Πληρη πρακτικα των συζητησεων

Τρίτη 17 Απριλίου 2012 - Στρασβούργο

1. Επανάληψη της συνόδου

VORSITZ: MARTIN SCHULZ

(Die Sitzung wird um 17.05 Uhr eröffnet.)

  Der Präsident. − Ich erkläre die am Donnerstag, dem 29. März 2012, unterbrochene Sitzungsperiode für wiederaufgenommen.

2. Παρατηρητές της Κροατίας στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο

  Der Präsident. − Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, ich freue mich sehr, heute zwölf kroatische Beobachterinnen und Beobachter zu ihrer ersten Plenarsitzung im Europäischen Parlament willkommen zu heißen.

(Anhaltender Beifall)

Verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen aus Kroatien. Heute nehmen Sie zum ersten Mal Ihre Sitze in diesem Plenarsaal ein. Ab heute werden Sie auch an den Sitzungen der Ausschüsse und an den Sitzungen der Fraktionen teilnehmen. Sie werden sich dort an den Debatten beteiligen. Damit werden Sie den noch ausstehenden Beitritt Ihres Landes zur Europäischen Union gut vorbereitet begleiten können. Sie werden sich darauf vorbereiten, dann die Interessen eines Vollmitglieds der Europäischen Union und der Bürgerinnen und Bürger dieses Landes hier zu vertreten.

Das Europäische Parlament hat – wie Sie alle wissen – den Beitrittsvertrag bereits ratifiziert. Wir hoffen, dass Kroatien am 1. Juli 2013 das 28. Mitgliedsland der Europäischen Union wird.

(Beifall)

Das wird ein historischer Tag für Kroatien sein. Ich glaube, es wird auch ein historischer Tag für die Europäische Union und ein historischer Tag für den westlichen Balkan insgesamt werden.

Wenn heute neue Kolleginnen und Kollegen aus einem Land, das der EU beitritt, mit uns hier zusammenarbeiten, zunächst als Beobachter, später als Vollmitglieder, dann ist das auch ein Signal dafür, dass die Europäische Union trotz der Krise, über die wir jeden Tag und auch heute wieder diskutieren müssen, als Idee für die Zusammenarbeit von Staaten und Völkern über Grenzen hinweg an Faszination nichts verloren hat. Es gibt nach wie vor viele, die uns um diesen Integrationsprozess beneiden. Und es gibt Völker, die sich dieser Völkergemeinschaft anschließen wollen. Das sollten wir nicht als Last, sondern als eine große Chance und als eine Bejahung der Idee von europäischer Integration begreifen. Deshalb finde ich es ein ermutigendes Zeichen, dass in dieser Situation, in der wir alle so oft darüber nachdenken, wo der Sinn unseres europäischen Einigungswerks ist, sich uns Völker anschließen wollen. Auch das wird ausgedrückt – symbolisch – durch die Präsenz der neuen Beobachterinnen und Beobachter aus Kroatien. Ich heiße Sie noch einmal herzlich willkommen!

(Beifall)

3. Έγκριση των Συνοπτικών Πρακτικών των προηγουμένων συνεδριάσεων: βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

4. Αίτηση υπεράσπισης βουλευτικής ασυλίας: βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

5. Σύνθεση των επιτροπών και αντιπροσωπειών: βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

6. Υπογραφή εγκριθεισών πράξεων κατά τη συνήθη νομοθετική διαδικασία: βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

7. Προφορικές ερωτήσεις και γραπτές δηλώσεις (κατάθεση): βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

8. Συνέχεια που δόθηκε στις θέσεις και τα ψηφίσματα του Κοινοβουλίου: βλ. Συνοπτικά πρακτικά

9. Αναφορές: βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

10. Μεταφορές πιστώσεων: βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

11. Κατάθεση εγγράφων: βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

12. Διάταξη των εργασιών

  Der Präsident. − Der endgültige Entwurf der Tagesordnung dieser Tagung, wie er in der Konferenz der Präsidenten in ihrer Sitzung vom Montag, dem 12. März 2012 gemäß Artikel 137 der Geschäftsordnung festgelegt wurde, ist verteilt worden.

Die EVP-Fraktion beantragt, Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission zur Rechtssicherheit für europäische Investitionen außerhalb der Europäischen Union auf die Tagesordnung zu setzen. Im Anschluss an diese Erklärungen soll eine Rednerrunde der Fraktionen erfolgen.

  Joseph Daul, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président, vous savez ce qu'il se passe en Argentine au sujet de la menace de nationaliser la société YPF dont le groupe espagnol Repsol est actionnaire. Nous demandons un débat avec résolution car nous souhaitons protéger les investissements européens dans les pays tiers et, plus particulièrement, réagir à la décision unilatérale et arbitraire des autorités argentines. Nous demandons que ce débat ait lieu demain et qu'on rédige une résolution sur laquelle nous pourrons travailler et voter plus tard. Nous n'avons pas besoin de l'adopter demain. Nous pouvons le faire jeudi. Voilà la demande de notre groupe.

  Jaime Mayor Oreja (PPE). - Señor Presidente, un principio que creo que debemos defender dentro y fuera de la Unión Europea es el principio de la seguridad jurídica. Un criterio al que debemos saber hacer frente y combatirlo dentro y fuera de la Unión Europea es la arbitrariedad.

Cuando una decisión está presidida por la inseguridad jurídica y por la arbitrariedad, estamos hablando de una acción ilegítima que afecta a miles de pequeños accionistas y que, sobre todo, sienta un mal precedente para muchas inversiones europeas en el mundo. Por eso, nosotros decimos que este debate es necesario e indispensable, pero no solo pensando en España –en una empresa española–, sino como un referente de futuro para muchas inversiones europeas fuera de nuestras fronteras.

  Der Präsident. − Herr Swoboda, ich hatte Ihre Wortmeldung so verstanden, dass Sie auch für den Antrag sprechen wollten.

(Das Parlament nimmt den Antrag an.)

Die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission zur Rechtssicherheit für europäische Investitionen außerhalb der Europäischen Union wird auf die Tagesordnung von Mittwochnachmittag gesetzt.

Die Einreichungsfristen sind: für Entschließungsanträge Mittwoch, 12.00 Uhr, für Änderungsanträge und gemeinsame Entschließungsanträge Donnerstag, 12.00 Uhr, für Änderungsanträge zu den Gemeinsamen Entschließungsanträgen Donnerstag, 13.00 Uhr.

Die Abstimmung findet am Freitag, den 20. April 2012, statt.

  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señor Presidente, creo que tenemos que felicitarnos por esta decisión de celebrar un debate y aprobar una resolución. Sin embargo, habida cuenta de que mañana no estará presente en la Cámara la Alta Representante, puesto que tiene un compromiso con los ministros de Defensa de la OTAN, creo que sería oportuno que se modificara el orden del día y pudiésemos escucharla, porque tiene el propósito de hacer una declaración a este respecto.

  Der Präsident. − Das erstaunt mich jetzt natürlich, Herr Salafranca. Ich bin darüber informiert worden, dass Ihre Fraktion einen ordentlichen eigenen Tagesordnungspunkt haben will. Den haben wir gerade ausführlich begründet, der ist gerade beschlossen worden. Insofern bin ich über Ihren zusätzlichen Antrag erstaunt. Es ist aber der Hohen Vertreterin sicher unbenommen, in ihren Äußerungen, die sie gleich hier tätigen wird, vielleicht auf diesen Umstand mit einzugehen.

Die S&D-Fraktion beantragt, den Bericht von Frau Lulling über die Besteuerung von Energieerzeugnissen und elektrischen Strom zu vertagen.

  Hannes Swoboda, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Der Bericht Lulling ist ein sehr wichtiger und guter Bericht, der allerdings in der jetzigen Situation Gefahr läuft, missverstanden zu werden. Es geht hier um die Ökologisierung des Steuersystems, insbesondere des Energiesteuersystems, des Steuersystems im Kraftfahrzeugverkehr von Benzin und Diesel. In diesem Zusammenhang besteht sicherlich in einigen Ländern besonders die Angst, das das ein Bericht ist, der darauf hinausläuft, den Kraftfahrzeugbereich, insbesondere den Diesel, zu verteuern, gerade jetzt, in einer Situation, in der der Treibstoffpreis ohnehin extrem hoch ist. Es ist richtig, dass im Bericht festgestellt wird, das ist nicht für heute, sondern für einen späteren Zeitpunkt, und es gibt auch eine Formulierung, die allerdings etwas zu vage formuliert ist, dass die Preiserhöhungen beim Diesel kompensiert werden können.

Ich meine, dass es gerade im Interesse der Frau Kollegin Lulling und unseres gemeinsamen ökologischen Bewusstseins und der gemeinsamen ökologischen Orientierung wäre, diesen Bericht zu verschieben, noch einmal zu überlegen, wie man insbesondere das, was den Diesel betrifft, klarstellen kann, so dass ich diesen Antrag hier stelle. Ich verstehe, dass die Kollegin Lulling skeptisch ist. Aber es wäre gerade in ihrem Interesse, im Interesse ihres Berichtes, wenn wir das noch einmal in einer Formulierung klarstellen könnten, die wir dann zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt diesem Parlament vorlegen können.

  Alexander Graf Lambsdorff, im Namen der ALDE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Ich unterstütze den Antrag des Kollegen Swoboda, diesen Bericht von der Tagesordnung zu nehmen. Er ist in der Tat in einigen Punkten so unausgereift, dass er eine weitere Debatte braucht. So, wie er im Moment verfasst ist, ist es ganz klar, dass Diesel erheblich verteuert würde. Unsere Autofahrer und unsere Industrie brauchen dieses wirtschaftspolitische Signal wirklich nicht. Von daher bin ich der Meinung, dass es richtig ist, diesen Bericht weiter zu diskutieren und die Teile, die unkontrovers sind, in der nächsten Befassung dieses Parlaments nach vorne zu bringen.

  Astrid Lulling (PPE), rapporteure. – Monsieur le Président, je dois vous dire que je ne vois pas de raison objective d'accéder à la demande du groupe socialiste. Vous savez, Monsieur le Président, dimanche dernier M. Sarkozy a fait un meeting place de Concorde et il a exhorté la foule en disant "N'ayez pas peur!". Comme M. Sarkozy, je ne suis pas sûre de gagner mais je n'ai pas peur non plus. Je dois vous dire que la consultation du Parlement sur ce projet de directive de la Commission date du 29 avril 2011. Nous avons discuté sept mois en commission. Mon rapport a été adopté le 29 février, nous sommes fin avril. Allonger les délais ne servirait à rien car les enjeux sont clairs.

Es ist nicht so, wie Herr Swoboda sagt, dass die Situation missverständlich ist. Nein, auch die Liberalen und die Sozialisten haben im Ausschuss klar für die Erhöhung des Dieselpreises gestimmt. Ich habe im Ausschuss verloren. Es liegt jetzt ein Antrag vor, dass wir dagegen stimmen können, dass diese Proportionalität durchgeführt wird.

(Der Präsident unterbricht die Rednerin.)

Ich wollte das nur in Deutsch sagen, damit die Kollegen auch verstehen, dass ihre Argumente nicht stichhaltig sind. Denn es ist klar, die wirtschaftliche Situation verlangt dieses Signal nicht. Sie wollen es aber geben, und Sie haben es im Ausschuss gegeben.

Monsieur le Président, il arrive un moment où on ne parle plus, et où on décide, et voilà pourquoi je crois que nous devons décider cette semaine.

(Applaudissements)

  Der Präsident. - Frau Lulling, wir hätten Sie selbst in Letzeburgisch verstanden.

(Das Parlament lehnt den Antrag ab.)

Der Entschließungsantrag der GUE-Fraktion gemäß Artikel 90 Absatz 6 Geschäftsordnung zum PNR-Abkommen mit den USA wird direkt in die Abstimmungsstunde vor der Abstimmung über den Bericht von Frau in't Veld aufgenommen.

Zum Bericht von Herrn Kaczmarek über die Verwaltung der Außenhilfe durch die Delegationen der Kommission wird eine Frist für die Einreichung von Änderungsanträgen durch den Berichterstatter oder 76 Mitglieder und von alternativen Entschließungsanträgen festgelegt, und zwar auf Mittwoch, 18. April, 12.00 Uhr.

(Der Arbeitsplan ist somit angenommen.)

13. Ασφάλεια δικαίου των ευρωπαϊκών επενδύσεων εκτός της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, I would like to, if I might, make a statement on Argentina and the situation there in response to Mr Salafranca’s request and to the concerns of this Parliament.

Last night the Argentinian Government announced that it intends to expropriate the majority stake held by the Spanish company Repsol in the YPF energy company. This announcement gives cause for grave concern. YPF is an important European Union investment in Argentina. A takeover sends a very negative signal to international investors and could seriously harm the business environment in Argentina. The measure creates legal insecurity for all European Union and foreign firms in the country.

I am also alarmed to note that the President referred in her speech to investments in other sectors, such as telecoms and banking. This announcement adds to a number of problematic decisions taken by Argentina over the past few years in the areas of import restrictions and investment policy. The Government of Argentina must ensure compliance with its international commitments on the treatment and protection of investments originating from the European Union.

As a result of this announcement, we have decided to postpone the meeting of the EU-Argentina Joint Cooperation Committee which had been scheduled to take place on Friday this week. This matter will also be discussed at next Monday’s Foreign Affairs Council in Luxembourg. The Spanish Government has our full backing in this matter. The European Union delegation in Argentina has conveyed these concerns to the Government of Argentina. The announcement was only made last night, but the Commission and the External Action Service are studying the Argentinian draft measure so as to determine the next steps. All possible options are being analysed.

14. Ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα ανά τον κόσμο και πολιτική της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης επί του θέματος (συζήτηση)

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgt der Bericht von Richard Howitt im Namen des Ausschusses für auswärtige Angelegenheiten über Menschenrechte in der Welt und Politik der Europäischen Union in diesem Bereich.

  Richard Howitt, rapporteur. − Mr President, our debate on the annual human rights report this year – although delayed – comes at an even more important time, because it allows us to make an input into the strategic review, which represents a once-in-a-generation opportunity to make human rights even more central to what we are about in the European Union. If human rights are indeed a silver thread, the review must demonstrate that there is a silver bullet.

In our vote tomorrow, we shall ask Baroness Ashton to appoint a special representative to ensure that Europe’s voice on human rights is heard clearly on the world stage and that human rights are put on an equal footing with other foreign policy working groups in the Council. Indeed, we warmly thank her for adopting these proposals in the course of our joint discussions.

We shall ask for a timetable to be set so that human rights focal points are designated in all our delegations worldwide. We ask for human rights organisations to be treated as partners and not simply as agents of delivery. We ask for concrete mechanisms so that allegations of human rights violations within Europe do not compromise our ability to promote human rights outside. Although it is always right to seek to protect those whose lives are at risk, there must be a major increase in the transparency of EU human rights policies, as accountability for those who abuse human rights can only be achieved if there is also accountability for those of us who seek to promote them.

In this report, we name six EU countries which have failed to legislate for the International Criminal Court. We say that the European Neighbourhood Policy is wrong to tolerate thirteen countries which have failed to either sign or to ratify the UN Protocol against Torture, and we name my own country – the United Kingdom – which has shamefully obstructed EU ratification of the EU Convention on Human Rights.

To the High Representative: I understand why you advocated ‘more for more’ in the wake of the Arab Spring, but we were negotiating improved trade terms with Gaddafi just four weeks before we started dropping bombs on him. Today we ask you to address the harder question of ‘less for less’. Suspending the EU’s international agreements is too blunt an instrument, and one which is too rarely used. We ask for country-by-country human rights benchmarks and indices and for mechanisms to enable their use for a real escalation of response.

Mr President, I have long argued that speaking up for human rights is more important than staying silent for the sake of European unity. This is why we should congratulate Belgium and Austria for voting for the inquiry into settlements in the Palestinian territories, and why we introduced an amendment maintaining support for the investigation of war crimes in Gaza. Whilst sincerely welcoming the cooperation of the shadow rapporteurs in not-always-easy circumstances, I regret that there was a left/right split in the votes at committee on this and on the issues of women’s rights, on discrimination against all religions and on justice for the victims of extraordinary rendition.

I hope that tomorrow all of us will vote together for human rights. In this report, too, I have particularly examined the issues of social media and of business and human rights. Just as there is a constant race for new technologies, there is a race between those harnessing new media for the purpose of liberation and those who seek to use it for repression. I do not hesitate to say that Vodafone must learn from doing Mubarak’s bidding or to give due credit to Google for refusing to be complicit with censorship in China. I hope to come back to all these issues in my report on corporate responsibility later this year.

Finally, we call for a new human rights tsar to be appointed in order to put Europe on an equal footing with the United States, where the post of Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy and Human Rights exists; mechanisms to ensure full compliance with human rights by the European Union within our own borders; concrete measures to demonstrate that we have learnt from past mistakes from before the Arab Spring; and an understanding that freedom of expression has a new meaning in a new media age. These are some of our key conclusions this year, and I commend them to the House.

(Applause)

  Cristian Dan Preda, Raportor pentru aviz Comisia pentru dezvoltare. − Ca raportor al opiniei Comisiei pentru dezvoltare pe acest subiect vreau să-l felicit pe domnul Howitt şi să salut integrarea cvasitotalităţii sugestiilor noastre în textul final. E recunoscută astfel importanţa integrării eficiente a drepturilor omului în cadrul cooperării pentru dezvoltare, în acord cu logica Tratatului de la Lisabona de a avea o politică externă coerentă.

În acest sens e binevenită noua abordare conţinută în comunicarea comună privind drepturile omului şi democraţia în centrul acţiunilor externe ale Uniunii Europene. Este vorba despre o strategie integrată privind drepturile omului, care acoperă întregul spectru al politicilor Uniunii. Rămân însă multe de făcut pentru ca strategia să devină realitate. Sprijinul bugetar ar trebui să fie mai strâns legat de situaţia drepturilor omului şi a guvernanţei din ţările beneficiare, iar criteriile pentru acordarea acestuia trebuie, cred eu, detaliate.

Deşi dificil de evocat în perioadă de criză economică, un alt punct esenţial e sporirea finanţării mecanismelor europene de sprijin pentru democraţie şi drepturile omului. Pentru Uniune acestea sunt mijloace concrete pentru a promova în ţările terţe democraţia şi drepturile omului.

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. ROBERTA ANGELILLI
Vicepresidente

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Madam President, since 1983, when the European Parliament began adopting an annual report and resolution on human rights, this House has done more than any EU institution to focus on such issues.

While we may sometimes disagree about how best to champion respect for human rights globally, we stand united in our aim: to see a freer world, where people’s dignity is respected – wherever they may be from – and for the EU, and the External Action Service in particular, to play a key role in supporting people’s struggles for their rights.

Allow me now to turn to the report by Richard Howitt which is before us today. First of all, I want to congratulate him for achieving consensus across the political spectrum on this report. I believe it is essential reading for me, my colleagues in the Commission and my colleagues in the Council. The very first paragraph of the report is about coherence between the internal and external policies of the European Union – one of the main themes from the Communication of December. It is a particularly important theme for Parliament this week, since on Thursday it will hear statements from the Council and the Commission on the European Union’s accession to the European Convention on Human Rights.

Honourable members, ‘coherence’ might sound dry, but this really does mean that human rights can be woven into everything we do, in Europe and beyond. It means making sure that people everywhere benefit from the same universal rights, regardless of who they are or where they live.

The report also highlights the importance of accountability and the importance of our work in developing, in serious situations, the accountability that we have. I will pick out two themes that in a sense are very important both for coherence and accountability. Firstly, the role of women, especially as yesterday I met Michelle Bachelet to talk about the role of women and to sign agreements with UN Women on how to go forward and support women across the world. Secondly – especially at the present time – discrimination against people of faith, including Christians, and those who have other beliefs. Tolerance is at the heart of the European Union, and that is why we need to strengthen our policy on the freedom of religion or belief, which is fundamental to a free society.

The European Union must work continuously for the widest possible ratification, acceptance and approval of, and accession to, the Rome Statute. That work is progressing. So far, we have signed three bilateral agreements, including ICC clauses, and initialled another three, and we are negotiating another 15. We have also included ICC clauses in many of our ENP action plans.

We have the power to promote human rights by placing countries and regimes on a scale stretching between engagement and isolation and using human rights as a method of measuring how we should address our relationships with different countries.

Human rights have never been more important than they are now, nor indeed have they ever driven so many changes. If we simply look, for example, at what is happening throughout the Middle East and North Africa, men and women, young and old, representing the whole of society, have found the courage to assert their fundamental human rights. Some have been prepared to give their lives for freedom, dignity and a better future. I should like to pay tribute to all of them now.

The changes that they have brought, as Mr Howitt has said, required the EU to develop a new response to a changing neighbourhood. I believe we have risen to that challenge. Human rights and deep democracy are at the heart of our new approach, and I believe our partnerships with our neighbours are stronger and healthier as a result.

Our work at the UN Human Rights Council has also helped to reinforce and support these positive and domestically-driven developments. At the 19th session, which concluded on 28 March, the European Union resolution on Syria was adopted with a record vote of 41 in favour, out of a possible 47. Our resolution on human rights in Burma/Myanmar was adopted by consensus, as was the resolution on freedom of religion or belief.

The session was a success for the rights of individuals, who too often find themselves marginalised and ostracised. The successful panel on ‘Violence and Discrimination based on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity’ was a remarkable achievement, for which all credit is due to South Africa’s leadership, together with Ban Ki-moon. It is unacceptable that 80 states still criminalise same-sex relations between consenting adults, and that seven even foresee the death penalty. This is totally incompatible with international human rights law.

I believe it is very, very important that Barbara Lochbihler and Laima Andrikienė were able to attend the Human Rights Council, where they addressed EU Heads of Mission and met with a wide range of international representatives. This is just another example of the important role of the European Parliament and the important way in which it is seen to promote human rights in the world.

My Communication of last December was designed as a contribution to what is an ongoing discussion within and between EU institutions on a more effective and comprehensive approach to human rights and democracy. Now that there has been time to consider what I put forward, I look forward to working with you on the shape of our future strategy.

As I confirmed to the Committee on Foreign Affairs on 20 March, work is in hand to pave the way for the appointment of a Special Representative for Human Rights as part of a package to put into practice the Joint Communication. It is important that this person be someone with a strong track record on international human rights.

At the same time, as was discussed at the ‘Gymnich’ meeting of foreign ministers, we want to agree a political declaration on what we want to achieve, and we want an action plan on how to put this into practice. This will bring together new initiatives as well as others that we have already launched. I am happy to confirm that the network of human rights focal points is nearly complete: 116 EU Delegations now have someone, and many have two, in both their political and cooperation sections.

On all of this, I want to work closely with the honourable Members. The review of EU human rights policy was first announced in this House. The appointment of a Special Representative was championed by this House. It is therefore natural that ongoing work on human rights and democracy should be in full cooperation with this House. I have written to the Chair of the Human Rights Sub-Committee to ask her to work with me to ensure the fullest possible participation in the drafting of the Joint Declaration.

To end as I began, I pay tribute to Mr Howitt for his work and I pay tribute to the European Parliament for its continuous work in support of human rights.

  Andrzej Grzyb, w imieniu grupy PPE. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Chociaż to doroczne sprawozdanie powinniśmy przyjąć już w miesiącu grudniu 2011 r., rozpatrujemy je wiosną 2012 r. Jest to jednak uzasadnione, ponieważ rozpatrujemy je w połączeniu z nową europejską polityką na rzecz demokratyzacji i praw człowieka, która jest pochodną komunikatu, skierowanego do Parlamentu przez wysoką przedstawiciel Catherine Ashton w grudniu ubiegłego roku.

Wiele wydarzyło się w zakresie praw człowieka w roku 2010. Jednocześnie też, przyjmując to sprawozdanie, nie jesteśmy w stanie otrząsnąć się z wrażenia, jakie wywarła na nas Arabska Wiosna, która rewiduje nasze spojrzenie na wspieranie procesów demokratyzacji i przestrzegania praw człowieka. Nowe podejście do wspierania procesów demokratyzacji wydaje mi się być synergią doświadczeń Arabskiej Wiosny, jak i nowego podejścia, które wynika z zapisów Traktatu z Lizbony.

Z zadowoleniem odnoszę się do treści sprawozdania przygotowanego przez posła Richarda Howitta. W imieniu Grupy Europejskiej Partii Ludowej dziękuję za bardzo dobrą współpracę. Szczególnie zaś chcę podkreślić krytyczne odniesienie się do łamania praw człowieka na Białorusi, w tym praw osób skazanych. Mówiono o tym również tutaj w Parlamencie: ludzie skazani na śmierć również mają prawo do godnego traktowania, sprawiedliwego procesu, a ich rodziny mają prawo do informacji o bliskich i prawo do godnego pochówku.

W tym kontekście jednocześnie zauważam z zadowoleniem pozytywny krok Białorusi, jakim jest uwolnienie dwóch więźniów politycznych Andreja Sannikaua i Źmiciera Bandarenki. Cieszy również ostatnia rezolucja Euronest przyjęta w Baku, która dotyczy przestrzegania praw człowieka w krajach Partnerstwa, w tym również na Ukrainie. Z zadowoleniem odnotowuję bardzo pozytywne odniesienie do powołania Europejskiego Funduszu na rzecz Demokracji – instrumentu, który wesprze procesy demokratyczne zarówno przed, w trakcie, jak i po procesach przemian demokratycznych.

Sprawozdanie potępia nasilające się prześladowania mniejszości religijnych, w szczególności chrześcijan, w świecie. Nie można pogodzić się z paleniem świątyń, morderstwami, czy innymi prześladowaniami chrześcijan i innych religii w świecie. Sprawozdanie podkreśla szczególną rolę inicjatywy współpracy rzeczników praw obywatelskich krajów Partnerstwa Wschodniego i Unii zorganizowanej przez rzeczników praw obywatelskich z Francji i z Polski. To promocja dobrych praktyk, które pomagają w respektowaniu praw człowieka.

Na koniec należy wspomnieć również o odniesieniu się do społecznej odpowiedzialności biznesu, w szczególności w kontekście praw człowieka, zwłaszcza w kontekście również stosunków handlowych z krajami, które są sąsiedzkie wobec Unii Europejskiej.

  Μαρία-Ελένη Κοππά, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας S&D. – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, θα ήθελα να συγχαρώ τον συνάδελφο Richard Howitt για την περιεκτική και ιδιαίτερα εμπεριστατωμένη έκθεσή του, αλλά και την Ύπατη Εκπρόσωπο Βαρώνη Ashton για τη σταθερή προσήλωσή της στα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα. Είναι αναγκαίο, πλέον, να λάβουμε τα μηνύματα των καιρών και να κάνουμε την αυτοκριτική μας. Να δείξουμε ότι μάθαμε από τα λάθη μας. Δυστυχώς, η Δύση και τα κράτη μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης για χρόνια υποστήριξαν, ενεργά ή παθητικά, τα δικτατορικά καθεστώτα της Βόρειας Αφρικής στο όνομα μιας επίπλαστης σταθερότητας. Σήμερα είναι πλέον σαφές και όλοι μας, νομίζω, αντιλαμβανόμαστε ότι δεν μπορεί να υπάρχει μακροχρόνια σταθερότητα χωρίς σεβασμό στα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα και τη δημοκρατία. Εφόσον θέλουμε πραγματικά να είναι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αξιόπιστος δρών στο διεθνές στερέωμα πρέπει επιτέλους να αποφευχθούν οι πρακτικές δύο μέτρων και δύο σταθμών στο ζήτημα των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων.

Κάθε είδους βοήθεια που προσφέρεται σε τρίτες χώρες πρέπει να συνοδεύεται από αποτελεσματική πίεση για έμπρακτες βελτιώσεις στον τομέα αυτό. Σε αυτό το πλαίσιο η ρήτρα ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων στις εμπορικές συμφωνίες που συνάπτει η Ένωση με τρίτες χώρες είναι ένα σημαντικό εργαλείο που πρέπει κατάλληλα να αξιοποιηθεί και, γενικά, πρέπει να είναι σαφές ότι η λογική του «more for more» συνεπάγεται το «less for less». Είναι επίσης σημαντικό τα κράτη μέλη να μιλούν με μια φωνή στον Οργανισμό Ηνωμένων Εθνών και σε άλλα σημαντικά διεθνή φόρα. Καλωσορίζουμε λοιπόν την υιοθέτηση των γενικών κατευθύνσεων σχετικά με τις δηλώσεις της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης στα διεθνή φόρα. Επαναλαμβάνουμε, όμως, παράλληλα την έκκληση μας για τακτικές διαβουλεύσεις μεταξύ των πρέσβεων των κρατών μελών της Ένωσης προκειμένου να επιτευχθεί καλύτερος συντονισμός στην κοινή προσπάθεια για την προώθηση και προάσπιση των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων.

Δύο σημεία τέλος: πρώτα από όλα, η ανάγκη να υπερασπιστούμε τη θρησκευτική ελευθερία είναι αυταπόδεικτη. Πρέπει όμως να αγωνιστούμε για την ελευθερία όλων ανεξαιρέτως των θρησκευτικών ομάδων και όχι μόνο των χριστιανικών όπως ζητούν κάποιες ομάδες σε αυτό το Κοινοβούλιο. Τέλος, θέλω να σταθώ στο θέμα των αναπαραγωγικών δικαιωμάτων των γυναικών. Το δικαίωμα στο σώμα για κάθε γυναίκα είναι ένα βαθειά ανθρώπινο δικαίωμα. Δικαίωμα στην αξιοπρέπεια και την ελευθερία. Για όλους εμάς που η ελευθερία είναι ένα αδιαπραγμάτευτο δικαίωμα, το δικαίωμα κάθε γυναίκας στο σώμα της είναι κεντρικό.

  Leonidas Donskis, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, first and foremost, I would like to congratulate my colleague, Mr Howitt, on an excellent report. I believe that reaching agreement on political and moral matters on all sides of the spectrum of the European Parliament is a challenging and difficult task.

The report raises the question of whether human rights have become a central issue for the EU and whether we have succeeded in mainstreaming them as a pivotal aspect of foreign policy. At the same time, the question remains as to whether human rights have become a common denominator in a political and moral consensus across the political spectrum of this House and of the European Union.

With regard to obvious and outrageous violations of human rights – such as killing, the death penalty, torture, violations of freedom of expression, belief and conscience, and contempt for and persecution of LGBT people – I believe that we have common ground and that we share values and attitudes. Yes, I believe that the challenge of the future lies in our ability to identify and tackle less obvious, vague and elusive – not to say subtle – violations of human rights, such as selective justice, politicised trials and endemic corruption – all of which undermine any kind of fair and equal treatment of people – as well as illegitimate surveillance, abuse of psychiatry, government sponsored and state-coordinated campaigns of defamation, and slander and blackmail against dissenting individuals and human rights defenders.

In any case, I believe that the rapporteur has done an excellent job within the remit given to him. I believe that the report covers an immense territory of our agreements, sensibilities and expectations, for which I wholeheartedly congratulate Mr Howitt.

  Rui Tavares, em nome do Grupo Verts/ALE. – Devo confessar que foi com bastante estupefação que ouvi a sua primeira intervenção sobre o processo de expropriação da Repsol na Argentina.

Num debate acerca de direitos humanos e numa semana em que houve um golpe de estado num país - a Guiné-Bissau - bastante mais próximo da União Europeia, que tem servido de plataforma para o tráfico de armas e de drogas para a União Europeia e que não mereceu do seu gabinete mais do que um mero comunicado de imprensa e que mereceu mais ainda, um país do qual foi retirada a nossa delegação da União Europeia e que a Sra. Ashton ainda não repôs a delegação da União Europeia lá.

Um país na África Ocidental que está em risco de se tornar um Estado falhado - se é que não o é já - e eu gostaria que houvesse tanta velocidade a tratar destes assuntos como houve a tratar dos da Repsol, num momento em que a União Europeia tem barcos de bandeira alemã navegando por portos cipriotas a exportarem armas para a Síria, num momento em que a União Europeia tem empresas que vendem software de censura e de vigilância na Internet a regimes ditatoriais, num momento em que continuam a ser assinados acordos internacionais que só têm as mais vagas das referências a direitos humanos.

Gostaria de ver tanta prontidão a aceder aos nossos pedidos para punir estas empresas como houve a sair em defesa da Repsol. Basta de brincar aos direitos humanos. Tornemos públicas as novas estratégias. Sejamos coerentes na maneira como lidamos com as dimensões internas e externas dos direitos fundamentais.

De facto, o relatório do nosso colega Howitt, a quem agradeço pela colaboração e a quem agradeço pelas perspetivas muitíssimo concretas e práticas que ele pôs no seu relatório, é um instrumento valioso para a ação futura da Comissão. Enquanto shadow rapporteur do colega Howitt e enquanto relator para a revisão política de direitos, para a revisão estratégica de direitos fundamentais na Europa, eu espero que acabem as farsas e que comece o trabalho a sério. Para isso estou disponível, Sra. Ashton, para o resto não estou.

  Konrad Szymański, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Wysoka Przedstawiciel, Panie i Panowie! Tegoroczne sprawozdanie w sprawie praw człowieka na świecie w niektórych obszarach jest wyraźnym postępem w stosunku do poprzednich dokumentów. Widać to szczególnie w zakresie ujęcia kwestii wolności religijnej. Wolność religijna należy do niezbywalnego kanonu praw człowieka, jej fundamentalny charakter jest potwierdzony w konwencjach ONZ i Rady Europy. Nagminne naruszanie tego prawa, widoczne szczególnie wobec chrześcijan, jest dramatycznym pogwałceniem praw człowieka na świecie.

Rok po rozpoczęciu Arabskiej Wiosny możemy mówić o coraz bardziej realnych zagrożeniach dla całych chrześcijańskich wspólnot na Bliskim Wschodzie. Musimy o tym cały czas przypominać naszym politycznym partnerom w tym regionie. Byłoby bowiem tragicznie, gdyby się okazało, że chrześcijanie są pierwszą ofiarą tak upragnionej demokratyzacji w tej części świata.

Trudno nam zgodzić się z krytyką Francji i Wielkiej Brytanii w sprawie przystąpienia Unii Europejskiej do Europejskiej konwencji praw człowieka. Ta operacja grozi wyraźną kolizją kompetencji między sądami w Luksemburgu i Strasburgu, może to też przynieść niekontrolowany rozrost kompetencji europejskich trybunałów.

Sprawozdanie powinno być pozbawione odniesień do tzw. zdrowia reprodukcyjnego. Te zapisy są pretekstem do promowania i finansowania aborcji na świecie, także w krajach, w których ten proceder jest nielegalny. Jest to olbrzymie nadużycie zaufania obywateli i państw członkowskich, które nigdy Komisji Europejskiej nie dały takich kompetencji.

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de EFD-Fractie. – Op de Nederlandse televisie en radio waren de afgelopen dagen schokkende reportages te zien en te beluisteren over de ontvoeringen en gedwongen bekeringen tot de islam van christelijke meisjes en vrouwen in Egypte. Neem bijvoorbeeld de beelden van uitgesneden kruistekens in hand en pols van de 27-jarige gehuwde Egyptische die aan haar kidnappers en folteraars wist te ontkomen.

Naar ik weet heeft de hoge vertegenwoordiger op 9 december 2011 op eerdere vragen over deze uiterst ernstige schending van de rechtspositie van Egyptische christenen gereageerd. Zij repte toen over de moeilijkheid de aanklachten van ontvoeringen, misbruik en gedwongen bekeringen te bewijzen. Tegelijkertijd schreef de hoge vertegenwoordiger de Egyptische autoriteit tot medewerking te blijven bewegen op dit hartverscheurende dossier. Aan deze toezegging, hoge vertegenwoordiger, wil ik u heel graag houden.

De aangrijpende, met feiten onderbouwde uitzendingen van de evangelische omroep in mijn land geven u daartoe ook alle aanleiding. Over de feiten gesproken: de oudste en grootste Egyptische mensenrechtenorganisatie Euhro geeft officieel aan dat in de laatste 10 maanden ruim 1500 christelijke ouders bij haar aanklopten voor de ontvoering van hun dochters. In 80% van de gevallen betreft het minderjarige meisjes. Tot nu toe zijn er maar 10 teruggekeerd.

Mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, mij staan de beelden voor ogen van een Egyptisch echtpaar dat samen met een negenjarige dochter onder tranen de video bekijkt van hun ontvoerde 15-jarige kind Nabila. "Als jullie willen dat ik terugkom naar huis, moeten jullie je eerst tot de islam bekeren!" bezweert Nabila. Dit nieuwe publiekelijke bewijsmateriaal over de ontvoeringen en gedwongen bekeringen van Egyptische meisjes en vrouwen roept op tot een passend vervolg. Continue Europese aandrang bij de Egyptische gezagsdragers tot waarheidsvinding in deze rechtsverkrachtingen om tot rechtszekerheid te komen voor 's lands aanzienlijke christelijke minderheid.

Mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, wat mag ik concreet van u verwachten en wilt u mij alstublieft via uw dienst daarvan op de hoogte stellen?

  Marie-Christine Vergiat, au nom du groupe GUE/NGL. – Madame la Présidente, je voudrais d'abord, bien sûr, remercier notre rapporteur, Richard Howitt, car je crois que je n'ai jamais eu l'occasion de travailler dans un tel climat et je n'avais encore jamais vu, je crois, un rapporteur pousser à ce point la volonté de compromis, y compris en tentant de concilier l'inconciliable quelquefois.

Ce rapport est important car il marque une volonté forte d'avancer sur les exigences que devraient avoir le Parlement européen et, plus largement, l'Union européenne en matière de droits de l'homme. Il insiste notamment sur la nécessité de mettre en conformité les politiques internes et externes de l'Union européenne en ce domaine, et nous savons qu'il y a fort à faire. Car, avant de donner des leçons au monde entier, il faut effectivement commencer à balayer devant sa porte et l'hypocrisie est souvent de mise sur ces bancs.

Ce rapport insiste aussi très largement sur la nécessité de mettre effectivement en œuvre les clauses relatives à la démocratie et aux droits de l'homme qui ne doivent pas être là juste pour se donner bonne conscience. Elles ne servent effectivement à rien si elles sont systématiquement sacrifiées, sans cesse, sur l'autel du libéralisme économique. Là aussi, dans les faits, nous savons ce qu'il en est.

Je ne partage pas l'ensemble des satisfecit que notre rapporteur vous décerne, Madame Ashton, et je m'en excuse, notamment sur la politique européenne de voisinage.

Je veux, enfin, faire part des inquiétudes que nous avons quant à la création de la fondation pour la démocratie et aux risques d'ingérence et de manipulation politique qu'elle peut engendrer.

  Philip Claeys (NI). - Het is onbegonnen werk om in te gaan op alle elementen van dit links geïnspireerde mensenrechtenverslag. Ik zou het daarom willen hebben over een element dat niet in het verslag vermeld wordt en dat is de situatie in Zuid-Afrika en meer in het bijzonder de moorden op blanke boeren.

Zuid-Afrika kampt met een enorm probleem van criminaliteit. Alle etnische groepen worden getroffen door die onveiligheid, maar het systematische karakter van aanvallen op blanke boerenfamilies is zeer duidelijk en verdient dus onze speciale aandacht. Er zijn de afgelopen vijftien jaar ongeveer drieduizend boeren vermoord in Zuid-Afrika, vaak in gruwelijke omstandigheden, en zelfs kinderen worden niet ontzien.

Het gaat om een zeer kwetsbare bevolkingsgroep, niet alleen omdat het gaat om een zeer kleine minderheid, maar ook gezien de geografische verspreiding van die mensen en de zeer afgelegen ligging van veel boerderijen. De Amerikaanse NGO genocide watch waarschuwt dat verschillende elementen erop wijzen dat er een genocide in de maak is. Het gaat dus niet om zomaar een onderdeel van bestaande criminaliteit, maar er is een gerichte campagne bezig tegen de boeren en het valt te verwachten dat de landhervorming die gepland wordt aanleiding zou kunnen geven tot een hetze die het geweld verder zal doen escaleren.

Dan komen er nog meer moorden, zullen nog meer boeren Zuid-Afrika verlaten en dan komen wij in een situatie terecht die doet denken aan die van Zimbabwe. Het wordt dus de hoogste tijd dat de stilte rond die situatie wordt doorbroken en ik roep u dan ook op, mevrouw Ashton, om het geweld tegen boeren krachtig te veroordelen en de hulp aan Zuid-Afrika op te schorten wanneer er geen effectieve maatregelen worden genomen.

  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra (PPE). - Señora Presidenta, señora Alta Representante, Señorías, el informe del señor Howitt es un informe sobre derechos humanos que incluye derechos políticos, sociales y derechos económicos. Por eso, señora Ashton, quisiera agradecerle muy particularmente la declaración que ha hecho antes de abordar el debate de este informe sobre la situación que se ha producido en la empresa Repsol.

No ha podido decir usted más en menos tiempo: una decisión equivocada; una amenaza para las inversiones y el futuro de ese país; la necesidad de cumplir los compromisos adquiridos; las medidas que usted ha tomado de incluir este asunto en el orden del día del Consejo de Ministros de Asuntos Exteriores, y la suspensión de la reunión de la Comisión Mixta Unión Europea - Argentina, aparte de estudiar posibles medidas.

En relación con el informe del señor Howitt, señora Presidenta, creo que es un informe en términos generales razonable, evidentemente todavía quedan algunas cuestiones pendientes como, por ejemplo, el envío de la misión de investigación a Gaza –que es una petición que nuestro Grupo, evidentemente, no puede aceptar, como sabe muy bien el ponente– y, también, la posición que tiene sobre Colombia el señor Howitt, que es sencillamente delirante.

Esta enmienda ya fue rechazada en la votación en la Comisión de Asuntos Exteriores y, para nosotros, en este momento en el que estamos pendientes de ratificación del Acuerdo Comercial Multipartes Perú-Colombia, no es aceptable.

Sí me gustaría poner el acento, señora Presidenta, señora Ashton, en un elemento fundamental de nuestra política de derechos humanos con la que el Parlamento Europeo tiene un compromiso inderogable e incuestionable: el que se refiere a la designación del Representante Especial de la UE para los Derechos Humanos.

El Parlamento Europeo se va a pronunciar sobre este particular a través de una resolución y nos gustaría que el procedimiento de selección de esta persona, señora Alta Representante, sea objetivo para que la designación pueda recaer verdaderamente en alguien que tenga los méritos y la capacidad para desempeñar esta alta función con todo el nivel que, sin duda, merece.

  Joanna Senyszyn (S&D). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Serdecznie gratuluję mojemu koledze Richardowi znakomitego, wieloaspektowego sprawozdania. Nie sposób odnieść się do jego wszystkich istotnych aspektów, dlatego skoncentruję się na prawach kobiet. Kobiety na całym świecie są głównymi ofiarami dyskryminacji i braku równości, są poniżane i narażone na przemoc. Choć równość płci znajduje odzwierciedlenie w unijnych priorytetach dotyczących praw człowieka, wciąż toleruje się i niedostatecznie zwalcza traktowanie kobiet jak obywateli drugiej kategorii.

Dlatego apeluję o wykorzystanie Europejskiego Instrumentu na rzecz Wspierania Demokracji i Praw Człowieka na Świecie w celu zwalczania wszystkich aspektów i form przemocy wobec kobiet, tj. przemocy fizycznej, psychicznej, społecznej, ekonomicznej i politycznej. Trzeba uczynić prawa kobiet priorytetowym przedmiotem negocjacji ze wszystkimi krajami kandydującymi. Konieczne jest stałe przypominanie władzom tureckim, że utrzymująca się skala przemocy wobec kobiet – w tym zabójstwa honorowe oraz wcześnie zawierane i przymusowe małżeństwa – to istotna przeszkoda dla wstąpienia Turcji do Unii Europejskiej. Ważne jest również przeciwdziałanie aborcji selektywnej, dzieciobójstwu dziewczynek i okaleczaniu ich narządów płciowych, a także promowanie edukacji zdrowotnej i programów poświęconych prawom oraz zdrowiu seksualnemu i reprodukcyjnemu, co uznawane jest za priorytetowe w polityce rozwojowej Unii Europejskiej.

Apeluję do Komisji Europejskiej i państw członkowskich o zajęcie się na szczeblu międzynarodowym przemocą wobec kobiet oraz wymiarem związanych z płcią naruszeń praw człowieka.

  Sarah Ludford (ALDE). - Madam President, I am pleased that the rapporteur is backing the amendment that I originally tabled in committee on the need for European accountability for rendition and torture abuses if the EU is to lead in the promotion of human rights in the world. I hope it will get wide support in plenary and that we will also push all EU states to sign and ratify the Convention against Forced Disappearances.

The EU is taking an international lead on the abolition of the death penalty, but a reply to a written question that I put to the High Representative has not reassured me that EU funding for a regional partnership in central Asia and neighbouring countries against drug trafficking avoids indirect facilitation of the execution by Iran of drug smugglers. I have had the chance to mention this to her and I will take it further.

I applaud her work on amending the Torture Goods Regulation last year to require export controls on pharmaceutical drugs, like anaesthetics, which are being outrageously misused in lethal cocktails for executions, principally in the United States.

Finally, I would stress to Richard Howitt that I sought and obtained assurances that it is UK Government policy for the EU to accede to the European Convention on Human Rights. They are, perhaps, being a little anoraky about the details. I cannot speak for France, but I am told that in London there is no reneging on a policy commitment on the EU acceding to the Convention.

  Struan Stevenson (ECR). - Madam President, Baroness Ashton will not be surprised that I cannot allow this opportunity to pass without mentioning Camp Ashraf. As you know, Baroness Ashton, 1 600 of the residents of Ashraf have now moved to Camp Liberty near Baghdad, which was supposed to be a temporary location where people would spend no more than a few weeks. In fact some have already been there for three months, and it looks as if they may be forced to stay there for much longer.

The camp is insufficient to accommodate this number of people. They are living in dilapidated containers; the infrastructure has broken down, and yet the Iraqi Government is not allowing them to conduct their own repairs. They are not being allowed to bring ambulances from Ashraf, to build ramps for disabled people or to build pathways over the gravelly surface to allow elderly and disabled people to communicate and walk around the camp.

Now, to make matters worse, the Iraqi government has allowed representatives of the Ministry of Intelligence from Iran to take up location next to the camp. This is a breach of human rights. Please, Baroness Ashton, take some tough action against the Iraqi Government: tell them that they must accede to the demands of the residents of Ashraf.

  Frank Vanhecke (EFD). - Dit verslag leest in de eerste plaats als een soort catalogus van meestal goede, maar ook dikwijls heel naïeve voornemens, waarbij men er waarachtig meestal van uit gaat dat nog méér geld stoppen in allerhande Europese ambtenarij de mensenrechtensituatie in de wereld zal verbeteren; ik durf daar zeer ernstig aan te twijfelen.

Veel erger is de politieke correctheid waaronder dit verslag gebukt gaat. Er wordt bijvoorbeeld zeer terecht gewezen op de precaire situatie van religieuze minderheden of vrouwen in moslimlanden en er wordt al even terecht op de paradox van de zogenaamde Arabische lente gewezen, maar er wordt angstvallig vermeden om het woord islam zelf als probleem te noemen. Nochtans ligt daar volgens mij toch de kern van het probleem.

De paragraaf tenslotte waar de EU wordt opgeroepen om massale reddingsacties op zee te organiseren ten voordele van illegale immigranten, zou ik kunnen aanvaarden, indien ook werd opgeroepen om die illegalen naar hun land van herkomst terug te sturen. Maar dat is uiteraard niet politiek correct genoeg voor dit parlement.

  Andrew Henry William Brons (NI). - Madam President, I quote the rapporteur: ‘For the EU to be a credible actor, […] it must act consistently […] and avoid double standards […] between internal and external policies’ – that is, it must not itself practise what it condemns in others.

Tyrannies ban or seek to ban political parties, but then so do Belgium and Germany. Tyrannies ban heretical opinion on academic subjects – but do not think that begins and ends with the prosecution in Turkey of Orhan Pamuk; France passed a history heresy law only this year, and several other EU countries have similar laws. Tyrannies lock people up for expressing different political opinions from those of the political class. The unsuccessful prosecution of Geert Wilders had scarcely passed when we saw in this Parliament the unlovely spectacle of the ‘Commissar’ for Justice, no less, drooling over the possibility of jailing Wilders for his website.

Before the countries of the EU seek to spread the appreciation of human rights beyond their borders, they should put their own houses in order.

  Elmar Brok (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin! Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Zunächst möchte ich Herrn Howitt für seine hervorragende Arbeit danken. Zweitens haben wir oft ein Problem, wie wir die Menschenrechte, bei denen wir in großem Umfang übereinstimmen, wirklich operationell durchsetzen können. Ich freue mich deswegen, dass offensichtlich die Absicht besteht, einen Menschenrechtsbeauftragten im Auswärtigen Dienst zu bestimmen und hier auch eine besondere Abteilung für Religionsfreiheit einzurichten. Denn wir müssen sehen, dass dies bei einer präventiven Menschenrechtspolitik eines der großen Themen ist.

Wenn wir sehen, wie die Dinge in Ägypten gegenwärtig laufen, wie die christlichen Minderheiten dort ungeheure Ängste haben – man sagt, 1 Million Christen sitzen auf den Koffern –, wenn wir sehen, was mit dem Verfassungsprozess in Ägypten abläuft, und dass dort möglicherweise 15 Millionen Kopten, die nach Jahrhunderten eines modus vivendi mit dem Islam nun in einer völlig neuen Situation leben, dann sehen wir große, dramatische Entwicklungen vor uns, bei denen wir heute tätig sein müssen, zumal dies in einem hohen Umfang zu Migration führen könnte. Auch dieser Gesichtspunkt sollte beachtet werden, und wir sollten uns nicht zu schade sein zu sagen, dass auch Christenverfolgung ein schwieriger Punkt ist.

Es ist aber auch wichtig, dass Handelsverträge überprüft werden. Ich bin dankbar dafür, dass auch das Assoziierungsabkommen mit der Ukraine bislang nicht unterzeichnet wurde. Solange die Opposition im Gefängnis sitzt, solange eine schwerkranke Oppositionsführerin unter Druck gesetzt wird, dass sie verhört werden kann, und der Einsatz von Schmerzmitteln nur erlaubt wird, wenn sie sich bereit erklärt, weiter verhört zu werden – das heißt, dass dies als Folterinstrument eingesetzt wird, wie das jetzt bei Untersuchungen von Ärzten festgestellt worden ist –, dann muss man sagen, dass es eine Begrenzung aller praktischen und strategischen Überlegungen gibt, dass wir trotz all dieser Überlegungen unsere Grundsätze nicht vergessen.

  Ana Gomes (S&D). - Madam President, ahead of a political declaration by the EU Foreign Ministers on a new EU human rights strategy and the appointment of a special representative on human rights, I urge Mrs Ashton and the EU Member States to consider Parliament’s concerns and demands included in this important report by my colleague Richard Howitt, for which I thank him.

I second his call for colleagues on the right in this House to reconsider their vote on re-tabled amendments on LGBT, people’s human rights, women’s sexual and reproductive health, European accountability as regards torture renditions and secret prisons and war crimes in Gaza. I believe we need to be coherent and consistent in order to ensure that the promotion of human rights and democracy is indeed at the core of our external action.

We have lessons to learn from the Arab Spring and we need to put an end to the support for oppressive regimes under the pretext of security, stability and economic interests. Take Ethiopia for example: an oppressive regime that is a main beneficiary of EU development assistance.

‘More for more’ must also mean ‘less for less’, as we say in this report. This means that we need smart, more active support for civil society. All actors of democratisation must ensure that security, trade and development and other policies take account of efforts in human rights and democratisation.

All levels of EU staff, including staff in the EU delegations and the heads of delegation, must have adequate training in human rights. The new strategy must bear scrutiny from Parliament, the media and civil society. Country strategies, papers and human rights benchmarks must provide for timely consultation with civil society and must be made public.

I hope that you, Mrs Ashton, and our ministers, when they visit any of these countries where human rights defenders and activists face difficulties, make a point of meeting them and reporting back on their concerns.

  Paweł Robert Kowal (ECR). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Pierwsza uwaga, może najważniejsza: często mówimy o krajach w procesie transformacji, o potrzebie reform ekonomicznych i innych. W ubiegłym tygodniu usłyszałem od Julii Timoszenko i Jurija Luzenki w więzieniu bardzo mądrą rzecz: podstawą zagwarantowania dobrego standardu praw człowieka jest reforma sądownictwa. Powinniśmy mówić o reformie sądownictwa przed innymi reformami we wszystkich krajach, w których obserwujemy nieprzestrzeganie praw człowieka.

Druga sprawa: bardzo się cieszę, że w sprawozdaniu jest mowa o europejskim funduszu na rzecz demokracji, boję się tylko, żeby ten fundusz, zanim się narodzi, nie ugrzązł w biurokracji. Trzeba szybko działać np. na Białorusi, trzeba podejmować decyzje dotyczące Afryki Północnej. Tutaj potrzeba trochę więcej dynamiki, trochę mniej biurokracji, powinniśmy o tym powiedzieć.

I sprawa dla mnie szalenie istotna: musimy wyraźnie powiedzieć – i apeluję do posłów: nie bójmy się powiedzieć, że grupą szczególnie prześladowaną są chrześcijanie. I to powinno znaleźć się w tym sprawozdaniu. To, czy jesteśmy w stanie w prostych sprawach nazwać rzeczy po imieniu, jest miarą naszej wiarygodności w bardzo wielu innych sprawach.

  Fiorello Provera (EFD). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Alto rappresentante, la libertà di culto appare sempre più in pericolo, in particolare sono sempre più diffusi i casi di persecuzione e discriminazione dei cristiani in Medio Oriente, nell'Africa subsahariana, recentemente in Nigeria, nel Sud-Est asiatico, in Cina, India, Pakistan e Corea del Nord. In questi paesi sono molto numerosi i casi di emigrazione forzata, attacchi e incendi a luoghi di culto e strutture religiose, torture e uccisioni, rapimenti e conversioni forzate.

Almeno il 10% dei cristiani di tutto il mondo, vale a dire 200 milioni di persone sono minoranze nel loro paese e potenziali vittime di discriminazione. La libertà religiosa è un diritto umano fondamentale, lo sappiamo tutti, ma sia l'Unione europea sia le organizzazioni internazionali per i diritti umani sono purtroppo ancora poco efficaci nella denuncia delle violazioni e nella tutela di questo diritto.

Ribadisco quindi la proposta già avanzata in altre occasioni, di istituire un rapporto specifico, accurato e annuale del Parlamento europeo per monitorare lo stato delle libertà religiose nel mondo e denunciare fortemente le violazioni, laddove esistano.

  Jarosław Leszek Wałęsa (PPE). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Zacznę od podziękowania panu posłowi Howittowi za jego sprawozdanie, które jest dobrym punktem wyjścia przy podejmowaniu tego trudnego tematu. Sprawozdanie wyczerpująco przybliża tę tematykę w kontekście polityki prowadzonej przez Unię Europejską.

W obliczu walki z globalnym kryzysem ekonomicznym, wysokim bezrobociem i inflacją szczególnie łatwo stracić z oczu najważniejsze wartości, jakimi są prawa człowieka. Niemniej jednak realizacja wartości mieszczących się w tym szeroko pojmowanym terminie powinna być zawsze podstawowym warunkiem, jaki musi zostać spełniony przez kraje trzecie w przypadku różnych form współpracy z Unią Europejską. Zysk ekonomiczny – chociaż istotny i niemożliwy do pominięcia – nie może być jednak okupiony zgodą na naruszanie podstawowych praw jednostek i społeczności występujących w katalogu wartości przyjętych w kręgu Unii Europejskiej.

W chwili obecnej problematyka ta zyskuje na aktualności, tym bardziej jako że jesteśmy w trakcie prowadzenia negocjacji tak handlowych, jak i akcesyjnych z państwami, które nie zawsze w sposób zbieżny interpretują pojecie praw człowieka lub świadomie je naruszają. Niemożliwym do realizacji jest przyjęcie przez Unię Europejską roli ogólnoświatowego strażnika ochrony praw człowieka, ale w przypadkach, gdy mamy ku temu skuteczne instrumenty – szczególnie w ramach współpracy z państwami trzecimi – ochrona wartości, jakim tu w Europie wspólnie hołdujemy, powinna być zawsze naszym największym priorytetem.

  Véronique De Keyser (S&D), question "carton bleu". – Madame la Présidente, elle n'est pas bien méchante, ma carte bleue, Monsieur Provera, mais quand vous parlez de la liberté de religion, moi, qui suis complètement agnostique, j'attends toujours qu'on me parle aussi de la liberté de conviction. Or, lorsque vous réclamez un rapport sur la liberté de religion et les droits religieux, j'ai envie de demander: "et les droits de conviction?" Il me semble toujours que l'on ampute cette Assemblée, si ce n'est de la moitié, en tout cas d'une partie de ses convictions. Je serais prête à dire: "mais oui, Monsieur Provera, faisons ce rapport", si au moins, vous nous laissiez, à nous, laïcs, dire quelle est notre philosophie de la vie, notre spiritualité, qui ne rejoignent probablement pas la vôtre. Mais si on fait cela, alors je suis d'accord avec vous. Si on ne le fait pas, je me sens un tout petit peu violée et je me sens également très contrariée par l'attaque qui a été faite à l'encontre de l'islam par un de vos collègues.

  Fiorello Provera (EFD), risposta "cartellino blu" a Véronique de Keyser. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, quello che io auspico si possa fare è un rapporto meticoloso su qualsiasi violazione della libertà di culto, ovunque avvenga, e qualsiasi sia la religione cui si impedisce di essere sostenuta, condivisa o portata avanti da chiunque nel mondo. Non è un relazione discriminatoria nei confronti di qualche religione, è una relazione che parte da una constatazione di fatto sul crescente numero di attacchi che vengono portati ai cristiani nel mondo e che sono sempre più gravi come intensità e sempre più numerosi, come ho già detto.

Credo che, siccome questo Parlamento considera come fondamentale la tutela dei diritti umani e di tutti i diritti umani, quello della religione sia forse il più fondamentale, perché parte da un'esigenza etica e non soltanto da necessità umane, e quindi dobbiamo essere uniti nel difenderlo, perché così siamo coerenti con gli obiettivi di questo Parlamento e siamo coerenti con la difesa dei diritti umani, che è stata più volte salutata nel mondo come una conquista di civiltà. Sono sicuro che Lei sarà dalla mia parte, come io sono dalla sua.

  Véronique De Keyser (S&D). - Je crois que je vais boire un café avec M. Provera pour continuer cette discussion. Plus sérieusement, je voudrais dire un mot sur le rapport de Richard Howitt que je trouve absolument excellent. Il pourrait se passer d'à peu près tous les amendements.

Je voudrais tout de même reprendre deux points. Le premier point, c'est la défense des gays et des lesbiennes. Ce point a été escamoté dans la nouvelle mouture et je trouve cela regrettable. Je pense que Mme Ashton, le service européen pour l'action extérieure, tout le monde a œuvré pour que, dans nos partenariats en tout cas, les droits des gays et des lesbiennes soient absolument respectés. Il y a encore un énorme travail à faire et on vous incite, Madame Ashton, à remettre l'ouvrage sur le métier.

Le deuxième point sur lequel je voulais revenir, c'est la nouvelle politique de voisinage et le "plus pour plus". Nous faisons absolument confiance au Conseil, à la Commission, à vos services, mais nous craignons tout de même que cette nouvelle politique de voisinage ne reste parfois aussi aveugle que l'a été l'ancienne aux réalités des pays lorsqu'on a des intérêts avec ces pays, lorsque ce sont des alliés. C'est pour cela qu'on veut l'opérationnaliser. Richard Howitt l'a très bien dit. Nous voulons une méthode, nous voulons des critères, nous voulons mesurer des améliorations en matière de démocratie et de droits de l'homme et nous voulons vraiment du vrai "plus pour plus", qui puisse se peser et se mesurer. Je crois que c'est absolument essentiel et c'est là une véritable volonté de changement que le Parlement affirmera lors du vote de ce rapport.

  Bernd Posselt (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin! Lady Ashton hat Recht: Es gehört zu den Ruhmesblättern dieses Hauses, dass es seit der ersten Direktwahl 1979 eine systematische Menschenrechtsarbeit gemacht hat. Wir wünschen uns aber dasselbe Profil von Rat und Kommission. Dafür sind Sie verantwortlich, Lady Ashton. Darin liegt die Bedeutung der heutigen Debatte, und ich möchte einige konkrete Punkte anschneiden.

Christenverfolgung: Natürlich haben Sie Recht, liebe Kollegin De Keyser. Wir treten für die Gewissensfreiheit und Religionsfreiheit auch der Muslime und Agnostiker ein. Aber Christen werden weltweit in einer besonderen Weise verfolgt, und Europa als ein überwiegend christlicher Kontinent muss sich in besonderer Weise als Schutzmacht der Christen in aller Welt verstehen. Das ist unsere Pflicht, damit vernachlässigen wir niemanden anders. Ich kann es nicht akzeptieren, wenn Sie sagen, es muss zwar etwas für die Homosexuellen getan werden – da bin ich auch dafür –, aber die Christen dürfen wir nicht erwähnen. Die Christen sind unsere ganz besondere Zielgruppe in der Menschenrechtspolitik.

Zweitens möchte ich sagen: Wir brauchen gleiche Maßstäbe für alle, wir dürfen nicht nur kleine Staaten kritisieren, wenn sie Menschenrechte verletzen, und große wie China und Russland ausnehmen. Wir müssen an die großen die gleichen strengen Maßstäbe anlegen wie an die kleinen, auch wenn dadurch manche wirtschaftlichen Interessen tangiert werden.

Und der dritte und letzte Punkt: Es ist entscheidend, dass Menschenrechte nicht ideologisch missbraucht werden. Ich bin für die Menschenrechte aller Menschen und aller Gruppen. Aber Menschenrechte zu missbrauchen, um bestimmte gesellschaftspolitische Vorstellungen durchzusetzen, gefährdet die Menschenrechte und ist der Menschenrechtsarbeit dieses Hauses nicht würdig.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der "blauen Karte" gemäß Artikel 149 Absatz 8 Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

  Ivo Vajgl (ALDE), vprašanje z dvigom modrega kartončka. – Prepričan sem, da bo spoštovani kolega Posselt lahko odgovoril na kreativen način na moje vprašanje. Namreč, a se mu ne zdi, da bomo mi v Evropi kredibilni, ko se zavzemamo za pravice kristjanov po vsem svetu, če bomo enako pozorno znali ceniti pravice in dostojanstvo pripadnikov drugih verstev, ki živijo med nami v Evropi in v zahodni hemisferi? Veliko smo imeli primerov, kjer so bili predstavniki drugih verstev upravičeno prizadeti zaradi poniževanja in zaradi zlorab njihovih verskih čustev.

  Bernd Posselt (PPE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der blauen Karte. – Frau Präsidentin! Wir reden heute über die Menschenrechte in der Welt, also außerhalb der EU, und da gibt es ein besonderes Problem der Christenverfolgung. Aber natürlich müssen wir uns auch für Muslime und andere in aller Welt einsetzen. Die Repression gegen Muslime in Serbien, einem Kandidatenland der Europäischen Union, im Sandschak von Novi Pazar z. B., halte ich für ein enormes Problem, ebenso wie viele andere Probleme, die wir haben. Selbstverständlich ist die Würde des Menschen unantastbar. Das gilt für jeden, egal welche Religion er ausübt oder Meinung er hat.

  Emer Costello (S&D). - Madam President, I welcome this report and would like to congratulate the rapporteur, Richard Howitt.

There are two issues in this report that I specifically want to address. First of all, the importance of the EU seeking accountability for breaches of international law, to which Baroness Ashton has already referred. In this respect I want to offer my full support for Amendment 4 in relation to Gaza and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. As I have said previously in this House, I believe that the EU must demonstrate coherence between its policies and policy resolutions on the one hand, and our external and bilateral arrangements on the other.

Secondly, I would like to raise the issue of LGBT rights, and specifically the issue of gender identity. I specifically want to support Amendments 7 and 8, which I believe would strengthen the report in this regard. I support the call for the withdrawal of gender identity from the list of mental and behavioural disorders. It is unacceptable that transgender people have to be diagnosed with a mental disorder in order to have their identity recognised and have a passport issued in their new identity. That is a complete violation of the rights of transgender people.

  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). - Señora Presidenta, en primer lugar, señora Ashton, yo quisiera agradecerle sus palabras sobre la arbitraria e ilegal expropiación sufrida por la empresa Repsol en Argentina. Es una medida contraria al Derecho internacional y al principio de seguridad jurídica que a todos los europeos nos afecta. Celebro su reacción y, de nuevo, agradezco sus palabras, señora Ashton.

Me refiero ahora al informe Howitt. Los artículos 3 y 21 del Tratado de la Unión ponen de manifiesto muy claramente la gran importancia que los derechos humanos ocupan en las relaciones exteriores de la Unión Europea. Esto es así porque el Estado de Derecho, los derechos humanos, son partes constitutivas –por así decirlo– de esta Unión Europea y de sus Estados miembros; pero también porque, en el mundo de hoy, la comunidad internacional en su conjunto considera que los derechos humanos son universales e indivisibles cuya defensa ya no puede obstaculizarse con el viejo principio de la no injerencia en asuntos internos.

El informe que mañana votaremos pone de manifiesto la importancia que el Parlamento Europeo asigna a los derechos humanos; bien visible, por ejemplo, para mí, en el Premio Sájarov que creamos en este Parlamento hace ya años, y también, bien visible en el apoyo que damos al nombramiento, a la creación de la figura de un Representante Especial de la UE para los Derechos Humanos.

El respeto de los derechos humanos, Señorías, es un tema de gran actualidad. Ahí está una institución tan novedosa, con la responsabilidad de proteger, vinculada a los derechos humanos, y ahí están los cambios y revoluciones árabes que estallaron el año pasado, uno de cuyos objetivos más importantes ha sido el rescate de la dignidad del ser humano y el respeto de los derechos humanos. Todos debemos esforzarnos –el Parlamento, la Comisión, el Consejo–, señora Ashton, por que estos procesos políticos consoliden las nobles aspiraciones para las que se abrieron, y que no se pongan en peligro esas aspiraciones de libertad, pluralismo, tolerancia y respeto de las minorías.

  Αντιγόνη Παπαδοπούλου (S&D). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, στον απόηχο της αραβικής άνοιξης η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση οφείλει να διδαχθεί από λάθη του παρελθόντος, να μην εφαρμόζει πολιτικές δύο μέτρων και δύο σταθμών. Σωστά προτάσσει στον πυρήνα της εξωτερικής της πολιτικής τον έλεγχο της εφαρμογής των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και τον εκδημοκρατισμό στις δράσεις τρίτων χωρών. Ωστόσο, δεν πρέπει να εθελοτυφλεί, όταν εντός της ίδιας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης υπάρχουν χώρες, όπως η Κύπρος, όπου τα ίδια ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα παραβιάζονται από την κατοχική Τουρκία χωρίς τιμωρία. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση οφείλει να επιβάλλει ρήτρες προστασίας και εφαρμογής των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων σε όλες τις εμπορικές και τομεακές συμφωνίες με τρίτες χώρες. Να επιβάλλει κυρώσεις καταργώντας διακρίσεις κατά γυναικών και μειονοτήτων. Να τερματίσει διώξεις εναντίον βουλευτών, συνδικαλιστών και δημοσιογράφων στην Τουρκία. Να καταπολεμήσει την ατιμωρησία αξιοποιώντας το διεθνές ποινικό δικαστήριο. Να οικοδομήσει μέσω της παιδείας μια πραγματική κουλτούρα σεβασμού στα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα. Τέλος, οφείλει να ενισχύσει το ρόλο του Κοινοβουλίου, τη λογοδοσία και τη διαφάνεια και να εξεύρει αποτελεσματικούς μηχανισμούς εφαρμογής των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων παντού.

(Η ομιλήτρια δέχεται να απαντήσει σε ερώτηση με γαλάζια κάρτα, σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 149, παράγραφος 8 του Κανονισμού)

  Bernd Posselt (PPE), Frage nach dem Verfahren der blauen Karte. – Frau Präsidentin! Ich möchte die Kollegin Papadopoulou fragen, ob sie mit uns dafür sorgen wird, dass die zyprische Ratspräsidentschaft, auf die wir uns schon sehr freuen, gegenüber der Türkei deutlicher die Einhaltung von Menschenrechten und Minderheitenrechten einfordert. Das Parlament hat eine klare Sprache gesprochen. Lady Ashton, wir brauchen die gleiche klare Sprache gegenüber der Türkei von Seiten des Rates und der Kommission. Kann uns da die Kollegin Papadopoulou bezüglich Zypern behilflich sein?

  Αντιγόνη Παπαδοπούλου (S&D), απάντηση "γαλάζια κάρτα". – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η θέση της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας είναι απόλυτα ξεκάθαρη. Η Κύπρος δεν έχει ασκήσει κανένα βέτο για την ενταξιακή πορεία της Τουρκίας. Η Τουρκία, ωστόσο, οφείλει να υλοποιήσει το πρωτόκολλο της Άγκυρας, να αναγνωρίσει την Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία και να σταματήσει τις παραβιάσεις ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων στην Κύπρο. Εάν πράξει όλα αυτά, που είναι υποχρεώσεις μιας χώρας υποψήφιας προς ένταξη απέναντι στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, η Κύπρος δεν έχει κανένα πρόβλημα να κάνει ό,τι πρέπει όσον αφορά την ενταξιακή πορεία της Τουρκίας. Επομένως, η μπάλα είναι στο γήπεδο της Τουρκίας.

Procedura Catch-the-Eye

  Kinga Gál (PPE). - Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Főképviselő Asszony! Kedves Kollégák! Az elmúlt évek során az Európai Parlament emberjogi jelentése egy komoly eszközzé nőtte ki magát, amelyre odafigyelnek mind az Európai Unión belül, de odafigyelnek a harmadik országokban is. Ezért nagyon nem mindegy, hogy mi szerepel ebben a jelentésben és milyen minőségű ez a jelentés. Ezért gratulálok Howitt kollégámnak, hogy egy kiváló munkát végzett és egy olyan jelentés készült el újra, amire érdemes méltán odafigyelni. Fontosnak tartom hangsúlyozni főképviselő asszony jelenlétében, hogy lényeges a szép szavakon túl, hogy legalább azok az uniós eszközök és kezdeményezések megerősödjenek az elkövetkező időszakban - és gondolok itt azokra a pénzügyi eszközökre is -, amikről már az imént is szó volt, amelyek konkrét hatással lehetnek azok életére, akiket emberi jogaikban sértenek, legyen az a szomszédságunkban vagy máshol a világban. És felhívnám a figyelmet azokra a közösségekre, mint a nemzeti kisebbségek és a gyermekek közösségére, akik, mint hallottuk az előbb a vallási közösségekről is, a leginkább megszenvedik az emberi jogok sérelmét.

  Barbara Matera (PPE). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la relazione rappresenta una valutazione annuale di quanto le politiche dell'Unione siano orientate verso la promozione dei diritti umani nel mondo. Sono particolarmente favorevole ad un approccio critico, ma nel contempo costruttivo, in merito al rafforzamento delle politiche a favore della promozione dei diritti umani delle donne, che troppo spesso rappresentano una minoranza debole e poco garantita, nonostante in molte zone rurali del mondo le donne siano il cuore dell'economia e la principale fonte di reddito per la famiglia.

L'Unione europea deve rafforzare la collaborazione con le organizzazioni internazionali che si occupano di tale problematica, anche attraverso una politica di finanziamento mirata, quale il Trust Fund delle Nazioni Unite per la lotta contro la violenza nei confronti delle donne.

Ogni forma di discriminazione e violenza contro le donne non può essere tollerata o trovare forme di giustificazione che abbiano radici religiose, politiche o culturali. Colgo l'occasione di avere l'Alto rappresentante in Plenaria per chiederle vivamente di fare qualcosa per i due marò italiani.

  Sergio Paolo Francesco Silvestris (PPE). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Signora Commissario, siamo tutti a dire "che bella questa relazione", non potrebbe essere diversamente, siamo tutti a turno a sottolineare alcuni diritti che vengono puntualmente lesi, si è parlato di atti di discriminazione e violenza sulle donne, dei diritti politici, dell'aborto selettivo, dei gay, delle discriminazioni a sfondo religioso.

