Fuldstændigt Forhandlingsreferat

Tirsdag den 12. juni 2012 - Strasbourg

14. En ny strategi for Afghanistan (forhandling)

  Elnök. − A következő pont a Bizottság alelnökének/az Unió külügyi és biztonságpolitikai főképviselőjének nyilatkozata - Az Afganisztánnal kapcsolatos új stratégia

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, our overall strategy in Afghanistan remains to assist the Afghan Government and people to be able to run their own country.

Ten years after 2001, we have embarked on what the Bonn Conference called last December a ‘transformational decade’, sustaining our engagement but changing its nature, and putting Afghans more and more in control.

There has been some real progress – more than half the country and half the people are already under Afghan security control. But, equally, insurgency remains a major threat to security across the country. I want to extend my personal condolences to the families of the four French soldiers who were killed on Saturday.

Many challenges lie ahead. Afghanistan needs, above all, better governance. Without functioning politics and institutions that can be seen to be legitimate and effective, the transition will not succeed. But we also need better action against drugs, better management of public finances, better rule of law and better human rights protection. Continued and increased Afghan leadership will be vital to meeting these challenges.

As the transition advances, it is right that we look to the government of Afghanistan to set out its own long-term strategy for the country. We are working with the government, Member States and others in the international community to put in place a strategic framework and agreed priorities.

We will play our part. Provided the government of Afghanistan meets its obligations, the EU and Member States have committed to enhancing their assistance in Afghanistan for the next ten-year period. We have begun negotiations with the Afghan Government on a new framework – the Cooperation Agreement for Partnership and Development – which will provide a legal basis for our cooperation in all civilian fields and assistance to Afghanistan. We expect that assistance from the EU budget will focus on where we can add most value: on health, agriculture, governance and civilian policing.

It is crucial that we have confidence that our assistance is being used for the purposes for which it is intended – to improve the lives of ordinary Afghans. That is why we have laid such emphasis on the transparency of public finances. The Arlacchi Report – and I pay tribute to Mr Arlacchi, who is here with us this evening – is right to insist that we must, and I quote ‘ensure transparency and accountability in relation to the assistance provided to the Afghan Government, international organisations and NGOs’.

I have read the allegations of mismanagement of the Law and Order Trust Fund by UNDP with grave concern. I welcome the fact that a full investigation has been announced, and we will await the conclusions of that investigation and take action as appropriate.

Of course, we are now in the midst of three different conferences that will determine the relationship between the international community and the Afghan Government. Last month, I attended the NATO summit in Chicago, where we set out plans to sustain and develop the Afghan National Security Forces. Both President Barroso and I highlighted the importance that we attach to civilian policing and we announced that we would increase our funding for civilian police by 20 % for the period 2011-2013; and also that we intend to make an enhanced contribution post-2014.

With both the Afghan Government and international colleagues, I emphasised the critical role that a uniformed police – distinct from the military – needs to play in any democratic society so that people can have confidence in the rule of law and the fair administration of justice.

Our EUPOL training mission provides important support to this role – training police and improving the links between the police and justice. Cooperation with the NATO training mission is working well and, as suggested in the report, we continue to aim for a more complementary division of tasks at both strategic and operational level. We are currently undertaking a strategic review of EUPOL and will reach conclusions on this in the summer.

Counter narcotics will remain an important element of our engagement. The problem of drugs cannot be tackled by crop substitution alone. It needs to be addressed in all our programmes.

On 14 June, we will have an important conference in Kabul which will focus on increased regional cooperation – advancing the ‘Heart of Asia’ initiative that began in Istanbul last year. That meeting will highlight the important role countries in the region have to play in supporting conflict resolution, better security and development. The European Union has much experience on how to advance regional cooperation and we stand ready to offer that expertise and support to Afghanistan’s neighbours.

Honourable Members will know that I have just returned from Pakistan, where I raised these issues with the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister and other leaders. I stressed that while we would continue our engagement, Afghanistan’s transition could not succeed without a constructive stance by its neighbours, and we recognised Pakistan’s crucial role in this respect.

