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Eljárás : 2012/2050(INI)
A dokumentum állapota a plenáris ülésen
Válasszon egy dokumentumot : A7-0252/2012

Előterjesztett szövegek :

A7-0252/2012

Viták :

PV 11/09/2012 - 16
CRE 11/09/2012 - 16

Szavazatok :

PV 12/09/2012 - 7.8
CRE 12/09/2012 - 7.8
A szavazatok indokolása
A szavazatok indokolása

Elfogadott szövegek :

P7_TA(2012)0334

Viták
2012. szeptember 11., Kedd - Strasbourg Lektorált változat

16. A közös kül- és biztonságpolitika, valamint a közös biztonság- és védelempolitika (EUSZ 36. cikk) fő jellemzői és alapvető választásai - A Tanács éves jelentése az Európai Parlamentnek a közös kül- és biztonságpolitikáról (vita)
A felszólalásokról készült videofelvételek
PV
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  Presidente. − L'ordine del giorno reca, in discussione congiunta,

– la dichiarazione del vicepresidente della Commissione/alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza, su principali aspetti e scelte fondamentali della politica estera e di sicurezza comune e della politica di sicurezza e di difesa comune (articolo 36 del TUE) (2012/2540(RSP)), e

– la relazione di Elmar Brok, a nome della commissione per gli affari esteri, sulla relazione annuale del Consiglio al Parlamento europeo sulla politica estera e di sicurezza comune (2012/2050(INI)]) (A7-0252/2012).

 
  
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  Elmar Brok, Berichterstatter. − Herr Präsident, Frau Vizepräsidentin, Hohe Vertreterin, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich freue mich, dass ich Ihnen heute für den Ausschuss für auswärtige Angelegenheiten den Jahresbericht zur gemeinsamen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik vorlegen kann. Ich freue mich auch, dass ich hier berichten kann, dass wir gestern und vorgestern zu einer Einigung mit den nationalen Parlamenten gekommen sind für eine ständige Konferenz Europäisches Parlament/nationale Parlamente zu Bedingungen, die eine gute Zukunft versprechen. Ich hatte bei dieser Konferenz auch den Eindruck, dass alle Parlamente innerhalb der Europäischen Union an einem Erfolg der Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik interessiert sind, und dass es lohnt, diese Kooperation zu sehen und dabei die demokratische Legitimation der Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik im Auge zu haben.

Ich freue mich, dass wir das zu einem Zeitpunkt tun, zu dem wir erste Erfolge feststellen können, was den Aufbau des Auswärtigen Dienstes angeht. Ein schwieriger Prozess, der sicherlich noch nicht abgeschlossen sein kann. Aber wir sehen erste stabilisierende Elemente, und wir haben auch bei der Konferenz mit den Botschaftern der EU in der Welt in der letzten Woche gesehen, dass hier langsam eine Crew zusammenwächst.

Wir möchten eine kohärente Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik haben, die Wert darauf legt, dass Prioritäten klargelegt werden und dass die Ressourcen entsprechend genutzt werden. Kohärenz, Effizienz, Legitimation sind dabei wichtige Maßnahmen. Dabei hoffen wir, dass aufgrund der Möglichkeiten des Vertrags von Lissabon, der Zusammenfassung von Zuständigkeiten in einer Person und in einem Dienst, weitere Synergieeffekte entstehen können, die zu einer einheitlichen Strategie der Außenpolitik der Europäischen Union führen. Ich glaube, dass da noch Verbesserungsmöglichkeiten nach oben gegeben sind, auch was die Frage der Führung auf der europäischen Ebene angeht. Es herrscht ja meist noch das Prinzip der Einstimmigkeit, dass durch Qualität von Führung auch die Nationalstaaten stärker zu einer One-voice-policy gelangen. Ich halte es für wichtig.

Wir haben kritische und positive Punkte. Ich muss sagen, Frau Vizepräsidentin der Kommission/Hohe Vertreterin, dass Ihr Vorgehen im Zusammenhang mit dem Nuklearprogramm des Iran, Ihre Syrien- und Nahostpolitik – die amerikanische Außenpolitik fällt in diesen Monaten ja weitestgehend aus – von uns als positiv wahrgenommen werden. Wir setzen jedoch immer noch ein Stückchen auf Synergieeffekte und kohärente Politik im Ganzen, wir sehen dort noch Lücken und wir hoffen, dass die Weiterentwicklung in diesem Sinne verläuft.

Parlamente können eine bedeutende Rolle spielen, nicht nur im Sinne der demokratischen Legitimation, sondern auch dadurch, dass sie eine Zusammenarbeit organisieren etwa mit den Parlamenten des Arabischen Frühlings im Rahmen der Nachbarschaftspolitik, und dass sie auch in der östlichen Nachbarschaftspolitik einen Beitrag dazu leisten, dass diese Nachbarschaftspolitik in mehr Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit einmündet, und dass dies uns auch die Kraft geben könnte, Legitimation und Glaubwürdigkeit zu bekommen, um eine größere Rolle in der Außenpolitik zu spielen. Dies sind wichtige Aufgaben, die wir wahrzunehmen haben.

Wir müssen die Interessen unserer Bürger wahrnehmen. Wir müssen dafür sorgen, dass Menschenrechte Teil dieser kohärenten Politik sind und dass wir in Fragen von Nachbarschaftspolitik, von Handelspolitik und anderen mehr einen vernünftigen Ausgleich zwischen Interessenpolitik und Menschenrechtspolitik bekommen. Ich hoffe, dass die Benennung des neuen Sonderbeauftragten für Menschenrechte hier eine wichtige Rolle spielt.

