Stenograma dezbaterilor

Marţi, 12 iunie 2012 - Strasbourg

12. Ultimele evoluţii din Orientul Mijlociu, inclusiv situaţia din Siria (dezbatere)

  Πρόεδρος. - Το επόμενο σημείο είναι δήλωση της Αντιπροέδρου της Επιτροπής/Ύπατης Εκπροσώπου της Ένωσης για την Εξωτερική Πολιτική και Πολιτική Ασφάλειας σχετικά με τις τελευταίες εξελίξεις στη Μέση Ανατολή, συμπεριλαμβανομένης της καταστάσεως στη Συρία [2012/2672(RSP)]

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Council/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Madam President, given the situation in the region, let me begin with the crisis that is unfolding in Syria.

I do not have to say how appalled all Members of this House and all of us are by the sickening violence that we continue to witness in Syria. Security forces and militias have bombarded cities with no regard for citizens. There have been massacres and point-blank killings. We have seen this last week in a village near Hama, and the week before in Houla, where security forces and militias killed men, women and children. Those responsible for these crimes must ultimately be held to account and we must focus on doing everything we can to stop this bloodshed.

We are at a critical moment. The situation is deteriorating day by day as the regime’s behaviour reinforces the most radical elements on all sides. And yet most ordinary Syrians long for the transition that would avoid bloodshed, keep the country together and respect minorities. If the descent into further militarisation continues, it will spell terrible disaster not only for the people of Syria, but also for the broader region – I am thinking especially of Lebanon – where developments are extremely worrying.

As I have discussed with Kofi Annan – over recent weeks and most lately on Friday – we must spare no effort to avoid a catastrophe. Assad has no place in the future of Syria. His regime fails to comply with its own commitments and every day underlines its lack of legitimacy. The implementation of Kofi Annan’s plan is certainly not easy and its viability has been questioned. But despite all the challenges it remains today the best way forward.

We have to act decisively to prevent further bloodshed, while avoiding fuelling the flames of sectarian violence. The only way forward is first of all to reinforce Kofi Annan’s leverage with the Syrian regime and to try to make the mission more effective. No other option has been able to gather together any kind of international support. I do pay tribute to Kofi Annan for his extraordinary efforts in exceedingly difficult conditions. He has the support and legitimacy of the international community through the United Nations and of course through the Arab League. Secretary-General Ban-Ki moon told the General Assembly on Thursday that this plan must remain the centrepiece of our efforts.

But that alone is not enough. We need to do much more to further isolate the regime, build real and operational international consensus, strengthen international sanctions and press the government towards compliance and transition. As Kofi Annan himself has made very clear, all concerned – and in particular the Members of the UN Security Council and those who have influence on the regime and on Russia and China in particular – must unite and apply more effective pressure to move forward to a solution.

That is why we need to agree on a road map that reinforces Kofi Annan and the plan and that involves, I would argue, three key priorities: firstly, a more effective contact group that includes Russia and China, to coordinate support for Kofi Annan and exert influence on the regime. I therefore welcome the idea of a contact group of key actors on the Syrian crisis announced by Kofi Annan last Thursday in the UN Security Council. The international community has to show unity in this critical moment.

Secondly, united action by the UN Security Council to add more robust and effective pressure, including the reinforcement of sanctions under Chapter VII and, thirdly, international consensus around a political process and transition.

With those three priorities in mind, I have engaged with Kofi Annan and other leaders to try to seek a new consensus, including meeting last week in Istanbul, where I attended a special meeting on Syria, and at the EU-Russia Summit the weekend before.

Work on the political process cannot wait. It is crucial for the credibility of the international efforts and to show the people of Syria that there is a path leading to a better, rather than a more fragmented, Syria. But for this to happen, the opposition must finally come together and put its differences aside. Frankly, new leadership is not enough. A stronger and more united opposition that represents a credible alternative for all Syrians is essential.

We discussed ongoing efforts with Turkey and we are coordinating closely with the Arab League. We continue to meet the different factions and groups in the opposition. Now we are working on two seminars that will feed into the Arab League plans to organise a larger meeting with them.

In addition to our sanctions, diplomatic efforts and support to the UN Mission, which are appreciated by the UN, humanitarian assistance remains a top priority for the EU. Innocent civilians and children are paying the price of this crisis. I am working closely with Commissioner Georgieva to use all the tools we have at our disposal to deliver our assistance.

We have already allocated over EUR 28 million to address the humanitarian needs inside Syria and its neighbouring countries. We need the Syrian Government to implement the agreed comprehensive humanitarian response plan without any more excuses or delays.

Last week the Commission approved EUR 23 million in special measures – I had previously announced that in this plenary and it has now been approved – to support civil society within Syria and neighbouring countries who are supporting Syrian refugees.

While I was in Istanbul last week, our Crisis Coordinator engaged with the Turkish authorities and visited the camps on Turkey’s borders. We offered further help to Turkey, as needed. I believe that Turkey is doing a great job in dealing with the refugees, and they can count on our support as they continue to do so.

We will continue to call for accountability and support UN efforts in this regard. This is something that we owe to the victims. The UN is investigating the latest massacres and the Human Rights Council – with our full support – is setting up a Committee of Investigation.

Some Member States have decided to withdraw and expel Ambassadors. Our Delegation in Damascus will remain open for as long as possible. This has been the request of many honourable Members and, more importantly, of the Syrians themselves. They are our ears, eyes and hands to help on the ground.

If I might, I will now turn to the Middle East peace process where our objective remains the same. I have been very clear from the beginning of what we call the Arab Spring or Arab Awakening that developments in the region make the peace process and a negotiated solution even more urgent and important, not less. While we have to pay – and should pay – great attention to events in Syria, Egypt and elsewhere, ending the conflict remains a key priority and a fundamental European Union interest.

The EU and the Quartet continue efforts to facilitate contacts between the parties, to resume direct and substantive talks, in line with the statements the Quartet has made, both in September last year and April of this year.

I have already mentioned in this House the work of Jordan and, in particular, I thank His Majesty King Abdullah II and the Minister of Foreign Affairs Judeh, for their good offices in fostering the conditions to try to see the resumption of these negotiations. We are working closely with them to do everything we can to facilitate the process and I hope the 14 May Foreign Affairs Council conclusions demonstrated to all the strong and principled position of the European Union.

I have welcomed the recent exchange of letters between the parties and Prime Minister Netanyahu’s statement that the new Israeli Government will try to advance ‘a responsible peace process’. We want the parties to build on positive exchanges and resume direct talks.

We remain unequivocally committed to the security of Israel, including with regard to vital threats in the region. We have condemned all forms of violence against civilians, including the rocket attacks from Gaza.

But the truth is that while the Middle East peace process is not making the progress we all want, the prospects for a two-state solution are being undermined by developments on the ground. Proposals for new settlements around East Jerusalem, the lack of Palestinian involvement in Area C, the growth of settlements in the West Bank, settler violence and the financial situation of the Palestinian Authority all threaten the viability of a two-state solution.

EU Foreign Ministers at the last Foreign Affairs Council expressed a clear and strong consensual position in our conclusions, forging a common EU approach to developments on the ground. This was an important step forward. Insisting on the need to respect international and humanitarian law is absolutely consistent with our friendship with Israel.

Settlements remain the key and most serious concern. Only last week I deplored the Israeli Government’s plans to build over 800 additional settlement housing units. Settlement expansion has to be condemned because these are illegal under international law and put current peace efforts at risk. I want to reiterate my call on the Israeli Government to exercise the highest sense of responsibility by reversing these decisions, in full respect of international law.

The EU will not recognise any changes to the pre-1967 lines, including with regard to Jerusalem, unless they are agreed by both parties. Plans for major settlement expansion around the city’s southern flank risk cementing this, and the prospect of Jerusalem as the future capital for both states is being further undermined.

As regards settlement products, EU Foreign Ministers underlined the need to work with the Commission to ensure EU legislation is implemented effectively and with as much transparency as possible.

We will follow up on the Council conclusions, also seeking progress with regard to Area C for the benefit of the Palestinian population – a pressing issue that was the focus of our discussions at the last Ad Hoc Liaison Committee I hosted in Brussels. I believe development of Area C is critical to the viability of a future Palestinian state. Israel needs to help and facilitate this with concrete and pragmatic steps. We are also really concerned by recent and increasing incidents of settler violence, which we all condemn.

The precarious state of the Palestinian Authority’s finances is an issue. I have been engaged with them from the beginning of my mandate, working closely with Foreign Minister Støre of Norway. I want to thank Parliament again for its principled and constructive position with regard to the EU budget as I continue to urge countries in the region, and others, to share the burden and increase their support.

On the humanitarian front, of course, the most pressing situation is in Gaza. I have visited three times since taking office, so my message and our support are clear. We need to open the crossings in Gaza as the best way of improving the well-being of the people and to see goods and people move freely. On the political front, I recognise the concrete progress on the reconciliation which President Abbas has engaged in.

But I want to stress again that the EU’s involvement in the region is also defined by its commitment to human rights, which must be respected by both parties. We will continue to address these issues in the context of our bilateral relations at all levels. I have been really concerned at reports of Palestinian Authority restrictions on freedom of speech and have urged both sides to deal effectively with acts of incitement. The extensive use of administrative detention is a key concern we raise at every opportunity.

Let me finish by reiterating our stated policy, which is a negotiated two-state solution. A one-state outcome cannot be the solution. Prime Minister Netanyahu reiterated last week his support for a two-state solution, and I hope we will see those strong words of his supported by action from both sides to move forward to a negotiated settlement for the people of Israel and the people of Palestine.

  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señora Presidenta, señora Vicepresidenta de la Comisión/Alta Representante, Señorías, quisiera centrarme en el caso de Siria y, ante la degradación de la situación en este país y el creciente número de víctimas —incluidos mujeres y niños degollados—, creo que se han agotado todos los calificativos y que los sentimientos que mejor resumen nuestra situación son la indignación y, desde luego, la sensación de frustración y de impotencia que tiene la comunidad internacional.

Es evidente que el plan de Kofi Annan ha fracasado estrepitosamente y que habrá que pensar en otras alternativas, y no es precisamente guardando un minuto de silencio -como se ha hecho recientemente en las Naciones Unidas- y aplicando sanciones económicas que se va a poder superar esta situación.

El Secretario General de las Naciones Unidas ha dicho con toda claridad que el Presidente de Siria ha perdido completamente su legitimidad y que no podemos acostumbrarnos a que las masacres sean el pan nuestro de cada día. Esta situación y este conflicto se están prolongando demasiado, en mi opinión, con la complicidad, muy particularmente, de un miembro permanente del Consejo de Seguridad y del régimen iraní.

Señora Ashton, hace un momento, en este mismo hemiciclo, hemos mantenido un amplio debate sobre el papel que le corresponde a la Unión Europea en defensa de los derechos y de las libertades fundamentales en la Unión Europea, y más allá de nuestra presencia en los diferentes grupos de contacto —absolutamente justificada—, la Unión Europea tiene la obligación de presentar iniciativas para salir de esta situación y evitar que el Presidente de Siria siga ganando tiempo y masacrando a la oposición.

Es evidente también que el Consejo Nacional Sirio tiene que cooperar, y esperemos que su nuevo presidente, elegido en Estambul el otro día, pueda aglutinar a la oposición interna y externa. Sin embargo, ante el fracaso de las medidas diplomáticas, no quedan muchas alternativas: una intervención humanitaria, que hoy por hoy no es posible por el veto de Rusia y de China en el Consejo de Seguridad; unos acuerdos políticos con el Presidente al Asad que se sigan traduciendo en una situación en la que él gana tiempo y aplica ferozmente represalias a la oposición, o bien otros mecanismos que finalmente desemboquen en el desencadenamiento —ya prácticamente un hecho— de una guerra civil.