Voglio porre l'accento, Signora Ashton, su una categoria che dall'Europa non riceve alcuna attenzione. Ho presentato una dichiarazione scritta insieme con i colleghi Casini, Záborská, Takkula, per porre l'accento sui diritti del nascituro, sui tanti bambini che non vengono al mondo perché spesso la gravidanza è accompagnata da condizioni di disagio socioeconomico che non permettono alla donna di portarla a compimento.

Diritti del nascituro, non solo della donna, prima di tutto quello di vedere la luce, di venire al mondo, di venire alla vita, di cui l'Europa non si occupa. La mia dichiarazione scritta è stata respinta dalla Presidenza dicendo che non è un tema di cui ci si possa occupare. Vorrei chiedere tra quanti anni, tra quanti decenni, tra quanti secoli in Europa si potrà prendere in esame la possibilità solo di discutere dei diritti del nascituro e poi di riconoscere i diritti naturali che, anche a una creatura che aspetta solo e chiede solo di venire al mondo, spesso sono negati, e in modo enorme, qui in Europa.

  Eduard Kukan (PPE). - Madam President, congratulations to Richard Howitt for his hard work and excellent cooperation with the shadow rapporteurs, which produced the good report which we have in front of us.

Human rights have for a long time been at the centre of discussion in this Chamber. We had an overall agreement that human rights and democracy needed to be placed at the core of the EU’s internal and external policies. It is appropriate therefore that a substantial part of the annual report was devoted to stressing the crucial link between the two. Lessons learnt from the past show that the EU has a chance to make a difference in its external actions only with a consistent approach to democratisation and human rights protection.

I am glad the EU has a consolidated position on the death penalty. I call on the High Representative to use all available diplomatic and policy instruments to urge those countries that still use capital punishment, such as Belarus, to abolish it or put a moratorium on its use.

  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Pentru a promova în mod eficient drepturile omului peste tot în lume este nevoie de acţiuni şi măsuri concrete. De aceea susţin propunerile din articolul 8 de a stabili criterii clare pentru a analiza progresele realizate în domeniu.

Atrag din nou atenţia asupra situaţiei persoanelor din zonele afectate de conflictele îngheţate. Am subliniat în repetate rânduri necesitatea ca drepturile lor să fie apărate solicitând Înaltului Reprezentant eforturi suplimentare în acest scop. Am în vedere în special regiunea separatistă Transnistria, unde în urmă cu câteva zile au avut loc noi incidente la postul de control Vadul lui Vodă.

Totodată, nu trebuie să tolerăm încălcările drepturilor fundamentale în interiorul Uniunii. Profit de această ocazie pentru a cere din nou Comisiei şi Consiliului măsuri ferme împotriva siturilor xenofobe antiimigranţi lansate de partide extremiste în Olanda şi Belgia.

  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D). - Instrumentul european pentru democraţie şi drepturile omului reflectă angajamentul Uniunii Europene de a promova şi de a susţine democraţia şi drepturile omului prin sprijinirea societăţii civile şi a instituţiilor în domeniul drepturilor omului la scară mondială.

Pentru cadrul financiar multianual 2014 - 2020 Comisia a propus ca finanţarea să fie de 1,4 miliarde de euro, faţă de 1,1 miliarde de euro pentru perioada 2007 - 2013. Subliniez potenţialul utilizării comunicaţiilor şi tehnologiei informaţiilor pentru promovarea drepturilor omului. Solicităm un sprijin sporit în domeniul promovării libertăţii mass - mediei, al protejării independenţei jurnaliştilor şi a bloggerilor, al reducerii decalajului digital şi al facilitării accesului nerestricţionat la informaţie şi comunicare şi a accesului necenzurat la Internet. Subliniez importanţa unei perspective de gen, precum şi importanţa implicării femeilor în procesele de soluţionare a conflictelor.

  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D). - Chcela by som sa poďakovať takisto Richardovi Howittovi za vynikajúcu správu, ktorú predkladá. Chcela by som možno zdôrazniť to, že ak hovoríme dnes o ľudských právach vo svete a ak hovoríme aj o politike Európskej únie v tejto oblasti, okrem tých najzákladnejších, ktoré všetky tu už boli všetky spomenuté, mali by sme v kontexte ľudských práv hovoriť aj o sociálnych právach. Samozrejme, že sociálne práva vnímam ja osobne ako základné práva obyvateľov a budem sa veľmi snažiť, aby aj boli hlboko zakorenené v správe o dodržiavaní základných práv, pretože som spravodajkyňou, ale takisto by som očakávala, keby sme dôraz práve teraz, v čase hospodárskej a ekonomickej krízy, v časoch, keď sú tu kritizovaní legálni migranti, ale aj ilegálni migranti, ktorí prichádzajú do Európskej únie práve častokrát z ekonomických a sociálnych dôvodov, aby sme problematiku ochrany sociálnych práv takisto zakotvili nielen do už spomínanej správy, ale aby sme ju zakotvili aj do všetkých politík, ktoré Európska únia má.

  Ivo Vajgl (ALDE). - Še tako odlično poročilo, kot je poročilo gospoda Howitta, ne more pokriti vseh problemov in primerov kršenja človekovih pravic. Mislim pa, da je prav, da opozorim na neko konkretno kršenje, ki poteka že desetletja, in sicer v Zahodni Sahari. Način življenja v taborišču za begunce ni sprejemljiv način življenja in mislim, da je treba na ta problem opozoriti in na zavlačevanje politične rešitve.

Gospa Ashton, vas bi rad opozoril na to, da je v maroških zaporih triinosemdeset političnih zapornikov iz Zahodne Sahare in pa na to, da bo v Varnostnem svetu razprava o mandatu misije MINURSO, ki je edina misija Združenih narodov, ki nima pooblastila za spremljanje človekovih pravic. Prosim, da se zavzamete za to, da se to popravi.

  Anneli Jäätteenmäki (ALDE). - Arvoisa puhemies, runsas vuosi sitten tässä samassa salissa keskustelimme Kiinan uiguurialueella sijaitsevan Kashgarin kaupungin tilanteesta. Silloin tässä salissa komissiota ja ulkosuhdehallintoa edustanut komissaari totesi, että EU tekee kaikkensa tämän alueen ja näiden ihmisten hyväksi.

On tärkeää, että EU pitää lupauksistaan kiinni ja että myös seurataan komission työtä. Niinpä kysynkin nyt, mitä korkea edustaja on tehnyt sen eteen, että Kashgarin kaupungista tehtäisiin Unescon maailmanperintökohde, ja miten näitä uiguurialueella olevien ihmisten ihmisoikeuksia on viime aikoina EU:n puolesta edistetty. Vai onko Kashgarin tilanne ollut mappi Ö:ssä?

  Barbara Lochbihler (Verts/ALE). - Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrte Frau Hohe Vertreterin, sehr geehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der vorliegende Menschenrechtsbericht ist ein sehr gutes, umfassendes Dokument, über das wir diese Woche hoffentlich mit großer Mehrheit abstimmen werden. Sprechen möchte ich jetzt zu den Meinungsverschiedenheiten, die wir im Parlament bezüglich der Forderungen hatten und haben, die sich mit der Aufdeckung, Aufklärung und Aufarbeitung von Menschenrechtsverletzungen, wie z. B. Verschleppungen oder Einrichtung von Geheimgefängnissen in Europa, beschäftigt haben. Wenn wir das nicht tun, werden wir sehr unglaubwürdig. Wir müssen die Mitverantwortung, ja auch die Mittäterschaft einzelner Mitgliedstaaten ansprechen und aufarbeiten. Dazu haben wir im Menschenrechtsausschuss in der letzten Woche eine umfassende Anhörung abgehalten. Deshalb bitte ich alle Kollegen, die noch unentschieden sind, für diese Forderungen zu stimmen, damit wir das tun und den Mut haben, eine Politik zu entwickeln, um solchen Verbrechen zukünftig vorzubeugen.

  Ulrike Lunacek (Verts/ALE). - Madam President, I would like to thank Lady Ashton for the comments she has made today on the report. I would also like to thank my colleague Mr Howitt for a very good report.

Let me refer to one issue that I am glad the committee accepted as an amendment, namely the need to set up civil society consultation mechanisms for all our instruments. I would like to speak specifically about the two amendments that some of us are going to table again for the vote tomorrow. These are Amendments 7 and 8 on the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people.

As an openly lesbian woman myself, I have seen so many such women around the world who are afraid, who cannot come out to their families, who cannot be open in school, in society or at work. I would urge EPP Members and others in this Parliament who voted against the part that was already in the report to vote in favour of these amendments, because the issue at stake is our common human rights. It is about the European Charter of Fundamental Rights – which I hope all of you subscribe to – which makes clear that discrimination is not part of what we should have in the European Union. So please vote in favour of that, and support all that the External Action Service – with the toolkit, Lady Ashton and others – is doing in order to make it possible for LGBT people to live without fear in this world.

  Ana Miranda (Verts/ALE). - Señora Presidenta, con la misma contundencia con que se ha expresado la señora Ashton en relación con la situación de una empresa privada cuya nacionalización en la República Argentina acaba de ser anunciada –y que no debe ser confundida con un interés estatal–, debería emprender la Alta Representante la defensa de los derechos humanos en relación con las quince personas kurdas que en estos momentos mantienen una huelga de hambre aquí en Estrasburgo, en relación con la situación del Sáhara Occidental, en relación con la situación de Gaza y de los territorios ocupados y en relación con tantas otras situaciones en las que deberíamos sentir realmente vergüenza como europeas y europeos.

Pero, sobre todo, en una cuestión que señala el señor Howitt en su excelente informe, como es la participación de la sociedad civil y los mecanismos de participación en las negociaciones de acuerdos comerciales en relación con el derecho a la consulta previa, libre e informada, por ejemplo, de los pueblos indígenas.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL). - A mesma União Europeia que se arroga ao direito de dar lições de direitos humanos ao mundo vai espezinhando todos os dias, dentro das suas fronteiras, direitos humanos que constam da respetiva Declaração Universal, como o direito à segurança social, à proteção no desemprego, a salários justos, à alimentação, à assistência médica, à educação gratuita. Estes e outros direitos que constam da respetiva Declaração Universal, em Portugal e noutros Estados-Membros, estão sob o fogo do pacto de agressão do FMI, da União Europeia e dos chamados planos de austeridade. A mesma União Europeia que se arroga ao direito de dar lições de democracia ao mundo, acaba de deixar bem claro qual o seu conceito de democracia ao desprezar e contrariar a vontade dos povos num Tratado elaborado ao arrepio das mais elementares regras e preceitos democráticos.

O que vai ficando claro, infelizmente, é que os direitos humanos são cada vez mais utilizados como pretexto para a ingerência e o intervencionismo externos, afrontando o espírito e a letra da Carta das Nações Unidas. Pela nossa parte recusamos esta visão instrumental e restritiva dos direitos humanos.

(Fine della procedura Catch-the-Eye)

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Madam President, the honourable Members have ranged across a whole, important set of issues that fall under the universality of human rights. There are many many points that we can reflect upon. Let me, in the short time I have, try and pick up on a few of these.

First of all, may I say how pleased I am that Mr Sannikov and Mr Bondarenko have been released from prison in Belarus. We are in touch, and I hope that we may be seeing an opportunity with Belarus. This shows the strength of the European Union; it shows the importance of being decisive in what we do, and it shows more than anything that standing together is so important.

A number of honourable Members have rightly raised the importance of faith, belief, conviction; the ability to worship and exercise belief, faith or none. I agree with all the concerns that have been raised about the importance of making sure that this is a core part of the work that we do on human rights. This is why we will dedicate a chapter in the annual report specifically to that, so that it becomes part of our human rights work but is highlighted appropriately.

I hear what a number of colleagues have said about the situation in Egypt, and we will continue to keep a watchful eye on how this is evolving.

Mr Donskis talked about the subtle undermining of human rights. The challenge is to make sure that we focus not just on the most obvious ways, for example, the abolition of the death penalty (which is, as you know, something I consider to be a fundamental part of the work that we do), but also on the ways in which people are prevented from exercising their rights in more subtle ways. These two things are very important. They lead to that lack of dignity and respect that is core and fundamental to how we feel.

Mr Tavares, I just want to say to you that my message on Argentina had nothing to do with this debate. I was asked by Mr Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra if I would say something before the debate began about Argentina because I cannot be here tomorrow.

I agree with you about the terrible situation in Guinea Bissau. It is why, even before the coup last Thursday, I put out a statement and called on all parties to respect the legitimate government, and I have been very strong in my condemnation of the coup. Those who are in prison should be released immediately, and we have suspended most of our aid to Guinea Bissau.

We are, of course, looking at how to make sure we can continue to give direct support to the people. But we will not support an illegitimate government, and I completely agree with you on that – but please do not think that I was trying to bring one issue into another. I really was not. It was a separate discussion before the debate.

I agree, too, that honourable Members have been in the forefront of wanting to see a special representative, and as you know I am currently working on the mandate for that person. We are looking for someone of enormous integrity and with great ability in this field. It will be an important role, and the appointee will need to have a good relationship with this House. This is something we want to continue to discuss.

I was very pleased to see that so many people mentioned the issues of women’s rights and the importance of continuing to support women, especially women going through extreme circumstances of horror and terror, but also women trying to engage in the political and economic lives of their countries. Very simplistically, we know that when women are engaged in society, societies are richer in every possible sense: economically, socially and politically, and the issue of forced marriages is one that affects many countries.

When I was a minister for human rights in the country I came from, I did legislation on forced marriages there. This is something we need to take seriously everywhere.

Mrs Ludford, I have already said before that we will look into that, but you know that I am deeply concerned about the use of the death penalty everywhere, especially, as I said to you earlier, over the 100 instances of the death penalty in Iran so far this year.

Mr Stevenson, you have been a champion on the issue of Camp Ashraf because of your concern for the people there. We are still in touch with Martin Kobler and are still pushing hard on Member States, and I need the help of MEPs to make sure that we can resettle as many people as possible. This is crucial, but we are also offering to support the UN financially in moving forward on this. So in a sense, the more I can rely on help from this House, the more I will be able to do. But you know how much I am concerned about this and how engaged we are on this.

In terms of South Africa on the point that was raised, we have agreed to launch a human rights dialogue with South Africa where we can raise a number of different issues.

I agree with what Mrs Gomes said about the importance of meeting with human rights activists. I try to do that in every country I visit in order to listen to them and hear from them about the situation on the ground and the realities of the life that they lead. I support fully the rights of lesbian, gay, transsexual and bisexual people, and this should be fully reflected in everything we do on human rights.

Such rights are universal. In terms of how we work with different countries, I have talked before about the spectrum of engagement to isolation and the importance of ensuring that human rights is one of the indicators of how we work with countries. We are often, as the honourable Members know, trying to work with people in countries in order to support them while also trying to isolate and put pressure on their governments. The spectrum really matters in that we do not abandon people who are desperately trying to obtain their rights, but we engage where we can. On that spectrum of engagement to isolation, where engagement can be more effective (and it very often is), we need to make sure that we are there, willing to put the pressure on to try and make the difference.

My final point is a bureaucratic one: benchmarking. We are working now on how to develop the methodology for this. We want to measure the performance, as a number of honourable Members have indicated. There is quite a long way to go, but the action plan may also be an opportunity for us to examine.

My final comment is to thank Richard Howitt again for the work he has done on this very important report. I know his personal conviction and commitment to this, and I pay tribute to that.

  Richard Howitt, rapporteur. − Madam President, firstly I would like to thank Baroness Ashton for the commitment she has shown in this debate and her comments on her strong track record, her recognition of the importance of accountability, her commitment to involve Parliament in the inter-institutional declaration on the review and what she has said on forced marriages and measuring performance. I pay due credit to the EU’s positions in the United Nations, including on the death penalty, reflected in this debate and achieved under her leadership.

I would also like to repeat my thanks for all the compliments given in the debate – not least from the shadows – and place on record my support for Mr Grzyb’s proposal for business and human rights to be integrated in EU trade policy. I welcome both his and other contributions from the EPP Group: from Mr Brok, Ms Matera, Mr Kukan and Mrs Gál. They have shown that we can have cross-party consensus on the issues in this report.

To Ms Ludford I would say that the regular reports on the internal Council meetings on accession to the European Convention on Human Rights discussed both in this Parliament and in the parliamentary assembly of the Council of Europe make quite clear the UK’s opposition, and I am sorry that once again her party are making excuses for conservative anti-human rights positions. I hope that may change later his week, but I am not holding my breath.

Madam President, my thanks go to all who have quoted from my report stating that I am against double standards in human rights – they are right, and I have to say that goes for this debate; to Mr Claeys, who would win greater respect if he condemned both black and white murders in South Africa; and to Mr Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, who appears to support the rule of law in Argentina but not Colombia. Whilst I and my text strongly agree with the concerns expressed by MEPs Szymański, Belder, Kowal, Provera and Posselt on the persecution of Christians, it is important to say that this did not start with the Arab Spring. I hope they will join with me in condemning discrimination against all religions and beliefs in all countries at all times.

I welcome the contributions from my colleagues Ms De Keyser and Ms Costello on LGBT rights. It is wrong that homosexuality could be classified as a disease, and I hope that MEPs will vote for Amendments 7 and 8, which I have tabled to condemn this. I welcome the contributions from Mr Tavares and Ms Miranda on indigenous peoples’ rights, and I indicate to you my support for your oral amendment.

Finally, if High Representative Ashton’s arithmetic is correct, I have served as the 28th annual human rights rapporteur of this European Parliament since the first direct elections. I would like to thank colleagues sincerely for giving me the privilege of undertaking this role.

  Presidente. − La discussione è chiusa.

La votazione si svolgerà mercoledì 18 aprile 2012.

Dichiarazioni scritte (articolo 149)

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg (S&D), in writing. – Human rights, democracy and the rule of law are core values of the EU and its founding Treaties. The Union’s commitment to supporting democracy and human rights in its external policies is affirmed by the EUR 1.1 billion committed to the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (2007-2013). While the EU’s contribution is certainly important, so is our interest to ensure that tax-payers’ money properly serves citizens of recipient countries and the EU’s interests and values. Our past experience shows that EU funds allocated to this purpose, in many cases, have yielded limited results for various reasons concerning time and effectiveness of the instruments used. With this in mind I welcome the review and analysis of the Union’s policy on related matters, as presented in the EU’s annual report on human rights and democracy. One desirable outcome from the annual report would be the formation of a common EU strategy on human rights with clear definitions of the actions, timetables and responsibilities of each of the European institutions. Such a strategy will certainly point the way forward to setting and attaining ambitious goals while holding the EU and recipient countries to greater accountability on the usage of funds and the results accomplished.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE), in writing. – Today's debate is important because the European Parliament can send a practically unanimous message to the EU foreign ministers’ meeting next June which will adopt a Declaration on a new EU human rights strategy. What we need today is much more coherence in conducting the CFSP. That means moving human rights issues to the centre of our foreign relations. The role of the EU Member States in implementing the EU human rights policies should be clearly and bindingly articulated because the new strategy will bite only if all the 27 governments back it by their practical and coordinated policies.

I welcome the news that human rights focal points have been established in 116 EU foreign delegations by now. However, this has to be guaranteed by obligatory human rights training for all levels of the EEAS staff, including heads of delegations. Also performance reviews on human rights should become an integral part of annual evaluations of all EU diplomats. Finally I am satisfied that the aspect of freedom of religion has been included in the training provided to the relevant EU staff. This should be even more strongly reinforced and become one of the core issues in the human rights dialogues with third states.

  Ádám Kósa (PPE), írásban. – Mint ismeretes, az Európai Unió 2011. január 23-án csatlakozott a fogyatékossággal élő személyek jogairól szóló ENSZ-egyezményhez (UN CRPD), amely nemcsak azért történelmi jelentőségű, mert ez az első emberi jogi egyezmény, amihez az EU mint regionális szervezet csatlakozott, hanem azért is, mert az egyezmény központi fontossággal bír a tavaly októberben az EP által elfogadott jelentésemben is. Ahhoz, hogy az említett ENSZ egyezmény és az EP jelentése a fogyatékossággal élő személyek mobilitásáról és befogadásáról, valamint a 2010–2020 közötti időszakra vonatkozó európai fogyatékosságügyi stratégiáról valóban eredményt hozzon a világban, az is szükséges, hogy az EU külkapcsolataiban is megjelenjen ez az elkötelezettség, összhangban a jelentésem 106. pontjával is. Kérdésem, hogy az EU külkapcsolatainál az emberi jogok áttekintésénél (Human Rights Review), valamint a vonatkozó politikai nyilatkozat és akcióterv fognak-e tartalmazni szempontokat és értékeléseket a fogyatékossággal élő emberek jogainak érvényesülése érdekében?

  Elżbieta Katarzyna Łukacijewska (PPE), na piśmie. – Zgodnie z podstawowymi wartościami UE, Parlament Europejski wspiera prawa człowieka na arenie międzynarodowej, która ewidentnie staje wobec nowych wyzwań w zmieniającym się świecie. Parlament apeluje o nadanie większego znaczenia klauzulom dotyczącym praw człowieka i warunkowości w programach wspieranych przez UE, wzywając tym samym państwa członkowskie UE do pełnego zaangażowania się w ten proces i zastosowania jego wyników w krajowych działaniach, a także na szczeblu europejskim. W związku z powyższym priorytetem UE staje się wsparcie rządów, parlamentów i społeczeństwa obywatelskiego oraz ich czynne zaangażowanie w proces poszanowania i monitorowania praw człowieka.

Kluczem do tego jest wyciągniecie wniosków z błędów popełnionych w przeszłości oraz dokonanie szybkiego, przejrzystego i integracyjnego postępu w kierunku ambitnej ostatecznej wspólnej strategii UE, obejmującej jasne działania, ramy czasowe i zadania, opracowanej przy pełnym współudziale zainteresowanych podmiotów w celu wniesienia pozytywnego wkładu w ten proces międzyinstytucjonalny. Zwieńczeniem tego procesu powinno być przyjęcie przez instytucje wspólnej strategii oraz wzorców, w której jasno określone zostaną role i zadania każdej instytucji, oraz za pomocą której stale dokonywana będzie ocena ich realizacji.

  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. – We should not only monitor obligations and rules governing adherence to human rights in the EU but take into account the specificities of separate countries. For example, in Latvia the parliament by recommendation of the government decided to increase the retirement age of Latvians just because of lack of funds in the social budget while ignoring the fact that, if Latvians retire at the age of 65 then the majority of them will not live to retirement age because the average age is 68 years for men in Latvia. What is more, after 55 it is very difficult to find a decent and well-paid job. I think that step by the Latvian Government and parliament violates the fundamental rights and freedoms of Latvian people since they are subject to unequal conditions in comparison to pensioners in France, Germany and other EU countries, where the average life duration is 80 years old, and the retirement age is 65. It means that on average throughout the EU a pensioner receives a pension for 15 years, but in Latvia from one to three years. To stop injustice it is necessary to take immediate measures on the reallocation of EU social funds in order to level the difference in pensions between old Member States and new Member States.

  Kristiina Ojuland (ALDE), in writing. – Although I support the adoption of the European Parliament annual report on human rights in the world in 2010, I regret that it has been delayed to such a late date. I hope that in the future we will be able to be timelier in addressing the human rights situation in the world. Nevertheless, the report outlines a great number of issues that ought to be discussed in the Council. For example, the case of Sergey Magnitsky has not been properly brought up in the Council as it should have been after the adoption of the previous annual report. Instead the Russian authorities continue to persecute Sergey Magnitsky’s family and avoid bringing those responsible for his death to justice. I would call the High Representative to consider further action with regard to the case of Sergey Magnitsky, in particular setting targeted sanctions against the Russian officials who are to blame in the demise of this brave man who uncovered rampant corruption within the administration of the Russian Federation. The annual report is far too important to allow it to become another impotent document; therefore it must be backed up by concrete action.

  Sirpa Pietikäinen (PPE), kirjallinen. – Arvoisa puhemies, hyvät kollegat, keskustelua ihmis- ja perusoikeuksien toteutumisesta Euroopan unionissa on pidettävä yllä. Unionin tulee ennen kaikkea varmistaa johdonmukaisuus ihmisoikeuspolitiikassaan ja päämäärätietoisesti vaatia oikeuksien kunnioittamista niin unionin sisällä kuin suhteissaan kolmansiin maihin. Esimerkillisyyden vuoksi on tärkeää, että EU liittyy mahdollisimman nopeasti Euroopan ihmisoikeussopimukseen.

Kaksi vuotta lainvoimassa ollut Euroopan unionin perusoikeuskirja on väline, jonka käyttöä tulee lisätä ja tehostaa. Tällä viikolla ilmestynyt raportti perusoikeuskirjan toimeenpanosta kertoo, että sopimusta on käytetty aiempaa enemmän tuomioistuimissa, mikä on hyvä asia. Samalla raportti kuitenkin toteaa, että edelleenkin monille kansalaisista on epäselvää, milloin perusoikeuskirjaa sovelletaan.

EU-kansalaisten perusoikeuksien turvaamiseksi tulee hyväksyä mahdollisimman pian yhdenvertaisen kohtelun direktiivi. Syrjintäkiellon puute työelämän ulkopuolella jättää lainsuojan ulkopuolelle juuri haavoittuvimmassa asemassa olevat ryhmät, kuten esimerkiksi ikäihmiset.

  Monika Smolková (S&D), písomne. – Oceňujem veľmi dobre spracovanú správu p. Richarda Howita. Na každom plenárnom zasadnutí EP rokujeme o konkrétnych prípadoch porušovania ľudských práv vo svete. Väčšinou je porušovanie ľudských práv spojené s extrémnou chudobou, preto potrebu vypracovať súbor zásad o uplatňovaní noriem a kritérií týkajúcich sa ľudských práv v kontexte boja proti extrémnej chudobe považujem za nevyhnutnú. Výročnú správu o ľudských právach vo svete predkladanú Európskou službou pre vonkajšiu činnosť vnímam podobne ako spravodajca za zväčša opisnú. Po prijatí Lisabonskej zmluvy a vytvorení Európskej služby pre vonkajšiu činnosť sa žiadali už aj konkrétnejšie dlhodobejšie opatrenia a ciele pre podporu a dodržiavanie ľudských práv vo svete, ktoré mohli byť už v tejto správe uvedené. EÚ podporuje mnoho rozvojových programov, v ktorých by si mala stanoviť konkrétne, merateľné a časovo ohraničené ciele pre oblasť ľudských práv a demokracie.

  Bogusław Sonik (PPE), na piśmie. – Pragnę wyrazić zadowolenie z faktu, że prawa człowieka stają się priorytetem w formułowaniu europejskich strategii politycznych, szczególnie w zakresie stosunków zewnętrznych. Zapewnienie skuteczności polityki UE w tej dziedzinie wymaga silnej roli PE, poprzez stworzenie silnego mechanizmu służącego realizacji jego decyzji. Do pełnego wykorzystania potencjału strategii konieczne jest także zaangażowanie państw członkowskich. Centralny partner w jej wdrażaniu to jednak przede wszystkim społeczeństwo obywatelskie. Dlatego moją głęboką satysfakcję budzi wzmocnienie roli nagrody im. Sacharowa.

Apeluję jednocześnie do Rady i Komisji o zapewnianie w miarę możliwości ochrony jej laureatów w przypadku, gdy są oni prześladowani. Przypominam, że działacze organizacji Memoriał, nagrodzonej w 2009 roku, zostali aresztowani wkrótce po powrocie ze Strasburga. Europosłowie powinni spotykać się z obrońcami praw człowieka podczas swoich delegacji i dążyć do nawiązywania i utrzymywania z nimi konstruktywnego dialogu. Szczególną rolę we wspieraniu działaczy na rzecz demokracji i praw człowieka może pełnić także odpowiednio wykorzystywana tzw. demokracja cyfrowa, co widać na przykładzie Arabskiej Wiosny.

  Janusz Władysław Zemke (S&D), na piśmie. – Unia Europejska słusznie traktuje przestrzeganie praw człowieka w świecie jako jedno z najważniejszych swoich zadań. Nie chcę mówić o działalności Unii w tym obszarze, lecz chcę zasygnalizować pojawiające się problemy.

Pierwszy problem polega na tym, że Unia aktywnie zajmuje się tą sferą w kontaktach z państwami małymi i średnimi. Jest znacznie bardziej wstrzemięźliwa, jeśli chodzi o kraje duże. Po drugie w dalszym ciągu pomimo powołania Europejskiej Służby Działań Zewnętrznych, są kłopoty w koordynacji polityki wszystkich instytucji unijnych. Kluczową rolę w tym obszarze powinny odgrywać przedstawicielstwa Unii w poszczególnych państwach, w tym dyplomaci, którzy specjalizują się w ochronie praw człowieka, utrzymując kontakty nie tylko z przedstawicielami miejscowych władz, lecz także przedstawicielami opozycji i działaczami walczącymi o ochronę podstawowych praw człowieka. Po trzecie Unia poprzez programy stypendialne i badawcze powinna wspierać tych naukowców, publicystów, studentów, którzy chcą się poświęcić ochronie praw człowieka.

15. Η κατάσταση στο Μαλί (συζήτηση)

  Presidente. − L'ordine del giorno reca la dichiarazione del Vicepresidente della Commissione/Alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza sulla situazione in Mali.

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Madam President, junior army officers overthrew President Traoré in a coup on 21 March 2012. The takeover grew from a mutiny calling for better weapons and better leadership in order to fight the Tuareg rebellion advancing across the North. Following strong leadership by the West African regional organisation, ECOWAS, as well as continuous pressure from the international community – including the European Union and the United Nations – an agreement was reached on 6 April 2012 providing for a return to civilian rule with the appointment of the Speaker of the National Assembly as interim Head of State. He will then appoint a new prime minister and a government representing all parties. New elections need to take place as soon as the voters’ list can be updated.

The situation in Northern Mali deteriorated very quickly following the coup d’état. The Tuareg rebel MNLA captured the three strategic towns of Kidal, Gao and Timbuktu in quick succession after government troops withdrew. On 5 April 2012, the MNLA declared the independence of the Tuareg’s northern homeland, Azawad, a declaration which was immediately rejected by the African Union. We have also heard that the former Prime Minister of Mali was arrested for the third time yesterday.

The Honourable Members know that the European Union has been concerned by the fragility of the Sahel for some time. It has been increasingly clear that development and security have to go hand in hand. With this in mind, we proposed the comprehensive approach of the Sahel Strategy, which the Council adopted a year ago, and appointed a Senior Sahel Coordinator in this service. The Strategy includes a financial top-up allocation of EUR 50 million to contribute to supporting Malian security policy.

The crisis in Libya and its fallout exacerbated an already-existing problem, causing well-armed fighters to spill out into a region where terrorism, hostage-taking, drug trafficking and criminality were already serious problems. Coming on top of the recurrent food insecurity, a major food crisis has greatly worsened conditions for a large part of the population.

Throughout, our aim has been to work with the governments of the region. Where the government is strong, that works well. But the military coup in Mali undermined both the legitimacy and the effectiveness of the government as well as threatening the sovereignty of the country.

I condemned the seizure of power by the military in Mali on 22 March 2012 and called for the re-establishment of legitimate government and the holding of elections as soon as possible. The Foreign Affairs Council of 23 March 2012 strongly supported the efforts of ECOWAS to restore constitutional and democratic government in Mali. Our development cooperation with Mali was immediately put on hold. This did not affect humanitarian aid, nor did it affect any projects working directly with and helping the people.

I have welcomed the agreement reached thanks to the mediation of Burkina Faso, acting on behalf of ECOWAS, and signed on 6 April 2012 by the military. I have also urged all parties – including the military – to respect its terms and to allow the swift restoration of full power to a legitimate government.

I have spoken with President Ouattara, who is acting as Chairman of ECOWAS, to reinforce this message. I also discussed the evolving situation with the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon yesterday in Brussels. The inauguration of Dioncounda Traoré as interim President and the release of the detained ministers come as good news. However – as I have already indicated – the reports of the arrest of the former Prime Minister and of another senior politician are of deep concern. It will be on the agenda of the Foreign Affairs Council on Monday next week.

As soon as the interim government is up and running, we shall discuss how best the EU can support the transition, including the holding of elections. The Commission is now preparing to resume the suspended projects as soon as the political and administrative conditions are met, particularly as regards fulfilment of the agreement with ECOWAS to restore a legitimate government.

It will be for the interim government to decide what support – including military – they may want from external partners, and from whom. We are already in close touch with ECOWAS concerning their proposals to provide support for the security sector, notably for the North, but we also need to work closely with all neighbouring countries – Mauritania, Niger, Algeria, Burkina Faso and Côte d’Ivoire – all of which all have a clear interest in the events taking place in Mali. Such an option requires careful reflection on what the nature of such a mission should be and how to coordinate it with the necessary reinforcement of Mali’s national army and gendarmerie.

On 21 March 2012, the Co-Presidents of the ACP-EU Parliamentary Assembly expressed grave concern at the deterioration of the situation in the North. It is not in the interests of the people of Mali, the region or the European Union for this to become effectively a lawless zone. The Council has made clear its commitment to the territorial integrity of Mali. A way must therefore be found to restore governance and democracy to the North.

This is made all the more urgent by the increasingly serious humanitarian situation. Overall, there are now over 200 000 internally displaced persons within Mali, and more than 140 000 are estimated to have fled to neighbouring countries. For 2012, we have increased our humanitarian aid budget for the Sahel from EUR 45 million to EUR 105 million. Across Mauritania, Niger, Chad, Mali and Burkina Faso, the Commission is implementing over EUR 250 million in humanitarian aid and food security actions for an estimated population of 50 million people. An additional EUR 9 million was added earlier this month for food, shelter and water for Malian refugees and internally displaced persons. For now, our primary aim is to deliver quick relief to the most affected and vulnerable populations. The EU remains committed to the preservation of the unity and sovereignty of Mali. It will remain in close contact with the new interim authorities in Bamako to define the concrete assistance in all the different fields – food, electoral process security and so on – that it can provide.

Stability in the region is essential for all Europe’s African partners. That is why we intend to mobilise all our efforts to find solutions, not only for the urgency of the next weeks, but also for the medium and long term, with the clear intention of assisting Mali in regaining its sovereignty in the northern part of its territory and being again a true united nation.

PŘEDSEDNICTVÍ: PAN OLDŘICH VLASÁK
místopředseda

  Ioannis Kasoulides, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, the case of the recent coup d’état in Mali highlights the important role played in recent times by peripheral African organisations – in this case ECOWAS – in exerting pressure on their peers to restore constitutional order and pluralistic democracy. Coups d’état are no longer acceptable to African countries themselves. A similar role was played by ECOWAS in the case of Côte d’Ivoire.

Of more concern though – for Africa but also for the security and stability of Europe itself – are the developments in Northern Mali. Heavily-armed and battle-hardened Tuareg militias – which served as mercenaries in support of Gaddafi and constitute an Islamist fundamentalist movement supported by al-Qa’ida in the Islamic Maghreb – have managed to take advantage of the situation and take over the towns of Timbuktu, Kidal and Gao, unilaterally seceding and declaring the independent state of Azawad.

Such a development is against international law. Such non-recognised territories become safe havens for international criminals, terrorists and al-Qa’ida followers, and would certainly be a destabilising factor for the whole of Western Africa from the Maghreb to Mauritania, Niger and the whole Sahel – an area known for kidnappings and lawlessness in the past.

We have to be very clear: we support the territorial integrity and unity of Mali, and any secession or unilateral declaration of independence is unacceptable. We have to support the constitutional President Dioncounda Traoré in order to restore the unity and territorial integrity of Mali, and I am glad – Madam Vice-President/High Representative – that you made this very clear.

  Ana Gomes, em nome do Grupo S&D. – Não tinham ainda cessado os ecos do golpe militar no Mali e já estávamos confrontados com outro na Guiné-Bissau. Dois golpes de Estado na região de África Ocidental no espaço de duas semanas devem ser suficientes para a União Europeia reconhecer o papel fundamental que tem que desempenhar em articulação com a União Africana, a Ecowas, a ONU, a CPLP, para estabilizar a região e, sobretudo, para proteger as populações que precisam de democracia e Estado de direito e segurança para poderem sobreviver e desenvolver-se.

