Ausführliche Sitzungsberichte

Dienstag, 17. April 2012 - Straßburg

15. Lage in Mali (Aussprache)

  Presidente. − L'ordine del giorno reca la dichiarazione del Vicepresidente della Commissione/Alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza sulla situazione in Mali.

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Madam President, junior army officers overthrew President Traoré in a coup on 21 March 2012. The takeover grew from a mutiny calling for better weapons and better leadership in order to fight the Tuareg rebellion advancing across the North. Following strong leadership by the West African regional organisation, ECOWAS, as well as continuous pressure from the international community – including the European Union and the United Nations – an agreement was reached on 6 April 2012 providing for a return to civilian rule with the appointment of the Speaker of the National Assembly as interim Head of State. He will then appoint a new prime minister and a government representing all parties. New elections need to take place as soon as the voters’ list can be updated.

The situation in Northern Mali deteriorated very quickly following the coup d’état. The Tuareg rebel MNLA captured the three strategic towns of Kidal, Gao and Timbuktu in quick succession after government troops withdrew. On 5 April 2012, the MNLA declared the independence of the Tuareg’s northern homeland, Azawad, a declaration which was immediately rejected by the African Union. We have also heard that the former Prime Minister of Mali was arrested for the third time yesterday.

The Honourable Members know that the European Union has been concerned by the fragility of the Sahel for some time. It has been increasingly clear that development and security have to go hand in hand. With this in mind, we proposed the comprehensive approach of the Sahel Strategy, which the Council adopted a year ago, and appointed a Senior Sahel Coordinator in this service. The Strategy includes a financial top-up allocation of EUR 50 million to contribute to supporting Malian security policy.

The crisis in Libya and its fallout exacerbated an already-existing problem, causing well-armed fighters to spill out into a region where terrorism, hostage-taking, drug trafficking and criminality were already serious problems. Coming on top of the recurrent food insecurity, a major food crisis has greatly worsened conditions for a large part of the population.

Throughout, our aim has been to work with the governments of the region. Where the government is strong, that works well. But the military coup in Mali undermined both the legitimacy and the effectiveness of the government as well as threatening the sovereignty of the country.

I condemned the seizure of power by the military in Mali on 22 March 2012 and called for the re-establishment of legitimate government and the holding of elections as soon as possible. The Foreign Affairs Council of 23 March 2012 strongly supported the efforts of ECOWAS to restore constitutional and democratic government in Mali. Our development cooperation with Mali was immediately put on hold. This did not affect humanitarian aid, nor did it affect any projects working directly with and helping the people.

I have welcomed the agreement reached thanks to the mediation of Burkina Faso, acting on behalf of ECOWAS, and signed on 6 April 2012 by the military. I have also urged all parties – including the military – to respect its terms and to allow the swift restoration of full power to a legitimate government.

I have spoken with President Ouattara, who is acting as Chairman of ECOWAS, to reinforce this message. I also discussed the evolving situation with the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon yesterday in Brussels. The inauguration of Dioncounda Traoré as interim President and the release of the detained ministers come as good news. However – as I have already indicated – the reports of the arrest of the former Prime Minister and of another senior politician are of deep concern. It will be on the agenda of the Foreign Affairs Council on Monday next week.

As soon as the interim government is up and running, we shall discuss how best the EU can support the transition, including the holding of elections. The Commission is now preparing to resume the suspended projects as soon as the political and administrative conditions are met, particularly as regards fulfilment of the agreement with ECOWAS to restore a legitimate government.

It will be for the interim government to decide what support – including military – they may want from external partners, and from whom. We are already in close touch with ECOWAS concerning their proposals to provide support for the security sector, notably for the North, but we also need to work closely with all neighbouring countries – Mauritania, Niger, Algeria, Burkina Faso and Côte d’Ivoire – all of which all have a clear interest in the events taking place in Mali. Such an option requires careful reflection on what the nature of such a mission should be and how to coordinate it with the necessary reinforcement of Mali’s national army and gendarmerie.