La experiencia en países vecinos nos demuestra que, para tratar de salir de esta situación a corto plazo, es importante buscar soluciones políticas de transferencia de poder a medio plazo. En este contexto, esta solución es muy difícil sin una presencia militar y sin tropas internacionales.

Señora Ashton, le pregunto sobre este punto: ¿cree usted finalmente que será posible asegurar una presencia militar para tratar de dar una respuesta y parar este atroz conflicto que en estos momentos está planteado en dicho país? ¿Quiénes serían los llamados a suministrar esas tropas?

  Véronique De Keyser, au nom du groupe S&D. – Madame la Présidente, je rejoins tant mon collègue Salafranca que Mme Ashton pour dire à quel point nous nous sentons impuissants et horrifiés par les images qui nous viennent de Syrie. Néanmoins, je ne rejoins pas tout à fait Ignacio Salafranca dans son idée aujourd'hui de présence militaire. Ou du moins, il faudrait s'entendre sur ce qu'on appellerait une présence militaire dans la mesure où il y a aujourd'hui des observateurs dont le mandat pourrait être éventuellement élargi.

Mais je pense que la tentation d'une intervention militaire dans cette région du monde – avec le Liban à côté, dont la moitié soutient Bachar el-Assad, l'Iran, qui est tout près, l'Iraq, qui est à côté, et la déstabilisation et le terrorisme qui ne manqueraient pas de s'introduire dans la région – est tellement importante que nous sommes vraiment devant un dilemme. Pour le moment, en dehors des pressions politiques extrêmement importantes, en dehors d'une pression humanitaire qui fait quelques progrès aujourd'hui, je crois que l'impact d'une intervention militaire serait bien plus désastreux à mon sens.

C'est pour cela que je voudrais vous interroger Madame Ashton. Une partie de la solution, une partie du problème se trouve chez les Russes. Il y a eu le sommet Union européenne/Russie: quelle a été la réponse des Russes? Ils ont fait une proposition de conférence internationale sur la Syrie incluant l'Iran: quelle est votre réaction à cela? Par rapport aux armes et à la Russie, qu'ont-ils dit? C'est tout de même une partie importante de nos préoccupations, pour ce qui est de la Syrie.

Pour le moment, en dehors d'un plan Annan amélioré avec des butées temporelles et un passage du pouvoir, même en laissant Bachar el-Assad dans l'ombre, personnellement je crains une guerre de proximité, comme on dirait, c'est-à-dire des interventions étrangères bataillant dans une guerre confessionnelle. Et je dirais en plus que, hélas, si Bachar el-Assad est illégitime à nos yeux à cause des crimes qu'il a commis et dont il sera comptable, il n'est pas encore illégitime pour au moins 50 % de sa population, si pas davantage. Méfions-nous aujourd'hui du soutien dont bénéficie Bachar el-Assad soit par conviction, soit par crainte du chaos et d'une guerre confessionnelle.

En ce qui concerne – je vois que j'ai dépassé mon temps – Israël et la Palestine, nous aborderons la question à un autre moment, et nous reparlerons des colonies.

IN THE CHAIR: EDWARD McMILLAN-SCOTT
Vice-President

  Annemie Neyts-Uyttebroeck, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, we completely share the High Representative’s indignation and horror at what is ongoing in Syria, and all the frustrations at the difficulties we encounter. The sensitivities, or rather the temperaments, of some of my colleagues in my group might be different, some more inclined to intervene more quickly, others more aware of – well everybody is aware of – all the complexities of the situation, but according to our temperaments some might or might not demand quicker interventions.

My personal hopes are, High Representative, that the course you have chosen brings improvements and contributes to halting the horrors which are ongoing and that we finally see the departure of a leader who certainly, morally, has become completely illegitimate.

I would like to say a few things now about the Arab Spring, or what we call the Arab Spring. Of course, no two situations are alike and the situation in each of those countries is different. Myself, being a special friend of, or having a special tender feeling for Morocco, I am sometimes a little bit concerned that it might be overlooked because everything is going too smoothly, so to say, and that would be a pity. But that is not the most important thing right now.

Right now what I would like to warn against is excessive pessimism. The elections might not have given all the results we would have hoped for, but at least in most of the countries where they took place they have taken place in rather satisfactory circumstances, although there are question marks about the way things have gone in Algeria. I believe that the people in those countries deserve our continuing support, and one of the worst things we could do is turn our backs on them because they have not one hundred percent voted the way we would have ideally liked them to do.

Finally, on the Middle East, there are two short things I would like to say: first of all it should be clear to everybody that my entire political group is excessively committed to the possibility for Israel to develop in a secure way. At the same time, we are just as committed to seeing a two-state solution and very worried at seeing how this is becoming, on the ground, more and more difficult.

  Franziska Katharina Brantner, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, I should like to welcome the High Representative/Vice-President of the Commission.

The picture we get from Syria every day is more and more desperate. Let me reiterate that any leader who treats his people in this way – no matter how big his support might be, and I even doubt the 50 % – can have any legitimacy in our view.

There are three issues we would like you to tackle.

First of all, strengthen the local and internal opposition to pave the way for political transition. As you have mentioned to some extent, we need to support the internal opposition, the local committees –many of whom are working towards and form the diversity of the opposition movement – to help them build stronger links and, if necessary, to arrange meetings outside Syria.

But of course we need a political solution based on such an increase in internal coherence. I think you were right to mention the contact group; you mentioned Russia and China. Can I also ask for Iran to be included? I know there are some opposing voices inside the UN and US, but I think we need them to be a part of this if we want to have a solution, because they are part of the problem right now. We need to rethink our position there.

If you find such a contact group and possibly a solution, I think we need to back that up much more strongly than with the current UN mission. We need not hundreds, we need thousands; we need a full UN peacekeeping mission and I think it would be high time to prepare for it now. We know how long it takes for it to be effectively deployed on the ground. Mrs Ashton, I call on you to prepare this now; to get it ready, so that in time of need we can deploy it rapidly and have a full-on mission on the ground, and not just a few hundred.

Let me be clear, I am not calling for a UN mandate for international intervention as is the case in Libya, but for a peacekeeping mission inside Syria.

One final point. You were talking about Russia. Are we ready to put all the incentives and sanctions on the table that are needed to convince the Russians to allow for the downfall of Assad? What is it that we are really putting on a table? What price are we willing to pay to get Russia on board?

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, the ECR Group utterly condemns the barbaric atrocities perpetrated against innocent civilians, including women and children, by the al-Assad Ba’athist regime in Syria. Damascus has turned its paramilitary thugs against its own citizens. The so-called ‘shabiha’ are beyond control and are increasingly acting with total impunity. Their atrocities have actually shocked the international community and are reminiscent in my view of the unspeakable atrocities of the Balkans 20 years ago.

Considering the rapidly deteriorating situation, it is clear now that the Annan Plan has sadly failed, so Russia must now step up and use its unique leverage on Damascus to effect change and reverse its Security Council veto, thus unblocking the path for robust international action on Syria to prevent further bloodshed and pave the way, hopefully, for a democratic regime change with al-Assad well gone.

Russia must be aware that its credibility now is seriously at stake in the Arab world. China will surely follow the Russian lead. Clearly, the international community must now look to the Arab League for guidance, but I am not sure about Saudi Arabia and Qatar alone, because they are not entirely credible in my view as they are not true democracies and they are far too close politically speaking, and even arming the salafists. The Syrian National Council must now be more united. We must work on that, so all options are open to the West including now an arms embargo and even limited military intervention to protect further civilian atrocities. All this must remain on the table to avert further descent into an all-out sectarian civil war, or even Rwanda or Srebrenica-style genocide.

We should also consider proposing a fresh resolution in the Security Council to indict al-Assad and his henchmen before the ICC. Turkey of course is a key player and ultimately is a democracy with the military might to intervene, if it so wishes, at its borders, to impose a humanitarian safe corridor if necessary. Iran, which is dragging its feet, as you well know High Representative, with the EU and the IAEA over nuclear negotiations, will do everything it can to support its Damascus ally and its proxy Hezbollah, but the EU has no interest whatsoever, Ms Brantner, in supporting either of these two brutal regimes. Iran does not belong in the Contact Group, I am sorry.

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de EFD-Fractie. – Voorzitter, in Syrië zijn dit jaar reeds meer christenen vermoord dan in de periode 2003-2011 in buurland Irak. Dit schokkende feit hield een goede vriend, een vakbekwame Arabist, mij begin deze week vanuit zijn standplaats Damascus voor. Intussen vreest de alawitische minderheid in Syrië, circa drie miljoen zielen groot, regelrechte genocide, mocht het huidige Assad-regime ten val worden gebracht. Geen hersenspinsel, want haatpredikers, zoals Adnan al-Arour, roepen vanuit Saoedi-Arabië hiertoe openlijk op.

Hoe beoordeelt de Europese Unie, mevrouw Ashton, dit Syrische schrikbeeld? En tegelijkertijd verzoek ik u, indien het nog niet is geschied, Saoedi-Arabië aan te spreken op het verspreiden van ophitsende gruweltaal via satellieten vanuit Saoedisch grondgebied. Betrouwbare Syrische bronnen meldden mij gisteren dat salafistische rebellen thans zo zwaar bewapend zijn, dat ze hele stadswijken of zelfs complete steden controleren.

Voor de christelijke wijken in Homs en de steden Rastan en Qusair is dat solide gedocumenteerd. In navolging van Homs zijn vorige week ongeveer 10.000 christelijke burgers uit Qusair, met achterlating van al hun bezittingen, verjaagd door gewapende rebellen. Is deze informatie u evenzeer bekend en, zo ja, leidde deze trieste expulsie tot enige Europese actie, respectievelijk reactie?

  Κυριάκος Τριανταφυλλίδης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας GUE/NGL. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, σχετικά με την κατάσταση στη Συρία, καταδικάζουμε τις βιαιότητες και τα εγκλήματα κύρια ενάντια στον άμαχο πληθυσμό. Επιβάλλεται να εφαρμοστεί από όλες τις πλευρές το σχέδιο Ανάν και να δοθεί χώρος σε πολιτική λύση για ειρηνική διέξοδο από αυτή την κατάσταση που απειλεί τη χώρα με εμφύλιο πόλεμο και κατακερματισμό. Ταυτόχρονα τασσόμαστε ενάντια σε οποιαδήποτε στρατιωτική επέμβαση. Η κατάσταση απειλεί με καταστροφικές επιπτώσεις σε ολόκληρη την περιοχή όπως ήδη άρχισε να φαίνεται με τα γεγονότα στον Λίβανο, κατάσταση που μαζί με τους σχεδιασμούς της κυβέρνησης του Ισραήλ για χτύπημα κατά του Ιράν προβάλλει σαν εφιάλτης.

