Πρόεδρος. - Το επόμενο σημείο της ημερήσιας διάταξης είναι η δήλωση της Επιτροπής με θέμα: «Αμερικανική Πράξη για την απασχόληση».
Algirdas Šemeta, Member of the Commission. − Madam President, I fully share the honourable Members’ fight against protectionism generally. The Commission is putting particular emphasis on open markets and the role of trade in growth and jobs. This is why we are such staunch defenders of multilateral trade rules and why we continue to fight against protectionism in fora such as the WTO and the G20.
Throughout the economic crisis we have managed rather well to maintain open markets and avoid the easy trap of closing them, which would have had very grave consequences. This is no different when it comes to our relations with the United States. We remain in close contact and address barriers where they arise, bilaterally or through the WTO system. The Transatlantic Economic Council plays a crucial role in preventing trade-distorting measures through a focus on non-tariff barriers, and I must say that this new approach agreed last year by Deputy National Security Adviser Mike Froman and Commissioner Karel De Gucht is working well.
The whole idea of the Transatlantic Economic Council is to prevent divergent regulations before they arise, through upstream regulatory cooperation. In other words, working together in areas where we are just beginning to regulate in order to avoid barriers tomorrow.
This is at the heart of moving closer to a transatlantic marketplace where further integration will work for the creation of jobs and growth. Estimates put the number of jobs depending on transatlantic trade at 15 million and our joint aim is to strengthen this. The recent announcement of the American Jobs Act, which the honourable Member was referring to, would, according to available information, subject the proposed new spending on infrastructure to ‘Buy American’ requirements.
While this initiative is still at the stage of legislative proposal, we are closely looking into its details and potential impact on EU suppliers. We are raising our preliminary observations with our US counterparts both bilaterally and in the framework of the WTO Government Procurement Agreement. Our immediate aim is to ensure that the rights of our suppliers are not limited. We are generally concerned about such measures being envisaged or adopted by any trading partner. We believe that open trade should be promoted as an essential requirement for fast recovery.
Daniel Caspary, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, geschätzte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Herr Kommissar hat gerade angedeutet, inwieweit die Europäische Kommission versucht, mit den Amerikanern in Kontakt zu stehen, um mögliche neue Handelshemmnisse zu verhindern.
Wenn ich aber lese, was die Amerikaner im Moment planen und vorschlagen, da steht wörtlich:
‘None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available by this Act may be used for a project for the construction, alteration, maintenance or repair of a public building or public work unless all of the iron, steel and manufactured goods used in the project are produced in the United States’.
Meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren, das ist einfach untragbar! Und das müssen wir den Amerikanern in aller Deutlichkeit sagen. Das hat nichts mit Partnerschaft und Freundschaft zu tun, sondern das ist reiner Protektionismus, der übrigens auch den Amerikanern selbst schadet; das wissen sie ja selbst auch. Deswegen wünsche ich mir, dass es die Kommission hier nicht bei Erklärungen im Plenarsaal des Europäischen Parlaments belässt, sondern wirklich aktiv wird.
Was ich mir wünschen würde, ist, dass wir endlich einmal aufhören mit den rein defensiven Strategien. Warum probieren wir nicht einmal einen großen Wurf? Wir sehen doch zweifelsohne die großen wirtschaftlichen Schwierigkeiten, in denen die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika stecken. Wir sehen doch aber auch die Krise, in der sich viele Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union befinden. Warum nutzen wir nicht die Gelegenheit, auf die Amerikaner zuzugehen und vorzuschlagen, dass wir gemeinsam, transatlantisch ein Projekt erarbeiten, wie wir gemeinsam vielleicht mit einem gemeinsamen Pakt für Arbeit und Beschäftigung, für Wachstum und Stimulierung unserer Wirtschaften auf beiden Seiten des Atlantiks die Wirtschaft wieder in Gang bringen? Ich bin der festen Überzeugung, statt dass wir nun defensiv drangehen und versuchen, die Amerikaner von Unsinn abzuhalten, sollten wir offensiv uns überlegen, ob wir nicht in der Lage sind, gemeinsam mit den Amerikanern ein gemeinsames Paket auf den Weg zu bringen, das insgesamt die Wirtschaft in den stärksten Volkswirtschaften der Welt voranbringen könnte. Ich wäre sehr dankbar, wenn die Europäische Kommission hier aktiv werden könnte.
