Verbatim report of proceedings

Wednesday, 14 September 2011 - Strasbourg

11. Situation in Libya (debate)

  President. − The next item is the statement by the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the situation in Libya.

  Mikołaj Dowgielewicz, President-in-Office of the Council. − Madam President, I have the pleasure of representing here the High Representative/ Vice-President Catherine Ashton, who cannot be in Strasbourg this afternoon. She is on a trip to the Middle East, as you probably know, to prepare for the UN General Assembly next week, so she has asked me to speak on her behalf and report back to her as soon as possible.

For Poland it is also an important signal that we take part in this debate on behalf of the High Representative, because Poland has been staunchly and seriously involved in the efforts of the international community to help Libya. You may recall that the first Foreign Minister who went to Benghazi was the Polish Foreign Minister, last May.

It is almost seven months since the revolution in Libya began. During this time the world has witnessed the extraordinary courage and determination of the people of Libya. We should take this opportunity to pay tribute to them.

Throughout these months, the EU has stood by the Libyan people and consistently demonstrated its support for their aspirations: democracy, justice and freedom to live their lives without fear.

The EU has focused its efforts on three main areas: first, the political and diplomatic arena; second, immediate support for those affected by the crisis and third, support for Libya as it moves into the post-conflict period.

At the beginning of the crisis an Extraordinary European Council was called, on 11 March, as a result of which the EU was able to articulate clear messages to the regime: the violence should stop immediately and Gaddafi should go. The legitimate aspirations of the Libyan people should be respected.

Since then, the EU has adopted a wide range of restrictive measures designed to ensure that money and arms do not reach the regime. Now that Gaddafi has fled Tripoli and many of his followers have dispersed, the focus today is on the progressive lifting of sanctions to allow the new authorities to meet urgent needs on the ground.

The EU has played a key role in the various international initiatives designed to bring about a resolution of the conflict. The High Representative participated in the various meetings of the International Contact Group on Libya and those of the so-called Cairo Group of international and regional organisations, which was established on her initiative. The EU will continue to engage energetically in the Friends of Libya Group established after the summit in Paris on 1 September.

In the past months we have also witnessed the considerable suffering of the Libyan people as a result of the actions of the regime. We have followed with profound concern the siege of Misrata, the violence in the streets of Tripoli and the flow of refugees from Libya into neighbouring Tunisia and Egypt.

The EU’s response has been substantial, rapid and effective. As a whole, the EU has provided more than €152 million in humanitarian assistance since the beginning of the crisis. For its part DG ECHO has deployed teams to Benghazi and to the Tunisian and Egyptian borders and, as from 28 August, to Tripoli too. As a result, the EU’s assistance has included help in the evacuation of more than 24 000 third-country nationals, including from Misrata, and the provision of assistance to those fleeing the conflict. It has also included emergency health assistance, help for the war-wounded, protection of the civilian population, including humanitarian mine action, and the provision of adequate logistics capacity, coordination mechanisms and air transport to deliver relief aid to the beneficiaries.

As early as May, the High Representative visited Benghazi and opened an EU office there. The EU office has allowed us to maintain direct contact with the National Transitional Council (NTC) as well as to coordinate European assistance on the ground together with those Member States present in Benghazi. We also identified, together with the NTC, areas where early support could be provided: the strengthening of civil society and the media, capacity building for the new authorities and security sector support. These activities were launched rapidly.

Mr President, honourable Members, events in the past few weeks have moved with breath-taking speed. The regime has collapsed and those around Gaddafi have fled. Colonel Gaddafi has been ousted from power but he retains influence to destabilise the country. According to NATO, he still represents a threat to civilians. We are following closely the negotiations between the NTC and Gaddafi loyalists in the few pockets of resistance.

Libya is entering a process of transition. The challenges that the interim authorities face are huge: ensuring stability; restoring public services and the public administration; launching a process of democratic transition; support for the economy, initiating a process of transitional justice, disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration.

The coming months will be critical. The EU has been planning its support for Libya in the post-conflict phase for some time. We have been guided in this by a number of principles, including Libyan leadership and the need to ensure close coordination through the UN with all international partners.

As in the aftermath of every conflict, the Libyan authorities are in need of funds to satisfy the provision of basic services to their population. In order to support them we have already de-listed 28 entities subjected to EU autonomous sanctions. We are working, both in Brussels and in New York, to obtain the release of remaining frozen Libyan assets as soon as possible.

We are already in close contact with the NTC’s Stabilisation Team and with the UN through the Secretary General’s Special Adviser on Post-Conflict Assistance. We already have staff on the ground in Tripoli and, together with partners, are beginning the process of assessment of needs in critical sectors identified by the NTC. Good international coordination will be essential to significantly reduce the risk of duplication of effort, and the risk of the Libyan authorities being overwhelmed during this important transition stage. I am pleased to say that we have already agreed a provisional division of tasks for the ‘first needs’ assessments in Libya with our Libyan and international partners.

Finally, Madam President and honourable Members, I should like to thank Parliament for its strong support in the past months. The statements made and the resolutions adopted by this House, as well as the concrete actions taken by many Members of the European Parliament, have been instrumental in developing Europe’s thinking and making our position heard.

  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, on behalf of the PPE Group. – (ES) Madam President, Commissioner, if we consider that a 42-year dictatorship has been brought to an end within a period of six months, in theory that could sound like a relatively short time frame. However, if we take this into account and consider it in the context of the human lives lost, the suffering caused and the setback this will bring for generations to come, then I think our assessment will be significantly different.

In any event, everything remains to be done now that Muammar Gaddafi’s regime has fallen: provide humanitarian aid; guarantee security; establish order and control along the borders; bring about economic reconstruction, as well as a process of transition under extremely difficult circumstances; and ensure that there is no impunity for crimes committed.

The President-in-Office of the Council, Mr Dowgielewicz, has just said – and I agree with his assessment – that, within the framework of both NATO and the European Union, this despicable regime has been done away with thanks, in particular, to the action taken by specific Member States – such as France and the United Kingdom – and thanks to the determination and courage shown by the Libyan people.

We should also acknowledge that the European Union, after some early wavering and remaining within the scope of its powers, acted swiftly and properly. It is true, as well, that Parliament was the first authority to call for the recognition of the National Transitional Council (NTC), thanks – if truth be told – to an invitation by the Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe. It should also be noted that France was the first country to recognise the NTC. We have EUR 154 million in humanitarian aid, and a newly opened EU Office in Benghazi and Tripoli, which should quickly be upgraded to delegation status and for which a head of delegation with auctoritas should be appointed as soon as possible in order to tackle the important task of coordinating EU action with the Member States, and also with the Office that the Secretary General of the United Nations requested from the United Nations Security Council.

Madam President, Mr Dowgielewicz, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, just three days ago in this Parliament we, like many others around the globe, commemorated the tenth anniversary of the vicious terrorist attack on the Twin Towers. The EU must make the Arab Spring one of its absolute priorities for two reasons: firstly, in order to live up to that cry for freedom and dignity that is spreading through North Africa and the Arab nations; and secondly, to prevent radical Islamic fundamentalism from taking root in the societies around us and interrupting the process of transition that is under way in those countries and, above all, to prevent freedom from being threatened once again by barbarity and fanaticism.

  Ana Gomes, on behalf of the S&D Group. – (PT) Madam President, we in Parliament hope that the conflict in Libya is nearing its end. The brave Libyan people deserve the suffering caused by 42 years of brutal dictatorship and six months of war to make way for a free and democratic country. In order for this to happen, Colonel Gaddafi and his henchmen need to be found and brought to justice.