Then, in Tokyo next month, there will be the opportunity for the Afghan Government to set out its development strategy for the country. In Tokyo, the EU will make it clear that our commitment requires a corresponding commitment from the government of Afghanistan to make progress on the issues that matter to us: electoral reform; public finance management; justice and human rights. Above all, we will emphasise that the focus needs to be on results. That means the political will to drive through difficult reforms, and it also means having the necessary security to allow development to take place, especially outside of Kabul.

In line with the recommendations of the report, the EU will press for better coordination of donor support, and a better alignment between the Afghan Government and donors on priorities. We will consider joint programming of EU and Member States’ assistance as circumstances allow.

The EU and Member States are making a real contribution to Afghanistan. The Afghan Government is doing a lot, but it needs to do more to fulfil those key commitments: to hold credible and transparent elections; to improve the management of public finances and to advance human rights, especially the rights of women and children.

I want to end with a word on the role of women in Afghanistan. I have met with representatives of Afghan women on several occasions – and did so last in the margins of the Bonn Conference in December. Their stories and their leadership are remarkable. Afghan women leaders and civil society activists are very concerned that the gains and achievements women have made in the last decade are fragile. This will be a critical issue in any peace talks, but equally we must continue to focus on Afghanistan’s governance and, in particular, the justice institutions: they are key to ensuring that the Afghan Government is able to respond to the commitments it made in London, in Kabul and in Bonn. This is one area where the EU can and must play a strong role.

I believe that, in many respects, Afghan women hold the key to the future of their country – and we need to do our utmost to support them as the transition unfolds.

  Ioannis Kasoulides, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, since the introduction of the counter-insurgency strategy in 2009 and the surge in ISAF troops, tactical success has been achieved, where regions like Kandahar and Helmand are secure, by Afghan standards, and the number of police and army soldiers has doubled.

A phased transition of security responsibility from ISAF to the Afghan National Security Forces is on its way and, soon, 75 % of Afghanistan’s population will be living in areas where the Afghan forces have taken the lead on security from ISAF, which will be completing its mission gradually by December 2014.

In the meantime, we encourage an Afghan-led and Afghan-owned process of peace and reconciliation for a stable Afghanistan, which breaks ties with international terrorism, and complies with the Afghan Constitution, including its provision of human and women’s rights.

The insurgent groups are not the only adversaries of Afghanistan: the narcotics network, the thriving corruption of officials and criminal networks are converging and mutually reinforcing threats. The Afghan police force has to further develop and professionalise. It should evolve towards a credible law enforcement force, for the protection of the civilian population and the system of the rule of law.

The EU and NATO commitment to the stability and development of Afghanistan, but also to its security, goes beyond 2014, with perhaps a shift from combat mission to new training, advising and enhanced assistance along the lines you have just described, Madam High Representative.

VORSITZ: ALEXANDER ALVARO
Vizepräsident

  Pino Arlacchi, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, I listened carefully to Mrs Ashton’s statement and I am not happy about what she said.

Mrs Ashton, you spoke on the report on Afghanistan by this Parliament as if it was released a couple of weeks ago. We are talking about a report which was approved by this Parliament in December 2010, so I would have preferred to have heard from you something about the implementation of the report in the past year and a half.

You spoke a great deal about things to be done in Afghanistan. Some of them are absolutely reasonable and right, but you did not mention two major issues that were contained in my report: firstly, the issue of the peace process. What to do with the peace process in Afghanistan is the crucial political point for the future of the country, particularly now that the military occupation is ending.

The second point was the narcotics issue: the only reference you made to that was that crop substitution alone cannot solve the drug problem. Of course; but no one would dissent in any way from this statement. The report contained a very detailed call for a five-year plan to eliminate opium production in Afghanistan through alternative development. This plan has never been carried out in Afghanistan; it was urgent two years ago and it is more urgent now that opium production is still continuing to increase.