(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 149 Absatz 8 Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)
Paul Rübig (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin! Ich möchte den Kollegen Caspary fragen, was er davon hält, dass die WTO-Runde jetzt in die Endphase kommt, und ob er glaubt, dass im Dezember – und das wäre für die Wirtschaftskrise ganz besonders wichtig, dass diese Runde beendet wird und wir hier neue Möglichkeiten für Wirtschaftswachstum bekommen –, Amerika und Präsident Obama dahinterstehen werden, damit diese WTO-Runde tatsächlich ein Erfolg werden kann?
Daniel Caspary (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin, lieber Paul Rübig und geschätzte Kollegen! Genau das ist das Problem. Wir sehen ja alle, dass es im Rahmen der WTO jetzt seit Jahren nicht vorangeht, dass daran sicherlich die Amerikaner einen entscheidenden Beitrag haben. Dieses Gesetzgebungsvorhaben ist sicherlich auch kein Zeichen in die Richtung, dass die Amerikaner es ernst meinen mit Marktöffnung, die uns alle voranbringen könnte. Umso wichtiger ist es, dass die Kommission endlich neue Wege geht. Der Vorschlag, den ich gerade gemacht habe, nämlich dass wir versuchen, wirklich einen transatlantischen Pakt für Wachstum und Beschäftigung zu schließen, ein gemeinsames Stimuluspaket für beide Volkswirtschaften auf beiden Seiten des Atlantiks zu erarbeiten, könnte vielleicht ein Ansatz sein, um vielleicht die Amerikaner – da wiederhole ich mich jetzt – von Unsinn abzuhalten und wirklich etwas für die stärksten Volkswirtschaften der Welt zu tun.
Gianluca Susta, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, potremmo sintetizzare il nostro dibattito dicendo che mentre Atene piange, Sparta non ride, nel senso che sia l'Europa che gli Stati Uniti sono attraversati da una profonda crisi ed entrambi hanno difficoltà a dare le risposte necessarie al superamento di questa crisi.
Sicuramente stanno venendo dal mondo segni sbagliati rispetto all'approccio che noi dobbiamo avere per rilanciare l'economia, con una nostra grande attenzione sulla regolazione dei mercati finanziari ma una minore attenzione su quelle che sono le possibilità di sviluppo dell'economia mondiale. Siccome dobbiamo uscire dal dibattito tra i rigoristi e coloro che sostengono la crescita, perché questa Europa e questo mondo hanno bisogno di rigore nella gestione del debito pubblico e delle risorse pubbliche ma hanno anche bisogno di crescere, noi dobbiamo guardare con grande preoccupazione a questi segnali di protezionismo che vengono dagli Stati Uniti, che vengono anche dall'Argentina, che vengono anche dal Brasile con l'introduzione di nuove tasse, che vengono all'interno di regioni del mondo come le difficoltà che sta vivendo il Mercosur.
Allora noi dobbiamo avere una grande capacità di attenzione a capire che i mercati mondiali vanno allargati, difesi e ampliati e che bisogna eliminare le barriere per poter favorire lo sviluppo. Il collega Caspary avanzava una proposta assolutamente interessante e io credo che noi, nella logica dell'apertura dei mercati del mondo dobbiamo lanciare un grande piano Marshall, un nuovo piano Marshall verso i paesi in via di sviluppo, affinché essi competano con i grandi soggetti che competono con noi. Nello stesso giorno in cui la Camera bocciava il piano di Obama che conteneva le norme "Buy American" – quindi quello che noi contestiamo – il Senato americano approvava una legge sulla questione dello yuan e del rafforzamento dello yuan rispetto al dollaro.
Anche queste sono misure che vanno inquadrate in una nuova gestione della politica monetaria mondiale. Noi abbiamo bisogno, accanto a una politica mondiale commerciale aperta, di tutelare l'interesse comunitario e abbiamo anche bisogno di una nuova Bretton Woods che definisca l'assetto monetario di questo mondo.
Marietje Schaake, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, America and the EU face similarly large challenges when it comes to resolving the economic crisis, and cooperation should be our intention in order to sustain this recovery.