The European Union, which promptly established a presence in Benghazi in May, was quick to raise the flag in Tripoli soon after the liberation of the capital. Now it should also be swift in unfreezing Libyan assets, under the supervision of the United Nations (UN) Security Council, and in setting about identifying other financial resources which had been diverted to the Gaddafi regime so that they do not fuel the destabilisation of the country, and so as to ensure their return to the Libyan authorities.

The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the European External Action Service (EEAS) must be swift in responding to Libyan requests for help in interim governance and in the process of transition to democracy, ensuring the necessary coordination between Member States, so that national agendas do not override a coherent political strategy for the Union itself. Moreover, there must be no doubt about the EU’s respect for the sovereignty of the Libyan people, and it should facilitate the coordinating role that falls to the UN in bringing together various international contributions to the process of economic and institutional restructuring in Libya.

In order to promote security and reconciliation in Libya, the immediate priority must surely be to disarm the civilians who were forced to take up arms, and reintegrate them into society and the labour market. The EU can offer its experience and take a leading role in efforts towards disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration, and therefore in the reform of the security sector, the preparation of constitutional and electoral processes, the construction of the justice system, and institutional capacity building in civil society itself.

The credibility of the provisional Libyan Government will principally depend on its ability to deliver on its promises to construct a democratic state that respects the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all its citizens – Libyans, but also foreigners – and in particular the immigrants who suffered so much under Colonel Gaddafi and who continue to suffer even now, as they are often unjustly accused of being mercenaries in the service of Colonel Gaddafi merely because of their skin colour.

We therefore welcome the recent statements by the President of the Transitional National Council, Mr Jalil, in Tripoli, announcing that Libya will be a moderate Muslim country. We hope that this means that sharia, enshrined in the first constitutional declaration as the principal source of the law, will be interpreted in such a way as to ensure full respect for the rule of law and human rights, particularly those of women and immigrants.

We in Parliament hope that the transitional government will lead the process of national reconciliation and, within this framework, ensure the participation of women and young people in all political and economic decision-making bodies.

We Europeans must draw the necessary lessons from our past in Libya as an example of bad foreign policy, or rather a lack of foreign policy, due to the collaboration of various European governments with the Gaddafi regime, whether by exchanging terrorists for oil contracts or by selling arms and outsourcing torture under the renditions programme of the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).

We need a new European foreign policy based on European values and principles, which can respond to the clear wishes of the Libyan people and all those in the southern Mediterranean, in places like Tahrir Square, who are crying out for freedom and dignity.

  Kristiina Ojuland, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, although Muammar Gaddafi's regime has finally been overthrown in Libya, the country lies in a devastating state after the civil war and is facing several problems as we speak.

The National Transitional Council (NTC) has taken on the responsibility of rebuilding a liberal and free Libya, where democratic ideas must be respected by everybody. It is a difficult mission, and I believe that we also have an extremely important role to play to ensure the endeavour is successful. We should support the implementation of democracy by every means, and oppose every action that obstructs it. We must support the creation of a liberal economy as well as a free society.

The economic recovery is pivotal in securing the country’s irreversible transition to democracy. Therefore, ALDE welcomes releasing frozen Libyan assets and lifting the EU sanctions. Thus, the future of trade relations between the EU and Libya can be based upon fair and liberal principles. The strategic economic sectors must be put to the service of the Libyan people, and oil and gas production have to be resumed in order to finance Libyan nation-building efforts.

The most pressing task for the new Libyan authorities is ending the violence and establishing the elementary basis for the rule of law. The stability and security of the country require the setting up of functioning state structures. From the experience of my own country, Estonia, I can say that building democratic institutions can take some time. On the one hand we need patience, but in parallel we need to have a clear commitment from the NTC to rebuild a new Libya based on the values of democracy, rule of law and respect for human rights.

  Daniel Cohn-Bendit, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – (FR) Madam President, Presidents, I would like to talk about Libya, Syria and also the Middle East, because as I see it, everything is somewhat interlinked at present.

In the case of Libya, the European Union’s position is actually very simple. After some initial hesitation, the European Union has taken action: as has just been said, the European Parliament did push for recognition, which was a good move. We now need to maintain very open and honest discussions with the new National Transitional Council that is going to be appointed, because the real problem at present – and it is the same in Egypt and Tunisia – is knowing what Libya’s future constitution will look like. It is a very thorny problem.

I believe that we cannot impose our democratic model, but at the same time the European Union does clearly have a positive role to play in providing economic aid, investment and technical – rather than ideological – assistance as Libya begins to create a State that does not yet exist.

It is true that there are no political parties. It is a political desert: there are small groups, individuals and fighters. How do you turn fighters into civilians? In my view, this is where the European Union must bring its influence to bear: in the post-war period of establishing civil order. Of course, that is difficult, as is apparent in all the countries. How does one take possession of the weapons? How does one reorganise society around a democratic mechanism?

Sooner or later, Parliament, the Commission and the Council will need to have an in-depth discussion on the failings of our countries and our policies over the last five years, on how our relations and links with dictatorships have failed. Sooner or later we will have to learn from what we did and establish what we owe these countries.

On the subject of Syria, I believe that Parliament needs to impose further sanctions. As I see it, Aleppo is the real focus of the struggles in Syria. Those involved in international trade – and not just the oil industry – know that they no longer have a future with President Assad. That is why further sanctions are needed. The situation in which we find ourselves has some parallels with the situation in South Africa: the business world needs to understand that there can be no future with President Assad, who will survive one way or another. Aleppo is the key. That is why oil sanctions are needed and why European companies can no longer do business in today’s Syria.

Let me conclude with the Middle East. Baroness Ashton will try to persuade the Palestinians not to request recognition of their State in the United Nations. This is a serious matter. You should ask all those who are telling the Palestinians not to request this and tell us, here and now, what is the solution? Do not talk to them about negotiations, because there are none at present. Israel is not willing to negotiate. We need to be careful, because in the next couple of years, maybe in six months’ time, or in a year, the Palestinian territories might turn the process on its head. The Palestinian Authority might slip the key under the door and pass it to the Israelis, saying: ‘It’s yours. All this is Israel. Call it Israel-Palestine.’ Then they will begin to fight for one man, one vote, which Israel will be unable to accept because the Palestinians will make up the majority, so Israel will be forced to create an apartheid State. At which point we will be compelled to agree sanctions against Israel.

The future is not rosy. By making a choice today to tell the Palestinians to wait and see, we need to tell them what to look for. That has been clear for months. At present, despite President Obama’s efforts, no one has succeeded in bringing the Israelis back to the negotiating table. I do not see much hope for the Palestinians while Mr Lieberman is the Minister for Foreign Affairs in Israel.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, Free Libya Forces have courageously liberated Tripoli. They have control of the country’s key population centres. There have been few reprisals or abuses committed by the anti-Gaddafi forces, in contrast to the serious war crimes committed by Gaddafi loyalists and foreign mercenaries. The deranged despot Gaddafi has finally been overthrown and it is clear from this that the people of Libya are now keen to establish a pluralist democracy. I am not sure whether it is going to be liberal yet. However, though Gaddafi himself is no longer in Tripoli, some of his supporters are still at large and still pose a security threat until he is either killed, or captured and surrendered to the ICC.

My group, the ECR, strongly supports NATO in its continued operations – which are, I have to say, unique in that there have been zero casualties from a military point of view to date – to protect Libyan civilians. It is also vital that we support the NTC-led political transition that must now take place from a dictatorship of over 40 years to the ultimate goal, a government chosen by the people and thereafter subject regularly to elections to ensure its legitimacy to govern by consent.

I have to say it was not a proud day for the EU in terms of unity at the beginning, particularly the abstention by Germany in the Security Council over Resolution 1973. The UK Prime Minister, David Cameron, in contrast, must be congratulated on his courageous initiative alongside French President Sarkozy early on, speaking out as lone voices in the international community – though the wider community internationally must now continue to support Libya as it starts to rebuild itself. It has not just to recover from a war that has killed many of its citizens and build a democracy; it has to build this in the absence of any meaningful civil or political institutions.