We developed also a relationship with the Russian Federation – along with Europe the major victim of Afghan opium. We had here the internal contacts responsible for the Russian Federation and we developed ideas and plans. Russia was also ready to fund, to co-fund with the EU, a plan to eliminate opium production. Nothing happened; we never had from your office any answer to that.

These are the reasons I am not happy.

  Norica Nicolai, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, I am happy with Mrs Ashton’s discourse. I am not happy with Afghanistan’s future.

According to the Lisbon Summit, the ISAF mission will be finished in 2014. We are now analysing 10 years of partnership between the international community and Afghanistan. What has happened in these ten years? We can all report some achievement in economics, in freedom, in human rights, in women’s rights, in healthcare, but are these achievements enough to consider Afghanistan a stable and democratic country?

Is Afghanistan today a country which certainly has a democratic future? If I look to the NATO Summit I see a lot of optimism. I believe that we must look behind this optimistic approach, and behind this optimistic approach we will see still increased drug production in Afghanistan, increased corruption and widespread unemployment in that country.

I am really sure that women can play an active role in democratisation, but for how long will women be allowed to play this role after the withdrawal of the ISAF mission?

I am afraid that our strategy for a future Afghanistan is not a realistic one and it is going to be really difficult to implement.

Certainly, we need a strong partnership, not only between the European Union and Afghanistan, but I believe also between the United States and Afghanistan. Unfortunately, coming back to the NATO Summit, I can see one chair left empty. It is Putin’s. Maybe Russia can start to play an active role in the area.

  Nicole Kiil-Nielsen, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, chère Madame, si le sommet de l'OTAN acte la décision de quitter l'Afghanistan, il acte aussi la défaite des pays occidentaux.

Quand on confronte les déclarations de l'OTAN et du Conseil aux informations venant de la société civile afghane et des ONG, on a l'impression que l'on parle de deux pays différents: retour en force des talibans, qui trépignent d'impatience pour s'imposer sur la totalité du pays et prendre leur revanche sur ceux qui ont collaboré avec les occidentaux. Je pense bien sûr aux femmes et je me souviens comment, en 2001, fut instrumentalisée la cause des femmes afghanes pour justifier une intervention militaire que n'avait pas demandée la population.

Après les bombardements et les destructions, on leur promettait la reconstruction, la paix et la démocratie. C'est un échec. Selon le ministre Eftekhari, six millions d'enfants souffrent d'une extrême pauvreté, de mauvais traitements et de violences. Sous la pression des talibans, des écoles sont incendiées, des enseignantes menacées et tuées. Près de 550 écoles de filles ont fermé leurs portes dans onze provinces. Les jeunes fuient le pays pour rejoindre cet Occident prometteur. Inutile de s'attarder sur l'accueil ou plutôt le non-accueil qui leur est réservé en Europe: une honte!

Par ailleurs, le Pakistan et l'Iran ont décidé d'expulser des centaines de milliers d'Afghans réfugiés dans leur pays. Vu l'engagement pris par l'Union européenne à l'égard du peuple afghan, sommes-nous prêts, Madame Ashton, au niveau du Conseil et du SEAE à adopter un plan d'aide et d'accueil des réfugiés? Allons-nous soutenir et accueillir les enseignantes menacées, les militantes et les militants des droits des femmes, tous ceux qui nous ont fait confiance et qui devront choisir...

(Le Président retire la parole à l'oratrice)

  Mirosław Piotrowski, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Jeśli Unia Europejska ma ambicje stać się światowym graczem, budując wspólną politykę zagraniczną, szczególną uwagę musi zwracać na rejony określane jako tzw. czarne dziury na geopolitycznej mapie świata. Do takich zaliczany jest właśnie Afganistan, kraj, który niszczony był wieloletnimi wojnami, a kojarzony jest przede wszystkim z terroryzmem, handlem narkotykami (o czym mówiła pani komisarz Ashton), handlem bronią i żywym towarem. Chcąc wpłynąć na pozytywne zmiany, których celem jest demokracja i budowa społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, Komisja Europejska i państwa członkowskie przekazują do Afganistanu ogromne środki finansowe (dobrze byłoby, gdyby komisarz Ashton powiedziała, ile rocznie Unia Europejska na ten cel przekazuje).