Το Ισραήλ στην Παλαιστίνη συνεχίζει να καταστρέφει επί του εδάφους τη δυνατότητα της λύσης δύο κρατών, η οποία αποτελεί δέσμευση της διεθνούς κοινότητας. Η πρόσφατη απόφαση για ανέγερση 800 νέων μονάδων για εποίκους στα κατεχόμενα παλαιστινιακά εδάφη είναι η τελευταία τέτοια πράξη του. Καταδικάζουμε τις εκδιώξεις Παλαιστινίων από τα ανατολικά Ιεροσόλυμα, που στοχεύουν στην αλλοίωση του δημογραφικού χαρακτήρα της πόλης. Καταδικάζουμε τις κατεδαφίσεις σπιτιών, τη συνεχιζόμενη μακροχρόνια φυλάκιση Παλαιστινίων, τις συνεχείς παραβιάσεις ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. Καλούμε την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να προχωρήσει τώρα σε αναγνώριση ανεξάρτητου παλαιστινιακού κράτους, που θα διασφαλίσει το ειρηνικό μέλλον των Παλαιστινίων και των Ισραηλινών και θα συμβάλει στη σταθερότητα σε όλη την περιοχή.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI). - Herr Präsident! Syrien wird offenbar immer mehr zu einem wahren Hexenkessel an Konflikten. Neben jenen Oppositionellen, die Reformen verlangen, wollen andere sich offenbar nur mit dem Sturz oder der Absetzung Assads zufrieden geben. Überdies mischen zunehmend Ultrareligiöse mit, die nun die Chance wittern, einen islamistischen Staat gründen zu können. Dass Syrien in der Region eine strategisch wichtige Rolle spielt, macht die Sache noch komplizierter. Die multireligiösen Spannungen werden noch durch ethnische Konflikte gesteigert. Diese werden durch Flüchtlinge bereits in die instabilen Nachbarländer getragen, und es könnte sich daraus tatsächlich so etwas wie ein Flächenbrand entwickeln.

Da ein Scheitern des Friedensplans meines Erachtens absehbar ist, ist es auf jeden Fall wichtig, den Druck auf Syrien weiter zu erhöhen. Eine militärische Intervention aber könnte meines Erachtens mehr Schaden anrichten als nützen. Vor allem deswegen, da es – anders als in Libyen – keine klare Front zwischen Regime und Aufständischen gibt, die man verteidigen könnte. Das Ganze artet langsam eher in ein Schlachten in einzelnen Stadtvierteln aus.

Für eine weitere Verwirrung sorgt auch, dass es keine einheitliche politische Opposition gibt. Dass ein Sturz des Regimes nicht unbedingt eine Besserung der Menschenrechtslage bringt, hat das Beispiel Libyen uns ja gezeigt. Geraten radikale Islamisten an die Macht, könnten in diesem ethnischen Spannungsfeld nach dem Sturz des Regimes wirklich wahre Blutbäder drohen, und das sollten wir auf jeden Fall von Seiten der Europäischen Union verhindern.

  Ria Oomen-Ruijten (PPE). - Voorzitter, mevrouw Ashton, collega's, laat mij beginnen met het Midden-Oosten. Ik moet u zeggen dat ik heel tevreden was, mevrouw Ashton, met de Raadsconclusies van 14 mei, want de partijen zeggen dan dat ze zich moeten onthouden van acties die de geloofwaardigheid van het vredesproces ondermijnen en ze spreken ook hun zorg uit over de ontwikkelingen ter plekke, die nu een tweestatenoplossing onmogelijk maken, zoals het Israëlisch nederzettingenbeleid, dat in strijd is met het internationaal recht en ook spreken ze goed over de erbarmelijke leefomstandigheden van de Palestijnen in Area C.

Voorzitter, er is ook iets dat ik mis in die Raadsconclusies, want als er geen tweestatenoplossing wordt bereikt, wat gebeurt er dan? Welk drukmiddel hebben wij, als diplomatieke en praktische initiatieven niet leiden tot een effectief vredesproces? Wat gaan wij dan doen als Europese Unie? Hoe kunnen we een oplossing afdwingen? Hoe lang blijft de inzet van een bemiddelaar nog geloofwaardig, als de partijen zich niet houden aan de overeengekomen afspraken?

Voorzitter, wij, en met name de Europese Unie, moeten alles doen om politieke druk uit te oefenen op de partijen. We zijn de belangrijkste handelspartner van Israël, maar we zijn bovendien ook de belangrijkste donor van de Palestijnse Autoriteit. Het wordt denk ik absoluut tijd dat we de drukmiddelen gaan gebruiken, want een waardengemeenschap, die wij als Europese Unie toch zijn, kan zich de hands off approach niet langer veroorloven.

Voorzitter, dan nog kort over Syrië. Wat doen we en wat zal en wil de Europese Unie doen om Rusland, en ook China in mindere mate, te overtuigen om aan het embargo mee te werken? Dat lijkt mij namelijk de enige manier om ervoor te zorgen dat we de burgeroorlog, die wij allen nu toch wel zien aankomen, nog kunnen voorkomen.

  Ana Gomes (S&D). - Mr President, the images we get daily of men, women and children savagely massacred in Syria leave us short of words to express our horror and our solidarity with the Syrian people. Bashar al-Assad and his henchmen and women, if they survive, will have to face international justice for crimes against humanity and war crimes against their people, but ominous responsibility also lies with their backers, Russia and China in particular, who continue to sell weapons to the regime and block action in the UN Security Council to stop the bloodshed, thus boycotting in practice the Annan Plan.

The incapacity of the UN Security Council to call for the international community to exercise their responsibility to protect the Syrian people is making the bloody conflict become a civil war, dramatically impacting a region already plagued by conflict. Lady Ashton, I fully second your words urging the Israeli authorities to stop the illegal settlement activity and move towards genuine peace with Palestine.

Iran, Saudi Arabia and Qatar should also be warned by the UN Security Council, and certainly by the European Union, about their interference in instigating the sectarian bloodshed by conducting their own proxy war in Syria at the expense of the Syrian people.

To the brave Syrians resisting at home and abroad, I can only in all honesty say that they must not wait for international action, should guard themselves from being used by extremists and terrorists and must lose no time in getting united under a platform for national salvation to overthrow the tyrant regime and move towards a new era of democratic conviviality among all ethnic and religious segments of the Syrian people.

  Kristiina Ojuland (ALDE). - Mr President, there is a popular saying which says that all that is required for evil to prevail is for good men to do nothing. I am not suggesting that the EU has responded inadequately to the Syrian crisis, but rather that in the light of recent events, we simply have to do more.

The crisis that has lasted for the past 15 months has turned Syria into a genuine battlefield, where thousands of innocent people have been killed. The reluctance to initiate a ceasefire or, more specifically, meet the conditions of the Annan Plan, show there to be no indications of these killings stopping.

I believe that the international community has the obligation to step up and consider all possible measures that can put an end to this horrific power struggle. The targeted sanctions, including travel bans and financial penalties against the regime, must be further implemented. More importantly, the EU should urge all countries to adopt an embargo on the supply of arms to the Syrian regime, starting with Russia.

  Frieda Brepoels (Verts/ALE). - Voorzitter, veel collega's hebben al gefocust op Syrië, en terecht. Ik steun dat volledig, maar ik wil iets zeggen over het Midden-Oosten. De Europese Unie is inderdaad al jaren de grootste donor van de Palestijnen, maar we zien onze inspanningen telkens tenietgedaan door acties van Israëlische zijde.

Ik ben ook blij, zoals collega Oomen-Ruijten, met de laatste conclusies van de Raad Buitenlandse Zaken over het Midden-Oosten, die echt de vinger op de wonde legt, gezien de netelige reactie van Israël achteraf, hetgeen betekent dat er een gevoelige snaar is geraakt. Dit zijn natuurlijk woorden die mooi zijn op papier, maar mijn vraag blijft nog altijd: wat moet de EU doen om echt te wegen op het vredesproces?

In dit verband heb ik een heel concrete vraag over het kwartet: wat vindt u van het voorstel dat destijds werd gedaan door de Arabische Liga, om hen op te nemen in het kwartet, en er met name er een quintet van te maken? Ik weet dat de Verenigde Staten dat afblokken, maar wat zegt de EU daarover? Misschien kan dat voor een nieuw momentum zorgen! En, beter nog, misschien zou de VN-Veiligheidsraad weer direct belast moeten worden met het vredesproces, aangezien de bemiddelingsopdracht van Blair niet veel zoden aan de dijk heeft gezet.

  Michał Tomasz Kamiński (ECR). - Pani Przewodniczący! To, jak zachowuje się prezydent Assad, nie powinno nikogo dziwić. To dyktator i zachowuje się dokładnie tak jak wszyscy dyktatorzy niezależnie od tego, czy dla utrzymania swojej władzy i pieniędzy posiłkują się ideologią prawicową, lewicową, nacjonalistyczną czy religijną. Każdy z takich dyktatorów – i udowodniła nam to historia – zrobi wszystko, by utrzymać się u władzy. Prezydent Assad robi więcej niż niektórzy najkrwawsi dyktatorzy – po to, by utrzymać się u władzy, morduje niewinne dzieci, morduje cywilów. Myślę, że miejscem, w którym powinien znaleźć się prezydent Assad, jest międzynarodowy trybunał, który osądza zbrodniarzy, bo dzisiaj trzeba jasno i wyraźnie powiedzieć, że prezydent Assad jest zbrodniarzem, zbrodniarzem przeciwko własnemu narodowi.

To co powinno nas dzisiaj przede wszystkim niepokoić, to to, że państwo, które dla nas jest ważnym partnerem i naszym sąsiadem, czyli Rosja, zupełnie cynicznie podtrzymuje reżim Assada. Zadajmy sobie pytanie, jakimi wartościami kieruje się reżim Putina, jeśli nie wywołuje w nich drżenia serca widok mordowanych dzieci?

  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL). - Señor Presidente, muchas gracias señora Ashton por su información. Efectivamente, los crímenes terribles de la población civil atribuidos tanto al Gobierno de Siria como a la oposición merecen una investigación rigurosa e imparcial para condenar a los culpables. Pero estos crímenes no deben alentar una intervención militar como la que se produjo en Afganistán, en Irak o en Libia. Estas tres intervenciones nos han dado un mundo mucho más inseguro —a las pruebas me remito—, como el ejemplo de Afganistán, de donde no se sabe cómo salir, un país que no es menos talibán que antes de la intervención.

Por lo tanto, no es el tiempo de los tambores de guerra. Son los tiempos de incentivar la vía diplomática. Yo celebro las conclusiones de la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghai, en las que los Estados que conforman esta organización, entre ellos China y Rusia, reclaman que se incentive la vía diplomática, que se haga una cumbre ―como plantea Rusia― internacional sobre Siria y, por lo tanto, incentivar todo lo que es la vía diplomática.

  Daniël van der Stoep (NI). - Mr President, Syria is at this moment experiencing a terrible period in its existence. A civil war is a war that divides communities and makes enemies of neighbours. Most of the time in a civil war it is evil versus evil, just as it is in this case.

On the one hand, we see a dictator and his friends who are clinging onto power. On the other hand, we see Islamic fundamentalists who have no desire to establish a proper democracy, but only to further spread political Islam throughout the region.

I would like to hear from Mrs Ashton what kind of contact there is with Syrian opposition groups. Is there contact with the Syrian National Council and, if so, could she elaborate on this?

What does the High Representative think of the resignation of Professor Ghalioun as chairman of the SNC? Does she share my fear that the SNC is being hijacked by the Muslim Brotherhood and can she state that she will not cooperate with the Muslim Brotherhood in any way?

We need to focus on the post-Assad period. Now is the time to tell the Syrians that if they want our help, they need to break ties with Iran, Hezbollah and Hamas. They need to embrace democracy and to denounce political Islam.