On 21 March 2012, the Co-Presidents of the ACP-EU Parliamentary Assembly expressed grave concern at the deterioration of the situation in the North. It is not in the interests of the people of Mali, the region or the European Union for this to become effectively a lawless zone. The Council has made clear its commitment to the territorial integrity of Mali. A way must therefore be found to restore governance and democracy to the North.

This is made all the more urgent by the increasingly serious humanitarian situation. Overall, there are now over 200 000 internally displaced persons within Mali, and more than 140 000 are estimated to have fled to neighbouring countries. For 2012, we have increased our humanitarian aid budget for the Sahel from EUR 45 million to EUR 105 million. Across Mauritania, Niger, Chad, Mali and Burkina Faso, the Commission is implementing over EUR 250 million in humanitarian aid and food security actions for an estimated population of 50 million people. An additional EUR 9 million was added earlier this month for food, shelter and water for Malian refugees and internally displaced persons. For now, our primary aim is to deliver quick relief to the most affected and vulnerable populations. The EU remains committed to the preservation of the unity and sovereignty of Mali. It will remain in close contact with the new interim authorities in Bamako to define the concrete assistance in all the different fields – food, electoral process security and so on – that it can provide.

Stability in the region is essential for all Europe’s African partners. That is why we intend to mobilise all our efforts to find solutions, not only for the urgency of the next weeks, but also for the medium and long term, with the clear intention of assisting Mali in regaining its sovereignty in the northern part of its territory and being again a true united nation.

PŘEDSEDNICTVÍ: PAN OLDŘICH VLASÁK
místopředseda

  Ioannis Kasoulides, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, the case of the recent coup d’état in Mali highlights the important role played in recent times by peripheral African organisations – in this case ECOWAS – in exerting pressure on their peers to restore constitutional order and pluralistic democracy. Coups d’état are no longer acceptable to African countries themselves. A similar role was played by ECOWAS in the case of Côte d’Ivoire.

Of more concern though – for Africa but also for the security and stability of Europe itself – are the developments in Northern Mali. Heavily-armed and battle-hardened Tuareg militias – which served as mercenaries in support of Gaddafi and constitute an Islamist fundamentalist movement supported by al-Qa’ida in the Islamic Maghreb – have managed to take advantage of the situation and take over the towns of Timbuktu, Kidal and Gao, unilaterally seceding and declaring the independent state of Azawad.

Such a development is against international law. Such non-recognised territories become safe havens for international criminals, terrorists and al-Qa’ida followers, and would certainly be a destabilising factor for the whole of Western Africa from the Maghreb to Mauritania, Niger and the whole Sahel – an area known for kidnappings and lawlessness in the past.

We have to be very clear: we support the territorial integrity and unity of Mali, and any secession or unilateral declaration of independence is unacceptable. We have to support the constitutional President Dioncounda Traoré in order to restore the unity and territorial integrity of Mali, and I am glad – Madam Vice-President/High Representative – that you made this very clear.

  Ana Gomes, em nome do Grupo S&D. – Não tinham ainda cessado os ecos do golpe militar no Mali e já estávamos confrontados com outro na Guiné-Bissau. Dois golpes de Estado na região de África Ocidental no espaço de duas semanas devem ser suficientes para a União Europeia reconhecer o papel fundamental que tem que desempenhar em articulação com a União Africana, a Ecowas, a ONU, a CPLP, para estabilizar a região e, sobretudo, para proteger as populações que precisam de democracia e Estado de direito e segurança para poderem sobreviver e desenvolver-se.

Ali joga-se também a segurança europeia. Por ali passam rotas de tráfico de seres humanos, de armas e de droga, dirigidas, justamente, à Europa. É por isso que nós temos que agir, e temos os instrumentos para agir, os povos desses países a reagir e a ressurgir. É preciso combinar. Não bastam declarações políticas de condenação. É preciso combiná-las com diplomacia empenhada e com o músculo da política comum de segurança e defesa, além da ajuda humanitária.