The mountain that the National Transitional Council must now climb is great, and it will need all the friendly support it can get in order both to re-establish security in the country and to provide the basic services to its citizens, when right now many of the inhabitants of Tripoli, for instance, do not have access to clean running water. I have to say to the African Union, and South Africa in particular, get real. Gaddafi your friend has gone, please recognise the NTC as a legitimate authority in Libya.

Mercifully, once oil production restarts Libya will again be a rich country. We in the ECR therefore welcome the lifting by the EU of the freeze on assets held by the Member States, and believe that these should be returned forthwith to the NTC for reconstruction efforts and humanitarian aid. It will also be necessary to subject Libyan finances, including in the City of London which I represent, to the investigation of forensic accountants in order to determine the whereabouts of the billions that were stolen under Gaddafi’s rule. All this must remain nevertheless a Libyan-led process without any occupying foreign army.

We must also ensure that surrounding countries such as Algeria and Niger pledge to hand over Gaddafi, and any accused members of his family, to the NTC so that they may be put on trial for the crimes against humanity for which they stand accused, either in Libya, or before the ICC in The Hague. The NTC must for its part guarantee fair and transparent trials for all those found guilty of serious human rights crimes.

We congratulate Libya on its achievements thus far. We recognise the bravery of the rebels, in particular the long-suffering Berbers, that had the courage to fight this ruthless regime, and we offer our condolences to the families of the victims both of the regime and of the battle for freedom. We welcome the NTC’s constitutional declaration announced last month as a suitable interim constitution, and we must now fully support their quest for a new, democratic Libya, as a moderate Muslim country eschewing extremism of any kind.

  Miguel Portas, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – (PT) Madam President, the Arab Spring is surely the most important world event to take place this year. I would therefore like to express my support for the proposal to award the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought to this revolutionary process. This gesture would, and will, have undeniable symbolic value.

For years and years the European Union and its governments were complicit in dictatorial regimes that oppressed aspirations of freedom in the Arab world. Since then, this side of the Mediterranean has always preferred business to freedom, the repression of migratory flows to respect for human rights, and even silence to denunciation. This is a time of change, and the question is whether we really want to change, or simply to give the appearance of doing so.

In Libya the defence of civilian victims has turned into an aerial war for regime change, promoted by the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). The military action undertaken by this organisation, led by Paris and London, has exceeded and distorted the very mandate of the United Nations (UN). This abuse is so overt that military action is still continuing, even though pockets of resistance are minimal. NATO bombing does not ensure the success of the revolution that has reached Tripoli: rather, at this point it is increasing the scope for business that the reconstruction of infrastructure will ensure for the various governments involved in the war.

Some people are very concerned about the oil exploration contracts that Total SA may acquire. However, my concerns are different. I would like the National Transitional Council to clearly uphold the commitments that it has made regarding national reconciliation and respect for human rights, in particular those of women and immigrants, and Europe must support them in this priority.

Every spring eventually turns to autumn, even in Libya. About half a million immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa fled Libya and are now in Tunisia and Egypt without the support that they need. This is the top priority at this time.

In addition, in Libya it was not only Colonel Gaddafi’s forces and NATO planes that killed civilians: unworthy acts have also been committed on the rebel side. In light of this, it is also vital to ensure an independent investigation that contributes to national reconciliation.

Our support for democratic movements has to be genuine. We must allow peoples to take charge of their own destinies, and Europe’s role should not be one of intervention or double standards. We cannot condemn the repression in Syria yet silence it in Bahrain. We cannot boycott oil from Syria yet accept it from Yemen. Indeed, we should not accept boycotts that harm a country’s population. This is the only way in which the Arab Spring will bear fruit, because it will be the work of the Arabs themselves.

  Fiorello Provera, on behalf of the EFD Group. – (IT) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, in a statement on 5 October Commissioners Füle and Malmström expressed their satisfaction with the outcome of discussions with Tripoli on a cooperation agenda which included the management of migration flows, border management, pan-African policy and international protection for refugees and asylum seekers.

This ambitious agenda came to an end for the reasons we know – NATO’s military intervention and the change of regime in Tripoli. I believe that the first objective is to resume cooperation with Libya as soon as possible on these major issues – border management, migration flows, energy supplies and the fight against terrorism. That said, another equally important issue is to support Libya’s new leadership in organising free elections as the first step in a long process that will, I hope, one day make it possible to build a truly democratic and stable country.

Building a democracy is much more difficult than winning a war, especially if there is no previous memory of democracy in the country. I wanted to know what practical plans can be put in place in the short term to take action within civil society, especially in culture and education, which are key elements for building a true democracy in people’s hearts and minds.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI). – (DE) Madam President, Commissioner, without a doubt, political upheaval is always accompanied by a certain amount of chaos. Whether Libya will founder in the chaos will probably depend, firstly, on whether it succeeds in establishing a democratic system but also, secondly, on how it deals with the past. If nothing else, outbreaks of violence associated with the Mubarak trial, just like the Turkish denial of the Armenian genocide, for example, indicate that dealing with the past seems to be somewhat problematic in the Arab world.

As soon as the gulf opens between the political leaders of the uprising and the military rebels, chaos is probably inevitable. The large quantities of seized weapons in particular are highly dangerous. Who will take the weapons away from the young enthusiasts? What happens when local rivalries erupt into weapon fire? Not to mention the possibility that heavy weapons or rockets could end up in the hands of terrorists.

A UN mission may indeed be necessary to keep the peace, but in view of the increasing national pride of the Libyans it could be misconstrued as interference. However, we would certainly face the hardest litmus test if the Islamists were to be able to utilise the power vacuum for their own purposes.

Therefore, the EU needs a well-thought-out Libyan strategy, although we know that the release of the frozen assets alone would be enough to finance the reconstruction of Libya. Once oil production is back up and running, however, an economic boom could set in, from which the EU could certainly also benefit accordingly.

  Elmar Brok (PPE). – (DE) Madam President, President-in-Office of the Council, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, firstly, the fall of a dictatorship is good news. It is good news that this has primarily been brought about by courageous freedom fighters in the country. However, I would like to emphasise that, in particular, this is also the achievement of NATO and some of the Member States of the European Union, which took the leading role in this matter in every respect. It is also apparent, however, that, all in all, a coordinated EU policy, which was also coordinated by the External Action Service, and sanctions helped to bring about this success. When we proceed in a coordinated way, it is clear that it can result in success.

We now need to help with the transition. In the long term, this will not so much be a question of money, as the oil-rich country of Libya will have plenty of money of its own. We need to help with the development of democracy and the rule of law and with training young people, with measures to develop infrastructure and multilateral measures with cross-border implementation with a view to a true Southern Partnership for the whole North African region, for the Arab region. However, we must also ensure that – and this is a warning for the Commission – when it comes to the money that we give, it must not be the case, as has often happened in the past, that 60, 70 or 80% of it is spent on having studies carried out, but that local projects are financed that people do not have to wait three or four years to see realised, but where something happens immediately, so that people who have brought about a revolution for two reasons – freedom and better standards of living – will have a future.

Allow me to make one last comment with regard to the Middle East in anticipation of a later debate: we need to support the two-state solution, which entails movement on both sides. The United Nations resolution must enable this to happen. This means that Israel must be willing to move on this issue, too.

However, it is also a question of the unity of the European Union, which we must not put at risk. I have every confidence that the High Representative, who is in the Middle East right now, is building a bridge in this regard. You know that, for historical reasons, my country has a particular obligation here and that this matter is not particularly easy for us, but we hope that bridges will be built here and that we as Europeans will be able to cross them together in the interests of a better future for the region.