  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). - Señor Presidente, en Oriente Medio estamos viviendo momentos de importantes cambios. Me referiré brevemente a tres puntos: En Egipto se anuncian cambios con las próximas elecciones presidenciales. Me gustaría que fueran limpias, se desarrollaran sin incidentes y que los partidos y la sociedad pudieran aceptar sus resultados. Me habría gustado ciertamente que las autoridades egipcias hubieran invitado a observadores europeos. Egipto es un país clave en el mundo árabe. Es importante que se pueda consolidar allí un sistema pluripartidista en el que la prosperidad y las libertades del pueblo egipcio sean el objetivo esencial. La convivencia tolerante —no el radicalismo ni la polarización— facilitará el ejercicio de las libertades, incluida la religiosa, a todos los egipcios. ¿Qué espera, señora Ashton, de estas elecciones?

En Israel me gustaría que la base más amplia del nuevo gobierno favoreciera la puesta en marcha de una negociación con los palestinos, pero soy escéptico sobre el lanzamiento de las negociaciones este año por la persistencia del problema de los asentamientos, al que usted ha hecho referencia ―también al contexto regional e internacional, incluido el panorama electoral en los Estados Unidos―, y por la atención prioritaria de Israel al programa nuclear iraní. Ahora bien, el bloqueo del proceso yo creo que no favorece a nadie. No creo que los cambios vividos en la región vayan a proporcionar a Israel un contexto más favorable en el futuro para la reanudación de las negociaciones.

Y termino con Siria. Desgraciadamente, señorías, las cosas ―como aquí ya se ha dicho― no mejoran en ese país. El plan de Kofi Annan no está prosperando. La violencia no hace más que aumentar, afectando incluso gravemente a niños, y el plan de Kofi Annan no lo apoya tampoco la oposición. Me temo que el Gobierno de al Asad cree que puede aplastar la revolución por la fuerza y que, al final, la comunidad internacional lo aceptará. Es imprescindible que Rusia y China presionen más a las autoridades sirias para que cambien de actitud. Me gustaría, señora Ashton, que nos informara de si en la reciente cumbre con Rusia este fin de semana ha podido percibir que hay voluntad en Moscú de flexibilizar un poco su posición.

  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, baronessa Ashton, per chi detiene responsabilità politiche e istituzionali indignarsi come è giusto per gli orrori siriani non può bastare e io penso che lei ne sia consapevole. Ciò che succede fuori di qui richiede una capacità di risposta adeguata e non mi pare francamente che questa capacità di risposta anche dell'Unione europea sia all'altezza delle sfide che abbiamo dinanzi. Per quanto tempo dobbiamo assistere al massacro in Siria?

Si possono comprendere tutte le difficoltà esistenti derivanti dai fragili equilibri presenti nella regione; si possono comprendere e non condividere le posizioni di Russia e Cina, che non permettono il dispiegarsi di un'iniziativa più incisiva da parte delle Nazioni Unite; si possono infine comprendere le diffidenze presenti in taluni settori europei verso le forze di opposizione ad Assad anche per le loro fonti di finanziamento. Ma quanto sta avvenendo non è più tollerabile. L'Unione europea deve passare dall'attuale attivismo ad un maggiore protagonismo. Bisogna sconfiggere la tesi di chi afferma che il regime di Assad può tutto perché la comunità internazionale si mostra impotente e perché l'Unione europea, impegnata com'è nella crisi economica e finanziaria, non può permettersi il lusso di intervenire nella vicenda siriana.

La decisione di costruire un corridoio umanitario non è stata applicata. Eppure io penso che dobbiamo ripartire da lì, accompagnando questa decisione con tutti gli strumenti, nessuno escluso – e sottolineo nessuno escluso –, perché questa è condizione essenziale per avviare il processo di transizione e il trasferimento di potere. Io credo che sia necessario passare dalle parole ai fatti e questo è un compito che oggettivamente ha lei sulle sue spalle.

  Graham Watson (ALDE). - Mr President, the High Representative, spoke of the situation in Syria, which should concern us all. A ghastly human tragedy is unfolding: in Haffa, in Houla, in Hreitan, women and children are being shot at random, and children are being tortured – and allegedly even used as human shields. Violence is rife and, despite her attempt to revive its corpse, the Annan Plan is dead.

Yes, Syria has air defences much stronger than those of Libya; true, the opposition there is weak and divided, and nowhere in control. Indeed, troops will be needed on the ground. High Representative, this is no longer a time for seminars. The right to intervene and the responsibility to protect are part of UN doctrine. Ban Ki-moon can call on NATO or others to intervene, and on the International Criminal Court to investigate. You should urge him to.

  Hélène Flautre (Verts/ALE). - Monsieur le Président, Madame Ashton, quand je vous entends, je ne suis guère rassurée sur la capacité d'action de l'Union européenne. Franchement, faire le énième appel à l'opposition de s'unifier, faire la énième énumération des risques de la situation qui sont déjà avérés et tout à fait présents: régionalisation, militarisation, communautarisation... Ces risques sont aussi le fruit de l'incapacité de la communauté internationale à avoir apporté, en temps voulu, son soutien à un peuple en révolte contre un dictateur.

Aujourd'hui, je crois d'ailleurs que la situation est tellement complexe et difficile qu'il n'y a plus de bonne solution. Mais l'inaction coûtera encore plus cher. C'est-à-dire que dans trois mois nous allons refaire un débat et vous constaterez avec nous que la militarisation, la communautarisation et la régionalisation se sont encore accrues. Il faut donc agir et il n'y a pas de bonne solution. Nous sommes quasiment dans le dilemme, face à la nécessité et à l'obligation de protéger les populations, d'avoir à choisir si nous devons violer le droit international en passant outre le Conseil de sécurité. Mais nous sommes obligés de mettre toutes les solutions sur la table.

J'ai entendu M. Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, il a parlé de présence d'une force sur le terrain. J'ai entendu ma collègue Franziska Brantner également. Il faut étudier ces solutions. C'est absolument urgent. Puis, il faut mettre la pression sur la Russie parce que la Russie, je vous l'assure, est très à l'aise. Aujourd'hui en France, la plus grande entreprise de production d'armes est en train de s'exposer dans un salon international de l'armement, à Villepinte, en toute impunité. Je n'ai entendu personne au niveau européen, ni en France, ni vous-même, contester ce fait. Je crois donc que la Russie ne se sent absolument pas menacée. C'est le bâton et la carotte avec la Russie, on le sait. Qu'avez-vous mis en avant dans vos discussions?

  Paul Murphy (GUE/NGL). - Mr President, a BBC journalist reporting from Syria concluded sadly, but accurately, that what happened in Houla at the end of May is terrible but is not unique.

Only yesterday, another one hundred people, many of them children, are estimated to have died across the country in this conflict that is sliding right into outright civil war.

The origins of the uprising in Syria as a genuine popular movement against the al-Assad police state and against the rule of the crooked elite have been increasingly forgotten by all of the dominant forces.

Sectarianism is deepening and there is a real danger of a conflict based on sectarian lines spilling over into other countries in the region.

As always, it is working people, the poor and children who suffer the most and the crocodile tears of sympathy from the imperialist powers, in my opinion, are deeply sickening, deeply hypocritical considering that the day after the Houla massacre a NATO drone strike in Afghanistan killed eight members of one family.

Now, the US is using the failure of the so-called six-point peace plan to threaten action outside of it. One thing needs to be very clear: any military intervention, regardless of how it is dressed up, regardless of how it is disguised, will not ease the suffering of the Syrian people. The answer can only be a movement that unites working and poor people in Syria, regardless of religious and ethnic background, which can meet the aspirations of the participants in the uprising of March 2011.

  Sari Essayah (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, arvoisa komissaari, paljon siteerattu sanonta on, että maailman ongelma ei ole pahan paljous vaan hyvän hiljaisuus. Vaikka kansainvälinen yhteisö ei ole ollut tyystin hiljaa, niin turhautuneisuus ja voimattomuus ovat varmaan ne sanat, jotka parhaiten kuvaavat yhteisön tuntoja Syyrian tilanteessa.

On surullista, että emme pysty tekemään muuta kuin lukemaan YK:n sotilastarkkailijoiden raportteja yhä kasvavista määristä siviiliuhreja, verenvuodatusta ja ihmisoikeusrikkomuksia. Tarkkailijat raportoivat siitä, että Syyrian hallituksen joukot tekevät suunniteltuja hyökkäyksiä siviilikohteisiin eli tarkoituksena on surmata siviilejä.

YK on lisännyt nyt ensimmäistä kertaa Syyrian hallituksen joukot sellaiselle listalle, jotka värväävät, tappavat ja hyväksikäyttävät lapsia aseellisissa selkkauksissa. On aivan selvää, että EU:n on käytettävä kaikki mahdollinen vaikutusvalta Venäjän ja Kiinan suhteen, mutta myös useat arabimaat ovat ratkaisevassa asemassa, erityisesti Jordania.

Syyrian tilanne aiheuttaa kasvavaa epävarmuutta koko alueella, esimerkiksi Libanonissa armeija on tällä hetkellä onnistunut lopettamaan väkivallan uskonnollisten ryhmien suhteen. Alaviitit ja sunnit ovat taistelleet keskenään, ja mukana on nimenomaan al-Assadin kannattajia ja häntä vastustavia.

On arvioitu, että jo 78 000 ihmistä on paennut naapurimaihin. Olisinkin kysynyt arvoisalta komissaarilta, miten kansainvälinen yhteisö voi tukea tässä tilanteessa naapurimaihin paenneita pakolaisia ja humanitaarisen avun koordinointia alueella.

  Emer Costello (S&D). - Mr President, I share with other Members the condemnation, shock and dismay expressed by Lady Ashton at the situation in Syria. As Chair of Parliament’s Delegation to the Palestinian Legislative Council, I want to focus my remarks, though, on the Middle East peace process.

I very much welcomed the Council conclusions of 14 May committing the EU to the two-state solution, giving Palestinian people the right to nationhood and self-determination while at the same time respecting the Israeli people’s right to live safely within their own borders.

However, the window for a two-state solution is closing rapidly as the peace process is faltering. Israel continues to develop and construct illegal settlements – illegal under international law – on the West Bank. Planning and zoning laws have been used with impunity to dispossess the Palestinian people of East Jerusalem and destroy infrastructure throughout the West Bank, often built with EU funding.

Mining and quarrying activities deemed also to be illegal under international law are continuing apace at a cost of 720 000 to the Palestinian authority.

Lady Ashton, I would like to ask you, how can we ensure that there are consequences for the breaches of international law? How can we preserve East Jerusalem as a future capital of two states? How can we ensure that there will be a cessation of evictions and demolitions in Area C? How can we prevent the spread of illegal settlements? And can we ensure the release of administrative detainees unless they have actually been charged with criminal offences under law?

We need to ensure that there are consequences for the breaches of international law and I would like to know, Lady Ashton, how you are going to deal with this?

  Marietje Schaake (ALDE). - Mr President, I would like to ask a few seconds of your time before I start my speech on Syria, which is what I want to focus on, because there is actually good news to share with this House. The Sakharov winner Asmaa Mahfouz has been acquitted of all the allegations against her, and I thought it would be appropriate, while we are talking about these difficult challenges, that we also share this moment of good news together.

On Syria, I welcome the High Representative. We have to ask ourselves what, in ten years’ time, we will tell the widows and parents whose children have been tortured to death and killed at point blank. The new generation of Syrians who wish to fight for more freedom and justice need support. Europe was, can and should be a beacon of freedom, and this comes with responsibility.

That is not to say that solutions in Syria are easy, but at least the EU needs to act as a global player and should be united. I urge you to set out a vision and a strategy and to take Member States along. When will the EU Member States really get behind a common foreign and defence policy if it is not in the face of this terrible violence and in this crucial moment in the Middle East?