É preciso que diante destas ameaças nós reajamos e não cometamos sobretudo erros de julgamento absolutamente lamentáveis, como os que levaram ao encerramento da Missão da União Europeia de Apoio à Reforma do Setor de Defesa e Segurança...

  Charles Goerens, au nom du groupe ALDE. – Monsieur le Président, je serais tenté d'introduire mon propos avec les mots: "Quel gâchis!".

Nous voilà face à un pays en crise qui, naguère encore, faisait figure d'élève modèle, notamment pour sa capacité d'alternance démocratique.

Le Mali doit désormais faire face à trois défis: le rétablissement démocratique, le rétablissement de l'unité territoriale et l'amélioration des conditions de vie des Maliens toujours dépendants de l'aide extérieure. Comment relever ces défis? La responsabilité en incombe, bien entendu, en premier lieu au Mali. Cependant, comme les mêmes menaces pèsent sur les pays voisins, la réponse doit aussi être régionale. D'où le rôle indispensable de la Communauté économique des États de l'Afrique de l'Ouest (CEDEAO), qui travaille en étroit partenariat avec l'Union européenne.

En tant qu'Européens, nous avons un intérêt évident à accompagner la Communauté économique des États de l'Afrique de l'Ouest à réfléchir à une stratégie post-Kadhafi étant donné que les bouleversements en Libye sont à l'origine, du moins partiellement, des événements survenus dans la région sahélienne.

Notre expérience et notre expertise en matière de coopération dans les domaines les plus divers nous mettent en position de partager des enseignements avec les pays éprouvés. La stratégie européenne pour le Sahel, mise au point il y a un an, intègre toutes ces dimensions.

Pour conclure, je souhaite voir la situation se normaliser au plus vite afin de pouvoir reprendre la coopération au développement suspendue depuis le coup d'État militaire.

  Judith Sargentini, namens de Verts/ALE-Fractie. – Twee weken geleden was ik in Dakar, Senegal en ik sprak een Touareg, die net gevlucht was uit Mali, een goed opgeleid man, een marabu, een spiritueel leider, maar van het vrijzinnige soort. Al zijn kinderen, jongens en meisjes, hadden gestudeerd. Geen van zijn kinderen woonde en werkte nog in Mali, want het was er te gevaarlijk, te onduidelijk en de Touareg voelde zich te zwaar gediscrimineerd.

De man zei "Die rebellen, die Touaregrebellen zijn schurken, zij mogen dan de islam als argumentatie gebruiken, maar zij hebben nog nooit een moskee vanbinnen gezien!". Een redelijk man, maar zelfs deze man zei: "Ik begrijp ze en ik steun ze, die rebellen". En dat vind ik een gevaarlijk signaal. Ik ging weg bij hem, terwijl ik nog niet helemaal begreep waar het nou eigenlijk over ging. Maar het is mij wel heel duidelijk dat hier in Mali geen sprake is van een conflict dat net is begonnen. Hier is sprake van generaties lang niet samenwerken en van het ontbreken van respect van meerderheden voor minderheden.

Maar ook hier, en het is elke keer hetzelfde, is er weer sprake van een oneerlijke verdeling van de rijkdom. Er zit geld in de grond in Mali, grondstoffen waar het land rijk van kan worden. Deze worden echter niet goed uitgebaat, worden niet eerlijk verdeeld en ik denk dat daar een deel van de oplossing ligt.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, the ECR Group fully condemns the unilateral declaration of independence of Azawad, which is exploiting the vacuum following the military coup which recently ousted Malian President Touré. The MNLA (National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad) separatist rebels must now hand over control of the northern areas which they currently control to the central political authorities in Mali, as demanded by the international community. Anything else will destabilise the strategically-vital Sahel region.