  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). – (IT) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, despite there still being some pockets of resistance by supporters of the old Libyan regime and even if, while Colonel Gaddafi is still around, the National Transitional Council still fears possible backlashes, it is right and proper to focus our attention on the post-war challenges.

The European Union’s role in the process of reconstruction and stabilisation of Libya is extremely important. Aside from the immediate priorities of food, medicine, a plan for security, public order, border control and the highly sensitive issue of withdrawing arms, it is important to prepare for medium- to long-term action. This begins with the contribution necessary for the election process that will open up to institutional capacity building in the transitional phase, and to economic and social development.

After the aggressive stage of the crisis which saw the European Union isolated, it is right to think that this is the time to strengthen Europe’s role with the right amount of determination. We do not just have a humanitarian duty, however important that may be, when thinking of the many migrants in Libya. We cannot fail to be present at the table that will redesign the geopolitical structure of the region, which now has another important protagonist in the shape of Turkey, as we are seeing at the moment with Prime Minister Erdogan’s triumphant visits to various Arab countries, just as we cannot delegate management of the post-war phase solely to the group of countries that took part in the NATO mission.

There are already signs of competition on the Libyan stage between some Member States which is not subtle and will not have a beneficial outcome. In fact, in the race towards the new Libya it is not difficult to see economic and energy-related interests. The plans for building a democratic Libya are not so clear, and this is what requires hard work and dedication. This is where the importance of the role of the European Union comes in, not least because the road before us is not an easy or a short one, and above all we must bear in mind that a democratic outcome is by no means guaranteed.

  Edward McMillan-Scott (ALDE). - Madam President, I am sure the House regrets, like I do, the absence of Lady Ashton. On the other hand, I recognise that the work she is doing in the region is of primordial importance, not just for Middle East peace, but also for wider regional stability and security which, as has so often been said, has been dramatically altered by the extraordinary events of the Arab Spring and its fall-out.

I recall a debate in this Chamber on 8 March, when many of us were demanding that the European Union should recognise the National Transitional Council. I had the honour to be one of the first politicians in Europe to welcome Mahmoud Jibril, the current acting Prime Minister, to my office here. At that time, Baroness Ashton was extremely reluctant to commit herself. I think that was a pity, because European leadership on this question would have been quite accessible. Immediately thereafter, Mr Jibril went to Paris and got the recognition of the French President.

This Chamber has been the source of some informative and inspirational debate, but today we are looking at a Libya which has transformed since we last met here in July. Across the region, the developments from the Arab Spring are evolving in an unsteady way – whether it is in Egypt or in Tunisia, which I visited recently and is facing elections very soon now. My message to the House today, and to those listening from other institutions, is that we must be ready for change, but also for uncertainty, because the future is not as clear as we might have hoped a few months ago.

Can I conclude by saying that I do hope the House can support the consensus that the Sakharov prize should be awarded to the martyrs of the Arab Spring and some of the leading personalities within it. This would be an extremely important and timely gesture showing that we care about democracy and human rights, and that we want them to extend not just to Libya, to Tunisia and to Egypt, but far beyond that in the Arab world and elsewhere.

  Franziska Katharina Brantner (Verts/ALE). – (DE) Madam President, a very warm welcome to you, Mr Füle. I believe that Libya is currently very much at a crossroads. The next few weeks will be crucial. We receive alternately good and bad news. On the one hand, we hear that the water supply and education are returning to normal, but on the other there is the question of the role of the Islamists. The messages keep changing and it is not clear where things are heading. Now it is time, after months of divisions in Europe, to finally act in a united way. Now it is time to send out a united message.

Apart from humanitarian aid I see a few areas I think we should focus on. First, Europe should offer expertise in the area of mediation and reconciliation, which is vital in the immediate aftermath of a conflict that so deeply divided – and still divides – the country. Second, the European Union should support the new Libyan leadership in bringing all perpetrators of violence to justice while insisting that the rule of law is upheld. Third, the EU should offer its support, together with other actors from the region and in flexible ways, in the field of security sector reform and justice sector reform. Special attention needs to be paid to the demobilisation and reintegration of all those who served in the armed struggle.

There is one more thing, however, that you should not forget, and that is the role of the private sector. I believe that the European companies that now scramble to tap into the country’s vast energy reserves have an important responsibility. These companies should adhere to strict transparency rules and declare where their money flows. The Commission could play a role here and encourage European companies to commit to a common code of conduct since we do not have binding legal instruments in place yet. Finally, I count on you to keep a close eye on the role of women in the new Libya.

  Paweł Robert Kowal (ECR). – (PL) Madam President, Commissioner, looking at the post-revolutionary situation in Libya, I believe above all that the EU should ensure it presents a common position. We suffered when it appeared that we were not speaking as one. When we speak as one, as the European Union, our voice is heard and is clear and unambiguous.

Today, we very much need a clear-cut signal directed not only at Libya but also at other countries which have obtained their freedom as a result of revolution. However, we are actually talking about the people of those countries. I am very much afraid that our interest will end with the current very important period of transformation, which entails preparations for free elections, and that we will focus all our efforts on those elections. A great deal of work and a great deal of support from all the EU Member States is required so that we can send these countries a clear signal that we know how to help them and that we are showing them the way which many countries around the world have successfully taken. However, we should not stop at these tactical activities.

In thinking of the events in North Africa, let us not forget the young people who demonstrated in town squares and those who demanded freedom because they could not see a way to link their individual destinies with that of their countries, because they felt that they were not needed. Hence my proposal that we should not forget about long-term programmes, and not just those dealing with humanitarian issues and the lack of water. Let us stress very clearly in the context of the Southern Partnership that these programmes must also cover education and universities, giving those who protested and risked their lives a chance, so that they do not become bitter in 10 to 20 years’ time, feeling that although they took a risk, their lives have not changed. Today, too, the European Union has a responsibility towards the hopes and desires of the people who gained freedom in North Africa.

  Charalampos Angourakis (GUE/NGL) . – (EL) Madam President, the NATO war against Libya has culminated in the slaughter of large numbers of civilians in Tripoli and other cities. Military developments are being determined by the bombings by the NATO, EU and US war machine, which therefore bears full responsibility for these crimes. The forces of the so-called rebels, led by former associates of Gaddafi under the flag of the monarchy, are finishing off this work of destruction.

However, yet again we have seen the endless hypocrisy and barbarity of the US administration and of the governments of the EU Member States, as well as the role of international news agencies involved in imperialist propaganda. The aim of the war was not to forge an alliance between the imperialists and Gaddafi, but for NATO forces to gain complete control of the oil and natural gas before their competitors. They are trying to consolidate the strategy for the new Middle East and to crush popular uprisings in North Africa and the Middle East.

The decision by the EU Council on 1 April in connection with the EU land campaign in Libya proves that the governments are stepping up their imperialist aggression in order to secure a share of the spoils for EU multinationals in that country. The arm of euro-submission forces is long. Having supported the creation of the no-fly zone which ushered in this murderous war, they are now welcoming the victory by the rebels, for which read NATO, and are talking about a new leaf being turned in Libya. It is clear from the haggling over oil and reconstruction at the Paris summit that the only way forward for the people is to fight against imperialism, against the European Union and NATO; that is the way forward to a different society and to a change in fortune in the area, the only way to secure peace and cooperation between peoples.

  Mario Mauro (PPE). – (IT) Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to draw your attention to a passage in the resolution regarding Libya, on which we will be voting in plenary tomorrow. It is the passage which takes note of the speech by Chairman Jalil in Tripoli announcing that Libya wants to be a moderate Muslim country with a constitution reflecting this fact.

I believe this is a crucial factor, not only for the future of Libya, but also for the future scenario of all the countries in the Mediterranean area. Tunisia and Egypt will also have a new constitution. I am asking you and I am asking us as a Parliament what we are doing to present ourselves as interlocutors in this delicate stage in which new constitutions will decide how populations numbering millions of people will live together, and I am saying this because the constitutional issue is a very slippery and very complex one.