Ali joga-se também a segurança europeia. Por ali passam rotas de tráfico de seres humanos, de armas e de droga, dirigidas, justamente, à Europa. É por isso que nós temos que agir, e temos os instrumentos para agir, os povos desses países a reagir e a ressurgir. É preciso combinar. Não bastam declarações políticas de condenação. É preciso combiná-las com diplomacia empenhada e com o músculo da política comum de segurança e defesa, além da ajuda humanitária.

É preciso que diante destas ameaças nós reajamos e não cometamos sobretudo erros de julgamento absolutamente lamentáveis, como os que levaram ao encerramento da Missão da União Europeia de Apoio à Reforma do Setor de Defesa e Segurança...

  Charles Goerens, au nom du groupe ALDE. – Monsieur le Président, je serais tenté d'introduire mon propos avec les mots: "Quel gâchis!".

Nous voilà face à un pays en crise qui, naguère encore, faisait figure d'élève modèle, notamment pour sa capacité d'alternance démocratique.

Le Mali doit désormais faire face à trois défis: le rétablissement démocratique, le rétablissement de l'unité territoriale et l'amélioration des conditions de vie des Maliens toujours dépendants de l'aide extérieure. Comment relever ces défis? La responsabilité en incombe, bien entendu, en premier lieu au Mali. Cependant, comme les mêmes menaces pèsent sur les pays voisins, la réponse doit aussi être régionale. D'où le rôle indispensable de la Communauté économique des États de l'Afrique de l'Ouest (CEDEAO), qui travaille en étroit partenariat avec l'Union européenne.

En tant qu'Européens, nous avons un intérêt évident à accompagner la Communauté économique des États de l'Afrique de l'Ouest à réfléchir à une stratégie post-Kadhafi étant donné que les bouleversements en Libye sont à l'origine, du moins partiellement, des événements survenus dans la région sahélienne.

Notre expérience et notre expertise en matière de coopération dans les domaines les plus divers nous mettent en position de partager des enseignements avec les pays éprouvés. La stratégie européenne pour le Sahel, mise au point il y a un an, intègre toutes ces dimensions.

Pour conclure, je souhaite voir la situation se normaliser au plus vite afin de pouvoir reprendre la coopération au développement suspendue depuis le coup d'État militaire.

  Judith Sargentini, namens de Verts/ALE-Fractie. – Twee weken geleden was ik in Dakar, Senegal en ik sprak een Touareg, die net gevlucht was uit Mali, een goed opgeleid man, een marabu, een spiritueel leider, maar van het vrijzinnige soort. Al zijn kinderen, jongens en meisjes, hadden gestudeerd. Geen van zijn kinderen woonde en werkte nog in Mali, want het was er te gevaarlijk, te onduidelijk en de Touareg voelde zich te zwaar gediscrimineerd.

De man zei "Die rebellen, die Touaregrebellen zijn schurken, zij mogen dan de islam als argumentatie gebruiken, maar zij hebben nog nooit een moskee vanbinnen gezien!". Een redelijk man, maar zelfs deze man zei: "Ik begrijp ze en ik steun ze, die rebellen". En dat vind ik een gevaarlijk signaal. Ik ging weg bij hem, terwijl ik nog niet helemaal begreep waar het nou eigenlijk over ging. Maar het is mij wel heel duidelijk dat hier in Mali geen sprake is van een conflict dat net is begonnen. Hier is sprake van generaties lang niet samenwerken en van het ontbreken van respect van meerderheden voor minderheden.

Maar ook hier, en het is elke keer hetzelfde, is er weer sprake van een oneerlijke verdeling van de rijkdom. Er zit geld in de grond in Mali, grondstoffen waar het land rijk van kan worden. Deze worden echter niet goed uitgebaat, worden niet eerlijk verdeeld en ik denk dat daar een deel van de oplossing ligt.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, the ECR Group fully condemns the unilateral declaration of independence of Azawad, which is exploiting the vacuum following the military coup which recently ousted Malian President Touré. The MNLA (National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad) separatist rebels must now hand over control of the northern areas which they currently control to the central political authorities in Mali, as demanded by the international community. Anything else will destabilise the strategically-vital Sahel region.

The MNLA leaders should also now be subject to EU asset-freezing and travel bans until compliance is forthcoming. Particularly worrying is the advantage gained from Mali’s internal strife by extremist Islamist factions. The al-Qa’ida and the Islamist Maghreb, for instance, are almost certainly responsible for a series of barbaric kidnappings and murders aimed at westerners in this fragile region. I therefore now call upon the Vice-President/High Representative to mobilise EU resources to aid the constructive efforts of ECOWAS (the Economic Community of West African States) in restoring Mali’s territorial integrity and to engage fully alongside the UN with the newly-installed interim President Traoré to help build a democratic Mali based on the rule of law and with the aid of new, free and fair elections.

  Marie-Christine Vergiat, au nom du groupe GUE/NGL. – Monsieur le Président, pauvre Mali et surtout pauvres Maliens. Pauvres Tamacheqs, Peuls, Sonrhaï ou Arabes qui vivent dans cette région du monde, confrontée à une crise humanitaire et sanitaire sans précédent, qui n'a pas pris naissance, vous l'avez dit, Madame Ashton, en janvier dernier avec la nouvelle rébellion, pas plus qu'avec la mutinerie du 21 mars.

La question touareg a été superbement ignorée au moment de la décolonisation. La France a de lourdes responsabilités en ce domaine. Les promesses qui ont été faites aux Touaregs ont rarement été tenues. Cette région fait l'objet de nombreuses convoitises du fait de la richesse de ses ressources naturelles, aussi bien à l'intérieur du pays que chez ses voisins, ou dans certains pays européens.

Cela fait plus de dix ans que le Sahel est une zone de non droit où les pires trafics prospèrent sans que qui que ce soit ne fasse quoi que ce soit. À la fin de la guerre libyenne, des armes sont entrées par milliers sur le territoire malien et ce, alors que tous les pays voisins avaient désarmé les rebelles libyens.

Depuis le début du mois de janvier, les populations, et notamment les femmes, sont victimes des pires exactions. L'Union européenne doit moins que jamais les abandonner. Mais elle doit faire un bilan de l'utilisation des fonds qu'elle a déjà versés et qui, visiblement, ont du mal à parvenir aux populations. Elle doit aider à ce qu'une commission d'enquête indépendante puisse faire la lumière sur toutes les exactions commises.

Tout doit être fait pour appuyer, sans ingérence, une solution politique associant l'ensemble des parties prenantes, y compris les représentants de la société civile.

  Michael Gahler (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Meine Damen und Herren! Mein Eindruck ist, dass wir uns hier in der politischen Bewertung des Putsches in Mali alle einig sind. Wir begrüßen, dass die Entwicklung in eine richtige Richtung geht, zumindest was die Hauptstadt betrifft. Die Hauptstadt und ihre Umgebung sind nur der kleinere Teil Malis. Damit ist das Problem der Besatzung und dieser einseitigen Unabhängigkeitserklärung noch nicht gelöst. Ich begrüße ausdrücklich, dass wir als EU das, was wir gut können – nämlich humanitäre Hilfe leisten – zugesagt haben und das sicherlich auch sehr bald dort zum Einsatz kommen wird. Ich denke, wir sollten die Zeit auch nutzen, dafür zu sorgen, dass ECOWAS seine Rolle wahrnehmen kann. Wir müssen das natürlich auch mit der afrikanischen Union abstimmen. Wir haben ja in anderen Fällen, in denen die afrikanische Union als Institution tätig geworden ist, bereits Hilfe geleistet.

Ein Problem zeigt sich in dem Zusammenhang, nämlich dass wir von der Westsahara angefangen über Mauretanien, Mali, Niger, Tschad, Sudan, aber auch im Süden Algeriens und im Süden Libyens eine ganz begrenzte Staatlichkeit dieser Länder feststellen können. Da ist nicht sehr viel Präsenz von staatlichen Organen, mit der Folge, dass dort ein Vakuum entstanden ist, in dem sich terroristische Organisationen breit machen. Wir müssen auch dafür sorgen, dass insbesondere der Export von kleinen, leichten Waffen, der in Afrika die Instabilität fördert, gestoppt wird. Denn nicht die Massenvernichtungswaffen, sondern diese leichten Waffen sind es, die viele Länder destabilisieren.

  Véronique De Keyser (S&D). - Monsieur le Président, je crois que nous sommes presque tous d'accord sur le tragique de la situation malienne. Je voudrais simplement revenir sur un sentiment de malaise par rapport à ce problème dans la mesure où, comme on l'a dit, on l'avait vu venir. C'était vraiment la chronique d'une catastrophe annoncée. Nous – je pense à M. Gahler, à moi-même ou à M. Goerens –, qui siégeons aux ACP, nous entendons depuis des mois, depuis l'intervention libyenne, les cris affolés de nos collègues maliens qui nous disent: "Il va se passer quelque chose au Mali.". On les a entendus à la réunion des ACP au Togo, et la veille du coup d'État, à Bruxelles, notre collègue Assari a piqué une véritable colère de désespoir en disant: "Mais il faut nous aider!" et le coup d'État a eu lieu le lendemain...

Alors, on a envie de dire: "Comment se fait-il que nous n'ayons rien pu faire?" On avait la stratégie pour le Sahel, on avait la connaissance des faits, on savait qu'il allait se passer quelque chose et, aujourd'hui on entend dire: "On va soutenir la CEDEAO, on va essayer de favoriser la concertation régionale, on va tenter, dès qu'il y aura un gouvernement transitoire, de faire des actions de développement pour certaines de ces régions qui sont absolument pauvres.". Mais n'aurions-nous pas pu faire l'économie de ce qu'il se passe, sachant bien aujourd'hui que c'est une véritable poudrière?

Cela ne sert à rien de se retourner vers le passé et il faut aller vers l'avenir mais je crois qu'il faut prendre l'ensemble de ces problèmes en compte, comme l'a très bien dit Mme Vergiat: c'était un problème qui se préparait et il faudra donc que nous le saisissions à bras-le-corps.

  Niccolò Rinaldi (ALDE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Signora Alto rappresentante, dopo tante buone notizie dall'Africa, quante brutte sorprese in Mali, un paese che pure ha praticato la democrazia con successo negli ultimi anni: abbiamo i rapimenti, la minaccia secessionista del Nord, il colpo di Stato, le bande fondamentaliste con l'applicazione della sharia e il rischio di carestia; cinque problemi, ciascuno dei quali è un dramma umano di difficile soluzione e tra l'altro cinque problemi capaci di contaminare l'intera regione.

Il Mali è una vittima collaterale, in parte anche del conflitto che ha avuto luogo in Libia, e si ritrova in una storia che è più grande di sé, più grande della classe politica maliana. Le vere ragioni hanno origine fuori dai suoi confini nonché in una storia legata al conflitto della Libia e, come è stato detto, anche più lontano.

Quando nella nostra risoluzione chiediamo una strategia post Gheddafi per l'intera regione, vogliamo che la cooperazione politica e anche quella in materia di sicurezza siano molto più approfondite, che si vada al di là dei contatti, ma che insieme a ECOWAS, Unione Africana e ONU nei rispettivi ruoli, si possa garantire la sicurezza sia alimentare sia politica, sapendo che più tardi si interviene, più difficile sarà trovare una soluzione.

  François Alfonsi (Verts/ALE). - Monsieur le Président, Madame la Vice-présidente, le peuple touareg vit une situation de peuple marginalisé sur l'ensemble de ses territoires.

En Azawad, le territoire touareg du Mali, tous les engagements pris en leur faveur depuis trente ans n'ont jamais été tenus. Aussi le Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad (MLNA) se bat-il pour que le peuple touareg soit reconnu dans ses droits historiques et culturels. Tout cela me semble légitime. Pourtant, notamment au nom du risque islamiste terroriste qui existe dans cette région, il est question de prêter main forte aux militaires maliens pour réprimer le mouvement touareg. Tel semble être, en tous les cas, le sens du discours que vous nous avez tenu.

Nous combattons cette option car le MLNA n'a aucun rapport ni aucune affinité avec le mouvement islamiste radical. Au contraire, les traditions amazighs du peuple touareg s'opposent au principe de la charia. Elles mettent en avant un droit coutumier beaucoup plus tolérant, notamment vis-à-vis de la condition des femmes. Les populations touaregs et le MLNA seront de bien meilleurs remparts contre l'intégrisme que tous les régimes militaires placés sous perfusion occidentale. Il faut engager un dialogue avec le MLNA pour arriver à une véritable stabilité dans cette région du monde.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE). - Mr President, I would like to thank the High Representative for her very clear and convincing statement on the situation in Mali, because the internal conflict there shows clearly how fragile the political, as well as the economic, situation in the western part of Africa really is.

Only twenty years ago, Mali was finally established as a democratic multi-party state with a new constitution. Since last month, the constitution has been suspended, and only eleven days ago there followed the self-proclaimed secession of the northern part of Mali, which has very worrisome links with terrorists and what we might call the aftermath of Gaddafi.

We first need to address the humanitarian situation there, because it is currently estimated that one tenth of the fifteen-million-strong Mali population is in need of emergency food assistance. Secondly, we need to support this transitional agreement, which fortunately has been achieved thanks to the efforts of West African states. That is progress, because if the position is established that no military coups will be accepted, there is still hope that democracy can be re-established. However, the main thing is to get direct humanitarian aid to these areas to prevent this situation developing into a humanitarian disaster.

  Corina Creţu (S&D). - Sperăm cu toţii că retragerea autorilor loviturii militare de stat în favoarea preşedintelui Adunării Naţionale pune capăt parantezei antidemocratice în care Mali a intrat după puciul din 22 martie. Demisia preşedintelui înlăturat poate pune capăt crizei politice în această ţară care reuşise după căderea dictaturii militare din 1991 să rămână oarecum fidelă principiilor democratice, dar revoluţiile încurajatoare sunt umbrite din păcate de pericolul separatist din nord.

Cred că odată cu îndemnul ferm adresat autorităţilor provizorii de a reveni la democraţie şi de a organiza alegerile preconizate trebuie să condamnăm categoric agresiunea tuaregilor şi a grupărilor extremiste care au proclamat unilateral independenţa unei regiuni aflate în pragul catastrofei umanitare. Nu mai putem să rămânem pasivi în faţa ofensivei tot mai distructive în Africa a grupărilor controlate de Al - Qaida, pentru că nu vrem în vecinătatea noastră un Magreb controlat de extremişti. Nu pentru asta Uniunea Europeană a susţinut Primăvara arabă.

  Santiago Fisas Ayxela (PPE). - Señor Presidente, baronesa Ashton, la tragedia de Malí es la crónica de una muerte anunciada. Hace un año tuve el honor de ser el jefe de la misión electoral de la Unión Europea en las elecciones de Níger y las autoridades nigerinas –que sabían muy bien de lo que hablaban– y los pocos embajadores con puesto en este país alertaron a los Gobiernos europeos de las terribles consecuencias que tendría para los países del Sahel en su conjunto el retorno de los tuaregs que formaban parte de los mercenarios del ejército de Gadafi. Tuaregs armados que se unirían, sobre todo, a sus correligionarios en esos países y también a las fuerzas de AQMI y también advirtieron sobre la infiltración de AQMI entre los insurgentes de Libia.

Yo me alegro mucho, señora Ashton, de las medidas que ha anunciado para todos los países del Sahel, pero simplemente diría que son medidas que hay que tomar de forma urgente, de forma rápida porque, si no, nos vamos a encontrar con un problema realmente acuciante y quizás muy pronto la mayor parte de esos países queden en poder de las fuerzas integristas de AQMI, y todo eso a las puertas de Europa.

Y no quisiera terminar sin un recuerdo para todas las personas que están secuestradas en estos momentos por AQMI e insto a poner todos los medios posibles para su pronta liberación.

Zahájení vystoupení na základě přihlášení se zvednutím ruky.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL). - Os desenvolvimentos no Mali vieram agravar uma situação humanitária que era já, à partida, extremamente precária e em que avulta uma crescente insegurança alimentar, que ameaça de fome mais de três milhões de pessoas.

São já quase 100 mil os deslocados internos, 200 mil os refugiados nos países vizinhos, sendo crítica a situação nas fronteiras do Níger e da Mauritânia. Estes desenvolvimentos recentes são indissociáveis da entrada, no Norte do Mali, de milhares de toneladas de armamento, na sequência da agressão militar da NATO, dos Estados Unidos, da França e do Reino Unido à Líbia.

No contexto atual, importa apoiar os esforços da União Africana e da Comunidade dos Estados da África Ocidental na procura de uma saída política negociada pacífica do conflito. Sem ingerências, que proteja as populações e respeite a soberania e a integridade do Mali.

A crise neste país mergulha as suas raízes profundas em problemas económicos e sociais aos quais urge dar resposta. É urgente responder a necessidades de alimentação, emprego, saúde, habitação e serviços públicos. A cooperação para o desenvolvimento tem aqui um papel preponderante.

(Konec vystoupení na základě přihlášení se zvednutím ruky)

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, I would like to thank the honourable Members for the comments that they have made on the unfolding situation in Mali. As they have said, it is absolutely right that the European Union should engage. We have a vital interest in the security, stability and development of the whole Sahel region.

We are firmly supportive of ECOWAS’ efforts and those of the neighbouring countries, and we are remaining in close contact with them regarding how we can help the political transition. I pay tribute to President Ouattara who himself, not that long ago, experienced enormous difficulties in Côte d’Ivoire and who is now very much putting his chairmanship on the line in terms of support for the country.

We remain very preoccupied with the situation in the North, and we reiterate our support for the territorial integrity of Mali. We are in contact with ECOWAS on a number of issues, including how to work with its ideas to establish a collective force to help the new, legitimate government to restore order throughout the national territory. We have most recently decided upon a civilian CSDP mission in the region and are considering what other support might be needed.

Finally, I am especially concerned that large numbers of people are being forced to flee the North in the middle of what is already a major food crisis. We are determined to offer our support to provide humanitarian aid everywhere we can, subject only to the physical safety of humanitarian workers.

I very much look forward to the resolution that the European Parliament will adopt on this matter.

  předseda. − Rozprava skončila.

Hlasování se bude konat v pátek 20. dubna 2012 ve 12:00 hodin.

Písemná prohlášení (článek 149)

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE), în scris. – Condamn lovitura militară din Mali, suspendarea instituțiilor republicane, precum și gravele încălcări ale drepturilor omului, atât de către rebelii din Nord, cât și de către puciștii din Bamako. Condamn răpirile și arestările arbitrare, violurile și jafurile armate, ca și recrutarea de copii soldați raportată recent de ONU. Subliniez importanța menținerii integrității teritoriale a statului Mali pentru stabilitatea zonei și susțin apelurile la negocieri între rebeli și un guvern de tranziție. În acest sens, salut numirea ca prim ministru a lui Cheick Modibo Diarra și sper că el va putea forma un guvern de uniune națională, așa cum este prevăzut în Acordul Cadru semnat pe 6 aprilie între juntă și Comunitatea Economică a Statelor din Africa de Vest. E important ca tranziția democratică să fie gestionată politic de civili. Pentru a restaura autoritatea reprezentanților aleși, e nevoie de organizarea rapidă a unui scrutin liber și corect sub supraveghere internațională. Solicit Serviciului de Acțiune Externă trimiterea unei misiuni de observare a alegerilor, imediat ce calendarul electoral va fi anunțat. Solicit statelor membre să susțină Mali cu ajutoare umanitare pentru civilii afectați de luptele din Nord.

16. Η κατάσταση στη Συρία (συζήτηση)

  předseda. − Dalším bodem je prohlášení místopředsedkyně Komise, vysoké představitelky Unie pro zahraniční věci a bezpečností politiku Catherine Ashton k situaci v Sýrii.

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, we are all absolutely appalled by the horrendous levels of violence that have been witnessed in Syria. Regime forces have bombarded cities with no regard for civilians. Violence has not spared children. We all want, above everything, the violence and killings to stop, and everyone is extremely worried by the potential for further militarisation and escalation of the conflict. The increased violence that we saw leading up to the ceasefire deadline of 12 April was totally unacceptable, and reports about shelling in the city of Homs and civilians killed in Hama and Deraa are extremely disturbing. Violence has abated, but that is not enough.

Once again, I urge in the strongest possible terms that the cessation of violence be for real, and that Kofi Annan’s plan be implemented immediately and in its entirety. The honourable Members will know how fragile and unstable the situation remains. The violence in Homs, Hana and Aleppo are tragic reminders of this.

The House will have seen that the UN Security Council adopted unanimously – and I emphasise that unanimity – on Saturday a resolution approving the immediate deployment of an advance team of up to 30 military observers to Syria to begin reporting on the implementation of a full cessation of armed violence. They left for Syria on Sunday and are now on the ground starting their work. It is an important development for the implementation of the UN and League of Arab States Special Envoy Kofi Annan’s six-point plan.

Together with our EU representatives at the UN Security Council, to whom I pay tribute for their work and for their engagement, and all our Member States, we have spared no effort to try and ensure that the international community speaks with one voice. I and my services have engaged in particular with Russia and China – last week on the margins of the G8 meeting in Washington – to seek their support and a change in their position.

The Security Council resolution presents, finally, a unified call from the international community to the regime, and I quote: ‘the urgent, comprehensive and immediate implementation by the Syrian Government of all the elements of the Envoy’s six-point proposal in their entirety’.

This is not a matter of choice. The six-point plan is not optional. The government has to implement it fully. Troops and heavy weapons have to be withdrawn from population centres, peaceful demonstrations and freedom of association must be respected, and the provision of humanitarian assistance to all areas affected by the fighting must be ensured.

Only through a credible and sustained halt to violence will Kofi Annan be able to develop a peaceful, inclusive and Syrian-led democratic transition that responds to the legitimate aspirations of all Syrians. We are watching very closely the situation on the ground. We have called on all parties to comply with his plan. Given the government’s responsibility and record of broken promises and unfulfilled commitments, this resolution is an opportunity for the regime to change course and cooperate fully.

Unanimous action is what we have been calling for from the beginning of this crisis, and now it is of utmost importance that the members of the Security Council continue to support Kofi Annan in his efforts and ensure that a fully-fledged observation mission in Syria is operationalised without delay. China and Russia must continue to play a key role in bringing a solution to the conflict, using all their influence to ensure the Security Council resolution is fully implemented.

I have, on a number of occasions, personally expressed my support to Special Envoy Annan and told him and the Secretary General of the UN, Ban Ki-moon, with whom I met yesterday, that the EU and the Member States stand ready to provide any required support to the observation mission. In our cooperation with the League of Arab States, we have already helped build the League of Arab States Situation Room to improve communications, and we are training them to develop their analysis and ability to respond to crisis situations.

Last week I convened the Crisis Platform again to bring together all the services of the EEAS and the Commission, under the chairmanship of Secretary-General Pierre Vimont. We are putting all our instruments together, coordinating closely with Kristalina Georgieva and her work and humanitarian aid and support, and reaching out to all the countries neighbouring Syria, both through ambassadors in Brussels and through the authorities on the ground. We are working closely with all the Member States to try and ensure an effective and coordinated EU response.

We have suspended all types of cooperation, including bilateral cooperation, and Syria’s participation in regional programmes. The European Investment Bank, with which we work closely, has suspended all its loan operations and technical assistance to Syria. We have nevertheless maintained aid that benefits the Syrian population, students, human rights defenders and the opposition. Those programmes with Syrian students and universities will continue. We are supporting efforts to deliver shelter, medical supplies, food and whatever is needed. We have put together a contribution of EUR 29 million in humanitarian aid to Syria and the neighbouring countries affected.

Support to the neighbouring countries is also essential. I discussed these issues when I was in Turkey over the weekend with Foreign Minister Davutoglu, who also joined the G8 Foreign Ministers by video link. The humanitarian and security situation on the Turkish border is critical, and the Turkish response has been excellent, with fast and professional support to the 25 000 refugees in its territory. I have offered our assistance on a number of occasions to Foreign Minister Davutoglu and did so again this weekend. I remain in close contact with him and his services for whatever is needed.

We are also working closely with Jordan and Lebanon and are ready to mobilise our instruments to respond to their requests. I have started to discuss the details of that support with the Foreign Minister of Jordan.

It is important that we continue to act as fast as we can, liaising closely with local ministries. Many of the displaced populations in neighbouring countries live not in camps but with families. That is why we are looking into broader and wider support, including assistance to host families and support to the regions and populations most directly affected by the inflow of Syrian citizens, particularly in the fields of health and education.

To do this, together with Commissioner Füle I have proposed as a matter of urgency a Commission Special Measure to reserve EUR 23 million for funds to support specifically Syrian civil society, as well as refugees and affected populations in neighbouring countries.

Besides our assistance, I want to make it clear that we are ready to continue to impose sanctions and restrictive measures for as long as the repression continues. The last round of sanctions was approved at the Foreign Affairs Council of 23 March, and we are working on a new set of sanctions and restrictive measures. Today, my team is in Paris taking a leading role in the meeting of the working group on sanctions created at the Istanbul meeting.

It is also important that our delegation remains open in Damascus for as long as the security situation permits. We need to have eyes and ears on the ground and to be close to the Syrian population. The Syrian people have asked us not to leave. We are hosting diplomats from Member States that have decided to suspend the activities of their own embassies. Spain, Italy, Belgium and the Netherlands now have diplomats within the EU delegation in Damascus.

I want to say a word about engagement with Syrian opposition groups, which is a critical issue in which I believe the European Parliament has an important role to play. I thank Parliament for its efforts in reaching out to opposition groups. Our main objective remains to encourage all groups to put aside their differences, work together towards stronger coordination and agree on a way forward for an orderly transition that is both inclusive and democratic. They need to build a common vision for the future of Syria, where all Syrians from all backgrounds and affiliations are free and equal. I have instructed the External Action Service to continue its meetings with opposition groups and to reach out to minority groups to encourage them in this approach.

The future of Syria belongs to the Syrian people. Their lives, their rights and their aspirations must be respected. We need to do as much as we possibly can, but it is now time for President Assad to match his words with deeds.

  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señor Presidente, Señora Alta Representante, Señorías, en el tablero sirio se está jugando en estos momentos una triple partida: la determinación de la influencia entre Irán y Arabia Saudí, el papel que le va a corresponder a Egipto en todo el contexto de la primavera árabe y el vacío que está dejando la campaña electoral en los Estados Unidos que quiere ser ocupado por China y Rusia.

La aparente buena noticia es la adopción por unanimidad de esta Resolución en el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas. Pero aquí, señor Presidente, lo importante es que el voto de esa Resolución sea coherente con la actitud que estos países están manteniendo ante la situación creada en Siria.

La vía diplomática es una vía lenta que está tardando en producir resultados y con ello El Asad está ganando tiempo para seguir reprimiendo a la población. Y lo cierto es que, aunque tengamos que apoyar, señora Ashton, el plan de Kofi Annan, estamos mandando un doble mensaje a la comunidad internacional. Por un lado, el señor El Asad sigue manteniéndose en el poder, ganando tiempo – sabe que con el veto de Rusia y de China puede masacrar impunemente a la población– y, por otro lado, estamos transmitiendo un mensaje a la disidencia de que no hay soluciones a corto plazo.

Por lo tanto, es importante, señor Presidente, que tomemos en consideración todos estos factores; es muy meritoria la acción que está llevando a cabo la Unión Europea en lo que se refiere a la ayuda humanitaria, a la movilización de los fondos a los que usted se ha referido con la señora Georgieva y a seguir amparando el despliegue de esta misión; pero como ha dicho –y creo que acertadamente– un diplomático de mi país, según la bases del plan de Kofi Annan, la solución del conflicto tiene, desgraciadamente, que empezar con El Asad, pero tiene que acabar también con su salida.

  Véronique De Keyser, au nom du groupe S&D. – Monsieur le Président, nous nous sommes rendus avec Mme Gomes à la frontière syro-libanaise au tout début du mois d'avril, notamment pour y rencontrer une partie de l'opposition syrienne qui a pu arriver jusqu'à Beyrouth, mais aussi pour comprendre un peu mieux les risques d'une éventuelle implosion au Liban en raison des tensions entre sunnites et chiites générées par le conflit syrien.

Que ressort-il de tout cela? Je ne sais pas si on y voit plus clair qu'au début. En tout cas, tous les Syriens que nous avons entendus ont exprimé une très grande crainte de ce que j'appellerai une proxy war, c'est-à-dire une guerre menée par allié interposé, avec des intérêts géopolitiques qui se joueraient en Syrie, entre sunnites, chiites, etc. avec éventuellement des interférences de l'Arabie Saoudite, du Qatar, etc. Ces personnes nous ont dit: "On va nous voler notre révolution."

Il semble vraiment que le plan Annan soit la seule issue possible en Syrie, hormis la guerre civile. Ce n'est pas très satisfaisant mais c'est le sentiment qui est exprimé là-bas. Le plan Annan, mais un plan Annan amélioré, un plan Annan rendu opérationnel, un plan Annan qui prévoirait à terme la sortie d'Assad, et dans un terme qui soit court. Or, c'est là que, probablement, des efforts restent à faire, et nous avons beaucoup discuté avec des opposants syriens de cette mise en œuvre du plan Annan. Mais la crainte d'une guerre civile et la crainte d'une influence du Qatar, etc. sont immenses.

Je voulais aborder très rapidement un deuxième point. Les réfugiés sont une priorité. C'est une priorité qu'on a l'air de croire humanitaire mais c'est une priorité politique. À l'intérieur du Liban, c'est une priorité politique. Ce sont des opposants syriens et ils sont aux prises avec le Hezbollah. Il faut donc absolument que nous en fassions notre priorité politique – je termine – et je voudrais vous dire, Madame Ashton, que vous avez à juste titre maintenu une ambassade de l'Union européenne à Damas, faites comme à Benghazi, mettez le drapeau européen...

(Le Président retire la parole à l'oratrice)

  Guy Verhofstadt, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, Lady Ashton has given a very diplomatic speech, but I have to tell her that, although I am not in the habit of agreeing with Mr Sarkozy, this time I must admit that he is right. I do not think that we still have an Annan plan or that the plan is working.

Let us face the facts. She did not talk about these. More than 100 breaches of the Annan plan have been identified in the last two days. More than 50 people were killed yesterday. I do not know how many casualties there have been today in Syria. So how can you talk about an Annan plan – an Annan plan that is not being applied in practice by Bashar al-Assad? Does the international community need several hundred more killings before everybody recognises that in fact it is not working because Bashar al-Assad is not willing to apply it? I think all this is leading to an increased number of killings and deaths in Syria.

The latest idea is for us to put observers there, and the international community and the European Union are saying that we shall give every support. What does this support mean? To put in place 215 observers you need to spend several thousand euros on military equipment to protect them. Otherwise it is impossible. Mr Vimont is a specialist, maybe he can tell us. In a normal operation in Syria, with 215 observers on the ground, how many soldiers would you need? Why should we do it? To protect our observers, not to protect the Syrian people who are still under attack by Bashar al-Assad. I really do not think this is the right way forward.

What we have to observe – what in fact we know already – is that the plan is not working. Bashar al-Assad is killing more people. We know that Bashar al-Assad is ignoring his promises and is simply continuing with crimes against humanity. Is that what we need to know? We already know it.

I do not think there is any time left now. What we need to do now is not to observe and to protect the observers but to act. We know what this means. It means three things: safe zones, humanitarian corridors and support for the Syrian opposition. If we can do this with the Security Council, let us do it with the Security Council. If it is not possible with the Security Council because of the position taken by Russia and China, we will do it without the Security Council. But the international community has an obligation.

Finally, I have a last question. Can you give us some information on the recent incident with a German ship that is trying to deliver arms to Syria and that is directly breaching the arms embargo?

Mr President – and I think I also speak for Mrs De Keyser – problems as serious as the crisis in Syria are more important than you always putting your hammer down.

  Franziska Katharina Brantner, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, the situation in Syria is still terrible and unacceptable. Of course, the most important thing is to keep up the pressure, to offer observers helicopters and airplanes, and – as Ms De Keyser said – to support operationalisation, because so far we have not seen the results that are really needed. We need to support the opposition both politically and logistically, and we cannot just leave it to others to support them selectively. I think that there is a risk that we will not see a building up of common ground, but I think that this could be our role.

On the humanitarian side, we need to make it clear that the rights of refugees need to be guaranteed. Shooting at refugees from any side is unacceptable. Having said that, it is also our duty to help and support refugees in the countries in which they arrive. We can and must do much more there.

But let me point out one really important issue: we need to act ourselves in order to end the bloodshed in Syria. We need to be serious about our own arms embargo, and there are two incidents that I want to mention. On 10 January 2012, the Cypriot authorities allowed a Russian ship carrying more than 59 tonnes of weapons destined for Assad to dock and refuel, despite clear evidence of its dangerous cargo. This is outrageous. Cyprus cannot buy a financial bail-out from Russia at the expense of the Syrian opposition. On 13 April 2012, a German ship sailing under the flag of Antigua and Barbuda was stopped on its way to Syria. The ship has now apparently changed its course, but – as of today – its exact whereabouts are unknown. This is unacceptable. The UN and its member states have a duty to ensure that the arms embargo is respected. I have already sent you a priority written question on this, asking you to investigate the role of Cyprus in the aforementioned incident. So far, I have not heard back from you. As a matter of urgency, we therefore ask you in an open letter to investigate these incidents and also finally to develop a real monitoring and oversight mechanism of our embargo systems. I will now personally deliver this letter to you, and I look forward to your answer.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))

  Ioannis Kasoulides (PPE), blue-card question. – Mr President, I would like to address Mrs Brantner. All I know is that last summer, Cyprus suffered a terrible disaster, having confiscated a shipment of explosives in breach of the arms embargo towards Syria. 13 people died. It was an economic disaster. This is the case as you set it out. The version by the Government of Cyprus is different. I will have no hesitation whatsoever in condemning my own government if the High Representative – who is here – makes this clear. Was it a breach of the embargo?

(The President cut off the speaker)

  Franziska Katharina Brantner (Verts/ALE), blue-card answer. – Mr President, you know that in the arms embargo as adopted with amendments it also says that there is no allowance whatsoever for a transfer of arms. It depends, of course, how exactly you define transfer or transit. But what happened was a refuelling, and it went through the ports. You can of course say it was the Russians, but going through Cyprus, and all I am asking is for an investigation to be carried out in order to find out exactly the details and the facts. That is what we need – an investigation – and in the end we will see what the reality is – what the precise facts are. It is up to us, as the European Union, to carry out such an investigation if we are to be credible in this region.

  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου (GUE/NGL), ερώτηση "γαλάζια κάρτα". – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, θα ήθελα να ρωτήσω τη συνάδελφο και νομίζω ότι θα δώσει κάποια πρόσθετη πληροφόρηση, εάν γνωρίζει ότι η Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία έχει ήδη, δια των δικηγόρων της, προχωρήσει σε διαδικασία εναντίον της εταιρείας που μετέφερε τον συγκεκριμένο οπλισμό στη Συρία και εάν αυτό, κατά τη δική σας κρίση, αποδεικνύει ότι η Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία θέλει επίσης να διερευνήσει το εν λόγω ζήτημα. Το δεύτερο ερώτημα είναι εάν γνωρίζετε γιατί η Κύπρος δεν είναι μέλος του Wassenaar Arrangement, εάν δεν το επιτρέπει η Τουρκία, και εάν ήταν, ποια περισσότερη πληροφόρηση νομίζετε ότι θα είχε - εκ των πραγμάτων - για να μην καταλήξουμε στο αποτέλεσμα το οποίο εσείς καταγγέλλετε;

(Ερώτηση με γαλάζια κάρτα στην κα Brantner)

  Franziska Katharina Brantner (Verts/ALE), Blue-card answer. – Mr President, we have heard that steps are now being taken, but what I am saying is that at the time, it was known that the ship was in the port and yet it was not stopped. That is what I am criticising politically.

How could you let this ship carrying 59 tonnes of weapons go to Assad, knowing how he will use them? Yes, perhaps something is now being done. We do not know the precise nature of this. I have not had confirmation on that, but I think it is up to the European Union to have that conversation with the Cypriot Government. If in the end it turns out that this was the case, so much the better. But I want to have that discussion. I want to have that investigation. We cannot just be silent about this.

  Sajjad Karim, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, I appreciate the very careful way in which the High Representative has worded her statement today. I understand the dynamics with which she is dealing here. She specifically used the term ‘Syrian-led democratic transition’.