There is, however, a serious discrepancy between EU and US measures that is a reason for concern. The protectionist tendencies in the US Jobs Act seem to block access to public procurement for EU-based companies. This is of concern not only to this Parliament, but also to large sections of the US business community itself, where it is feared that the Jobs Act is out of step with a balanced US procurement policy, and that it will undermine the US ability to grow exports and jobs by accessing foreign markets.
Countermeasures may well result, such as those we saw in 2009 from the Canadian side. Trade is necessary for job creation, and trade is global. In global trade the US should not alienate one of its closest partners, the EU. We both face the challenge of the emerging economies and we also have a number of opportunities, such as the development of a comprehensive, transatlantic growth and jobs initiative – which would include plans for the removal of remaining non-tariff barriers to trade and investment by 2020 and steps towards zero tariff levels for certain types of product.
Now that the Senate has voted against the Jobs Act in the US, this should be the moment for the EU to address some of our problems again. Can the Commissioner explain whether he sees a difference between the impact of ‘Buy American’ and that of ‘Buy America’ – applying respectively to public procurement at federal and local levels? These remarkably similar titles could easily confuse people. Is ‘Buy America’ applicable to Canada and to EU partners, despite the WTO general procurement agreement, as Canada and the US business community argue, or is Ambassador Kirk right in rejecting these concerns? Will the Commission push for reciprocity in the public procurement rules between the EU and the US at both the federal and local levels?
The asymmetry between US and EU access to markets is striking. I would like to learn from the Commission what the results of conversations with the Americans on this subject have been so far, and whether it proposes that flexible rules or measures should be introduced on the EU side, should that be necessary. I would also like to ask what this Parliament and the Transatlantic Economic Council could do to help the Commission sustain openness and global trade between the two sides of the Atlantic.
Robert Sturdy, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, a lot of what I was going to say has been said. I totally agree with what Daniel Caspary said. We are at a crucial stage in the world economic crisis and the US has G20 commitments to which it must adhere. We should be working together to bring both our economics together in difficult circumstances. Furthermore, the US should be further integrating its economy into those of the western world, especially those with whom it shares values. This is because of the rise in Asia. Daniel touched on some of the problems there. Let me just remind the Commissioner – who said that Commissioner De Gucht had made an agreement a year ago – for public procurement in the US there is a 25% tariff on anything that goes in from outside the United States. If that is shared values then there is something wrong.
I am going to ask the Commission if it can answer two questions. Does the Commission consider closer economic integration towards a transatlantic market place a realistic goal? What action does the Commission intend to take to develop, together with the United States, an involving comprehensive transatlantic growth and jobs initiative, which would include plans to remove the remaining non-tariff barriers to trade and investment in 2020, the so-called ‘transatlantic market’, and to take steps towards zero tariff levels in some product areas?
While I have been in this Parliament – and I have been involved in the Committee on International Trade for quite a while – there has been an ongoing battle with the United States over Boeing and Airbus. The WTO ruled recently in Airbus’s favour. What has happened? What has the Commission done to ensure the survival of the European industry? It is vital for jobs at a time when the economy is suffering. I call upon the Commission to look further.
I see the Commissioner is leaving now, so he cannot answer the questions. I will leave it, Madam President.
Ilda Figueiredo, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Senhora Presidente, a realidade está a demonstrar o falhanço da persistência nas mesmas políticas ditas de austeridade, sempre acompanhadas de maiores pressões liberais, de novas privatizações e da insistência em critérios irracionais do PEC reforçado.
Já devia estar claro que, sem mudar as políticas e os fundamentos da união económica e monetária, não é possível dar prioridade ao emprego com direitos, à erradicação da pobreza e à exclusão social, às desigualdades e injustiças sociais. Por isso insistimos na necessidade urgente de um pacto de emprego e progresso social e na abolição definitiva do actual PEC.
É tempo de pôr fim aos programas de autêntica agressão aos trabalhadores e aos povos impostos pelo FMI, pelo BCE e pela Comissão Europeia na Grécia, em Portugal e na Irlanda. Como exigem trabalhadores e povos em luta em diversos Estados-Membros, é tempo de uma rotura com estas políticas do capitalismo monopolista que estão a agravar a situação económica e a provocar profundas injustiças sociais na generalidade dos nossos países.