Problemy Afganistanu są tylko pozornie oddalone od granic Unii Europejskiej o wiele tysięcy kilometrów, gdyż, żyjąc w globalnej wiosce, bezpośrednio odczuwamy skutki tamtejszego kryzysu, chociażby w postaci napływu nielegalnych imigrantów. Kontynuując działania stabilizacyjne Unia Europejska powinna lepiej wykorzystać doświadczenia niektórych państw członkowskich, takich jak np. Polski, mających dobre rozeznanie i od dawna zaangażowanych w proces stabilizacyjny w tym regionie.

  Jacek Włosowicz, w imieniu grupy EFD. – Panie Przewodniczący! Afganistan to przegrany przez Zachód konflikt. W ciągu kilkunastu lat naszego zaangażowania nie udało się pokonać partyzantki oraz zyskać poparcia ludności cywilnej. Głównym filarem naszych działań miało być zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa i zwycięstwo w walce z siłami rebeliantów. Mimo konsensusu Europy i Stanów Zjednoczonych oraz wsparcia Rosji nie udało się odciąć sił talibów od baz w Pakistanie i w Peszawarze. Nie udało się ustabilizować sytuacji wewnętrznej. Realnie wraz z Afgańczykami kontrolujemy tylko część kraju.

Co możemy zrobić w tak tragicznej sytuacji? W momencie, w którym prezydent Francji zapowiada wcześniejsze wycofanie sił, a USA nie ma żadnego planu, powinniśmy skoncentrować się na walce ze źródłami finansowania terrorystów, tak aby pozbawieni środków nie stanowili alternatywy dla rządu w Kabulu. Unia Europejska powinna zwiększać środki finansowe zachęcające afgańskich rolników do porzucenia upraw maku. Co więcej, środki finansowe przekazywane na rozwój powinny być wydawane centralnie na projekty regionalne. Szczególnie duże potrzeby występują w zakresie infrastruktury wodnej i rolnictwa. Należy pamiętać, iż dalsze rozbicie Afganistanu może doprowadzić do somalizacji państwa i podziału na walczące plemiona.

  Willy Meyer, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor Presidente, muchas gracias otra vez, señora Ashton. Yo coincido con mis colegas, que plantean que estamos ante la constatación de un fracaso. Y hay que reconocerlo. Mas allá de las campañas de imagen de la OTAN, que son campañas de imagen, lo cierto y verdad es que, en relación con las fechas de 2015, no sabemos en qué momento está el proceso de paz, es decir, si en 2015 Afganistán será más o menos talibán, si habrá más o menos pobreza, si habrá más o menos corrupción. No sabemos del plan de dar una alternativa a todos los campos de droga, de opio; no hay nada, no hay ninguna información. Tampoco sabemos cuál es el plan de evacuación, porque parece que Pakistán se niega a negociar esa posible retirada. Por lo tanto, estamos en un escenario en donde, más allá de la propaganda, es cierto que la única preocupación, que los únicos datos que se nos dan, es que la fuerza armada de policía es un 53 % superior a lo que estaba previsto. Pero de lo demás no sabemos nada.

  Libor Rouček (S&D). - Mr President, the military presence of allied forces is coming to an end, and I think that is right, because it is time for the Afghan people and the Afghan leaders to run their own country.

The Afghans should have ownership of their country, but of course we should not repeat the mistake made after the end of Soviet intervention to leave Afghanistan and to leave the Afghan people to their own destiny. We should be helping: we should be helping with international aid; we should be helping with the training of the police and continuing to help the Afghans prepare to run their country. We should also have an alternative strategy as far as the economy is concerned.

We talk a lot about the narcotics trade, but have we developed an alternative over the last 10 years? Afghanistan is potentially not a poor country: Afghanistan is a country rich in mineral resources, in natural resources. So, for instance, I would like to see more involvement on the part of our countries, of the Member States, with regard to exploiting Afghanistan’s natural resources. If the Chinese can be involved there, then why not us?