The MNLA leaders should also now be subject to EU asset-freezing and travel bans until compliance is forthcoming. Particularly worrying is the advantage gained from Mali’s internal strife by extremist Islamist factions. The al-Qa’ida and the Islamist Maghreb, for instance, are almost certainly responsible for a series of barbaric kidnappings and murders aimed at westerners in this fragile region. I therefore now call upon the Vice-President/High Representative to mobilise EU resources to aid the constructive efforts of ECOWAS (the Economic Community of West African States) in restoring Mali’s territorial integrity and to engage fully alongside the UN with the newly-installed interim President Traoré to help build a democratic Mali based on the rule of law and with the aid of new, free and fair elections.

  Marie-Christine Vergiat, au nom du groupe GUE/NGL. – Monsieur le Président, pauvre Mali et surtout pauvres Maliens. Pauvres Tamacheqs, Peuls, Sonrhaï ou Arabes qui vivent dans cette région du monde, confrontée à une crise humanitaire et sanitaire sans précédent, qui n'a pas pris naissance, vous l'avez dit, Madame Ashton, en janvier dernier avec la nouvelle rébellion, pas plus qu'avec la mutinerie du 21 mars.

La question touareg a été superbement ignorée au moment de la décolonisation. La France a de lourdes responsabilités en ce domaine. Les promesses qui ont été faites aux Touaregs ont rarement été tenues. Cette région fait l'objet de nombreuses convoitises du fait de la richesse de ses ressources naturelles, aussi bien à l'intérieur du pays que chez ses voisins, ou dans certains pays européens.

Cela fait plus de dix ans que le Sahel est une zone de non droit où les pires trafics prospèrent sans que qui que ce soit ne fasse quoi que ce soit. À la fin de la guerre libyenne, des armes sont entrées par milliers sur le territoire malien et ce, alors que tous les pays voisins avaient désarmé les rebelles libyens.

Depuis le début du mois de janvier, les populations, et notamment les femmes, sont victimes des pires exactions. L'Union européenne doit moins que jamais les abandonner. Mais elle doit faire un bilan de l'utilisation des fonds qu'elle a déjà versés et qui, visiblement, ont du mal à parvenir aux populations. Elle doit aider à ce qu'une commission d'enquête indépendante puisse faire la lumière sur toutes les exactions commises.

Tout doit être fait pour appuyer, sans ingérence, une solution politique associant l'ensemble des parties prenantes, y compris les représentants de la société civile.

  Michael Gahler (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Meine Damen und Herren! Mein Eindruck ist, dass wir uns hier in der politischen Bewertung des Putsches in Mali alle einig sind. Wir begrüßen, dass die Entwicklung in eine richtige Richtung geht, zumindest was die Hauptstadt betrifft. Die Hauptstadt und ihre Umgebung sind nur der kleinere Teil Malis. Damit ist das Problem der Besatzung und dieser einseitigen Unabhängigkeitserklärung noch nicht gelöst. Ich begrüße ausdrücklich, dass wir als EU das, was wir gut können – nämlich humanitäre Hilfe leisten – zugesagt haben und das sicherlich auch sehr bald dort zum Einsatz kommen wird. Ich denke, wir sollten die Zeit auch nutzen, dafür zu sorgen, dass ECOWAS seine Rolle wahrnehmen kann. Wir müssen das natürlich auch mit der afrikanischen Union abstimmen. Wir haben ja in anderen Fällen, in denen die afrikanische Union als Institution tätig geworden ist, bereits Hilfe geleistet.

Ein Problem zeigt sich in dem Zusammenhang, nämlich dass wir von der Westsahara angefangen über Mauretanien, Mali, Niger, Tschad, Sudan, aber auch im Süden Algeriens und im Süden Libyens eine ganz begrenzte Staatlichkeit dieser Länder feststellen können. Da ist nicht sehr viel Präsenz von staatlichen Organen, mit der Folge, dass dort ein Vakuum entstanden ist, in dem sich terroristische Organisationen breit machen. Wir müssen auch dafür sorgen, dass insbesondere der Export von kleinen, leichten Waffen, der in Afrika die Instabilität fördert, gestoppt wird. Denn nicht die Massenvernichtungswaffen, sondern diese leichten Waffen sind es, die viele Länder destabilisieren.