E tudo isto enquanto, simultaneamente, se preparam para dar muitos milhares de milhões de euros à banca, transferindo a sua dívida para o sector público, ou seja, para os trabalhadores jovens e mulheres em situação de precariedade ou desemprego, os reformados e reformadas sem condições de vida digna, as pequenas e médias empresas que já não aguentam o garrote financeiro e a quebra brusca do poder de compra das populações.
Por isso, a questão fundamental deste debate, mais do que a preocupação com o que se passa nos Estados Unidos da América neste campo, é saber o que vão finalmente propor os responsáveis da União Europeia, da Comissão e do Conselho para inverter a situação grave de desemprego, de trabalho precário e mal pago e de pobreza e exclusão social que se vivem em diversos países da União Europeia e que tende a agravar-se exponencialmente nalguns se persistirem nas mesmas políticas.
(A oradora aceita responder a uma pergunta apresentada segundo o procedimento "cartão azul" nos termos do artigo 149.º, n.º 8, do Regimento)
Daniel Caspary (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin! Ich hätte eine Frage an die Vorrednerin, und zwar lautet meine Frage: Teilt die Vorrednerin meine Einschätzung, dass es eine große Missachtung des Europäischen Parlaments durch die Europäische Kommission ist, dass die Kommission, die ohnehin schon nicht mit dem zuständigen Kommissar anwesend war, mitten in der Debatte, jetzt auch noch den Kommissar wechselt und wir dadurch überhaupt keine ordentliche Antwort der Europäischen Kommission auf unsere Frage bekommen können. Meine Frage ist: Teilen Sie diese Meinung?
Ilda Figueiredo (GUE/NGL). - Sim, Senhora Presidente. Caro Colega, claro que estou inteiramente de acordo consigo nesta crítica à Comissão Europeia. Penso que não foi correcto aquilo que o Sr. Comissário fez, de ter feito a sua intervenção e de ter abandonado o plenário e de não querer ouvir as nossas alegações em relação a este problema. Lamento e espero que a Presidência faça chegar à Comissão Europeia este nosso desagrado.
Godfrey Bloom, on behalf of the EFD Group. – Madam President, it is a shame that the Commissioner has gone. He would learn so much from me, since, unlike most of the people here, I actually have commercial experience. I have actually run companies. I actually know what I am talking about.
I am going to talk about jobs now. We have 40% youth unemployment in parts of the European Union, and it is being suggested by people here that this is some sort of act of God. It is not an act of God: it is sheer, unadulterated incompetence. Look at what the EU is doing. Look at the barriers it is putting in front of companies, and particularly small and medium-sized companies, preventing them from employing people. We have minimum wages. We have pensions. We have holiday entitlements. We have a job tax – called national insurance in my country – which is absolutely huge, so the employee does not actually get half the money that is being paid by the employer. Trying to get rid of lazy and incompetent workers is virtually impossible, so sacking people is very difficult. And if you cannot hire, you cannot fire, so you lose flexibility.
We have maternity leave, paternity leave, stress leave and all the rest of the nonsense that is invented by people here who have absolutely no commercial experience at all. It is not an accident that we have 40% of our young people unemployed: it is your fault. And let me remind you of liberty of contract. In a free society, we should have liberty of contract so that an employer and an employee can get together, sign a contract and get on with their lives without interference from this place.
(The speaker agreed to take a blue card question under Rule 149(8))
Robert Sturdy (ECR). - Madam President, I would like to ask Godfrey Bloom a question. I do not live very far from where he lives and I thought he understood that I ran a business. In fact I run a number of businesses and ran them before I came to this Parliament. You obviously did not hear what I was talking about, Godfrey. We are actually talking about America, not about the United Kingdom. We are talking about the impositions.
My industries and my businesses are directly affected by decisions taken in the Jobs Act of America and I would like to ask Godfrey why he assumes that every speaker has never had a business background.
Godfrey Bloom (EFD). - Madam President, Mr Sturdy is an eminent businessman very close to where I live. He is one of the few exceptions and I apologise to him.
(Laughter)
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D) - O americkom zákone na podporu zamestnanosti sa tu bude určite dlho diskutovať, aj by sa o ňom dlho diskutovať dalo a napriek tomu, že aktuálne neprešiel americkým senátom, na tomto fóre ho podľa všetkého budete tak vy, ako zástupcovia Komisie, aj kolegyne a kolegovia tu v pléne Európskeho parlamentu rozoberať najmä z hľadiska jeho súladu s medzinárodnými pravidlami voľného obchodu. Samozrejme, je to dôležitý aspekt a v prípade zistenia nesúladu treba konať v záujme Európskej únie.