Wir müssen aber auch dafür Sorge tragen, dass wir zunehmend erkennen, dass neben der Notwendigkeit einer verstärkten militärischen Zusammenarbeit, um gerade hier die Synergieeffekte in diesen Bereichen zu erreichen, wir auch sehen müssen, dass Wirtschaftspolitik zunehmend entscheidet über Sicherheitspolitik und außenpolitischen Einfluss. Kriege werden heute oftmals nicht mehr mit Panzern gewonnen, sondern mit Finanzmärkten. Aus diesem Grund müssen wir auch sehen, dass die Stärke der Europäischen Union in entscheidendem Maße davon abhängig ist, ob sie ihre innere wirtschaftliche Krise, ihre monetäre und fiskalische Krise löst. Dass andere Teile dieser Welt mit diesem Instrument außenpolitisch Macht für sich versammeln, ist ein wichtiger Grund dafür, dass wir als Europäer, als Mitglieder unserer Staaten nur eine Chance haben, wenn dies in eine gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik mit einer gemeinsamen wirtschaftlichen und monetären Politik einfließt, weil das die einzige Chance ist, dass unsere Nationalstaaten über sharing und pooling noch eine Zukunft in dieser Welt haben.

 
  
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  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Mr. President, I would like to begin by warmly thanking the Chair of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the rapporteur, Elmar Brok, for his impressive and comprehensive report. It is a really important contribution with a great number of good suggestions that we can certainly use as we build the foundations of the Common Foreign and Security Policy and as we build the foundations of the new service.

I have always believed that this Parliament – and Members of this Parliament – have a critical role in ensuring that we have an effective and democratic EU foreign, security and defence policy.

I also believe – and have always believed – that, in this increasingly challenging economic environment, it makes even more sense for Member States to work together. That holds true for large Member States as well as small ones. When you look at the important issues that we face – let me take just two or three: Iran and its nuclear programme, the Middle East peace process and the crisis in Syria – we are stronger and more effective when we work together.

We are seeking to build the best possible service that will meet the needs of Europe and the needs of Europe’s citizens. We are attracting some of the best talent from Member States and at the same time we have harnessed the tremendous depth of knowledge and expertise that staff from the Institutions bring. I pay tribute to all of them.

The External Action Service (EEAS) is fast becoming a centre of excellence and a source of ideas, policy and analysis, and our network of delegations across the world is the greatest asset we have. I have been able to open new Delegations in Libya and South Sudan and an office in Burma/Myanmar, an office that I would like to upgrade. We need to develop this network. We are, for example, massively under-represented in the Gulf states.

What makes us different from Member States is that we work in a different way. In fact, I would argue that we work in a way that is unique to the European Union. When you look at all the crises that we face, when you look at all the situations in which we are operating, they are multi-faceted, complex and particular. In none of them is there a simple one-size-fits-all solution – political, military or economic.

The great strength of the European Union, working with Member States and with our international partners, is the range of diplomatic tools at our disposal. By mobilising them all in an appropriate way we can be more effective in preventing crisis and conflict and swifter in helping to resolve them.

To develop that comprehensive approach we need three things. We need to clearly define our strategy, bearing in mind our own interests; we have to have effective coordination of what we do; and we need swift delivery by the European Union, its Member States and the network that we have overseas.

Let me consider two brief examples. As Honourable Members know, in August I went to Mogadishu and was also in Mombasa and Nairobi. You know very well the challenges of the region. I am very pleased that we have the new president elected in circumstances of calm. Our team in Mogadishu, our Special Representative, were there throughout the process.

Just before this debate I spoke to the former President Sheikh Sharif, and to the new President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to congratulate them on the outcome and to tell them that we would remain with them. They asked me to tell you that they are very grateful for the 22 years that we have worked to try to support the people of Somalia and that they look to us to stay with them.

When we talk to the politicians in Mogadishu and in the region, we talk about a range of different activities in which we are involved: tackling piracy; enabling the World Food Programme to safely deliver its aid; bringing peace and stability to the region; supporting democracy and human rights; helping trade to flourish; building infrastructure; helping to fight terrorism and engaging in support for the peace processes and mediation.

As a result of the work of Operation Atalanta, supported at this point by 11 Member States working together, with ships, planes, helicopters and logistical support at headquarters, working and linking with other countries operating in the region, successful piracy attacks have dropped from 65 in 2010 to just five so far this year. Those who are involved in Atalanta – and I visited the French flagship Lafayette while I was there – are the first to say that they can tackle the symptoms of the problem at sea but we have to find ways to tackle the issues on the land.

We have two other missions operating: the training of soldiers to help support the security situation around Mogadishu and beyond – I met the Amazon force commander who talked about the needs he has as he tries to drive forward and bring peace and security – and the operation that will help with maritime security, helping other countries to keep their shoreline and the seas free from piracy, especially important to countries like Kenya who have seen piracy now turn into kidnapping people from the shore.

I went to this mission with both admirals and the colonel in charge of those missions, but I also went with those involved in development and in the humanitarian exercise to work in a coherent and comprehensive way. When I met with the politicians, who were just about to start the elections for their new government, we talked about the range of different ways in which we are involved and the fundamental needs of development.

As the AMISOM forces move forward they need help to dig wells and to provide for the people in communities who have suffered 20 years of war. They need help in supporting the move away from crisis, for peace building and mediation. I recall the very brave woman in charge of the electoral commission who talked about the need to help them build peace and to build that coordination, to engage the women of Somalia in doing that, building a government.