  Véronique De Keyser (S&D). - Monsieur le Président, je crois que nous sommes presque tous d'accord sur le tragique de la situation malienne. Je voudrais simplement revenir sur un sentiment de malaise par rapport à ce problème dans la mesure où, comme on l'a dit, on l'avait vu venir. C'était vraiment la chronique d'une catastrophe annoncée. Nous – je pense à M. Gahler, à moi-même ou à M. Goerens –, qui siégeons aux ACP, nous entendons depuis des mois, depuis l'intervention libyenne, les cris affolés de nos collègues maliens qui nous disent: "Il va se passer quelque chose au Mali.". On les a entendus à la réunion des ACP au Togo, et la veille du coup d'État, à Bruxelles, notre collègue Assari a piqué une véritable colère de désespoir en disant: "Mais il faut nous aider!" et le coup d'État a eu lieu le lendemain...

Alors, on a envie de dire: "Comment se fait-il que nous n'ayons rien pu faire?" On avait la stratégie pour le Sahel, on avait la connaissance des faits, on savait qu'il allait se passer quelque chose et, aujourd'hui on entend dire: "On va soutenir la CEDEAO, on va essayer de favoriser la concertation régionale, on va tenter, dès qu'il y aura un gouvernement transitoire, de faire des actions de développement pour certaines de ces régions qui sont absolument pauvres.". Mais n'aurions-nous pas pu faire l'économie de ce qu'il se passe, sachant bien aujourd'hui que c'est une véritable poudrière?

Cela ne sert à rien de se retourner vers le passé et il faut aller vers l'avenir mais je crois qu'il faut prendre l'ensemble de ces problèmes en compte, comme l'a très bien dit Mme Vergiat: c'était un problème qui se préparait et il faudra donc que nous le saisissions à bras-le-corps.

  Niccolò Rinaldi (ALDE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Signora Alto rappresentante, dopo tante buone notizie dall'Africa, quante brutte sorprese in Mali, un paese che pure ha praticato la democrazia con successo negli ultimi anni: abbiamo i rapimenti, la minaccia secessionista del Nord, il colpo di Stato, le bande fondamentaliste con l'applicazione della sharia e il rischio di carestia; cinque problemi, ciascuno dei quali è un dramma umano di difficile soluzione e tra l'altro cinque problemi capaci di contaminare l'intera regione.

Il Mali è una vittima collaterale, in parte anche del conflitto che ha avuto luogo in Libia, e si ritrova in una storia che è più grande di sé, più grande della classe politica maliana. Le vere ragioni hanno origine fuori dai suoi confini nonché in una storia legata al conflitto della Libia e, come è stato detto, anche più lontano.

Quando nella nostra risoluzione chiediamo una strategia post Gheddafi per l'intera regione, vogliamo che la cooperazione politica e anche quella in materia di sicurezza siano molto più approfondite, che si vada al di là dei contatti, ma che insieme a ECOWAS, Unione Africana e ONU nei rispettivi ruoli, si possa garantire la sicurezza sia alimentare sia politica, sapendo che più tardi si interviene, più difficile sarà trovare una soluzione.

  François Alfonsi (Verts/ALE). - Monsieur le Président, Madame la Vice-présidente, le peuple touareg vit une situation de peuple marginalisé sur l'ensemble de ses territoires.

En Azawad, le territoire touareg du Mali, tous les engagements pris en leur faveur depuis trente ans n'ont jamais été tenus. Aussi le Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad (MLNA) se bat-il pour que le peuple touareg soit reconnu dans ses droits historiques et culturels. Tout cela me semble légitime. Pourtant, notamment au nom du risque islamiste terroriste qui existe dans cette région, il est question de prêter main forte aux militaires maliens pour réprimer le mouvement touareg. Tel semble être, en tous les cas, le sens du discours que vous nous avez tenu.