That is a phrase that has been used by many European leaders over the past few weeks and indeed days. But the fact of the matter is that we are not going to have a Syrian-led democratic transition without the essential ingredient of a unified and cohesive Syrian opposition. That remains elusive at this stage, and we are not getting any information about what the international community, or we as a European Union, are doing to help bring about the opposition that is required to effect the fundamental change that we are seeking.

Secondly I want to raise with you an issue that I have raised previously in relation to online activists: the way that the regime is targeting them, using very specific, very well-designed and very advanced technical methods to identify people and arrest them and ensure that they cannot get out the message to the outside world about the atrocities that are being committed.

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de EFD-Fractie. – Demilitarisering van het Syrisch conflict is noodzakelijk om de voorwaarde te scheppen voor een politieke oplossing. Het probleem hierbij is vooral de enorme instroom van wapens vanuit buurlanden. Kan Europa hier soms een preventieve, positieve rol spelen? Want zowel in de Syrische Golan als in Zuid-Libanon zijn duizenden blauwhelmen van de VN gestationeerd. Velen van hen bezitten een Europese nationaliteit.

Is het, mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, realiseerbaar om een deel van deze Europese blauwhelmen tijdelijk de Syrisch-Jordaanse en de Syrisch-Libanese grens te laten controleren?

En dan nog een korte tweede vraag, mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger: oefent de EU naast druk op de Syrische autoriteiten, ook druk uit op de Syrische nationale raad om te komen tot politieke besprekingen? Per slot van rekening heeft de EU de Syrische acceptatie van het vredesplan van Kofi Annan verwelkomd.

  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας GUE/NGL. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, δεν υπάρχει καμία αμφιβολία ότι δεν μπορεί η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και το Κοινοβούλιο μας να παρακολουθούν με απάθεια τις σφαγές που γίνονται εναντίον πολιτών σε κράτη της περιοχής μας και μάλιστα όταν οι εν λόγω σφαγές καθοδηγούνται από τους ηγέτες αυτών των κρατών. Νομίζω, όμως, ότι παράλληλα είναι σωστό να λάβουμε υπόψη μας δύο πράγματα και να τα βάλουμε στη ζυγαριά. Πόσους χιλιάδες νεκρούς θα πρέπει να βάλουμε στη μια πλευρά για να δεχθούμε ότι αυτό αντισταθμίζει μια αμφιλεγόμενη δημοκρατία που θα έρθει στη συνέχεια; Δεν νομίζω ότι υπάρχουν πολλοί σε αυτή την αίθουσα που να πιστεύουν ότι οι πενήντα χιλιάδες και ίσως πολλοί περισσότεροι νεκροί στο Ιράκ αντισταθμίζουν το γεγονός ότι υπάρχει σήμερα στο Ιράκ αυτό που ονόμασα πριν, δηλαδή μια αμφιλεγόμενη δημοκρατία.

Πρέπει να στηρίξουμε την άποψη ότι δεν πρέπει να υπάρξει καμία εισαγωγή οπλισμού στη Συρία με οποιοδήποτε τρόπο και από οποιοδήποτε διάδρομο και θα πρέπει επίσης να στηρίξουμε το σχέδιο Ανάν χωρίς να δεχθούμε καμία παραβίασή του όσον αφορά την Συρία. Είναι ο μόνος τρόπος να κατανοήσουμε ποιο είναι το βάρος που έχει η Συρία στην περιοχή και δεν συμφωνώ με την τοποθέτηση ότι δεν πρέπει κανείς να λάβει υπόψη τη Συρία ή την Κίνα. Είτε το θέλουμε, είτε όχι υπάρχουν γεωστρατηγικές συμπεριφορές των κρατών στο Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας και εμάς αυτό που πρέπει να μας ενδιαφέρει είναι το αποτέλεσμα. Να μην πολλαπλασιαστεί δηλαδή ο αριθμός των νεκρών που καταγράφεται σήμερα στη Συρία. Εάν αποκλειστεί η δυνατότητα να μπορούν να εισάγονται όπλα στη Συρία μαζί με την επιμονή μας ότι πρέπει να εφαρμοστεί πλήρως το σχέδιο Ανάν για τη Συρία, αυτός, πιστεύω ότι είναι ο μόνος τρόπος για να συγκρατήσουμε τα πράγματα και την αιματοχυσία.

  Ana Gomes (S&D) . - Mr President, from the visit that Ms De Keyser and I made to the region – that is, to North Lebanon – and the interviews we conducted with Syrian refugees and other contacts, I conclude that two proxy wars are indeed being carried out over the corpses of Syrians. One is being played out in New York, with the West opposing Russia and China; the other is being played out on the ground between the Sunnis – backed by the Saudis and the Qataris – and the Shi’ites, who are supported by Iran, which backs the Assad regime.

I find the hypocrisy very disturbing indeed, and this also applies to our own Member States. There are those who are talking about a humanitarian corridor, but who are doing nothing to make it a reality. Such a step would require military security in the area of the humanitarian corridor, namely in Turkey. They are, of course, playing a game of political hypocrisy, and the aforementioned unacceptable breach of embargoes needs to be clarified by our Member States.

I think it is crucial for the EU to support the Annan plan, because it is the only game in town capable of preventing a prolonged civil war. At the same time, it should be very clear that we want Assad out of power and brought before the ICC. This is not in the Annan plan, but it should be made clear in the EU’s dealings. He and the others in his regime should be tried for the crimes they have committed against the people of Syria.

I think it is important that we support the Annan plan in any way we can, namely in terms of providing security for the observers to perform – if they are indeed to perform. We also need to give support to the refugees – not only those in Turkey, but also those in countries like Lebanon, who are facing very difficult conditions, as well as the populations who are housing them. Finally, we need to engage with the Syrian opposition to make sure they unite on a democratic platform.

  Wolfgang Kreissl-Dörfler (S&D). - Herr Präsident! Sehr geehrte Frau Ashton. Es ist ein Trauerspiel und beschämend, was die Menschen in Syrien erleiden müssen. Kofi Annan hat als Vermittler getan, was er tun konnte. Aber reicht der Plan B? Nein! Denn solange die Weltgemeinschaft, besonders China und Russland, Assad nicht klarmachen, dass er gehen muss, weil es mit ihm und seiner Mörderclique keinen dauerhaften Frieden geben kann, solange wird Assad seine eigene Bevölkerung töten, bis er jeglichen Widerstand im Keim erstickt hat. Dessen müssen wir uns bewusst sein! Und wer immer noch glaubt, dass man mit Assad und seinen Schergen verhandeln könnte, muss sich leider getäuscht sehen.

Der türkische Staatschef Erdoğan hat vollkommen Recht, wenn er mehr Unterstützung für die Flüchtlinge in der Grenzregion fordert bis hin zur Einrichtung eines Hilfskorridors, der – auch das wissen wir ganz genau – wohl nur mit Waffenandrohung oder gar mit Gewalt durchzusetzen sein wird. Niemand hier will eine Eskalation oder gar einen Krieg. Nur, wie lange wollen wir, die Weltgemeinschaft, dem Morden noch zusehen? Wir brauchen einen Plan B, denn der 6-Punkte-Plan wird nicht funktionieren. Aber diesen Plan B sehe ich leider immer noch nicht.

Catch-the-eye procedure

  Corina Creţu (S&D). - Planul Annan a fost, mă tem, ultima încercare diplomatică de soluţionare pe cale paşnică a conflictului ce însângerează Siria de un an. Aşa cum s-a spus aici, au murit peste 11 000 de oameni, au fost rănite, arestate abuziv sau silite să ia calea exilului alte zeci de mii de persoane. Presiunile şi sancţiunile externe n-au dat, din păcate, rezultatele dorite, iar încălcările armistiţiului fragil, intrat în vigoare joia trecută, arată că regimul Assad nu este sincer în angajamentele sale în faţa comunităţii internaţionale.

De altfel, regimul de la Damasc nu a făcut până acum decât gesturi formale dublate de intensificarea represiunii. Chiar dacă nu s-a ajuns la un consens privind criza siriană în Consiliul de Securitate, există declaraţia din 21 martie a Consiliului care susţine planul de reglementare al emisarului Naţiunilor Unite şi al Ligii Arabe, Kofi Annan. Cred că acest proiect minimal care propune încetarea violenţelor, ajutorul umanitar şi eliberarea deţinuţilor trebuie respectat mai ales în condiţiile prezenţei observatorilor ONU.

  Charles Tannock (ECR). - Mr President, the political and human rights situation in Syria continues to deteriorate, sadly. Reports this afternoon suggest that Syrian Government forces have once more started bombarding the Free Syrian Army-held areas in and around Homs, breaking with impunity the ceasefire under the UN-Annan peace plan. I now call upon the High Representative to redouble the EU’s efforts in the ongoing international negotiations.

The EU must push robustly for the UN observer mission to start its important work urgently and without impediment. It is clear that Assad has long lost any semblance of moral authority or legitimacy to rule as Syrian President.

According to the UN, his remorseless attacks have left an estimated 9 000 civilians killed or wounded. The Syrian Government must ultimately be held fully accountable for all its actions and, if found to be in violation of its negotiated obligations, be subject to swift and firm sanctions from the entire international community.

  Jaroslav Paška (EFD). - Sýria je ďalšou z krajín arabského sveta, v ktorej sa rozhoreli ozbrojené konflikty medzi vládou a opozičnými politickými skupinami.

Používanie ťažkých zbraní sýrskej armády proti oponentom vlády si už vyžiadalo tisíce obetí, najmä z radov civilného obyvateľstva. Po opakovanom úsilí Bezpečnostnej rady Organizácie Spojených národov o zastavenie bojových operácií sa osobitnému vyslancovi Kofimu Ananovi podarilo primäť bojujúce strany, sýrsku vládu, ako aj opozičných bojovníkov, aby prijali šesťbodový mierový plán umožňujúci prejsť pod záštitou OSN k nekrvavému riešeniu konfliktu. Krehké prímerie, ktoré sa v týchto dňoch podarilo nastoliť, umožňuje rozmiestniť na kritických miestach krajiny členov pozorovateľskej misie, ktorí budú dohliadať na dodržiavanie prímeria bojujúcimi stranami. Zastavenie bojových operácií je však, myslím si, potrebné hneď využiť na zahájenie vecného dialógu o politických problémoch krajiny pod záštitou Organizácie Spojených národov. Inak dočasné prerušenie bojov neprinesie mier a pokojnú reformu spoločenského usporiadania, ako si to iste všetci želáme.

  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Herr Präsident! Medienberichten zufolge verfügt Syrien über ein Arsenal von 2 500 Raketen, zum Teil mit Giftgas bestückt, die aufgrund ihrer Reichweite fast jeden Punkt Europas erreichen können. Besonders gefährlich wird das, wenn ein politisches Vakuum zum Nachrücken von radikalen Kräften führt. Daher muss die Stabilisierung der Situation oberste Priorität für die Union haben. Ziel ist es, Frieden in dieser Region zu schaffen, ein demokratisches, ein moderates Regime einzurichten, das auch die Minderheitenrechte speziell für Christen, Armenier und Kurden wahrnimmt.

Zudem müssen wir auch die Türkei in die Pflicht nehmen. Ankara hat dafür Sorge zu tragen, dass Migranten nicht illegal über die Türkei nach Europa gelangen. Hier kann die Türkei tatsächlich beweisen, ob sie zu einer Zusammenarbeit fähig ist oder den Konflikt vielmehr dazu nutzt, um geopolitische Machtinteressen in dieser Region durchzusetzen. Eines ist aber klar: Mit der Türkei als Beitrittsland holen wir uns den Krisenherd Naher Osten direkt ins eigene Haus, mitten nach Europa herein.

  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL). - Senhor Presidente, é certo que o povo sírio quer mais democracia e mais justiça. Na Síria, há largos anos, tem existido uma oposição ao governo que o reivindica e que quer alterações no regime político sírio. No entanto, aquilo a que assistimos hoje não é uma revolução, nem o esmagamento militar de uma revolta popular pacífica, o que assistimos hoje na Síria é um conflito militar instigado, financiado, armado e acicatado a partir do exterior. Do que aqui se trata é do armamento, financiamento e treino de forças mercenárias e terroristas por parte da Arábia Saudita, Catar, Jordânia, Turquia e, segundo diferentes fontes, também dos Estados Unidos e França. O que assistimos não é simplesmente um conflito interno sírio mas a uma operação imperialista de desestabilização e dos seus aliados que pretende assegurar o controlo de recursos e países do Médio Oriente.

A necessária solução pacífica para o conflito, que defendemos que se realize através do diálogo nacional no quadro da ONU, só terá sucesso se a União Europeia, os Estados Unidos e outros países não desrespeitarem a soberania do povo sírio e não exigirem nenhuma forma, sobretudo financeira e militar, no conflito existente. Até isso acontecer, supostas intenções de paz e preocupações são pura e simples hipocrisia.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI). - Herr Präsident! Die Regierung und die Opposition werfen sich bekanntlich gegenseitig den Bruch der Waffenruhe vor, und es ist anzunehmen, dass es von beiden Seiten Menschenrechtsverletzungen gegeben hat. Damit bleibt aber die Umsetzung des 6-Punkte-Plans ein zweifellos schwieriges Unterfangen. Ob die UN-Kontrolleure ihrem Job nunmehr wirklich nachgehen können, und ob es gelingen wird, Regierung und Opposition an einen Tisch zu bringen, oder ob sie an Täuschungsmanövern und Hinhaltetaktiken ebenso scheitern wie die Beobachtermission der arabischen Liga, wird sich zweifellos in den nächsten Tagen erweisen müssen. Sollte die Mission nicht den gewünschten Erfolg bringen, ist es auf jeden Fall wichtig, den Druck weiter zu erhöhen.

Eine direkte Intervention aber, wie sie die Oppositionellen fordern, etwa in Form einer Flugverbotszone, sollte man meines Erachtens kritisch überdenken. Die EU muss für alle Fälle ihre Planungen für ein Post-Assad-Syrien verstärken, und insbesondere müssen wir dabei die Fehler, die wir im Falle Libyens und Ägyptens gemacht haben, vermeiden.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, the passion and frustration that Members of this House feel is very obvious from all their contributions, and it is mirrored in every conversation I have with anyone who takes an interest in the plight of the Syrian people and the horror of what is happening to them.

I want to make three particular points in closing this debate.

The first is that it is very attractive, emotionally and intuitively, to think about safe havens, corridors and so on, but we have to recognise that the violence in Syria is taking place across 180 000 km2. It is not in isolated places, it is everywhere.

We also have to recognise that the humanitarian organisations are very nervous about anything which would involve the military coming in in support of their work, and we have to respect and listen to the experience that they have. In addition to that, remember that putting boots on the ground is a huge thing, and to do so without the UN Security Council is extraordinarily challenging to say the least. So it is very important that we recognise, when we talk about these ideas, what it is we are actually describing. It does not mean I am asking the honourable Members to reject them, I am simply saying we need to understand what it is we are talking about.

Secondly, the United Nations does not have an arms embargo because they could not get agreement in the Security Council. We have an arms embargo, the United States has an arms embargo and we are asking for details. I am working with the governments of Cyprus and Germany, who are looking into this right now, and I will respond with any information that I might have.

Thirdly, we are doing everything possible and working as closely as possible with everybody else to try and get the opposition groups to unite. In my last conversation with Kofi Annan, this was very much on his mind: how to bring them together through either an umbrella or collaboration around the table, in order that they could put aside their differences and come to a common view. I know that in Istanbul this was one of the big issues. So we are continuing to engage with them and with our colleagues across the world to try and support that unity of opposition.

But it is my view that at the moment the Kofi Annan six-point plan is where we have to concentrate our energy. It is where we finally have a Security Council resolution we can all get behind and with which we can hold everybody to account.

It is clear that there are already significant problems in Syria with the plan and with the ceasefire. It is also clear that the observers are ready to start their work. We have to back them and to work as hard as we can to get all the six points implemented and to do what Kofi Annan has asked us for, which is to offer him our full support. He has mine.

  President. − The debate is closed.

The vote will take place on Friday, 20 April 2012.

Written statements (Rule 149)

  Franck Proust (PPE), par écrit. – Monsieur le Président, nous fêtons un bien triste anniversaire, celui de la répression en Syrie, qui dépasse désormais le nombre symbolique de 10000 morts. Je suis choqué par l'extrême violence qu'on y voit, mais aussi particulièrement inquiet de la tournure que prennent les évènements. On devrait se réjouir que les Nations unies se saisissent enfin de la question. Le plan Kofi Annan me paraît être une feuille de route raisonnable pour espérer une sortie de crise. Mais il semble que Bachar El Assad l'utilise uniquement pour gagner du temps. Le cessez-le-feu auquel il s'était engagé n'aura duré que quelques heures avant qu'il ne se remette à pilonner plusieurs villes. Il faut néanmoins noter la résolution importante votée à l'unanimité par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies, qui a permis l'envoi d'observateurs militaires en Syrie. Leur tâche s'avère difficile alors qu'il n'y a pas un début de volonté politique sur place pour sortir de la crise. C'est pourtant aujourd'hui le seul espoir pour une mise en œuvre progressive du plan Kofi Annan. Je salue à cette occasion l'action diplomatique européenne qui aura su convaincre la Russie et la Chine de ne pas opposer une fois encore leur veto à l'ONU.

17. Η κατάσταση στη Βιρμανία (συζήτηση)

  President. − The next item is the statement by the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the situation in Burma.

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Council/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, after decades of internal repression, we see dramatic and hopeful changes taking place in Burma. Here is a democratic transition unfolding in what looks like a peaceful, collaborative fashion, acclaimed by the domestic electorate and the international community. This is a rare case indeed.

What we are seeing points to a government which is serious about change and wants to end its country’s isolation. President U Thein Sein shows courage and leadership. It would be a surprise, though, if he did not face resistance from some who have profited from the old system. Most importantly, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the President have established a relationship of trust.

I believe that we can measure the recent achievements against the three main items we have looked at in our policy review. First: national reconciliation, specifically a willingness to recognise the special position of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and to see the National League for Democracy take its place in the political life of the nation. Here our expectations have been more than met by the growing relationship between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the government, and by the change in the electoral law that enabled the NLD to register as a party and take part in the recent by-election.

This made it all the more important that the by-elections on 1 April 2012 should be well conducted. It was remarkable and welcome that the government invited the European Union to send experts to witness the poll. I was delighted that we were able to associate the European Parliament with this historic event and that Mr Ivo Belet could join the EU team at the elections. We did not observe the campaign, but it seems to have presented a mixed picture. In the poll itself, there was no sign of fraud and there is no reason to doubt the results. The NLD won 42 out of the 43 seats they contested. Compared to the 2010 elections, which were marred by massive fraud, this represents huge progress.

These bare facts hardly do justice to the importance of the occasion and the meaning it had for a people who had waited fifty years for democracy and endured so many disappointments with so much patience.

Second: the release of political prisoners. A large majority have already been released, among them prominent figures from the so-called ‘88 Generation’ and the National League for Democracy. It is difficult to be sure exactly how many remain, as there is a grey zone of uncertainty, but the number is significant, and we shall continue to work for their release. Again, there is real progress and a commitment to resolving the remaining cases.

Third: we wanted to see a real effort to achieve peace in the ethnic areas. All peace talks – with one exception – have brought ceasefire agreements. These are important steps, and we do not doubt the President’s commitment. The longest civil war in the world – the conflict with the Karen – may soon be over, even if the Kachin conflict remains a cause of great concern.

There is also progress on less visible fronts: legislation for trade unions, easing of media censorship – including unrestricted access to the Internet – and progress on the economic front, including liberalisation of the currency.

There is so much to do that the process of reform will inevitably take time. There are problems with human rights, with macroeconomic management, and with health, education and energy. It is difficult to know where to start, but I believe that President U Thein Sein has made the right choice in beginning with the political problems. Securing ethnic peace is perhaps the most important and the most immediate challenge. But here, too, an effort that brings together all political forces can make a real difference.

We have followed these historic changes with respect and appreciation. In January, we suspended the visa bans on the government. At the end of this month we shall do more. Decisions will be taken by in the Foreign Affairs Council in a few days.

But we need to go further and build a partnership. I will travel to Burma next week. I have invited the Foreign Minister to Brussels. I know that the European Parliament made a successful visit in February. I hope that what we are now seeing is an opportunity for this country to move forward. We need to enter into active collaboration to assist the reform process and to contribute to economic, political and social development. We have secured more funding – EUR 150 million. In addition to ongoing programmes in health, education and agriculture, I have launched a programme to help the national human rights commission. We will strengthen capacity in the public administration at central and regional level. I also plan to offer cooperation with the election commission to build on the success of the by-elections, for which it deserves much credit.

In particular, I want to work to secure peace and stability for ethnic regions and to open a long-term perspective for their development. I hope that the honourable Members will support me in working with the authorities to turn ceasefires into durable peace. In all these areas we will work with the opposition as well as the government. Indeed, we very much hope they will be working together.

Removing sanctions and increasing aid is not enough: we all recognise too the vital contribution that the private sector can make. We want to encourage European companies to look for opportunities in Burma and to bring the highest standards of corporate social responsibility with them. In a longer perspective, the European Union hopes to reinstate the Generalised System of Preferences following the International Labour Organisation’s assessment. I believe I speak for all of us when I say that we look forward to collaborating constructively with the government, the opposition and indeed the people to reinforce their unity and prosperity.

Finally, let me express the hope that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will soon be able to come to this House to receive the Sakharov prize she was awarded 21 years ago.

Today is the first day of the Burmese New Year. I wish all the people a very happy New Year. Thanks to the determination of President U Thein Sein and the fortitude of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, there is a chance that for once this wish might come true.

  Ivo Belet, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, Burma/Myanmar is really at a turning point today: I think we agree on that. We are, of course, also aware of the fact that everything is still very fragile in Burma. Is the reform process irreversible? Nobody knows. But we do know that the transparency and the openness of the by-elections of 1 April are not isolated factors.

Lady Ashton, you referred to the majority of the political prisoners that have been liberated. The presence of the international media and the international observers is a big step forward.

Important steps still have to be made by the Burmese authorities. We clearly insist in our motion for a resolution, which will be put to the vote on Friday, that they must liberate all the political prisoners and that the real test of democracy will take place over three years, within which the general elections will be held.

But the fact is that today we are faced with a unique window of opportunity, and we have to grab it. It is crucial that the authors of the reform process in Burma/Myanmar receive a clear, strong signal of support from the European Union.

Therefore, High Representative, we ask you (and this is important) – indeed, we ask the Council – to start reviewing the restrictive measures substantially in order to support the reforms. A strict evaluation of the impact of such a review within a year could be part of that decision. I think that the European Union and you, High Representative, hold the key in this process. You referred to the renewed potential of the relationship between the EU and Burma/Myanmar.

We can and will benefit from an open economic partnership. It will be a win-win situation for both sides, and of course we also rely on you to push for balanced development with full respect for the local population and the ecological richness of this country. We count on you, Lady Ashton, to take the lead in this process on a global scale and to start a new era for Burma/Myanmar.

  Libor Rouček, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, for the first time in 50 years we can see some good news coming out of Burma/Myanmar. The democratic transition, as you describe it, is clearly visible. So is an attempt to end the country’s isolation and so are the attempts to open up the country for more economic development, because Burma, due to its isolation for 50 years, was also economically a very underdeveloped country.

So there is an opportunity for Burma, and of course there is also an opportunity for us. I fully agree with you that we should take this opportunity and help the country as far as democratic development is concerned. You mention the election experts and the election process. Yes, those are the right things for us to do and also for this Parliament to do.

You mention lifting the sanctions. We support you in this regard. We should reward the reformers by gradually lifting the sanctions and giving them the opportunity to successfully complete the process of democratisation, and –as you also mentioned – the national reconciliation between the regime and the opposition, also as far as the ethnic minorities are concerned.

  Wolf Klinz, im Namen der ALDE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Hohe Vertreterin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich hatte Ende Februar Gelegenheit, mit mehreren Kollegen Burma bzw. Myanmar, wie es sich heute nennt, zu besuchen. Ich habe es fast wie ein kleines Wunder empfunden, als Präsident Thein Sein, der früher Mitglied einer Militärjunta war, uns relativ glaubhaft von seinem Reformwillen überzeugt hat. Für uns kam der kritische Test Anfang dieses Monats, als die Nachwahlen stattfanden. Es war wirklich eindrücklich zu sehen, wie die bis dato heimliche Oppositionsführerin Aung San Suu Kyi tatsächlich einen überwältigenden Sieg errungen hat, und das, obwohl sie im Wahlkampf noch gelegentlich behindert worden ist.

Wir müssen aber eines schon klar sehen: Ihre Partei, die neue Liga für Demokratie, ist noch eine sehr kleine Partei. Sie hat ja im Moment nur etwas mehr als 40 Sitze. Deswegen wird es ganz entscheidend sein, wie sie sich in den nächsten Wochen, Monaten und Jahren entwickelt. Die entscheidende Wegmarke werden die Wahlen 2015 sein. Dann wird sich zeigen, ob die Bürger Burmas tatsächlich die Möglichkeit haben, frei, fair und ohne Beeinflussung von außen ihre Abgeordneten und damit auch ihre Regierung zu wählen. Bis dahin muss der Reformprozess zügig fortgesetzt werden. Hier ist es ganz entscheidend, dass die jetzigen Machthaber tatsächlich leisten, dass sie da leisten, wo sie schon begonnen haben, etwas anzubieten. Sie müssen die restlichen politischen Gefangenen – wie es auch Herr Belet schon gesagt hat – freilassen. Sie müssen den ethnischen Gruppen, mit denen sie in Fehde leben, Waffenstillstand und Frieden anbieten. Sie müssen ihren Bürgern volle demokratische Rechte wie Meinungsfreiheit in Wort und Schrift und auch im Internet, in Schulen und in Universitäten anbieten. Sie müssen für eine freie, unabhängige Presse sorgen, für eine unabhängige Justiz, und sie müssen beginnen, systematisch eine soziale marktwirtschaftliche Ordnung aufzubauen. Dabei können und müssen wir ihnen Hilfestellung geben, auch der private Sektor.

In dem Maß, in dem Burma die Reformen für mehr Demokratie und Freiheit seiner Bürger umsetzt, in dem Maß kann der Westen die Sanktionen auch reduzieren oder gar ganz aufheben. Es ist in unser aller Interesse, dass sich Burma aus der Umklammerung von China befreit und die Massenarmut seiner Bürger überwindet.

IN THE CHAIR: EDWARD McMILLAN-SCOTT
Vice-President

  Barbara Lochbihler, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Auch ich hatte Gelegenheit, das Land zu besuchen und die Delegation nach Burma zu begleiten. Ich möchte heute zu den menschenrechtspolitischen Herausforderungen sprechen. Ich denke, es ist sehr gut, dass die EU die UN in Bangkok unterstützt und dass sie die nationale Menschenrechtskommission, die es in Burma gibt, unterstützt, wirklich unabhängig zu werden und ihre Methoden zu verfeinern. Das ist positiv, es wird aber nicht ausreichen. Insbesondere die Nachfolge zu den Waffenstillstandsabkommen ist schwierig, die ja in Friedensprozesse münden müssen, mit 16 unterschiedlichen Gruppen in einem enorm großen Gebiet. Ich glaube, es ist sehr wichtig für die EU, hier tätig zu werden, zu schauen, dass die Menschen, die dort leben oder auch zurückkehren werden als Binnenvertriebene im Land oder als Flüchtlinge, ein Recht auf Bildung, Arbeit, Wohnung, Gesundheit haben. Es sind doch Gebiete, die extrem unterentwickelt sind.

Die andere Frage, die sich mir gestellt hat, ist: Werden die Militärs, die nicht zu den Reformern zählen, die aber sehr einflussreich sind, die – wenn man sich die Verfassung anschaut – politisch die Macht haben, diese Macht nach den Wahlen 2015 einfach loslassen, denn sie haben auch – das habe ich dort auch erfahren – die wirtschaftliche Macht und sehr viele Ressourcen, wie Holz oder Juwelen, unter ihrer Kontrolle. Deshalb bitte ich, wenn überlegt wird, welche Sanktionen aufgehoben werden, genau zu prüfen und nicht gerade die schnell aufzuheben, die die Nichtreformer im Militär auch noch begünstigen würden.

  Geoffrey Van Orden, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, can I say first of all that I find myself in the very unusual position of agreeing with everything that Baroness Ashton had to say on this particular subject this evening.

Of course we can have nothing but the greatest admiration for the tenacity and courage of Aung San Suu Kyi over all these years. She is an enormous example to all of us, and there are many Members of this Parliament who have campaigned for decades – in fact for longer than most of us have been here (perhaps not the sitting Vice-President this evening, but certainly the rest of us). This Parliament has campaigned for a very long time to bring about the sort of results that we are seeing.

I just want to say a quick word, though, on the subject of sanctions, because some people are asking whether or not sanctions are ever useful.

Often, of course, they are the only recourse we have, short of armed conflict. In this case I am sure they have helped. David Cameron, the British Prime Minister, was in Burma last week. He has spoken to Aung San Suu Kyi. He has spoken to President Thein Sein, and clearly they have all given certain messages to him which make him very confident that we should now suspend sanctions, with the exception of the arms embargo.

But we must be wary, because democracy has not suddenly happened overnight in Burma. There is a long way to go. There are still hundreds of political prisoners who are incarcerated and must be released, and I would be interested in your view, Baroness Ashton, as to whether Thein Sein faces any opposition in his own ranks and how strong his position is.

So we have to take care, but I think we must also be seen to respond very positively to these developments.

  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Frau Vizepräsidentin! Werte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ja, mit Aung San Suu Kyi kehrt eine der symbolstärksten politischen Persönlichkeiten der Welt in den Gestaltungsprozess ihres Landes zurück. Die überwältigende Unterstützung, die sie nun bei ihrer Wahl zur Abgeordneten erhalten hat, weist sie eindeutig als Hoffnungsträgerin ihrer Nation aus. Aber – darauf möchte ich hinweisen – das Parlament, in das sie gewählt wurde, hat nicht die Macht, um die Zukunft des Landes in eine andere Richtung zu lenken, als die Militärs dies wollen. Und die Generäle haben eine Verfassung eingesetzt, die die Kontrolle über das Parlament auch künftig garantiert. Es wäre also ein wichtiges Signal für die Ernsthaftigkeit des Veränderungswillens von Präsident Thein Sein, wenn er nicht versucht, die neu gewählten Abgeordneten zu zwingen, den Schutz dieser obsoleten Verfassung zu beschwören, um ihr Mandat antreten zu können.

Ich will gern anerkennen, dass es in den letzten beiden Jahren eine Reihe von positiven Veränderungen gegeben hat. Dennoch bleibt – und da stimme ich allen Kolleginnen und Kollegen zu – noch ein weiter Weg zu gehen. Das Scheinwerferlicht auf Suu Kyi darf uns nicht blind werden lassen für das Schicksal weiterer politischer Gefangener, für fortgesetzte, militärische Operationen gegen Teile der eigenen Bevölkerung, für das Elend der Flüchtlinge und für die Bereicherung einer kleinen Elite in einem noch immer bitter armen Land. Kommt nun wirklicher Wandel? Oder droht ein erneuter Rückfall?

Meine Fraktion unterstützt Aung San Suu Kyi in ihrer Forderung, die EU-Sanktionen auszusetzen, aber nicht endgültig aufzuheben. Damit würden wir ihrem Land Möglichkeiten zur Überwindung der Armut eröffnen und die Militärs zur Fortsetzung des Weges zur Demokratisierung ermutigen. Wir würden jedoch auch zeigen, das Europäische Parlament bleibt wachsam, und ein Rückfall in die Diktaturen hätte Konsequenzen.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI). - Herr Präsident! Bei aller Freude über den bisher gefahrenen Reformkurs sollten wir einigen weniger erfreulichen Realitäten durchaus ins Auge sehen. Zum einen wurden bei weitem nicht alle politischen Gefangenen freigelassen, zum anderen ändert der Einzug der Oppositionsführerin nichts an den schweren Menschenrechtsverbrechen, die während des Regimes begangen wurden. Gerade ihr fulminanter Wahlsieg und die frenetische Begeisterung ihrer Anhänger dürfte bei vielen Militäranhängern eher für Groll sorgen. Viel wird also davon abhängen, ob die vereinbarten graduellen und gemeinsamen Übergangsprozesse planmäßig verlaufen, was zur Vergangenheitsbewältigung unternommen wird und ob mit dem politischen Wandel auch tatsächlich eine wirtschaftliche Öffnung einhergeht.

Auch wenn Burmas Weg in eine funktionierende Demokratie zweifellos noch ein langer Weg sein wird – die bisherigen Signale sind natürlich positiv und sollten vom Westen und von der EU durchaus honoriert werden. Ein schrittweiser Abbau der Sanktionen, der dem Reformschritt Rechnung trägt, ist also durchaus zu befürworten. Das sollte aber meines Erachtens nicht für das Waffenembargo gelten. Nur wenn die Politik der Öffnung auch positive wirtschaftliche Entwicklungen nach sich zieht und sich die Lebensbedingungen der Bevölkerung wirklich verbessern, ist die Gefahr eines Rückfalls in eine Militärdiktatur wirklich gebannt.

  President. − That concludes the speakers’ lists for the groups.

Mr Van Orden, I was here in 1990 when Aung San Suu Kyi won the Sakharov Prize but was of course unable to collect it. Her late husband accepted it on her behalf. As the Vice-President responsible for the Sakharov Prize, I hope very much that we will welcome her very soon to receive her own prize.

  Werner Langen (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Ich möchte Lady Ashton ausdrücklich Dank sagen für ihr zukunftsgerichtetes Programm und für die Bereitschaft, dass sie ein eigenes Büro in Rangun bzw. in der neuen Hauptstadt eröffnen wird. Wir waren als ASEAN-Delegation bei San Suu Kyi, beim Präsidenten, bei vielen Mitgliedern der Regierung, und wir haben uns davon überzeugen können, dass es der Präsident war, der den Reformprozess angestoßen hat, und nicht die Sanktionen. Deshalb müssen wir seinen Weg unterstützen. Deshalb müssen wir den Weg der Oppositionsführerin unterstützen.

Die Freilassung von Gefangenen ist wichtig und richtig und muss fortgesetzt werden. Die Verfassungsreform darf nicht Schluss machen mit den Nachwahlen. Es gibt eine Fülle von Aufgaben, aber wir wissen auch, dass ein solcher Reformprozess nicht von heute auf morgen zu bewältigen sein wird. Er braucht Zeit. Selbst dort, wo es viel einfacher war, in der ehemaligen kommunistisch regierten Diktatur DDR, die von der Bundesrepublik Deutschland bei der Wiedervereinigung übernommen wurde, hat es Jahre und Jahrzehnte gedauert. Diesen Prozess müssen wir unterstützen.

Burma ist eines der reichsten Länder der Welt, aber eine kleine Clique von Militärs hat dieses Land ausgebeutet. Heute ist die Bevölkerung eine der ärmsten der Welt. Das liegt nicht zuletzt daran, weil die Sanktionen – insbesondere im Finanzsektor – es der militärischen Führung erlaubt haben, zu dem alten Umrechnungskurs von 1 : 6 Milliardeneinnahmen aus Öl, Gas und Rohstoffen in den Staatshaushalt einzustellen, während der tatsächliche Kurs 1 : 800 zum US-Dollar ist, und weniger als 1 % der Einnahmen der Bevölkerung zugute gekommen sind und der Rest den Militärs. Hier muss angesetzt werden. Wenn wir diesen Prozess unterstützen, wenn wir die Bekämpfung der Armut, der Bildungslücken, den Ausbau der Infrastruktur unterstützen, wenn wir die Sanktionen schrittweise aufheben oder für eine gewisse Zeit aufheben, dann wird es möglich sein, den Weg Burmas zu einer Demokratie aktiv zu unterstützen. Ich wünsche ihnen und uns viel Erfolg. Die ASEAN-Delegation wird diesen Prozess kritisch, aber positiv begleiten.