There is a clear need for a new coalition of the willing to save lives and to ensure a transition to a Syria which does not fall into a domino pattern of revenge actions and sectarian war. Despite the weapon supplies and the less than responsible attitude we have seen so far, Russia must be part of the solution. I welcome the contact group you mentioned if it leads to action instead of distraction.

Do you also see more room for targeted EU sanctions to pressure al-Assad, and how will you ensure that EU sanctions are enforced and that no more ships such as the one from Russia carrying weapons can dock in Cyprus and then reach Syria?

  President. − Thank you very much for passing on the good news about Asmaa Mahfouz who, as you said, was a Sakharov Prize winner last year. Thank you also for keeping in touch with her.

  Tokia Saïfi (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, nous ne pouvons comptabiliser l'horreur, mais aujourd'hui on compte plus de 10 000 morts et plus de 40 000 déplacés concernant la Syrie.

Le rapport annuel de l'ONU sur les enfants dans les conflits armés publié ce matin confirme nos pires craintes. Une vérité s'impose. La stratégie de sortie de crise n'est pas efficace, malgré la mobilisation de nombreux pays et organisations internationales. Les sanctions adoptées par l'Union européenne contre le régime de Bachar el-Assad et les 23 millions d'euros débloqués par la Commission sont des actions concrètes. Mais cette seule mobilisation des bonnes volontés ne suffit plus.

Nous savons que la Russie fait barrage au Conseil de sécurité. À terme, la réforme de cet organe pourrait être le moyen de limiter ces blocages. Mais dans l'immédiat, comment faire pression sur Moscou? La politique extérieure russe privilégie avant tout la défense de ses intérêts commerciaux. Pour preuve, le volume des échanges entre la Russie et la Syrie est passé de 220 millions à 2 milliards de dollars par an au cours des cinq dernières années.

Alors, Madame la Haute représentante, je vous pose la question. Peut-être est-il possible de sortir de l'impasse diplomatique en empruntant d'autres voies telles que des pressions ou des sanctions économiques sur Moscou. Est-ce que cette option peut être envisagée?

  Richard Howitt (S&D). - Mr President, it might be said that our return to this subject simply demonstrates our own impotence as, week after week, month after month, we see these crimes against humanity going on and, whatever we appear to say in this House or in the international community, we do not appear to be able to make a difference.

But I believe it is better for us to try to ask the questions, to search for solutions and to show our ceaseless engagement in seeking to do so, even if that sometimes exposes our own shortcomings, than to ignore the situation or turn away from it. That is why it is right that we hold this debate today.

I ask the High Representative to comment further as to why, if we introduced further sanctions as the British Foreign Secretary has said this week, such sanctions would be more effective in making a difference than the ones we have already imposed? I do not say that to criticise him or my own country, but it is a question that I think should be seriously asked.

We should ask again for contingency planning for the creation of humanitarian corridors, backed by a European common security and defence policy mission. It is not universally popular but, after President Hollande said what he did, I think at least showing that contingency planning is going on is the right thing to do.

I join all those others in the debate who have described as repulsive the use of children as human shields, as reported by the UN. That practice must end; it is a symbol of why everything needs to change in that country, Syria.

  Frédérique Ries (ALDE). - Monsieur le Président, les chiffres tragiques viennent encore d'être rappelés, la Syrie vit un martyr et la barbarie s'invite à la table d'un régime qui s'accroche au pouvoir. Bachar el-Assad n'hésite plus, aujourd'hui, à utiliser les enfants comme boucliers humains. C'est ce qu'établit un rapport publié ce matin par les Nations unies. Face à cela, les mots et les déclarations ne suffisent plus.

Notre diplomatie est un échec, clairement. Il faut aller plus loin, il faut aller autrement, avec une force d'interposition internationale, plus que probablement, pour que toutes ces victimes innocentes n'aient pas péri en vain, et que le régime syrien soit un jour jugé pour ses crimes, pour que l'Union européenne admette qu'à l'heure actuelle, il n'y a pas de compromis possible avec l'axe Moscou-Damas-Téhéran.

Je me joins à la question de M. Millán Mon, Madame la Commissaire: quels moyens avons-nous, quels sont les moyens pour le faire plier, pour qu'enfin l'Union européenne s'investisse plus encore dans la diplomatie préventive et pèse de toute son influence pour limiter les risques de propagation dans la région – et je pense, bien évidemment, au Liban? Mme De Keyser l'a déjà évoqué et je partage complètement son inquiétude.

  Elmar Brok (PPE). - Herr Präsident, Frau Vizepräsidentin, Frau Hohe Beauftragte, meine Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Zu Recht ist die schlimme Menschenrechtslage dort zum Ausdruck gebracht worden, zu Recht wird die Sorge geäußert, dass ein Bürgerkrieg entstehen könnte. Ich halte es schon für einen Bürgerkrieg. Die Vorgehensweise gegen Zivilisten, gegen Frauen und Kinder ist über alle Maßen unerträglich.

Aber wir müssen sehen, dass wir eine Politik brauchen, bei der wir Assad von seinen eigenen Leuten isolieren. Nicht ihm, sondern seinen Anhängern muss klar gemacht werden, dass es mit ihm als Person keine Zukunft gibt. Das ist immer die Voraussetzung dafür, dass ein System implodiert. Hier besteht die besondere Aufgabe und Verantwortung von China und Russland; sie müssen sich hier klarer äußern, damit er nicht meint, dort noch einen Hafen zu haben und es auf diese Art und Weise noch aushalten zu können. Dass hier deutlich wird, gerade für seine Anhänger, dass sie sich von ihm lösen müssen, wenn sie selbst noch eine Zukunft haben wollen, um eine friedliche innersyrische Lösung zu erreichen, die mit Assad selbst nicht möglich ist.

Ich meine aber auch, dass hier eine besondere Verantwortung von Katar, Saudi-Arabien und manchen anderen arabischen Ländern besteht, die offensichtlich Waffen liefern, die offensichtlich selektiv Geld an die Opposition geben, wie sie das ja auch bei den Wahlen in Ägypten gemacht haben, mit dem Ziel, zu einer Islamisierung beizutragen.

Es ist notwendig, dass Länder wie Saudi-Arabien und Katar, das sich offiziell immer als liberales Land gibt, in ihrer Verantwortung öffentlich dargestellt werden, dass man dieses Spiel nicht mehr akzeptiert, dass sie hier eine besondere Verantwortung tragen und dass über diesen Weg dann auch die Arabische Liga eine bessere Rolle spielen kann. Das heißt: Vereinte Nationen und China und Russland einbeziehen, um das erste Ziel zu erreichen, und die Verantwortlichkeit deutlich machen, die Katar, Saudi-Arabien und andere haben. Denn jetzt im Westen zu entscheiden, kriegerisch hier hineinzugehen – hier besteht eine andere Lage als in Libyen, von der Bevölkerung her und von der Geografie her. Aber wir sollten auch deutlich machen, dass die Rechte von Minderheiten bei jedweden Zuständen gesichert sein müssen. Wenn ich die Sorgen der Christen dort sehe, die sich von Teilen der Opposition bedroht fühlen, dann sollte man dies auch berücksichtigen, wenn man hier eine vernünftige Lösung haben will.

  Saïd El Khadraoui (S&D). - Voorzitter, mevrouw Ashton, het debat vandaag gaat terecht voornamelijk over de verschrikkelijke situatie in Syrië, maar ik zou uw aandacht willen vragen voor Egypte. Enkele weken geleden zijn we met een delegatie ter plekke geweest en we hebben de enorme complexiteit van de situatie daar kunnen ervaren.

U weet dat volgend weekend de Egyptenaren zullen kunnen kiezen in een tweede ronde van de presidentsverkiezingen tussen twee extremen: enerzijds een keuze voor het oude regime in de vorm van de heer Shafiq, oud-premier van Mubarak, ofwel een versterking van de moslimbroederschap die enkele maanden geleden al de parlementsverkiezingen heeft gewonnen.

Dat is natuurlijk frustrerend en een zeer moeilijk dilemma voor al diegenen die hoopten op echte verandering. Ondertussen is de staatskas leeg en is er geen duidelijkheid over de echte macht van de toekomstige president, want er is nog geen nieuwe grondwet. Dit alles toont aan dat het transitieproces moeizaam verloopt. Velen kijken naar Egypte en vragen zich af of het echt gaat lukken. Wellicht staat of valt heel veel met de verbetering van de economische situatie voor de modale Egyptenaar, want ze zijn met velen die wachten op een verbetering van hun situatie.

Ik zou willen weten, mevrouw Ashton, hoe u tegen de situatie in Egypte en de verdere ontwikkelingen daar aankijkt, zeker gezien de scepsis van nogal wat politieke actoren tegenover het more for more-principe.

  Alexandra Thein (ALDE). - Hohe Vertreterin! Sie haben erst am 8. Juni den Siedlungsbau in den besetzten Gebieten verurteilt. Sie haben heute zum x-ten Mal darauf hingewiesen, dass der Siedlungsbau unter internationalem Recht illegal ist. Der Rat hat zudem in seinen Schlussfolgerungen zum Friedensprozess vom 14. Mai bekräftigt, dass die Realisierbarkeit einer Zweistaatenlösung aufrechterhalten werden müsse.

Es ist daher nicht verständlich, warum wir im Europaparlament nun dem ACAA-Zusatzprotokoll zum Assoziationsabkommen mit Israel zustimmen sollen. Hier ist es besonders wichtig, auf Folgendes hinzuweisen: Die genaue Art und Weise, wie die in Siedlungen hergestellten Produkte in Abkommen zwischen der EU und Israel behandelt werden, wurde bislang nicht eindeutig geklärt. Solche Produkte finden immer noch ihren Weg auf den EU-Markt. Bevor wir weitere Handelsabkommen mit Israel abschließen, sollte dieses Problem erst gelöst werden, sollte erst geprüft werden, welche funktionsfähigen Mechanismen zur Kontrolle eingeführt und durchgesetzt werden können.

In der Zwischenzeit missachtet Israel weiterhin seine Verpflichtungen nach internationalem Recht. Siedlungen werden weiter gebaut, vergrößert und nach Belieben verlegt, während die EU tatenlos zusieht. Eine Zweistaatenlösung wird somit sprichwörtlich unter den Siedlungen begraben.

  Krzysztof Lisek (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Wysoka Przedstawiciel! Oczywiście zacznę znowu od futbolu, trudno jest oglądać spokojnie mecze zdając sobie sprawę, że w Syrii codziennie giną dziesiątki ludzi, nie tylko żołnierzy, ale także ludności cywilnej, także kobiet i dzieci. Wszyscy sobie tutaj chyba zdajemy sprawę, że prezydent Assad już dawno przestał być nadzieją Europy czy nadzieją Ameryki na poprawę sytuacji w zakresie praw człowieka i demokratyzacji, rozwoju ekonomii w Syrii. Wszyscy już wiemy, że prezydent Assad jest po prostu mordercą swoich obywateli. Chyba zdajemy sobie sprawę – myślę, że to dojrzewa w nas wszystkich – że niedługo może nadejść czas, że jedynym rozwiązaniem będzie zaangażowanie militarne. Nie mówię jakie, w jakim zakresie, gdzie i kiedy, ale może tak się zdarzyć. Do tego jest potrzebna oczywiście zgoda w ONZ – i stąd moje pytanie do pani wysokiej przedstawiciel – jak Pani ocenia szansę na zmianę stanowiska Rosji i Chin? Mam jeszcze jedno pytanie, bo myślę, że jest jeszcze jeden kraj w tym regionie, który jest niezwykle istotny i zainteresowany pozytywnym rozwojem sytuacji w Syrii – jest to Turcja. Chciałem zapytać, czy wysoka przedstawiciel konsultuje się z władzami tureckimi w tej sprawie?