Nous combattons cette option car le MLNA n'a aucun rapport ni aucune affinité avec le mouvement islamiste radical. Au contraire, les traditions amazighs du peuple touareg s'opposent au principe de la charia. Elles mettent en avant un droit coutumier beaucoup plus tolérant, notamment vis-à-vis de la condition des femmes. Les populations touaregs et le MLNA seront de bien meilleurs remparts contre l'intégrisme que tous les régimes militaires placés sous perfusion occidentale. Il faut engager un dialogue avec le MLNA pour arriver à une véritable stabilité dans cette région du monde.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE). - Mr President, I would like to thank the High Representative for her very clear and convincing statement on the situation in Mali, because the internal conflict there shows clearly how fragile the political, as well as the economic, situation in the western part of Africa really is.

Only twenty years ago, Mali was finally established as a democratic multi-party state with a new constitution. Since last month, the constitution has been suspended, and only eleven days ago there followed the self-proclaimed secession of the northern part of Mali, which has very worrisome links with terrorists and what we might call the aftermath of Gaddafi.

We first need to address the humanitarian situation there, because it is currently estimated that one tenth of the fifteen-million-strong Mali population is in need of emergency food assistance. Secondly, we need to support this transitional agreement, which fortunately has been achieved thanks to the efforts of West African states. That is progress, because if the position is established that no military coups will be accepted, there is still hope that democracy can be re-established. However, the main thing is to get direct humanitarian aid to these areas to prevent this situation developing into a humanitarian disaster.

  Corina Creţu (S&D). - Sperăm cu toţii că retragerea autorilor loviturii militare de stat în favoarea preşedintelui Adunării Naţionale pune capăt parantezei antidemocratice în care Mali a intrat după puciul din 22 martie. Demisia preşedintelui înlăturat poate pune capăt crizei politice în această ţară care reuşise după căderea dictaturii militare din 1991 să rămână oarecum fidelă principiilor democratice, dar revoluţiile încurajatoare sunt umbrite din păcate de pericolul separatist din nord.

Cred că odată cu îndemnul ferm adresat autorităţilor provizorii de a reveni la democraţie şi de a organiza alegerile preconizate trebuie să condamnăm categoric agresiunea tuaregilor şi a grupărilor extremiste care au proclamat unilateral independenţa unei regiuni aflate în pragul catastrofei umanitare. Nu mai putem să rămânem pasivi în faţa ofensivei tot mai distructive în Africa a grupărilor controlate de Al - Qaida, pentru că nu vrem în vecinătatea noastră un Magreb controlat de extremişti. Nu pentru asta Uniunea Europeană a susţinut Primăvara arabă.

  Santiago Fisas Ayxela (PPE). - Señor Presidente, baronesa Ashton, la tragedia de Malí es la crónica de una muerte anunciada. Hace un año tuve el honor de ser el jefe de la misión electoral de la Unión Europea en las elecciones de Níger y las autoridades nigerinas –que sabían muy bien de lo que hablaban– y los pocos embajadores con puesto en este país alertaron a los Gobiernos europeos de las terribles consecuencias que tendría para los países del Sahel en su conjunto el retorno de los tuaregs que formaban parte de los mercenarios del ejército de Gadafi. Tuaregs armados que se unirían, sobre todo, a sus correligionarios en esos países y también a las fuerzas de AQMI y también advirtieron sobre la infiltración de AQMI entre los insurgentes de Libia.

Yo me alegro mucho, señora Ashton, de las medidas que ha anunciado para todos los países del Sahel, pero simplemente diría que son medidas que hay que tomar de forma urgente, de forma rápida porque, si no, nos vamos a encontrar con un problema realmente acuciante y quizás muy pronto la mayor parte de esos países queden en poder de las fuerzas integristas de AQMI, y todo eso a las puertas de Europa.