  Ana Gomes (S&D). - Senhor Presidente, apoio a visão que a Senhora Ashton aqui trouxe sobre como lidar com a Birmânia neste processo e também me junto à satisfação de outros colegas por, em breve, poderem ter aqui Aung San Suu Kyi a receber o Prémio Sakharov. A União Europeia tem que encorajar este processo de reformas e rever algumas das sanções, mas certamente não o embargo de armas e aqueles setores que são fundamentais para o poder militar, designadamente as minas e as madeiras, e sob condição do regime birmanês continuar a viabilizar a abertura democrática e pluralista. É fundamental para isso que os presos políticos sejam libertados sem condições e que sejam revogadas as leis que permitiram a sua detenção, que as minorias éticas cessem de ser atacadas militarmente e que se ponha fim à impunidade daqueles que são responsáveis por crimes de guerra e outros abusos dos direitos humanos. A União Europeia deve articular-se com a sociedade civil e, na perspetiva das eleições de 2015, deve assistir, oferecer assistência na formação de quadros administrativos e na preparação das reformas necessárias para o levantamento das outras sanções, que têm obviamente que incluir a independência do poder judiciário, a luta contra a corrupção, a liberdade de imprensa e expressão e acesso sem restrições à Internet, a proteção das minorias, direitos laborais, leis ambientais que defendam os interesses do povo birmanês e, naturalmente, apoio ao desenvolvimento económico e comercial que não, nunca, ignore a questão central da defesa dos direitos humanos. É preciso, sobretudo, não esquecermos que o verdadeiro teste à democracia na Birmânia virá com a necessária revisão constitucional que retire o poder de veto aos militares que hoje ocupam 25 % do parlamento, impedindo-os, portanto, de controlar o governo que resultará das eleições de 2015.

  Charles Tannock (ECR). - Mr President, the recent elections in Burma demonstrated the country’s substantial progress towards rejoining the international democratic community following decades of diplomatic isolation as a virtual pariah state. President Thein Sein should be congratulated on the reforms he is presiding over, and we all in this House congratulate and salute the courage of Aung San Suu Kyi, who now is an MP again in her country.

There is, of course, still room for democratic improvements. Allegations of intimidation and bribery at the ballot box in the recent elections should be fully investigated and, as Ana Gomes said, the Burmese military should publicly fully renounce their role in politics.

I fully agree with the UK Prime Minister David Cameron, who, whilst in Rangoon, recommended that the more restrictive of the current EU sanctions should be lifted. Burma has tremendous potential and should be afforded the assistance of EU investment and political support to achieve all that it is capable of. For once I am cautiously optimistic about this beautiful country.

  Ria Oomen-Ruijten (PPE). - De afgelopen tijd zijn er ongelooflijk veel positieve ontwikkelingen geweest in Birma. Er was een goede hervormingsagenda van president Thein Sein, die heeft geleid tot democratische en economische vooruitgang. Ook de deelraadsverkiezingen waren positief.

Ik vind ook - velen van mijn collega's hebben dat overigens al gezegd - dat deze positieve ontwikkelingen ook beloond moeten worden. Ik vind dan ook dat wij als Europese Unie daarbij het voortouw moeten nemen. Ik steun dan ook het initiatief van mevrouw Ashton om daar volgende week naar toe te gaan en ook om daar een kantoor te openen. Bij het overleg met de ministers van Buitenlandse Zaken volgende week moet wel gesproken worden over versoepeling van de sancties; ik vind het echter nu nog te vroeg om alle sancties af te schaffen. Want er zijn nog te veel grote problemen.

Ik vind daarom ook dat mevrouw Ashton erop moet toezien dat het wapenembargo blijft bestaan, dat de visabeperkingen voor de junta gehandhaafd blijven. Birma heeft met deze president en met de democratische verkiezingen absoluut een stap in de goede richting gezet. Een en ander moet echter worden gevolgd door economische en politieke hulp bij de hervormingen, door vrijlating van alle politieke gevangenen, door eerlijke en vrije verkiezingen, door beëindiging van het geweld en de mensenrechtenschendingen in de gebieden waar op dit moment nog minderheden wonen. Pas als dat allemaal gebeurd is kunnen wij, na de versoepeling van de sancties nu, de sancties volledig opheffen.

  Barbara Weiler (S&D). - Herr Präsident! Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Sehr verehrte Frau Ashton! Liebe Kollegin Ria Oomen-Ruijten! Ihr Beitrag hat mir gezeigt, dass die Kollegen, die mit mir und Herrn Langen kürzlich in einer ASEAN-Delegation Myanmar besucht haben, doch eine etwas andere Einschätzung haben. Man kann nicht mehr sagen, es gebe noch ein Junta-Regime. Es sind dort Demokratisierungstendenzen vorhanden, die wir hautnah erlebt und die wir gespürt haben. Und ich denke, dass jeder, der dort vor Ort diesen demokratischen Aufbruch miterlebt hat, beeindruckt, erleichtert und auch begeistert ist. Das gilt, glaube ich, besonders, wenn wir uns die Debatte, die wir eben hatten, und die Entwicklung in Syrien, Mali oder Ägypten ansehen.

Was kann die EU dazu beitragen, dass dieser Prozess in Myanmar weitergeht? Denn Sympathie alleine reicht nicht. Wir müssen weiter Entwicklungshilfeprojekte mittragen und unterstützen. Wir sollten auch die ASEAN-Länder, besonders das Nachbarland Thailand, ermutigen, weiter zu helfen – was sie schon lange getan haben. Aber wir müssen auch die Sanktionen aufheben.

Eine Zeitung hat kürzlich geschrieben: Myanmar ist eine Goldmine: Rohstoffe, Gas und Öl in riesigen Dimensionen – alles steht inzwischen zur Verfügung. Man rechnet mit sechs Prozent Entwicklung. Wir müssen auch mit dafür sorgen – nicht alleine, aber die EU ist auch in der Pflicht –, dass dieser Aufbau und dieser Reichtum des zum Teil noch sehr armen Landes nicht nur in den Kassen des großen Kapitals von Amerika, Europa und auch China landet, sondern bei der Bevölkerung selbst. Nur dann bekommen wir einen soliden, friedlichen und demokratischen, langfristigen Aufbau eines Landes.

  Julie Girling (ECR). - Mr President, I was also privileged to be part of the Parliament delegation to Burma. I had the pleasure of meeting Aung San Suu Kyi in her home and I can only echo the words of David Cameron when he said that everyone has been inspired by her struggle.

However, I was also struck by her very cautious attitude to the way ahead. She was absolutely clear that any rush to completely remove sanctions would be premature and reminded us what happened after the last ‘free and fair’ elections in her country – that is, within months, the entire cohort of successful candidates were in prison as the military junta cracked down. She has welcomed proposals to suspend rather than lift sanctions and I believe that this is now the appropriate way forward. Suspension will allow reform to continue and be rewarded but serve as a reminder that the world is still watching.

On the other hand, I would also like to stress that it is vitally important for the well-being of the people of Burma that we move quickly towards opening up the economy and encouraging strong and fair governance, both politically and financially. European companies can, and should, play an important part in harnessing the entrepreneurial flair of the Burmese people and I look forward to seeing them thrive.

  Alojz Peterle (PPE). - Spoštovani gospod podpredsednik, spoštovana podpredsednica Komisije in visoka predstavnica, dragi kolegi, zahvaljujem se gospe podpredsednici za jasne besede in pridružujem se številnim tujim po vsem svetu, ki pozdravljajo aprilske parlamentarne volitve v Burmi kot zelo pomemben korak v smeri demokratizacije.

Ta desetletja zaželen, zahtevan in nujen politični premik je bil najprej v interesu državljank in državljanov Burme, na njem pa je vztrajala skupaj z Evropsko zvezo tudi mednarodna demokratična javnost. Tega dejstva ne bi rad razumel kot politično koncesijo aktualne oblasti, ampak kot obetaven začetek procesa, ki bi moral biti usmerjen v izboljšanje političnega, gospodarskega in socialnega stanja države ter njene vloge v regionalnem in širšem okviru.

Tak razvoj bi okrepil upanje ljudi v prihodnost Burme, omogočil bi odpravo sankcij in stimuliral mednarodno podporo demokratizaciji in gospodarskemu napredku. Predlagam, da smo pozorni do vsakega napredka Burme v tej smeri.

  Marc Tarabella (S&D). - Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, après avoir été attentifs au scrutin du 1er avril, nous serons aussi très attentifs le 23 avril prochain lors de la prise de fonction des nouveaux députés issus de cette élection partielle. En effet, si on rappelle quelques faits, la LND avait boycotté les élections de novembre 2010 et aujourd'hui elle a participé à cette élection partielle qui lui a permis d'obtenir 43 des 44 sièges mis en jeu, ce qui est un beau succès. Lady Asthon a, très justement, mis en évidence la résolution des conflits ethniques avec la minorité Karen, conflits ethniques qui duraient depuis des dizaines d'années, il ne faut pas l'oublier.

Depuis mars 2011, de véritables changements ont eu lieu en Birmanie. Le Président Thein Sein a ouvert la voie à des réformes, qui permettent à son pays de se replacer sur l'échiquier international, et à plusieurs changements qui nous laissent entrevoir des jours meilleurs pour la Birmanie. Madame la Haute représentante, vous qui allez la semaine prochaine en Birmanie, vous aurez certainement un message d'encouragement pour les réformes mises en œuvre en Birmanie, mais peut-être ferez-vous également passer le message qu'il convient de redoubler de vigilance et de continuer à avancer dans la bonne direction.

  Lena Kolarska-Bobińska (PPE). - Mr President, when I was travelling for three weeks in Burma a couple of years ago I kept hearing from my colleagues here in Europe that I should not go there because I was supporting an autocratic regime. I am very glad that now many of us will visit this country, we will work there and we will be supporting the democratic regime by our presence – no longer autocratic in that sense.

First of all, I would like to pay homage to Aung San Suu Kyi because her victory shows the role of devotion to values and leadership in the transition to democracy. She is to Burma what Nelson Mandela is to South Africa and Lech Wałęsa to Poland, and someone whose struggles in helping to change the nation and the ideas of people in the region have been absolutely crucial in the transition to democracy.

Nevertheless, we have to remember that the Burmese transition to democracy has just started. The European Union should acknowledge the changes that have taken place up till now. I hope that this will be treated as a sign of good will, but we can only lift some sanctions, and lift them only partially.

I am very glad, Baroness Ashton, to hear that you are thinking about initiating many cooperative programmes with Myanmar because this country has been totally closed for so many years. At the same time, I think we should press the Burmese Government to ensure that a new democratic constitution and independent judiciary are introduced. This is a keystone for democratic transformation. I am very happy to hear that Europe will open an office there. Europe should be there, and not only China.

  Eduard Kukan (PPE). - Dnešná diskusia o Barme je príležitosťou k oceneniu Aung San Suu Kyi a Národnej ligy pre demokraciu, ale aj obyvateľov Barmy, ktorí v aprílových doplňujúcich voľbách odovzdali svoj hlas kandidátom NLD.

Ich víťazstvo je pozitívnym signálom, ktorý ukázal podporu obyvateľstva prodemokratickým silám a dal nádej na ďalšie reformy. Faktom však zostáva, že v Barme má stále dominantný vplyv vojenská chunta, pokiaľ nedôjde k zásadným zmenám po voľbách v roku 2015, bude opozícia stále ohraničená ústavou zaručujúcou dominanciu armády. Mnohí politickí väzni stále zostávajú vo väzeniach. Postavenie etnických skupín v krajine je neudržateľné. Bude preto treba sledovať, či a ako budú nasledovať ďalšie reformy. Otázkou tiež je, čo so sankciami EÚ. Myslím si, že obyvatelia Barmy si zaslúžia našu podporu. Reformy, ktoré táto krajina bezodkladne potrebuje, nie sú možné pri nefunkčnom hospodárstve. Vzhľadom na situáciu by sa však sankcie mali odstraňovať len postupne. Najskôr tie, ktoré postihujú najchudobnejšie vrstvy obyvateľstva. Zároveň treba, aby Únia udržiavala tlak na vojenskú chuntu a podporovala reformné tendencie.

Aung San Suu Kyi dosiahla viac ako symbolické víťazstvo. Čaká ju však dlhá, náročná cesta v ďalšom boji za demokraciu v Barme. V tomto boji by sme ju mali a nielen symbolicky podporiť.

Catch-the-eye procedure

  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - După mai multe decenii în Birmania se pare că se deschide în sfârşit calea către reforme şi o tranziţie democratică. Pe 23 aprilie, Aung San Suu Kyi îşi va prelua locul în Parlament, unde partidul său va fi principala forţă a opoziţiei. Nu ştim încă dacă se va produce o schimbare veritabilă în această ţară pentru că scena politică rămâne dominată de militari, iar situaţia economică, ciocnirile cu grupurile de insurgenţi, modul în care sunt tratate minorităţile constituie încă motive de preocupare. Însă ultimele evoluţii sunt pozitive, iar autorităţile birmane trebuie încurajate să continue reformele. În acest context, susţin ridicarea graduală a sancţiunilor impuse de Uniune. Consider că ea va avea un efect pozitiv asupra evoluţiilor democratice, dar va stimula şi investiţiile străine, contribuind la relansarea economică a ţării.

  Anneli Jäätteenmäki (ALDE). - Arvoisa puhemies, viime aikoina on ollut mieluisaa katsella Burmaa koskevia uutisia. Se on itse asiassa niitä harvoja maita maailmassa, joissa tapahtuu selvää edistystä ihmisoikeusasioissa. Toki siellä on vielä paljon parannettavaa, mutta me tiedämme, että mikään asia ei muutu hetkessä. EU:kaan ei kehity hyppäyksittäin eteenpäin.

Toivoisin, että EU pystyisi tulevaisuudessa kaikin mahdollisin tavoin tukemaan Burmaa. Jos siellä on vaikeuksia, EU:n olisi voitava tukea maata, jotta tämä positiivinen kehitys pystyisi jatkumaan.

  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Herr Präsident! Die Nobelpreisträgerin Aung San Suu Kyi hat bei den Nachwahlen 43 von 45 Sitzen gewonnen. Bei all dem Jubel darf aber nicht vergessen werden, dass weiterhin das Militär dominiert. Denn bei den Nachwahlen ging es lediglich um 7 % aller Mandate. Die aktuelle Verfassung sichert dem Militär die Vorherrschaft. Der Präsident muss aus den Reihen der Streitkräfte kommen, die Ministerien für Inneres, Verteidigung und Grenzschutz sind dem Militär vorbehalten.

Seit 2010 gibt sich Burma ein ziviles Gesicht. Bis zu einer echten Demokratisierung ist es aber noch ein weiter Weg. Daher muss man mit Handelsbeziehungen noch sehr vorsichtig sein; Waffenembargos, Einreiseverbote für Menschenrechtsverletzer müssen jedenfalls aufrechterhalten werden. Wie auch immer, in Burma beginnt ein wichtiger Prozess. Cameron war bereits dort, die Hohe Vertreterin Ashton noch nicht. Kein gutes Bild für die EU, die sich unbedingt als Global Player behaupten will!

  Csaba Sógor (PPE). - Ashton Asszony! Szeretném kiegészíteni azt, amit a kisebbségek kapcsán mondott. A béke érdekében nem elég csak az etnikai békétlenségeket megszűntetni, ennél több is kell. Anszanszucsi szerint is Burma békéje és jövője a nemzeti etnikai kisebbségekkel való megegyezésen múlik. A kisebbségek számára is kielégítő megoldás szerinte a föderalizmus, az önrendelkezés és a területi autonómia. Ha komolyan akarjuk venni a kisebbségek helyzetét és sorsát a világban, akkor ezt csakis hitelesen tehetjük. Példát mutatva, komolyan véve az EU területén élő kisebbségek sorsát, az őket érintő diszkriminációt is, úgy, ahogy ma a Howitt jelentésben is említettük kora délután. Az őshonos nemzeti kisebbségek is egyedi igényekkel rendelkeznek, és biztosítani kell számukra az élet minden területén kiterjedő tényleges egyenlőséget a világban, és hozzáteszem, az EU területén belül is.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, this has been an interesting and important debate. Mr Van Orden, I agreed with every word that you said as well, alarming though that may be for you.

Mr Belet, can I thank you very much for the work that you did in the elections. I know from Robert Cooper what an important contribution you have made, and I must thank you for that.

I agree with the honourable Members that what we are seeing is not irreversible, but every step that is taken makes it much more difficult for that reversal to take place. It is less likely and it is less easy for them to go backwards. I agree too that we have a lot to do. We want to make sure that the people have the right opportunities and can make their own choices after years of being cut off and apart from us.

I will go next week, because that was the agreement that I reached with – amongst others – Aung San Suu Kyi, who asked me to go after we had made the decisions about sanctions and in order to open the office. I respected her request in choosing the timing of my visit. I should say too that we have listened very carefully to her, as have leaders, ministers and parliamentarians who have visited her, the latest being the Prime Minister of the UK, Mr Cameron, who sent me a message about what she had said. My envoy, Robert Cooper, who has known her for many, many years, has visited four times in the last few months to ensure that we have been able to remain in good contact.

I agree with everything that has been said about our need to move cautiously but properly, and to understand that the possible transformation that we are witnessing is absolutely and truly remarkable. What is interesting is that I have not met anybody who has been there who does not come back and talk with absolute admiration for what the President has done and the opportunities that are being opened up. For those who have followed this country’s actions over many years there is also surprise that we find ourselves able to have this debate.

I wish the people of Burma/Myanmar very well. I pay due regard to the work that the President has done, I pay enormous tribute to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and I very much look forward to passing on to her and to the President your very good wishes when I see them next week.

  President. − The debate is closed.

The vote will take place on Friday, 20 April 2012.

Could I just repeat the invitation to Aung San Suu Kyi to come to Strasbourg in December and receive her Sakharov Prize, much delayed but well deserved.

Written statements (Rule 149)

  Filip Kaczmarek (PPE), na piśmie. – Szanowni Państwo! W dniu 1 kwietnia 2012 r. w Birmie odbyły się wybory uzupełniające, dotyczące 40 mandatów do niższej izby parlamentu (Pyithu Hluttaw). Partia laureatki nagrody im. Sacharowa pani Aung San Suu Kyi – Narodowa Liga na Rzecz Demokracji (NLD) – mogła w tych wyborach uczestniczyć. Społeczność międzynarodowa oceniła te wybory jako wolne i sprawiedliwe. Opozycja posiada obecnie jedynie 6,6% miejsc w parlamencie (42 z 659 miejsc). Mam głęboką nadzieję, że proces reform będzie kontynuowany. To bardzo ważne dla przyszłości Birmy.

Równie ważne jest to, by demokracja birmańska miała charakter cywilny. Dlatego zachęcamy władze birmańskie do zmiany konstytucji i zrezygnowania z mandatów parlamentarnych, które są gwarantowane dla przedstawicieli armii. Liczymy na to, że dialog będzie się rozwijał i doprowadzi do głębokich zmian. Dlatego wzywamy Radę do czasowego zawieszenia obecnie stosowanych sankcji, z wyjątkiem embargo na dostawy broni. Sankcje powinny zostać zawieszone na okres jednego roku. W tym czasie instytucje Unii Europejskiej powinny ściśle monitorować sytuację w Birmie. Dziękuję bardzo.

  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE), kirjallinen. – Haluaisin osoittaa kiitollisuuteni Euroopan parlamentille Burmaa koskevan päätöslauselman hyväksymisestä. Olen seurannut Burman tilannetta tarkoin nyt jo vuosien ajan ja olen ollut aika ajoin myös hyvin arvosteleva. Samalla olen tukenut EU:n pakotteita tilanteen parantamiseksi. Nyt on kuitenkin aika alkaa palkita Burmaa uudistuksista. Presidentti U Thein Sein on tehnyt enemmän rauhan ja demokratian eteen kuin Burmassa on tehty vuosikymmenten ajan yhteensä. Burmassa on nyt ymmärretty, että avoin, demokraattinen ja ihmisoikeuksia kunnioittava yhteiskunta on kaikille paras vaihtoehto. Huhtikuun vaalit osoittivat, että Burman poliittinen johto on valmis avaamaan tilaa Aung San Suu Kyin puolueelle ja muille oppositioryhmille ja että olemme todistamassa uuden ajan alkua. Euroopan parlamentti on nyt tehnyt selvän myönnytyksen Burman suuntaan: EU:n on aika poistaa Burman talouspakotteet. Kun pyydämme uudistuksia, ja niitä tehdään, on meidän myös palkittava kumppaneitamme. Uudistusten ei tule kuitenkaan loppua tähän. EU:n on monitoroitava tarkasti Burman tilannetta. Burman todellinen tulikoe on vuoden 2015 vaalit, joiden oletan jatkavan nyt jo aloitettua linjaa. Sitä ennen meidän ei tulisi poistaa aseidenmyyntikieltoa. Pyydänkin korkea edustaja Ashtonia hyödyntämään uusien diplomaattisten suhteiden tuomaa lähentymistä. Meidän parlamentin jäsenten on myös vahvistettava entisestään yhteyksiämme sekä Burman poliittiseen johtoon, oppositioon että kansalaisyhteiskuntaan. Samalla toivon, että Burman johto ottaa meidät vastaan yhä avoimemmin mielin.

  Jarosław Leszek Wałęsa (PPE), in writing. – While I stand with my colleagues in congratulating the strides made in Burma, not only in the election but also in their clear move toward a democratic system, there still are, however, extensive problems that should not be overlooked. One such issue that is of great concern is the war that is taking place in the Kachin State. There are currently an estimated 70 000 refugees that have fled fighting near their homes to live in temporary camps by the Sino-Burmese border. Also, there were no elections in Kachin, due to the fighting, and it appears this conflict will not end any time soon. The ethnic Kachins are running out of food, and diseases such as TB and malaria are spreading fast, and yet the Burmese Government will not allow any aid agencies in to assist these people. Thus I feel that we must be cautious with our praise until this situation is resolved.

18. Στρατηγική για τον Εύξεινο Πόντο (συζήτηση)

  President. − The next item is the statement on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the Black Sea strategy.

  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, I am pleased to have the opportunity today to discuss on behalf of High Representative/Vice-President Ashton our regional cooperation efforts and perspectives in the Black Sea area. I welcome the attention that the European Parliament is giving to Black Sea regional cooperation.

The Black Sea region is a distinct geographical area rich in human and natural resources. It acts as a gateway between Europe, Asia and the Middle East and therefore offers Black Sea stakeholders an opportunity to identify areas where our interests come together to further practical cooperation.

Since 2007, with the accession of Bulgaria and Romania, the European Union has been directly involved in Black Sea affairs. There are significant opportunities and challenges in the region that require coordinated action. This is why we established the Black Sea Synergy in 2008 as the European Union’s contribution to regional cooperation.

I am sometimes asked whether the Black Sea Synergy duplicates the Eastern Partnership. My answer is no. The Eastern Partnership is about bringing our Eastern neighbours closer to the European Union through political association and economic integration. The Black Sea Synergy is about bringing the European Union closer to the Black Sea by contributing to regional cooperation.

Let me add a couple of personal comments here. There is, of course, interaction between the two – between the Eastern Partnership and the Black Sea Synergy. We have developed the Eastern Partnership into a major instrument of our relationship with our eastern partners. I think it gives us an opportunity for the Black Sea Synergy to become a real instrument providing us with synergies between our policies in our region as we put together our efforts to build more of the European Union in our partner countries through our cross-border cooperation and our more active role in a regional framework of cooperation.

While our interests in the Black Sea are broad, ranging from the environment, maritime affairs and fisheries to energy, transport, movement and security, we have focused our activities on the creation of the three sectoral partnerships in the fields of the environment, transport and energy. In March 2010 we launched the Environment Partnership.

In addition, we have a substantial programme of cross-border cooperation in the region which I referred to a second ago. The budget for the 2007-2013 Black Sea basin programme under the cross-border element of the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument has increased from EUR 17 million to almost EUR 26 million.

The 18 projects implemented after the first call for proposals cover the three priorities of the European Union’s 2007-2013 Black Sea basin programme: supporting cross-border partnerships for economic and social development, sharing resources and competences for environmental protection and conservation, and supporting cultural and educational initiatives for the establishment of a common cultural environment in the basin. However, we have not progressed as much as we would have hoped in implementing the three partnerships. The time has thus come to reflect anew on how to take our cooperation in the Black Sea region forward. I therefore welcome the opportunity to discuss this with you.

As for the future Black Sea Strategy, we have to make sure it will be well received both within the European Union and among the Black Sea States that are not part of our Union. In the meantime, we are reflecting on how to revitalise the Black Sea Synergy as a natural step towards the future Strategy.

In taking this forward, we will have three considerations uppermost in our minds. Firstly, we must reinvigorate the European Union’s approach to cooperation in the Black Sea region in a way which takes account of the variety of relations we have with the countries around the Black Sea. We have a candidate country (Turkey) and a strategic partner (Russia), plus our partners within the Eastern Partnership: Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. We will also have to bear in mind the sometimes difficult relations these countries have with each other or with countries neighbouring the Black Sea region.

Secondly, we will need to take into account the other cooperation frameworks in the region. We do not need to reinvent the wheel. In the environmental field, the Black Sea Commission is an important player, and the European Union hopes to be accepted as a full member soon. We would also like to step up our engagement with the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organisation, especially in the context of its 20th anniversary Summit due to take place in Istanbul on 26 June.

A reinvigorated Black Sea Synergy initiative and engagement with the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organisation will provide great opportunities to develop practical cooperation and to foster dialogue between the European Union and Russia and between the European Union and Turkey, both being important stakeholders in the region.

My third and last – and most important – point is this: we must play to the European Union’s strengths and the opportunities offered by the Lisbon Treaty to bring together our internal and external policies and instruments.

I will continue to value the exchanges with Parliament on the Black Sea region as we take forward our process of reflection on how to enhance the European Union’s policy approach towards this important region.

  Traian Ungureanu, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, as rapporteur on the Black Sea for this House I can confirm that 15 months have passed since this House called for the adoption of an EU strategy on the Black Sea which would upgrade the Black Sea Synergy.

When the Black Sea Synergy was launched back in 2008, expectations were high. The launch of the Black Sea Synergy had several important merits: firstly, shaping the Black Sea region as a separate unit of EU policy-making, and secondly, qualifying the region as strategically important for the EU.

Four years later the results are disappointing. In terms of EU policy, the Black Sea region looks very much like a black hole. No global reporting on the implementation of the Synergy has taken place since 2008. No coherent policy document presents the current situation in the Black Sea region.

Secondly, the challenges in the Black Sea are not waiting peacefully for the Commission to put pen to paper. The Black Sea is an unchecked collection of tensions and potential crises. Despite some improvements in sectoral fields – environment, maritime and fisheries policy – one cannot speak of improvements in strategic fields such as security and energy.

On two occasions – in 2008 and 2011 – the European Parliament called for the upgrading of the Black Sea Synergy to a Black Sea Strategy, and the question still stands. Is the Commission planning to elaborate such a strategy?

  Libor Rouček, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, the Black Sea region is a region of strategic importance. As has already been mentioned, it includes EU Member States and candidate countries such as Turkey, our strategic partner Russia, and of course countries of the Eastern Neighbourhood. So it is in our interests to help bring security, stability and prosperity to the entire region.

It is true that there are frozen conflicts in that region, some of which have been frozen for more than 20 years. What should be done in that region? I think the approach the Commissioner mentioned – supporting some of the sector policies such as transport, tourism, energy, the environment – is the right one. If we look at the work the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation are doing, these are exactly the areas which these organisations are looking at. We should support this. There are concepts such as building a Black Sea highway and linking ports in order to increase trust among the nations alongside the Black Sea and, of course, to increase tourism, energy security and environmental protection. Perhaps through this approach, step by step, we could also contribute to solving some of the frozen conflicts in the region.

In other words, I think that the approach presented by the Commissioner is the right one and that we should support it. I think we should also be more active as far as our cooperation – the cooperation of the European Parliament – with the BSEC is concerned.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI). - Herr Präsident! In letzter Zeit ist sicherlich einiges geschehen, um die östliche Partnerschaft zu stärken und effizienter zu gestalten. Der Anreiz „Mehr für mehr“ ist sicher richtig und wichtig, um unseren östlichen Partnerländern den Anreiz für Reformen und die notwendigen Veränderungen zu geben. Dies gilt natürlich insbesondere für die Länder am Schwarzen Meer. Die EU kann hier ihre Hilfe anbieten und Motor für Reformen in den verschiedensten Bereichen sein. Die Region um das Schwarze Meer wird zweifellos in den nächsten Jahren an Bedeutung gewinnen, und das natürlich nicht zuletzt wegen der Energiefrage.

Die Union sollte hier einen umsichtigen und nachhaltigen Ansatz verfolgen, damit die Interessen aller Beteiligten bestmöglich berücksichtigt werden können. Dies gilt auch für die Frage des Baus von neuen Erdöl- und Erdgaspipelines, wo eine stärkere Diversifizierung der Versorgung der Union zwar angebracht wäre, allerdings neue Abhängigkeiten, beispielsweise gegenüber der Türkei, vermieden werden sollten. In politischer Hinsicht ist die Annäherung verschiedener Schwarzmeerländer wie etwa der Ukraine an die EU durchaus zu begrüßen, wenngleich wir in diesem Falle die legitimen russischen Interessen in dieser Region – dort, wo sie legitim sind – tunlichst berücksichtigen sollten, um diese Partnerschaft auch nicht zu gefährden.

  Othmar Karas (PPE). - Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, meine Damen und Herren! Ich begrüße das Bemühen, der Schwarzmeerstrategie neuen Schwung zu verleihen. Ich bin auch dankbar für die aufrichtige Bewertung des Status quo, nämlich dass wir uns nicht gerade gegenseitig auf die Schulter klopfen dürfen!

Die Länder der Schwarzmeerregion gewinnen immer mehr an Bedeutung – wegen der geografischen Nähe, der dynamischen Entwicklung des Absatz- und Arbeitskräftepotenzials sowie der Energieressourcen. In das Schwarze Meer fließt die Donau, der europäische Fluss. Es ist wichtig, dass wir zur Zusammenarbeit der Länder in der Schwarzmeerregion einen Beitrag leisten und nicht das eine Land gegen das andere ausspielen. Es ist wichtig, dass wir die Aktivitäten der Mitgliedstaaten in der Region koordinieren und nicht jeder sein eigenes Spiel treibt.

In diesem Raum werden die Weichen für die künftige energiepolitische Absicherung Europas gestellt! Stichworte sind Diversifizierung, Interkonnektivität sowie Versorgungssicherheit. Es geht vor allem um das Diversifizierungsprojekt Nabucco-Gaspipeline, aber auch um alternative bzw. konkurrierende Projekte wie zum Beispiel South Stream. Die Region zwischen Schwarzem Meer und Kaspischem Meer, an der Schnittstelle zwischen Europa, dem Nahen und Mittleren Osten sowie Zentralasien – ist auch durch offene und eingefrorene Konflikte geprägt. Es geht daher nicht nur um die Wirtschaft und Energie, sondern auch um Sicherheit und Stabilität. Ich begrüße die Offensive, sich dieser Region verstärkt, konzentriert und professionell strategisch zu nähern!

  Ивайло Калфин (S&D). - Уважаеми г-н Комисар, аз съм съгласен с всяка една дума, която казахте за значението на Черноморския регион и за важността на работата на Европейския съюз в този регион. Радвам се, че и Комисията вижда перспективи за по-нататъшно развитие на своята работа в Черноморския регион.

За съжаление, както сам споменахте, изработването на Източното партньорство като че ли постави в сянка Черноморската стратегия и подходът към регионалното сътрудничество на Европейския съюз за последните години е изключително слаб.

Радвам се, че Вие самият показахте значението на това, Европейският съюз да участва в регионалното сътрудничество, и то не само в областите, свързани с енергетика, околна среда и транспорт, но и в области, свързани с човешките контакти – туризъм, култура, образование. Много е важно Комисията да постави конкретни цели за това и да отдели съответни средства. Без това няма как да получим резултати.

  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D). - Regiunea Mării Negre prezintă o importanţă geostrategică, în special pentru securitatea energetică şi pentru diversificarea surselor şi a rutelor de aprovizionare cu energie ale Uniunii, datorită proximităţii sale faţă de Marea Caspică, Orientul Mijlociu şi Asia Centrală.

În urma aderării României şi Bulgariei, Uniunea ar trebui să devină un actor important în relaţiile internaţionale din regiune. Ca raportor pentru opinie a Comisiei ITRE privind o strategie a Uniunii Europene la Marea Neagră, am subliniat valoarea adăugată europeană şi importanţa coridorului sudic al gazelor ca mijloc de îmbunătăţire a siguranţei aprovizionării Uniunii. Consider că proiecte precum gazoductul Nabucco, alături de gazoductul Transadriatic, conducta petrolieră paneuropeană PEOP, interconexiunea Turcia - Grecia - Italia sau interconexiunea Azerbaidjan - Georgia - România evidenţiază atât importanţa deosebită a angajamentelor Uniunii în regiunea Mării Negre, cât şi nevoile ulterioare de intensificare a cooperării dintre ţările din jurul Mării Negre.

Solicităm Comisiei să acorde o mai mare prioritate regiunii Mării Negre şi să dezvolte o strategie a Uniunii Europene pentru Marea Neagră, însoţită de un plan de acţiune.

Catch-the-eye procedure

  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Importanţa strategică a regiunii Mării Negre este incontestabilă, în plan politic, economic, energetic, comercial, ecologic, cultural, din punct de vedere al securităţii transporturilor, politicii de vecinătate şi relaţiilor externe. De aceea consider că dezvoltarea strategiei Uniunii pentru această regiune nu este o opţiune, ci o necesitate. Ea trebuie să vizeze în primul rând creşterea stabilităţii şi securităţii, punând accentul pe soluţionarea conflictelor îngheţate, dar şi să folosească potenţialul economic al zonei, încurajând în special realizarea proiectelor majore în domeniul energiei.

România susţine o politică activă şi cuprinzătoare pentru Marea Neagră, completând strategia UE pentru regiunea Dunării. Aflată în faza de implementare, aceasta din urmă demonstrează cu succes importanţa unui cadru concret de cooperare. De aceea, domnule comisar Füle, solicit Comisiei să prezinte cât mai curând proiectul strategiei Mării Negre.

  Jaroslav Paška (EFD). - Jednu z významných hospodárskych vstupných brán do Európskej únie predstavujú dnes čiernomorské prístavy, ktoré spracúvajú toky tovaru prichádzajúcu z východu Európy alebo exportovaného na východ. Preto je, myslím si, dôležité posilniť ich kapacity a koordinovane rekonštruovať súvisiacu dopravnú infraštruktúru pozdĺž pobrežia, ako aj smerom do vnútrozemia. A to sa už týka aj rieky Dunaj, ktorá prestavuje najdôležitejšiu lodnú cestu z Čierneho mora do vnútra Európy. Preto považujem z hospodárskeho hľadiska za veľmi dôležité dosiahnuť istú previazanosť aj medzi európskymi koncepčnými dokumentmi, stratégiou pre oblasť Čierneho mora a Dunajskou stratégiou. Charakter rozvoja Podunajska sa totiž výrazne premieta aj do rozvoja Dunajskej delty a celého západného pobrežia Čierneho mora. Synergia cieľov definovaných v týchto dvoch európskych strategických dokumentoch môže viesť k efektívnejšiemu využitiu zdrojov pre rozvoj celej Európy.

  Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE). - Regiunea Mării Negre are o importanţă strategică recunoscută care este dată de resursele naturale foarte bogate şi de o piaţă potenţială de peste 350 de milioane de consumatori. Este, însă, necesară o cooperare regională intensificată între ţările riverane şi cele din zona extinsă a Mării Negre.

O soluţie realistă pentru cooperarea regională o reprezintă promovarea mai puternică a dimensiunii pontice a politicii europene de vecinătate. Regiunea extinsă a Mării Negre este parte a vecinătăţii estice a Uniunii Europene, dar cooperarea la Marea Neagră deţine un loc destul de modest în planurile actuale ale Uniunii Europene cu privire la reînnoirea politicii de vecinătate. Mai mult, Uniunea Europeană poate avea un rol semnificativ în stimularea acestei cooperări regionale prin creionarea unei Strategii Europene pentru Marea Neagră, pornindu-se de la Sinergia Mării Negre şi complementar Strategiei pentru Regiunea Dunăreană.