I raised the European Union flag. It flies in Mogadishu above a very basic place that we have there – no more than a tin roof and tin walls, and yet it provides meeting rooms and beds and places for our delegation to be able to be active every day. This is one example, and it is an important symbol of that comprehensive approach that we work together right across the Commission services – right through to the provision of our military knowledge and expertise.

Another example is through the task forces that we have built in supporting countries going through transition. As Mr Brok has said, the economic challenges are great and, for those countries facing transition, they are immense. We are helping to support the political process where people are allowed the democracy they yearned for and that they sought and we need to link that with the capacity to help support them economically with the jobs of the future and the security for their families that will make the difference.

In the task forces we have brought together people who represent a range of support. Members of this Parliament came with us and have engaged with these new parliamentarians. These are people who, even a few weeks before the elections, were registering their political parties for the first time, people who have never worked out how you build a coalition or indeed how you build a political party that has roots that go deep, and people who need to understand the institutional side of democracy and to work, not just for one election but for all the elections to come. I pay tribute to all the Members of this Parliament who have engaged with people across the world in doing that.

By bringing together, on the one hand, the resources from the Commission that can support long-term development, the instruments for stability, all of these assets that we have, and, on the other hand, those of our partners – the European Investment Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the Africa Bank, the World Bank, all of the institutions who are able to put grants and loans at the disposal of those who need to build sometimes the most basic of infrastructure – and by coordination through our special representatives, our delegation and our services on the ground, we are able to translate that into a day when people come together and have business leaders from across the European Union willing to commit, to engage and invest in those countries. It means we translate and leverage the resources that we have, translate the several hundred million euros we have available into billions of euros – for Jordan EUR 3 billion and for Tunisia EUR 4 billion – over the three years and make a significant difference to the lives of people.

I think in taking that approach it is where, as I have said, we offer something unique. It translates into how we support those countries that are trying to deal with real challenges at the present time of transition, not just in our southern neighbourhood but also the challenges that exist to our east.

As you know we have been working closely in the Western Balkans, in Bosnia, to try to build this comprehensive approach on the ground. We are working with many countries who are engaged in Bosnia and Herzegovina and with all the leaders who need to try to push forward the government.

When I recently met the leadership in Serbia and Kosovo, Prime Minister Thaci, President Nikolić and Prime Minister Dačić, I said that I would engage myself in driving forward this dialogue. However, they need to commit to really wanting to find ways through that will help to support the people whose lives are made difficult every day by the ongoing tensions and challenges of that area. I will meet with them again in New York to try to push forward on that subject.

Supporting the process of change also in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen and other countries in the Middle East and North Africa requires our continued support and our continued willingness to address the different challenges. On Thursday, President Morsi will arrive in Brussels for his first visit. The new President of Egypt was invited by me when I went to see him in July. He will meet with me and the Presidents to discuss the developments in his country and his role and work in the wider region. We will prepare for him the same kind of injection of economic and political support for the future but we do not just wait for those moments.

In Egypt in July we provided two million rural Egyptian women with identity cards because without an identity card you cannot get healthcare or open a bank account and you are not recognised as an individual. For those women something that is very simple and very straightforward was beyond their capacity to be able to do. We have to be in action all the time and to be in support of the people of the country – and I would argue, in the countries in transition, to be especially aware of the role of women.

We will talk more about Syria later but I of course remain appalled by the violence and human rights violations which have occurred there. When I spoke with Mr Brahimi, the new representative, I offered him the full support of the European Union, including from the delegation we still have on the ground. In my discussions with countries immediately affected surrounding Syria we have also offered them additional support. You will have seen an additional EUR 50 million being given this weekend.

We also remain committed on the Middle East peace process. The goal is a just and lasting two-state solution. We need to make sure that we continue to move forward and recognise the additional challenges that are faced at the moment by Prime Minister Fayed and the Palestinian Authority in financial terms. I spoke with him yesterday and we will work together, along with the AHLC and the Norwegian Foreign Minister, to secure additional support in New York to try to make sure that the work that has been done, and which is well recognised by Israel as well as by the World Bank and countries of the region and beyond, is not allowed to fail.

Of course we also need to understand the needs of Israel – its deep concern for its security and its worries at the present time. So we have to continue to try and find a way through that will bring security for both, but in my view it is increasingly urgent.

I also mention, in the spirit of that region, the work that we do on Iran. I am very grateful for what Mr Brok said about my role as leader of the negotiations. I have spent 48 hours in direct negotiation and I spent an additional 18 hours in bilateral negotiations. I spoke with Dr Jalili, my counterpart, a couple of weeks ago to urge on him the need to make progress and to keep moving on the diplomatic track.

The E3+3 will meet during the General Assembly and we are having further contacts. But at the same time, as the report reminds us, we must not neglect the broader agenda including human rights and regional security.

If we look to our east again – and I have mentioned Serbia, Kosovo and what is happening in Bosnia and Herzegovina – we have to continue to monitor the situation in Belarus, where the situation on human rights and democracy worries me a great deal. We have a policy of critical engagement and, with our measures, we continue to target those responsible for the crackdown and those associated with it. At the same time, we continue to engage with the people, with civil society and opposition.

In Ukraine, where Helga Schmid, the political director, is meeting today with the opposition parties, we want to see progress on three issues: selective justice, the conduct of free and fair parliamentary elections on 28 October, and the resumption of the delayed reforms in the joint EU-Ukraine Association Agenda.