Y no quisiera terminar sin un recuerdo para todas las personas que están secuestradas en estos momentos por AQMI e insto a poner todos los medios posibles para su pronta liberación.

Zahájení vystoupení na základě přihlášení se zvednutím ruky.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL). - Os desenvolvimentos no Mali vieram agravar uma situação humanitária que era já, à partida, extremamente precária e em que avulta uma crescente insegurança alimentar, que ameaça de fome mais de três milhões de pessoas.

São já quase 100 mil os deslocados internos, 200 mil os refugiados nos países vizinhos, sendo crítica a situação nas fronteiras do Níger e da Mauritânia. Estes desenvolvimentos recentes são indissociáveis da entrada, no Norte do Mali, de milhares de toneladas de armamento, na sequência da agressão militar da NATO, dos Estados Unidos, da França e do Reino Unido à Líbia.

No contexto atual, importa apoiar os esforços da União Africana e da Comunidade dos Estados da África Ocidental na procura de uma saída política negociada pacífica do conflito. Sem ingerências, que proteja as populações e respeite a soberania e a integridade do Mali.

A crise neste país mergulha as suas raízes profundas em problemas económicos e sociais aos quais urge dar resposta. É urgente responder a necessidades de alimentação, emprego, saúde, habitação e serviços públicos. A cooperação para o desenvolvimento tem aqui um papel preponderante.

(Konec vystoupení na základě přihlášení se zvednutím ruky)

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, I would like to thank the honourable Members for the comments that they have made on the unfolding situation in Mali. As they have said, it is absolutely right that the European Union should engage. We have a vital interest in the security, stability and development of the whole Sahel region.

We are firmly supportive of ECOWAS’ efforts and those of the neighbouring countries, and we are remaining in close contact with them regarding how we can help the political transition. I pay tribute to President Ouattara who himself, not that long ago, experienced enormous difficulties in Côte d’Ivoire and who is now very much putting his chairmanship on the line in terms of support for the country.

We remain very preoccupied with the situation in the North, and we reiterate our support for the territorial integrity of Mali. We are in contact with ECOWAS on a number of issues, including how to work with its ideas to establish a collective force to help the new, legitimate government to restore order throughout the national territory. We have most recently decided upon a civilian CSDP mission in the region and are considering what other support might be needed.

Finally, I am especially concerned that large numbers of people are being forced to flee the North in the middle of what is already a major food crisis. We are determined to offer our support to provide humanitarian aid everywhere we can, subject only to the physical safety of humanitarian workers.

I very much look forward to the resolution that the European Parliament will adopt on this matter.

  předseda. − Rozprava skončila.

Hlasování se bude konat v pátek 20. dubna 2012 ve 12:00 hodin.

Písemná prohlášení (článek 149)

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE), în scris. – Condamn lovitura militară din Mali, suspendarea instituțiilor republicane, precum și gravele încălcări ale drepturilor omului, atât de către rebelii din Nord, cât și de către puciștii din Bamako. Condamn răpirile și arestările arbitrare, violurile și jafurile armate, ca și recrutarea de copii soldați raportată recent de ONU. Subliniez importanța menținerii integrității teritoriale a statului Mali pentru stabilitatea zonei și susțin apelurile la negocieri între rebeli și un guvern de tranziție. În acest sens, salut numirea ca prim ministru a lui Cheick Modibo Diarra și sper că el va putea forma un guvern de uniune națională, așa cum este prevăzut în Acordul Cadru semnat pe 6 aprilie între juntă și Comunitatea Economică a Statelor din Africa de Vest. E important ca tranziția democratică să fie gestionată politic de civili. Pentru a restaura autoritatea reprezentanților aleși, e nevoie de organizarea rapidă a unui scrutin liber și corect sub supraveghere internațională. Solicit Serviciului de Acțiune Externă trimiterea unei misiuni de observare a alegerilor, imediat ce calendarul electoral va fi anunțat. Solicit statelor membre să susțină Mali cu ajutoare umanitare pentru civilii afectați de luptele din Nord.