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D). - Domnule comisar, aş dori să vă pun o întrebare. Pentru dezvoltarea de coridoare maritime la Marea Neagră, în prezent nu există nicio linie de finanţare deschisă în acest Cadru Financiar Multianual, deşi pentru toate celelalte mări ale Uniunii Europene există. Solicităm statelor riverane Mării Negre să încheie un memorandum de înţelegere în vederea dezvoltării coridoarelor maritime la Marea Neagră şi solicităm Comisiei să deschidă o linie bugetară TNT care să finanţeze coridoarele maritime ale Mării Negre, similare celor prin care se finanţează coridoarele maritime din Marea Baltică, Marea Nordului şi Marea Mediterană.

De asemenea, cu excepţia unor acorduri bilaterale, nu există niciun acord global cu privire la gestionarea regională a stocurilor de peşte din Marea Neagră. Este necesar sprijinul Comisiei pentru dezvoltarea dialogului regional în vederea elaborării unei strategii marine comune în zona Mării Negre la care să participe şi celelalte state riverane Mării Negre.

(Ende des „catch-the-eye“-Verfahrens)

  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, honourable Members, thank you very much for this short but nevertheless very inspiring discussion on the Black Sea Synergy and strategy. I am a firm believer that together, the Black Sea Synergy – including our extensive range of cross-border cooperation – the European Union’s integrated maritime strategy and the European Union’s Danube Strategy can build a coherent approach towards the Black Sea. Continuing along the same line as the last speaker, I could add that my colleague Maria Damanaki has started a process to ensure that all Black Sea coastal countries are actively and equally involved in shaping a common maritime agenda for the basin they share and that they cooperate further, including towards sustainable fisheries management.

A stakeholder conference on maritime affairs and fisheries in the Black Sea will take place in Bucharest in November this year. This joined-up approach can increase the possibilities for cooperation where there is a common interest between the European Union and its Black Sea partners in tackling the challenges facing the region, such as transport, environment, maritime and fisheries policy and education. We hope that this approach will also build increased levels of trust and confidence between the countries around the Black Sea.

The European Union needs to review its interest in the region, including its strategic, political and economic dimensions, and to further discuss how best they can be achieved. In this endeavour we count on the support of the European Parliament and look forward to future recommendations. Regarding the support, let me assure Parliament that we remain committed to the European Union’s strategy for the Black Sea region – but at the right time. In the meantime we are working hard on the many elements I have mentioned. Listening to some of you I had the feeling that issues such as the security of energy, regional cooperation and democratisation were considered to be non-existent because the Black Sea strategy is not there. That is not true: we are working hard on these issues.

I made a point about the Eastern Partnership and developing the kind of policy where we are indeed building the European Union within that region. The interesting point of our debates in this institution – but also with the Council members – is that there are a number of people calling for the strategy, the framework and the institutional framework and asking when those people will be invited by me to present some concrete ideas in addition to what we are doing – how we would like to see this strategy, the pillars, the structure. To tell the truth, there we are short of good and substantive ideas.

I claim that the time we take to approach this issue seriously has not been lost. In the meantime we will work on the Eastern Partnership; we will strengthen the relationships with our partners in the region; we will increase our support for cross-border cooperation and we will make sure that now, after the Lisbon Treaty, the European Union will be playing a more effective role in regional cooperation.

  Der Präsident. − Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149 GO)

  Sebastian Valentin Bodu (PPE), în scris. – Implicarea UE în politica referitoare la Marea Neagră trebuie să devină din ce în ce mai consistentă şi mai substanţială pe măsura potenţialului de dezvoltare oferit de această regiune. La nivelul UE dispunem de o politică integrată pentru dezvoltarea socio-economică a regiunilor maritime, însă dimensiunea referitoare la Marea Neagră este în continuare limitată. Aş dori să menţionez că Marea Neagră este o axă importantă pentru energie şi transport în condiţiile în care jumătate din importurile de petrol şi gaz ale ţărilor europene vor tranzita această regiune. Este important, în opinia mea, ca Strategia europeană la Marea Neagră să fie fără doar şi poate un obiectiv important al politicii externe a UE, mai ales ţinând cont de importanţa geostrategică a acestei zone pe fondul “primăverii arabe” şi a crizei economice.

  Rareş-Lucian Niculescu (PPE), în scris. – În regiunea Mării Negre există numeroase iniţiative şi oportunităţi, dar prezenţa UE nu este suficient de vizibilă. Putem vorbi chiar despre o politică timidă la Marea Neagră, cel mai bun exemplu fiind cel al pescuitului. Bulgaria şi România au cote europene pentru pescuitul de calcan, în timp ce Turcia nu respectă politica europeană în acest domeniu şi nu aplică nicio restricţie. Navele turceşti pescuiesc 80% din calcanul din Marea Neagră, restul de 20% revenind Bulgariei şi României. În acest context, dialogul cu vecinii de la Marea Neagră trebuie să facă parte, în mod obligatoriu, din această politică europeană „în faşă”.

  Ioan Mircea Paşcu (S&D), in writing. – Although the EU has been a Black Sea actor since 2007, its hesitancy to approach the area is still visible. The Black Sea Synergy of 2008 has not been the precursor of a more elaborate approach, as we, the Members who are located in that area, hoped for, but rather a time-buying mechanism to avoid just that: a more substantive approach towards that particularly important area of our continent. Primarily, the motivation is related, on the one hand, to the inherent complexities of the area and, on the other, to the care the EU is demonstrating not to upset important countries in the region, particularly Russia. Probably, the EU considers that the instrument of Eastern Partnership is already a sufficient annoyance to Russia – our main strategic partner in the east of the continent – to add to that a well defined strategy to deal with the area. Even the Black Sea Synergy was not conceived to be an efficient instrument, the proof of it being its minuscule ‘success’. Under the circumstances, I am afraid that it will take more time for the area to get a proper strategy, which other similar regions – see the Baltic Sea, (Russia included) – already enjoy.

19. Διαπραγματεύσεις για τη συμφωνία σύνδεσης ΕΕ-Αζερμπαϊτζάν - Διαπραγματεύσεις για τη συμφωνία σύνδεσης ΕΕ-Αρμενίας (συζήτηση)

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgt die gemeinsame Aussprache über

– den Bericht von Anneli Jäätteenmäki im Namen des Ausschusses für auswärtige Angelegenheiten über die Verhandlungen über das Assoziierungsabkommen EU-Aserbaidschan [2011(2316(INI)] (A7-0071/2012) und

– den Bericht von Tomasz Piotr Poręba im Namen des Ausschusses für auswärtige Angelegenheiten über die Verhandlungen über das Assoziierungsabkommen EU-Armenien [2011/2315(INI)] (A7-0079/2012).

  Anneli Jäätteenmäki, esittelijä. − Arvoisa puhemies, Euroopan unioni käy parhaillaan assosiaationeuvotteluja Armenian ja Azerbaidžanin kanssa. Tämä on ensimmäinen kerta, kun parlamentilla on mahdollisuus arvioida näitä neuvotteluja ja antaa arvoisalle komission jäsenelle ja koko komissiolle palautetta.

Azerbaidžan on EU:lle ja EU:n jäsenvaltioille tärkeä yhteistyökumppani. Se toimittaa EU-valtioille energiaa, toki muitakin tuotteita, mutta energiaturvallisuuden kannalta se on meille erityisen tärkeä. Hyödyt ovat toki molemminpuoleisia. Sen vuoksi näitä neuvotteluja käydäänkin. Toivotaan myös, että assosiaatiosopimuksen myötä vakaus ja jossakin vaiheessa toivottavasti myös lopullinen rauha tällä alueella saavutettaisiin.

Näitä neuvotteluja on tietysti varjostanut Nagorno-Karabahin konflikti. Assosiaatiosopimusneuvotteluilla ei valitettavasti pystytä tätä suurinta alueen epävakauden aiheuttajaa ratkaisemaan. Se on Minskin ryhmän tehtävä. Toivotaan, että meidän neuvottelumme eivät näitä neuvotteluja mitenkään vaikeuta, eikä se toki näin olekaan.

Minskin ryhmän työlle toivoisin lisävauhtia. Siinä ei ole tapahtunut viime aikoina juuri mitään. Toki täytyy myös myöntää, että tarvitaan kiistan osapuolten Armenian ja Azerbaidžanin voimakkaampaa tahtoa, jotta maiden välille saadaan rauhansopimus aikaan.

Arvoisa puhemies, arvoisa komission jäsen, näissä neuvotteluissa keskustellaan energian ja taloudellisten asioiden lisäksi monista muistakin asioista. Ihmisoikeudet ovat aivan oleellinen osa. Taloutta ei voi kehittää eikä yhteistyötä voi kehittää ellei ihmisoikeuksia huomioida ja kunnioiteta.

Ihmisoikeusasiassa meidän on valitettavasti todettava, että edelleen on suuria puutteita. Tänäänkin olemme saaneet uutisia, joiden mukaan ihmisiä on pidätetty ja kotietsintöjä on tehty ilman minkäänlaista lupaa. Ei parlamentti eikä komissio voi, eikä halua, sulkea silmiään tällaisilta rikkomuksilta. Me edellytämme, että Azerbaidžan, joka on Euroopan neuvoston jäsen, noudattaa ihmisoikeussopimuksia, joihin se on sitoutunut. Tässä sillä on vielä paljon tekemistä.

Eurovision-laulukilpailu Bakussa on pieni pikantti lisä. Se on kunniatehtävä Azerbaidžanille. Se, kuten kaikki muutkin kilpailun voittaneet maat, haluavat viedä kilpailun kunnialla läpi. On esitetty, että kilpailua pitäisi boikotoida. Itse en kannata sitä. Vierailin eräässä koulussa ja kysyin nuorilta heidän kantaansa asiaan kertomatta omaa kantaani. He ihmettelivät, miksi boikotoitaisiin, jos halutaan käydä assosiaationeuvotteluja ja halutaan tehdä yhteistyötä.

Ihmisoikeuksiin on kiinnitettävä huomiota. Toivoisin, että nuorisovaihto, opiskelijavaihto, olisi sellainen asia, johon EU panostaisi. Aivan samalla tavalla kuin Azerbaidžan on itse... (Puhemies keskeytti puhujan.)

  Tomasz Piotr Poręba, sprawozdawca. − Panie Przewodniczący! Szanowni Państwo! Sprawozdanie na temat Armenii, które przygotowywałem w Parlamencie Europejskim, jest z mojego punku widzenia i z punktu widzenia mojej grupy politycznej sprawozdaniem ważnym i istotnym. Dlaczego? Dlatego, że w naszym przekonaniu wszystkie kraj Południowego Kaukazu, w tym Armenia, jeżeli będą bliżej Europy, jeżeli będą lepiej współpracować z Unią Europejską, jeżeli będą wdrażać w swoich krajach europejskie standardy, staną się bezpieczniejsze, nie tylko z punktu widzenia tych krajów, ale również z punktu widzenia Unii Europejskiej.

Przygotowując się do tego sprawozdania odwiedziłem Armenię i Górski Karabach, gdzie spotkałem się z władzami, zarówno Górskiego Karabachu jak i Armenii, aby uzyskać informacje na miejscu, właśnie tam, w Armenii, na temat relacji między krajami tego regionu, poznać punkt widzenia władz ormiańskich na sytuację polityczną w tym regionie. Zależało mi na tym, aby sprawozdanie, które Państwo macie teraz przed sobą, nad którym debatujemy i nad którym jutro będziemy głosować, było ze wszech miar obiektywne i oddawało całą złożoną sytuację w regionie, całe tło tamtejszego konfliktu, jak również, aby wskazywało ono również optymistyczne cele, zawierało optymistyczne informacje, które świadczą o tym, że Armenia ma szansę – w dłuższej lub krótszej przyszłości, zależnie od władz tego kraju – lepiej i skuteczniej kooperować z Unią Europejską. Dlaczego? Dlatego, że negocjacje umowy stowarzyszeniowej z Armenią, które rozpoczęły się w 2010 r., przebiegają bardzo sprawnie. Od tego czasu zamknięte zostały 24 rozdziały i wydaje się, że nie ma w tym momencie kwestii, które groziłyby niebezpiecznym przedłużeniem tych negocjacji.

W ubiegłym roku Armenia przygotowała kompleksową strategię reform, następnie przedstawiła ją do oceny Komisji Europejskiej wraz z prośbą o wsparcie. O ile mi wiadomo, komisarz Štefan Füle wraz z premierem Sarkisjanem pracują obecnie nad wspólnym programem mającym pomóc udoskonaleniu i wdrożeniu tej strategii. Liczymy, że Parlament Europejski będzie na bieżąco informowany o postępach tych prac. Nie ulega wątpliwości, że przed ormiańskimi władzami stoi szereg wyzwań i niekiedy bolesnych reform. Bardzo mi zależało na tym, aby w sprawozdaniu zwrócić uwagę zarówno na te obszary, które już uległy znaczącej poprawie, jeżeli chodzi o sytuację wewnętrzną w Armenii, ale również zwrócić uwagę na takie obszary jak prawa człowieka czy szeroko rozumiana wolność mediów, które już ulegają, ale muszą ulec jeszcze większej poprawie. Tylko w ten sposób można zagwarantować dobre relacje i szybkie zakończenie negocjacji z Unią Europejską. Na pewno na uznanie zasługuje wsparcie, jakiego udzieliły władze Armenii urzędowi obrońcy praw człowieka, który cieszy się dużą niezależnością.

Kończąc chciałbym wskazać na kwestię konfliktu w Górskim Karabachu, który na pewno jest oczywisty dla każdego, kto śledzi sytuację na Południowym Kaukazie. Mowa o nim jest w obu sprawozdaniach, zarówno moim, jak i Anieli Jäätteenmäki. Parlament podkreśla konieczność przestrzegania zasad określonych przez Grupę mińską OBWE we wspólnym oświadczeniu z dnia 10 lipca 2009 r. oraz wiąże negocjacje umów stowarzyszeniowych z Azerbejdżanem i Armenią z wiarygodnymi zobowiązaniami, które przyczynią się do zakończenia konfliktu. Dla mnie drodzy Państwo, nie ma wątpliwości, że my jako Parlament Europejski nie rozstrzygniemy tego konfliktu, nie będziemy w stanie rozwiązać tego problemu. Wszytko zależy od obu krajów, od tego, jak będą one budować własne relacje. Ale my tu w Parlamencie Europejskim...(Przewodniczący odebrał mówcy głos.)

  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, honourable Members, I would like to thank you for this opportunity to report on the progress made in the negotiations on the Association Agreements between the European Union and Armenia and Azerbaijan respectively.

I welcome the interest and engagement demonstrated by the European Parliament in this regard. We have had an intensive and regular exchange with the two rapporteurs to prepare the two well-structured and comprehensive reports, for which I would like to thank Mrs Jäätteenmäki and Mr Poreba.

The adoption of these reports comes at a moment when the relations of the European Union with the South Caucasus, and in particular with Armenia and Azerbaijan, are under the spotlight. During the visit of the Armenian President Sargsyan to Brussels in March, and when I visited Baku to attend the Euronest plenary session two weeks ago, I conveyed two key messages to our interlocutors: first, our readiness to strengthen our links and to provide support, and second, our wish to see tangible progress on a number of issues, including deepened democracy, respect for human rights and conflict resolution.

Before providing comments on the reports, let me briefly give an update on the negotiations. There has been considerable progress since they were launched in July 2010. We had eight plenary meetings with Armenia, and five with Azerbaijan.

Out of 28 chapters on sectoral and economic reform, we closed 24 chapters with Armenia and 13 with Azerbaijan. Discussions on the political as well as the justice, freedom and security chapters are well advanced, in particular with Armenia. Let me also stress that we perceived a genuine commitment of our interlocutors to fruitful – although at times difficult – negotiations, and this is reflected in the number of chapters closed so far.

As to the reports, I would like to say from the outset that we fully share the views of the rapporteurs that the Association Agreements currently under negotiation are fundamental and far-reaching tools for deepening our relations with the two countries.

Within the multilateral dimension of the Eastern Partnership, these agreements should also be instrumental in developing, in a regional context, a series of bilateral contacts between the two countries in a number of areas. At present, such contacts between Armenia and Azerbaijan are almost non-existent.

Let me also share with you my impressions on the two issues addressed in detail in the reports.

First, on Nagorno-Karabakh, the European Union has recently expressed its concern at the slow progress in the peace negotiations and it called on both Armenia and Azerbaijan to step up their efforts to reach agreement on the ‘Madrid principles’ as a basis for peace.

Increased tensions along the front lines add further concerns. We therefore urge the leaders on both sides to fully implement all commitments made in the Minsk Group framework. The European Union stands ready to continue to provide enhanced support for confidence-building measures and this will remain complementary to the Minsk Group framework.

The European Union has the capacities and experience to contribute to confidence-building measures on people-to-people contacts and on security. The European Union could also contribute to a number of initiatives, such as the mechanism proposed by the OSCE to investigate incidents along the lines of contact. We have underlined the need for unconditional/unrestricted access for European Union representatives to Nagorno-Karabakh and the surrounding regions. We continue to work on this with the Armenian and Azerbaijani leadership.

The second aspect is the issue of democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law. Armenia and Azerbaijan are committed to sharing values and principles with the European Union in this field and we should make every effort to stress to them the need to ensure that their countries fully comply with these standards.

An important test for Armenia will be the upcoming parliamentary elections in May and the presidential election next year. In the case of Azerbaijan, the European Union has clearly expressed the need for progress in democratic reforms in a number of areas. We also called for an invitation to be extended to the rapporteur for political prisoners of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.

Our level of ambition is high in this exercise: on what we can offer, but also on what we expect from our partners. This is where the ‘more for more’ principle will fully apply.

To conclude, let me once again congratulate the rapporteurs for their reports, as well as the European Parliament for the interest and attention you have shown in these two countries.

  Monica Luisa Macovei, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, I would like to start from the core problem preventing fully-fledged development and stability in the south Caucasus region: the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Occupying territories and preventing refugees and internally displaced persons from returning to their homes is against European values.

Some believe that negotiations within the framework of the Minsk basic principles would bring an agreement to resolve this problem. In my view the negotiations were not robust enough and did not bring the expected results. We will have to agree to disagree on the results of these negotiations.

This is why I believe that the European Union should take a more active role in the settlement of this conflict and call on Armenia to withdraw its forces from the occupied territories in Nagorno-Karabakh, along with confidence-building measures and multinational peacekeeping operations. This is why I insist and reiterate that the Union should be involved in the negotiations using the experience of its Member States, and I also refer to the experience of the Baltic countries in the 1990s when it comes to holding – or not – a possible referendum in future.

On visa facilitation, I welcome the launch in March of the negotiations on the visa facilitation and readmission agreement, but our cooperation on mobility should go further. Once all the conditions are met we should aim for visa liberalisation. People-to-people contact is crucial.

Azerbaijan still has many challenges ahead, especially with regard to the judiciary, to the fight against corruption and organised crime, and in particular to implementing international law on human rights.

Many things are to be done and I would recommend focusing on high-level corruption cases, which are the test for both judges and politicians, and on improving transparency of public income and expenditure.

  Kristian Vigenin, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, the reports in the Committee on Foreign Affairs have been adopted by a large – almost unanimous – majority. The position of Parliament is therefore quite clear, and I am sure that the reports will be supported in plenary as well.

In the short time that has elapsed we could perhaps not only criticise but also commend the Balkan countries. But before that, Commissioner, I would like to commend you on your firm and credible approach to the two countries. First of all, we should welcome the efforts made by Armenia to reform its legislation. The aim of helping the most free and fair elections ever also deserves respect. On 6 May 2012 we shall see to what extent this ambition has turned into reality.

The progress in the negotiations on the Association Agreement only shows how much Armenia is set on improving its relations with the EU. Azerbaijan is also showing signs that its relations with the EU are becoming a priority. The country is emerging as a strong ally with a growing strategic importance, not only in terms of energy but also in terms of foreign policy and security. Keep up the good work.

  Метин Казак, от името на групата ALDE. – г-н Председател, аз също приветствам призива да се гарантира, че преговорите за сключване на споразумение за асоцииране между Европейския съюз и Азербайджан и Армения са обвързани с надеждни ангажименти за постигането на съществен напредък към разрешаване на конфликта в Нагорни Карабах чрез оттегляне на арменските сили от окупирания Нагорни Карабах и прилежащите му територии и тяхното връщане под контрола на Азербайджан; мерки за изграждане на доверие като обща демилитаризация, механизъм за активна превенция на инциденти и прилагането на международни гаранции за сигурност чрез пряко и по-активно участие на Европейския съюз в Минската група.

Между Европейския съюз и Азербайджан има значителен напредък в областта на енергийното сътрудничество, в което Азербайджан е един от основните партньори на Съюза при осигуряването на енергийната сигурност на Европа. Необходимо е да се предостави техническа помощ, за да се помогне на Азербайджан да диверсифицира своята икономика и да приведе страната в съответствие с целите на Европейския съюз относно изменението на климата.

Подкрепям и призива към Съвета, Комисията и Европейската служба за външна дейност да включат в Споразумението за асоцииране клаузи и критерии за защита на правата на човека, особено по отношение на свободата на медиите и правото на свобода на изразяване и сдружение, които да отразяват принципите, залегнали в конституциите на Азербайджан и Армения, както и най- високите европейски и международни стандарти.

Необходимо е да се подкрепят и усилията за присъединяването на Азербайджан към Световната търговска организация чрез предоставянето на необходимата техническа помощ за подготовка за преговорите и да се насърчи приемането на изискваните реформи. Това ще позволи на Азербайджан и на Армения – в края на дългогодишен процес на реформи – да получат достъп до европейския вътрешен пазар, което ще допринесе за засилването на техния износ, увеличаване на инвестициите и ще спомогне за техния устойчив растеж.

  Ulrike Lunacek, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, let me first of all thank the rapporteurs and other colleagues for the difficult but ultimately successful negotiations.

First of all, Armenia has made progress in democratisation, media freedom and human rights following the problems in the aftermath of the 2008 elections. However, we would expect the Armenians to make gestures on giving back the surrounding occupied territories, regardless of the ongoing negotiations with Nagorno-Karabakh. That would be an important step forward.

I am glad that we agreed in the report to criticise both countries for the military build-up that is going on, as well as to urge both countries to sign and ratify the conventions against landmines and cluster munitions. I am especially glad that five major groups in this House have succeeded in including a reference in tomorrow’s vote to evictions and house demolitions, some of which are occurring in relation to the upcoming Eurovision song contest in Baku at the end of May. I am also glad that this Parliament is expressing its support for human rights activists who want to use the Eurovision song contest to improve human rights and the democratic record in Azerbaijan.

As Mrs Jäätteenmäki has already mentioned, we were informed today that the Azeri police had tried to enter the flat of the human rights activist Leyla Yunus today without a search warrant. This comes just one day after the President of Azerbaijan talked about the slanderous statements made by some citizen instigators.

I think that, as Mrs Jäätteenmäki said, it is vital that economic development, respect for human rights and freedom of the media and civil society go hand in hand.

  Jacek Włosowicz, w imieniu grupy EFD. – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Kaukaz jest jednym z najważniejszych regionów geopolitycznych w polityce Unii Europejskiej. Wydarzenia w Afryce Północnej z ostatnich miesięcy przesunęły wektor naszego zainteresowania w kierunku południowym. Tym bardziej należy się cieszyć z omawianego sprawozdania posła Poręby.

Armenia w kaukaskim węźle gordyjskim jest kluczowym punktem, który niczym soczewka skupia wszystkie problemy tego regionu. Bieda, problemy infrastrukturalne, energetyczne, silny wpływ Rosji, nierozwiązane konflikty z sąsiadami to tylko początek listy. Tym bardziej wymagane jest wzmocnienie naszego zaangażowania w ramach Partnerstwa Wschodniego oraz Synergii Czarnomorskiej. Większe fundusze, silniejsze wsparcie i wymiana regionalna to tylko początek. Kulminacyjnym punktem musi być pomoc w rozwiązaniu konfliktu karabachskiego. Jego zażegnanie będzie źródłem stabilizacji całego regionu oraz ostatecznego ograniczenia wpływu Rosji. Po ponad 17 latach od zakończenia wojny pozostanie regionu ograniczone do ormiańskich terenów etnicznych w ramach Armenii musi pozostać faktem.

  Андрей Ковачев (PPE). - Г-н Председател, бих искал да благодаря както на докладчиците, така и на докладчиците на политическите групи за добрата работа и най вече за постигнатата балансирана позиция в двата доклада по спорния за Армения и Азербайджан въпрос Нагорни Карабах.

Асоциирането на двете страни с Европейския съюз, както и свързаните с това правно и политическо сближаване, икономическа модернизация и добро отговорно управление, са изключително важни както за външната политика на Европейския съюз, така и за региона. По-осезаемото политическо присъствие на Европа в този съседен регион може да помогне за икономически напредък, спазване на човешките права, борба с корупцията и върховенството на правото – области, в които и двете страни в различна степен имат да наваксват.

Неразрешеният конфликт в Нагорни Карабах не трябва да се превръща обаче в „препъни камък“ за регионалното сътрудничество и спънка в задълбочаването на отношенията на двете страни с Европейския съюз. Решение на конфликта може да се намери само по мирен път в рамките на международното право и на договореностите от Минската група.

С помощта на Европейския съюз и Международната общност двете страни трябва да създават механизми за изграждане на доверие помежду си и да открият комуникационни канали. По-голямата роля на Европейския съюз в региона ни задължава да бъдем максимално внимателни и коректни в оценките си, за да не бъдат нашите действия като такива на „слон в стъкларски магазин“ и вместо да допринесем за постигането на взаимно приемливо решение на конфликта, да го затрудним.

Очаквам на 6 май в Армения да се проведат честни, прозрачни и демократични избори, които ще спомогнат за европейската интеграция на страната. Приветствам изпращането на наши колеги от Европейския парламент като наблюдатели на изборите.

Призовавам още веднъж и двете страни да подпишат Статута на Международния наказателен съд. Смятам, че споразумението за асоцииране е силен инструмент, с което Европейският съюз подкрепя волята за значителни реформи и демократизация. Това са предпоставки да се открие пътят към свободна търговия и безвизов режим с двете страни.

  Evgeni Kirilov (S&D). - Mr President, Armenia and Azerbaijan are part of the South Caucasus region, which is strategically important for the EU. The need for a comprehensive EU strategy for this region was recognised by this House two years ago when we adopted a resolution calling on the EU to play a more active role there.

Since then there has been some progress: negotiations on Association Agreements have started – as the reports point out – and a visa facilitation dialogue has been initiated, as has enhanced economic cooperation. Baroness Ashton, the High Representative, has visited the region and, of course, the post of Special Representative has been established.

However, we in the European Parliament would like to see more. We would first of all like to see more from both countries regarding democratic standards. But we would also like to see greater EU political presence and leverage, in particular with regard to the EU’s potential to contribute in a positive way to the peaceful resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. So far the Union has played a modest role, initiating and funding confidence-building measures. At this stage our Union can offer more, including participation in possible international peacekeeping missions and playing a leading role in the post-conflict rehabilitation and reconstruction of the conflict-affected areas.

  Inese Vaidere (PPE). - Godātie kolēģi! Paldies kolēģiem Jäätteenmäki un Poręba par lielo un grūto darbu, ko viņi ir ieguldījuši savos ziņojumos. Armēnija un Azerbaidžāna ir valstis, ar kurām mums ir un būs nozīmīga sadarbība dažādās jomās. Tādēļ ir jo svarīgāk, lai Kaukāza reģionā attīstītos demokrātija un mums ar šīm valstīm veidotos cieši tirdzniecības sakari, veiksmīgi turpinātos arī uzsāktie enerģētikas projekti, kā Transkaspijas cauruļvads, kas paver sevišķi plašas iespējas Eiropas Savienības enerģētikas neatkarības nodrošināšanā.

Diemžēl smagākais jautājums abu valstu attiecībās, protams, ir Kalnu Karabaha, kas izpaudās arī Euronest sanāksmes laikā Baku, kurā arī es piedalījos. Šis konflikts ir ļoti sarežģīts jautājums. Tā risinājums panākams pakāpeniski, soli pa solim, taču stingri ievērojot starptautiskos standartus, pirmkārt, teritoriālo integritāti. Vispirms no okupētajām Kalnu Karabahas teritorijām jāizved okupācijas karaspēks, pārtraucot spēka pielietošanu un izveidojot patiesi starptautiskus miera uzturēšanas spēkus. Tiem jānodrošina miers, valsts iekšienē pārvietoto personu, bēgļu droša atgriešanās savās mājvietās. Tālāk jādomā par pasākumiem, lai veicinātu savstarpēju uzticību šajā teritorijā dzīvojošo tautu starpā.

Visbeidzot, Kalnu Karabahas autonomija valsts integritātes ietvaros varētu būt atbilstošākais risinājums, lai nodrošinātu teritorijas attīstību un mieru ilgtermiņā. Mums ir plaši resursi, lai ...

(Sēdes vadītājs pārtrauc runātāju.)

  Edit Herczog (S&D). - Mr President, being a member of the Industry Committee, I would like to make it clear that there is a life in this region beyond the energy project, and building democracy there is as important as any economic relations with the region. The European Union itself is the largest peace project, therefore there is a need to show in the region that peace can increase opportunities not only for the Members of the European Union but in the region as well.

Twenty years have passed since the start of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. There is a need for progress and Europe has to do more – if it does not, who will? I think the presence of the European Union, of Europeans, of European Parliamentarians there – and we have been in the region several times in the past year – has proved that there is an added value, and therefore it has to be continued.

I think it is very important to the people, both men and women. Do not forget that after twenty years there is a younger generation who do not wish to have war any more and are hoping for peace.

  Vytautas Landsbergis (PPE). - Mr President, the Republic of Azerbaijan, after restoring itself as an independent nation in 1991 has made further significant steps towards self-determination. They have real independence from the former authority and the choice has been made for Europe.

In the 19th century Azerbaijan became the main actor in European energy matters and now that is going to be repeated at a time when Europe is concerned about its own energy independence. Today’s Azerbaijan needs Europe to strengthen its independent European statehood. The EU needs Azerbaijan for the purpose of European energy independence. There are solid grounds for mutual approaches, so let the Association Agreement be welcomed as the first step on a promising way.

What should not be misinterpreted in our document is the notion that negotiations on agreements should be linked to credible commitments to substantial progress etc., which means that, if one actor is blocking that progress, all positive efforts ....

(The President cut off the speaker)

  Anna Ibrisagic (PPE). - Herr talman! Azerbajdzjan har kommit långt under sina 20 år av självständighet.

Landet har utvecklat en stark och hållbar ekonomi och framgångsrikt använt intäkterna från energiprojekt för att diversifiera olika ekonomiska sektorer och ständigt uppgradera infrastrukturen.

Att välja den europeiska integrationen som en väg för framtiden är ännu ett positivt tecken. EU är och ska vara redo att hjälpa Azerbajdzjan i landets politiska och socioekonomiska reformer.

Det är dock en besvikelse att konflikten mellan Armenien och Azerbajdzjan fortfarande inte har lösts och att det inte syns några framsteg i förhandlingsprocessen.

Aggression, ockupation och etnisk rensning är begrepp som är främmande för våra europeiska värderingar och principer, och kan aldrig tolereras.

Även här i kammaren och i debatten runt omkring hör jag synpunkter som varför vi från EU:s sida fortsätter att kräva att ockupationsstyrkorna tas bort. Men om vi tar bort det kravet har vi ingenting att förhandla om.

Jag är född på Balkan. Jag har upplevt kriget, ockupation och etnisk rensning. Jag påstår att vi aldrig någonsin bör börja förhandla med den som ockuperar. Först måste ockupationsstyrkorna bort och sedan kan vi diskutera om en eventuell folkomröstning, om eventuella sätt att återförena människor och att återuppbygga landet och förtroendet i och till regionen. Men så länge vi tolererar det som inte är rätt kommer också resultatet i slutändan att bli fel.

„Catch-the-eye“-Verfahren

  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Eu susţin negocierea acordului de asociere cu Azerbaidjanul, pentru că el va permite intensificarea relaţiilor Uniunii cu acest partener important. Schimburile economice şi comerciale reprezintă un element esenţial al procesului deoarece ele contribuie la dezvoltarea cooperării politice.

Semnalez nevoia de a promova şi mai mult parteneriatul în domeniul energiei. El răspunde unui interes reciproc de asigurare a securităţii energetice prin diversificarea surselor şi rutelor de transport. Reamintesc în acest context proiectul interconectorului AGRI pentru gazele naturale lichefiate lansat de România, Azerbaidjan şi Georgia. Subliniez totodată nevoia unei implicări sporite a Uniunii în eforturile de soluţionare a conflictului din Nagorno Karabach. Trebuie să fie folosit şi mai mult cadrul oferit de Parteneriatul estic şi de Euronest pentru a creşte încrederea şi a promova dialogul între părţi.

  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D). - În intervenţia mea mă voi referi la raportul referitor la recomandările Parlamentului privind negocierile dintre Uniunea Europeană şi Republica Azerbaidjan în vederea încheierii unui acord de asociere.

Subliniez importanţa cooperării dintre Uniunea Europeană şi Azerbaidjan pentru diversificarea surselor şi a rutelor de aprovizionare cu energie a Uniunii Europene. Salut declaraţia comună privind furnizarea de gaz semnată în ianuarie 2011 la Baku de către preşedintele Comisiei Europene şi preşedintele Azerbaidjanului ca etapă importantă în realizarea coridorului sudic al gazelor. Solicităm Azerbaidjanului să continue eforturile de a promova proiecte precum conductele Baku - Tbilisi - Ceyhan şi Baku - Tbilisi - Erzurum. Solicităm Uniunii să ofere asistenţă tehnică Azerbaidjanului pentru utilizarea surselor regenerabile de energie şi pentru promovarea eficienţei energetice.

În final, salut progresul înregistrat de Azerbaidjan în domeniul comunicaţiilor şi tehnologiei informaţiilor, în special în ceea ce priveşte guvernarea electronică, sporind astfel transparenţa administraţiei publice şi ajutând la combaterea corupţiei.

  Kristiina Ojuland (ALDE). - Mul on hea meel, et nende kahe riigi arutelul täna räägitakse väga palju Mägi-Karabahhi konfliktist. Kahju on ainult sellest, et minnakse mööda asja põhivõtmest ja selle tuumast – selle konflikti lahendamise võti on Moskvas ja Kremlis. Kui me tahame saada lõpuks seda, et 20 aastat kestnud okupeerimine lõppeks, siis me peame ka väga selgelt ja ühemõtteliselt need sõnad välja ütlema – see võti on Moskvas. Teiseks ma tahan öelda seda, et nende raportite parandusettepanekud, mis sisse hääletati, viitavad väga selgelt sellele, et Armeenia ei saa sõlmida assotsiatsioonilepingut enne, kui ta on Aserbaidžaani territooriumilt oma väed välja viinud, ehk teisisõnu on lõpetanud Aserbaidžaani territooriumide okupeerimise. Minu arvates on see väga õige ja õiglane lahendus. Euroopa Liidul on täna ajalooline šanss see konflikt lõpetada.

  Marek Henryk Migalski (ECR). - Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Nawiążę do wypowiedzi pani Ojuland. Wspominał Pan o tym, że dwa tygodnie temu byliśmy w Baku i przekonał się Pan, jak obecność Unii Europejskiej wymusza niejako współpracę, elementarną współpracę, między Azerami a Ormianami. To było bardzo dobre. Nasza obecność tam jest konieczna, jeśli te kraje mają podążać swoją drogą na Zachód. Jest to również ważne z tego powodu, że jeśli nas tam nie będzie, to będzie tam ktoś inny. Natura nie znosi próżni, natura polityczna również nie znosi próżni. Jeśli nas tam nie będzie, będzie ktoś inny. Ktoś, komu o wiele mniej niż nam zależy na tym, żeby tam panowała demokracja i żeby kraje te zmierzały na Zachód. Proszę zawsze o tym pamiętać! Jestem przekonany, że Pan o tym wie, proszę pamiętać, że my o tym również wiemy. Wszystkiego dobrego, Panie Komisarzu, na tej drodze!

