ja õigusriigi põhimõtete toetamine naabruspoliitika partnerriikides. Aitäh!

  Marie-Thérèse Sanchez-Schmid (PPE), par écrit. – Tout le monde s'accorde pour dire que l'Europe doit revoir les modalités de sa coopération avec les pays de la méditerranée, tant les révoltes en Tunisie, en Egypte et en Lybie l'ont surprise. Plusieurs pistes s'offrent déjà à nous pour accompagner sur le long terme la transition démocratique de nos voisins de la rive sud, leur développement économique et leur intégration territoriale. L'UE dispose de deux outils : l'Union pour la Méditerranée et l'Instrument Européen de Voisinage et de Partenariat. Les deux ont montré leur faiblesse, mais une réelle volonté politique pourrait rectifier nos erreurs. Aussi je soutien cette résolution, qui donne un cadre clair et des objectifs précis pour la prochaine Politique Européenne de Voisinage. Je tiens cependant à attirer l'attention de mes collègues sur le volet transfrontalier de cette politique. Représentant seulement 5% du budget global de l'IEVP, il souffre d'un désintérêt des pouvoirs centraux, et d'un retard alarmant dans sa programmation. Pourtant, ce volet peut servir de levier à de nombreuses initiatives structurantes pour la coopération en méditerranée. Réussir un véritable partenariat UE - Méditerranée nécessite une meilleure prise en compte des aspirations des peuples, mais aussi un réel investissement dans des projets concrets.

  Joanna Senyszyn (S&D), na piśmie. − Poparłam rezolucję w sprawie przeglądu europejskiej polityki sąsiedztwa – wymiar południowy. Z pozycji członkini Komisji Praw Kobiet w szczególności zwracam uwagę na znaczenie polityki równouprawnienia płci jako nieodłącznego elementu poszanowania praw człowieka, stanowiącego zarazem fundamentalną zasadę Unii Europejskiej. Prawa kobiet muszą stanowić priorytetowy punkt rozmów z krajami objętymi europejską polityka sąsiedztwa (EPS).

Zgodnie z rezolucją prawa kobiet winny być ujęte w przeglądach kodyfikacyjnych (konstytucji, prawa karnego, rodzinnego i wszystkich zbiorach prawa cywilnego) oraz uwzględniane w ramach dialogu na temat praw człowieka prowadzonego z krajami partnerskimi objętymi EPS. Należy także skoncentrować działania na pogłębieniu społecznej integracji kobiet. Potrzebujemy programów promujących kształcenie kobiet, promocję ich zatrudnienia oraz zwiększenie udziału w życiu publicznym. Efekty działań na rzecz równouprawnienia płci w krajach objętych EPS muszą być stale monitorowane i kontrolowane, a uchybienia w tym zakresie bezwzględnie potępiane, a nawet karane.

Opowiadam się za tym, by nie zacieśniać stosunków Unii Europejskiej z tymi państwami trzecimi, które w wystarczającym stopniu nie włączają w swoje strategie polityczne zagadnień i instytucji związanych z organizacją społeczeństwa obywatelskiego (w szczególności organizacji praw człowieka i organizacji kobiecych).

  Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report, which has significant importance, given recent events in the EU’s southern neighbourhood. It is vital that the renewed policy supports democratisation and genuine reforms in the countries concerned.

  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. − Os acontecimentos, na região do norte de África e do Médio Oriente, são representativos da ineficácia da PEV, mas são também representativos dos novos desafios que se impõem à UE, como um actor regional. A criação de uma zona de prosperidade e boa vizinhança, fundada nos valores constituintes da UE, deve continuar a ser o mote para as relações com os países parceiros da PEV, neste caso particular com os países do Mediterrâneo. Considero essencial, em primeiro lugar, rever os Programas Indicativos para o período 2011-2013, tendo em conta as necessidades mais urgentes e, simultaneamente, flexibilizar os instrumentos financeiros, nomeadamente o IEVP e o IEDDH, de forma a apoiar directamente a entidades da sociedade civil.

Por outro lado, apelo ao reforço da União para o Mediterrâneo, quer em termos de financiamento, quer em termos de empenhamento dos Estados-Membros, como fórum privilegiado para a troca de boas práticas, onde uma clara política mediterrânea se deve estabelecer e basear na parceria política, no princípio "ownership" e na condicionalidade. Por último, penso que é urgente encontrar soluções para o fim da guerra na Líbia, e que se prepare, de antemão, um pacote de medidas para a construção do país na era pós-conflito.

  Dominique Vlasto (PPE), par écrit. – Je me réjouis de l'adoption de cette résolution par notre Assemblée, qui dresse un bilan et dessine les orientations futures du partenariat euro-méditerranéen. Mon engagement en faveur d'un rapprochement entre les deux rives de la Méditerranée m'a amené à faire un certain nombre de propositions qui ont été approuvées par mes Collègues et je m'en félicite. J'ai notamment insisté sur la nécessité de réviser la Politique Européenne de Voisinage à la lumière des événements dans le monde arabe, en renforçant le dialogue avec la société civile, en favorisant les échanges de bonnes pratiques, en garantissant le respect des Droits de l'Homme dans nos accords d'association et en accompagnant la transition démocratique dans ces pays. La PEV nous offre une formidable opportunité pour promouvoir nos valeurs et renforcer nos relations avec les pays qui sont aux portes de l'Europe. Pour cette raison, je souhaite que notre partenariat avec nos voisins de la rive Sud de la Méditerranée devienne une priorité de notre politique étrangère. Je serai vigilante pour que nous travaillions sur un pied d'égalité et pour que des moyens adéquats soient consacrés pour atteindre notre objectif: faire du bassin méditerranéen un espace de paix, de prospérité et de coopération.

Motion for a resolution RC-B7-0244/2011 (Use of sexual violence in conflicts in North Africa and the Middle East)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo esta resolução porque defende os mais básicos direitos cívicos, nomeadamente aqueles relacionados com a liberdade de expressão. Este tipo de atitudes deve ter consequências na relação entre a UE e os estados que perpetram estes atentados à liberdade. Sem uma forte pressão política sobre estes países, dificilmente haverá uma pacificação. A UE deve estar sempre na linha da frente do combate a este tipo de atentados e deve manter-se atenta a futuros desenvolvimentos na região.

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE), raštu. − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją dėl seksualinės prievartos naudojimo per konfliktus Šiaurės Afrikoje ir Artimuosiuose Rytuose. Moterys, aktyviai dalyvavusios sukilimuose, kuriuose reikalauta daugiau demokratijos, teisių ir laisvių Šiaurės Afrikoje ir Artimuosiuose Rytuose, nusipelno mūsų pagarbos ir palaikymo. Europos Sąjunga negali tylėti, kai yra žiauriai susidorojama su šiomis drąsiomis kovotojomis už demokratiją ir laisvę. Todėl raginame Komisiją ir valstybių narių vyriausybes griežtai pasmerkti seksualinės prievartos, bauginimo ir prieš moteris nukreiptų veiksmų Libijoje ir Egipte naudojimą, nes tuometiniai šių valstybių valdžios režimai griebėsi seksualinio smurto prieš moteris kaip ginklo konfliktuose, kilusiuose šių revoliucijų metu. Egipto valdžios institucijos privalo imtis skubių veiksmų, kad būtų nutraukti kankinimai, ištirti visi prievartos prieš taikius protestuotojus atvejai ir civiliai gyventojai nebebūtų teisiami kariniuose teismuose. Esu tvirtai įsitikinusi, kad Šiaurės Afrikoje ir Artimuosiuose Rytuose vykstantys pokyčiai turi padėti panaikinti moterų diskriminaciją ir pasiekti, kad jos galėtų visapusiškai dalyvauti visuomenėje tokiomis pačiomis sąlygomis kaip ir vyrai.

  Roberta Angelilli (PPE), per iscritto. − Le violenze perpetrate sulle donne e sui minori in queste ultime settimane, durante i conflitti scoppiati nel Nord Africa, non ci sorprendono, perché purtroppo la donna è diventata sempre di più nei conflitti armati un bersaglio da umiliare, torturare, possedere e controllare con l'intento di distruggere, in tutto o in parte, un gruppo mirato.

Ma non solo, nessuno ha il diritto di violare la dignità delle donne solo perché hanno il coraggio di rivendicare il diritto a esprimere il loro pensiero, partecipando attivamente alla costruzione di un mondo democratico e pacifico e rivendicando soprattutto il diritto alla parità di genere. Infliggere trattamenti inumani e degradanti, come le scariche elettriche, i "test di verginità", le violenze fisiche e psicologiche, lo stupro e la schiavitù sono pratiche inaccettabili alle quali bisogna dire basta.

È giusto che, per quanto riguarda i fatti accaduti in questi paesi del Nord Africa, come per qualunque altro conflitto al mondo, vengano puniti i responsabili di queste gravi violenze, perché non si tratta solo di civili ma, fatto ancora più riprovevole, di militari. Spero veramente che l'UE riesca a far pressione affinché questi paesi possano ratificare in tempi brevi una serie di strumenti giuridici internazionali, tra i quali lo Statuto della CPI e la Convenzione relativa allo status dei rifugiati del 1951.

  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją, nes būtina kuo skubiau stabdyti smurtą ir seksualinės prievartos naudojimą prieš moteris. Europos Komisija ir valstybės narės turėtų griežtai pasmerkti seksualinę prievartą, bauginimą, kankinimus ir smurtą prieš moteris Libijoje ir Egipte. Būtina raginti Egipto Aukščiausiąją karinę tarybą nedelsiant imtis priemonių, kad būtų sustabdyti šie žiaurūs nusikaltimai prieš moteris. Būtina užtikrinti, jog visoms saugumo ir karinėms pajėgoms būtų aiškiai nurodyta, kad tokie nusikaltimai ir kankinimai negali būti toleruojami ir būtų visapusiškai ištiriami, nusikaltimų vykdytojai turi būti patraukti baudžiamojon atsakomybėn. Be to, kiekvienam žmogui turėtų būti suteikta galimybė pareikšti savo nuomonę dėl demokratinės savo šalies ateities ir už tai asmuo neturi būti sulaikomas, kankinamas, žeminamas arba diskriminuojamas.

  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. − As mulheres têm tido uma voz fundamental nas revoltas que reivindicam mais democracia, direitos e liberdades no Norte de África e no Médio Oriente. Lamentavelmente, os regimes da Líbia e do Egipto utilizam a violência como uma forma de intimidar e degradar as mulheres, tornando-as muito vulneráveis. Condeno veementemente as práticas impostas pelo exército egípcio a mulheres manifestantes detidas na Praça Tahrir. É urgente tomar medidas imediatas para acabar com este tratamento degradante e assegurar que todas as forças de segurança e do exército sejam claramente instruídas no sentido de que a tortura e outros maus-tratos, serão alvo de uma investigação completa. Cabe às autoridades egípcias tomar medidas urgentes para acabar com a tortura, que investiguem todos os casos de abusos contra manifestantes pacíficos e que acabem com os julgamentos de civis em tribunais militares. Apelo à Comissão e aos Governos dos Estados-Membros que se oponham vigorosamente ao uso de agressões sexuais, intimidação e perseguição das mulheres na Líbia e no Egipto.

  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente esta resolução por condenar veementemente os regimes da Líbia e do Egipto por recorrerem a agressões sexuais no âmbito do conflito subjacente às actuais revoluções. As mulheres têm tido um papel importante nestas revoltas, lutando e arriscando a suas vidas por mais democracia, por mais direitos e por mais liberdades. É fundamental garantir que as mudanças que estão a ocorrer no Norte de África e no Médio Oriente contribuam para o fim da discriminação das mulheres e para a sua participação plena na sociedade em pé de igualdade com os homens.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − Infelizmente, todos sabemos que os períodos de convulsões e os conflitos armados agravam as situações de violência contra mulheres e crianças e levam ao aumento das situações de abuso sexual. Tal prática é absolutamente condenável, tal como o são o recurso à tortura, as violações em grupo, os "testes de virgindade", as ameaças e os maus tratos (físicos e psicológicos) dirigidos a mulheres, como forma de as intimidar, amedrontar ou limitar os seus direitos de participação política (como vem a acontecer no Egipto e na Líbia). A União Europeia, e esta Câmara em especial, devem ser um bastião da defesa dos direitos fundamentais e da dignidade humana, denunciando, de forma clara e inequívoca, todas as suas violações. Condeno firmemente as práticas de violência sobre mulheres - e também crianças - nos recentes conflitos no Médio Oriente e Norte de África e apelo a que sejam tomadas as medidas mais adequadas para proteger os seus direitos mais fundamentais e a sua dignidade.

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − A luta contra a violação dos Direitos do Homem constitui o principal objectivo da União Europeia (UE) e das suas instituições. Neste âmbito, a utilização da violência sexual, em qualquer conflito, tem merecido a mais veemente repulsa e condenação por parte destes organismos. Na realidade, muitas têm sido as resoluções aprovadas por este Parlamento denunciando a violência contra as mulheres. A presente proposta de resolução comum debruça-se sobre esta violência, particularmente a violência sexual cometida contra as mulheres no Norte de África e no Médio Oriente. Os relatos que chegaram até nós, de violência em contexto de guerra e de repressão, são demasiado macabros e causam-nos uma enorme repulsa e indignação. Os autores de tais comportamento não podem ficar impunes, mesmo que protegidos por ditadores ou a coberto de mentalidades retrógradas. Assim, voto favoravelmente este relatório que condena qualquer tipo de violência contra as mulheres em qualquer região, exige penas severas para os violadores e estabelece como prioridade o apoio da UE às mulheres no seu processo de emancipação, nomeadamente a todas aquelas que tiveram a coragem de participar na denominada “Primavera Árabe” e o incentivo à sua plena participação na vida cívica das sociedades onde se inserem.

  Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − No debate que se realizou sobre a utilização da violência sexual em conflitos no Norte de África e no Médio Oriente, a Comissão Europeia comprometeu-se a defender intransigentemente o fim da violação e da escravatura sexual, que são reconhecidas como crimes contra a humanidade e crimes de guerra pela Convenção de Genebra.

Como se refere na proposta de Resolução que apresentámos, é essencial insistir em acções diplomáticas eficazes que se oponham vigorosamente à utilização de agressões sexuais, intimidação e perseguição das mulheres no Norte de África e no Médio Oriente ou em qualquer outro lugar.

Salientamos, igualmente, a importância de reconhecer o papel das mulheres nas revoluções e insistimos na necessidade de garantir os direitos das mulheres, incluindo a sua participação nas novas estruturas democráticas, jurídicas, económicas e políticas dessas sociedades, pondo fim às discriminações seculares de que têm sido vítimas.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją dėl seksualinės prievartos naudojimo per konfliktus Šiaurės Afrikoje ir Artimuosiuose Rytuose. Komisija ir valstybių narių vyriausybės raginamos griežtai pasmerkti seksualinės prievartos, bauginimo ir prieš moteris nukreiptų veiksmų Libijoje ir Egipte naudojimą. Manau, kad kiekvienam turėtų būti suteikta galimybė pareikšti savo nuomonę dėl demokratinės savo šalies ateities ir už tai asmuo neturi būti sulaikytas, kankinamas, žeminamas arba diskriminuojamas. Turėtų būti pripažintas moterų vaidmuo revoliucijose ir demokratizacijos procesuose ir pabrėžtos konkrečios grėsmės, kurias jos patiria, bei būtinybė remti ir ginti jų teises.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I supported this resolution which calls on the Commission and the Member State governments to strongly oppose the use of sexual assaults on, and intimidation and targeting of, women in Libya and Egypt and strongly condemns forced ‘virginity tests’ inflicted by the Egyptian army on women protesters arrested in Tahrir Square and considers this practice as unacceptable, as it amounts to a form of torture; calls on Egypt’s Supreme Military Council to take immediate measures to stop this degrading treatment and to ensure that all security and army forces are clearly instructed that torture and other ill-treatment, including forced ‘virginity tests’, cannot be tolerated and will be fully investigated

  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − In kriegerischen Konflikten sind sehr oft Frauen und Kinder die eigentlich Leidtragenden. Es ist längst bekannt, dass Vergewaltigung und Folter häufig an der Tagesordnung stehen. Auch in Libyen und Ägypten, so haben Betroffene ausländischen Journalisten berichtet, ist die Situation nicht anders. So wurden in Ägypten Demonstrantinnen festgenommen, um ihre Jungfräulichkeit zu überprüfen, was auch dokumentiert wurde. In Libyen kam es zu Vergewaltigungen und Folter durch Soldaten. Erschwerend kommt hinzu, dass die Frauen, die ihre Geschichte erzählten, nun mit schweren Repressalien wie Klagen wegen Verleumdung zu rechnen haben. Hier passiert einmal mehr ein schwerer Verstoß gegen Menschenrechte, wogegen auch von Seiten der Westmächte etwas unternommen gehört.

Die Entschließung hat meine Stimme erhalten, da auch die EU nicht die Augen vor diesen Gräueltaten verschließen darf und es nur richtig ist, von den Regierungen in Ägypten und Libyen zu verlangen, dass diese Fälle restlos aufgeklärt und die Täter zur Verantwortung gezogen werden müssen, um in weiterer Folge einen Weg in Richtung Demokratie und Freiheit beschreiten zu können.

  Franz Obermayr (NI), schriftlich. − Im Zuge der Unruhen in Ägypten und Libyen kam es internationalen Medienberichten zu Folge immer wieder zu tragischen Übergriffen und Gewaltakten gegen Frauen. Folterungen und Vergewaltigungen werden oft nicht geahndet, weil die Behörden die Klagen unter den Tisch fallen lassen oder noch schlimmer: es kommt zu Anschuldigungen gegen die Frauen selbst wegen "Verleumdung". Hier werden zugunsten einer patriarchischen Gesellschaft Täter- und Opferrolle umgekehrt. Die EU darf nicht tatenlos zusehen, der Schutz von Frauen und Kindern, und das Prinzip der Rechtsstaatlichkeit für jedermann, bedürfen eines verstärkten Einsatzes der EU in Ägypten und Libyen. Ich habe daher für den Entschließungsantrag gestimmt.

  Γεώργιος Παπανικολάου (PPE), γραπτώς. – Η κοινή πρόταση ψηφίσματος σχετικά με τη χρήση σεξουαλικής βίας στις συγκρούσεις στη Βόρεια Αφρική και τη Μέση Ανατολή αποτελεί απερίφραστη καταδίκη των εγκλημάτων που διαπιστώνεται πως διαπράχθηκαν στην Αίγυπτο και την Λιβύη. Η στοχοποίηση γυναικών στις δύο χώρες καθώς και οι καταγγελίες για «τεστ παρθενίας» από το στρατό σε γυναίκες που, αφού συνελήφθησαν στην πλατεία Ταχίρ, στη συνέχεια υποβλήθηκαν σε βασανισμούς και βιασμό προκειμένου να προκύψει έπειτα στα στρατοδικεία ότι δεν ήταν παρθένες, αποτελούν πράξεις απάνθρωπες και εγκληματικές που αντίκεινται πλήρως στη Σύμβασης της Γενεύης σχετικά με τα εγκλήματα κατά της ανθρωπότητας και τα εγκλήματα πολέμου.

Πέρα από την απερίφραστη καταδίκη το ψήφισμα, το οποίο και υπερψήφισα, καλεί την Επιτροπή και τις κυβερνήσεις των κρατών μελών να αντιταχθούν σθεναρά στη χρήση σεξουαλικών επιθέσεων, τον εκφοβισμό και τη στοχοποίηση των γυναικών στη Λιβύη και την Αίγυπτο και να αναλάβουν συγκεκριμένες και συντονισμένες δράσεις για τον άμεσο τερματισμό αυτών των φαινομένων.

  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − Votei a presente resolução favoravelmente por condenar a violência baseada no género e, claro, a utilização da violência sexual nos conflitos. Concordo com a necessidade expressa na resolução de conferir prioridade aos direitos humanos nas medidas no âmbito da Política Europeia de Vizinhança como parte integrante do processo de democratização; e também com a necessidade de a União Europeia partilhar com estes países a experiência que tem no tocante à política de igualdade e à luta contra a violência relacionada com o género.

  Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. − Le rivolte in Africa Settentrionale e in Medio Oriente hanno visto una partecipazione attiva delle donne nel rivendicare il desiderio condiviso di democrazia e di diritti fondamentali. Purtroppo i regimi al potere in Libia e in Egitto fanno da sempre ricorso ad aggressioni a sfondo sessuale come un´arma, prendendo di mira le donne. Bisogna denunciare l´uso della violenza sessuale come strumento per intimorire e umiliare le donne, senza dimenticare che il vuoto di potere adesso emerso potrebbe condurre ad un deterioramento dei loro diritti. E´ significativo il caso di una donna libica che in marzo aveva riferito ad alcuni giornalisti in un hotel a Tripoli di essere stata vittima di uno stupro di gruppo da parte di soldati. Oggi la giovane è stata citata in giudizio per diffamazione dagli stessi uomini che l´hanno violentata. Occorre agire e denunciare fermamente l'impatto sproporzionato dei conflitti armati sulle donne e rafforzare il loro ruolo nella costruzione della pace. Auspico che sia richiamata a gran voce la denuncia dell'UE contro la violenza sulle donne e sui minori in particolare durante i conflitti armati, denunciando ogni forma di discriminazione nei loro confronti, come riconosciuto ai sensi della Convenzione di Ginevra.

  Joanna Senyszyn (S&D), na piśmie. − Z pełnym przekonaniem poparłam rezolucję w sprawie zwalczania przemocy seksualnej w konfliktach w Afryce Północnej i na Bliskim Wschodzie. Masowa przemoc seksualna wobec kobiet stale towarzyszy konfliktom zbrojnym w Afryce Północnej i na Bliskim Wschodzie. Fundusz Narodów Zjednoczonych na rzecz Dzieci (UNICEF) podaje m.in. przykład Kenii, kraju stosunkowo stabilnego, w którym przedwyborcze zamieszki doprowadziły zaledwie w ciągu kilkunastu dni do podwojenia liczby ofiar przemocy seksualnej.

Przemoc seksualna przybiera charakter epidemii. Jest wręcz jedną z taktyk wojennych. Unia Europejska nie może być w tej sprawie obojętna. Dlatego niezbędne jest uwzględnianie problematyki płci w głównym nurcie europejskiej polityki sąsiedztwa oraz w centrum działań na rzecz stworzenia skutecznego i zorganizowanego podejścia do kwestii równości płci w krajach objętych tą polityką. Prawa człowieka, których nieodłącznym elementem jest równość kobiet i mężczyzn winny stanowić niezbędny element w procesach demokratycznych krajów trzecich. Szokujące jest, iż pomimo powszechności przemocy seksualnej w Afryce, rządy nie zaliczają jej zwalczania do swoich priorytetów np. w RPA.

Unia powinna ukierunkować swoje działania szczególnie na kobiety. Bardzo ważne jest postulowane w rezolucji pogłębienie integracji społecznej kobiet, promowanie ich zatrudnienia, walka z analfabetyzmem wśród kobiet oraz z tradycyjnymi, szkodliwymi praktykami. Kształcenie kobiet i dziewcząt musi obejmować wiedzę o przysługujących im prawach.

  Michèle Striffler (PPE), par écrit. – Lors des récents événements en Afrique du Nord, les régimes au pouvoir en Libye et en Égypte eurent recours à des agressions sexuelles utilisées comme arme afin d'intimider et de persécuter les femmes qui participaient aux mouvements de révolte dans ces pays. Il est indispensable d'une part que les auteurs de ces faits répondent de leurs crimes devant la justice et d'autre part que les femmes qui ont été victimes de telles exactions soient protégées contre toutes représailles. Je me suis personnellement rendue dans la région des Kivus à l'est de la République Démocratique du Congo où cette pratique ignoble est régulièrement utilisée par les militaires et les membres des groupes armés. Je peux témoigner de la souffrance extrême des femmes victimes de viol et de l'impunité des auteurs de ces exactions. La Communauté internationale doit tout mettre en œuvre afin de ne pas laisser les auteurs de ces crimes impunis.