Na jednej strane sa môžeme lakonicky pousmiať, že keď ide do tuhého, tak silní hráči prijímajú protekcionistické opatrenia a princípy férovej hospodárskej súťaže, ktoré hlásajú v časoch, kedy im to vyhovuje, idú práve v týchto obdobiach krízy bokom. Na druhej strane mi je ale svojím spôsobom sympatická istá razantnosť. Razantnosť s akou pristupuje americká administratíva k riešeniu ekonomickej krízy a ktorá by mohla byť svojim spôsobom inšpiráciou aj pre nás v Európskej únii. Skúsme na chvíľu odhliadnuť od otázky, či zákon porušuje alebo neporušuje pravidlá voľného obchodu. Zápal s akým americký prezident Obama prezentoval zákon pred kongresom je niečo, čo európskym lídrom a líderkám, žiaľbohu, chýba na národnej úrovni, ale aj na tej európskej úrovni.
Razantnosť s akou sa v Spojených štátoch amerických prezentuje v zodpovedných politických kruhoch argument, že kríza nie je primárne o deficitoch, ale o hospodárstve a o zamestnanosti je skutočne pôsobivá aj inšpiratívna. Myslím si, že toto by nám mohlo z istého uhla pohľadu imponovať a opakujem, verím, že by to malo inšpirovať najmä našich národných lídrov.
Olle Schmidt (ALDE). - Madam President, to Mr Bloom I would say that I am happy every day that we have such a wise and humble colleague.
(Laughter)
Fru talman! Jag delar den kritik som riktas mot det här paketet och president Obamas försök att hindra frihandel. Vi vet ju att fri marknadsekonomi och frihandel är vägen till framgång och till bättre ekonomiska förutsättningar för hela världen. Nu är inte detta överraskande och framför allt är det demokraterna som felar i sina ansträngningar för att slå vakt om frihandeln. Republikanerna må ha fel i många avseenden, men de har alltid varit bättre när det gäller frihandel.
Förvisso tycker jag nog att en del av kollegerna i Europaparlamentet också kan tänka på den europeiska erfarenheten. I går fick vi ett förslag om en jordbrukspolitik som innebär allt annat än frihandel och det finns många förslag i Europaparlamentet som talar för att vi ska begränsa handeln även i Europa. Men jag hoppas och delar kollegan Schaakes bedömning (hon är förresten inte närvarande) att just nu när kongressen inte riktigt vet vart besluten ska gå, så har vi möjlighet att förhandla fram ett bättre förslag, som tar hänsyn till både de ekonomiska problem som finns i USA och de ekonomiska problem som finns i Europa.
Det är trots allt underskotten som är de djupt grundläggande problemen, och vi måste komma ifrån underskotten i såväl USA som i Europa. Endast så kan vi få en fungerande ekonomi.
Jag skulle vilja avsluta med att påpeka att Tea party-rörelsen i USA gör det svårare för Obama att få fram ett rimligt förslag, vilket vi inte får glömma. Måtte vi slippa Tea party-rörelsen i Europa – annars kommer det att bli ännu besvärligare att få fram förslag som grundar sig på en sund ekonomisk politik som skapar välstånd på båda våra kontinenter. Jag skulle vilja säga att president Obama är en god vän och en bra kombattant när det gäller Europa.
Helmut Scholz (GUE/NGL). - Frau Präsidentin, Herr Šefčovič? Wir reden hier über ein Thema der internationalen Wirtschaftskooperation, wir reden viel über die Finanzkrise, über die Rettung von Banken und des Euro. Unglaubliche Summen werden bereitgestellt, die ausgereicht hätten, auf der ganzen Welt Beschäftigung zu fördern und so den Hunger zu überwinden.
Wir reden viel zu wenig über die Menschen, deren reale Existenz von der Krise betroffen ist. Die Banken, die wir retten sollen, haben mit ihren Spekulationen Millionen in die Arbeitslosigkeit getrieben und u.a. zugleich Rentenfonds unverantwortlich aufs Spiel gesetzt.