When I look at that part of the world, I am pleased to see what is happening in Moldova. Moving dynamically within our broader Eastern partnership we will also remain actively engaged in the 5+2 talks on the question of resolving the issues in Transnistria.

But we of course look at the region and consider too the issues of elections that are moving towards us, especially in Georgia. I met recently with President Saakashvili and we have sent messages to the opposition. We are very clear that we need a good election process and we need to make sure that it is run well. We will have observers there and we will have political support to ensure that the future of Georgia is assured.

We are also always continuing in our efforts in our relationships with Armenia and Azerbaijan. I visited both in the last few months and I have to say that I deeply regretted the recent decision to pardon Safarov, which went against commitments made by Azerbaijan and which has fuelled tensions in the region. I have expressed, together with Commissioner Füle, our concern. We have been following up on this and our special representative is currently in the region. I know Parliament will debate this on Thursday.

As I have indicated to you, much of what we do is in partnership. We work in close consultation and cooperation with the United States in our areas of common interest, especially the Western Balkans, the Southern Neighbourhood, and in the Asia-Pacific, where we met recently with the ASEAN countries and where Secretary Clinton and I held a bilateral meeting on the issues of that region. We remain in touch with the State Department on a daily basis.

I am also going to speak later on about Russia so I will not say anything further about Russia in this debate in order that we can have a bigger debate later and save time. But of course it is critically important that we engage with the people of Russia and that we ensure that we have strong relationships.

When I went to China recently we moved forward in trying to develop the dialogue that we have on global and regional issues. We have agreed a regular dialogue on defence and security policies and we have agreed to strengthen our cooperation on combating piracy. I have already said that, on the work that we do on Iran, we work closely with the E3+3 and China is a key partner in this, as it is also – as I have indicated – on the fight against piracy.

But as our relationship with China strengthens, we need to emphasise the importance of universal values and freedoms. During my nine hours of discussion with State Councillor Dai Bingguo, my counterpart, we had a very long discussion and debate on human rights. I brought that into the dialogue that I had with him as well as the dialogue that we had on human rights as a separate discussion.

Also with India, we have agreed to hold annual foreign policy consultations where we have a security dialogue, we work together in a Joint Working Group on Counter-Terrorism and where we cooperate on anti-piracy and cyber-security issues. We have strengthened that relationship dramatically in the last year but of course I continue to try to support a solution, working with the Italian Government, for the two marines on trial in India.

Our cooperation with our other strategic partners goes on – Canada, Brazil, Mexico, South Africa, Japan and South Korea. Countries like Mexico and Brazil play an important role in promoting open markets in their region and following the political crisis in Paraguay. In my visits to Brazil, India and South Africa I have promoted the idea of working together on development and international issues, using the common interests and values that we share, but I have to say that we have more to do on this.

Of the three I most recently visited South Africa, and I want to say a word on the recent events. While I was in Pretoria I was able to offer condolences on behalf of the European Union for the loss of life at the Marikana mine. Our thoughts are with the families affected at this terrible time.

I had the opportunity to discuss this in great detail with both the Foreign Minister and the Defence Minister. I think the South African authorities have taken the necessary steps now to establish the circumstances that led to these tragic events, through a full judicial Commission of inquiry and an inter-ministerial Committee to provide assistance and support to the families of those who were killed.

It would be wrong to speculate and try to anticipate the findings of the Commission, but it is important to examine the root causes as well as the circumstances of these events and, as Mr Brok’s report says, not to neglect the broader issues in our discussions with South Africa and the region.

There is much more that we can do to work closely with regional organisations – organisations like the Arab League, the African Union, ASEAN, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation – and of course with the United Nations, both in its broader role and its role in the regions.

We have worked together closely on the future of Libya with the United Nations, the African Union, the Arab League, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation – an idea that came from me to the Secretary-General – and we worked very closely with organisations, especially the Arab League on Syria. We have done very practical things to foster this cooperation with the Arab League. For example we have equipped their crisis room at their headquarters in Cairo which I will be proud to visit and open in November.

When we look at all the different geographical areas of the world, we also have to remember that many of the challenges of the world are what we call horizontal – the potential for crisis and conflict because of energy or climate change or water are very real. Last week at the Gymnich I took the opportunity to talk again with Foreign Ministers about some of these issues.

We specifically focused on water and education. It was because I recognised that, when we think about the Middle East peace process, water is a final status issue. When we think about what is happening in central Asia there are real difficulties concerning water. The Sahel, the Nile basin and the Arabian Peninsula are all areas where water plays an incredibly vital role in the potential for conflict and we need to be engaged with that.

I have said a lot about what we try to do and how we try to do it, but of course what really matters is why. We do this to promote and protect human rights and democracy as the guiding principle of our foreign policy. We exist to serve our citizens, to help them be more secure, more able to pursue the lives they want, to give them the right environment and hopefully prosperity and to help others obtain what we have. I have reported many times the young man in Libya who said, ‘We want what you have every day. You have democracy and freedom’.

Let me end with a quick word on our interinstitutional relations. I think we have strengthened the relationships between this Parliament, the institutions, our senior EEAS officials, myself and others, and that we have tried to respond as quickly and as positively as we can to all requests. I think our information to the Committee on Foreign Affairs and to the Committee on Development is better. The reports and resolutions that are in the Parliament are taken into account.

Thank you for the idea of the EUSR on human rights. I was very pleased to appoint Stavros Lambrinidis to that role. Thank you for the role that you play in electoral observation missions which are held up across the world as true examples of a way to work with countries and to help support those looking to the future.