  Dominique Vlasto (PPE), par écrit. – Les révélations sur les crimes d'honneur et les humiliations subis par les femmes lors des soulèvements dans le monde arabe m'ont choquée et émue et je me félicite que notre Parlement ait dénoncé les atrocités commises contre elles. L'Europe ne peut tolérer qu'à ses portes, dans des pays partenaires et dans le cadre de manifestations pacifiques, de telles atteintes aux Droits de l'Homme et à ses valeurs les plus fondamentales soient perpétrées impunément. J'insiste donc pour que la lumière soit faite sur ces actes de barbarie et que les responsables soient punis. Notre résolution aborde un impératif pour l'avenir de ces pays: donner une place centrale aux femmes dans le processus de démocratisation dans les sociétés arabes. Les femmes ont joué un rôle de premier plan, silencieux voire sous-estimé, dans les mouvements de libération et je pense qu'il était essentiel de le saluer dans ce texte. L'Europe s'est engagée à accompagner les pays du Maghreb, du Proche et du Moyen Orient dans leur processus démocratique. Il nous reste désormais à nous assurer que dans cette approche, nous mettions en œuvre des garanties pour le respect des Droits de l'Homme et pour l'égalité entre les hommes et les femmes.

Report: George Sabin Cutaş (A7-0073/2011)

  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo o presente relatório que trata da forma mais adequada de questões importantes como o novo estatuto do banco após o Tratado de Lisboa, o projecto das obrigações, as implicações para o projecto de financiamento do BIE durante a crise económica, o seu financiamento após 2013 ou as suas actividades fora da UE, nomeadamente projectos de desenvolvimento, projectos verdes e como ser mais forte no que respeita aos centros financeiros offshore.

  kaip Andriui pavyko inZigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį pranešimą. EIB vaidina svarbų vaidmenį remiant MVĮ, ypač šiuo finansinės krizės ir ekonomikos nuosmukio metu. Atsižvelgiant į didelę MVĮ svarbą Europos ekonomikai nuo 2008 iki 2011 m. buvo sutarta paskolinti MVĮ virš 30 milijardų eurų. 2010 m. kovo mėn. buvo sukurta Europos užimtumo ir socialinės įtraukties mikrofinansų skyrimo priemonė, kuriai Komisija ir bankas paskyrė 200 milijonų eurų. Tačiau MVĮ iki šiol susiduria su sunkumais gaunant paskolas. Kaip teigiama „Bank Watch“ pateiktoje ataskaitoje, MVĮ, ypač rytų ir centrinės ES valstybėse narėse negali efektyviai pasinaudoti joms skirta parama. EIB turi nustatyti aiškias finansines sąlygas finansiniams tarpininkams, paskirstantiems paskolas, ir jiems taikomus griežtus skolinimo veiksmingumo kriterijus. Nacionaliniams finansiniams tarpininkams buvo skirtas dvejų metų laikotarpis paskoloms suteikti, tačiau, kaip teigiama ataskaitoje, kai kurie finansiniai tarpininkai suteikė tik mažą dalį paskolų arba išvis jų nesuteikė, nors piniginės lėšos buvo jų sąskaitose. Be to, EIB tinklalapyje iki šiol nėra viešai prieinamų duomenų apie skirto finansavimo panaudojimą bei jo gavėjus. Manau, kad EIB turi didinti paskolų skyrimo per finansinius tarpininkus skaidrumą ir kasmet pateikti paskolų teikimo MVĮ ataskaitą, įskaitant jų prieinamumo ir veiksmingumo vertinimą ir paskolų gavėjų sąrašus.

  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. − Primeiro, gostava de congratular todo o trabalho desenvolvido pelo BEI e, em particular, o apoio dado às PMEs através do financiamento que tem aumentado progressivamente desde 2008 e também pela criação do Instrumento Europeu de Microfinanciamento Progress, em Março de 2010. Considero, ainda, de forma positiva o empenho na ideia dos "project bonds" destinados a melhorar a notação de risco de obrigações emitidas pelas próprias empresas e utilizados para financiar infra-estruturas europeias nos domínios dos transportes, da energia e das tecnologias da informação. Neste ponto é desejável a apresentação de propostas concretas para os "project bonds" tanto pela Comissão, como pelo BEI. Também se deve realçar o importante trabalho que o BEI poderá ter no âmbito da Estratégia UE 2020 através da simplificação de procedimentos e maximização dos efeitos multiplicadores a fim de atrair investidores públicos e privados. Quanto a financiamentos do BEI no exterior da União, creio ser desejável um entendimento entre o BEI, o BERD e a Comissão no intuito de reforçar a cooperação em todos os países onde operem, com o duplo objectivo de tornar as suas políticas de concessão de empréstimos coerentes entre si e coerentes com os objectivos políticos da União

  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − O Banco Europeu de Investimentos (BEI), criado em 1958 no âmbito do Tratado de Roma, é uma comunidade financeira da União Europeia (UE) que tem como objectivo primordial contribuir para o desenvolvimento equilibrado da UE através da integração económica e da coesão territorial. Congratulo-me com as alterações introduzidas pelo Tratado de Lisboa, que conferem maior flexibilidade ao financiamento do BEI. Recordo as alterações introduzidas pelo Tratado de Lisboa clarificando os objectivos do financiamento concedido pelo BEI em países terceiros, que deve apoiar os princípios gerais que presidem à interacção da UE com o resto do mundo, tal como especificados no artigo 3.º, n.º 5, do TUE, e que, ao abrigo da garantia, deve apoiar os objectivos da acção externa da UE. Anualmente, esta instituição financeira está obrigada a submeter à aprovação do Parlamento Europeu (PE) um documento com o balanço da sua actividade. A presente proposta de resolução versa sobre a análise do Relatório que respeita ao ano de 2009. Este documento, que refere não só as melhorias decorrentes da adopção dos novos estatutos, mas também se refere à actividade do BEI.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Reconhecemos a importância que os empréstimos do BEI - Banco Europeu de Desenvolvimento - podem ter para o desenvolvimento e o progresso social, tendo em conta as taxas baixas e os prazos dilatados de pagamento que pratica. Sucede porém que nem sempre as suas opções são devidamente transparentes e claras. Por outro lado, nem sempre os países e as regiões que mais precisam são as mais favorecidas com os seus empréstimos. Existem por isso algumas críticas, sugestões e propostas neste relatório, que apoiamos.

Mas discordamos que se transforme o BEI num mero instrumento da União Europeia para a concretização das suas políticas, incluindo para a resposta aos problemas de coesão económica e social e de desenvolvimento social que devem ser consideradas no orçamento comunitário e nos seus fundos estruturais e de coesão. Claro que o BEI pode acompanhar e reforçar estas vertentes, mas não pode ser o substituto das políticas orçamentais comunitárias.

  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne − EIB má momentálne nezastupiteľné miesto v poskytovaní financií v EÚ i mimo nej. Predkladaná správa pozitívne hodnotí, že EIB v čase krízy správne pristúpila k podpore malých a stredných podnikov v rámci EÚ. Je pravda, že banka formálne vyčlenila na podporu malých a stredných podnikov 30 miliárd euro na obdobie štyroch rokov. Problémom ale je, že nie všetky peniaze sa k podnikom aj dostali. Konkrétne v regióne V4 sa k malým a stredným podnikom dostala v prvom období iba zhruba polovica vyčlenených zdrojov. EIB dala bankám na rozdelenie zdrojov nepochopiteľne dlhé obdobie dvoch rokov a navyše ani v prípade nedodržania tejto lehoty voči bankám nestanovila žiadne sankcie. Krízou zdecimované banky strednej Európy si veľmi rady tieto financie „podržali“. Čo sa teda deklarovalo ako podpora malých a stredných podnikov, bola v skutočnosti podpora stredoeurópskych pobočiek zahraničných bánk. A je dosť dôvodov domnievať sa, že to nebola náhoda, ale zámer.

Na záver v stručnosti – EIB problematicky pôsobí tiež v oblasti rozvoja. Banka by mala prijať viac zamestnancov – špecialistov na rozvoj. Aktuálne sú stavy EIB poddimenzované napriek jej vplyvu v tzv. rozvojových krajinách. Rovnako súhlasím so spravodajcom, že by EIB mala striktne upraviť svoje financovanie cez prostredníkov, ktoré môže skončiť v daňových rajoch.

  Ildikó Gáll-Pelcz (PPE), írásban. − Üdvözlöm, hogy az EBB éves jelentését bár meglehetősen madártávlatból, de értékeli az Európai Parlament. Az EBB döntő szerepet vállal a válság leküzdésében, az átláthatóság, a mérhető eredmények kérdése számomra azonban továbbra is kétséges. Az EBB tevékenységét arra a három területre összpontosította, melyeket leginkább sújtott a válság, a kkv-ra, a konvergenciarégiókra és az éghajlattal kapcsolatos fellépésekre. A kkv-k kulcsszerepet játszanak az európai gazdaság fellendítésében és a munkanélküliség elleni küzdelemben, ezért célszerű könnyebb hozzáférést biztosítani számukra fejlesztésekhez szükséges tőkéhez. E tekintetben hasznos lenne, ha minden évben értékelést láthatnánk a szóban forgó hitelek elérhetőségéről és eredményességéről, ami biztosítaná a hitelek végső céljának átláthatóságát és javítaná az adminisztrációs folyamatot. Ennek kapcsán is elengedhetetlenül fontosnak tartom azt, hogy az EBB aktualizálja és szigorítsa az offshore pénzügyi központokkal kapcsolatos politikáját.

Az EBB nagyon fontos szerepet játszik az Európai Unió konvergenciájának növelésében, az általa nyújtott technikai segítségnyújtásnak és társfinanszírozásnak köszönhetően a konvergencia-célkitűzések alá tartozó térségek a rendelkezésükre álló források egyre nagyobb hányadát képesek felhasználni, ezért támogatandónak és célszerűnek tartom e szerep további fokozását.

Végül annak a javaslatnak a megfontolását javaslom, hogy átlátható szabályozási felügyeletet kellene bevezetni az EBB pénzügyi helyzetének minősége, eredményeinek pontos mérése, valamint a hatékony és eredményes üzleti gyakorlat szabályainak betartása érdekében.

  Lorenzo Fontana (EFD), per iscritto. − Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, considero favorevole che in questo periodo di crisi le azioni della BEI siano andate a favore delle piccole e medie imprese, che rappresentano la spina dorsale della nostra società. È apprezzabile il coinvolgimento ed il dialogo con gli intermediari finanziari locali. Molto importante a mio avviso è l'accento posto sulle energie rinnovabili per quanto riguarda i Paesi candidati. Per questo la relazione trova il mio voto favorevole.

  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją, kadangi EP pritaria pokyčiams, kuriuos lėmė Lisabonos sutartis, suteikdama daugiau lankstumo EIB finansavimui, įskaitant šiuos: įprastinė banko veikla papildyta dalyvavimu nuosavo kapitalo valdyme, galimybė steigti patronuojamąsias įmones ir kitus padalinius, skirtus vadinamajai specialiai veiklai kontroliuoti, plataus masto techninės paramos paslaugoms teikti ir Audito komitetui sustiprinti. Rekomenduojama apsvarstyti pasiūlymą taikyti EIB finansinės padėties kokybės, tikslaus rezultatų vertinimo ir geros profesinės praktikos taisyklių paisymo rizikos ribojimu pagrįstą reguliavimo priežiūrą. Be to, pritariama „projektų obligacijoms“, skirtoms ne tik obligacijų, kurias išleido įmonės pagal strategiją „Europa 2020“, kredito rizikos reitingui pagerinti, bet ir Europos transporto, energetikos ir informacinių technologijų infrastruktūroms finansuoti bei pasiekti, kad ekonomika labiau tausotų aplinką. Šios „projektų obligacijos“ galėtų turėti teigiamą poveikį kapitalo, skirto augimui ir darbo vietas didinančioms tvarioms investicijoms, papildančioms nacionalines ir sanglaudos fondo investicijas, pasiekiamumui.

  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted for this report which recommends the following steps to strengthen the EIB’s role in development: (a) the allocation of a greater number of dedicated and specialist staff with expertise in development issues and developing countries, as well as an increase in the local presence of staff in third countries, (b) increasing the share of the participation of local actors in the projects, (c) additional dedicated capital in the area of projects targeting development, (d) the allocation of more grants, (e) exploring the possibility of grouping the EIB’s activities in third countries together under a single separate entity.

  Barbara Matera (PPE), per iscritto. − Esprimo la mia soddisfazione per l'approvazione della relazione dell'on. Cutas sul Rapporto Annuale 2009 relativo alla Banca Europea degli Investimenti. Sottolineo l'ottimo lavoro della BEI nel supporto alla piccole e medie imprese in un periodo di difficoltà economica e difficile accesso al credito. Sono inoltre a favore di uno sviluppo, in raccordo con la Commissione Europea, dei Project Bonds ad opera della BEI al fine di finanziare le grandi opere infrastrutturali relative ai trasporti, all'energia e alle telecomunicazioni essenziali per raggiungere obiettivi di crescita e coesione all'interno dell'Unione.

  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − O Relatório anual do Banco Europeu de Investimento relativo a 2009 destaca o papel essencial que o BEI tem desempenhado no apoio às PME, sobretudo neste tempo de crise financeira e recessão económica. O BEI focou-se sobre três áreas em que a crise atingiu mais duramente a Europa, a saber: pequenas e médias empresas, regiões da convergência e acções relativas ao clima. A importância das PME para a economia europeia é indiscutível pelo que me congratulo com o aumento do financiamento do BEI às PME no período de 2008 a 2010, que totalizou 30,8 mil milhões de euros e com o estabelecimento do Instrumento Europeu de Micro financiamento que está dotado com cerca de 200 milhões de euros pela Comissão e pelo Banco.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. Although it is not a text that we, as Greens, would have drafted ourselves, we thought the text acceptable enough to vote in favour of it.

  Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. − Il documento adottato oggi sottolinea la chiara necessità di un ulteriore sostegno da parte della BEI i settori strategici per il rilancio dell'economia europea: Piccole e Medie Imprese, finanziamento intermedio e infrastrutture nonché altri progetti chiave volti a migliorare la crescita e l’occupazione, quali parte della Strategia Europa 2020. La relazione esorta la BEI ad investire nel trasporto merci utilizzando il settore ferroviario europeo così come in altre reti transeuropee di trasporto merci concentrandosi sui porti del Mediterraneo, del Mar Nero e del Mar Baltico, al fine di collegarli definitivamente ai mercati europei. La BEI dovrebbe inoltre fornire maggior sostegno alla realizzazione della rete TEN-T, al fine di generare un effetto di leva finanziaria per maggiori investimenti, sia pubblici che privati. Per il conseguimento di questo obiettivo i project bond possono costituire uno strumento d'investimento complementare alla dotazione di bilancio prevista nel fondo TEN-T.

8. Korrezzjonijiet u intenzjonijiet għall-vot: ara l-Minuti

(The sitting was suspended at 13.20 and resumed at 15.00)

PŘEDSEDNICTVÍ: PAN LIBOR ROUČEK
místopředseda

9. Approvazzjoni tal-Minuti tas-seduta ta’ qabel: ara l-Minuti

10. Dibattiti dwar każijiet ta' ksur tad-drittijiet tal-bniedem, tad-demokrazija u ta' l-istat tad-dritt (dibattitu)

10.1. Il-każ ta' Ai WeiWei fiċ-Ċina

  President. − The next item is the debate on six motions for resolution on the case of Ai WeiWei in China⁽¹⁾.

  Guy Verhofstadt, author. − Mr President, this is the first time that I have participated in a Thursday afternoon debate, so there are some lessons I think I can pick up for the Conference of Presidents with regard to making the plenary session more attractive.

I am pleased that this point has been put on the agenda, because the case of Mr Ai Wei Wei is quite a dramatic, as the latest information we have is that there is certainly no intention on the part of the Chinese authorities to release him. The best thing we can do is to approve the urgent resolution we have agreed together with all the groups so that we can increase pressure on the Chinese authorities.

I have to tell you that I have my doubts that this resolution will change anything in the attitude of the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese authorities. What we are in fact doing on human rights with the Chinese is a game. We are talking about human rights, they are saying they will open a dialogue and we think that things have changed. Nothing shall changes. That is the reality. We have the Nobel prize-winner who could not attend the meeting in Oslo. We now have Mr Ai Wei Wei, who is a well-known artist and was one of the last dissidents who had the possibility to say something.

The only thing we can say is in an urgent resolution in which we deplore what is happening. In any case, I had hoped that we could ask why we should continue to participate in fora that the Chinese Communist Party organises with our political parties. I deplore that there was not enough support from the other groups to come to an agreement on that. We could at least have agreed on a principle of not continuing to participate in fora with the Chinese Communist Party, if Mr Wei Wei and other dissidents were not released. For that reason at least I hoped for the support of all the groups here – with the other amendment the Greens tabled, even if the best part of it was eliminated. Yes, it is true, they tabled a fantastic amendment and then eliminated the best part! OK it was not their fault, but apparently the fault of others.

(Interruption by the President)

I may be taking a minute more than I usually do, but for Mr Ai Wei Wei it will take ten years longer, apparently. If we can speak in favour of somebody who may be in jail for years, one minute longer is not too much, Mr President!

  Bernd Posselt (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Ich weiß nicht, wie häufig Herr Verhofstadt da ist. Ich wollte ihn fragen, ob er nicht lieber öfter kommen will, dann würde er nämlich sehen, dass die Sitzungen hier immer sehr attraktiv sind. Es gibt nur leider verschiedene Leute, die nicht kommen, aber das kann man ja ändern. Die Sitzungen sind durchaus attraktiv.

  Rui Tavares, Autor. − Senhor Presidente, caros Colegas, lembro-me muito bem da primeira vez que vi uma obra do artista chinês, Ai Weiwei. Eu era, na altura, professor de História de Arte em Lisboa e, numa antologia de artistas contemporâneos, por volta do ano 2000, ali estava o seu enorme candelabro do tamanho de uma sala, tombado e quebrado. Uma obra que é ao mesmo tempo muito bela e de certa forma pungente e triste. É uma imagem que, de certa forma, reflecte uma imagem da China também: capaz de se apresentar como sumptuosa, como rica, como desenvolvida, e capaz de se apresentar ao mundo, como na cerimónia de abertura dos Jogos Olímpicos. Uma China sofisticada, mas que tem também qualquer coisa de seriamente quebrado dentro dela. Essa coisa é a vontade, a livre opinião e o espírito do próprio povo chinês.

Hoje, reunimos aqui para debater o caso do artista Ai Weiwei, pedimos às autoridades chinesas que o libertem, que o deixem comunicar com o seu advogado e com a sua mulher, e que formulem acusações, se as tiverem, que sejam fidedignas, e não acusações inventadas de última hora. Reunimos acima de tudo para dizer que o espírito da criatividade, da imaginação e do humor deste artista certamente sobreviverá durante muito mais tempo do que o dos seus carcereiros.

  Charles Tannock, author. − Mr President, once again we are debating China, and its government’s intolerance of dissent. As we know from our debate last month on the Communist regime’s vandalism of the ancient city of Kashgar, China vigorously tries to suppress cultural expression that does not conform to what its Communist rulers deem appropriate.

Ai Wei Wei is an heir to China’s magnificent and ancient artistic traditions. He has also used his artistic talents to raise awareness of China’s dismal human rights record and dearth of political freedom. Clearly, there is also a lack of freedom of expression in China. How else can the regime explain Mr Ai’s arrest on economic crimes and because he failed to complete the correct departure procedures for travelling to Taiwan. This is plainly a smokescreen. In fact, the real reason was later elucidated by the state-run Global Times newspaper in a menacing editorial, which said that Mr Ai would pay a price for his resistance.

We abhor the Chinese Government’s disgraceful treatment of this distinguished artist. We in this House call for his immediate release, and we express regret, once again, that China goes to such extreme lengths against those who dare speak out for their basic human rights.

  Cristian Dan Preda, Autor. − Acum mai bine de un an, vorbeam în această aulă despre condamnarea la închisoare a lui Liu Xiabo şi iată, acum discutăm despre un al doilea semnatar al Cartei 08 care a fost deţinut de către autorităţile chineze.

Cum s-a spus deja, Ai WeiWei este nu doar un foarte cunoscut artist, ci şi unul dintre cei mai importanţi critici ai regimului comunist. El a fost arestat duminică şi nu există o perspectivă asupra eliberării lui ba, mai mult, am văzut că, astăzi, autorităţile chineze susţineau că ar fi vorba de chestiuni economice şi nu politice, ceea ce este în mod vădit o minciună neruşinată.

Cum se ştie, Ai WeiWei a fost împiedicat să asiste la decernarea Premiului Nobel şi arestarea lui face parte dintr-o tendinţă mai amplă de reprimare a apărătorilor drepturilor omului. Noi am trecut în rezoluţia noastră o serie întreagă de persoane despre care cred că trebuie să vorbească doamna Ashton de câte ori are ocazia şi cred că, la modul mai general, avem nevoie de o reevaluare a dialogului despre drepturile omului.

  Heidi Hautala, author. − Mr President, it is no coincidence that the increasingly repressive measures against Chinese journalists, dissidents, human rights activists and lawyers is taking place in the aftermath, or during the turmoil, of the North African revolutions. The word ‘jasmine’ has been banned from the Chinese internet recently.

Today’s news, which Mr Preda highlighted, is very significant because now we see how dictators copy from each other and compare notes. We can see that the methods that Russia used against Khodorkovsky and Lebedev have been used by Venezuela and Kazakhstan against businessmen who come too close to political influence, who want to establish opposition parties: they are all punished in the name of economic crimes. Punishment of economic crime is the name they give to political repression. We have to be aware that this has not happened much before in China: this is a turning point that does not bode well.

It is important that Members of the European Parliament raise the persecuted activists’ names when they travel to China and when meeting their Chinese counterparts, and that they insist on a prison visit. We know that many of those who are persecuted suffer terrible torture in Chinese prisons, sometimes in what we call ‘black jails’ which are completely unidentified places.

This is a reminder to all European Parliament delegations that all of them are entitled and obliged to exercise their duty in respect of human rights when they visit countries. We call for the immediate release of Ai Wei Wei.

  Ana Gomes, Autora. − O desaparecimento de Ai Weiwei tem de ser entendido no contexto do aumento desesperado da repressão política por parte das autoridades chinesas. Tudo por medo de que o espírito revolucionário no mundo árabe infecte a sociedade chinesa. Mas a União Europeia pode fazer a diferença. Violações de direitos humanos por parte das autoridades chinesas têm de ser tema constante no diálogo político com a China, que deve ser repensado no sentido de garantir a produção de resultados concretos, nomeadamente a reconsideração das sentenças judiciais que têm mantido activistas de direitos humanos na prisão.

As negociações do novo acordo-quadro não podem deixar de lado a questão dos direitos humanos, tudo subordinando a interesses comerciais. A União Europeia mesmo na prossecução dos seus interesses económicos tem a responsabilidade de apoiar activistas como Ai Weiwei, como Liu Xiaobo, como Hu Jun, que se têm batido corajosamente pela urgente reforma política na China, contra a opressão, pelos direitos humanos e pelas liberdades básicas. A China, como membro permanente do Conselho de Segurança da ONU, tem obrigações em matéria de direitos humanos, que constam da Carta das Nações Unidas, e tem de prestar contas por elas, não apenas aos seus cidadãos, mas a todo o mundo.