Mit dem American Jobs Act will Präsident Obama das Schicksal dieser Menschen endlich wieder ins Zentrum der Politik rücken. Sein Gedanke, Unternehmen finanziell zu entlasten, wenn sie neue Beschäftigte einstellen, ist richtig. Europas Politik sollte sich an den USA ein Beispiel nehmen.
Die Nichtpolitik des Erdrosselns der Wirtschaft durch Sparwahnsinn ist zu beenden. Und in schweren Zeiten unterstütze ich ausdrücklich, Mittel der öffentlichen Beschaffung für die Förderung der heimischen Produktion zu nutzen.
Deshalb, meine Damen und Herren der Kommission, wer immer dort drüben sitzt: Nutzen sie den bevorstehenden Transatlantischen Wirtschaftsrat im Dezember, um das Thema Arbeitslosigkeit in diesem Zusammenhang konzertiert anzugehen und eine Abfahrtsspirale zu verhindern und einen gemeinsamen Neustart für eine Wirtschafts-, Beschäftigungs- und Sozialpolitik zu beraten. Seien Sie gewiss, das Europäische Parlament wird sich im transatlantischen Gesetzgeberdialog dazu intensiv beteiligen. Die Bewegung Occupy Wall Street hat nicht nur die Unterstützung von Millionen von Amerikanern verdient, sondern wird hoffentlich auch Inspiration für die europäische Bevölkerung sein.
Kinga Göncz (S&D). - Természetesen az amerikai protekcionista kezdeményezésekkel kapcsolatban óvatosnak kell lennünk és lépnünk kell. De én is egy másik vonatkozásáról szeretnék beszélni ennek az amerikai munkahely-teremtési csomagnak, ami arról szól, hogy radikálisan más irányba indul el, mint Európa jelenlegi vezetői. És erre érdemes figyelnünk és érdemes figyelembe vennünk akkor, amikor európai terveken gondolkozunk.
Ugyan nem engedte tovább most a Kongresszus, de fontos számunkra sokfajta javaslata ennek a csomagnak, például az infrastrukturális beruházások, amelyek munkahelyeket teremtenek, a munkát terhelő adók csökkentése, az oktatásba történő befektetés – ami ugyanazon a felismerésen alapul, amit mi is sokat hangsúlyoztunk, hogy az oktatás nélkül nem igazán lesz gazdasági fellendülés –, a közszféra állásmegőrzésének a segítése, támogatása, a munkanélküli segély folyósítási idejének a kiterjesztése – tudjuk, hogy sok ember számára járna le a munkanélküli segély a közeljövőben Amerikában –, a hosszú távú munkanélküliség csökkentése többféle eszközzel.
Ezen a felismerésen alapul ez a csomag, hogy nincs jobb válasz a deficitre, mint a gazdasági növekedés, a munkahelyteremtés és az oktatás támogatása. Ezt a leckét kellene nekünk, Európa vezetőinek is megtanulni. Európa döntései eddig elkésettek, gyengék voltak. Inkább súlyosbították és elnyújtották a válságot, mint valóban enyhítették volna. A következő Európai Tanácsülés történelmi jelentőségű lesz. És az igazi kérdés az, hogy kirajzolódik-e egy európai beruházási, növekedési terv, illetőleg legalább látjuk-e ennek a körvonalait a közeljövőben.
Patrick Le Hyaric (GUE/NGL). - Madame la Présidente, la grande différence entre la présidence de M. Obama et les institutions européennes tient essentiellement à son volontarisme politique pour une relance par la consommation, l'incitation aux investissements dans les infrastructures créatrices d'emplois, l'utilisation de la création monétaire et de la fiscalité. Il se heurte d'ailleurs aux conservateurs qui bloquent tous ses plans sans exception. Et votre idée de pacte transatlantique est un marché de dupes, contre notre emploi, parce que c'est forcément le libre-échangisme et la concurrence qui prévalent.
Il faut donc changer et inventer un nouveau système de coopération, y compris avec les États-Unis, qui induit des protections aux frontières, changer le rôle de la Banque centrale européenne et du système bancaire européen, changer le Fonds européen de stabilité financière pour un Fonds de développement social écologique pour l'investissement, les services publics, l'éducation et l'emploi, et pour aider les petites et moyennes entreprises.
Seán Kelly (PPE). - Madam President, obviously protectionism is not acceptable and particularly if it impacts on EU companies and suppliers then we have to fight it. For that reason it is only right we should be discussing the American Jobs Act today.