  María Muñiz De Urquiza (S&D). - Señor Presidente, voy a hacer una propuesta distinta de la retórica de apoyar un plan que —como ya se ha dicho aquí— está tan muerto como los niños sirios. Seguramente, señora Ashton, ha oído usted hablar de Rosoboronexport. Es la agencia estatal rusa para el comercio de armas con la garantía del Estado, al que reporta miles de millones de beneficios. También es el principal suministrador de armas a Siria y también son sus principales clientes los Estados Unidos y la India.

Posiblemente, Rusia —no sé si ustedes han suscitado este tema en la reciente cumbre entre la Unión Europea y Rusia que ha tenido lugar en San Petersburgo— flexibilizará su posición en el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas si, a través de la influencia que deberíamos tener con la India y con otros clientes de esta empresa estatal rusa, se amenazaran sus ingresos procedentes de la venta de armas.

Además, también puede que tanto la Unión Europea —como parte de la comunidad internacional— como las Naciones Unidas y Kofi Annan y su plan, que ha fracasado, nos ahorráramos una denuncia de la comunidad internacional por denegación del deber de auxilio al pueblo sirio, pues creo que estamos ya en esa situación.

Ensayemos otras vías, porque parece que las que hemos ensayado o hemos puesto en práctica hasta ahora no funcionan.

  Antonyia Parvanova (ALDE). - Mr President, Madam High Representative, the entire international community is watching the events in Syria, which are now spreading beyond the country’s borders and affecting its neighbours.

I would like to join my colleagues in firmly condemning the repeated bombings and attacks which have been responsible for the death of thousands of civilians, and in denouncing the attitude of the Syrian authorities.

Dialogue, pressure or sanctions have shown their limits and proved unable to put an end to the unacceptable acts committed in Syria. We all know that only concerted action within the framework of the United Nations can lead to a solution in Syria.

We all know which countries are so far blocking any conclusion or demands for action at Union level – namely Russia and China.

Madam High Representative, I would therefore ask one question: could you present us, in detail, with your views and approach towards China and Russia when it comes to the situation in Syria and, more generally, concerning the latest developments in the Middle East?

  Róża Gräfin von Thun und Hohenstein (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Mówimy o Syrii i mówimy o tym, że słów za dużo, a akcji za mało. Zgadzam się z moimi koleżankami i kolegami, bo o tak potwornych rzeczach na szczęście niezbyt często przychodzi nam tutaj rozmawiać. Słów potępienia szczędzić nie możemy, i to nie tylko dla Assada, ale dla wszystkich, którzy go popierają, bo te rządy, które popierają prezydenta Assada, również popełniają przestępstwo. Okropna, potworna dyktatura w dzisiejszych czasach. I zgadzam się z wszystkimi, którzy mówili, że musimy używać wszystkich dostępnych, akceptowalnych metod, żeby ratować ludzi przed śmiercią, przed cierpieniem, ratować wspaniałą kulturę syryjską przed zniszczeniem.

A z Syrią graniczy państwo prosperujące, demokratyczne, rozwijające się wspaniale – Izrael. Słyszałam przemówienie prezydenta Pereza, który deklarował pomoc w rozwoju demokracji, w rozwoju gospodarczym, pomoc w budowaniu nowoczesnego społeczeństwa w krajach sąsiednich. Mówił to w kontekście Wiosny w północnoafrykańskich krajach. Toż to byłoby marzenie. I tak sobie wyobrażam, że Palestyna, mieszkańcy Zachodniego Brzegu Jordanu, też mogliby nieść pomoc krajom sąsiadującym. A tymczasem od strasznych rzeczy, które dzieją się wokół naszą uwagę wciąż odwraca ciągle nieudany, zablokowany proces pokojowy między Izraelem a Palestyną. Rozmawiamy o osiedlach, rozmawiamy o umowach handlowych, rozmawiamy o niszczeniu pomocy humanitarnej zamiast o tym, jak te oba społeczeństwa mogłyby być wartością dodaną w stabilizowaniu regionu. Więc siadajcie do stołu, rządy Izraela i rządy Palestyny, bo pokój w waszym regionie jest najbardziej potrzebny.

  Wolfgang Kreissl-Dörfler (S&D). - Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Hohe Vertreterin Cathy Ashton! Ich möchte, bevor ich etwas zu Syrien sage, Ihnen und Ihrem Team, das vor Ort sehr gute Arbeit leistet, erst einmal für Ihre Anstrengungen danken. Wir wissen ja eigentlich schon gar nicht mehr, wo man überhaupt in der Region als Erstes anfangen soll.

Was in Syrien stattfindet, das ist bereits ein Bürgerkrieg. Machen wir uns doch nichts vor: Kinder werden als Schutzschilde gebraucht und missbraucht, es hat bereits ein Häuserkampf stattgefunden, er ist in vollem Gange. Und wenn man fordert, in Syrien militärisch einzugreifen, dann ist es nicht so zu sehen wie in Libyen. Mit einer Flugverbotszone ist dort nichts auszurichten. Es ist ein Häuserkampf, Straße für Straße müsste dort gekämpft werden, und ich glaube nicht, dass zurzeit eine Armee in der Welt bereit wäre, dort hinzugehen und diese Lasten zu tragen.

Aber es muss Assad und seinem Clan auch klargemacht werden, dass es für ihn keine Lösung mehr geben kann. Es kann für ihn dort kein Überleben als Präsident geben. Er muss vor den Internationalen Gerichtshof gestellt werden. Die Isolation gegenüber dem syrischen System muss verstärkt werden, und die Schlüssel dazu liegen in Russland, in China, aber auch in Katar und Saudi-Arabien. Hier muss der Druck noch verstärkt werden, hier muss sich die Weltgemeinschaft noch wesentlich klarer artikulieren und die UNO stützen. Dazu möchten wir Sie hier auffordern, und dabei möchten wir Sie gern weiter unterstützen.

  Marek Siwiec (S&D). - Panie Przewodniczący! Ta dyskusja pokazuje, jacy my jesteśmy bezradni, jak niewiele możemy naprawdę zrobić, bo w tym wyjątkowo unerwionym miejscu na świecie nastąpiły wielkie zmiany, a za tymi zmianami nastąpił wielki chaos. Z chaosu kiedyś urodzi się być może coś wielkiego, a na razie ten chaos również niesie wielkie niebezpieczeństwa. Ktoś wyłączył pole magnetyczne. Gdy działa pole magnetyczne, zwykle wiemy, gdzie jest biegun północny, gdzie południowy, wiemy kto jest dobry, kto zły, kto walczy, kto chce się bronić. A dzisiaj tego nie wiemy. Stary świat reżimów arabskich odszedł. Odszedł i odchodzi ten ostatni, syryjski – to jest tylko kwestia czasu.

Czy w tej sytuacji możemy zrobić coś więcej jak wesprzeć tych wszystkich, którzy niosą demokrację, którzy budowali pewne zręby pokoju? Czy możemy zrobić coś więcej jak wspierać demokratów w Izraelu i Palestynie? Czy możemy zrobić coś więcej jak walczyć o to, aby traktaty pokojowe były dotrzymywane (traktaty zawarte z Egiptem i te zawarte przez Izrael również z Jordanią)? Pamiętajmy o tym, że to jest taki czas, w którym to, co jest stabilne, demokratyczne i przewidywalne, jest wartością samą w sobie.

Na koniec ostrzegam tych wszystkich, którzy uważają, że zagrożeniem dla pokoju jest budownictwo izraelskie, którego nie popieram. Są to ci sami, którzy nie widzą rakiet wystrzeliwanych z Gazy na Izrael ani irańskiego programu militarnego. To jest po prostu błąd.

  Emine Bozkurt (S&D). - Mr President, clearly the topic of today is Syria. Everyday we hear of new horrible things, such as children being used as human shields. It shows the weaknesses that exist in the UN system.

Another issue which demonstrates this is the long lasting Israeli-Palestinian conflict. We in the EU remain committed to a two-state solution, as confirmed in recent Council conclusions on the Middle East peace process. However, current trends are deeply worrying, especially concerning the use of administrative detention by the Israeli Government, which is used to imprison Palestinians without charge or evidence against them.

Many prisoners are kept in isolated cells for 23 hours a day. Despite declarations from the Israeli Government to end administrative detention, this practice is still going on. This is unacceptable in a country claiming to uphold the rule of law. Mrs Ashton, have you brought this issue up with your contacts in the region?

  Norbert Neuser (S&D). - Herr Präsident! Lady Ashton, Sie sprachen davon, dass der Friede in der Region Nahost wichtig ist, dass das Nahost-Quartett eine gute Rolle spielt, und dass wir als EU auch Jordanien und das Nahost-Quartett unterstützen sollen.

Die israelische Regierung sagt, sie sei für einen verantwortungsvollen Friedensprozess und für eine Zwei-Staaten-Lösung. Aber die Realität sieht anders aus. Der Gazastreifen ist weiterhin ein Open-Air-Gefängnis. Die EU und die Vereinten Nationen müssen immer mehr Geld aufbringen, um die Menschen im Gazastreifen zu ernähren, und die israelische Armee hat in den letzten Jahren im besetzten Palästina Hilfsprojekte der EU in Höhe von 50 Millionen Euro zerstört. Hilfsprojekte, bei denen es um bessere Lebensbedingungen für die Palästinenser ging: Schulen, Infrastruktur, Bildungsprojekte. Wir sind es unseren Steuerzahlern in der EU schuldig, dass wir von den Israelis klar verlangen, dass dies verändert werden muss und dass die Siedlungspolitik der Israelis endlich beendet wird.

  Boris Zala (S&D). - Mr President, the Syrian crisis is horrifying, not only because of the sheer brutality and scale of violence, but because there is no silver bullet solution. No single policy or action, whether a military intervention or a diplomatic solution, could halt the massacre and ensure a peaceful transition of power.

The EU should keep up the oil embargo and intensify sanctions, encourage Turkey to be more active and support all constructive proposals put forward by Kofi Annan, including the contract group idea. Above all, the EU should draw Russia, which after all is our strategic partner, more closely into the process, and not just put pressure on it to change its position, but allow Moscow to play a positive and constructive role in Syria. These are the most important steps.

Catch-the-eye procedure

  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, YK:n lasten erityisedustaja on sanonut, että hän on harvoin nähnyt tämänkaltaista lapsiin kohdistettua julmuutta, josta tänään olemme täällä kuulleet. Syyrian hallitus ei kuitenkaan ole ainoa syyllinen, myös oppositioarmeijat ovat värvänneet lapsia ainakin avustaviin tehtäviin. Kannatan neuvoston asettamia sanktioita Syyrian viranomaisia ja yrityksiä kohtaan, mutta kansainvälisen yhteisön on nyt todella aika alkaa miettiä, mikä toimii ja mikä ei.

Syyrian siviilit ovat nyt kärsineet liikaa, ja kun lapsista ja nuorista on tullut poliittisia pelinappuloita, on kansainvälisen yhteisön aika herätä tilanteen vakavuuteen, vaikka se tapahtuisi rajoitetulla kokoonpanolla. Kofi Annan ei selviä neuvotteluista ilman poliittista tukea.