  Sari Essayah, PPE-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, olen todella tyytyväinen siihen, että Euroopan parlamenttina pystyimme hyvin nopeasti nostamaan meneillään olevan ihmisoikeusrikkomuksen kiireellisten vetoomusten listalle.

Kuten tiedämme, AiWeiwein tapaus ei todellakaan ole ainoa vakava ihmisoikeusrikkomus, joihin Kiinan kommunistinen puolue jatkuvasti syyllistyy, mutta aivan kuten täällä edustaja Hautala jo aikaisemmin mainitsi, demokratialiikehdintä Kiinassa on saanut aivan uutta pontta Pohjois-Afrikan kansannousuista.

Viime viikkojen aikana viranomaiset ovat kiihdyttäneet hallituksen arvostelijoiden valvontaa ja useat hallitusta vastustavat toisinajattelijat, aktivistit ja ihmisoikeusjuristit ovat päätyneet joko kotiarestiin tai poliisin huostaan. Kuten Amnesty International on sanonut, AiWeiwein pidätys on hälyttävä käänne Kiinan viranomaisten laajenevassa vastaiskussa toisinajattelijoita kohtaan. Taloudelliset edut eivät saa nyt tässä hetkessä sumentaa puhumista ihmisoikeuksista ja estää vaatimasta mielipidevankien välitöntä vapauttamista.

  Rosario Crocetta, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, non convince la giustificazione di Pechino che l'artista Ai WeiWei sia stato arrestato per reati economici, non convince che tale accanimento sia esercitato nei confronti di un artista libero e dissidente. Non convince poiché tale arresto si inserisce all'interno di centinaia di arresti di oppositori e della sistematica repressione nei confronti di ogni dissenso.

Nei giorni in cui esplodono le rivolte arabe, il nostro pensiero va all'immagine di crudele violenza nella piazza Tienanmen nei confronti dei giovani cinesi che domandavano, come fanno oggi con la rivoluzione del gelsomino, libertà e democrazia.

La Cina si è aperta all'Occidente sul piano economico senza però coniugare la produzione con il rispetto dell'ambiente e la sicurezza del lavoro, e non riesce ad avere alcuna apertura nei confronti della democrazia e del pluralismo. La nostra non è un'interferenza negli affari interni cinesi, come sostiene Pechino, ma l'appello di uomini e donne, di movimenti e di partiti che intendono costruire un mondo libero dall'intolleranza in ogni continente.

Il governo di Pechino guardi a ciò che avviene nel mondo per capire che, se non cambia, saranno gli accadimenti della storia e i cittadini cinesi a cambiare la Cina.

  Kristiina Ojuland, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, reports on the worrying human rights situation in the People’s Republic of China have become more and more frequent. In Parliament, we have this issue on our agenda for almost every session. Like the usual cycles of repression, the recent crackdown has already lasted for a while, which might be signalling a power struggle between reformers and hardliners in the Communist Party.

The Chinese Government has made it harder to access foreign websites, blocked encryption software used to jump what is colloquially known as ‘the great firewall of China’, obstructed access to Googlemail and intensified arrests, including that of the internationally renowned artist and critic of the regime, Ai Wei Wei. Resolute action is needed. I therefore call on the High Representative, Baroness Ashton, to make a démarche with Beijing. Ai Wei Wei must be released now.

  Eva Lichtenberger, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Ai WeiWei war – und das ist eine sehr traurige Wahrheit – einer der letzten noch verbliebenen mutigen Kritiker der chinesischen Führung. Seine Verhaftung war zweifellos nicht nur der Gipfel einer ganzen Welle von Verhaftungen von Kritikern, sondern auch eine Botschaft an alle anderen, dass nicht einmal internationale Prominenz davor schützen kann, von den Chinesen wiederum ins Gefängnis gebracht zu werden oder schlicht zu verschwinden. Gleichzeitig wird im Menschenrechtsdialog, den die Europäische Union mit den chinesischen Repräsentanten auf allen Ebenen führt, unsere Demarche regelmäßig ignoriert – zwar mit einem freundlichen Lächeln, aber sie wird ignoriert und abgewiesen.

Für uns stellt sich die Frage: Mit welcher Strategie können wir darauf antworten? Ich glaube, wir müssen in unserer eigenen China-Delegation antworten und bei unserer nächsten China-Reise sehr klar machen, dass wir diese Kritiker auch besuchen wollen, dass wir sie sehen wollen, denn sonst hat eine Fortsetzung dieses Menschenrechtsdialogs keinen Sinn mehr. Man hat keine Lust mehr, gegen eine Gummiwand zu reden!

  Paul Murphy, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – Mr President, I condemn the arrest of Ai Wei Wei and call for his immediate release. His detention is part of the most severe police crackdown in China in decades. Since 2008, China’s internal security budget has, incredibly, grown larger than its military budget. It now stands at an incredible USD 95 billion. This pays for a massive apparatus of State repression, including over 40 000 policemen whose sole job is to police the internet for dissent.

This repression is being stepped up because the regime fears the spread of revolution from the Middle East and North Africa. The regime is right to be afraid. The revolutions there demonstrate that a risen working class and the risen poor are more powerful than even the most brutal repressive methods, the most repressive regimes.

Mass struggle is needed, in particular the creation of independent, democratic mass organisations of the working class. The struggle against dictatorship must be linked to the struggle for genuine socialist change in China, whereby the vast wealth and resources in China are taken into democratic public ownership and the economy is democratically planned to raise the living standards of ordinary people.

  Bernd Posselt (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Herr Ai WeiWei hat als Künstler den Kindern des Erdbebens, den Opfern von Sichuan Gesichter gegeben. Er hat als Bürgerrechtler der Charta 08 ein Gesicht gegeben. Und jetzt gibt er jenen Menschen ein Gesicht, die in den Kerkern und Gefängnissen Chinas verschwunden sind – Tausende von ihnen anonym. Hunderte von ihnen sind uns bekannt, und wir müssen diesen Menschen, die ihr Gesicht zeigen für die Menschenrechte, die aber vorübergehend verstummen mussten, hier im Haus eine Stimme geben.

Deshalb sage ich ganz klar, dass diese Menschenrechtsdebatten und der Dialog natürlich notwendig sind. Ich verstehe jeden, der sagt, er hat keine Lust, gegen eine Gummiwand zu reden. Aber wenn wir aufhören würden, gegen diese Gummiwand zu reden, dann hätten die Diktatoren das erreicht, was sie wollten.

Es gab einen großen Reformer, Zou Enlai. Zou Enlai war kein Demokrat, aber er war ein chinesischer Patriot, und er hat sein Land geöffnet. Was wir brauchen, ist ein demokratischer Zou Enlai, der seinem Land auch eine demokratische Öffnung verordnet. Denn wenn das Land keine demokratischen Reformen bekommt, wird es in Krisen schlittern, wie es sie in den 30er Jahren des letzten Jahrhunderts erlebt hat.

Es ist im chinesischen Interesse, den Menschenrechten zum Durchbruch zu verhelfen, und deshalb müssen wir diese Initiativen auch unterstützen.

  Mitro Repo (S&D). - Arvoisa puhemies, kansainvälisesti tunnustusta saanut taiteilija AiWeiwei on kiinalaiselle kulttuurille ja taiteelle rikkaus. Palkitsemisen ja arvostuksen sijaan Kiina on sulkenut taiteilijan vankilaan.

Ihmisoikeudet eivät ole vain eurooppalainen käsite, vaan ne ovat universaaleja ihmisarvon periaatteita. Euroopan unionin ulkosuhdehallinnon edustajien sekä EU:n Kiinan edustuston tulee ottaa AiWeiwein tapaus esiin korkeimmalla diplomaattisella tasolla Kiinan viranomaisten kanssa.

Ihmisoikeusvuoropuhelu Kiinan kanssa ei kuitenkaan saa jäädä vain diplomaattisten puheiden tasolle. Toistuvien ihmisoikeusloukkausten ja heikentyneen ihmisoikeustilanteen perusteella Euroopan unionin tulee vetää johtopäätöksensä ja harkita uudestaan suhteitaan Kiinaan. Ihmisoikeusvuoropuhelun ei tule olla vain tyhjiä sanoja vaan positiivisia askeleita, seurantaa ja aitoa vastavuoroista keskustelua.

Sitä paitsi kulttuuri ja taide ovat yhteiskuntaa rikastuttava ja eteenpäin vievä voimavara niin täällä lännessä kuin idässä, etelässä ja pohjolassakin.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). - A Uachtaráin, China is an enigma. On the one hand it has modernised and taken on many Western practices, as we saw at the Olympics, which I had the privilege of attending and indeed they were a great success. But while it has westernised in some ways, it is archaic in others, in particular in relation to fundamental rights, especially freedom of opinion. The case of Ai Wei Wei is a perfect example. Here is a world-renowned artist, arrested on 3 April for no apparent reason. Nobody has heard much about him since and this, of course, is totally and utterly unacceptable. We call here today for his return to his wife, his friends and assistants. Because one thing is for sure – and the Chinese should take note of this – Ai Wei Wei will be remembered and renowned long after those who were responsible for his arrest are forgotten.

  Peter Jahr (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Ich denke, was die Chinesen hier machen, ist eine gezielte politische Provokation, oder besser gesagt, es ist ein politischer Test. Getestet werden sollen die Festigkeit, die Standhaftigkeit und die Glaubwürdigkeit der demokratischen Staaten. Es ist ein Angriff auf die Menschenrechte. Richtig ist auch, dass Dialog sein muss, aber gerade deshalb müssen wir der Republik China klar machen, dass eine weitere wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit einhergehen muss mit einer weiteren Demokratisierung des Landes. Deshalb fordern wir die Freilassung von Herrn WeiWei.

Im Übrigen: Wenn sich Diktaturen nicht dem Vorwurf von politischen Prozessen aussetzen wollen, dann ziehen sie immer die Karte der Steuerhinterziehung bzw. der Wirtschaftsdelikte. Das war so in der ehemaligen DDR, das ist so in Russland, und das ist auch leider in der Republik China so. Deshalb unterstütze ich die vorliegende Entschließung nachdrücklich.

  Gesine Meissner (ALDE). - Herr Präsident! Ich möchte zunächst auch Guy Verhofstadt Recht geben. Es ist tatsächlich beschämend, dass diese Menschenrechtsdebatten, die eigentlich für uns Europäer, die wir an Werte glauben, sehr wichtig sind, immer am Donnerstagnachmittag stattfinden, wenn die meisten schon abgereist sind. Das muss einfach noch einmal zu Protokoll gegeben werden, das müssen wir ändern.

Jetzt geht es aber um China, und da sind wir mehr oder weniger machtlos, das ist schon gesagt worden. Frau Lichtenberger sprach von einer Gummiwand. Herr Posselt, ich glaube übrigens nicht, dass es – wie Sie gesagt haben – wirklich im chinesischen Interesse ist, den Menschenrechten zum Durchbruch zu verhelfen. Anscheinend ist dies nicht im Interesse der chinesischen Regierung, mit Sicherheit aber im Interesse der Menschen in China.

Es geht um viele Menschen heute: Ai WeiWei, Liu Xiaobo wurde auch schon angesprochen. Wir haben schon sehr oft hier diskutiert, um den Menschenrechten zum Durchbruch zu verhelfen. Wir müssen nicht nur Baroness Ashton mit auf den Weg geben, dass sie an jeder Stelle in China gegen die Menschenrechtsverletzungen sprechen soll. Das müssen alle unsere Außenminister und Repräsentanten tun, und wir müssen zusammenhalten. Ich glaube, das ist die einzige Möglichkeit, wie man tatsächlich China ein bisschen beeindrucken kann. Sonst spielt uns China als starke Wirtschaftsmacht gegeneinander aus, und wir erreichen überhaupt nichts. Und das wäre ganz schlimm, vor allem für die betroffenen Menschen.

  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Mr President, the detention of the distinguished Chinese artist Ai Wei Wei at Beijing Airport on 3 April as he was attempting to travel to Hong Kong, has rightly drawn international concern. The delegation of the European Union to China and a public statement immediately condemned the increasing use of arbitrary detention against human rights defenders, lawyers and activists in China, and underline the EU’s concerns regarding Ai Wei Wei.

At the moment, we have no information concerning Mr Ai’s whereabouts, and I wish to emphasise today that the EU’s view on arbitrary detention and disappearance is that it constitutes a grave violation of human rights and is unacceptable in all circumstances. We call for the immediate release of Ai Wei Wei.

Moreover, as the resolution before this House makes clear, the detention of Ai Wei Wei is only one among many recent incidents of arbitrary detention and disappearance in China. Several prominent Chinese lawyers who frequently act for defendants in human rights cases are reported to have been arrested by police officials since February and have not been seen since.

Concerns about their treatment are only intensified by the ongoing disappearance of the lawyer Gao Zhisheng who, with the exception of a brief reappearance in April 2010, has now been missing for over two years. The High Representative is worried about reports based on interviews with Mr Gao in April 2010, that during his initial period of disappearance he was detained incommunicado in a variety of unauthorised places of detention and subjected to improper treatment.

There are, moreover, reports that in recent weeks a significant number of bloggers and political activists have either been charged with criminal offences, such as subverting state power, or have been detained without charge.

I can assure this House that the Vice-President/High Representative, Catherine Ashton, is following developments very closely and will raise these issues with the Chinese authorities at the earliest opportunity, and that the EU will also make known its concern to the Chinese authorities at the next round of the EU-China human rights dialogue, for which we have proposed dates in May. Allow me to support the statement by Mrs Meissner that what is really needed is one voice, a unified message, which comes not only from the EU institutions but from all EU Member States.

  President. − The debate is closed.

The vote will take place shortly.

(1) See Minutes.

10.2. Projbizzjoni tal-elezzjoni tal-Gvern Tibetan eżiljat fin-Nepal

  President. − The next item is the debate on six motions for resolution on the ban on the elections for the Tibetan government in exile in Nepal⁽¹⁾.

  Jaroslav Paška, autor − Myslím si, že všetci s uznaním a obdivom sledujeme úsilie Tibeťanov o získanie práva spravovať si svoju krajinu. Mnohé pokusy exilovej vlády či Dalajlámu, duchovného vodcu tibetského ľudu, nájsť rozumné riešenie rokovaním s čínskou vládnou mocou vždy skončili neúspechom. Číňania zjavne nevnímajú Tibeťanov ako partnerov v spoločnom štáte, ale ako prekážku, ktorá im bráni úplne si privlastniť zabrané územia.

Pozícia nepálskej vlády je preto zložitá. Na jednej strane by mala dodržiavať svoje medzinárodné záväzky a garantovať tibetskej komunite univerzálne práva, na druhej strane nemôže prehliadnuť názor svojho obrovského suseda. Postoj nepálskej vlády k voľbám do tibetskej exilovej vlády nám zrozumiteľne vypovedá o tom, kto je v tomto regióne skutočným reálnym, globálnym hráčom. Pre nepálsku vládu je to Čína.

My Európania môžme robiť akési symbolické gestá a deklarovať naše výhrady voči slabej nepálskej vláde. Ak však chceme naozaj dosiahnuť zmenu v postavení tibetského ľudu, našim partnerom na dialóg musí byť čínska vláda, lebo to je politický líder regiónu, ktorý ovplyvňuje pravidlá regionálnej politiky. Našou deklaráciou, samozrejme, môžme sa obrátiť na nepálsku vládu, nevyriešime však tento problém.

  Charles Tannock, author. − Mr President, since the abolition of the Nepalese monarchy and the election of a Maoist-led government in Kathmandu, Nepal and China have inevitably grown much closer. It is no surprise, therefore, that the Nepalese authorities prevented Tibetan refugees living in Nepal from voting for a prime minister and a parliament in exile.

Indeed, a similar election plan for last October was disrupted by Nepalese police, undoubtedly in response to pressure from Beijing. The fact that China has sought to interfere with an unofficial election taking place in another sovereign neighbouring state is an indication of its leaders’ contempt for democracy and their paranoia about Tibet.

It is obviously irrelevant to China that time and time again the Dalai Lama, Tibet’s spiritual leader, has stressed that he seeks maximum autonomy for Tibet, not independence. I hope that the High Representative – who is not here today – will raise this episode with China and also with Nepal, whose own nascent democracy is kept afloat partly by EU taxpayers’ money in the form of financial aid.

I also wish to take this opportunity to salute the courage, fortitude and peaceful resistance of the Tibetan people whose example is an inspiration to us all. Nepal is indeed in a delicate position, geopolitically and geographically speaking, but it should seek inspiration from its democratic neighbour to the south, India, rather than from the repressive dictatorship which exists to its north, namely the PRC. Democracy will, I hope, one day be the norm throughout the whole of Asia.

  President. − Mr Tannock, you used only one and a half minutes. Next time I will give you an extra half minute!

  Eva Lichtenberger, Verfasserin. − Herr Präsident, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Offensichtlich ist es nicht genug, dass die Unterdrückung der tibetischen Kultur innerhalb Chinas seit den Olympischen Spielen 2008 immer mehr zunimmt. Es haben sich seither eigentlich nur Verschlechterungen ergeben. Es wurde kein Schritt vorwärts unternommen. Jetzt wird auch im Ausland Druck ausgeübt, den Tibetern sogar ihr Wahlrecht zum Exilparlament so schwer wie möglich zu machen bzw. es total unmöglich zu machen. Wir haben schon seit Jahren zu verzeichnen, dass auf Nepal enormer Druck ausgeübt wird, sei es bei der Aufnahme der Flüchtlinge oder auch bei Fragen wie dem Wahlrecht für Tibeterinnen und Tibeter. Wir müssen doch froh sein, wenn so etwas garantiert ist. Die Europäische Union muss auch hier Konsequenzen ziehen.

Die chinesische Führung übt auf ihre Schwesterpartei, ja auf Nepal als Ganzes, Druck aus, damit gegen die Tibeter vorgegangen wird, und Nepal beugt sich. Dem müssen wir ganz konzentriert, auch mit dem etwaigen Entzug von Förderungen, entgegenwirken.

  Kristiina Ojuland, author. − Mr President, there are three points that I would like to make concerning the ALDE amendments to this resolution.

First of all, the justification for the amendments is based on the causal nature of the occupation of Tibet by the People’s Republic of China in the thwarting of the Tibetan elections in Nepal. Although the resolution addressed the issue of the ban on elections for the Tibetan Government in exile in Nepal, it cannot be ripped out of the wider context of the status of Tibet.

Secondly, if there were no reference to the Chinese occupation of Tibet, which is the very cause and reason for Beijing putting pressure on the Nepalese Government, it would be like talking about the First World War without mentioning the assassination of Franz Ferdinand.

Finally, the call for meaningful autonomy for Tibet is the only constructive proposal that the European Parliament can make to avoid a reoccurrence of the ban on the Tibetan elections in Nepal. I call on colleagues to support it.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg, autorka. − Panie Przewodniczący! Kraj, z którego pochodzę, ma bogate doświadczenie, jeśli chodzi o władzę na uchodźctwie. Między 1939 r. a 1990 r. na politycznej emigracji rządziło w sumie 15 polskich premierów i 6 prezydentów. Polacy nie ustawali w dążeniu do demokracji i w końcu czerwień solidarności mogła połączyć się z bielą karty do głosowania, aby w 1989 r. dać początek nowemu, demokratycznemu państwu.

Dziś także Federalna Demokratyczna Republika Nepalu ma szansę na nowy początek dzięki konstytucji, która wejdzie w życie 28 maja. Byłoby szkoda, gdyby Nepal zepsuł to święto i w dalszym ciągu ograniczał prawa mniejszości tybetańskiej, by w rezultacie dostać od społeczności międzynarodowej czerwoną kartkę. Uniemożliwienie Tybetańczykom z Nepalu udziału w niedawnych wyborach premiera na uchodźctwie uważam za niedopuszczalne łamanie podstawowych praw obywatelskich. Unia Europejska powinna użyć wszystkich dyplomatycznych i finansowych środków w celu neutralizacji presji wywieranej na Nepal przez Chiny i w dłuższej perspektywie zapewnienia Tybetańczykom prawa do głosowania, zrzeszania się i demonstrowania poglądów.

Tak jak w Polsce nie udało się podważyć działalności 21 przedstawicieli władzy na uchodźctwie, tak i następcy Dalajlamy – jestem przekonana – nie ustaną w swojej aktywności. Nepal i Chiny powinny o tym pamiętać.

  Thomas Mann, Verfasser. − Herr Präsident! Am 20. März nahmen etwa 80 000 Exiltibeter weltweit an der Direktwahl des neuen Premiers und der Mitglieder der Regierung teil. Europaabgeordnete, darunter Mitglieder der Interfraktionellen Arbeitsgruppe Tibet, waren als Beobachter unterwegs. In der Schweiz erlebte ich, was meine Kollegen in anderen Staaten feststellten: Die Wahlen verliefen fair, geheim und absolut nach demokratischen Regeln. Den einzigen Zwischenfall gab es in Nepal. Dort verhinderten Sicherheitsbehörden auf Druck der chinesischen Regierung die Wahlbeteiligung von Zehntausenden von Tibetern. Damit setzten sie gezielt Maßnahmen aus dem letzten Jahr fort, als Wahlurnen konfisziert und Wahllokale geschlossen wurden. Nepal ist doch kein Vasallenstaat!

Die Regierung in Kathmandu muss beweisen, dass sie sich von chinesischen Einflussnahmen befreien kann. Zu den Grundrechten gehören Redefreiheit, Versammlungsfreiheit und nicht zuletzt Wahlfreiheit. Herr Kommissar, der Europäische Auswärtige Dienst muss mit Nachdruck auf die Einhaltung dieser Menschenrechte pochen!

  Elena Băsescu, în numele grupului PPE. – Interzicerea de către autorităţile nepaleze a organizării alegerilor pentru un guvern tibetan în exil pune sub semnul întrebării situaţia drepturilor omului în acest stat. Aş dori să precizez faptul că membrii comunităţii tibetane au organizat acest proces în scopul de a-şi democratiza instituţiile. O asemenea iniţiativă trebuie facilitată, oriunde s-ar desfăşura ea. Acum este momentul ca Nepalul să demonstreze că democraţia sa este funcţională atât pe plan intern, cât şi pe plan internaţional; aceasta, cu atât mai mult cu cât sufragiile exprimate pot fi trimise Comisiei Electorale Centrale până la data de 15 aprilie pentru a fi validate.

Fac apel la guvernul nepalez să profite de acest prilej pentru a restabili situaţia drepturilor fundamentale pe teritoriul său. Acest element este important pentru a asigura o politică de vecinătate eficace.

  Κρίτων Αρσένης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας S&D. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, πρέπει να αγωνιστούμε παντού για τα δημοκρατικά δικαιώματα, όχι μόνο στη γειτονιά μας, όχι μόνο στη Βόρεια Αφρική. Πρέπει να έχουμε μια πάγια ευρωπαϊκή πολιτική απέναντι στις μη δημοκρατικά εκλεγμένες κυβερνήσεις, απέναντι στις κυβερνήσεις που δεν σέβονται τα δημοκρατικά δικαιώματα.

Είπε ο κ. Verhofstadt ότι, κατά κάποιο τρόπο, είμαστε υποκριτές. Αληθεύει· αυτό, διότι πάνω από το εμπόριο, συχνά, δεν βάζουμε καμία άλλη αρχή. Χαρακτηριστικό παράδειγμα είναι και η συμφωνία στο Mercosur, όπου για χάρη του ανοίγματος του εμπορίου, θυσιάζουμε ευχαρίστως το 11% του Αμαζονίου, αλλά και εκατομμύρια ευρωπαίους αγρότες.