I am convinced that we can do more and as we build towards the 2013 review of the Decision, I hope that we will be able to show, not only what we have achieved, but also to give some pointers for what more we need to do.

Thank you to the European Parliament for the support that you have given the service and to me over this last year. I would like to say a special thank you to Mr Brok for his excellent report.

 
  
  

PRÉSIDENCE DE MME ISABELLE DURANT
Vice-présidente

 
  
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  Надежда Нейнски, докладчик по становището на комисията по бюджети. − Уважаеми дами и господа, като докладчик в комисията по бюджети по обща външна политика и политика за сигурност искам да подкрепя точната и ясна позиция на Elmar Brok.

Европейският съюз се нуждае наистина от приоритети и стратегически насоки за развитието на външната си политика. И тъй като често разходите за външна политика са орязват за сметка на разходите за вътрешните за Съюза политики, е ясно че трябва да постигаме повече с по-малко средства и да търсим максимална полза и ефективност на тяхното изразходване.

Моят личен опит показва, че това може да се осъществи по няколко начина. Първо, чрез намиране на синергии между европейските граждански, дипломатически, военни инструменти и инструменти за развитие. Второ, чрез по-добро планиране на цивилните и военни операции под шапката на Европейския съюз и трето, чрез таргетиране на финансовите потоци, за да се гарантира необратимост на постигнатите положителни резултати.

Дами и господа, аз съм убедена, че Европейският парламент е също така на мнението, че по-ефективна Европа може да бъде постигната по отношение на общата външна политика и политика за сигурност само чрез убедителни и общи действия, които ние да предприемем.

 
  
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  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señora Presidenta, señora Alta Representante/Vicepresidenta de la Comisión, Señorías, en primer lugar quisiera felicitar al ponente, señor Brok, por este informe sobre el estado de la política exterior y de seguridad común, que es indisociable del momento que está viviendo la Unión Europea en lo que se refiere a la crisis de la deuda, a la crisis del euro y a la crisis del proyecto de construcción europea.

Señora Ashton, podemos ser el primer bloque importador mundial de bienes y servicios, podemos ser el principal bloque exportador mundial de bienes y servicios, podemos ser el primer donante de ayuda humanitaria, triplicando la ayuda que conceden los Estados Unidos, pero ¿qué credibilidad tenemos en la escena internacional, a pesar de sus esfuerzos y a pesar de los nuestros, si no somos capaces de resolver con diligencia y eficacia los problemas internos?

El nuevo Servicio Europeo de Acción Exterior y la nueva política exterior y de seguridad común han nacido en el momento más complicado y en la crisis más profunda que está viviendo la Unión Europea desde su fundación.

Y es evidente que si queremos tener una política exterior y de seguridad común que sea coherente, que sea visible y que sea eficaz, tenemos que intentar dar respuestas a los interrogantes que nos planteaba Elmar Brok en su introducción.

¿Cómo defender los derechos humanos en una comunidad internacional que considera nuestra Carta de Derechos Humanos como una visión occidental del mundo? ¿Cómo conciliar el principio de soberanía e integridad territorial de los Estados, que prevé la Carta de las Naciones Unidas, con el principio de la responsabilidad de proteger para evitar crisis como la de Siria, que usted nos decía, señora Ashton, que le escandalizaba? ¿Cómo identificar nuevos socios de forma acorde con nuestra visión del mundo y cómo trabajar con ellos y cómo acometer los desafíos que nos plantea la política de vecindad, septentrional y meridional?

Tarea difícil, señora Ashton, insisto, para resolver nuestros problemas fuera, y esta no es una responsabilidad solamente suya; lo veremos mañana en el debate sobre el Estado de la Unión. Tenemos que empezar por hacer los deberes dentro.

 
  
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  Ioan Mircea Paşcu, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, we are now debating again a traditional and important report on our CFSP. This year its author Elmar Brok has decided to break the pattern of this report and introduce a newer approach, less conventional and more strategic in nature, setting a relatively high level of ambition for our CFSP.

A first hurdle to overcome has been that of the current situation which compels the EU to be more inward-looking and parsimonious with its means, in other words, while challenges are accumulating, our willingness and capacity to properly deal with them have objectively diminished. Under the circumstances one wonders whether the level of ambition stated by the report is reflecting a normal situation unaffected by crisis or is attuned to our current difficulties. This is important because in the first case we might become unrealistic and in the second we might lack credibility.

A second hurdle has been the rapid evolution of the international environment, including the one in our direct neighbourhood. The report is inevitably a snapshot of the situation at a certain moment in time, while the international environment is in a state of flux. Therefore one needs to anticipate and be in front of developments if one wants to stay relevant.

A third hurdle is our credibility. Indeed we have to convince the rest of the world that we continue to be an attractive option, that we can both master our own problems and still pay considerable attention to what happens around us and in the rest of the world.

Inevitably, all these hurdles have influenced the outcome reflected in this report, thus time is continuously pressing and we have all had to accommodate ourselves to the new tempo and deal with its novelty. Consequently there were numerous amendments, too short a time to debate them and reach the inevitable compromises, and last minute amendments which sometimes go beyond and outside the compromise amendments reached previously.

However, paying proper attention to this very important report, for which I salute the rapporteur, is indicative of our mission to continue to address properly international, political, economic and military issues in parallel with the efforts to overcome our internal crisis.

 
  
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  Andrew Duff, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, my impression is that systematic cooperation between Member States is starting to work properly – a process which needs careful nurturing if the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is actually to blossom.