Toivoisin myös, että varsinaiset kvartettineuvottelut palaisivat raiteilleen. Lisäksi toivoisin paljon enemmän näkyvyyttä uudelta EU:n erityisedustajalta Lähi-idässä. Meidän ei tule unohtaa Lähi-idän rauhanneuvotteluiden tärkeyttä, vaikka Syyrian kriisi onkin tällä hetkellä akuutti.

  Pino Arlacchi (S&D). - Mr President, can I say to Mrs Ashton that I largely share her view of the Syria crisis and I share in particular her stress on the Annan Plan as the only viable solution on the ground for this crisis.

I do not agree with those colleagues who dismiss this plan so easily in just a few words. If anyone has any better ideas to lay down in an intractable crisis like the Syrian one, then please do tell us what should be done.

I also do not agree with colleagues who very superficially ask for military intervention – a sort of second Libya solution with NATO intervention and so on – in a completely different situation, after the disasters we have just suffered and are still suffering due to this kind of solution. The Libyan crisis was a typical crisis that can only be solved through international intervention, with the Blue Helmets and with a large mandate to separate parties and to stop violence that comes mostly from tyrannical governments that will one day have to answer for these crimes to the international courts.

In tandem with this, we have violence by rebels using heavy armaments who are funded by foreign countries and who are armed through covert operations. We do not know enough about this and we are not speaking enough about this component. This is a fourth reason why the only solution is the one that Mrs Ashton outlined.

  Ivo Vajgl (ALDE). - Hvala lepa gospa Ashton za vaše ocene in za vaše kontinuirano spremljanje situacije v Siriji.

Najlažje bi rekel, da se strinjam z večino tega, kar je kolega Arlacchi ravnokar dejal.

Najlažje se je tudi zgroziti in treba se je zgroziti nad prizori umora, množičnega umora, poboja otrok, žena v Siriji. Vendar razum nam mora narekovati, da se moramo vprašati, kdo to dela in zakaj to dela. V čigavem interesu to dela? Kdo dobi od tega in kdo izgublja?

Mi moramo voditi politiko, ki vodi naprej, ki vodi k miru, ki vodi k pomiritvi. K pomiritvi ne vodi novo nasilje, ne vodi vojaška intervencija, ne vodi prehitro in preradikalno ocenjevanje stvari.

Mislim, da je masakre treba raziskati, da je treba natančno in objektivno ugotoviti, kdo jih izvaja, v čigavi službi – to, kar ste vi pred dnevi v svojem sporočilu tudi poudarili.

Mislim, da mora Evropska unija tukaj ohraniti hladno kri, delovati stvarno in s tem povečevati svoj vpliv in svoj ugled v svetu.

  Robert Atkins (ECR). - Mr President, we know that the EU is a major payer.

Can the Vice-President encourage Arab states to pay more, perhaps by the incentive of bringing the Arab League into the otherwise ineffective Quartet?

What steps is she taking to make Israel understand that the Gaza blockade is illegal and must be lifted now?

And, can she encourage EU Member States to follow the lead of the Netherlands in negotiating direct trade arrangements with horticultural and agricultural producers in Gaza?

And finally, can she encourage the active lobbying by her department and sensible Palestinians of the US Congress in the run-up to the US elections, so that just possibly the USA might begin to play an even hand.

  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL). - É certo que todos ficámos horrorizados com os brutais atentados, mas estes brutais atentados que a todos indignam são, infelizmente, uma das práticas que os bandos armados terroristas têm levado a cabo na Síria. Os mesmos bandos que, como é sabido, documentado e conversado, são financiados, apoiados e armados pelos Estados Unidos da América e por diversas ditaduras fundamentalistas numa campanha de agressão, ingerência e desestabilização que dura há mais de um ano. Grupos terroristas dos quais fazem parte a Al-Qaeda, como o próprio Ban Ki Moon admitiu, Al-Qaeda que serviu de pretexto para os Estados Unidos da América invadirem o Afeganistão e agora abre caminho para que os Estados Unidos e outras potências subjugadas possam invadir a Síria.

O formato da campanha não é, diga-se, propriamente original. A Humanidade já assistiu várias vezes (Kosovo, Afeganistão, Iraque, Líbia) à utilização de falsificações e conspirações para justificar guerras de agressão e ocupação sanguinárias. Quem apoiar uma agressão militar externa contra a Síria está, claramente, a rejeitar os esforços diplomáticos empreendidos e a agredir os legítimos direitos democráticos e nacionais do povo sírio.

  Diane Dodds (NI). - Mr President, I would like to thank Baroness Ashton for her extensive statement on the Middle East peace process and on the situation in Syria. Like many colleagues in this House, I also want to express my horror at the killing, maiming and torture of young children in the region.

She quite rightly points to the EU humanitarian aid that has been given to Syria and I look forward to a time when she comes back to this House and explains to us how it has been administered and how she has monitored its effectiveness. I think that is very important for the future.

The fact remains that the fighting goes on in Syria and that, as most of us have said here today, the Annan plan has failed. Indeed Kofi Annan, when he is talking about this, seems resigned to the fact that his plan has failed. His monitors seem to rush about going from one atrocity to the next, yet Baroness Ashton has indicated that it is really the only option that is on the table. I would just like her to explain to the House how long she sees this plan having international legitimacy, or is it really just a cover for not being able to do anything else?

  Lena Kolarska-Bobińska (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Mieliśmy Arabską Wiosnę i moglibyśmy mówić o zimie, gdyby nie to, że trzeba po prostu mówić w tej chwili o ludobójstwie, o zbrodniach, które dzieją się na oczach całego świata i bezradności instytucji światowych, globalnych, które nie są w stanie tutaj współdziałać, aby rozwiązać ten problem. I mam takie pytanie: wobec niejasności sytuacji również w Egipcie i w Iranie, co Pani Ashton sądzi o aktywizacji i większym współdziałaniu z Ligą Arabską w rozwiązywaniu kryzysów i problemów w świecie arabskim, z którymi mamy teraz do czynienia i z którymi będziemy mieli w przyszłości do czynienia? Padła tu propozycja stworzenia kwintetu zamiast kwartetu. Co Pani o tym sądzi? Myślę, że może to byłby sposób dotarcia do serca Moskwy, bo zdaje się, że widok różnych morderstw jakoś nie przekonuje Rosji i nie zachęca do współdziałania w rozwiązaniu tego kryzysu. Może obietnica aktywizacji Ligii Arabskiej byłaby sposobem rozmawiania z Rosją.

  Sarah Ludford (ALDE). - Mr President, I would like to congratulate Baroness Ashton for her part in securing the Council conclusions on the Middle East peace process of 14 May because I think they are a good illustration of how strong support for Israel’s security and close engagement with Israel – as well, of course, for the two-state solution – is entirely consistent with outspoken criticism of illegalities and human rights abuses by Israel, such as illegal settlement, forced transfer of Bedouins, home demolitions and so on.

That is my own position, which is why I support approval of the ACAA (Agreement on Conformity Assessment and Acceptance of Industrial Products) Protocol on recognition of pharmaceutical products, while feeling entirely free to reproach Israel on some matters, as well as Palestinians on some others.

Could I ask, in the context of the High Representative mentioning her condemnation of administrative detention in Israel whether she will call for Mahmoud al-Sarsak and other prisoners on prolonged hunger strike to be admitted to civilian hospitals for specialised medical care, and whether she will call on Israel to release administrative detainees unless they are promptly charged and brought to fair trial?

I should add that we also need to be outspoken about what the Carnegie Endowment has recently called the unaccountable and authoritarian Hamas Government in Gaza.

  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Herr Präsident! Dass im Westjordanland über 300 000 jüdische Siedler leben, ist eine Tatsache, die man weder rückgängig machen kann noch soll. Dass palästinensische Siedlungen von der EU finanziert werden, ist ebenfalls ein Faktum. Jedoch zerstörte die israelische Armee 2011 über 60 palästinensische Strukturen im Westjordanland, die mit den Geldern der EU aufgebaut worden waren. Dazu zählen Häuser, Brunnen und landwirtschaftliche Einrichtungen. Von der EU geförderte Strukturprojekte dürfen keinesfalls zerstört werden, denn solche Aktionen fördern natürlich auch Reaktionen, und zwar auf beiden Seiten. Das Rezept zu Frieden und Stabilität in dieser Region heißt daher nicht „mehr Geld“, es lautet vor allem „Dialog und gegenseitiger Respekt“. Dazu muss die EU beide Konfliktparteien immer wieder drängen. Das heißt also nicht, dass die EU hier den großen finanziellen big spender spielen soll und darf.

  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - În ultima perioadă, există mai multe zone de criză în Orientul Mijlociu, însă nu trebuie să neglijăm relaţiile israelo-palestiniene, pentru că ele influenţează stabilitatea întregii regiuni. Doresc să subliniez, încă o dată, că politica Uniunii în domeniu trebuie să fie constructivă şi să evite, în primul rând, agravarea tensiunilor. Ea trebuie să dea dovadă de echilibru şi să reafirme sprijinul pentru soluţia celor două state, coexistând în pace şi în securitate.

Aş dori să vă întreb, doamnă Înalt Reprezentant, dacă a existat dialog cu Israelul după concluziile critice ale ultimului Consiliu privind Orientul Mijlociu.

În acelaşi timp, mă interesează părerea dumneavoastră privind reformele iniţiate în mod paşnic de Iordania. Credeţi că ele pot avea o influenţă pozitivă şi asupra altor state din regiune?

  Ewald Stadler (NI). - Herr Präsident, Hohe Vertreterin Frau Ashton, ich möchte Sie bitten, sich von all jenen Wortmeldungen nicht allzu sehr beeindrucken zu lassen, die direkt oder indirekt eine militärische Intervention verlangt haben. Bezeichnenderweise hat keiner dieser Kollegen dazu gesagt, wie viele Soldaten aus Spanien, aus Polen, aus Großbritannien und aus all den anderen Ländern der Redner für den Häuserkampf zur Verfügung gestellt werden sollen, der diesen Soldaten in Syrien bevorstehen würde, wie viel Kriegsgerät zur Verfügung gestellt würde, welche Kosten diese Länder dabei tragen würden, von denen einige derzeit dabei sind, unter den Rettungsschirm schlüpfen zu müssen. Es sagt keiner dazu, wer das bezahlen soll.

Das ist sehr bezeichnend für die gesamte Debatte. Es hat auch keiner dazu gesagt, dass Syrien nicht am Hindukusch liegt und dass ein Krieg und eine offene kriegerische Auseinandersetzung in Syrien ganz andere Auswirkungen auf die Nachbarregionen, insbesondere auf Israel und Palästina, hätte als das etwa in Afghanistan der Fall ist. Das alles ist Kriegstreiberei, von der Sie sich bitte nicht beeindrucken lassen sollten.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, I am conscious that there are seven debates this evening, of which this is the fourth, but it is one where so much has been said that I feel I need to give a fairly detailed response. However, I shall try to do so briefly.

Whatever frustration and concern you feel, I promise you that that is magnified by the conversations which go on every hour of every day between ourselves – the Member States, with other countries in the region, with Kofi Annan, with Ban Ki-moon, and with all of those who are really desperately trying to find a way through in Syria. A way through that will enable the people to achieve first of all peace – a ceasefire – and then a transition to a government that will have their interests at heart, and that they have chosen.

Everything that we do is designed and geared to try to achieve that, so I understand your passion, and I share it. I understand your frustration, and I share it. But we really have got to think very carefully about how we try to achieve that outcome as swiftly as possible.

While we have been debating we know that a group of observers in Syria have been met by stone throwing, and it appears that they have been fired on and have retreated from an area in Syria. All the time that we are speaking, we are very conscious that the situation on the ground is as bad as it possibly can be.