Σ' όλα αυτά φταίει και η Επιτροπή, κύριε Επίτροπε. Πολλές φορές ο Επίτροπος Εμπορίου αδιαφορεί για τις υπόλοιπες ευρωπαϊκές πολιτικές. Αν συνεχίσουμε έτσι, όμως, δεν θα σταματήσουμε να είμαστε υποκριτές. Πρέπει το Νεπάλ να σεβαστεί τα δημοκρατικά δικαιώματα των προσφύγων από το Θιβέτ, πρέπει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να χρησιμοποιήσει όποιο μέσο διαθέτει, και να θέσει αυτό το ζήτημα σ' όλα τα πλαίσια και όχι μόνο όσον αφορά τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα. Αυτό δεν είναι μόνο θέμα της κ. Ashton, είναι και θέμα και για τον κ. De Gucht καθώς και όλη την Επιτροπή.

  Nathalie Griesbeck, au nom du groupe ALDE. – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, brimé par l'autorité chinoise depuis de trop longues années, c'est aujourd'hui le Népal qui prive les Tibétains du droit politique fondamental qu'est le droit de vote. S'il est une évidence, c'est que Pékin s'est trouvé un nouvel allié dans sa chasse aux Tibétains, et que ce nouvel allié, c'est le Népal. Mais au fond, tout cela va bien au-delà des élections puisque, depuis plusieurs années maintenant, le gouvernement népalais, sous la pression des autorités chinoises, restreint sans cesse davantage la liberté d'expression des Tibétains qui vivent en exil sur son sol.

En juin dernier, Katmandou livrait aux autorités chinoises des réfugiés tibétains. Les arrestations préventives, les interdictions de manifester et de se réunir, les interdictions de se déplacer, même, sont devenues monnaie courante pour les Tibétains qui vivent au Népal.

Ainsi, notre Parlement doit, en sortant de l'hypocrisie, non seulement s'indigner, mais aussi fermement condamner ces actes de répression du Népal et, plus largement, les très nombreuses, trop nombreuses violations des droits de l'homme et de la convention internationale des droits civils et politiques. Et nous demandons au Népal d'arrêter ce harcèlement et la maltraitance des réfugiés politiques, en respectant tout simplement leurs droits. C'est finalement bien triste de constater, au regard de l'histoire de ce pays d'accueil qu'est le Népal – ce qu'il a toujours été pour les Tibétains jusqu'à une date récente –, ce que ce gouvernement inflige aux réfugiés politiques.

  Raül Romeva i Rueda, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, I believe it is simply outrageous that the Tibetans living in Kathmandu did not get permission to vote in the elections because of pressure from China. The pressure China is putting on Nepal, preventing refugees from enjoying a minimum level of rights under international law, is something that we as the European Union should condemn. We should also express our concern at the fact that the Chinese are preventing another country from providing people with humanitarian aid.

It is important that the High Representative, through the EU delegation in Kathmandu, should closely monitor the situation. This is something we have been requesting for a long time now. Bearing in mind the current situation, we cannot wait any longer. The pressure from China is something that we have to do everything we can to counter, and if we do not do it right now, when we are trying to launch this dialogue with the Chinese, I am afraid that we will never do it.

  Rui Tavares, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Senhor Presidente, eu creio que já é suficientemente mau que os tibetanos não tenham direito à autodeterminação no seu território natal, para que haja pressões para que eles não tenham os seus mais elementares direitos democráticos fora do seu país, no exílio que muitos dolorosamente escolheram ou para onde foram forçados a ir. Creio que um dos argumentos que sempre se usou por parte daqueles que eram críticos da resistência tibetana foi o de que essa resistência, centrada na figura do Dalai Lama, por muitas qualidades que tivesse não era democrática. Agora que a resistência tibetana está em vias de se democratizar, é pura e simplesmente lamentável que o Nepal tenha, naquele país onde vivem tantos tibetanos, obstado a que as eleições democráticas se pudessem desenrolar com normalidade. Mas também peço aos colegas que compreendam uma coisa: muitas vezes os nossos governos são os primeiros a ceder às pressões do Governo chinês para criar uma realidade de acordo com os sonhos e os desejos dos dirigentes chineses. Teremos de compreender que no Nepal provavelmente o Governo quis fazer a mesma coisa. Portanto para queremos pressionar o Governo nepalês para que aja de outra maneira, também nós temos de começar por, aqui em casa, pressionar os nossos governos para que demonstrem ter maior coluna vertebral quando falam com as autoridades chinesas.

  Monica Luisa Macovei (PPE). - Sub presiunea guvernului chinez, autorităţile nepaleze au împiedicat circa 20 de mii de tibetani din Nepal să voteze în alegerile pentru prim-ministrul guvernului tibetan în exil. Dreptul la vot, dreptul la alegeri libere şi la demonstraţii paşnice este fundamental pentru fiecare persoană în parte şi pentru comunităţi. Cu cât sunt mai multe obstacole în calea exercitării acestor drepturi, cu atât creşte voinţa oamenilor de a le pune în practică. Sunt convinsă că dorinţa tibetanilor din Nepal de a-şi alege conducătorul guvernului în exil este şi mai mare, iar încercările autorităţilor nepaleze şi chineze de a-i conduce prin frică au exact rezultatul contrariu.

Cer Înaltului Reprezentant al Uniunii Europene să rostească în mod clar aceste cerinţe şi demersuri ale Parlamentului European în dialogul cu autorităţile nepaleze şi chineze.

  Sari Essayah (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, Kiinan painostus maanpaossa olevaa Tiibetin hallitusta vastaan on kasvanut. Yli 10 000:llä Nepalissa olevalla tiibetiläisellä ei ollut lupaa äänestää pääministeriä ja edustajia maanpaossa olevan hallituksen parlamenttiin. Nepalin pääpuolueet kannattavat Kiinan painostuksesta tätä niin sanottua yhden Kiinan politiikkaa, ja ne pitävät Tiibetiä erottamattomana osana Kiinaa. Näistä syistä tiibetiläispakolaiset ovat Nepalissa koko ajan tiukassa kontrollissa.

Vaikka tämä päätöslauselma käsittelee vaalikieltoa, taustalla on Kiinan miehitys Tiibetissä. Kiinan vaikutusvalta ja painostus kasvavat koko ajan taloudellisen vaikutusvallan myötä.

Tämä kuten myös edellinen päätöslauselma AiWeiweistä osoittavat, miten synkkää Kiinan kommunistisen puolueen harjoittama politiikka on. Aivan kuten komission jäsen totesi, Euroopan on osoitettava yhden äänen politiikkaa Kiinaa kohtaan.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). - Mr President, I was not going to take the floor on this but because the Dali Lama will visit my country next Thursday and will speak in my own constituency in the University of Limerick, where I am sure he will have much to say on this and other issues. Obviously, the behaviour of the Nepalese home ministry in confiscating ballot boxes is totally reprehensible. As for what happened in Kathmandu – a place renowned in song and story, and that even makes it sadder – up to 10 000 votes were not allowed to be counted.

All we can hope is that we in the European Union, by expressing our voice unanimously, can bring some pressure to bear, not just in Nepal, but on their masters the Chinese to try and be a little more understanding especially in relation to Tibet and the Dali Lama.

Finally, I want to say that he will be as welcome in Ireland as the Queen of England and President Obama, who are also coming.

  Mitro Repo (S&D). - Arvoisa puhemies, oikeus osallistua demokraattisiin vaaleihin on universaali perusoikeus. Nyt käynnissä olevat vaalit ovat tärkeät siksi, että tiibetiläinen identiteetti ja kulttuuri säilyisivät. Tiibetiläiset ovat äänestämässä uudesta hengellisestä johtajasta nykyisen dalai-laman väistyessä syrjään.

Me sovimme jo vuonna 2009, että EU:n ulkosuhteissa tuetaan demokratiaa ja osallistumiseen perustuvaa hallintoa. Meidän on syytä olla johdonmukaisia ja seisoa tämän politiikkamme takana.

On selvää, että Nepal myötäilee Kiinaa painostuksen edessä. Nepalin valtiota tulee muistuttaa sen kansainvälisistä ihmisoikeusvelvoitteista turvata tiibetiläisten demokraattiset oikeudet ja olla asettumatta esteeksi vapaiden vaalien toteutumiselle.

  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Mr President, as you know, some 20 000 Tibetans live in Nepal, most of them from the old days. They have enjoyed freedom of economic activity, the right to reside in Nepal and, until recently, also some political space to debate the future of Tibet amongst themselves.

The recent elections on 20 March were an important event for the community outside Tibet and represent a significant step forward in a long reform process envisaged by the Dalai Lama.

Against this background, we note with concern that the Nepalese authorities are tightening their grip on the political activities of Tibetans in Nepal. On 20 March, more than 10 000 of them were effectively stopped from voting by the authorities. This is not the first time this has happened. During an earlier round of voting in Nepal on 3 October last year, the polls were subject to a crack-down by the Nepalese authorities, which seized ballot boxes and closed the Tibetan community’s voting sites.

The European Union, through its delegation in Kathmandu and the embassies of the EU Member States, has been monitoring these developments in close contact with the Tibetan community and the government. The EU takes the view that Tibetan refugees should be allowed to exercise their right to freedom of association in accordance with international human rights standards. This should be done in a way which permits the smooth implementation of these rights.

Access to Nepal’s territory should be maintained, and the gentlemen’s agreement between the Government of Nepal and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees should be honoured. New Tibetan arrivals apprehended by the Nepalese authorities en route to Kathmandu should be transferred to the UNHCR’s care promptly and without hindrance. Pre-1990 Tibetans who are recognised as refugees by the Nepalese Government should be provided with adequate Nepalese registration.

I would like to ensure this House that the EU will continue to raise this issue with the authorities and continue its monitoring and reporting on future developments.

  President. − The debate is closed.

The vote will take place shortly.

Written statements (Rule 149)

  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE), kirjallinen. – Tiibetin dalai-lama on tehnyt päätöksen vetäytyä poliittisesta roolistaan ja jatkaa kansansa hengellisenä johtajana. Hän onkin yksi tunnetuimpia arvojohtajia, jonka hyvyyttä, ymmärrystä ja pasifismia korostavista ajatuksista ihmiset ympäri maailman ovat saaneet voimaa ja lohtua.

Hengellinen rooli jää, mutta poliittiset tehtävät siirtyvät nyt Tiibetin pakolaishallituksen pääministerille. Eivät kuitenkaan ongelmitta. Kiinan hallituksen kasvavan painostuksen vuoksi Nepalissa asuvat arviolta 20 000 tiibetiläistä eivät saaneet lupaa äänestää. Nepalin hallitus on ilmoittanut että tiibetiläisten mielenosoitukset ovat sen "yhden Kiinan" politiikan vastaisia, ja vahvistanut, että se ei aio sallia "Pekingin vastaista toimintaa" maaperällään, ja on siksi asettanut tiibetiläisryhmiä koskevan äänestyskiellon.

Tämä ei yllätä, sillä Nepalin viranomaiset ovat syyllistyneet toistuvasti maanpaossa olevien tiibetiläisten ilmaisunvapauden ja ihmisoikeuksien loukkauksiin. Näin siitä huolimatta, että Nepal on allekirjoittanut kansalaisoikeuksia ja poliittisia oikeuksia koskevat YK:n kansainväliset ihmisoikeussopimukset.

Euroopan ulkosuhdehallinnon tulisi Katmandun edustustosta käsin seurata tarkasti Nepalin poliittista tilannetta ja erityisesti tiibetiläisten pakolaisten kohtelua ja heidän oikeuksiensa kunnioittamista. Demokratian periaatteiden noudattaminen on tärkeää, jotta tiibetiläinen identiteetti säilyy ja vahvistuu niin Tiibetin sisä- kuin ulkopuolellakin.

  Tadeusz Zwiefka (PPE), na piśmie. – Cały świat doskonale zdaje sobie sprawę, jak skomplikowana jest sytuacja narodu tybetańskiego, który od dekad domaga się już nie tyle niepodległości, co przynajmniej respektowania przez rząd chiński podstawowych praw autonomii. Naród o tak bogatej i unikalnej kulturze żyje w ciągłym zagrożeniu ze strony potężnego sąsiada. Teraz, gdy Dalai Lama zrezygnował z politycznego przywództwa na rzecz nowej generacji demokratycznych liderów, Tybetańczycy stanęli przed szansą, by wzmocnić demokratyczne tradycje, pomimo tego, że rząd tybetański wciąż zmuszony jest do działania na uchodźctwie. Jednakże tysiące Tybetańczyków przebywających w Nepalu zostało tego prawa pozbawionych. Naciski ze strony Chin wydają się być bardzo skuteczne, a to, co do tej pory było pokojowymi demonstracjami w obronie wolności słowa i podstawowych praw, może przerodzić się w trudną do opanowania sytuację, która z pewnością będzie miała międzynarodowy oddźwięk. Możemy sobie przecież wyobrazić, jak skutecznie chiński rząd będzie chciał się rozprawić z tymi, którzy „zakłócą spokój" w Tybecie. Ostatnie wydarzenia powinny przypomnieć światu, że prawa narodu tybetańskiego są nieustannie gwałcone, a sprawa Tybetu nie jest zamkniętym rozdziałem, bo Tybetańczycy z pewnością wciąż będą domagać się poszanowania swej niezależności i będą to robić coraz głośniej.

(1) See Minutes.

10.3. Iż-Żimbabwe

  President. − The next item is the debate on six motions for resolution on Zimbabwe⁽¹⁾.

  Jaroslav Paška, autor − Spôsobom vládnutia Roberta Mugabeho a jeho strany sa nezaoberáme po prvý raz. Už v júli roku 2008 Európsky parlament prijal uznesenie, ktorým zaviedol sankcie proti Robertovi Mugabemu a jeho suite. Dôvodom tohto rozhodnutia bolo, rovnako ako dnes, vážne porušovanie ľudských práv zo strany vládnucej administratívy.

Nové prípady zastrašovania, zatýkania, ale aj nevyšetrené zmiznutia politických súperov vládnucej strany nám potvrdzujú, že Robert Mugabe a jeho politická strana si uvedomujú, že férová a transparentná politická súťaž by ich pripravila o moc a vystavila ohrozeniu sankcií za dlhoročné terorizovanie obyvateľstva a drancovanie bohatstva ich krajiny.

Iste sa všetci zhodneme na prijatí pripraveného uznesenia v nádeji, že Európskou úniou iniciované opatrenia môžu prispieť k tomu, aby vládou terorizovaný ľud Zimbabwe, s pomocou občianskych a opozičných vodcov, dokázal, pokiaľ možno pokojnou cestou, zvrátiť súčasnú ťažkú situáciu v Zimbabwe. Prijatie veľvyslankyne Roberta Mugabeho v Európskej únii by bolo v tejto situácii iste vnímané ako urážka slušných ľudí. A preto sa, vážení, aspoň našim politickým správaním snažme napomôcť dôležitým demokratickým zmenám v Južnej Afrike.

  Geoffrey Van Orden, author. − Mr President, since I have been in this Parliament, some twelve years now, we have been trying to help the people of Zimbabwe have better lives and greater optimism for the future.

We have been clear on two points. Firstly, that as long as Robert Mugabe remained in power, protected by a small self-serving element in Zanu-PF and the security forces, pillaging the nation’s wealth for their own enrichment, there was little prospect of real change. Secondly, that it was up to the people of Zimbabwe, with the support of their African neighbours – and here I name South Africa in particular of course – to bring about the necessary change.

Maybe, just maybe, there is at last some movement in the right direction. You know when Mugabe is worried: he starts to panic. His police and militia start attacking anyone they see as opponents. The MDC is supposed to be in a power-sharing coalition, but in the past few days MDC Ministers and MPs, as well as human rights activists, have been beaten up and arrested.

I suppose Mugabe is increasingly nervous on two counts. He has seen what has happened to his friend and main bankroller, Gadaffi; and just a week ago, on 31 March, the Southern African Development Community, which includes South Africa and all Zimbabwe’s neighbours, at last voiced its grave concern at the resurgence of violence in Zimbabwe. It has called for an end to that violence and for all elements of the global political agreement to be implemented. It has appointed a team to work out a roadmap to peaceful, free and fair elections in Zimbabwe, and today that team is in Harare.

We are calling on European governments and the EU to intensify their engagement to use all their political influence in Southern Africa to help bring about rapid change for the better in Zimbabwe and pave the way for properly monitored elections to be held in an atmosphere free from intimidation.

Until there is evidence of real change, the restrictive measures specifically targeting Mugabe and his close allies must remain in place. In this regard there is no way that the EU should accredit Mugabe’s unilaterally appointed envoy as ambassador. Once the people of Zimbabwe have their freedom restored, and genuine democracy and the rule of law established, I feel sure that the international community, including the EU, stands ready to come forward with generous assistance.

  Judith Sargentini, Auteur. − Ik ben nu ondertussen, denk ik, een jaar of tien betrokken bij de situatie in Zimbabwe. Ik werkte bij een ontwikkelingsorganisatie in Amsterdam en eens in de zoveel tijd haalden wij Zimbabwaanse mensenrechtenactivisten naar Nederland, naar Europa, ook om even bij te komen. Niet alleen om hier mensen te leren kennen en hun verhaal te aanhoren, maar ook om hen in de gelegenheid te stellen even weg te komen uit Zimbabwe.

Eén van de mensen die ik in die tijd ontmoet heb, is Abel Chikomo, over wie wij ook in deze resolutie spreken. Een mensenrechtenactivist die in al die jaren zijn enthousiasme voor de zaak, zijn motivatie niet heeft verloren. Het is voor dat soort mensen dat wij dit soort resoluties aannemen. Want om eerlijk te zijn denk ik niet dat mijnheer Mugabe er wakker van ligt. Het gaat er wel om dat hij en ook collega's van de MDC hun motivatie behouden om hun werk voort te zetten. Wat kunnen wij daar nog in betekenen, behalve de sancties handhaven?

Dan zou ik erop willen aandringen dat wij het Kimberley-proces voor de handel in conflictdiamanten zo aanscherpen dat diamanten uit Zimbabwe niet te koop zijn, omdat de overheid daar mensenrechten schendt, daar mensen onderdrukt, daar kinderarbeid inzet, enz. enz. Onze betrokkenheid bij Zimbabwe is bekend, maar die zullen wij keer op keer moeten blijven benoemen, juist vanwege mensen als Abel Chikomo.

  Kristiina Ojuland, author. − Mr President, it is a matter of grave concern that the human rights situation in Zimbabwe has worsened during the last months in particular, and this concern relates to Zanu-PF’s deliberate obstruction of the Zimbabwean government of national unity.

The European Parliament must demand an immediate end to the persecution of the political opposition to Zanu-PF, of civil activists who are being arrested and tortured and of NGOs, which have been raided and whose members have been detained arbitrarily. The EU should keep its restrictive measures against individuals and entities with links to the Mugabe regime in place until there is real evidence of a change for the better in Zimbabwe.

The Zimbabwean people should also be given freedom of expression without the fear of violent persecution, arbitrary imprisonment or torture, and those who have been committing systematic political harassment should be prosecuted.

  Ana Gomes, Autora. − A onda de repressão que está a ocorrer no Zimbabué é um sinal claro dos problemas que antecederão as próximas eleições. A comunidade internacional e, em especial, os actores políticos da região, como a Comunidade para o desenvolvimento da África Austral, não podem tolerar o assédio e as detenções arbitrárias cometidas pelo ZANU-PF e as forças de segurança que controla contra activistas da sociedade civil e membros e apoiantes do MDC e têm que exigir melhorias no respeito pelos direitos humanos antes da realização das eleições.

Os raids policiais a escritórios de organizações de direitos humanos, como o Fórum de Direitos Humanos do Zimbabué e várias outras, supostamente em busca de materiais subversivos, e as detenções de várias ONG, do próprio MDC, bem como de estudantes e jovens activistas, que se têm vindo a intensificar desde Fevereiro, são tácticas de uma campanha de intimidação inaceitável. Em vez de lançar uma campanha de terror contra aqueles que se recusam a assim ar uma petição contras medidas restritivas impostas pela União Europeia a dirigentes ligados a Mugabe, os dirigentes do ZANU-PF deviam prestar mais atenção às lições a tirar da Primavera Árabe e permitir a realização de eleições verdadeiramente livres.

  Seán Kelly, deputising for the author. − Mr President, firstly I want to say that I am speaking on behalf of my colleague Alain Cadec, who was to be the speaker here this afternoon. Of the three topics we are discussing, this is by far the worst and probably the most recurring, as speakers have said. Robert Mugabe has been strutting the world stage for far too long now and has been behaving in a most dictatorial and brutal fashion towards his own people, and particularly towards opponents within his country.

The Government of National Unity, which was set up in 2009 to bring about democracy, is obviously not working, due to his efforts to ensure that it does not. The intimidation, arbitrary arrests and disappearances – which is probably another way of saying summary executions – of opponents, particularly in recent months, is quite unacceptable. Even NGOs have not escaped: their offices have been raided and their staff have been detained, so it is quite obvious that action needs to be taken against this dictator.

As Mr Van Orden said, at least the African Union is now beginning to form some class of opposition to him, and that gives us here in the European Union an opportunity to side with it and to bring every possible diplomatic force that we have at our disposal to bear on this issue to ensure, firstly, that Mr Mugabe stops the arrests and the executions, and secondly, that the constitution is accepted for the freedom of the Zimbabwean people, which will lead to free elections and the establishment of a truly democratic government in Zimbabwe.

  Rui Tavares, Autor. − Senhor Presidente, todos sabemos que o acordo de 2008, implementado em 2009, para a partilha de poder entre Robert Mugabe e Morgan Tsvangirai ou a ZANU-PF e o MDC não era o acordo ideal, não era o acordo para o melhor dos mundos, era o acordo possível para tentar fazer avançar, ao mesmo, a situação dos direitos humanos e da democracia no Zimbabué. E a verdade é que Robert Mugabe e os seus aliados têm tentado de tudo para fazer com que este acordo não funcione. Pressões, intimidações e tentativas de quebrar o movimento da oposição, agora maioritário na Câmara Baixa do Parlamento. Ainda há poucos minutos foi noticiado que houve ataques e violências perpetrados sobre gente que estava reunida no memorial onde se encontravam militantes do MDC.

É essencial que a União Europeia não deixe de prestar atenção ao que se passa no Zimbabué, que não conceda espaço a esta última artimanha de Robert Mugabe de nomear uma embaixadora sem passar pelos mecanismos constitucionais do seu pais e que garanta também que a venda dos diamantes não reverta para os lucros do Sr. Mugabe e dos seus aliados.

  Filip Kaczmarek, w imieniu grupy PPE. – Nie wszyscy w Zimbabwe będą szczęśliwi z powodu dzisiejszej debaty, gdyż za kilka dni, 18 kwietnia, przypada dzień wyzwolenia Zimbabwe. Ci, którzy robią w tym kraju złe rzeczy, będą mieli zepsutą uroczystość.

Porozumienia dotyczące podziału władzy są często problematyczne. Wynika to z tego, że z reguły nie są one wynikiem demokratycznej decyzji obywateli, tylko wymuszonego sytuacją kompromisu. Tak właśnie było w przypadku Zimbabwe. Ale porozumienia dotyczące podziału władzy można akceptować i mogą one mieć pozytywny wpływ na społeczeństwo, jeżeli zostaną spełnione pewne warunki. Jednym z nich jest poprawa sytuacji praw człowieka. Dlatego właśnie zajmujemy się prawami człowieka w tym kraju. Dla przykładu można mieć wątpliwości, czy restrictive measures są narzędziem potrzebnym i skutecznym, ale nie możemy dopuścić do tego, żeby osoby, które nie chcą się podpisać pod petycją wzywającą do zniesienia tych środków, były bite i prześladowane. Dlatego bronimy walczących o prawa człowieka.