But we also need to pick our projects with great care, and if CFSP is in search of a big-picture project on which to focus it should be in my view Russia. We missed the chance, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, properly to engage the Russians as a true partner in European integration.

Several false starts and bruised hopes have left our relations fraught and distrustful. Whatever we think of Mr Putin, he is here to stay and Russia is now inside the WTO. So the Union should use its leverage to open up Russia to liberal democracy and to promote fundamental rights there. Gazprom and tourism are not sufficiently broad foundations for building a stable and dynamic relationship which, should we accomplish it, is going to be of great benefit to world politics.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))

 
  
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  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD), Blue-card question. – Madam President, does Mr Duff accept that, to quote him, the last ‘big picture project’ was the alliance against Libya, and is he aware that in that alliance there were only six European nations, two of which were not even members of the European Union?

So to talk of a common foreign and security policy is just an illusion and a very costly one at that. Do you accept any of that?

 
  
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  Andrew Duff (ALDE), blue-card answer. – I accept that the Treaty of Lisbon grants us the powers and competences to grow clusters of core groups of Member States to go further and faster in building up foreign security and indeed defence policies, and I see Libya not only as a great success, but as a forerunner of a practice of reinforced cooperation which we ought to grow.

 
  
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  Franziska Katharina Brantner, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Vielen Dank, Frau Ashton, für Ihre Ausführungen, und vielen Dank, Herr Brok, für Ihren Bericht. Wie viele schon gesagt haben, findet unsere Debatte vor dem Hintergrund der schwersten wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und politischen Krise der Europäischen Union statt. Sie führt auch dazu, dass in den Regierungszentralen in Europa eben nicht ausreichend Zeit und Kraft bleibt, um sich der vielen drängenden außenpolitischen Probleme anzunehmen. Europas viel zu schleppende Reaktion auf die schrecklichen Ereignisse in Syrien oder unser viel zu schnell nachlassendes Interesse an der demokratischen Transformation Nordafrikas sind hier nur zwei Beispiele. Ein weiteres Beispiel ist der sehr langsame Aufbau unseres Delegationsbüros in Tripolis.

Es mangelt Europa nicht nur an Zeit und Aufmerksamkeit, sondern schlicht auch an Geld. Die Finanzkrise wird an den Budgets der Außenministerien und auch des Europäischen Parlaments nicht spurlos vorbeigehen. In dieser Situation müssen wir und müssen auch Sie, Frau Ashton, klare Prioritäten setzen. Neben besserem Nutzen von Synergieeffekten auf europäischer Ebene kann das für uns nur bedeuten: Weg von der häufig sehr teuren Reaktion auf eskalierende Krisen, hin zu mehr Konfliktprävention. Denn zivile Konfliktprävention ist das billigste und effektivste Mittel, das wir Europäer noch haben. Bisher nutzen wir aber dieses Potenzial nicht ausreichend, und unsere Handels-, Fischerei-, Agrar- und Entwicklungspolitik müssen endlich konfliktsensibel werden, damit sie helfen, Konflikten vorzubeugen anstatt sie anzuheizen. Dafür fehlen immer noch die effektiven Strukturen. Gleichzeitig müssen wir die erst kürzlich geschaffenen Strukturen im Auswärtigen Dienst für Konfliktprävention und Konfliktmediation stärken und ihre Expertise in die EU-Außenpolitik als Ganzes verbreitern.

Ein anderer vielversprechender Ansatz ist die Idee eines europäischen Friedensinstitutes. Der Auswärtige Ausschuss wird diese Idee nächste Woche mit dem schwedischen Außenminister Carl Bildt diskutieren. Ich hoffe in diesem Sinn auf Ihre Unterstützung und freue mich auf Ihre Antworten.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, the ECR Group has consistently asserted that CFSP must always be subject to unanimity in the Council. Britain, for instance, is a major military power with a permanent seat in the UN Security Council and must always, of course, retain sovereignty in its foreign policy.

That said, we do recognise that the CFSP can play a value added role where Member States’ interests converge, such as over Iran, which is hell-bent on acquiring nuclear weapons and remains probably the greatest threat to global peace.

The CFSP is also a useful platform engaging China’s emergence as a global power over issues like North Korea and standing up to Russia where necessary, for instance, over Georgia or its support for Syria in the current insurgency, or engaging within the Quartet to further the Middle East peace process.

I happen to be the rapporteur for the Horn of Africa and again this is a region with failed states like Somalia and new fragile states like South Sudan and the issue of the emerging role of the African Union. Again, this is an area where the CFSP is a useful tool for the EU and its Member States, to better project their national interests and promote democracy and human rights throughout the globe.

 
  