On combating narcotics trafficking, we should cooperate with our allies and with Afghanistan’s neighbours. The Arlacchi report mentioned Russia. I do not think we did enough where cooperation with Russia was concerned. I would also propose that we cooperate more intensively than we do now with Iran, because the Iranian police forces and young people in Iran are paying a very heavy price for the narcotics trade. Through this approach we could also develop in a closer, more confident way with Iran.

In other words, our presence is over, but we should not just leave Afghanistan to its own destiny; we should be helping.

  Ewald Stadler (NI). - Herr Präsident! Der Tagesordnungspunkt heißt: Eine neue Strategie für Afghanistan. An dem, was Sie, Baroness Ashton, hier vorgetragen haben, ist nichts neu, gar nichts. Tatsache ist, dass der Westen in Afghanistan historisch wieder einmal gescheitert ist. Tatsache ist ferner, dass wir nicht wissen, wie Karzai oder sein Nachfolger so was überhaupt überlebt oder die Taliban in Schach halten will.

Was hat die ganze ISAF-Mission gekostet, was hat sie gebracht? Der Terror ist nicht geringer geworden, die Taliban sind nicht in Schach gehalten, der Drogenanbau nimmt sogar zu. Zigtausende Tote, und über die spricht man als Kollateralschäden. Da bagatellisieren zum Teil jene Leute, die vor der vorletzten Debatte die Toten in Syrien dermaßen beklagt haben, die gleichen Toten in Afghanistan als Kollateralschäden. Das ist Zynismus! Wir werden wieder lernen müssen, die kulturelle und politische Souveränität anderer Völker mehr zu achten, und zwar als Basis der Zusammenarbeit, die vom Vorredner eben verlangt wurde. Wir werden anderen Völkern nicht wie in Kolonialzeiten permanent unser System aufzwingen können. Diese Demut werden wir wieder lernen müssen. Und in Afghanistan sieht man, wie schnell wir lernen werden müssen.

  Krzysztof Lisek (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Wysoka Przedstawiciel! Chciałem powiedzieć na początku, że pierwszy raz się cieszę, że kogoś nie ma na sali, bo będę mówił szybciej niż planowano, a za 25 minut rozpoczyna się mecz Polska-Rosja.

Ale przechodząc do Afganistanu, powinniśmy nie mówić już dzisiaj o operacji wojskowej, ale pozwolę sobie na jedną dosłownie uwagę: rząd Polski, ustami prezydenta czy ministra Sikorskiego, powiedział, że razem weszliśmy do Afganistanu i razem powinniśmy wyjść. I chciałem pozwolić sobie na taką jedną uwagę dotyczącą innych krajów: szkoda, że bieżąca polityka i walka o głosy wyborcze determinuje decyzje rządzących, które powodują, że nie wyjdziemy razem z tego Afganistanu, bo niektórzy wyjdą wcześniej.

Sytuacja jest oczywiście nadal bardzo niepewna i jest cały szereg wątpliwości co do przyszłości Afganistanu. Mamy w tej chwili dwa lata, żeby przygotować Afganistan na samodzielne rządy, na samodzielne funkcjonowanie tego państwa. I dzisiaj oczywiście to, co powiedziała wysoka przedstawiciel, jest niezwykle ważne: szkolenia, doradztwo, takie miękkie środki, które w przyszłości pozwolą Afganistanowi funkcjonować normalnie. Myślę, że musimy pomóc znaleźć sposób na funkcjonowanie tego państwa, na to, jak ono pod względem gospodarczym ma się rozwijać, co ma produkować, co ma eksportować za granicę. To są niezwykle ważne rzeczy. No ale oczywiście również pomoc rozwojowa, którą świadczymy, musi być mądra i przemyślana, bez marnowania pieniędzy.