  Κρίτων Αρσένης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας S&D. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, το κόμμα του Μugabe και οι μηχανισμοί του αυτή τη στιγμή, όπως είπαν και οι συνάδελφοι, απειλούν, βασανίζουν, χτυπούν οποιονδήποτε αγωνίζεται για τη δημοκρατία, τις δημοκρατικές ελευθερίες και τη μετάβαση σ' ένα ομαλό δημοκρατικό καθεστώς στη Ζιμπάμπουε.

Έχουμε ευθύνη για το τι γίνεται στην Αφρική. Στην ιστορία της δημοκρατίας στην ήπειρο αυτή, έχουμε παρέμβει πάρα πολλές φορές, ιδίως στην αρχή της δημιουργίας αυτών των νέων χωρών, και έχουμε εμποδίσει δημοκρατικές διαδικασίες όταν απειλούνταν και τα δικά μας συμφέροντα. Έχουμε, ως εκ τούτου, διπλό χρέος να βοηθήσουμε ν' αποκτήσει η Ζιμπάμπουε δημοκρατικά εκλεγμένη κυβέρνηση.

Συναισθηματικά αυτή η κατάσταση για τους Έλληνες είναι ιδιαίτερα σημαντική. Από το 1967 έως το 1974 είχαμε μια ιδιαίτερα σκληρή δικτατορία, και τότε οποιαδήποτε καταδίκη ερχόταν από το Συμβούλιο της Ευρώπης ή διεθνείς οργανισμούς, έδινε μια ελπίδα σ' όλους τους πολίτες που αγωνίζονταν στην Ελλάδα.

Γι' αυτό το λόγο πρέπει να μη δεχτούμε οποιαδήποτε σχέση με παράτυπα διορισμένους εκπροσώπους της Ζιμπάμπουε και τους πρώην συνεργάτες του καθεστώτος Μugabe και πρέπει να εγγυηθεί η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, μαζί με τις χώρες της περιοχής της, τη μετάβαση της Ζιμπάμπουε στη δημοκρατία, αλλά και την εφαρμογή της διαδικασίας Κίμπερλι.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, the EU supports the Kimberley Process, which aims to eliminate African conflict diamonds – or so-called blood diamonds – from the global market. However, recent developments in Zimbabwe are worrying. The Chairman of the Kimberley Process, Mr Mathieu Yamba from the Democratic Republic of Congo, has decided unilaterally, and without consultation, to allow the marketing of diamonds from Zimbabwe’s Marange mine. This mine, which was debated in the House last year, was seized by President Robert Mugabe and his cronies. Hundreds of people were dispossessed of their homes and there are reliable reports of his security forces torturing, raping, and even killing, local residents.

The sale of diamonds from the Marange mine will help Mugabe to further consolidate his tyrannical hold on Zimbabwe and, indeed, enrich his ZANU-PF thugs. I therefore urge the European Union, as a party to the Kimberley Process, to raise this scandal at the highest level and insist on the restoration of consensus-based decision-making in the Kimberley Process. More generally, I have long been calling for a similar system, a certification, to cover other natural resources extracted in Africa in order to prevent brutal governments or guerrilla groups from selling minerals to fund arms purchases. I am pleased to be working alongside the London-based, internationally renowned, human rights NGO Global Witness in this endeavour, in which the US Administration is leading the way with the passing of the Dodd-Frank Act.

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). - Să îmi daţi voie să încep prin a spune că, de câte ori aud de Robert Mugabe, îl văd în faţa ochilor pe Nicolae Ceauşescu, dictatorul român. Într-adevăr, în anii '80, alături de Gaddafi, Mugabe era unul dintre oaspeţii obişnuiţi ai lui Ceauşescu şi îi sunt recunoscător domnului Van Orden pentru că a amintit de legătura dintre Mugabe şi, respectiv, Gaddafi.

De altfel, cred că Mugabe a învăţat ceva de la Ceauşescu, şi anume ura faţă de activiştii societăţii civile. Cei 46 de membri ai societăţii civile care au fost arestaţi pe 19 februarie de forţele de securitate din Zimbabwe sunt în acest moment acuzaţi de trădare şi riscul pe care şi-l asumă ei în acest moment este acela de a fi condamnaţi la moarte. Asta este pedeapsa şi singura „vină” pe care o au este aceea de a fi discutat despre ce s-a întâmplat în Egipt şi Tunisia.

Soluţia pentru regimul lui Mugabe e în principiu cea a unor alegeri corecte şi libere. Să sperăm că de data asta va fi posibil.

  Sari Essayah (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, EU:n ulkoasianneuvosto hyväksyi helmikuussa päätelmät Zimbabwen tilanteesta. EU:n asettamien pakotteiden voimassaoloa jatketaan, koska maan sisäisten uudistusten toteuttaminen ei ole todellakaan edennyt riittävällä tavalla.

Rajoitusten poistaminen edellyttää, että vuoden 2008 poliittisen vallanjakosopimuksen täytäntöönpanossa saavutetaan konkreettista edistystä. Tuo näennäinen vallanjakosopimus ei ole pystynyt estämään sitä, etteivätkö Mugaben turvallisuusjoukot edelleenkin vainoaisi Mugaben vastustajia, ja tälläkin hetkellä tapahtuu Mugaben vastustajien mielivaltaisia pidätyksiä, kiduttamisia ja murhia, jopa ministeritasolla saakka.

Koska EU:n pakotteet eivät ole suunnattuja Zimbabwen kansaa vastaan, EU on vielä tälläkin hetkellä maan suurin avunantaja, joka myöntää tukea erityisesti maatalouteen ja elintarviketuotantoon. EU:n on jatkettava Mugaben painostamista, ja jos vaalit päätetään sitten pitää, EU:n on osallistuttava niihin tarkkailijana.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg (S&D). - Od naszej ostatniej debaty na temat Zimbabwe w październiku ubiegłego roku sytuacja w tym południowoafrykańskim kraju nie uległa zmianie. Bezrobocie sięga 90%, średnia długość życia wynosi 44 lata, a obywatele tego kraju nie mają dostępu do podstawowych usług medycznych. Gołym okiem widać, że polityczne porozumienie zawarte 2 lata temu przez prezydenta Mugabe i premiera Tsvangirai nie spełnia pokładanych w nich nadziei i że potrzebne jest nowe, w pełni demokratyczne rozwiązanie. Sytuacja wewnętrzna w Zimbabwe nie uległa zmianie w ostatnim półroczu, ale sytuacja zewnętrzna tak. Dziś debatujemy o tym państwie w kontekście „wiosny ludów” w Afryce i choć Hararę od Tunisu dzieli 6 000 km, najświeższy przypadek Wybrzeża Kości Słoniowej pokazuje, że czasem demokracja nie zna barier w czasoprzestrzeni. Dlatego Parlament Europejski wzywa rząd w Zimbabwe do uwzględnienia aktualnej sytuacji międzynarodowej i silnej reorientacji w polityce wewnętrznej. Przede wszystkim do wstrzymania represji wobec opozycji politycznej, wypuszczenia jej przedstawicieli na wolność i umożliwienia im udziału w wyborach.

Pół roku temu mówiłam o tym, że biednego państwa, jakim jest Zimbabwe, nie stać na wyszukiwanie zastępczych problemów. Dziś uważam, że afrykańska „wiosna ludów” dodatkowo obciąża polityczny dług prezydenta Mugabe.

  Cristian Silviu Buşoi (ALDE). - În calitate de membru al Delegaţiei pentru relaţiile cu Parlamentul Panafrican, cred cu tărie că Uniunea Europeană şi, mai ales, dna Ashton ar trebui să ia o poziţie fermă împotriva acţiunilor de intimidare şi hărţuire a regimului lui Mugabe împotriva activiştilor pentru drepturile omului şi să încurajeze respectarea drepturilor şi libertăţilor publice, inclusiv libertatea de exprimare şi adunare, aşa cum Zimbabwe s-a angajat formal pe plan internaţional. Zimbabwe trebuie să îşi respecte angajamentele internaţionale, inclusiv Carta africană a drepturilor omului şi popoarelor, prin abrogarea tuturor legilor naţionale contrare textelor internaţionale de protecţie a drepturilor omului.

De asemenea, cred cu sinceritate că ţările din zonă şi, în primul rând, Africa de Sud ar putea să se implice în a susţine revenirea la democraţie şi respectarea drepturilor omului în Zimbabwe.

  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Evenimentele actuale din Zimbabwe sunt un semnal de alarmă pentru situaţia drepturilor omului de pe continentul african. În perspectiva alegerilor din iunie, preşedintele Mugabe conduce o campanie de intimidare a contracandidaţilor săi. Sute de funcţionari ai guvernului, activişti pentru apărarea drepturilor omului şi opozanţi ai regimului au fost arestaţi în ultimele două luni. Această situaţie nu poate fi tolerată.

Mai mult, elaborarea unei constituţii democratice a fost amânată de Mugabe cu un an. Noua lege fundamentală ar fi garantat desfăşurarea alegerilor în condiţii de transparenţă.

Subliniez faptul că situaţia economică a ţării este profund afectată. Preşedintele susţine naţionalizarea sectorului minier, principala ramură economică din Zimbabwe. O asemenea măsură este abuzivă, deoarece tocmai investiţiile străine în acest sector au stabilizat statul în urma crizei economice.

  Mitro Repo (S&D). - Arvoisa puhemies, Zimbabwessa presidentti Mugabe ja ZANU-PF-puolue eivät ole onnistuneet noudattamaan vuonna 2009 tehdyn poliittisen kokonaissopimuksen ehtoja. Zimbabwe ei ole pystynyt siirtymään demokratiaan. Poliittisten vastustajien pelottelu, mielivaltaiset pidätykset ja katoamiset ovat vain lisääntyneet selvästi viime kuukausina. Ponnistelut vakauden luomiseksi eivät kanna hedelmää nykyisen kaltaisessa poliittisessa ilmapiirissä.

Zimbabwe on yhä maa, jossa voi tulla pahoinpidellyksi tai kidutetuksi poliittisten mielipiteidensä vuoksi. Vapaata ja avointa journalismia sortava lainsäädäntö rajoittaa oikeutta sananvapauteen ja toimittajia ahdistellaan. Maan kehitystä kohti todellista demokratiaa ja talouskehitystä tulee tukea kaikin tavoin.

On oikein ja perusteltua, että Eurooppa-neuvosto tämän vuoden helmikuussa päätti jatkaa rajoittavia toimenpiteitä, mitä tulee Mugaben hallintoon yhteydessä oleviin henkilöihin ja yhteisöihin, ja pitää kirjaa tuosta mustasta listasta. Niitä tulee mielestäni myös jatkaa siihen asti kunnes saadaan todellista näyttöä siitä, että Zimbabwessa todella tapahtuu muutosta, mutta toimenpiteiden tulee kohdistua ainoastaan Zimbabwen korruptoituneeseen hallitukseen eivätkä ne saa pahentaa Zimbabwen kansan tilannetta.

  Albert Deß (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Schon als Kind habe ich aus dem damaligen Rhodesien Briefe erhalten. Drei Schwestern meines Großvaters waren als katholische Ordensschwestern im damaligen Rhodesien und in Südafrika. Sie haben nie geschrieben, dass die Menschen dort in Rhodesien Hunger leiden müssen. Was wir heute aus diesem Land hören, ist einfach unerträglich. Rhodesien und das spätere Simbabwe war die Kornkammer des südlichen Afrika. Der kommunistisch-sozialistische Diktator Mugabe hat es fertiggebracht, aus dieser Kornkammer ein Hungergebiet zu machen.

Ich bedanke mich bei allen Kolleginnen und Kollegen, die dieses Thema wieder auf die Tagesordnung gebracht haben. Es ist unerträglich, dass der Diktator Mugabe so lange das Volk in Simbabwe terrorisieren darf. Ich glaube, der Schlüssel, um dies zu beenden, liegt im südlichen Afrika. Solange Südafrika diesen Diktator nicht in die Schranken verweist, wird er leider weiter sein Volk terrorisieren.

  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Mr President, I think we would all agree that Zimbabwe and its human rights violations have been on our agenda for far too long. Every glimpse of hope of some positive development is immediately crushed by outbursts of political repression and violence. This is exactly what happened again just a couple of months ago. The European Union therefore had to proceed to renew its restrictive measures, for the eighth time, in February this year.

By this clear gesture, we wanted to underline the critical importance of an agreement between the government parties on the necessary steps leading to elections in the country. In this context, the EU emphasised its willingness to revise its decision in response to further concrete developments on the ground.

The EU is deeply concerned at the upsurge in political violence seen in recent months in Zimbabwe. On 11 March, together with 21 embassies and representations, the EU issued a statement to express its concerns over the increase in what appears to be politically-motivated intimidation and violence.

In this context, the EU welcomes the outcome of the recent SADC summit on 31 March 2011. The SADC communiqué calls for an immediate end to violence, intimidation, hate speech and harassment and calls upon the government of Zimbabwe to complete all necessary steps to hold an election. It offers assistance so that elections can be organised in accordance with SADC principles and guidelines governing democratic elections. For that reason, the SADC will appoint officials to join the South African facilitation team and work with the joint monitoring and implementation committee.

The EU believes that strengthened facilitation and mediation efforts by SADC and South Africa are key to preventing further instability in Zimbabwe. The EU welcomes the region’s efforts to mediate in the Zimbabwean crisis.

South Africa, in its capacity as facilitator, together with the SADC, as guarantor of the Global Political Agreement, has decided to accredit the Zimbabwean Ambassador. At this point in time, keeping a formal channel of communication open with Zimbabwe and maintaining a dialogue with the inclusive government is vital, and we should not jeopardise the position of the EU Ambassador in Harare. The EU will act and proceed in close coordination with all EU Member States.

The EU remains the largest provider of development assistance to Zimbabwe. We want to clearly express that we are tough on the regime, but we try to assist the people. With the disbursement of approximately 365 million since the establishment of the Global Political Agreement in 2009, we are – as I said – the largest donor.

Resources are only channelled through UN bodies and specialised NGOs. Since 2009, the EU has also supported governance reforms, as stipulated in the Global Political Agreement, including the constitutional reform process. The EU also funds human rights programmes, including programmes from human rights defenders. We just have to hope that all the international pressure will finally lead to free and fair elections in Zimbabwe and to the gradual normalisation of the very difficult situation in this country.

  President. − The debate is closed.

Written statements (Rule 149)

  Alain Cadec (PPE), par écrit. – Durant ces derniers mois, de nombreux opposants au régime de Mugabe ainsi que des représentants d'ONG ont été arbitrairement arrêté par les autorités du Zimbabwe. Le parti de Mugabe a systématiquement empêché le gouvernement Zimbabwéen d'union nationale formé en 2009 d'ouvrir la voie à une transition démocratique et à des élections crédibles. Toutes les violences politiques perpétrées par les partisans de Mugabe doivent cesser immédiatement. L'Union européenne et ses Etats membres doivent s'engager activement auprès de l'Union Africaine et de la SADC pour que les futures élections ne se tiennent pas dans un climat d'intimidation et de violence. Je me réjouis que la résolution du Parlement européen invite tous les partis politiques du Zimbabwe à travailler ensemble à l'élaboration d'une nouvelle constitution démocratique, acceptable par l'ensemble du peuple Zimbabwéen, avant les prochaines élections.

  Monica Luisa Macovei (PPE), în scris. – Vedem încă o dată că armele lui Mugabe împotriva oponenților săi politici și societății civile sunt intimidarea, arestul, violența și chiar tortura. Forțele loiale lui Mugabe au intimidat miniștri ai opoziției din guvernul de uniune națională, au hărțuit lideri ai organizațiilor de drepturile omului, au arestat 46 de reprezentanți ai societății civile sub acuzația de trădare, unii dintre ei fiind bătuți și chiar torturați în arest. Nu se poate construi nimic durabil pe frică și teroare ori împotriva libertăților civile și politice.

Solicit Înaltului Reprezentant al Uniunii Europene să susțină eforturile pentru alegeri libere în Zimbabwe, lipsite de violență și intimidare. Este nevoie de un guvern legitim, care să respecte drepturile și libertățile fundamentale, adică să respecte ființa umană. Intensificarea restricțiilor Uniunii asupra oamenilor lui Mugabe trebuie să fie una din măsuri.

(1) See Minutes.

11. Ħin tal-votazzjonijiet

  President. − The next item is the vote.

(For the results and other details on the vote: see Minutes)

11.1. Il-każ ta' Ai WeiWei fiċ-Ċina (B7-0274/2011) (votazzjoni)

11.2. Projbizzjoni tal-elezzjoni tal-Gvern Tibetan eżiljat fin-Nepal (B7-0238/2011) (votazzjoni)

11.3. Iż-Żimbabwe (B7-0239/2011) (votazzjoni)

  President. − That concludes the vote.

12. Korrezzjonijiet u intenzjonijiet għall-vot: ara l-Minuti

13. Deċiżjonijiet dwar ċertu dokumenti: ara l-minuti

14. Dikjarazzjonijiet bil-miktub imniżżla fir-reġistru (Artikolu 123 tar-Regoli ta' Proċedura): ara l-Minuti

15. Trażmissjoni tat-testi adottati waqt is-seduta li għaddejja: ara l-Minuti

16. Dati tas-seduti li jmiss: ara l-Minuti

17. Interruzzjoni tas-sessjoni

  President. − I declare adjourned the session of the European Parliament.

(The sitting closed at 16.30)

Wie beurteilt der Rat die politische Entwicklung in der Ukraine, insbesondere was Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Minderheitenrechte betrifft, und welche Maßnahmen ergreift er, um dieses Land an die EU heranzuführen, zum Beispiel auch im Rahmen der Schwarzmeer- und der Donauraumstrategie?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the April 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

Respect for human rights, democratic principles and the rule of law are core EU values which the EU is consistently promoting in its relations with third countries.

At the 14th EU-Ukraine Summit, which took place in Brussels on 22 November 2010, the leaders recalled that EU-Ukraine relations were based on common values and a common history, and that the EU had acknowledged Ukraine's European aspirations and welcomed its European choice. They also noted that the depth of the EU-Ukraine relationship would be determined by the implementation of reforms and by further consolidation of common values.

The parties discussed the issue of respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms, democratic values and the rule of law based on an independent and impartial judiciary. They stressed in particular the importance of a free media. Following the recent local elections, the leaders recalled the need for further strengthening of democratic development in Ukraine, in particular the electoral framework.

The leaders took note of the recent constitutional developments in Ukraine. The EU side encouraged the Ukrainian authorities to undertake constitutional reform in an inclusive and comprehensive manner in close cooperation with the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe.

The leaders expressed their satisfaction at the progress achieved in EU-Ukraine relations. In this regard they stressed the importance of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement which is currently being negotiated and looked forward to the conclusion of negotiations as soon as possible while retaining the quality and viability of the Association Agreement.

The Council is concerned at consistent and wide-spread reports of deterioration in respect for fundamental freedoms and democratic principles in Ukraine. Particularly worrying are complaints related to freedom of the media, freedom of assembly and freedom of association. The EU will continue to use every opportunity to underline the importance of full respect for rule of law, including in criminal investigations and prosecutions, and notably with regard to the principle of a fair, impartial and independent justice, as well as the need to ensure that the criminal law is not used for political ends.

The EU is also following closely the situation of the rights of persons belonging to minorities in Ukraine and is monitoring developments in Ukraine's progress towards a modern legal framework for ensuring the rights of persons belonging to minorities and towards implementation of the Council of Europe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. The EU will continue to regularly raise these issues with the Ukrainian authorities as part of its on-going dialogue with Ukraine.

Can the Council give its views on the agricultural aspects of the ongoing Mercosur negotiations?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the April 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

As in all trade negotiations, through its Trade Policy Committee, the Council is following the developments in the negotiations with Mercosur closely. The Council is focussing particularly on the fulfilment of the conditions laid down in the negotiating mandate which was adopted by the Council on 13 September 1999. The Council has taken careful note of the Commission’s commitment to remain within this mandate and to remain vigilant about any adverse impact of a possible agreement, in particular on the most sensitive products.

In this respect, it should be underlined that Commissioner Ciolos has repeatedly recognised the sensitivity of the Mercosur negotiations for the EU agriculture sector. Most recently at the Council session on 17 March 2011, he assured the Council that the Commission is following a cautious approach in these negotiations, taking into account the defensive and offensive interests of the EU in the agricultural sector.

On the issue of consistency between agricultural policy and trade policy and the consequences of the re-launch of negotiations with the Mercosur, the attention of the Honourable Member is drawn to the conclusions adopted by the Council in June 2010 on the international competitiveness of the European agri-food model⁽¹⁾.

Agenția ONU pentru alimentație și agricultură a semnalat la 3 februarie 2011 faptul că în luna ianuarie, după șapte luni consecutive de creștere, prețurile alimentelor au ajuns la un maximum istoric pentru această lună și că această creștere va continua în următoarele luni. Având în vedere recenta reuniune a miniștrilor responsabili pentru agricultură din 21 februarie 2011, aș dori să întreb Consiliul care sunt măsurile concrete pe care acesta le are în vedere pentru ca statele membre să investească în agricultură și în special în culturile de cereale, astfel încât populația UE să nu fie afectată de criza alimentară mondială și prețurile alimentelor de bază să rămână accesibile pentru cetățenii europeni? Care sunt măsurile pe care Consiliul le are în vedere pentru ca UE să sprijine, prin exporturi de cereale, țările cele mai afectate de criza alimentară?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the April 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

A growing world population results in increasing food demand. Droughts, floods and natural catastrophes have played their part together with surging energy prices and export restrictions by some of our global partners. Moreover, excessive price volatility can destabilise agricultural economies and affect food security at the local and regional level.

In this context, two of the objectives of the CAP as set out in the Treaty are particularly important. First, ensuring that supplies reach consumers at reasonable prices. Second, increasing agricultural productivity by promoting technical progress and by ensuring the rational development of agricultural production and the optimum utilisation of the factors of production, in particular labour.

The June 2010 European Council's concluded that a sustainable, productive and competitive agricultural sector will make an important contribution to the Europe 2020 strategy, considering the growth and employment potential of rural areas while ensuring fair competition

The Presidency conclusions on the CAP towards 2020⁽¹⁾ which were supported last month by a very large majority of Members of the Council, recognise that economically viable and environmentally sustainable food production remains the key objective for the future CAP.

The Council has noted the views of the European Parliament as expressed in recent resolutions, particularly on the recognition of agriculture as a strategic sector in the context of food security, on the EU protein deficit and on the link between EU agriculture and international trade. The Council looks forward to the debate with the Parliament on the Commission's proposals on the CAP post 2013 later in the year.

The European Union can meet climate change obligations and reduce unemployment by developing a low-carbon economy.

Can the Council outline the measures the EU is undertaking to promote investment in green innovation and infrastructure?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the April 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

In its Conclusions on Improving Environmental Policy Instruments, adopted on 20 December 2010, the Council welcomed that more environmental considerations have been integrated into strategic initiatives like the Europe 2020 Strategy, which puts forward the promotion of a more resource efficient, greener and more competitive economy⁽¹⁾. The Council also called for intensified greening of the EU Financial Framework, inter alia to promote the transition to a safe and sustainable low carbon, resource efficient, biodiversity friendly and climate resilient economy⁽²⁾.