As a member of the EU-US Delegation, I am looking forward to discussing this in more detail with our colleagues in upcoming meetings. I agree completely with my colleague, Mr Caspary, who said that the Commission has to be far stronger, far more proactive, and indeed I would say far more aggressive in dealing with the situation. I read recently that the majority of Americans now think that their future lies with closer links in trade and in other relationships with Asia than with Europe and that might just tell us what they think of Europe and where we are going. Certainly the Commission will have to take up on the message that Mr Caspary is giving here today, otherwise we might find ourselves more and more marginalised in the world.
Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Investiţiile financiare pentru crearea de noi locuri de muncă joacă un rol esenţial pentru redresarea economică. Planul pentru încurajarea pieţei forţei de muncă din SUA, blocat ieri de Senatul american, prevede stimulente fiscale pentru întreprinderile mici şi pentru angajatori. Aceasta oferă o reducere de taxe pentru companiile care angajează lucrători noi, micşorând, totodată, şi impozitele pe salarii.
În acelaşi timp, American Jobs Act propune o investiţie de peste 100 de miliarde USD pentru lucrări publice, doar cu utilizarea materialelor produse sau disponibile în SUA. Astfel, dispoziţiile în cauză ar putea restricţiona companiile europene să participe la proiecte de infrastructură în SUA.
Ţin să menţionez că, deşi s-au angajat să nu impună măsuri protecţioniste, marile economii ale lumii adoptă şi în continuare măsuri pentru a-şi proteja propriile industrii de concurenţa internaţională.
Phil Prendergast (S&D). - Madam President, President Obama’s proposal for an American Jobs Act contains many elements and policy initiatives which sorely lack a European equivalent. However, conservative forces in the US Senate blocked their approval for two days in a stance paralleled in Europe by the austerity six-pack; our only approach to the severe economic crisis we find ourselves in. The ‘Buy American’ provisions enshrined in the American Jobs Act which emulates Obama’s approach in the 2009 American Recovery and Reinvestment Act is understandable in the face of US unemployment figures, but protectionism is not the way out of the economic woes afflicting both sides of the Atlantic.
Through work in the Committee on the Internal Market and the EP Delegation to the US, I have emphasised the untapped benefits of further transatlantic market integration. There is much work to be done to improve network interoperability and to facilitate SMEs’ access to the transatlantic markets.
Upstream regulatory support and cooperation between the US and the EU is still insipid and could prevent unintended trade barriers. We are far more likely to spur growth and job creation if we work together rather than retrenching a sad repetition of post-Great Depression protectionism.
Andrew Henry William Brons (NI). - Madam President, whilst I have doubts about the effectiveness of the American jobs bill – if it is enacted – it is heartening that the President understands the problem, if not the solution. President Obama, in his press conference announcing the bill, summed up the problem succinctly. In Maine there is a bridge that is in bad shape, with bits falling off it. Meanwhile, there are millions of laid-off construction workers who could be busy rebuilding roads, bridges and schools. We nationalists have a saying: ‘whatever is physically possible must be financially possible. If it is not, the financial system is at fault’.
Any reflationary injection must be spent into circulation and must not be credit-created by the banks and lent into circulation. The problem with all such reflationary measures is that injections of money precede – sometimes by years – the resulting increase in GDP and are therefore inflationary. This effect might be reduced by partly-deferred payments to recipients of reflationary spending.
Danuta Jazłowiecka (PPE). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Szanowni Państwo! Ostatnie 20 lat było okresem niezwykłej prosperity w Europie i Ameryce. Korzyści z niemal nieprzerwanego wzrostu gospodarczego nie rozłożyły się jednak równomiernie. Bardziej przyczyniły się do wzrostu nierówności społecznych niż do zwalczenia biedy. Problem ten pogłębił obecny kryzys gospodarczy, którego skutki dotknęły przede wszystkim niższe klasy.
Nagle uświadomiliśmy sobie, że rozwarstwienie majątkowe w obecnej chwili jest niemal takie samo jak przed załamaniem gospodarczym z lat 30. XX wieku. Podstawowym problemem, przed którym stoimy, jest odpowiedź na pytanie, jak pobudzić naszą gospodarkę.