I want to try to address three or four key areas that honourable Members have raised and give my response to them, while bearing in mind that finding solutions is extraordinarily difficult.

The first is on sanctions. Every day, we look at what more we can do to continue to put the economic pressure on the regime that prevents it from doing some of the things it would like, that demonstrates international concern and commitment, and that shows to those in Syria who may not yet have realised it that this regime is going to go, and that the international community and the EU are united in their response to the situation.

It is also true that we are supporting the arms embargo. We have asked all countries to observe this, and are working closely with the UN under Chapter 7.

As regards the Opposition, we speak to everybody at all levels – the Syrian National Council, the National Coordination Committee – and we are supporting the efforts led by the Arab League, and also what Turkey is doing to try to bring the Opposition together. We have talked about umbrella groups, we have talked about representative groups: all manner of ideas to try and get some kind of cohesion and unity between the different groups about what it is they are trying to do. It is very challenging, and yet it is so necessary to be able to demonstrate and bring leadership for the future.

As for the Kofi Annan plan: well, you can declare it dead if you want to, but Kofi Annan has a mandate from the United Nations. He is trying to find ways to bring about his six-point plan and to think of alternative ways to bring the international community together, and I will continue to support him in those efforts until he says, or the United Nations says, that we have stopped doing that and we are moving on. That does not mean that he or I do not realise how difficult it is. I have had the good fortune to speak many times on the phone with him, and I know his frustration. I know how hard he is trying to make things work, but what he has asked us to do is to support him in the ways he is trying to bring everyone together, and I will do that.

When it comes to the contact group that Kofi Annan is proposing to set up, he has not yet quite determined what its membership will be. So I do not know what is going to happen precisely, or who will be there. I will be there, and I know that Russia will be there; it will take place in Geneva on 30 June, and in between times Kofi Annan is trying to build support to stop the civil war from getting worse and to try and at least achieve some unity of purpose to ensure influence in the region is targeted at trying to prevent that outcome. I think we should support him in that.

I think we have to make a really strong distinction between observers and peacekeepers: they are not the same thing. What we have on the ground are observers. They are not peacekeepers. Their mandate is limited to observation and, as we have just learned, they put themselves at risk in so doing. Kofi Annan worries a great deal that we do not make the distinction clear enough. If we are going to move to do anything involving peacekeepers, then we had better be absolutely clear what mandate it is that we are giving them and who is mandating them to operate.

The Syrian army is 200 000 to 300 000 strong and well-armed, so talk of military action needs to be thought through extremely carefully in what is a very complex situation on the ground. We have to work step by step, and carefully, to try to resolve this situation peacefully. We have to put pressure on the regime; we have to get those who have influence to put pressure on the regime; we have to get the Opposition to unite; we have to get a ceasefire that will hold – because until you have a ceasefire, you cannot keep the peace, because there is none – and we have to be clear and sure about what it is we are trying to do.

We, of course, raise this with all partners. At the EU-Russia summit we talked about Syria, and we have expressed over and over again our desire to see Russia join the Security Council. That, again, is what some of the meetings I attended last week in Turkey were about, and what many of the dialogues are aimed at: getting us to the point where the maximum pressure is successfully brought to bear on trying to stop the violence.

On the Middle East process, I agree with much of what has been said. There is no request that I am aware of concerning the Arab League wanting to be a member of the Quartet, but the Arab peace initiative follow-up committee has met with the Quartet on a number of occasions and I have no doubt that it will continue to do so. But I do agree that regional involvement is very important. It is why we have been very clear in support of what Jordan has been trying to do, to act as broker between the two.

We do raise the issues of administrative detention, both publicly, in our statements, and in all the contacts that we have. Particular cases have been raised. Mahmoud Sarsak – for those who do not already know this – ended his hunger strike yesterday, on what was the 85th day. That has been reported to our delegation by the prison service there. But of course there are many people in detention and we have made clear to Israel our view that the issue is disproportionate and we need to have certainty about the future of those people.

We talk to Israel all the time. There is a constant flow of information to and from us, and a constant flow of contacts. We do recognise the importance of the security of Israel. We want Israel to be a successful country. We want a two-state solution that includes Israel, and we want to see Israel recognise its international obligations and move forward on the peace process in its own interest.

It is my view, and I have made this clear to all of my Israeli contacts, to all the people I know there, that if you want a secure Israel, solving the issues between them and the Palestinians forms part of that security. That was never more true than now, with all the changes and challenges that are going on in the region, all the concerns that Israel has – not least about Iran – and all the changes too in the neighbourhood, which change the nature of the political and economic pressure being exerted. I believe that is really important.

I recognise what the Netherlands has done in Gaza. That is important, but we need real trade in Gaza, we need to have the crossings open to allow the import and export of goods to build an economy in which people can invest. That I think is something we have discussed many times.

I just want to say a very few words about Egypt, and to start with Asmaa Mahfouz. Our delegation is in contact all the time with her and with her lawyers, but there is no doubt that these next days in Egypt are going to be crucial for the transition. Today we have the revised Constituent Assembly. It looks as if it will be more representative than its predecessor, but the challenges of agreeing a constitution by December are formidable, and the constitution is so important. There will be two important judgments on Thursday about the running of Ahmed Shafik in the second round and whether the parliamentary elections from last November will stand. Then of course there will be the run-off on Saturday and Sunday. So there is enormous uncertainty in the country, but I hope that what we will end up with is someone whom we can see has a democratic mandate. We work with all those who share our values and principles wherever they come from, whatever faith they have, as long as they believe in human rights, democracy, the rule of law and the principles and values that we have.

Finally, I just want to say that we could have talked about other countries – Morocco is a good example of a country going through change, and which we have not forgotten – but I do hope that honourable Members will stay committed to trying to support the people of Syria in the way that we have witnessed in this House this evening. It is so important that we do everything we possibly can to stop a situation that is much worse than we can even imagine.

Elnökváltás: SURJÁN LÁSZLÓ
Alelnök

  Elnök. − A vitát lezárom.

A szavazásra a következő üléshéten kerül sor.

Írásbeli nyilatkozatok (149. cikk)

  John Attard-Montalto (S&D), in writing. – Nothing has exposed deficiencies of the United Nations - since the end of the cold war - then the crises in Syria. The Security Council namely its structure and veto system is completely hampered. Every so often we hear statements from the General Secretary stating the obvious and in the meantime thousands die. I may sound pessimistic but the only conclusion I can come to is that the system does not work unless there is complete agreement amongst the main international stakeholders. When this is absent then the only prior is the hope that time will solve the problem. And in the meantime thousands die. If there was ever a misnomer it is the title of this organisation. It is everything but a union of Nations. It is disunited and far from able to get to grips with problems and in the meantime thousands die.

  Mariya Nedelcheva (PPE), par écrit. – La situation de la Syrie et ses implications régionales et globales sont extrêmement complexes, à plusieurs niveaux. Premièrement, notre devoir de réponse face aux atrocités que le régime El Assad fait subir à sa population se heurte à la nécessité d'une stratégie politique internationale d'action extérieure conjointe et avec la volonté générale d'épuiser toutes possibilités de résolution pacifique. Deuxièmement, face à la tragédie humaine, des milliers des personnes ont fui le pays, ce qui représente une pression importante pour les pays voisins et qui réclame une aide humanitaire urgente. Troisièmement, la place de la Syrie dans l'échiquier régional est cruciale pour la situation de la sécurité du Moyen Orient, notamment pour Israël qui voit une menace extrémiste et anti-israélienne s'accroître à ses frontières. Enfin, la montée de l'extrémisme religieux et le renforcement des groupes fondamentalistes terroristes représentent une menace globale face à laquelle nous ne pouvons rester indifférents. Mme Ashton, l'Union doit être proactive et soutenir par tous les moyens les efforts de M. Annan mais aussi elle doit savoir tracer la "ligne rouge" et encourager tous les partenaires internationaux à prendre les mesures nécessaires, y compris, envisager une intervention militaire, si M. El Assad persévère dans le chemin de la barbarie.

  Ioan Mircea Paşcu (S&D), in writing. – When King Abdullah II of Jordan visited Strasbourg about two month ago, the situation in Syria looked somehow ‘stabilised’, with the regime still in control. The Kofi Annan mission looked poised to bring relief to the embattled people of Syria and both Russia and China seemed inclined to contemplate the cost of sustaining the Assad regime to the end. Two months later, all that is gone. The bloodshed continues at even higher levels, the regime is holding fiercely onto power, Kofi Annan’s plan has become questionable and Russia in particular has toughened its stance to the point of preventing any potential external intervention to relieve the Syrians of this nightmare. After all, the international community was able to unite and act – see Bosnia and Kosovo – in situations that were not apparently as bad as that existing in Syria today. Still, with all those shortcomings, the Annan’s Plan seems to be all that we have got, because, in Lady Ashton’s words–‘No other option has been able to gather any kind of international support’. Sad, but true, this is how international politics works. The question is, how will we look into the eyes of the ordinary Syrians when all this is over?

  Fiorello Provera (EFD), per iscritto. – Molti auspicano un nuovo ruolo per la politica europea sul conflitto israelo-palestinese. Tutti vogliamo che l'Europa promuova iniziative di pace più efficaci di quanto non sia avvenuto sino ad ora e assuma un ruolo politico più adeguato rispetto al nostro impegno finanziario nell'area. Per ottenere questo risultato, in una situazione così complicata e difficile, l'Unione europea deve essere credibile per entrambe le parti e percepita come equidistante. Tanto i palestinesi che gli israeliani devono essere convinti che l'Unione non abbia altro interesse che la pace, senza pregiudizi nei confronti di nessuno. Pensiamo davvero che l'Unione europea possa essere ritenuta un partner credibile da Israele alla luce delle recenti posizioni condivise dal Consiglio Affari Esteri del maggio scorso e nelle quali vengono totalmente ignorate le legittime richieste di sicurezza d'Israele, di fatto circondato da paesi ostili? In un momento in cui vengono deluse le speranze suscitate dalla primavera araba e vediamo prevalere l'estremismo islamico nei paesi del Maghreb, quali garanzie di sicurezza può dare l'eventuale nuovo Stato palestinese, che peraltro tutti noi auspichiamo?

  Bogusław Sonik (PPE), na piśmie. – Konflikt w Syrii trwa już od 15 miesięcy a liczba zabitych od początku wybuchu powstania przeciwko prezydentowi Baszarowi El-Asadowi przekroczyła już 14 tys. Rząd w Damaszku nadal stosuje przemoc wobec własnych obywateli, którzy powinni być w każdym ustroju i dla każdego państwa najważniejsi. Obecna sytuacja bywa nawet przyrównywana do wojny domowej, w której stronami walczącymi są naród i za wszelką cenę starający się utrzymać u władzy reżim używający coraz to nowych środków do walki z opozycją.

Ponadto mimo starań wspólnoty międzynarodowej, konflikt nie został jeszcze rozwiązany, co może znacząco osłabić wpływ tego rodzaju pokojowej interwencji. NATO nie planuje jednak rozwiązań militarnych, podkreślając pierwszeństwo kanałów politycznych. Należy zatem dążyć do porozumienia w obrębie ONZ i opracowania wspólnego planu działania mogącego przerwać rozlew krwi oraz wyprowadzić Syrię z paraliżującego ją chaosu. Naród syryjski chce wejść na drogę demokracji, co też udowadnia swoją wytrwałością i poświęceniem. Pomoc udzielona przez społeczność międzynarodową powinna być jednak bardziej zdecydowana i należy z większą mocą domagać się konkretnych działań.