In its Conclusions of 4 February 2011⁽³⁾ the European Council underlined that it is vital to promote a regulatory framework attractive to investment. It was highlighted that the EU and its Member States will promote investment in renewable and safe and sustainable low carbon technologies and focus on implementing the technology priorities established in the European Strategic Energy Technology (SET) plan.⁽⁴⁾ Furthermore, it is stated that at national level, Member States recall their willingness to devote at least 50% of ETS revenue to finance climate-related action, including innovative projects. The European Council also underlined that investments in energy efficiency will enhance competitiveness and support security of energy supply and sustainability at low cost and that a determined action is needed to tap the considerable potential for higher energy savings of buildings, transport, products and processes.⁽⁵⁾

The Council also stressed, in its Conclusions on "Energy 2020: A strategy for competitive, sustainable and secure energy", adopted on 28 February 2011⁽⁶⁾, that, building upon the SET-Plan activities, initiatives concerning technologies in relation with electricity storage, sustainable biofuels, smart grids, and smart cities, as well as clean vehicles, ocean and marine energy should be launched. The Council stressed also that the EU competitive position should be reflected in the financial commitments of the industry as well as in public funding terms and would benefit from a range of financial instruments. Research, development and deployment of safe and sustainable low carbon technologies should be prioritized in future programmes.

The Council also considered that leverage of existing means could be facilitated by making use of innovative financing mechanisms. Possible innovative financing tools would need further analysis and they would need to be flexible in order to cater for national circumstances.

The European Energy Programme for Recovery (EEPR)⁽⁷⁾ provides financing for energy projects to contribute i.a. to the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions. The complementing measure adopted in 2010⁽⁸⁾ created a financial facility giving additional support to energy efficiency and renewable energy initiatives.

In total, EU level financial support to renewable energies has amounted to roughly 3.26 bn EUR per year during the 2007-2009 period⁽⁹⁾. A major new source of financial support for renewables at the EU level is the "NER 300" programme⁽¹⁰⁾.

Investment in "green" innovation and infrastructure is also supported through Cohesion Policy⁽¹¹⁾, the Intelligent Energy Europe Programme⁽¹²⁾ (including through the tool ELENA), and the Seventh Framework Programme for research, technological development and demonstration (2007-2013)⁽¹³⁾.

In March 2011, the Commission presented the Communication “Roadmap for moving to a competitive low carbon economy in 2050”⁽¹⁴⁾ (the 2050 Decarbonisation Roadmap) and the Communication on an "Energy Efficiency Plan 2011"⁽¹⁵⁾, currently under discussion in the Council.

Important decisions will be taken in the next few months, for instance in terms of the Multiannual Financial Framework, the implementation of the White Paper on Transport, the Energy Efficiency Plan, and the Common Agricultural Policy. It is therefore key for the Environment Council, in its June session, to agree on a set of conclusions that set out strategic and operational steps forward.

In light of the above, on 14 March, the Environmental Council welcomed the presentation of the Commission on the 2050 Decarbonisation Roadmap and stated that it aims to adopt Council Conclusions at the June Environmental Council on it, with a view to the June 2011 European Council. Furthermore, as energy efficiency has a central role in a low-carbon growth and is closely linked to the 2050 Decarbonisation Roadmap, it is important to note that the TTE- Energy Council also plans to adopt council conclusions on the Energy Efficiency Plan 2011.

Can the Council outline what initiatives the EU is undertaking to help homeless people and to support national strategies in the fight against homelessness?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the April 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The European Union is fighting homelessness and housing exclusion in the framework of the Europe 2020 Strategy, adopted by the European Council on 17 June 2010⁽¹⁾. Actions on this matter are taken more specifically under the heading of the flagship initiative "European Platform against Poverty and Social Exclusion: A European framework for social and territorial cohesion"⁽²⁾. This Platform will set a dynamic framework for action to ensure that people experiencing poverty and social exclusion are enabled to live in dignity and take an active part in society⁽³⁾. In its Conclusions on the Platform, adopted on 7 March 2011, the Council recalled "that certain groups of the population are particularly exposed to the risk of poverty and social exclusion while others are subject to the most extreme forms of poverty (such as homelessness)"⁽⁴⁾.

The homelessness issue is covered by the Open Method of Coordination in the area of Social Protection and Social Inclusion (Social OMC), including peer reviews. In order to support national strategies in the fight against homelessness, the Council bases its work on the outcome of the European Consensus Conference on Homelessness, organised in December 2010 under Belgian Presidency⁽⁵⁾, and on the 2010 Joint Report on Social Protection and Social Inclusion⁽⁶⁾. In this report it is underlined that integrated strategies to address housing exclusion and homelessness have an important role to play in post-crisis policies, with a view to build cohesive and environmentally sustainable societies⁽⁷⁾. In its contribution to the European Council (24-25 March 2011), the Social Protection Committee underlines that it will continue work on homelessness and housing exclusion⁽⁸⁾.

In December 2010, the Council adopted a Declaration on "The European Year for Combating Poverty and Social Exclusion: Working together to fight poverty in 2010 and beyond"⁽⁹⁾, in order to mark the closing of this European Year. In this declaration the Council underlined that particular attention should be given to vulnerable groups and to extreme forms of poverty such as homelessness. The Council also highlighted that the European Union and its Member States should work together at European, national, regional and local levels in the fight against poverty.

Η Τουρκία είναι συμβαλλόμενο μέρος στην Συνθήκη της Γενεύης του 1951 για τους πρόσφυγες και στο συμπληρωματικό της πρωτόκολλο. Έχει, όμως, θέσει επιφυλάξεις γεωγραφικού περιορισμού. Συγκεκριμένα, η Τουρκία έχει θέσει τον περιορισμό να εξετάζει αιτήσεις ασύλου μόνο για γεγονότα που συνέβησαν στην Ευρώπη. Δηλαδή, για μη ευρωπαίους πολίτες δεν γίνεται σε καμία περίπτωση αποδεκτό αίτημα ασύλου από το τουρκικό κράτος. Αυτό προσβάλλει τα δικαιώματα των προσφύγων, όπως ορίζονται από τη Συνθήκη της Γενεύης, δεν συνάδει με τον Χάρτη των Θεμελιωδών Δικαιωμάτων της ΕΕ (άρθρα 18 και 19) και την αρχή της ίσης μεταχείρισης.

Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχει, με πράξεις ή παραλείψεις της, αποδεχτεί την παραδοξότητα της ανωτέρω επιφύλαξης στη Σύμβαση της Γενεύης, η οποία προσβάλλει τις αρχές του ανθρωπισμού και της ίσης μεταχείρισης; Έχει ζητήσει από την Τουρκία να άρει την ανωτέρω επιφύλαξη;

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the April 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council is well aware of the fact that Turkey maintains geographical limitations to the Geneva Convention on refugees and its supplementary protocol. The EU position on the matter, however, remains very clear - this limitation is not in line with the EU acquis on asylum, and Turkey should lift it, and fully implement the Geneva Convention and its supplementary protocol.

Turkey, as a candidate country, has to meet the political criteria set down by the Copenhagen European Council, in particular by fulfilling the requirements of the Negotiating Framework and the Accession Partnership. It also follows from the Negotiating Framework that Turkey is expected to progressively align with the EU acquis - including in the area of asylum.

The lifting of this geographical limitation is also highlighted as a priority in the revised Accession Partnership with Turkey. I would like to recall that the Council systematically calls on Turkey to step up its efforts in meeting the requirements specified in the Negotiating Framework, covering inter alia implementation of the Accession Partnership. The need for sustained efforts in the area of asylum was particularly stressed by the Union at the EU-Turkey Association Council (Ministerial level) on 10 May 2010, and the matter is also regularly raised by the Commission in its meetings with Turkey.

I can therefore assure the Honourable Member that this issue will continue to be closely followed and systematically raised at all levels, as appropriate, as full implementation of the 1951 Geneva Convention and its 1967 Protocol forms part of the requirements against which Turkey's progress in the negotiations is being measured.

Given the level of street protest in certain North African countries, does the Council believe that the EU should take a more active role in building relations with these countries by encouraging such countries to follow the democratic path?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the April 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The events unfolding in our southern neighbourhood are of historic proportions and are evolving very quickly. They reflect a profound transformation process in the countries of the Southern Mediterranean.

These changes will have lasting consequences for the people and countries of the region. We pay tribute to the courage demonstrated by the people of the region. They have pursued with dignity their legitimate aspirations for democratic change. The changes now underway carry the hope for better life and for greater respect of human rights, pluralism, the rule of law and social justice.

Movement towards democracy is not an easy path - there are risks and uncertainties associated with these transitions. While acknowledging the difficulties, the European Union has taken the clear option of supporting the quest of the peoples of the region for democratic change.

The European Union is keen to support countries in search for a transition from autocratic regimes to democracy, as it has done notably in Central and Eastern Europe.

The EU is determined to support all steps towards democratic transformation, allowing for peaceful change, growth and prosperity in the Southern neighbourhood. This was confirmed at the highest level by the European Council at its extraordinary meeting of 11 March 2011. Heads of States and governments discussed the developments in the region and extended their full support to the ongoing democratic transformation. They underlined our shared interest for a democratic, stable, prosperous and peaceful Southern Mediterranean.

With a view to a qualitative step forward in our relations with our Southern neighbours, the Commission and the High Representative on 8 March released a joint Communication on a "Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean".

The Communication is based on the principle of a joint commitment to commonly shared values such as democracy, human rights, social justice, good governance and the rule of law. The demands for political participation, dignity, freedom and employment opportunities expressed in recent weeks can only be addressed through ambitious political and economic reforms. All countries in the region need to undertake or accelerate such political and economic reforms.

Our renewed policy should take into account the specificity of each situation and country in the region. Existing partnership and assistance programmes will be reviewed in close cooperation with the partners in the region, with the objective of better targeting present needs, based on a country-focused approach.

The review process of the TEN-T policy has now entered into its final phase. The submission of a Commission proposal for new TEN-T Guidelines is expected by mid-2011. In its Staff Working Document on the new TEN-T, published in January 2011, the Commission sets out a possible planning methodology for the new TEN-T. The future TEN-T is planned to feature a dual layer network structure, comprising a comprehensive network and a core network.

Does the Council support the suggested planning methodology and consider it a good basis for determining the core network of the new TEN-T? What improvements does the Council consider the planning methodology needs?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the April 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

As the Honourable Member has indicated in his question, a Commission proposal for new TEN-T Guidelines is expected by mid 2011. The Council awaits this new proposal and will start the examination of that document as soon as it is presented by the Commission.

Until the Council is given the opportunity to discuss the aforementionned Commission proposal, the latest position of the Council can be found in the Council Conclusions on the Commission Green Paper: TEN-T Policy review⁽¹⁾. In those Conclusions, the Council reaffirms "the need to continue investing in transport infrastructure to ensure proper development of the TEN-T in all transport modes, as a basis for the internal market and competitiveness, economic, social and territorial cohesion of the Union and its connection to neighbouring countries, focusing on the "European added value", and taking into account, inter alia, environmental objectives, when defining the future TEN-T policy." It also emphasises that, "while major transnational traffic flows are an important criterion for the planning of the TEN-T, economic, social and territorial cohesion and access to the TEN-T are vital too, and are addressed, to a large extent, by the comprehensive network layer of the current TEN-T; therefore, and given its importance as a reference basis for a variety of legislation in the transport sector, advocates maintaining this comprehensive network."

Given the increasing importance of global energy security and the recent disaster at the Fukushima nuclear plant in Japan, can the Council outline what safety measures it intends to take in conjunction with the Commission, as an area of shared competence, to mitigate against risks to Europe's 195 nuclear power plants?

Can the Council provide details of the announced 'stress tests'? Specifically, will such 'stress tests' take into account the dangers of possible radioactive contamination in European waters?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the April 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

The Council would like to bring to the attention of the Honourable Member that, to its knowledge, in the European Union 143 nuclear power reactors (and not nuclear power plants) are in operation. Further 51 nuclear power reactors are in operation in the Russian Federation, Switzerland and Ukraine⁽¹⁾.

During its extraordinary meeting on energy on 21 March 2011⁽²⁾, the Council discussed the response at EU and Member state level to the recent developments in Japan. The Presidency highlighted that the priority is, first and foremost, to provide this country with humanitarian as well as technical assistance.

As far as nuclear safety is concerned, during the same meeting the Council underlined that the priority is to ensure that the highest standards are in force and that improving safety is a continuing process. The Council also welcomed voluntary steps taken by national authorities and industry operators regarding the review of the safety of nuclear facilities.

The Council took also note that there is a shared willingness to launch a process for the definition of a comprehensive risk and safety assessment ("stress-test") of nuclear plants in Europe. In this context, the Council underlined the importance of transparency regarding both the outcome of this assessment and measures taken by member states at national level.

On the same meeting, Member States and the Commission invited ENSREG (European Nuclear Safety Regulators Group) and other relevant bodies to define the scope and modalities of such tests, making use of the available expertise and in due course of the lessons to be learnt from the recent accident. The Council took note of the possible areas (flood risks, seismic risks, back-up systems, emergency procedures) that could be the basis for this assessment. The Council also underlined the need to involve neighbouring third countries in a similar safety and risk assessment for existing and future plants.

These conclusions have been confirmed by the European Council on its meeting of 24-25 March 2011⁽³⁾. The European Council underlined that the assessments ("stress-tests") will be conducted by independent national authorities and through peer review and that their outcome and any necessary subsequent measures that will be taken should be shared with the Commission and within the ENSREG and should be made public. The European Council will assess initial findings by the end of 2011, on the basis of a report from the Commission.

The European Council highlighted that the priority of ensuring the safety of nuclear plants obviously cannot stop at our borders and that the EU will request that similar "stress tests" be carried out in the neighbouring countries and worldwide, regarding both existing and planned plants. In this regard full use should be made of relevant international organisations.

In this context, the European Council also underlined that the highest standards for nuclear safety should be implemented and continuously improved in the EU and promoted internationally.

On 1 March 2011, the UN General Assembly decided to suspend Libya’s membership of the UN Human Rights Council. This was a strong signal, not only to Colonel Gaddafi and his regime, but also to those countries in the world where human rights violations are frequent and widespread. In Parliament’s report on the UN Human Rights Council and the EU’s role in it, adopted in February 2009, the EP strongly advocated the introduction of membership criteria for this important UN body. In the case of Libya, the UN General Assembly acted in line with the EP resolution and took a correct and timely decision.

What is the position of the Council concerning the introduction of clear criteria for membership of the UN Human Rights Council? Has the Council taken any steps in this direction?

The present answer, which has been drawn up by the Presidency and is not binding on either the Council or its members as such, was not presented orally at Question Time to the Council during the April 2011 part-session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

UN General Assembly resolution 60/251 establishing the Human Rights Council (HRC), clarifies that the Members of this body have to "uphold the highest standards in the promotion and protection of human rights, and shall fully cooperate with the Council". Consequently, when electing the 47 Members of the HRC, the General Assembly shall take into account the human rights records and commitments of all candidates.

Until now, the UN General Assembly has not fully implemented this principle, as we have seen in the case of Libya. That is why the issue of “quality membership” must form an important part of the ongoing HRC Review, and indeed the UN General Assembly decided to include the issue in the New York leg of the Review. The co-facilitators appointed by the President of the General Assembly to steer the HRC Review debate in New York organised a first meeting specifically to address this matter on 29 March. As a contribution to this debate, the EU has put forward concrete ideas, such as holding hearings for candidates to the HRC prior to the elections, involving Member States, NGOs and National Human Rights Institutions. These hearings should focus on voluntary pledges and commitments, as well as on how the candidate country intends to comply with the requirement of upholding the highest standards in the promotion and protection of human rights.

In the context of the Seventh Framework Programme for Research and Technological Development from 2007 - 2013 can the Commission outline what research studies it has undertaken and proposes to undertake in the coming years to promote the social, health and community benefits of sporting activity within the EU?

While the 7th Framework Programme for Research and Technological development (FP7, 2007-2013) does not provide for sports-related research as such, FP7 does promote research on the health benefits of physical activity.

The FP7 Health and Food, Agriculture and Fisheries Biotechnologies Themes and the Regions of Knowledge activity, have however addressed physical activity and its links to health promotion and disease prevention and development through a number of FP7 projects. Some EUR 39 million have been invested in such research funding over the period 2005 to 2010, translating into some eight EU projects. On-going evaluations may also result in other projects being funded in this area.

A number of relevant FP7 projects have been funded over the last four years. The PAPA project aims to promote adolescent health through a behavioural change intervention aimed at improved the quality of their participation in physical activity via youth sport, in particular football. The TEMPEST and ENERGY projects that address physical activity as part of their work on health related determinants, and the DALI project one aim of which is to establish the role of physical activity as a preventive measure against gestational diabetes developmenthttp://www.dali-project.eu" . The EXGENSIS project (FP6) focuses on intracellular signaling pathways during exercise and the effects of such exercise. The TOYBOX project uses behavioural models to understand and promote fun, healthy food, play and policy for the prevention of obesity in early childhood, while the I.FAMILY project starting in March 2012 will investigate how the built environment impacts on physical activity, sedentary behaviours and sleep patterns interact with dietary behaviour.

At a regional level, the AFRESH project aims at developing a research agenda for reducing diet- and physical inactivity-related (chronic) diseases, such as diabetes, obesity, cardiovascular diseases and various types of cancer, by developing innovative products and services within the field of nutrition and physical activity.

To conclude, the Commission fully recognises the fact that physical activity is a key factor contributing to the prevention of major lifestyle related diseases such as obesity and that relevant research is needed to provide the necessary basis for more effective and efficient evidence-based strategies of health promotion and disease prevention.

Can the Commission make a comprehensive statement on the level of cooperation between the EU and the United States of America in the field of research, innovation, science and technology?

What initiatives has the Commission pursued to extend cooperation in this field since February 2010?

The United States is the international partner with whom the European Union has the richest, most intensive relations in Science and Technology (S&T). This is true from all points of view: amounts of mutual Research and Development (R&D) investment, flows of scientists and researchers, volumes of cooperative activities and the number of co-authored publications and patents. International cooperation is important for supporting the Europe 2020 goals and so activities with the United States need to be a priority. The Commissioner in charge for Industry and Entrepreneurship, Mr Tajani, has travelled to the United States (US) twice in 2010 to boost the EU-US collaboration, including the first trip abroad as Commissioner.

The 7th Framework Programme for Research and Technological Development (FP7, 2007-2013) is the main funding mechanism for European-level research, which also supports the EU's international cooperation. Outside Europe, the United States is the number one participant in the 7th Framework Programme, with well over 300 signed grant agreements and other collaborations. Its participation is particularly strong in the themes of Health, Information and Communication Technologies, Nanotechnologies and Materials, Food, Agriculture and Fisheries and Biotechnologies, and Environment.

The Science and Technology Cooperation Agreement between the EU and the United States was renewed in 2009 until 2013. In May 2010 in Washington DC the annual joint meeting was held under this agreement, coordinated on the United States side by the Department of State. Both parties took stock of progress under that agreement, and new ways of working together are being developed. These range from the twinning of projects through to the mutual opening of research programmes, such as those in the area of health research with the National Institutes of Health (NIH). The next meeting under the agreement is planned for September 2011 in Brussels.

The S&T agreement also provides the framework for a number of Implementing Arrangements with specific United States government departments and agencies. One example is the Implementing Arrangement with the Department of Homeland Security on civil security research, which was signed in November 2010 by the Commissioner in charge for Industry and Entrepreneurship Mr Tajani. The Joint Research Centre is currently leading discussions on a similar arrangement with the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), on issues as diverse as environmental contaminants, coastal hazards, space weather, climate change and crisis management. This year will also see the renewal of our 20-year relationship with the United States on biotechnology research, as well as the continuation of our dialogue on civil space cooperation.

Innovation is an area where Europe has a strong interest in sharing experiences with the United States on how best to turn knowledge into stronger economic growth and job creation. Among the most interesting developments over the past year is the new Transatlantic Innovation Action Partnership, launched under the Transatlantic Economic Council (TEC). This partnership responds to the political direction given to the TEC at the last EU-US summit, i.e. to promote innovation, streamline regulation, and eliminate barriers to trade and investment. In December 2010, the TEC agreed on an initial work plan for the Innovation Action Partnership. Work has started in the areas of the bio-economy, raw materials and the cross-cutting aspects of innovation policy.

The EU-US Energy Council, established at the end of 2009, is another important development. Three working groups – on energy policy, technologies development and markets – have established themselves and agreed their remits during 2010. The Working Group on Technology and R&D has organised itself to produce operational deliverables. The EU also collaborates with the United States in multilateral settings such as the fusion reactor, ITER⁽¹⁾.

In order to gain more from joint efforts, the Commission will continue working on a more strategic focus to our research collaboration. This will concentrate on the global challenges, and be consistent with the Europe 2020 goals, as well as the aims of the Innovation Union initiative.

The Commission recently adopted the Innovation Union, a strategic approach to innovation aimed primarily at turning ideas into jobs, green growth and social progress.

If the EU is to catch the US in R&D, it will have to enhance cooperation between Member States, improve joint research initiatives and allow for the expansion of R&D in certain regions for the benefit of all. Given their climates, for example, Ireland could be the best place to advance testing and improve wind energy, whilst Spain may hold the key to improvements on solar panel development.

Does the Commission plan to do just that, putting the emphasis on overall R&D, rather than a levelling of EU financing for R&D across regions?

As the Honourable Member rightly states, the Innovation Union is at the heart of our strategy for growth and jobs. It will help secure future economic growth for the EU through the development of our capacity to create new knowledge and to transform it into successful products. A key role in this process will be played by enhanced research cooperation between the Member States, notably through Joint Programming.

Concerning the expansion of R&D in certain regions, the underlying principle governing the allocation of research funding under the Framework Programme is excellence. This means that only the very best research proposals are selected for funding. It is not possible therefore, nor would it be desirable, for the Commission to try to direct research funding under the FP to specific regions.

However, as the Honourable Member suggests, it is clear that some regions have established advantages in given domains of research, whether they be natural advantages or related to past investment in research capacity, including human resources. Regions with such advantages will be well placed to submit strong research proposals that have a good chance of attracting EU research funding.

Of course, regional advantages will not always be as obvious as sunshine in Spain and wind in Ireland. Therefore, regions need to be able to identify and develop their potential advantages. This is why the Commission is strongly in favour of the development of smart specialisation strategies in the regions.

Smart specialisation is one of the 10 conditions for well-performing national and regional research and innovation systems under the Innovation Union's self assessment tool. It aims at encouraging national and regional authorities to concentrate resources on a limited number of priorities to ensure a more effective use of public funds and help to leverage private investment.

Smart specialisation strategies are a means to exploit regional diversity, stimulate cooperation across national and regional borders and open up new opportunities by avoiding fragmentation and ensuring that knowledge flows more freely across the EU. They can be instrumental in helping regions to identify both their key assets and the factors that hamper innovation; to concentrate resources on key priorities and to design the right policy mix to unleash smart growth. They can also ensure a more effective and complimentary use of EU funds and national and regional investments.

To assist the regions in this process the Commission is in the process of launching a ‘Smart Specialisation Platform’ with the necessary resources to spread information, encourage mutual learning and increase capacities and skills.

The diseases of HIV/AIDS and malaria disproportionately affect Sub-Saharan Africa. Research to mitigate and where possible to eradicate these terrible diseases is to be encouraged and prioritised on both a European and global level and would be of enormous aid to communities across Sub-Saharan Africa which are blighted by these epidemics. What steps is the Commission taking to tackle these enormous challenges in terms of research funding?

The Commission considers research in the HIV/AIDS and in malaria fields as a high priority and has been supporting research in these areas through the Research Framework Programmes (FP), with the overall aim to structure and integrate European research by creating a close partnership between research teams in European and disease-endemic countries as well as between industrial and public sector research.

From 1998 until 2010, the EU has supported collaborative research with EUR 259.9 million on 84 HIV/AIDS projects and EUR 150.3 million on 59 malaria projects. EU-funded research includes new therapeutic and preventive strategies against the two diseases, from early discovery to clinical testing of new drugs, vaccine candidates, HIV microbicides and new tools for malaria vector control. Throughout its funding, strong emphasis has been put on collaboration with disease-endemic countries, in particular Sub-Saharan Africa. Particular achievements have been the comparability of data sets on new drugs or vaccine candidates, helping to harmonize pre-clinical assays and animal models and making European research more competitive at international level.