God exists in the constitution of the United States and also in the constitution of Sudan, but the result is not the same. God does not exist in the French constitution or in the Chinese constitution, but again the result is not the same. Announcing or not announcing values or non-values is not enough. We have to understand how we are building our future together.

Therefore I propose that there should be a mission of the European Parliament, such as the Committee on Constitutional Affairs, and a mission of the European Commission that does not try to tell the Libyans how to write their constitution, but simply tells them our convictions, what we believe in and what underlies our constitutions and our concept of democracy.

  Véronique De Keyser (S&D). – (FR) Madam President, I have two points, which I basically share with Mr Mauro and Mr Provera. The first relates to Sharia law and the second to immigration.

I did hear that the European flag was flying in Tripoli, which is all well and good; however the Libyan revolution belongs to the Libyans nonetheless; and if we are going to support the transitional phase that is about to begin, we need to understand the full picture.

As regards Sharia law, which according to Mr Abdul Jalil is going to be a ‘soft’ version, I would like to know more. What is soft Sharia law? It is a question of interpretation. From one regime to another with the same constitution, Sharia can do damage.

During the dark hours of the war, we met some Libyan women here. They were absolutely remarkable women, in fact it was quite staggering – one of them had been raped over there. They said, ‘We want to have a say. We have fought for years and we will continue to fight.’

For all those women who have fought, who want to have a say and who want a different Libya, I think this constitutional framework is absolutely crucial. I am with Mr Mauro on this question, apart from a few small differences, but I want us to deal with this properly.

The second issue is that of immigration. I was one of the first to oppose the talks for the immigration agreement we wanted to make with Colonel Gaddafi, in a country that was blithely violating human rights, and we knew it. Now I hear that these talks are going to start up again; however we still have the same problem that this immigration policy is open to the whole of sub-Saharan Africa. This is a real problem.

However, is it not possible for us to have a different vision of how to solve this problem, and to think about immigration in terms of development? What needs to be done to help Libya make use of this labour capital, now that it needs migrant workers? Could we not invest in a joint immigration-development project, instead of picking up where we left off in the negotiations and ending up with detention centres that we have to visit to check that they are not breaching human rights?

I would like us to be creative, therefore, on this, and I call upon the Council and the Commission to resume their work on these two subjects with Parliament’s help, but with a completely new vision.

  Barbara Lochbihler (Verts/ALE). – (DE) Madam President, the situation in Libya today gives us hope that, in future, power, despotism and the rule of one man will no longer be the decisive factors determining life in Libya, because new state structures are being created, and here it is extremely important that the EU does what it can to ensure that these structures represent the rule of law, that all citizens are equal before the law and that there is legal certainty. It is extremely important for us now to concentrate on this in particular in this situation. It would, of course, be particularly desirable for the Libyans to decide to enshrine universal human rights, which are laid down in both pacts, in their constitution and to establish the protection of human dignity.

It is good that the EU is working to ensure that the death penalty is abolished in Libya. That is also possible in Muslim communities and societies, as we see in Turkey, where it has been abolished in peace time and at a time of war. It is also important for Libyan society to deal with the human rights violations of the past. In this regard, we know of successful and less successful examples from Latin American military dictatorships, and we should learn from the good examples.

Addressing the human rights violations also applies to the most recent past. We know that, during hostilities, it is not only one side that violates human rights. I would therefore ask that the report presented by Amnesty International documenting the human rights violations by both sides be taken seriously. Perhaps this is an opportunity to set up an independent committee, like the one in Tunisia, to analyse these crimes.

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – (RO) Madam President, on Monday afternoon we asked not only to hold a debate but also propose a resolution on Libya during our current session. The argument we put forward was that it was a good idea to express our view via a vote before Gaddafi was captured or fled. I personally believe that the Gaddafi regime’s final days are numbered. I believe that it will not feature again during our next session, even if there are, as we know, strongholds of resistance, mainly in Bani Walid. However, Libya is gradually heading towards a transition which we all want to be democratic.

As previous speakers have also mentioned, the transformation and conflict which have created the current situation were obviously initiated by the Libyans. At the same time, European states have played an important role in:

1. achieving an international consensus on intervention and

2. ensuring that a number of states were involved in NATO operations aimed at protecting civilians.

This is precisely why we have a responsibility. The basic responsibility relates to rebuilding the institutions or, put more accurately, building a truly democratic political system which will respect human rights. I welcome the comment made by my colleague Mario Mauro. At the same time, we are all aware that this reconstruction process will not be able to start as long as uncertainty surrounds the security situation.

In conclusion, I would say that Libya’s reconstruction also depends on national reconciliation, which means not only investigating and punishing crimes committed during Gaddafi’s time, but also finding a way to ensure access to justice for all those wronged during the revolution, no matter who the perpetrators of the crimes have been.

  Roberto Gualtieri (S&D). – (IT) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, after 42 years of dictatorship and six months of conflict Libya is at a turning-point in its history that could open the way to a future of democracy, peace and development. This future is in the hands of the Libyans and no one can expect to impose choices and ready-made solutions on them, but at the same time it is clear that the European Union has a great responsibility, a decisive role to play in supporting the process of stabilisation and transition to democracy in the country.

After being marginalised by the divisions among its members in the early stages of the conflict, a conflict the wise management of which can be attributed to NATO, the EU has gradually begun to demonstrate the capacity for action that we all value and which has produced concrete results, with the opening of the office in Benghazi, missions in Tripoli, which we would like to be more coordinated, external service action and ECHO (Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection).

This activism must now find its place in the context of a strong and credible political strategy capable of defining a multilateral framework that is both robust and effective, and of ensuring a true unity of purpose within the international community, preventing overlapping and competition and guaranteeing real support for the Libyan transition. The transition will inevitably be long and complex, and will have to focus on national reconciliation while preventing the creation of new divisions within the country. At the same time it will have to ensure progress and democracy, and guarantee the involvement of civil society and the creation of new ruling classes. During this transition the return to normality and restoration of public order means difficult problems such as border control, rebuilding the judicial system and the security forces, and controlling the widespread distribution of weapons, must be addressed as a matter of urgency, while at the same time the transition has to be based on a robust and credible road map that is both democratic and representative.

All this requires dialogue, commitment, leadership skills, as well as intensive planning and work to identify resources. It is therefore an important test for the EU, for the European External Action Service, and for its comprehensive approach, and the European Parliament is ready to play its part and to support this commitment.

  Arnaud Danjean (PPE). – (FR) Madam President, I hope that the resolution on Libya that we will be voting on tomorrow, and on which there is broad agreement, will be just as relevant as the resolution that we approved here six months ago, where the bulk of the provisions have proved perfectly reasonable.

The condemnation and sanctions aimed at the Gaddafi regime, the introduction of the principle of the duty to protect civilian populations, if necessary through recourse to military force, and the recognition of the legitimacy of the National Transitional Council: all of these provisions were approved here before they were ever discussed in the European Council or implemented by the Member States. They form the backbone of the action taken by the international community.

We should honour all those countries, particularly the European countries, of which there are many, that have been steadfastly committed to supporting the Libyan people’s desire for freedom through both diplomatic and military means. I feel that it is also important to pay tribute to the French pilots who, on 19 March, wiped out the columns of Colonel Gaddafi’s troops that were marching on Benghazi, thereby preventing the town from being added to the roll-call of ravaged towns mourned by Europe, such as Vukovar and Srebrenica.

Six months on, obviously we need to avoid unwarranted optimism, because although Colonel Gaddafi’s reign has come to an end, the conflict itself has not, and also because the challenges associated with the embryonic transition are massive and far from resolved.