  Thijs Berman (S&D). - Voorzitter, mevrouw Ashton, als in 2014 de NAVO-troepen uit Afghanistan vertrekken, is het land dan in staat om vreedzaam de eigen toekomst in handen te nemen? Het lijkt er nu niet op. Ten eerste staat de regering-Karzai zwak, is omstreden vanwege corruptie, intern verdeeld, zoals over de betekenis van verzoening. Ten tweede is het Afghaanse leger nog niet in staat om de rol van de NAVO-troepen over te nemen, en ten derde staan onderhandelingen tussen de partijen en in de regio nog te weinig onder Afghaanse leiding en worden teveel gedomineerd door Washington, met een eigen Amerikaanse agenda en dat leidt niet tot succes.

Dit conflict eindigt niet zonder een onderhandelde politieke overeenkomst, maar de regering Karzai kan daar zelf nauwelijks aan bijdragen. De International crisis group deed een goede suggestie: laat een VN-team van bemiddelaars, geaccepteerd door alle partijen, zorgen voor een realistische nieuwe start van de onderhandelingen.

Ik ben benieuwd naar de reactie van Catherine Ashton op dit voorstel. Misschien kan de EU hierop aandringen. De rol van de EU moet politiek zijn, meer nog dan materieel of meer dan de training van politieagenten en meer ook dan de financiële hulp die wij moeten blijven geven. De EU moet in ieder geval voortgaan met de ondersteuning van de versterking van de Afghaanse democratie, de Afghaanse instituties, het kiesstelsel, decentralisatie van de macht, versterking van lokale partijen, lokale autoriteiten. Dit is, mét de strijd tegen corruptie, essentieel voor een geloofwaardig levensvatbaar bestuur na 2014.

  Michèle Striffler (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, près de dix années après le début de l'intervention militaire en Afghanistan, force est de constater que la situation sur le terrain reste encore particulièrement incertaine. Les efforts de la communauté internationale n'ont pas réussi à mettre un terme à l'insurrection des talibans et la paix et la stabilité de l'Afghanistan ne sont toujours pas acquises.

La France vient de perdre tout récemment quatre soldats – encore quatre soldats de plus – dans une attaque suicide dans la province de Kapisa. Cette stratégie met en lumière le fait qu'aucune fin évidente ne se profile à l'horizon en Afghanistan. Je m'inquiète d'un retrait anticipé des troupes combattantes à la fin de 2012, qui est à la fois tactiquement difficile et ressenti par nos alliés comme déloyal. Je tiens cependant à féliciter les militaires européens qui ont fait un formidable travail de formation auprès de l'armée afghane.

Le Parlement européen a adopté en décembre 2010 un rapport très clair sur la stratégie à adopter en Afghanistan en se focalisant sur quatre domaines d'action prioritaires, notamment la formation de la police, la coordination de l'aide internationale et l'élimination de la culture du pavot. C'est un angle d'attaque que je soutiens pleinement, mais je mets la communauté internationale en garde contre une sortie prématurée de l'Afghanistan.

Catch the eye

  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, me MEPit äänestimme jo vuonna 2010 uuden EU:n Afganistania koskevan strategian puolesta, kun huomattiin, että vain noin 20 prosenttia EU:n avusta saavuttaa sitä tarvitsevat ihmiset. Pyysimme esimerkiksi kansainvälisen avun reformia, unikonsiemenviljelmien hävittämistä sekä Afganistanin poliisivoimien koulutuksen parantamista.

EU:n ulkosuhdehallinnon maastrategia vanhenee vuonna 2013, emmekä ole pystyneet osana kansainvälistä yhteisöä auttamaan Afganistania toivotulla tavalla. Näyttää siltä, että maa on yhä epätoivoisessa tilassa, joka on vain pahentunut talebanin keväthyökkäyksen seurauksena.

Toukokuun ulkoasiainneuvosto muistutti siitä, että Afganistanissa on tulossa vaalit vuoden 2014 ja 2015 aikana. Maa ei kuitenkaan ole valmis vaaleihin, ja EU:n on varmistettava, että Karzain hallitus sitoutuu tekemään uudistuksia vaalijärjestelyihinsä ennen toukokuuta 2013. EU olisi hyvä kumppani vaaliuudistusten läpiviennissä sekä itsenäisten instituutioiden vahvistamisessa.