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  Νικόλαος Σαλαβράκος, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας EFD. – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, συγχαίρω τον κ. Brok για την εξαιρετική δουλειά που έκανε σε μια πολύ δύσκολη έκθεση. Εύχομαι οι εξελίξεις μετά το 2013 να μην διαταράξουν ουσιωδώς το status quo σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο και να δικαιώσουν τις προβλέψεις της έκθεσης αλλά και της Υπάτης Εκπροσώπου. Βεβαίως δεν μπορώ, λόγω περιορισμένου χρόνου, να αναφερθώ σε όλα τα κεφάλαια της έκθεσης, αλλά θα ήθελα να επικεντρωθώ στο θέμα της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου και της νότιας γειτονίας που είναι ζωτικής σημασίας για την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Η τάση που υπάρχει στη Δύση είναι να δίνεται έμφαση μόνο στα οικονομικά θέματα και τούτο εγκυμονεί τον κίνδυνο να αγνοηθούν κρίσιμες γεωπολιτικές πτυχές της κρίσης. Αυτό επισημαίνει ο σπουδαίος αναλυτής Ian Lesser, ο οποίος αναφέρει ότι η Ελλάδα διανύει ενδεχομένως μια κρίσιμη οικονομική περίοδο αλλά ότι δεν πρέπει να μένουμε μόνο στους αριθμούς. Η γεωστρατηγική θέση και η σημασία της Ελλάδας είναι τεράστια όταν η γειτονία της Ελλάδας, από τα Βαλκάνια έως την Εγγύς Ανατολή, εισέρχεται σε μια πολύ ασταθή περίοδο και με απρόβλεπτες συνέπειες για το άμεσο μέλλον. Πρέπει λοιπόν να επαγρυπνούμε και πρέπει να αποτρέψουμε την κοινωνική ένταση στην Ελλάδα. Η αξιοποίηση του φυσικού αερίου στην περιοχή της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου μπορεί εξάλλου να αποτελέσει παράγοντα ασφάλειας και σταθερότητας για την Ένωση και να συνεισφέρει στην επίτευξη ενεργειακής ποικιλομορφίας. Είναι απαραίτητο να κινηθεί προς αυτή την κατεύθυνση η Ένωση και πρέπει και εσείς Βαρόνη Ashton να δείξετε ισχυρή πολιτική βούληση και σθένος ώστε να εκδοθούν άδειες εξόρυξης εντός της ΑΟΖ των κρατών μελών, όπως ορίζει το διεθνές δίκαιο.

 
  
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  Willy Meyer, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señora Presidenta, doy las gracias al señor Brok y a la señora Ashton. Saben los dos que mi Grupo es un grupo crítico, que no comparte la actual orientación en la política de seguridad y defensa, porque creemos que ha llegado el momento de iniciar una transición hacia un modelo que consiga la desmilitarización de la seguridad, para dar respuesta a lo que crea hoy inseguridad en el mundo. En primer lugar, el hambre: 70 000 personas mueren diariamente de hambre, mientras que se gastan 4 000 millones de dólares diarios en armamento; luego las armas de destrucción masiva, la violencia, el desempleo y las enfermedades fácilmente curables. Es a lo que hay que dar respuesta en materia de seguridad.

Esa respuesta no pasa por incrementar el gasto militar, por tener más armas, tener alianzas militares como la OTAN, que pueden intervenir fuera del mandato del Consejo de Seguridad y que pueden hacer ejercicios de violencia como el de Irak.

Hay que escuchar a nuestra delegada, en su último informe sobre la situación de Irak, para comprender que esa no es la vía. La vía es iniciar un proceso distinto, desmilitarizado, para alcanzar, a través de unas Naciones Unidas rediseñadas, el verdadero gobierno democrático del mundo, para alcanzar ese objetivo de la paz.

 
  
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  Nicole Sinclaire (NI). - Madam President, when I listen to Baroness Ashton extolling the great successes of the European External Action Service, I am reminded of the movie ‘Forrest Gump’, where a well-meaning but seriously challenged and naive young man finds himself at the centre of events. He was surrounded by the great and the good, but was never really sure of what was going on.

We have seen the faltering and sometimes painful transition to democracy of the long-suffering peoples in the Arab Spring; the ongoing civil war in Syria; fears over nuclear proliferation; the death of Gaddafi; and the return of Putin. These are challenging times in which we are seeing relationships and dynamics redefined. However, at a recent meeting with an exasperated diplomat from the Middle East, he told me that he regarded the High Representative as being more of a hindrance than a help.

We all understand that Baroness Ashton drew the short straw. Her role is that of a caretaker of an unformed entity. History is unlikely to remember her in any great detail, but she once found herself elevated to the British House of Lords without ever receiving a single vote in any democratic election. As Forrest Gump pointed out so eloquently, life is like a box of chocolates and we will never know what comes next.

 
  
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  Michael Gahler (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin! Als EVP-Koordinator für den Bereich Sicherheit und Verteidigung wollte ich eigentlich im Detail darlegen, dass Sie die Forderungen des Europäischen Parlaments aus den Berichten Danjean, Ehler, Gualtieri und Lisek bedauerlicherweise nicht konsequent umsetzen. Das tun sicherlich einige der genannten Kollegen später.

Aus aktuellem Anlass möchte ich Ihnen aber danken, dass Sie die Ukraine und die politische Lage dort angesprochen haben. Sie nannten es selektive Justiz. Ich würde das, was dort stattfindet, politische Justiz nennen. Nur wenige Meter von hier kämpfen Julija Timoschenko und Juri Losenko vor dem Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte um ihre Würde und ihre Menschenrechte. Am kommenden Wochenende findet eine Konferenz in Jalta statt. Dort muss Kommissar Füle deutlich sagen, dass Europa einen starken ukrainischen Partner will. Aber die Oligarchenclubs haben Angst vor mündigen Bürgern, fürchten sich vor Wettbewerb und den Regeln von Anstand und Recht. Der Weg der Oligarchen führt in Ausbeutung, Kriminalität und Brutalität.

Das ist nicht der Weg Europas. Europa hat offene Gesellschaften, soziale Marktwirtschaft und den Rechtsstaat. Wir wissen heute schon, dass die Ukraine keine freien Wahlen erleben wird. Vielfältige Manipulationen sind bereits heute in allen Teilen des Landes an der Tagesordnung. Wir kennen hunderte Beispiele. Dass Oppositionsführer als politische Gefangene in Haft sind, ist eine Tragödie für Freiheit und Demokratie in Europa, in der Ukraine wie in Belarus. In unserer südlichen Nachbarschaft erleben wir das Ende vieler Autokraten und den Frühling der Demokratie zumindest teilweise.