The European Union therefore needs to act now by taking a leading role in this delicate phase. We need to work with other international players to offer prompt assistance and support that go beyond the humanitarian efforts that have already been made and that focus primarily on supporting civil movements, establishing institutions and organising the security sector. First and foremost, these concerted efforts must be based on one clear principle, namely that this transition must be guided by the Libyans themselves and that no one, albeit with the best intentions in the world, can take the place of the Libyan people’s hopes for independence.

  Maria Eleni Koppa (S&D). – (EL) Madam President, the battle by forces opposing the autocratic regime in Libya finally appears to have been won. The Gaddafi regime has gone, following a great deal of bloodshed. Today, the main concern is to reconstruct Libya on the basis of democracy, equality and peace. However, the situation is still extremely critical. Thousands of people are in dire circumstances, with no water, medication or food. Add to that the additional problems faced by refugees and it becomes clear that the European Union has an absolute duty to help this country get back on its feet.

Humanitarian aid is the top priority. However, establishing rule of law and democratic institutions, preventing a power vacuum and reconciliation are among the main challenges faced by the European Union.

The Union definitely did not come up to par in its response to the Libya issue. It failed to speak with one voice and allowed NATO to demonstrate that it is the only reliable player in the security sector. Today, we are being called upon to support the new Libya rising from the ashes and to guarantee respect for human rights, so that the people have a better future.

  Santiago Fisas Ayxela (PPE). – (ES) Madam President, fortunately the Libyan opposition has successfully confronted Muammar Gaddafi’s dictatorship, with the help of the international community. Now Gaddafi must be caught and judged for the crimes, violations of human rights, and possible crimes against humanity that he may have committed.

The most important thing of all at the moment is to focus our efforts on rebuilding the country and endeavour to help Libya become a democratic state based on the rule of law. There are certain vital elements for ensuring the country is secure and viable: establishing the normal functioning of infrastructures, particularly where water, electricity and oil are concerned; maintaining public order by means of a police force; and effectively collecting all the weapons that have been distributed throughout the country.

We should also remember the importance of supporting the Sahel countries: on the one hand, to avoid the extremely serious consequences for their security if mercenaries return and pro-Gaddafi forces flee to those countries; on the other hand, to support their institutions, which are enabling displaced persons from Libya to make an orderly return to their homes.

Finally, I believe that the deployment of a United Nations mission to the country would be key to achieving the objectives mentioned.

  Simon Busuttil (PPE). - (MT) Madam President, what happened in Libya was a dream come true. I would like to congratulate the people of Libya for having the courage and determination to fight for their freedom.

At the same time I would also like to express my solidarity with the families of all those who lost their lives, who were the victims and martyrs of this revolution. I am proud of the fact that this parliament was among the first to call for a no fly zone, and one of the first to recognise the National Transitional Council. What now? Now we need to help Libyans take the next step towards a nation built upon the foundations of peace, democracy, justice and freedom. Now we must help them in the transition towards normality, so that the people of Libya can lead normal lives, with access to basic needs, like water and electricity, access to health care, and access to employment, which will give them dignity. There is a lot we can do. We can help Libya build democratic institutions which respect the law and the separation of executive, legislative and judiciary powers. We have a lot of experience we can offer in this regard, and in the building of a democratic environment. We must show that we are ready to back the people of Libya in every step they take towards democracy.

  Alf Svensson (PPE). – (SV) Madam President, may the intentions and hopes of this resolution truly be realised so that we can see concrete action in Libya and from the European Parliament on the basis of what is stated in the resolution. It may perhaps also be appropriate to recall that the United States did not take the lead in this action – which I believe that we will also have to continue to be involved in – it was the EU that did that. It is perhaps also appropriate to recall that the EU, as several people here have already mentioned, was not united at the start. However, let us now show complete unity when it comes to helping to establish democracy in Libya.

We have learnt our lesson that there is no stability if there is no democracy. That is why it is so crucial now to emphasise in the constitution, as it has been said here, how important it is that the institutions are built on a democratic foundation. We can, of course, talk about the risks that the new Libya entails, but what choice did we have? I am sure that everyone agreed that Gaddafi had to go, and now we can feel satisfied that that has happened.

I also think that it is important to express a strong desire for relations with the countries of the EU not to be based primarily on oil contracts, but on lifting Libya into the democratic sphere. I very much like the expression used here by Mr Dowgielewicz, who spoke of ‘freedom without fear’. That is exactly what democracy is, and it is precisely what we want for the Libyan people.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). – (GA) Madam President, I suppose after all the bad news about economic affairs that it is a good thing that we have good news to discuss. Without doubt it is good news that Colonel Gaddafi has been given his marching orders after being in power for forty- two years.

The revolutionaries and NATO should be praised, and within the European Union we should give credit to Britain and France, especially to David Cameron and Nicholas Sarkozy for the leadership and courage they have shown from the beginning.

We now must look to the future. Libya has particular advantages. They have financial resources that will be available to them in the future and they have oil wells that will ensure that they have a good standard of living. Baroness Ashton has a major role to play to ensure that there will be stability in the country and especially that they have a democratic government and that the people of Libya will be in charge of it.

  Mariya Nedelcheva (PPE). – (FR) Madam President, the Libyan people need a new Libya, but Colonel Gaddafi will have to be halted in order to build that new Libya, because as long as this bloodthirsty autocrat remains on the scene, the civilian population will remain under threat.

Once that first step has been taken, reconciliation between the two sides will be needed, because although this conflict has taken on an international dimension through NATO’s intervention, the fact remains that it is a primarily civil war that has divided the country. It is not possible to rebuild a country that has been through a civil war without going through a period of reconciliation.

The National Transitional Council needs to rise to this challenge by laying solid foundations for democracy. For our part, we need to support the transition to the best of our ability and with much wisdom. We need to take a long-term perspective, not only in terms of financial aid but also with regard to the experience of democracy that we can offer Libya.

  Katarína Neveďalová (S&D). – (SK) Madam President, Libya is currently at a crossroads. Only two weeks ago, the accounts of Libyan companies were unfrozen and the country can begin to move forward. A transition is occurring in this country from dictatorship to democracy, if all goes well. However, we know that similar regime changes are very difficult and lengthy. We can provide as an example the war in Iraq, which still has not produced any results, and the situation in the country is still highly critical. I therefore consider it very important that we closely monitor new developments in Libya and do everything possible to avoid further bloodshed. I fully agree with the statement by Ms Ashton. Indeed, it is high time that power in the country was handed over to the people. This situation is a challenge and a severe test of the people not only of this country, but also the entire international community. Let us therefore keep our fingers crossed.

  Ioan Mircea Paşcu (S&D). - Madam President, after the taking of Tripoli the situation in Libya enters a new delicate phase – that of building the new state institutions. In the absence of an actor with enough authority to manage the process – see the army in Egypt or the lack of it in Iraq – that process will inevitably imply jockeying for power on the part of all those involved in obtaining victory. The fact that most of those groups are armed and that those loyal to Gaddafi, who is still at large, are still active complicates the process.

Moreover, the administration of the country should be separated from state-building. The latter should not interfere with the former because, if it does, the discontent of the population could delay and complicate state-building. However, there is an external aspect too, namely how to provide support and at the same time not to get involved – as the victors are categorically demanding – and how to combine bilateral and multilateral elements in providing that support.

Finally, let us not forget that in this new phase the NATO strikes have become a highly sensitive issue, given that it is essential to avoid being perceived as interfering in the power game.

  Kyriakos Mavronikolas (S&D). – (EL) Madam President, as every speaker has pointed out, the European Union needs to support the reconstruction of Libya. In other words, the whole of Europe needs to pull together and help the Arab nations in general to build their new states. Without doubt, if we fail to do so, there will be other countries that will do or will want to do that job.