Two concrete examples are: the HIVIS project, which delivered an IV/AIDS vaccine candidate, which is now in the late phases of clinical trial to assess safety and immunogenicity, and the malaria basic research network BioMalPar, which has developed into a cornerstone of EU basic research with an integrative malaria graduate school. At present the Commission is setting its priorities for future funding in the HIV/AIDS and malaria areas for the next 2012 7th Framework Programme for Research and Technological Development (FP7, 2007-2013) Health calls.

In 2003, the European & Developing Countries Clinical Trials Partnership (EDCTP) was established by the EU to support clinical research and capacity building on the three main poverty-related diseases of HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis with a focus on sub-Saharan Africa. EDCTP is the first initiative based on Article 169 of the EU treaty (now Article 185). It is funded with EUR 200 million by the EU through FP6 and co-funded with EUR 200 million from 16 European EDCTP partner countries. Additional co-funding comes from third parties. Since 2003, EDCTP supported 163 projects with a total value of approximately EUR 311 million. Among these are 54 clinical trials of which 24 are on HIV/AIDS (EUR 102 million) and 12 on malaria (EUR 68 million). EDCTP as succeeded to build a true partnership between Europe and Africa.

I programmi quadro di ricerca e sviluppo tecnologico costituiscono il principale strumento con cui l'Unione europea finanzia la ricerca. Per il settimo programma quadro, relativo al periodo 1° gennaio 2007 - 31 dicembre 2013, sono stati stanziati 32.413 milioni di euro. Tale programma ha suddiviso i fondi per tematiche e tra queste figurava quella relativa ai prodotti alimentari, all'agricoltura e alle biotecnologie, alle cui ricerche è stato destinato un importo di 1.935 milioni di euro.

Alla luce di quanto sopra, può la Commissione comunicare i suoi orientamenti circa le linee di intervento e gli stanziamenti per il settore agricolo previsti nel prossimo programma quadro?

The Commission intends that EU funding for research and innovation will be provided from 2014 onwards through a Common Strategic Framework for Research and Innovation Funding.

The Common Strategic Framework was proposed in the EU Budget Review. The main principles on which it will be based were outlined there: supporting key Europe 2020 policy priorities, increasing EU added value and generating more impact from EU expenditure.

The aim of the Common Strategic Framework is to make EU research and innovation funding more efficient, with greater impact and providing simplified access for participants.

The Commission adopted on 9 February 2011 a Green Paper entitled: “From Challenges to Opportunities: Towards a Common Strategic Framework for EU research and innovation funding”⁽¹⁾.

The Green Paper has outlined three major objectives for the Common Strategic Framework: tackling major societal challenges, strengthening the competitiveness of Europe's industry and raising the levels of excellence in the European research base. Research into food, agriculture and biotechnology can contribute to tackle these challenges.

The Commission is seeking input from as broad a range of stakeholders as possible, including that of the other EU institutions. Stakeholders are invited to provide input until 20 May 2011.

The Commission is currently consulting its stakeholders and the outcome of the consultation will feed into its further proposal development. Therefore, it is at this stage premature to discuss the possible architecture of the future programme or the role of any particular themes or sectors therein, including potential budgets. The overall budget will depend on the decisions on the future multi-annual financial perspectives for the post 2013 period.

Several studies and reports (United Kingdom Foresight "The Future of Food and Farming", the on-going work on agriculture foresight carried out by the Standing Committee on Agricultural Research, the 2009 OECD report on "Challenges for Agricultural Research", etc.) advocate for ambitious research programmes in agriculture. They focus on the challenges that agriculture will need to respond to in the coming decades: catering for the food needs of a growing population, with more resource-efficient and environmentally sustainable practices deriving from increases in scarcities (water, energy, soil depletion, etc.), taking into account the needs to mitigate and adapt to climate change.

Within this context a number of important questions arise. How should research and innovation best enhance the smart use of biological (animal and plant production and health and their inputs, biomass availability, forestry management and waste), and physical resources (land use, soil integrity, water availability, climate change, etc)? How can research and innovation best contribute to increase yields and enhance soils in a sustainable manner, while preserving, ecosystems? How can the agri-sector competiveness best be fostered through science and technology applied to farming, food processing and bio based industries? All those questions and many more will be duly considered in the coming months.

Във връзка с въпроса ми E-5671/2010 относно нарушения на законодателството на ЕС на полуостров Калиакра и в други защитени зони от мрежата „Натура 2000“ в България и във връзка с отговора на Комисията от 30 септември 2010 г., може ли Комисията да даде информация относно стъпките, които е предприела или възнамерява да предприеме във връзка с тези нарушения?

По-конкретно — Комисията разполага с повече от осем месеца за оценка на реакцията на българското правителство по отношение на допълнителното официално уведомително писмо, изпратено на България на 18 март 2010 г. Какви действия ще предприеме Комисията, за да отстрани нередностите, посочени в това писмо? Кога Комисията възнамерява да предприеме следваща стъпка и да изпрати „мотивирано становище“?

При наличието на груби нарушения на законодателството на ЕС, защо Комисията се колебае дали да започне процедурата, предвидена в член 258 от ДФЕС, и да прекрати тези нарушения?

It is now over three years since the Commission opened infringement proceedings against Bulgaria for breaches of the Birds and Habitats Directives that have resulted in massive damage to internationally important habitats and species.

Despite these infringement proceedings being opened, more damage has been done and is being done to sites like the Kaliakra peninsula, a globally important stopping-off point for tens of thousands of migratory birds, including the globally threatened red-breasted goose.

If the EU is to achieve its 2020 biodiversity conservation target, and for the sake of legal certainty, the Commission must tackle breaches like this swiftly and robustly. Can the Commission advise what it intends to do to address the situation in Bulgaria, and what plans it has to improve the implementation of EU environmental law in future?

With reference to the Honourable Members question on what steps the Commission has taken in response to the alleged violations of EU environmental law with regard to the Kaliakra Peninsula and other Natura 2000 protected areas in Bulgaria, the Commission would refer to the number of infringement procedures it has initiated against Bulgaria, and to the constructive dialogue it has engaged in with both the Bulgarian authorities and the environmental NGOs.

More specifically, with regard to the Special Protection Areas (SPAs) part of the Natura 2000 network in Bulgaria, as a result of the above-mentioned dialogue the Commission is expecting concrete steps for the extension of Rila, Pirin, Lomovete, Central Balkan, and Western Rhodopes SPAs. The Bulgarian authorities committed to finalize and formally adopt those extensions by the end of March 2011. The Commission was informed that on 11.3.2011 the National Council for Biodiversity, which is the expert advisory body to the Bulgarian Minister of Environment and Water, has discussed concrete proposals for extensions of the above-mentioned SPAs. This indicates that the relevant national procedure is moving forward as agreed. With regard to Kaliakra SPA, recently both the Bulgarian authorities and the environmental NGOs submitted large quantity of technical information which the Commission services are carefully studying and evaluating.

With reference to the Honourable Members question on what action the Commission will take to ensure that the irregularities referred to in the complementary letter of formal notice (LFN) sent to the Bulgarian authorities on 18.3.2010 are rectified, the Commission would refer to the large amount of technical information submitted by the Bulgarian authorities in their reply to the complementary LFN of 20.5.2010, and in their additional communication of 8.9.2010. This LFN is additional to the LFN sent on 3.11.2009. Both letters address large number of plans and projects authorised without considering the protection of IBAs and SPAs. Given the volumes and complexity of the information received, the technical assessment has been outsourced and is expected to be finalized by the end of March 2011. Furthermore, additional technical information has been provided to the Commission by environmental NGOs on 3.3.2011. This information is currently being carefully studied and evaluated.

With reference to the Honourable Members question on when the Commission intends to move to the next stage and send a ‘reasoned opinion’ to Bulgaria, why the Commission is hesitating over launching the procedure under Article 258 TFEU⁽¹⁾, and what the Commission intends to do to address the situation in Bulgaria, the Commission would point out that the cases concerned involve a high degree of factual and technical analysis. Because the Commission bears the burden of proof in any infringement procedure, the Commission services need to check and analyse all the available information very carefully. Furthermore, any future decisions with regard to the infringement procedures against Bulgaria for bad application of EU environmental law are decisions for the Commission as a whole and will be based on both sound legal analysis as well as precise factual and scientific information.

Europa heeft de doelen van de afgelopen biodiversiteitstrategie niet gehaald. Desondanks gaan er geluiden op in enkele lidstaten, waaronder Nederland, om de doelen van de vogel- en habitatrichtlijn af te zwakken.

Is de Commissie van plan onverkort de doelen van de Europese natuurwetgeving na te streven? Zo ja, welke maatregelen gaat de Commissie nemen om de implementatie van de Europese natuurwetgeving door de lidstaten af te dwingen?

As acknowledged by the Commission in its Communication of 2010 towards a new EU Biodiversity Strategy, the EU failed to achieve its 2010 Biodiversity targets. Only 17% of the Species and Habitats of European conservation concern, protected under the EU Habitats Directive, have a favourable conservation status.

Reaching the new 2020 EU headline target to halt biodiversity loss and restore ecosystems and the services they provide will require a significant effort to step up implementation of the Birds and Habitats Directives to ensure significant and measurable progress towards achieving a favourable conservation status for species and habitats of European importance. This headline target will be addressed in a new EU Biodiversity Strategy that will be adopted by the Commission shortly. The Strategy will also respond to the global commitments made by the EU in Nagoya last October in the framework of the Convention on Biological Diversity.

The EU Birds and Habitats Directives are critical tools to achieve EU biodiversity goals and as they stand are fully fit for purpose. The Commission will therefore not accept their watering down at this crucial time of implementation.

As regards implementation and enforcement of EU environmental legislation more generally, the Commission intends to come forward with a new Communication on this issue later in 2011 in order to improve the overall governance structure and knowledge base that underpins the implementation of the environmental acquis. In the context of this initiative, the Commission will reflect in detail on possible options for strengthening the monitoring and control capabilities at EU level and the national inspection systems.

Remiantis 2010 m. Jeilio universiteto mokslininkų sudarytu aplinkosaugos tikslų įgyvendinimo indeksu (angl. EPI – environmental performance index), kuriuo nustatomas valstybių vyriausybių išsikeltų aplinkosaugos tikslų įgyvendinimo lygis, į geriausiai besitvarkančių valstybių dešimtuką (iš viso vertinamos 163 pasaulio valstybės) pakliūna tik 3 ES narės. Blogiausiai ES išsikeltus aplinkosaugos tikslus įgyvendina Graikija, Belgija ir Kipras. Ne ką geriau atrodo ir Bulgarija, Lenkija, Estija bei Slovėnija.

Ar Komisija, priimdama aplinkosauginius sprendimus, atsižvelgia į mokslininkų pateikiamus vertinimus?

Jeigu taip, kokie žingsniai žengti, kad valstybėms, sunkiai įgyvendinančioms išsikeltus aplinkosaugos tikslus, būtų suteikta ekspertinė ir materialinė parama?

The Commission takes due account of scientific assessment, where decisions on environmental matters are concerned. This is in fact a requirement under the Treaty, which specifically stipulates that environment policy shall take account of available scientific data, and the Commission is committed to an evidence and science-based approach to policy-making.

In developing and implementing EU environment policy, the Commission uses research, data and analysis of the European Environment Agency, the Joint Research Centre and other EU-funded research. It also commissions specific studies to bring together the most relevant, best and up-to-date knowledge, as and when required.

Whilst Member States remain fully responsible for the full and correct implementation of European environmental legislation and requirements, the Commission takes a strict but helpful approach in its role of ensuring they meet these obligations. On the one hand it takes a strict but balanced approach to infringements, whilst on the other hand it seeks to offer as much assistance as possible in pursuit of the delivery of EU environment policy objectives, so that EU-wide environmental improvements can be achieved.

Solidarity is a core principle of the EU. One of the ways solidarity is expressed is via the EU budget. Financial support is available to Member States from the LIFE-plus environment financial instrument. Support from the Structural Funds is also possible. The Cohesion Fund, for example, contributes some EUR6.5 billion per year towards environmental infrastructure, focusing on waste water, water supply and waste, mostly in the new Member States.

Other significant environment-related funding is available under Rural Development, managed through the Common Agricultural Policy. In addition, scientific capacity-building in the environment field is supported through EU-funded research.

The Commission also supports the Member States' efforts to achieve environmental goals in a number of other ways, inter alia by issuing guidelines that aim to provide information useful to those implementing environment policy. In specific areas of policy where this is thought to be useful, these guidelines go beyond the information provided within EU environment legislation and are drafted with better implementation in mind. Also, specific advice is offered to individual Member States by the European Commission, e.g. through periodic 'package meetings' where a number of environment policy implementation issues can be raised in a bilateral setting. In addition, the Commission gives individual expert advice to officials at various levels in Member States, on request. And finally, there is a wide range of support offered by the European Environment Agency, whose role includes support for Member States and others across a wide range of policy issues.

Az erőforrás-hatékonyság rendkívül fontos kezdeményezés, mivel Európának nagyon sok értékes nyersanyagra van szüksége. Az elektronikai hulladékok visszagyűjtésének ebben kiemelt jelentősége van, hiszen míg például két gramm arany előállításához egy tonnányi rossz minőségű ércet kell cianiddal átlocsolni, addig egy tonna mobiltelefonból 300 gramm arany nyerhető ki!

Ezért javaslom, hogy az Unió tiltson be egy rendkívül veszélyes és elavult technológiát, és koncentráljon az elektronikai hulladékok újrahasznosítására, amellyel új, hatékonyabb nyersanyagforrásokhoz juthatunk.

A cianidos bányászat uniós betiltására vonatkozó 2010. május 5-i európai parlamenti határozat fényében, lát-e lehetőséget a Bizottság arra, hogy hatékonyabban és tudatosabban támogassa az elektronikai hulladékok újrahasznosítását? Mikor szándékozik a Bizottság előterjeszteni a cianidos bányászati technológiákra vonatkozó jogszabályjavaslatát?

The demand of all types of raw material – including precious metals – is expected to increase dramatically in the coming years. In order to face this challenging situation, building a more resource-efficient society is crucial to the EU’s economic and ecological security.

In that context, the Commission has recently adopted 3 interconnected Communications:

1. the Communication on a 'Resource Efficient Europe'⁽¹⁾, which provides a strategic framework to shift towards resource-efficient growth in Europe. Improve waste management in order to use waste as resource is obviously a central element of this strategy;

2. the report on the Thematic Strategy on Waste Prevention and Recycling⁽²⁾ identifying the main success and limitations of the European recycling policies and including clear proposals to make progress to set up a "recycling society"; and

3. the Communication on Raw materials⁽³⁾ consisting in an integrated strategy to ensure the sustainable availability of raw material notably through resource efficiency and recycling.

Increasing collection and recycling of electronic waste is one of the practical elements of these strategies and the Commission agrees with the Honourable Member that more needs to be done. Gathering the electronic waste from many small sources is a big collective task which is best achieved by setting a clear and ambitious legislative framework. This is the reason for being of the Directive on waste electrical and electronic equipment, or WEEE⁽⁴⁾. The current collection rate is about one third of waste electrical and electronic equipment generated, and it is realistic to raise it to 85% by 2016 as proposed by the Commission⁽⁵⁾ and as supported by the Parliament in first reading. The Council has proposed a later date (2020 or 2022) for achieving such an ambition level and new promising debates are expected in the coming months to finalise this dossier in second reading.

The WEEE Directive also includes minimum recycling targets, differentiated by category of equipment. According to the 'producer responsibility' principle, producers are responsible to set up systems for the proper treatment of WEEE collected. They profit from the recovery of precious materials, which indeed are a significant source of secondary often precious raw material.

Unfortunately in the foreseeable future recycling can not replace the use of primary materials entirely. Demand for new products keeps rising, the resources become available only after a certain time, and recycling rates are not 100%. Collection and recycling rates must be raised as much as possible. And while primary mining is still needed, rules remain necessary to ensure that extractive industries operate in an environmentally sound manner.

There is a comprehensive set of rules in place for this purpose, including the Directives on Environmental Impact Assessments, Strategic Environmental Assessments, and Industrial Emissions. More specifically, cyanide mining technologies are covered in the Mining Waste Directive. The Commission's priority must be to ensure the full implementation of this Directive. It includes several requirements to ensure the safety of mining waste facilities and limit their impact on the environment. Strict limit values for cyanide concentration – the strictest world wide to the Commission's best knowledge - are defined in the Directive.

Waste facilities have to be operated using the "best available technique" concept as defined in a publically available reference document. The Commission is now working on the development of inspection guidance for the Member States to ensure a full enforcement of the Directive.

In conclusion, the Commission would like to insist on the importance of moving towards a resource efficient society. The example provided by the Honourable Member on the recycling of discarded mobile phones is particularly relevant. Recycling more provides several advantages from reducing environmental impacts to ensuring a sustainable and stable access to raw material and developing jobs and innovation in the Union.

In March the Commission granted the UK additional time, until June 2011, to comply with EU air quality standards for airborne particles (PM10) in Greater London. It did so on condition that the UK quickly produce an action plan to reduce such pollution.

Could the Commission clarify what action it would regard as satisfactory and how long-term its perspective will be? Is it looking only for 'emergency' action that could consist of one-off controls or abatement in order to meet EU norms by June (maximum 35 exceedances a year of the PM10 daily limit value), or is it demanding longer-term changes that would put London on a path to a significantly lower emissions rate, that would substantially improve public health?

On 11 March 2011 the Commission adopted a Commission Decision⁽¹⁾ on the United Kingdom (UK) request to be exempted from the obligation to apply the PM10 limit values in London and Gibraltar. As regards London, this was the second time the UK requested an exemption after the first request was rejected by the Commission in December 2009.

According to this Decision, the UK authorities have to adjust the air quality plan for London by 11 June 2011. This is the date by which the exemption ends and the PM10 daily limit value will have to be met.

As stated in the Commission Decision, the UK has produced an air quality plan outlining how it plans to reach compliance by 11 June 2011. However, in view of the very narrow margin by which compliance is projected and the risk of further exceedances, the Commission has asked the UK authorities to adopt further measures effective for controlling or, where necessary, suspending activities which contribute to the risk of the limit value being exceeded. This is meant to ensure the full toolbox for addressing exceedances is readily available when/if required, irrespective of whether such exceedances would appear.

The competence to decide on the measures lies entirely with the Member States. Under the "subsidiarity" principle it is acknowledged that Member States - and their local authorities - are best placed to identify the most efficient and tailor made measures to address high concentration levels in their air quality zones.

As the long term measures are provided for in the already existing air quality plan, the short-term measures are meant to address any risk of exceedances during, for example, specific pollution episodes. Those measures are therefore not supposed to address a sustained exceedance problem over the long-term but rather meant to be seen as complementing instead of 'emergency' actions.

Measures that could fall under this category could be measures in relation to motor-vehicle traffic, construction works, the use of industrial plants or products and domestic heating. They could consist of controlling and, where necessary, suspending those activities contributing to the risk of the limit value being exceeded. Specific actions aimed at the protection of sensitive population groups, including children, may also be considered.

Obserwujemy ekspansję firm chińskich na rynku budowlanym dróg, mostów oraz w przemyśle kolejowym w Polsce. Oferowane niskie ceny wykonawstwa preferują te firmy. Ze strony unijnych przedsiębiorstw powstają istotne zastrzeżenia co do realności wykonania oraz dumpingu. Niektóre rządy sprzyjają tej ekspansji lub wręcz zapraszają. Na przykład w Polsce, przy budowie odcinka autostrady A-2 między Łodzią a Warszawą, powstały juz istotne opóźnienia w realizacji przez chińskich wykonawców. Bankrutują przedsiębiorstwa naprawy wagonów kolejowych, rząd zaprasza chińskie firmy do zastąpienia ich. Protestują związki zawodowe i menadżerzy. Czy Komisja może zbadać te przypadki i zająć jednoznaczne stanowisko w sprawie przestrzegania reguł uczciwej konkurencji?

The Commission understands the concerns of the Honourable Member. Similar preoccupations have been expressed by other Members of the European Parliament, Member States and the European industry.

At the moment, the EU has no international commitments vis-à-vis China in the area of public procurement. As a consequence, Chinese suppliers and/or Chinese goods do not enjoy a secured access to the EU procurement markets, unlike the General Partnership Agreement (GPA) or Free Trade Agreement (FTA) partners for sectors covered by these agreements. Since China is currently negotiating accession to the GPA this situation could change in the coming years. In the context of the accession process the EU requests China to commit to setting ambitious market access goals.

In 2011, the Commission will present a legislative proposal clarifying the terms of access to the EU public procurement markets for bids and suppliers from third countries, covering procurement committed internationally and procurement not committed. The objective of this proposal will be to restore fair competition in the internal market and to ensure an increased leverage of the EU in international negotiations. This proposal has been announced by the Commission in its Communications "Towards a Single Market Act"⁽¹⁾ and "Trade, Growth and World Affairs"⁽²⁾. It will clarify the position of third countries (and their suppliers) which have not subscribed to any international commitments vis-à-vis the EU in this field and should be based on a principle of reciprocity. The Commission is currently conducting an impact assessment in order to make a cost-benefit analysis of the possible options.

The current EU rules on public procurement already contain provisions on abnormally low tenders. These provisions give contracting authorities the power, after having verified the constituent elements of the tender, to reject the tender if they consider that there are no sufficient guarantees that the tenderer will perform the contract according to the terms offered. Moreover, contracting authorities should require contractors to execute the works in accordance with the terms of the concluded contract and can, under the conditions defined in the law of the Member State concerned, ask the competent court to issue an injunction to this end.

The cost for a European company to register a patent is substantially higher when compared to other countries such as the United States of America. This is particularly true for companies including small to medium-sized enterprises working in the field of research, innovation and science.

Can the Commission outline what measures it is pursuing to simplify the costs of registering a patent in the EU?

The Commission is aware that European business and in particular small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) have to bear disproportionately high costs when they seek patent protection in Europe. Most of these costs come from the patent translation requirements imposed by the Member States. It is clear that these costs have an adverse effect on the global competitiveness innovative businesses in Europe.

In 2000, the Commission presented a proposal with the objective of creating an EU patent. The EU patent would have allowed SMEs to get patent protection through a single application in the entire EU. Also, the translation requirements would have been limited.

Member States, however, could not reach a unianimous agreement that would have been necessary for the creation of the EU patent. This failure was confirmed at the Competitiveness Council meeting on 10 December 2010 and subsequently 25 Member States decided to embark on enhanced cooperation in the area of the creation of unitary patent protection.

On 10 March 2011, following the consent given by the European Parliament, the Competitiveness Council authorised the launch of enhanced cooperation between 25 Member States. At this stage, Spain and Italy decided not to participate. They have the possibility to join in the future.

The Commission will soon present its proposals for the implementing regulations with simplified registration and translation requirements. The timely adoption of these regulations by the Council and the European Parliament would ensure that European SMEs could get patent protection for the territories of 25 Member States for less than 10% of the sum they have to pay today for patent protection in the entire EU. In addition they would continue to have the possiblity to apply for patent protection in Spain and Italy. If they do, they would still not pay more altogether than 20% of the sum they have to pay today for patent protection in the 27 countries.

The red mud disaster in Hungary raised awareness of functioning technologies for the industrial utilisation and recycling of red mud, as highlighted by several European and international experts. According to scientific calculations, a considerable amount of iron, titanium and other rare metals can be extracted from red mud, but the material can also be applied in the construction industry, namely in cement production. Such tests have been conducted in Japan and in India. It is calculated that approximately 220 million tons of red mud is stored within the territory of the EU in various forms. These solutions are within reach. Nonetheless, further research is needed in order to perfect them, and their application will require considerable investment.