  Janusz Władysław Zemke (S&D). - Panie Przewodniczący! To, o czym mówiła pani baronessa Ashton, jest oczywiście kierunkowo słuszne, bowiem zmiana polityki Unii, a mówiąc szerzej Zachodu, słusznie polega moim zdaniem na odchodzeniu od polityki zastępowania afgańskich władz na rzecz pomagania, na rzecz tego, by te władze czuły się odpowiedzialne za bezpieczeństwo i rozwój swego kraju. Ja chcę tylko zwrócić w związku z tym uwagę na jedną szansę, którą my wykorzystujemy w Unii za słabo. Otóż sądzę, że powinniśmy w Unii Europejskiej uruchomić specjalny program stypendialny dla afgańskiej młodzieży. Myślę tutaj w szczególności o przygotowaniu specjalistów z takich dziedzin jak medycyna, melioracja czy geologia. Myślę, że dałoby to lepsze efekty.

  Nick Griffin (NI). - Mr President, in May, President Barroso bragged of the EU and its Member States throwing EUR 1.2 billion a year down the Afghan drain. But EUR 1.2 billion is only a fraction of the true cost. Britain’s contribution alone to the Afghan farce, according to the British Ministry of Defence, is already over GBP 18 billion, plus GBP 3 billion in aid, plus GBP 4 billion in equipment that is to be left behind, plus GBP 5 billion that will be screwed out of the British taxpayer to run Afghanistan for a further 30 years.

Most importantly, 417 British dead are the highest price of all and the most obscene, because it is a war that has nothing to do with Britain. We should bring our troops home at once and put the neo-con crooks who sent them there on trial as war criminals.

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, let me begin by saying that those in this House who believe that we need to commit to Afghanistan will recognise that this is a long-term commitment and that the stability and security not just of the region, but way beyond the region, are partly dependent on the success that Afghanistan can achieve and the way that its people can be supported into a better future.

There is no doubt too that this is a commitment that is difficult at times. It requires us to continue to push hard on ensuring that what we believe should be done by the Afghan Government is indeed done, and that we ensure that our resources are well spent.

The European Union spends EUR 200 million a year in Afghanistan on a range of different programmes to try and support stability, economic growth, the role of women, healthcare, rural development – a whole range of different projects – and especially to support the building of a civilian police force, so essential to the state’s future, when justice and the rule of law can be not only talked about but can be seen to be effective across the country. In addition, EUR 1 billion are spent by Member States across the European Union to try and support these efforts.

There are good news stories. Unfortunately it is very difficult sometimes to understand the positive side of what is happening in Afghanistan, but we have seen healthcare improve, infant mortality going down, and very many girls in school and finally getting the education they deserve. Access to healthcare at a primary level, which used to be less than 10 %, is now more than 60 %. These are important, alongside many of the other ways in which we can try and support this country into the future.

I am sorry that Mr Arlacchi feels disappointed in this. I know that you met with our chief operating officer a few weeks ago, and I hope that was a useful meeting.

I will just comment on a couple of issues I know are of particular importance to you. We are supportive of the Afghan-led peace process and reconciliation but we talked again in Bonn about the ‘red lines’ that have been restated. We have to be clear that we need respect for the Afghan constitution, including its human rights provisions; I believe that is indispensable. I believe you agree with me on that, because only then will this process be truly inclusive, representing the legitimate interests of all the people of Afghanistan, regardless of gender, regardless of social status. We said in Bonn that we must see the region respect and support the peace process and its outcome.

So the Istanbul process is under way and in a few days the ministerial regional conference in Kabul should hopefully provide some real concrete evidence of the growing understanding by Afghanistan’s neighbours that they have got a lot to gain from a sovereign, stable and united Afghanistan.