Bearing in mind the adventurous stand which Turkey is currently taking in Eastern Europe, bearing in mind Turkey’s efforts to secure a leading presence in Libya, we should realise that, if the European Union wants to keep Turkey on the road to accession to the European Union, it needs to help these Arab nations and Libya in particular, so that Libya is not left with Turkey as its only example.

  Marie-Thérèse Sanchez-Schmid (PPE). – (FR) Madam President, the fallout from the Arab Spring continues to have knock-on effects for all elements of our external policy. We therefore have a duty to address these challenges.

Today, the incredible hope born of the calls for democracy in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya needs to be translated into proper joint development projects. We have already identified the top priorities: humanitarian aid, cooperation on security, economic support and institutional assistance.

We now need to put those priorities into practice. Europe can make use of two existing instruments to support this development: the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Union for the Mediterranean.

To this end, we need to strengthen these policies, particularly the section of the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument that deals with cross-border cooperation. Indeed, this section allows us to finance specific projects to promote investment, social cohesion, environmental considerations and mobility in the Mediterranean basin. It specifically encourages the creation of networks of local and regional authorities which, by meeting and working together, can develop pragmatic responses to local needs and give citizens a very practical understanding of the aid that the European Union can provide.

  Judith Sargentini (Verts/ALE). - (NL) Madam President, around this time last year, the European Parliament tried to get some clarity about the EUR 60 million which the Commission had promised Libya for measures intended to keep migrants out of the country, in particular to protect Libya’s southern border, so that the migrants did not enter Libya and, thus, did not enter Europe from there. At the time, we tried to highlight the fact that, in many cases, these migrants were refugees, people fleeing dictatorships in sub-Saharan Africa.

We now have evidence that that was the case. Just look at the people who have been left behind in Tunisia and Egypt, who have fled Libya and who cannot return home: Somalis, Eritreans, Ethiopians, Sudanese, that is who the refugees are. There are still some 5 000 of them. I would like to ask the Commission and, especially, the Council if it is not possible for Europe to do something to relocate these people to Europe. My second question to the Commission is: what has that EUR 60 million which we gave Libya for things which we knew, even back then, were not right, been spent on?

IN THE CHAIR: ANNI PODIMATA
Vice-President

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL). – (PT) Madam President, the veritable massacre unleashed on the Libyan people by the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and its main powers give us cause for concern. Five months of bombing, thousands of innocent civilians dead, infrastructure and social amenities destroyed, and a country in ruins: that is the inconvenient truth that those already launching themselves into pillaging the country’s resources and into the lucrative business of reconstruction are seeking to hide.

While oil and other Libyan natural resources are being carved up, they are preparing to rebuild what they have destroyed, at the expense of the Libyan people and the country’s sovereign resources. The Libyan people were, and still are, the victims of a flagrant violation of international law, of the United Nations Charter and of Security Council Resolution 1973, which, hypocritically, refers to the protection of civilians. These are the same civilians on whom NATO dropped its humanitarian bombs.

However, as reality has shown in other situations, when faced with aggression and imperialist war from the United States and Europe, people respond by resisting and fighting for peace, freedom and sovereignty, and by taking their destiny into their own hands.

  Jaroslav Paška (EFD). - (SK) Madam President, Libya is, after a long and fierce civil war, reaching a situation where finally they need no further weapons and military aid, and has time to consolidate the local situation.

Libya was a rich country before the war, however now it will be in need of our assistance. Citizens of the war-torn country will need basic food and water and, paradoxically, also fuel. They will need to repair war-damaged housing, schools, hospitals and looted shops. They will need to restore public administration, ensure internal security for its citizens and gradually restore state power. After a bloody period of uncertainty we now therefore find a difficult recovery period, during which it will be necessary to once more lend the people of Libya a helping hand. In addition to the necessary material assistance based on the provision of the basic needs of citizens, it will also be necessary to help with the building of a free democratic society and institutions that will take responsibility for the honest and fair conduct of the Libyan state.

We must therefore realise that our aid to the Libyan people will have to be long term if we do not want the fate of this country to be left in the hands of traders and adventurists.

  Franz Obermayr (NI). – (DE) Madam President, Libya is to be a state governed by the rule of law – that is very good – but based on Sharia law – that is not so good. The person who is to perform this miracle is Mustafa Abd al-Dschalil, who served as the Minister for Justice under Gaddafi until February. That is a worrying development. Libya is free, freed by Libyan rebels – I have great respect for that – but with substantial support from NATO. That will, of course, have its price. It is not without reason that Western democracies have already sought to contact Gaddafi in order to get their hands on the black gold. In the last few years alone, various Heads of State have curried favour with Colonel Gaddafi – Schröder, Berlusconi, Sarkozy, Blair, and discreetly in the background is the United States, which is very well aware that it can make more money from the export of crude oil technology and does not need to get its hands dirty in this regard.

Europe must therefore support Libya so that it can establish a democratic-pluralistic society, a society that builds the structures of the rule of law, respects human rights and knows that Europe can and must be a good partner.

  Andrew Henry William Brons (NI). - Madam President, one does not have to be sympathetic towards the despicable tyrant Colonel Gaddafi to be sceptical about the West’s motives for support of the rebels in that country. It follows Gaddafi’s plan to operate a rather ambitious golden dinar policy of selling oil only for gold and bypassing the dollar. Furthermore, it has been admitted that British International Development Minister and former oil trader, Alan Duncan, arranged a deal between the National Transitional Council and Vitol, an oil company for which Duncan formerly worked. It is believed that under this deal Vitol, which is the largest trader of oil and refined products in the world, will have a monopoly over the trade in Libya’s oil.

It has also been revealed that the National Transitional Council has announced it will recognise the State of Israel, a step that many Arab countries are reluctant to take. I do not have a view as to whether or not this will be desirable, but I would not want to think this might have been a contributory motive for war.

  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. − Madam President, I have had the great pleasure today of participating in this debate with the representative of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative, Mr Dowgielewicz, and thus of showing the integrated approach of the External Action Service and the Commission. I also think it is important to look at this debate from the position of our previous debate in March on our communication on a partnership for democracy and shared prosperity and also in terms of the European Neighbourhood Policy review. We should make sure that our reaction to crises like the one Libya reflects these very important principles that we have debated and later agreed in these two important communications.

I appreciate the strong message that has emerged in this debate. The European Union has a strong interest in ensuring the emergence of a new Libya, one that is democratic and fully integrated into the international community and the Euro-Mediterranean region.

I would like to make three points about our assistance.

Firstly, before the fall of Tripoli, we started cooperation with the National Transitional Council and civil society; our support includes technical assistance to help build state institutions and public administration capacity, support for the respect of human rights and democratisation, capacity building for civil society, assistance for education and the relaunch of schools, support for urgent needs in the health sector, and finally assistance to migrants and displaced people.

Secondly, the situation in Libya has evolved rapidly since the capture of Tripoli by opposition forces at the end of August. On 1 September 2011, an international conference of Heads of State and Government, international organisations and the Libyan National Transitional Council took place in Paris. Partners engaged in continued support of the interim Libyan authorities and established a Friends of Libya group of countries. The following day, 2 September, a technical meeting in Paris called by the stabilisation response team of the NTC (the National Transitional Council) with major donor countries established the principles and scope for the post-crisis needs assessment phase and financial assistance planning. It was during those meetings that the President of the European Commission, President Barroso, – and later our colleagues – shared with other participants the paper ‘Responding to the challenge of stabilisation in post-conflict Libya’ and also an informal paper, ‘A rapid and effective European aid response for the challenges of stabilisation in post-conflict Libya’. I will make sure that this paper is made available to this House.