Does the Commission think that financing research into such technologies is in the interest of European citizens? What possible European financial resources can be applied for this purpose?

In the Communication on raw materials adopted on 2nd February 2011, the Commission stated that the extraction of useful materials from waste – including mining waste – is one of the main sources of metals and minerals for European industry. It was also recognised that the use of secondary raw materials contributes to resource efficiency, to the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions, to the preservation of the environment and the reduction of external dependence on raw materials.

That said, the potential of many of these resources is not being fully exploited. And the barriers which prevent recycling need to be further addressed.

In order to help address this situation, in 2011 the Commission will assess whether to launch an Innovation Partnership on raw materials within the Europe 2020 Flagship on Innovation Union. Such a partnership could enhance innovation in recycling and in other parts of the raw materials value chain. As such, innovative ways to recover resources from mining waste – including 'red mud' – could be considered within this proposed partnership.

Under the next FP7 call for proposals to be published in July 2011, the industrial technologies theme called "Nanosciences, Nanotechnologies, Materials and New Production Technologies" – NMP plans to finance R&D proposals on new environmentally friendly approaches in minerals processing.

The planned mineral processing topic is directly relevant to the question in terms of targeting R&D on:

- novel technologies for the processing of low-quality raw materials and tailings with increased removal of impurities and recovery of usable minerals, including base and precious metals, but also critical raw materials for the EU , for example rare earth elements.

- closed process system with non-toxic reagents with zero impact on existing surroundings, and where appropriate mobile mineral processing plants;

- advanced waste, water and energy management; and

- better process control and automation through intelligent IT based systems for process intensification and reducing human exposure.

Red mud recycling is also covered by this research topic. It is expected that between EUR 15-20 Mio will be spent on several research projects.

In addition, LIFE is the EU’s financial instrument supporting environmental and nature conservation projects throughout the EU. In 2003, a Greek project on "Rehabilitation of abandoned bauxite surface mines using alumina red mud as filler" has been financed by LIFE. This project (LIFE03 ENV/GR/000213) succeeded in developing a full design for the refilling of abandoned open pit mines with red mud. Its tests showed the success and potential environmental benefits of this innovative dry disposal system of red mud as a way of both rehabilitating disused pits and reducing pollution of the sea.

The LIFE programme is composed by three strands (LIFE+ Nature & Biodiversity; LIFE+ Environment Policy & Governance and LIFE+ Information & Communication). A project on industrial reutilization and recycling of red mud in Europe could be financed under the LIFE+ Environment Policy & Governance strand.

The LIFE + 2011 Call for porposals has been published the 26 February 2011 and the deadline for the applicants to send their proposals is set at 18 July 2011.

Finally, recycling is one of the prioirites under the Competitiveness and Innovaiton Framework Programme- eco-innovaiton strand. The market replication projects support innovative solutions concerned with replication of eco-innovative techniques, products, services or practices. This instrument is oriented towards SMEs and aims to close the gap between research and market up-take as well as broader market penetration of eco-innovation.

According to statistical reports, a substantial number of children have learning difficulties (such as dyslexia, dyscalculia or dysgraphia), as well as behavioural problems, and difficulties in fitting in. Without special assistance, these children face serious disadvantage by the end of their primary education, which makes it very difficult for them to move on to secondary and tertiary education. In the long run, learning difficulties worsen employment opportunities and, therefore, result in poverty and social exclusion, as well as in a decline in Europe’s competitiveness.

What does the Commission plan to do in order to ensure that children with learning difficulties get all the necessary support at all educational levels throughout their learning life?

As regards learning difficulties, the Commission supports, through the Open Method of Coordination, the implementation of the 2008 Council Conclusions on European cooperation in schools. These conclusions invite the Member States to increase levels of literacy and numeracy, identify learning difficulties early and ensure timely and adequate learning support for each student.

Moreover, the Commission collaborates with and contributes to the work of the European Agency for the Development of Special Needs Education, which provides Member States with opportunities to exchange and learn from their varied practices in supporting people with various learning difficulties. The Commission closely monitors developments in the area of Special Needs Education through its annual Progress Reports

Through the Lifelong Learning Programme, the Commission also provides financial support to promote the education and inclusion of those children and adults with special needs. One priority for the Comenius programme, for example, is to identify and disseminate effective approaches in this field and help train teachers and school leaders to promote full inclusion.

Furthermore the European Union has been a party to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities since 22 January 2011. All Member States have signed the Convention and the majority of them have also ratified. Article 24 of the Convention places obligations on State Parties to realise the right of persons with disabilities to education.

In order to support the implementation of the Convention, the Commission adopted in 2010 a European Disability Strategy 2010-2020⁽¹⁾. It lists education as one of its eight areas for action with the objective to promote inclusive education and lifelong learning for pupils and students with disabilities. The accompanying Commission Staff Working Document⁽²⁾ contains an initial list of actions to achieve that goal.

Europa moet zich voorbereiden op een snel vergrijzende samenleving. Het gebruik van innovatie is daarbij een belangrijk hulpmiddel dat ons ter beschikking staat. Nauwe samenwerking tussen verschillende beleidstakken, waaronder digitaal, volksgezondheids-, onderzoeks- en industriebeleid is nodig om een antwoord te hebben op demografische verandering en de vergrijzing te verzilveren. Het is daarom goed dat de Commissie eind 2010 het partnerschap "actief en gezond ouder worden" heeft gelanceerd.

Kan de Commissie aangeven welke vervolgstappen worden genomen nu er een consultatie is geweest en een steering board samengesteld?

Welke rol ziet zij voor het innovatiepartnerschap binnen het Europees Jaar voor actief ouder worden en solidariteit tussen generaties?

Wanneer wil de Commissie een tweede innovatiepartnerschap lanceren en hoe gaat zij de eerste ervaringen en uitkomsten van het huidige innovatiepartnerschap daarbij gebruiken?

The recent Council Conclusions on preparatory work for the pilot European Innovation Partnership (EIP) "Active and Healthy Ageing", as adopted by the Council ("Competitiveness") at its meeting on 9-10 March 2011 mark the start of the pilot EIP functioning, with the establishment of a Steering Group and the envisaged participation of representatives of Member States representatives (i.e. Belgium, Spain, Hungary and Poland) in the work of the Partnership.

We now have all the necessary elements in place to start undertaking the preparatory work for the pilot including, notably, drawing up recommendations for a Strategic Implementation Plan, by end of summer 2011, on the basis of which initiatives will be put forward through appropriate institutional channels for the implementation of the pilot EIP. The Commission will then, and in principle before the end of 2011, present its views and proposals in a Communication to Council and Parliament for their political endorsement.

The Commission will seek to build synergies between the pilot EIP on Active and healthy Ageing and the 2012 European Year for Active Ageing. The European Year 2012 should ensure greater visibility for the EIP. On the other hand, the EIP, which will run until 2020, could be a good vehicle to implement some of the commitments undertaken by stakeholders during the 2012 European Year on Active Ageing and respond to the call of the Council for common principles for active ageing (EPSCO Council conclusions on active ageing adopted in 7 June 2010).

On the basis of the Council conclusions of 26 November 2010 and also taking into account the experience in setting up the present pilot EIP, the views of the stakeholders, and the evaluation of the pilot EIP later in the year, the Commission expects to launch a second wave of innovation partnerships by end of 2011.

Apple has announced a new newspaper subscription service available at its AppStore, requiring newspaper owners to sell subscriptions for at least the best price offered elsewhere, and to hand Apple 30 per cent of any revenues. Publishers today are developing new business models both in print and in the digital environment and therefore face heavy investment costs. I come from a tiny Member State – Estonia – where newspaper distribution is quite small, but the cost of digital switch-over is the same for the whole sector. Therefore, sharing such a significant part of the subscription revenue with Apple could result in higher prices to the customers. The EU should ensure that publishers have the right legislative framework in which to draw up their media offers. This includes ensuring either zero or reduced rates of VAT for both printed and online newspapers. Moreover, for publishers, the freedom to choose payment systems is paramount, as is maintaining direct contact with their subscribers. What action will the Commission be taking on this matter?

The Commission is actively following the evolution of electronic publications on tablet devices. The Commission's assessment is as follows. These products are in their early stages. Many details of how the market(s) will function are currently the subject of intense negotiations among the market parties. Clearly it is in the interest of public authorities that these converge towards a set of business practices that will deliver a sustainable basis for innovative goods and services.

Apple's behaviour could infringe EU rules if Apple were to implement anticompetitive agreements that foreclose competition or abuse a dominant position on the relevant market(s). As there are several platforms and a large number of devices that can provide similar functionalities, it is not clear that any one company, including Apple, has attained a dominant position at this stage.

Apart from undistorted competition, the Commission wants innovative products to take full advantage of Single Market freedoms so that citizens can consume digital content, including press, anywhere at anytime.

The Commission will shortly be announcing the establishment of one or more high level groups to consider inter alia the future of news media. The tablet developments will certainly be discussed within this group framework and the Commission will continue to follow them closely.

The alignment of VAT rates for electronic and printed press is already being debated. The Honourable Member will be aware that the Commission launched a much wider policy debate on the overhaul of the VAT system in its Green Paper published in December 2010. The ensuing consultation remains open till the end of May 2011. Responses to the questions posed in the Green Paper will no doubt provide evidence that will help orient future policy responses, namely whether the current structure of VAT rates hinders the effective operation of the Single Market by distorting competition; whether it constitutes asymmetric treatment of comparable products, notably of online press services compared with other press products and services having similar content; or whether it engenders high compliance costs for undertakings.

Après l'adoption, d'ici 2020, du nouvel objectif international de protection de la biodiversité, la Commission peut-elle confirmer que la politique agricole commune réformée inclura un système cohérent d'incitations environnementales, telles que:

un composant écologique obligatoire au niveau des exploitations agricoles dans le premier pilier, qui consisterait en un ensemble de bonnes pratiques agronomiques, telles que la rotation des cultures et des infrastructures vertes;

des dispositions dans le premier pilier spécifiques aux paysans sur des sites Natura 2000 et pour l'entretien des exploitations biologiques et des pâturages et prairies gérés de façon intensive;

un deuxième pilier bien ciblé et doté de ressources suffisantes qui devrait inclure des plans effectifs, volontaires et pluriannuels pour soutenir les paysans qui vont au-delà des bonnes pratiques de base et contribuent à la réussite des objectifs de l'UE en matière de changement climatique, de biodiversité et d'eau?

Le verdissement de la politique agricole commune (PAC) constitue un objectif clé de la réforme en cours afin de mieux répondre aux défis environnementaux. La future PAC devrait apporter une contribution importante à la gestion des ressources naturelles, notamment en vue de soutenir les engagements internationaux de l'Union. En effet, les objectifs à atteindre en termes de changement climatique et de biodiversité font partie intégrante de la stratégie Europe 2020 à laquelle la PAC s'associe pleinement.

Ainsi, les grandes lignes du projet de réforme de la PAC, énoncées dans la Communication de la Commission du 18 novembre dernier⁽¹⁾, prévoient que la future PAC doit répondre conjointement aux impératifs de sécurité alimentaire, de gestion des ressources naturelles et de vitalité des zones rurales. S'agissant du maintien de la biodiversité et de la lutte contre le changement climatique, tant le 1er pilier que le 2nd pilier de la PAC devront y contribuer. La Commission propose en particulier une composante verte du premier pilier face à des obligations de mises en œuvre par les agriculteurs d'actions telles que, par exemple, le maintien des prairies permanentes, la rotation des cultures, la couverture végétale et la jachère environnementale, ou celles prévues dans les zones Natura 2000.

La Commission est à l'heure actuelle en train d'examiner différentes possibilités de mise en œuvre. Pour que le verdissement de la PAC soit efficace, il serait essentiel de trouver le bon équilibre en termes de coûts/bénéfices des mesures concernées et de veiller à ne pas alourdir le système de gestion et de contrôles des paiements directs. En même temps, le verdissement des paiements directs irait de pair avec une redéfinition de la conditionnalité et des mesures de développement rural adaptées. L'analyse d'impacts est en cours en vue de présenter des propositions législatives avant la fin de l'année.

Does the Commission plan to take on board the views expressed by Parliament in its report on agriculture and international trade that was overwhelmingly adopted in plenary in March (P7_TA(2011)0083)?

Can the Commission respond to comments made by the Deputy Director-General of DG Trade that the adoption of the report 'doesn't represent a reduction in the Commission's commitment to a deal (with Mercosur)'?

The Commission will provide the European Parliament with a comprehensive reply to the Resolution on EU agriculture and international trade⁽¹⁾ referred to by the Honourable Member in her question, in accordance with the rules in force concerning the follow up by the Commission regarding non-legislative Resolutions of the Parliament.

While it is a fact that trade liberalisation raises challenges for EU agriculture, it is important to highlight that trade agreements provide new opportunities to EU agriculture stemming from our partners' concessions and it would be wrong to simply portray increased trade openness as a mere lose-lose scenario for EU agriculture. In addition, the wider benefits potentially delivered by trade openings for the European economy as a whole need to be borne in mind.

As regards the specific issue of trade negotiations with Mercosur, the negotiations on a EU - Mercosur Association Agreement have been re-launched in view of reaching a balanced and comprehensive agreement between the two regions, which would deepen relations and offer great political and economic benefits to both sides. The Commission is fully committed to pursue this goal. The re-launch of these negotiations has received support from both stakeholders and the European Parliament.

Mercosur is a large and dynamic economy with a GDP growth rate of around 8% in 2010. An agreement with Mercosur would be the first comprehensive deal on trade for our South American partners. It would give EU exporters an edge over their competitors in the rest of the world by enshrining privileged access to a market of 260 million people of middle income in one region of the world where purchasing power is rising fastest.

In general, the very challenge when negotiating multilateral or bilateral trade agreements that impact EU agriculture is to strike the right balance between our offensive and our defensive interests in agriculture as well as between agriculture and other areas of our trade negotiations. The Commission is very conscious of this and will continue to pursue such a goal, in close cooperation with the Parliament and the Council, with respect to the range of ongoing talks to which the EU remains fully committed, whether in multilateral or in bilateral contexts.

The presidential and parliamentary elections in Egypt will take place this year. How is the Commission going to support the electoral process in Egypt? Is the EU going to send a long-term election observation mission?

How does the Commission intend to help young people to prepare for the elections? Is the Commission going to provide financial support for the holding of seminars and training for young aspiring politicians?

As the elections are going to take place within a relatively short period of time, it is vital that the EU provides any assistance with urgency and rigour. It is very important that the EU sends experts and specialists to Egypt, especially from central and eastern Europe, who could provide know-how and expertise as to how to prepare for elections, how to write election programmes and how to organise election campaigns.

The EU has expressed its readiness to mobilise resources in support of the democratic transition in Egypt. This could include, among others, capacity building and technical assistance for election preparation, institution building as well as election observation. The development of the ongoing reforms in Egypt is in the hands of the Egyptian authorities and the Egyptian people. The Commission is ready to provide support, as soon as Egypt asks for it. The Commission has repeatedly expressed its interest in observing the Egyptian elections in the past. With the ongoing democratic reform, this issue is growing in importance. The EU will be ready to send a fully fledged, or a more limited electoral assessment or electoral expert’s mission if the Egyptian authorities invite us to do so.

The popular uprising of 25 January 2011 started thanks to the engagement of the youth and emerging political movements. The EU attaches great importance to working with these groups of civil society. For this reason EUR 2 million has been allocated from the Instrument for Stability for immediate support to the civil society organisations and civic movements. The main objective of the programme will be to increase their capacity to participate in the ongoing reform, create platforms for exchange of views, provide expertise and trainings and support public awareness. The programme will mobilise experts from Europe, including Central and Eastern Europe, as well as from the Arab region. Special attention will be paid to the role of women.

A civil society support package in the amount of EUR 17,7 million is also being launched locally in Cairo through the calls for proposals. Their timeframe is longer and the projects will start mostly around summer, hence their focus is adjusted to women rights, youth, children rights, media, freedom of belief, freedom of expression, combating torture, etc.

When establishing the Pilot ‘Blue Belt’ Project in November 2010, the Commission chose to concentrate on ships engaged exclusively in internal EU trade. In particular, the beneficial use of SafeSeaNet is underlined in the project, as a tool to reduce administrative burdens on short sea shipping. However, deep sea shipping could also benefit from the use of SafeSeaNet as a tool to reduce administrative burdens, as these operators also carry goods between EU ports during parts of their international voyages.

How will the Commission ensure that deep sea shipping also benefits from the potential facilitations foreseen in the Blue Belt project, and how does it intend to fully integrate these operators in the pilot projects?

Will the Commission work in future towards a genuine single European maritime area, in which both short sea shipping and deep sea shipping draw on the benefits of SafeSeaNet, thereby ensuring a level playing field with other modes of transport and reducing administrative burdens in all parts of the shipping industry?

As stated in the White Paper on transport policy⁽¹⁾, further simplification of administrative procedures in force in maritime transport is still necessary to encourage that waterborne transport is used to its full potential.

In this respect, the Blue Belt pilot project, undertaken by the European Maritime Safety Agency in cooperation with customs authorities and a number of volunteering shipping companies and due for completion in 2011, will show to the customs authorities in Member States how EU monitoring capabilities developed by this Agency can help them in their daily task, and how usual administrative formalities can be eased, without reducing the level of compliance to the various legislations. Amongst the more than two hundred vessels which will participate to the pilot project a number are involved in deep sea operations. It means that, while the overall objective of the Blue Belt pilot project is to facilitate the use of maritime transport for the intra-EU carriage of goods, the pilot project will also explore the potential of administrative facilitation for all types of maritime transport services.

The Commission will also specifically look into issues concerning intra-EU maritime services calling in a Third Country Port, as announced in the action plan on the European Maritime Transport Space without barriers⁽²⁾ adopted in 2009.

След проблемите с пострадалите от опустошителното земетресение реактори на японската АЕЦ „Фукушима 1”, ЕС реши да провери сигурността на всички ядрени централи в Европа. Комисарят по енергетика Йотингер заяви, че проектът за строеж на българската електроцентрала АЕЦ „Белене” трябва да бъде преразгледан. С оглед на това, че през 1977 г. в град Свищов, на 18 километра от площадката за строеж на АЕЦ „Белене”, имаше земетресение от 7.2 по Рихтер, в което по официални данни загинаха около 120 човека, разполага ли комисията с официален доклад от българските институции за сеизмичната активност на района и ако не, готова ли е да го изиска?

On 25 March 2011 the European Council underlined the priority of work to be taken forward to review the safety of all nuclear power plants in Europe. The Commission and the European Nuclear Safety Regulators Group will coordinate this process. Furthermore, the Commission will review the existing legal and regulatory framework for the safety of nuclear installations by the end of this year. The seismic risks in the area of the Belene Nuclear Power Plant (NPP) in Bulgaria will be addressed in this context.

Which Commissioners have visited India since the current Commission came into office? What is the Commission doing to promote the EU-India relationship?

A list of visits made to India by European Commissioners since September 2009 is given below.

The EU is promoting EU-India relations across the board through the implementation of the EU-India Joint Action Plan. This initiative, established by the two sides in 2005 and subsequently reviewed in 2008, defines a wide range of activities that are intended to support the EU-India Strategic Partnership through promoting peace and security, sustainable development, research and technology, and people-to-people and cultural exchanges.

Current priority areas for activities to promote EU-India relations include security, where activities on counter-terrorism, cyber-security, and counter-piracy are foreseen; commerce and business diplomacy, where work continues towards the conclusion of the Free Trade Agreement and where efforts are being made to respond to Indian Prime Minister Singh’s call to the EU at the last Summit to participate more fully in India’s economic modernisation; and in specific sectors of cooperation ranging from energy, environment and climate change to skills development, science and technology, and migration.

Efforts will furthermore be made to improve the profile of the EU in India through public diplomacy activities.

VISITS BY EU COMMISSIONERS TO INDIA 2009 – 2010

DATES

COMMISSIONER

2009

2-4 September

Marianne Fischer Boel, Commissioner for Agriculture and Rural Development

3-5 September

Catherine Ashton, Commissioner for Trade

16-17 November

Neelie Kroes, Commissioner for Competition

5-6 November

Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Commissioner for External Relations and European Neighbourhood Policy

5-6 November

Catherine Ashton, Commissioner for Trade

6 November

José Manuel Barroso, President of the European Commission (EU-India Summit)

2010

4 March

Karel De Gucht, Commissioner for Trade

7-9 April

Connie Hedegaard, Commissioner for Climate Action

21-24 June

Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the European Commission and High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy.

Een aantal recente schandalen rond vermeende lobbypraktijken en misbruiken in het Parlement toont aan dat zich een verstrakking opdringt van normen en regels.

In zijn resolutie van 8 mei 2008 (P6_TA(2008)0197) heeft het Parlement opgeroepen tot meer transparantie en heeft het gevraagd om een interinstitutioneel akkoord tussen de Raad, de Commissie en het Parlement over een verplicht gemeenschappelijk register dat van toepassing zou zijn in alle instellingen en dat volledige financiële informatie, gemeenschappelijke uitsluitingsmechanismen en een gemeenschappelijke ethische gedragscode zou omvatten (en ten minste een wederzijdse erkenning van gescheiden registers, bij gebrek aan een akkoord over een gemeenschappelijk verplicht register).

Is de Commissie bereid om een nieuw overleg te starten met het Parlement en de Raad om een regeling uit te werken voor een bindend gemeenschappelijk lobbyregister voor alle instellingen?

Gaat de Commissie akkoord dat absolute transparantie het prioritaire criterium moet zijn bij het opstellen van een gedragscode voor alle betrokkenen: vertegenwoordigers van Raad, Commissie en Parlement?

The Commission is well aware of the recent, totally unacceptable incidents in the European Parliament. It is the primary responsibility of the Parliament and its Members to take the necessary actions and measures to prevent similar behaviour in the future.

The Commission has drafted a Code of Conduct for Commissioners which is stricter than its previous one and among the strictest codes currently in force. The Parliament has been consulted on the draft and the Commission will adopt the new Code as soon as possible taking into account the comments of the Parliament.

This shall not prevent the Commission and the Parliament from reflecting together how can be found the best possible standards for the members of all institutions with their respective roles and mandates. But it would be up to the Parliament to initiate the debate with rules it would envisage for Members of the Parliament. The Commission do not want to give the impression that the Commission tries to regulate the work of Members of the Parliament.

With regard to the Transparency Register, the Honourable Member will be aware that a draft agreement on a joint transparency register of the Parliament and the Commission, prepared by a working group led by Parliament Vice-President Wallis and Commission Vice-President Šefčovič, is currently under examination in the Constitutional Affairs' (AFCO) Committee (President Casini report). The Commission and the Parliament have invited the Council to join the agreement and contacts are on-going in this regard.

Especially under the current circumstances, the Commission strongly recommend a quick adoption of the agreement as it is and plead not to delay its implementation by new legal and political discussions about the voluntary or mandatory character of the register. The discussions and especially a legislative process would take months and years before a register would see the light of the day.

The Commission and the Parliament must bear in mind that we do not need a register to ban behaviour which is most obviously unethical and possibly even criminal. It is for the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF), prosecutors and the Courts to enforce the laws which exist.

The contribution of the Transparency Register will be to provide information to citizens, civil servants and to all of us about all those organisations which are influencing the discussions in both our institutions.

All those who register − be they lobbyists, think tanks, NGOs or others – will provide information about their intentions, their finances and their main activities. They will subscribe to a code of conduct and a system of sanctions in case of breach of the rules. There are already today around 3,800 organisations in the current Commission register.

All those who will not be in the Transparency Register will have to be asked why they are not in and if they have anything to hide. And everyone should be more than prudent when dealing with such organisations.