  Jaroslav Paška (EFD). - V rámci programu Východného partnerstva sa Európska únia dlhodobo a cieľavedome angažuje v oblasti južného Kaukazu, kde nachádza vnímavých partnerov tak v Azerbajdžane, ako aj v Arménsku. Postupné kroky na posilňovanie demokracie, úsilia o zlepšenie postavenia menšín v spoločnosti dávajú nádej, že obidve tieto postsovietske krajiny majú potrebný potenciál na tesnejšie partnerstvo s Európskou úniou. Istým rizikom pre prognózovanie ďalšieho vývoja však stále ostáva azerbajdžanský región Náhorný Karabach, ktorý je už 20 rokov pod okupáciou Arménov so všetkými dôsledkami pre viac ako milión azerbajdžanských utečencov, ako aj pre obyvateľov regiónu Nakčivan, ktorí v dôsledku tejto okupácie stratili priamy kontakt so svojou krajinou. Preto rokovania o dohodách o pridružení sa musia opierať o dokumenty Minskej skupiny so silnými záväzkami obidvoch krajín o vyriešení problému náhorného Karabachu kultivovaným mierovým spôsobom s dôrazom na potreby a záujmy predovšetkým jeho obyvateľstva.

  Eduard Kukan (PPE). - Mr President, in the Association Agreements with both Armenia and Azerbaijan we should base our partnership on common values. I want to underline that the core problem on the way to fully fledged development and stability in the South Caucasus region is the ongoing conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan concerning Nagorno-Karabakh. Here the EU should take a more active role in the settlement of this issue, calling on Armenia to act constructively.

Concerning the agreement with Azerbaijan, I expect the earliest finalisation of the negotiation process and the start of the implementation phase. The field of mobility should be one of our four main priorities. Moreover, we should work towards visa liberalisation once all the conditions are met. I also have to mention the strategic role of Azerbaijan in its contribution to the energy security of Europe.

  Elmar Brok (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Herr Kommissar! Ich freue mich, dass Verhandlungen mit Aserbaidschan und Armenien aufgenommen werden. Ich freue mich darüber, dass beide Länder von strategischer Bedeutung sind und nicht nur energiepolitische Gründe zählen. Sie sind aus anderen Gründen auch von hoher strategischer Bedeutung. Ich glaube, dass wir ihnen helfen sollen, eine vernünftige Wirtschaftspolitik zu entwickeln, mehr für Rechtsstaat und Demokratie zu tun, weil dies die entscheidende Basis für das bessere Leben der Menschen, für ökonomische und soziale Entwicklung und auch für Frieden ist.

Dafür sind die Ergebnisse der Minsk-Gruppe in all ihren Elementen, einschließlich des Selbstbestimmungsrechts, von großer Bedeutung. Ich meine, dass beide Seiten sich in diesen Fragen konstruktiv verhalten müssen, damit dies gewährleistet wird. Wenn Demokratie, Rechtsstaat und wirtschaftliche Entwicklung gefördert werden sollen, sollten beide Seiten den militärischen Aufbau beenden. Und die Europäische Union könnte eine ausgewogene Beziehung haben, indem sie den Ausgleich zwischen den Ländern herstellt, Redefähigkeit mit beiden Seiten hat, und sie könnte auf diese Art und Weise die Nachbarschaftspolitik mit einem Erfolg, einer Lösung dieses „frozen“ Konflikts krönen.

  Damien Abad (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, comme beaucoup de mes collègues ont parlé de l'Azerbaïdjan, je me féliciterai de l'accord conclu avec l'Arménie. Je crois que c'est une zone importante d'un point de vue économique et qu'il convient de renforcer les liens avec l'Union européenne et l'ensemble des pays du sud Caucase.

Puis, je voudrais aussi militer pour une solution pacifique et durable dans le Haut-Karabagh. Les choses ne sont pas aussi simples que ce que j'ai pu entendre, avec l'emploi de mots comme "territoires occupés". Vous savez, il y a aussi de l'autre côté un régime dont la militarisation est accrue. Je pense donc qu'il faut faire confiance, premièrement, au groupe de Minsk et, deuxièmement, à la France qui est un partenaire historique dans cette région. Je tiens à souligner le rôle central de cette dernière, en tant que partenaire historique et aussi en tant que membre de l'Union européenne, dans les travaux de ce groupe et l'absolue nécessité de lui conserver la place qui est la sienne pour les négociations à venir.

(Ende des „catch-the-eye“-Verfahrens)

  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, honourable Members, let me make three remarks, the first of which is a general one. The negotiations on Association Agreements with Eastern Partnership countries are making good progress. A few weeks ago, the first Association Agreement in the region – the one with Ukraine – was initialled. Four other negotiation processes are well under way, and we have recently decided to launch the deep and comprehensive free trade agreement component with three countries. We stand ready to consider taking a similar decision on Azerbaijan as soon as it joins the World Trade Organisation, and we are indeed ready to assist in any way we can.

Secondly, I agree with you that the European Union has a number of core interests in Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as in the region at large. I also agree with those of you who made the point that this is not about the competition between those two countries, nor is it about the debate on who is – or who is not – more important. All partners – large or small – are important to me and to my colleagues, and should be important to the European Union. These interests relate in particular to security and stability. Democratic reforms, energy and investments – those are the core interests we have in that region. I believe that the Association Agreements, once in force, will be one of our most effective and valuable tools in promoting a number of core European Union values, as well as in promoting economic integration and enhancing the mobility of citizens.

Thirdly, I am glad to see that the European Parliament has also played an active role in closely monitoring the situation in the South Caucasus, and, in particular, I am glad to see the progress that has been made in the negotiation of the Association Agreements. In recent months, you have adopted reports on the negotiations with Moldova and Georgia, and today on the negotiations with two additional countries. All included valuable recommendations and reflect the strong interest of the European Parliament in the implementation of the decisions of the Prague and Warsaw Eastern Partnership Summits.

Finally, let me assure you that I am committed to engagement. I am committed to progress that is beneficial to the people on the ground. The vacuum is what I will continue to fight.

  Anneli Jäätteenmäki, esittelijä. − Arvoisa puhemies, haluan kiittää kollegaani Porębaa ja kaikkia varjoesittelijöitä ja kaikkia, jotka ovat edesauttaneet sitä, että mietintö on matkan varrella muuttunut yhä paremmaksi ja paremmaksi. Haluan myös kiittää komission jäsentä Fühleä rakentavasta yhteistyöstä.

Uskon ja tiedän, koska valiokunnassa tämä mietintö hyväksyttiin suurella enemmistöllä, kukaan ei ollut vastaan, kolme ei ottanut loppuäänestykseen osaa, että meidän kaikkien toivomus on, että nämä sopimusneuvottelut saataisiin menestyksekkäästi päätökseen.

Keskustelun ja yhteistyön kautta Etelä-Kaukasuksen alue kehittyy. Se tulee turvallisemmaksi ja siellä aletaan kunnioittaa ihmisoikeuksia. Täällä tuli jo esille ja haluan myös itsekin korostaa sitä, että Azerbaidžan on ollut itsenäisenä 20 vuotta. 20 vuoden aikana siellä on tapahtunut kehitystä, mutta se on kuitenkin lyhyt aika muuttaa koko poliittista järjestelmää, koko ajattelutapaa ja ihmisoikeusajattelua. Se kestää aikansa ja vaatii yhteistyötä, sitä että EU korostaa ihmisoikeuksia ja demokratiaa ja vaatii neuvottelujen aikana näiden asioiden parantamista. Tällä tavoin sopimus saadaan aikaan ja ihmisille saadaan paremmat ja vakaammat olot, ja toivottavasti myös lopulta rauha. Kaiken kehityksen edellytys on, että valtion kansalaisten verovarat voidaan käyttää hyödyllisesti, arkielämän parantamiseen, eikä niinkään sotilasteknologian ostamiseen ja siihen, että varustelukierre jatkuu.

  Tomasz Piotr Poręba, sprawozdawca. − Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Ja również chcę serdecznie podziękować za współpracę pani Jäätteenmäki i panu komisarzowi Füle. Dziękuję kontrsprawozdawcom za pomoc, konstruktywne uwagi, poprawki oraz dobrą, racjonalną dyskusję nad tymi sprawozdaniami. Po wysłuchaniu tych głosów podczas dzisiejszej debaty chciałbym powiedzieć, że łączy je jeden wspólny mianownik: otóż wszyscy mówimy i podkreślamy, że Unia Europejska powinna wzmocnić relacje z Południowym Kaukazem, powinna być na Południowym Kaukazie bardziej obecna, powinna być bardziej zdeterminowana w budowaniu dobrych relacji z krajami Południowego Kaukazu. Wierzę, że te sprawozdania będą pomocne w tym, aby takie dobre relacje, aby takie dobre kontakty z Południowym Kaukazem zbudować i aby to było korzystne zarówno dla krajów regionu, jak i dla całej Unii Europejskiej.

Na pewno z mojego punktu widzenia jako sprawozdawcy sprawozdania na temat Armenii zbliżające się wybory 6 maja będą takim prawdziwym testem dla władz ormiańskich, ich zdecydowanej woli, chęci, ambicji, determinacji w budowaniu dobrych relacji z Unią Europejską. Jeżeli te wybory będą uczciwe, przejrzyste, wolne – w co bardzo wierzę – będzie to ważny znak tego, że ten kraj rzeczywiście poważnie traktuje te zobowiązania, które zmierzają ku temu, aby umowa o stowarzyszeniu została podpisana jak najszybciej, aby służyła zarówno Unii Europejskiej, jak i Armenii.

Jeszcze raz dziękuję za wsparcie podczas prac nad tym sprawozdaniem. Wierzę, że jutro, kiedy zostanie przegłosowane, wszyscy tutaj, w tej Izbie, będziemy mogli sobie powiedzieć, że było to sprawozdanie obiektywne, sprawozdanie, które w rzeczywisty sposób oddaje sytuację zarówno w regionie, jak i w Armenii.

  Der Präsident. − Die gemeinsame Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet am Donnerstag, 19. April, um 11.30 Uhr statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149 GO)

  Valdemar Tomaševski (ECR), na piśmie. – Panie Przewodniczący! Partnerstwo Wschodnie to dobry instrument wzmacniania stosunków z krajami o aspiracjach europejskich. Armenia jest tego dobrym przykładem. Kraj ten o historii sięgającej starożytności jest jednym z najdalej wysuniętych ośrodków cywilizacji i kultury europejskiej. Z tego powodu układ o stowarzyszeniu między Unią Europejską a Armenią wydaje się naturalnym procesem, wzmacniającym stosunki bilateralne. Trudna i zagmatwana historia regionu, często o tragicznym podłożu, nie powinna mieć wpływu na wybiegającą w przyszłość wizję współpracy. Unia Europejska zamiast krytyki wynikającej często z niezrozumienia zależności etniczno-historycznych Kaukazu powinna skupić się na wielowymiarowej pomocy Armenii tak, aby kraj ten w przewidywalnej przyszłości mógł implementować standardy europejskie pozwalające mu na stowarzyszenie z UE.

Właściwą drogą do osiągnięcia tego celu będzie zwiększenie aktywnego uczestnictwa Armenii w wielostronnej współpracy parlamentarnej w ramach zgromadzenia Euronest. To dobry przykład zaangażowania na rzecz europejskich wartości i zasad, które zgodnie uznaje większość społeczeństwa ormiańskiego. Zapowiedzi władz Armenii podkreślających demokratyczne, przejrzyste i wolne wybory, które mają odbyć się w maju tego roku, należy traktować jako gest dobrej woli i wyraz europejskich ambicji tego kraju. Zadaniem organów Unii powinno być wzmocnienie tego przeświadczenia i ukazanie sensu podejmowanych decyzji i wyzwań, przybliżających realizację celu, jakim jest powrót Armenii do rodziny europejskiej.

  Zbigniew Ziobro (EFD), na piśmie. – Kaukaz południowy jest kluczowym terenem dla unijnych planów dywersyfikacji źródeł energii. Dlatego w interesie całej Unii Europejskiej leży większe zainteresowanie tym obszarem oraz koncentracja sił finansowych i dyplomatycznych w tamtym terenie. Nie jest to zadanie łatwe. Miedzy Armenią a Azerbejdżanem wciąż toczy się zimna wojna o Górski Karabach. Dlatego też powinniśmy się skoncentrować na rozwiązaniu tego konfliktu. W przedstawionym sprawozdaniu brakuje prób rozwiązań konfliktu oraz odniesień do aktualnej sytuacji.

Sytuacja jest o tyle napięta, że od początku marca rosyjska armia koncentruje się na granicy z Azerbejdżanem; w założeniu ma ona wspomóc armeńskie wojska w razie konfliktu. Niestety, jak wskazuje praktyka, dziś o sprawach Armenii należy dyskutować również z Rosją. Tym mocniej powinniśmy zaangażować się w ten dialog i przekonywać obie strony do rozejmu. Należy również, co zostało zaakcentowane w sprawozdaniu, wspomóc rozwój społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Armenii oraz organizacji typu NGO.

20. Παρεμβάσεις διάρκειας ενός λεπτού (άρθρο 150 του Κανονισμού)

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgen die Ausführungen von einer Minute zu wichtigen politischen Fragen gemäß Artikel 150 der Geschäftsordnung.

  Anna Záborská (PPE). - Dnešné popoludnie sme venovali ľudským právam. Rada by som v tejto súvislosti zdôraznila dva momenty. V apríli 2012 hodnotíme ľudské práva vo svete z roku 2010, zaoberáme sa tu niečím, čo by už nemalo byť aktuálne. Chápala by som to vtedy, ak by správu o ľudských právach pripravovali študenti bez nároku na odmenu. Nerozumiem ale, prečo sekretariát Rady zverejnil túto správu až v septembri 2011 a už vôbec nie tomu, prečo o nej v pléne rokujeme až dnes. Moja druhá poznámka sa týka Bieloruska. Lukašenkov režim sa od roku 2010 vo vzťahu k ľudským právam zmenil k horšiemu. Preto chcem vyzvať Medzinárodnú federáciu ľadového hokeja, aby tohtoročné majstrovstvá sveta neorganizovala v Bielorusku. Bielorusi hrajú dobrý hokej a majú právo stať sa hostiteľskou krajinou majstrovstiev tohto športu. Diktátor Lukašenko to však nesmie zneužiť ako dôkaz, že sa svet zmieril s jeho vládou.

  Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE). - Señor Presidente, el próximo 26 de abril se cumple el 75º aniversario del bombardeo de Guernica durante la guerra civil española. La aviación nazi ensayó entonces técnicas de agresión masiva contra la población civil, perfeccionadas en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Franco, por su parte, atacaba a las instituciones e identidad nacionales vascas, uno de sus objetivos durante toda la dictadura.

Guernica es ahora símbolo de paz en el mundo, potenciado por el célebre cuadro de Picasso, que debería exponerse en Euskadi.

En 1977, el Estado alemán pidió perdón al pueblo vasco por su participación en esta masacre.

Hoy, en España, historiadores revisionistas de ultraderecha niegan la verdad y muchos políticos reconocen en voz baja que la impunidad franquista fue la clave del éxito de la transición española hacia la democracia. Quizá por ello, el único magistrado que ha intentado investigar los crímenes del dictador ha sido expulsado de la carrera judicial.

Por eso, aprovecho este 75º aniversario para pedir justicia, reparación y memoria para las víctimas. 75 años después, es imprescindible saldar esta cuenta con las vidas, la dignidad y las libertades que los franquistas arrebataron por la fuerza a millones de personas.

  Marek Henryk Migalski (ECR). - Nawiążę do tego, o czym mówiła pani Záborská, to znaczy o Łukaszence i o dyktaturze na Białorusi. W ostatnich dniach zostali zwolnieni dwaj więźniowie polityczni Sannikau i Bandarenka. To dobry ruch, ale myślę, że on dlatego jest taki dobry, że Unia Europejska pokazała, że potrafi od czasu do czasu być twarda i jednoznaczna w swoim potępieniu reżimu białoruskiego.

Nie zapominajmy jednak, że w chwili obecnej w więzieniach na Białorusi przebywa kilkunastu więźniów politycznych i ta linia, która została wypracowana w naszym Parlamencie w ciągu ostatnich paru tygodni, powinna zostać utrzymana, dlatego że zaczęła przynosić efekty. Mam nadzieję, że ani nasza Izba, ani Unia Europejska jako całość nie wykaże się słabością i tym, co niestety było dotychczas znakiem firmowym naszej instytucji, to znaczy pewną wahliwością przejawiającą się robieniem dwóch kroków wprzód, żeby zrobić trzy kroki w tył. Zachowajmy w tej materii stałość poglądów i to przyniesie efekty dla Białorusinów i dla nas.

  Claudio Morganti (EFD). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, nelle ultime settimane sono avvenuti alcuni episodi che mi limiterei a definire curiosi, se non fosse però che questi rappresentano un'idea molto grave e pericolosa. In Italia, un gruppo di pseudoricercatori, dotati però di riconoscimenti europei e internazionali, ha manifestato l'intenzione di voler riconsiderare, o addirittura bandire, la lettura della Divina Commedia, il capolavoro di Dante conosciuto e apprezzato da secoli da milioni di cittadini in ogni parte del mondo. A loro dire, il poema presenta infatti troppi riferimenti razzisti, antisemiti e islamofobici e pertanto andrebbe rivisto in chiave moderna e politicamente corretta.

A Vienna, l'Associazione dei ristoratori cittadini ha proposto di bandire alcuni nomi di piatti tradizionali, come la cotoletta dello zingaro o il pane del negro, per non urtare la sensibilità altrui. Questi episodi non sono isolati, ma rappresentano un sentimento comune e diffuso in Europa, ovvero rinnegare le nostre radici solamente per compiacere culture diverse, ma un albero senza radici muore, e così rischia di fare l'Europa se non cambia subito registro e difende le sue origini e tradizioni.

  Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL). - Senhor Presidente, Portugal votou na semana passada o tratado, melhor dizendo, o ultimato orçamental que não se trata, aliás, de um tratado europeu, é bom referi-lo. O voto favorável dos partidos do governo reflete a acumulação de décadas e décadas de estupidez e uma atitude típica do bom aluno graxista que não pensa e obedece aos maus professores. A posição do PS e do seu líder foi a de passar de uma perigosíssima abstenção violenta para um rastejante voto a favor. Esta aliança faz da nossa Assembleia da República, da portuguesa, o primeiro parlamento a aceitar a humilhação que lhe seja amputada uma das suas mais importantes funções para as quais o povo o elegeu: decidir anualmente o orçamento do país. Este é mais um golpe da União Europeia, mais um, é um golpe em que o poder do dinheiro fica cada vez mais fora do alcance dos votos dos cidadãos. E eu pergunto, Senhor Presidente, é democrático alguém votar para que não se possa votar mais?

  Crescenzio Rivellini (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la situazione in Italia è drammatica e la nostra partecipazione all'Europa è in crisi. Questo perché i lavoratori italiani non capiscono l'Europa quando perdono il lavoro perché grandi aziende chiudono da noi per aprire in paesi europei che hanno un costo di lavoro più basso. Non capiscono l'Europa se la BCE apparentemente finanzia il piccolo e medio credito, mentre invece aiuta solo gli istituti bancari.

Non capiscono l'Europa se viene licenziato un governo democraticamente eletto dagli italiani per sostituirlo con tecnici che, come unica soluzione alla crisi, propongono l'aumento delle tasse e della benzina. Non capiscono l'Europa se i pescatori italiani al confine con la Croazia sono penalizzati da regole che i croati, che tra poco entreranno nel mercato comune, non rispettano. Non capiscono l'Europa se entrano a sfruttare le nostre risorse paesi che non hanno nulla a che vedere con il vecchio continente, che ha confini ben definiti dalla storia: le rocce di Stonehenge a occidente, il grano di Budapest a oriente, la Porta di Brandeburgo al nord e Castel del Monte al sud: questa è l'Europa.

  Ioan Enciu (S&D). - Problema presupuselor zboruri şi centre de detenţie CIA din Europa a revenit în atenţia Parlamentului European, un lucru pozitiv, întrucât consider că este foarte important ca adevărul să iasă la iveală.

Lupta împotriva terorismului nu poate fi şi nu trebuie să fie niciodată mai importantă decât protejarea drepturilor omului şi, de aceea, eventualele abuzuri trebuie să fie condamnate. Pe de altă parte, însă, trebuie să avem în vedere că acuzare repetată a unor state fără niciun fel de dovezi reale este şi ea o formă de abuz. România, spre exemplu, a fost acuzată în mod repetat că a găzduit centre de detenţie CIA, iar singurele dovezi în acest sens nu sunt decât câteva articole din presă. Anchetele parlamentare şi civice au dovedit că nu au existat niciun fel de centre. De aceea, vreau să atrag atenţia că aflarea adevărului în cazul închisorilor CIA nu înseamnă lansarea de acuzaţii repetate şi nefondate, ci analizarea echitabilă a unor fapte reale şi obiective care, cel puţin în cazul României, s - a dovedit că nu există.

  Pat the Cope Gallagher (ALDE). - A Uachtaráin, creidim gur bunchloch tógála i dtéarnamh geilleagrach na hÉireann agus sa limistéar Euro é daingniú an chonartha fhioscaigh.

The economic problems facing Europe in recent years has required a response across a range of different policy areas.

Le cúpla bliain anuas, tá rialacha úra á gcur i bhfeidhm ag an Aontas chun rialáil na hearnála seirbhísí airgeadais a fheabhsú. Agus anois tá conradh á mholadh ag an Aontas a thabharfadh seasmhacht bhreise don limistéar Euro. Gan limistéar Euro atá seasmhach, tá sé an-deacair an téarnamh geilleagrach a spreagadh.

Chruthódh seasmhacht airgeadais na coinníollacha eacnamaíochta a bhíonn ag teastáil chun poist a chruthú. Beidh teacht ag na tíortha a dhaingníonn an Conradh Fioscach ar an Sásra Cobhsaíochta Eorpach. Beidh tábhacht ar leith ag baint leis an ghné sin den Chonradh d’Éirinn nuair a bheidh sí ag iarraidh filleadh ar na margaí airgeadais idirnáisiúnta. Ní mór dóibh siúd atá ag cur i gcoinne an Chonartha a léiriú conas mar a éireoidh le hÉirinn filleadh ar na margaí gan a bheith mar bhaill de sin.

  Rui Tavares (Verts/ALE). - Senhor Presidente, repete-se uma triste realidade na Guiné-Bissau: mais uma vez, os militares, em vez de defenderem a pátria ou a ordem constitucional e a vida humana, atacam todas para dar lugar aos seus negócios sujos.

Um relatório das Nações Unidas, em 2008, alertava para o facto de as ilhas desabitadas da Guiné-Bissau serem usadas por traficantes de droga que atuam com total impunidade com o acordo de importantes figuras militares, baseados na corrupção e na total inexistência de leis. O que foi feito desde 2008? O que fez a União Europeia? Mandou retirar a missão que estava na Guiné-Bissau para trabalhar com o exército guineense, para tentar implantar uma mentalidade civilista neste exército. Foi um gravíssimo erro. Se de hoje para amanhã tivermos, já temos, um Estado falhado e se tivermos uma situação que vai ser muito grave, que vai ser difícil de resolver e que vai ter consequências para a União Europeia, de tráfico de droga e de armas naquele país, nós, a nossa incoerência na nossa estratégia na Guiné-Bissau estará também em causa.

Vai daqui uma palavra de esperança para o povo guineense que sabemos que quer a paz, a reforma, a moderação no seu país e que quer reconstruir e fazer a sua vida.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). - Panie Przewodniczący! Szanowni Państwo! Dwa lata temu pod Smoleńskiem w Rosji rozbił się samolot, który przewoził polskiego prezydenta, najwyższych dowódców wojsk w moim kraju, a także elitę władzy. Minęły dwa lata, a wrak tego samolotu cały czas jest w rękach Rosji, która nie chce oddać go Polsce. Nie chce oddać również czarnych skrzynek. Obie rzeczy są dowodami w śledztwie. Śledztwo to w praktyce stoi w miejscu. To sytuacja niesamowita, żeby w XXI wieku nie można było dojść do wyjaśnienia przyczyn tej tragicznej dla mego kraju katastrofy. Mam nadzieję, że w tej sprawie Unia Europejska włączy się i umiędzynarodowi to śledztwo. Jest to absolutnie konieczne, aby tę sprawę wyjaśnić.

  Gerard Batten (EFD). - Mr President, jobs which could easily be saved are being lost in London because of EU legislation. The Tate and Lyle sugar refinery in the borough of Newham has been forced to cut back on production and lay off 30 staff. This is because under EU quota rules they cannot buy the raw sugar they need within the EU.

However, the Commission has the power to change the rules and allow Tate and Lyle to buy what they need on the world market. I wrote to Commissioner Cioloş on 14 March asking him to urgently meet with Tate and Lyle so they could put their case for resolving the problem. So far I have not had a reply.

We cannot afford to lose these jobs in one of the poorest parts of London. I urge Commissioner Cioloş to meet with Tate and Lyle as soon as possible in order to reach a solution.

  Søren Bo Søndergaard (GUE/NGL). - Hr. formand! Jeg har en appel til formanden vedrørende menneskerettighedsaktivisten al-Khawaja, der i dag har sultestrejket i 69 dage i Bahrain i et fængsel. Det sker i protest mod kongediktaturet og mod den indespærring og tortur, som han er udsat for. Hvad er så hans forbrydelse? Det er at kæmpe for demokrati og menneskerettigheder. Ikke med vold, men med ord og med fredelige demonstrationer. Efter 69 dages sultestrejke er al-Khawaja ved at dø. Det må ikke ske. Hans kamp må være vores kamp! Derfor vil jeg opfordre formanden til at sikre, at der herfra sendes en hastehenvendelse til kongen i Bahrain. Al-Khawaja må øjeblikkeligt løslades. Hver dag tæller. I morgen kan det være for sent.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). - A Uachtaráin, go raibh maith agat as ucht seans a thabhairt dom cúpla focal a rá faoi ábhar atá ag cur isteach ormsa, ar Fheisirí Éireannacha agus go háirithe ar mo chomhghleacaí Phil Prendergast ó na Sóisialaithe.

Dúmharaíodh saoránach Éireannach ag fórsaí na Bolaive díreach trí bliana ó shin anois.

Despite what the Bolivian authorities said, it would appear that Michael Dwyer was unarmed, yet he was shot in the heart and three times in the back by the Bolivian authorities. Naturally the family want answers to questions but, despite three years having elapsed, the Bolivian authorities are not willing to grant an open, independent, international inquiry into the situation.

His parents Martin and Caroline and his sister Aisling were here last week. In fairness, they got a good hearing here in Parliament, especially from Lady Ashton, who is supportive of a démarche between both countries, but we need an independent, international open inquiry. We are giving EUR 234 million in aid to the Bolivian authorities and that should be used to force them to give closure to this situation and grant the inquiry.

  Emer Costello (S&D). - Mr President, as a member of Dublin’s North Inner City Drugs Task Force, I have received an increasing number of reports of violence, harassment and intimidation targeted against the families – including elderly parents – of drug users and against addicts over drug debts, very often involving small sums of money.

In 2008, the Dial to Stop Drug Dealing and Threats service was launched in Ireland. It provides a confidential service for reporting drug dealing. Since then, there have been over 9 000 calls to the service, resulting in two and half thousand reports to the Irish police’s drugs unit.

I would like to urge the Commission to now consider introducing a common Europe-wide Dial to Stop Drug Dealing and Threats service, similar to the Europe-wide numbers for missing children, child help lines, crime victims and non-emergency medical calls.

I would also urge the Commission to support and fund this very useful public service under the EU drugs action plan, the Daphne Programme, and other similar EU initiatives, so that we can deal with this issue on a transnational and Europe-wide basis.

  Ramon Tremosa i Balcells (ALDE). - Mr President, yesterday a new chapter was written in the long history of nationalisations. Argentina decided to nationalise YPF, an oil company and the property of Repsol. This unilateral move will make the Government of Argentina the biggest stakeholder in the company with a 51% participation and will leave Repsol with only 6% instead of the 57% it has now.

This attack against the rule of law and private property creates juridical insecurity and signifies a loss of confidence for international investors in Argentina. This is an action that brings Argentina closer to Cuba and Venezuela than to successful and open Brazil.

Therefore I ask this Chamber, the Commission and the Council, to support Repsol and all other European investments in Argentina against this situation, to put trade negotiations temporarily on hold and to put in place measures and strong mechanisms to ensure that it is not repeated in the future.

  Νικος Χρυσόγελος (Verts/ALE). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, με αφορμή τη σημερινή παγκόσμια ημέρα μείωσης των εξοπλισμών θα πρέπει να διδαχθούμε από τα λάθη τα οποία έκανε η Ελλάδα στα θέματα αυτά. Από το 1974 έως το 2011 η Ελλάδα δαπάνησε γύρω στα 218 δισεκατομμύρια δολάρια σε αμυντικά και εξοπλιστικά προγράμματα. Μάλιστα την περίοδο 2001-2011, και παρά τη μείωση των αμυντικών εξοπλιστικών της δαπανών κατά το 2011 λόγω της δημοσιονομικής προσαρμογής, η Ελλάδα υπήρξε ο πέμπτος μεγαλύτερος εισαγωγέας στρατιωτικού εξοπλισμού στον κόσμο, με 10,3 δις δολάρια, μετά την Κίνα, την Ινδία, τη Νότια Κορέα και τα Ηνωμένα Αραβικά Εμιράτα. Όμως, και την πενταετία 2007-2011 η Ελλάδα ήταν ο μεγαλύτερος παραλήπτης γερμανικών και ο δεύτερος μεγαλύτερος παραλήπτης γαλλικών εξοπλιστικών προγραμμάτων.

Πρέπει, σίγουρα, να διδαχθούμε από τα λάθη, γιατί αυτοί που επωφελήθηκαν από τα εξοπλιστικά προγράμματα είναι κυρίως οι μεγάλες πολεμικές βιομηχανίες, αλλά και στελέχη της ελληνικής διοίκησης καθώς και έλληνες πολιτικοί που είχαν την ευθύνη για την επιλογή των διαφόρων εξοπλιστικών προγραμμάτων. Αποκορύφωμα είναι, βέβαια, η σύλληψη του πρώην υπουργού άμυνας της Ελλάδας, του κ. Τσοχατζόπουλου.

  Jacek Włosowicz (EFD). - Przed chwilą zakończyliśmy debatę na temat negocjacji układów o stowarzyszeniu z Armenią i Azerbejdżanem. Z dużym niepokojem jednak – jak sądzę – wszyscy eurodeputowani przyjmują sytuację także w Iranie, kraju graniczącym z tym regionem. Według doniesień medialnych atmosfera przeprowadzonych w sobotę w Stambule rozmów sześciu mocarstw z Iranem wydaje się nieść optymizm. Podobno strona irańska zasygnalizowała gotowość zaangażowania w dyskusji o programie nuklearnym.

Niepokoi mnie jednak fakt, że z drugiej strony obserwujemy koncentrację wojsk rosyjskich na południowej granicy Rosji, czyli na Kaukazie. Uważam, iż powinniśmy zrobić wszystko, by powstrzymać Iran przed wzbogacaniem uranu – jakoby dla potrzeb cywilnych w energetyce i w medycynie – a następnie kontynuować negocjacje w przyszłym miesiącu w Bagdadzie i jednocześnie nie spuszczać z oka poczynań Rosji, by ta nie wykorzystała sytuacji, gdy uwaga będzie skupiona na Iranie, by przejąć kontrolę nad byłymi republikami radzieckimi, a zwłaszcza nad ich zasobami naturalnymi.

  Gianni Vattimo (ALDE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, volevo ricordare che, questa settimana, a Washington, molti esponenti della società civile e di vari partiti politici mondiali si incontrano per sollecitare il Presidente Obama a un atto di giustizia: ridare la libertà ai cinque cubani arrestati nel 1998 in Florida e accusati dal governo americano di spionaggio e infiltrazione negli Stati Uniti come agenti segreti di uno Stato straniero, senza che niente di tutto ciò potesse mai essere provato.

Processati in un forte clima di ostilità a Miami, furono condannati a pene esorbitanti, in violazione del Patto internazionale sui diritti civili e politici. L'ONU ha dichiarato nullo questo processo, in quanto privo delle minime garanzie della difesa, ed ha impegnato il governo americano a rimetterli in libertà. Amnesty International ha più volte criticato gli Stati Uniti per il trattamento riservato ai cinque prigionieri, in quanto contrario a tutti i diritti umani.

Oggi tutti i gradi di giudizio sono terminati e i cubani sono in carcere da 14 anni, dipende solo dal Presidente Obama rimediare a questa grave ingiustizia. (Il Presidente ritira la parola all'oratore).

  Ana Miranda (Verts/ALE). - Senhor Presidente, preservar a biodiversidade é um dos objetivos da União Europeia, que, infelizmente, nem sempre se cumpre com necessária eficácia. Este é o caso da Galiza onde arderam 16 000 hectares este ano, onde os incêndios deitaram por terra espaços de incalculável valor económico, sete deles incluídos na Rede Natura. Há um mês, este era o aspeto do espaço natural das Fragas do Eume, um dos principais bosques atlânticos da Europa, hoje este é o aspeto desolador desta floresta. Por isso, solicitamos à Comissão Europeia que promova políticas preventivas comuns contra os incêndios, políticas territoriais que evitem o abandono de terras, que se cumpram os planos diretores para proteger e conservar estes ecossistemas. Nós queremos deixar para o futuro um país verde.

  Andrea Zanoni (ALDE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, voglio attirare l'attenzione su quello che potrebbe accadere a breve in una delle più belle foreste italiane, quella del Cansiglio, ubicata tra Veneto e Friuli. Si tratta di un'area di elevatissimo pregio naturalistico facente parte della rete Natura 2000. Proprio in questa foresta, già tutelata dalla Repubblica serenissima di Venezia, per la prima volta, dopo un divieto che dura da centinaia di anni, si aprirà la caccia a centinaia di cervi, voluta dalle province di Treviso e Belluno e dalle regioni Veneto e Friuli. Verranno barbaramente uccise anche le femmine di cervo gravide, pronte al parto, come stabilito dai piani di abbattimento.

Con il pretesto della sovrappopolazione, contestato dal WWF e da molte altre associazioni, le autorità italiane stanno dando il via libera a queste uccisioni. L'Unione europea deve vigilare con maggiore incisività per il rispetto delle direttive che tutelano la biodiversità, provvedendo a sanzionare puntualmente tutte le amministrazioni locali che le infrangono.

  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL). - Senhor Presidente, a situação social e económica do povo português está a deteriorar-se gravemente, as suas condições de vida estão a regredir rapidamente para níveis sub-humanos e insuportáveis. Enquanto isso, a troica, de que a Comissão Europeia faz parte, com a concordância servil do Governo português, considera que Portugal se encontra no bom caminho. Mas vejamos que bom caminho é esse: será que o aumento do endividamento e a dependência económica, o afundamento da recessão com o consequente aumento do desemprego que já chegou aos 15 %, com a previsão de destruição de mais de 200 mil empregos em 2012 e 2013, o aumento da miséria com um quarto dos portugueses a viverem no limiar da pobreza significa que Portugal está no bom caminho? Consideram os senhores que o rebaixamento do nível de vida dos portugueses, com uma estimativa de quebra de 7,3 % no consumo privado em 2012, o roubo dos subsídios de férias e de Natal aos trabalhadores da administração pública e aos reformados, o congelamento e diminuição de salários é porque Portugal está no bom caminho? Consideram os senhores que o encerramento de múltiplas valências de saúde pública com vista à sua privatização, bem como tantos outros serviços públicos, o aumento de portugueses com carências alimentares, nomeadamente crianças em idade escolar é um sinal que Portugal está no bom caminho?

  Kristiina Ojuland (ALDE). - Mr President, the Kremlin authorities are negotiating the acquisition of a EUR 20 million piece of land in the middle of Paris. It is meant for the construction of a Russian Orthodox Church under the leadership of the Moscow Patriarch Cyril, who is not content with the existing historic Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Paris that welcomes believers.

The Russian state has endorsed the programme of construction of 200 churches in 10 years, discussing plans for the construction of 500 in future within this state-church fusion project.

I think the separation of the church and state is a core element of any democracy. It is our duty to protect our citizens from confessions to the Kremlin’s agents under the charming Orthodox golden cupolas. We have to decide whether we allow these ambivalent Putin regime establishments to be created in the EU or not.

21. Ημερήσια διάταξη της επόμενης συνεδρίασης: βλ. Συνοπτικά Πρακτικά

22. Λήξη της συνεδρίασης

(Die Sitzung wird um 23.00 Uhr geschlossen.)