The strong messages passed by the NTC at these meetings were: respect for Libyan ownership; close donor coordination under the lead of the United Nations with a strong role played by the European Union and the World Bank; a pragmatic, operational and selective approach to the needs assessment on the basis of Libyan priorities.

At the 2 September conference, the European Union was assigned sectoral leadership for civil society, including women, border management, and public assurance through media messaging. This choice was made with the full support of the new Libyan authorities and, as my colleague already said, a joint External Action Service and DEVCO mission has been deployed to Tripoli since 11 September in order to prepare the needs assessment exercise.

Now, the European Commission is ready to mobilise, at the request of the Libyan authorities, further expertise and technical assistance for the post- conflict phase. In fact, we are re-focusing the medium-term funding foreseen for Libya for 2011-2013 (EUR 60 million) on the needs of the new Libyan authorities. What I am trying to say is that events have developed faster than our ability to distribute the financial resources.

During the debate, I took note of a number of very constructive proposals – such as from Ms Brandtner on issues of reconciliation, ensuring all perpetrators of violence are brought to justice, issues of security and justice, the role of the private sector including a code of conduct. I also heard Mr Mauro's idea to send a joint team, which will certainly be considered, and also Ms De Keyser's remark about looking at immigration from a different angle. I shall look at these seriously with my colleagues from the External Action Service, taking into account the principle I referred to earlier.

My third and final point is that Libya has ample resources. The swift unfreezing of assets should provide resources for reconstruction and restarting the economy. At the same time, it is important to ensure a sound framework for the management of oil and gas resources.

Once the stabilisation phase is over, the Commission considers that it will be important to set the appropriate basis for long-term relations with the new Libya. We should be ready to conclude an agreement with Libya similar to the agreements that are in force with all other neighbouring Mediterranean countries. This would send a strong signal that the European Union is ready to establish a strong partnership with Libya based on shared interest and mutual respect.

  Mikołaj Dowgielewicz, President-in-Office of the Council. − Madam President, first of all I would like to say that I think this debate today proves that both the European strategy and the international community’s strategy on Libya in the last few months have brought positive results. Libya has been an important test for the European Foreign and Security Policy after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. I think the European Union has passed this test very well.

This debate today showed that Libya is not just about some far-away country where people are fighting, but is an issue which is very important to the public in the European Union. Europeans are avidly following what is happening and what will happen in Libya. Of course, this puts an additional burden of responsibility on us in the European Union and we take this task very seriously. We have to support the Libyans in their newborn independence as much as we can during the difficult transition.

I think that the debate today also showed that in all those efforts to help Libya there is room for NGOs, civil society, business, governments, parliaments and international organisations. This is very much the approach that the High Representative is taking. The External Action Service will support all these efforts in all dimensions.

A number of speakers raised the question of the violations of human rights and the risk of violations of human rights. If you take note of the statement of the High Representative on this issue, it is very clear that this will be a very serious issue for the European assessment of the situation. It will, of course, also be an important responsibility for the NTC (National Transitional Council) to ensure that all international standards are observed where they are in control of the situation. Of course, the same approach will apply where the other side is concerned. In any case, the issue of human rights will certainly be at the core of European policy vis-à-vis a new Libya.

I will end here. Thank you very much for this debate and I look forward to the resolution that you will hopefully adopt tomorrow.

  President. I have received six motions for a resolution⁽¹⁾ in accordance with Rule 115(5) of the Rules of Procedure.

The debate is closed.

The vote will take place at 12,00 on Thursday, 15 September 2011.

Written statements (Rule 149)

  Debora Serracchiani (S&D), in writing. – (IT) In recent years, many businesses have been encouraged to invest in Libya. The serious instability and the political and institutional crisis that has affected several countries in North Africa, especially Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, have forced many European businesses to abandon Libya, leaving behind moneys owed to them, equipment, and so on. Council Regulation (EU) No 204/2011 of 2 March 2011 concerning restrictive measures in view of the situation in Libya, establishes that funds may only be used for humanitarian purposes and not to pay monies owed or damages suffered by businesses/companies that had been operating in Libya. As a result many European enterprises, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises, are struggling to collect monies owed for the provision of goods and services in Libya. While on the one hand Europe must guarantee support to the Libyan people and contribute to the country’s reconstruction, on the other I believe that it must ensure that European companies do not suffer serious, irreversible damage due to a loss of liquidity resulting from uncollected moneys, and therefore it must guarantee their survival.

  Adrian Severin (NI), in writing. – (RO) The exact causes of the uprisings in the Arab world remain to be identified. Apart from the future uncertainty surrounding such social upheaval, the ‘political engineering’ undertaken once again by the Euro-Atlantic players increases the danger level of the situation. The constant repetition of the self-deluding speeches from the EU has not stopped, while we are already witnessing in Egypt the reintroduction of curfews following the attacks against the Israeli embassy. In Libya the atrocities committed by rebels are being discovered and the reintroduction of Islamic law as a model of government has been announced. Turkey, a former strategic ally of Israel, is scaling down significantly the level of diplomatic relations with this country and stating that recognition of the Palestinian state is an absolute must. At the same time, the policy of establishing settlements leaves Palestinian self-determination without any territorial support, while the violence in Syria and Taliban attacks against NATO in Afghanistan highlight the West’s powerlessness in the region.

How will we then move towards a peaceful future? By abandoning the damaging geopolitical strategy which guarantees Israel’s security by supporting Arab regimes devoid of any legitimacy. By stopping the use of human rights as a tool for geopolitical purposes and the neo-colonial transfer of models of Western social structure to the Middle East. By supporting the cooperation policies which will put an end to ‘rent’ economies in the Middle East and, by extension, internal and external socio-political clientelism. By secularising international relations and ending the ‘cultural war’ between ‘redeeming Judeo-Christianity’ and ‘damned Islam’.

  Rafał Trzaskowski (PPE), in writing. – (PL) The role of Europe in the political and military stabilisation of Libya is key. The manner of our engagement is also a test for the new instruments which we have available after the Treaty of Lisbon. Strong diplomatic engagement and financial aid form the basis of what is expected of us, but we should ask how we could act directly in the field. Many people would have liked to see a Common Security and Defence Policy mission in Libya. However, there is no longer agreement as to what form it should take, and it will certainly no longer have a mandate as this would entail the risk of direct combat. At this stage, constructive discussion and a decision to involve the EU in the field seems paramount, and would supplement the UN’s activities, both those which are planned and those which have already been undertaken. In the post-conflict phase, Libya will need many reforms, including those with which the EU has undoubtedly had a lot of experience, such as reform of the security sector. For the EU’s involvement in Libya to be successful, we need coordination all the way from the top – and we are pleased with Baroness Ashton’s cooperation with the Presidency – down to the structures responsible for preparing the mission. However, what is needed most of all is the political will of the Member States – its absence will pose the greatest threat to our credibility in Libya.

  Dominique Vlasto (PPE), in writing. – (FR) Six months after its resolution calling for Colonel Gaddafi to leave, I am delighted to see that Parliament is debating a text setting out the future for Libya now that it has been liberated from this mad dictator. The EU, and France in particular, has proven its credibility in the international arena and shown that, when its values come under fire, it is able to restore law and order and to protect the populations targeted in appalling attacks. The process is not over, however. Although the military phase is coming to an end, the hardest part is yet to come: helping a wounded population, enabling the populace to resume normal life, restoring security and rebuilding the country, its infrastructure and its institutions. In these unsettled times, the EU must stand alongside the new Libya but, above all, it needs to listen to the legitimate demands of the Libyans and support them in becoming dependable partners on the other side of the Mediterranean. I would also like to pay tribute to the coalition soldiers who, under the auspices of the United Nations, supported the Libyan fighters in their aspirations to freedom. The Libyans now need to drive the transition, to take their future into their own hands. The Union must have confidence in them and support them.

(1) see Minutes.