Musimy sobie uświadomić, że rozwój gospodarczy tworzą nie milionerzy, ale zwykli ludzie poprzez swoją konsumpcję. Tę filozofię widać w zaproponowanej przez Baraka Obamę amerykańskiej ustawie o zatrudnieniu. Miejsca pracy nie znajdują się w fabrykach odrzutowców, stoczniach luksusowych jachtów czy instytucjach finansowych spekulujących na globalnych rynkach, ale w przedsiębiorstwach dostarczających produkty i usługi dla zwykłych ludzi. Wydaje się, iż droga wzrostu gospodarczego nie prowadzi jedynie poprzez ograniczenie wydatków budżetowych, ale przede wszystkim poprzez pobudzenie konsumpcji. Nie martwmy się o milionerów, oni poradzą sobie bez nas, martwmy się raczej o tych, którym w wyniku kryzysu załamało się życie.
Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Madam President, first I would like to apologise for changing the guards in the middle of your debate. This by no means represents disrespect on the part of the Commission for remarks made in the European Parliament. This change was necessary because Commissioner De Gucht is working on exactly what we have been discussing today, namely free trade in Korea, and my colleague Mr Šemeta had to go on an urgent trip to Moldova. But I would like to assure you that all your remarks and questions have been properly noted and that, if you are not satisfied with the answers I provide, I will be very happy to continue our discussion in written form.
Regarding the topic we have been discussing today, I would like to thank you very much for putting this very important issue on our European agenda. I think you are right: when it comes to protectionism, the Trade Barriers Commission has to behave very responsibly and very actively, which is exactly what we always try to do.
I think that you very rightly pointed out the specificity and importance of the trade relationship between the United States and the European Union. If we look at the size of the relationship and the size of the economy – and, as was rightly pointed out by one of the honourable Members, there is the feeling that the future of American trade lies with Asia – I always say: let us have a look at the real figures; let us have a look at how big the GDPs of all the big countries are. And you know that all of them together have a smaller GDP than the United States, and that the United States has a smaller GDP than the European Union.
Therefore our trade relationship is a most robust one. It creates 15 million jobs on both sides of the Atlantic, our trade represents more than 400 billion in trade goods and more than EUR 260 billion in services and, if you look at mutual investment in mutual stock options, we are talking about more than EUR 2 trillion. So it is a very solid and robust trade relationship, and therefore it requires appropriate care.
Therefore we are investing a great deal of energy in TEC contacts and in TEC cooperation between the Commission and the United States, represented by the White House in this particular case. We know how much we can gain if we are able to remove just one of the barriers and how much we could lose if new barriers are erected. This is exactly the approach the Commission and Commissioner De Gucht will take at the upcoming very important negotiations, whether they be part of the EU-US Summit at the end of October or the subsequent TEC meeting, which should take place a day later.
To conclude, I would like to assure you that we remain in close contact with our American partners; that this issue, which was raised by several Members of the European Parliament, will be followed very closely; and that the Commission will do all that is necessary to defend the rights of EU businesses and EU job holders and to protect the good economic and business environment between the United States and the European Union.
Πρόεδρος . – Η συζήτηση έληξε.
Γραπτές δηλώσεις (άρθρο 149)
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. – Šiuo metu Jungtinės Amerikos Valstijos taip pat išgyvena gilią ekonominę ir finansinę krizę ir ieško priemonių, kaip iš jos išbristi kuo greičiau. Pastaruoju Amerikos užimtumo įstatymu siekiama sukurti kuo daugiau darbo vietų, grąžinti į darbo vietas darbą praradusius žmones ir investuoti kuo daugiau lėšų į užimtumo politiką. Šis įstatymas buvo palaikytas Kongreso ir Jungtinės Amerikos Valstijos tikisi, kad šalies ekonomika pajudės į priekį. Europos Sąjungai svarbu, jog atsigautų Jungtinių Amerikos Valstijų ekonomika, nes tai viena iš svarbiausių pasaulinių ekonomikos rinkų. Europos Parlamentas pabrėžia, jog būtina pašalinti esančias kliūtis pasaulinei prekybai, nes turime stiprinti transatlantinės prekybos santykius. Pati Europos Sąjunga taip pat turi kovoti su šiuo metu vis augančiu nedarbu, prastomis darbo sąlygomis, skurdu ir socialine atkirtimi.
(Η συνεδρίαση διακόπτεται στις 11.10 και επαναλαμβάνεται στις 11.35)