I know too that the proposals on eradication of opium cultivation were to set aside EUR 100 million and to create an agency with its own budget and staff. But we have chosen to try and back the structures that we have actually got in place on the ground, to try and work with the Ministry of Counter Narcotics, the Ministry of Rural Development and the Ministry of the Interior, because, in truth, trying to eradicate the cultivation of drugs is about a whole raft of programmes. It means rural development, it means health, it means law enforcement and it means border management.

What we also know, of course, is that the areas where you have greater persistence in opium poppy production are those that have neither security nor governance, so not areas where we are able to operate, nor indeed would we be able to pursue the policy in the way that I know you would wish to see.

The commitment, though, is there. We have got to try and find ways to tackle the real issues that stand in the way of Afghanistan going forward. But we have to recognise that this is a long-term commitment and a commitment that moves us beyond 2014 into the work we need to do on development. If we do not, I believe the consequences will be enormous, not just for the people of Afghanistan, but actually for us too.

  Der Präsident. − Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149 GO)

  Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. – NATO a confirmat la Chicago că operaţiunile militare ale ISAF în Afganistan vor lua sfârşit în 2014, după un transfer gradual de responsabilitate către autorităţile afgane. Subliniez din nou, ca şi în intervenţiile mele anterioare pe acest subiect, că este nevoie de participarea deplină a Guvernului afgan pentru a asigura stabilitatea pe termen lung. În acelaşi timp, sprijinul internaţional trebuie să continue şi după 2014, în special prin programele de training şi asistenţă. Sunt de părere că şi UE poate avea o contribuţie valoroasă în acest proces. De aceea, salut deciziile Consiliului din mai privind susţinerea eforturilor de stabilizare din Afganistan şi îmi exprim speranţa că ele vor fi puse cât mai curând în practică. În acest scop, sugerez să fie analizată posibilitatea unei cooperări structurate între EUPOL şi alte misiuni de training. Totodată, solicit să se acorde o atenţie specifică programelor pentru ameliorarea situaţiei femeilor, în cadrul asistenţei pentru dezvoltare. Precizez că ţara mea a confirmat deja că îşi va menţine angajamentul în Afganistan până la finalul misiunii ISAF, urmărind asigurarea securităţii în regiunea Zabul. Nu în ultimul rând, salut curajul şi devotamentul militarilor români, care contribuie, uneori cu preţul vieţii, la instaurarea securităţii, stabilităţii şi democraţiei în Afganistan.

  Iosif Matula (PPE), în scris. – După unsprezece ani de eforturi din partea comunităţii internaţionale, situaţia actuală din Afganistan necesită încă îmbunătăţiri semnificative. Extremismul violent, prezent atât în interiorul, cât şi în exteriorul regiunii, problema drogurilor cultivate şi produse în Afganistan, dar şi indicatorii socio-economici subliniază necesitatea unui rol mult mai activ al UE în reconstrucţia şi dezvoltarea regiunii. Eforturile Uniunii trebuie să se concentreze pe îmbunătăţirea funcţionării structurilor guvernamentale afgane. Strategia pentru Afganistan trebuie să pună accentul pe o implicare puternică a instituţiilor afgane şi a cetăţenilor în dezvoltarea ţării lor cu scopul de a se ajunge la o guvernare stabilă, susţinută de comunitatea internaţională şi care să-şi concentreze toate eforturile asupra dezvoltării socio-economice. Uniunea Europeană este unul dintre partenerii cei mai importanţi care participă la reconstrucţia Afganistanului, prin ajutorul logistic şi material pe care-l oferă. Doresc să atrag atenţia că este necesară o reorientare a modului în care ajutorul ajunge în Afganistan şi în care este distribuit. Sunt de părere că o parte mai mare a ajutoarelor să fie canalizate direct prin intermediul instituţiilor afgane, o soluţie mai bună decât derularea acestora prin organismele internaţionale de cooperare şi dezvoltare. Legitimitatea guvernului afgan va avea de câştigat dacă acesta va răspunde de implementarea ajutorului.