Frau Ashton, Herr Füle, gehen Sie nach Jalta! Erzählen Sie dort vom politischen Frühling, der auch in diesem Teil Europas endlich alte Strukturen aufbrechen und den Menschen Vertrauen in eine demokratische Zukunft geben muss.

 
  
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  Ana Gomes (S&D). - Madam President, Lady Ashton, as we point out in this report, the consistency and coherence of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) requires political leadership and coordination, ensuring that European policies such as trade and development are in line with CFSP principles, values and strategic interests.

Ethiopia – an ACP partner, a major recipient of EU aid, the second most populous country in Africa and headquarters of the African Union – has been without a government since the dictator Meles Zenawi died in July, much earlier than the totalitarian clique announced to the people of Ethiopia. This delay allowed them to secretly engineer the perpetuation of their oppressive regime.

Fortunately yesterday two Swedish journalists imprisoned by Meles were finally released. But we did not hear the EU pressing for their release, and we did not hear it pressing for the release of all the other thousands of Ethiopian political prisoners, including Eskinder Nega, recipient of PEN America’s ‘Freedom to Write’ award.

What can you tell us about your endeavours in that regard? Why is the EU so silent or at least so discreet in calling for the liberation of Ethiopians? And can you tell us what the EU is doing to press for an inclusive political dialogue involving all opposition parties, including the armed ones, so that Ethiopia may remain unified and not fall into violence, so that Ethiopia may now find that genuine road to democracy to which its people aspire and not go on oppressed by these totalitarian forces?

Ethiopia is too important for Africa and for the world for us to continue to turn a blind eye to what is going on there.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))

 
  
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  Louis Michel (ALDE), question "carton bleu". – Madame la Présidente, je ne souhaite pas poser une question, mais plutôt livrer mon témoignage.

Je veux simplement vous dire que Mme Ashton et ses services ont œuvré – j'en ai été le témoin – pour libérer les deux journalistes suédois. Je suis moi-même allé en Éthiopie, il y a plusieurs semaines, à la demande de Mme Ashton et grâce à ses informations, pour faire en sorte que l'on intervienne pour libérer ces deux journalistes. Je me suis donc rendu, avec le plein accord et le plein soutien de Mme Ashton, chez le Premier ministre Meles. J'ai rencontré les prisonniers. Le ministre des affaires étrangères suédois s'est aussi beaucoup démené. Je veux témoigner, ici, de l'action de Mme Asthon pour libérer ces prisonniers. Je pense que si nous n'avions pas mis en marche cette dynamique, en toute confidentialité, les prisonniers ne seraient peut-être pas libérés aujourd'hui. Je voulais le dire parce que je connais votre passion pour l'Éthiopie, et je voulais que cette vérité-là soit rétablie. Par conséquent, ne dites pas à Mme Ashton qu'elle n'a rien fait: elle a fait énormément et nous l'avons soutenue.

 
  
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  Ana Gomes (S&D), réponse "carton bleu". – Madame la Présidente, ma question est justement: qu'avons-nous fait? Je me réjouis que l'on ait œuvré pour la libération de ces deux journalistes suédois. Mais qu'en est-il des milliers de journalistes et autres opposants éthiopiens qui sont en prison? Que faisons-nous face à cette situation et pour faire pression en vue d'une solution vraiment démocratique pour l'Éthiopie? L'Éthiopie est trop importante pour être négligée comme elle l'est par nous tous et par nos gouvernements, notamment.

 
  
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  Annemie Neyts-Uyttebroeck (ALDE). - Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute représentante, chers collègues, le débat, tel qu'il s'est déroulé jusqu'à présent, montre bien, Madame la Haute représentante, l'impossibilité de votre tâche. D'un côté, les uns vous ont demandé de bien cerner les priorités et de vous concentrer sur des actions prioritaires et, d'un autre, on vous pose des questions sur tout ce qui se passe partout dans le monde, en vous priant de faire tout ce qui est possible pour améliorer la situation.

Cependant, votre tâche est en même temps exaltante, et nous vous appuyons parce que, ensemble – mais surtout vous et votre équipe, qui faites la part du lion –, nous sommes en train de jeter les fondements d'une toute nouvelle politique commune: la politique commune de sécurité et de défense de l'Union européenne.

Je suis de celles et de ceux qui voudraient, évidemment, que le monde entier s'en soit déjà aperçu, et je pense qu'il s'en aperçoit graduellement. Cela dit, j'ai eu une expérience un peu malheureuse, tout comme mes collègues qui étaient présents également la semaine dernière à Charlotte, en Caroline du Nord, lors de la convention démocrate: aussi bien pendant toute la convention que pendant le programme de l'International Leaders Forum, il n'a pas été fait mention une seule fois de l'Union européenne. M. Brok écrit dans son rapport que les États-Unis sont notre partenaire stratégique principal – et c'est certainement vrai –, mais toujours est-il que pas une seule fois il n'a été fait mention de nous. J'en conclus qu'il nous reste énormément de travail à faire.

 
  
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  Paweł Robert Kowal (ECR). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Dziękuję za te parę słów i myślę, że faktycznie w Pani pracy widać duży wysiłek i pierwsze efekty, co prowadzi do pewnych wniosków. Pierwszy wniosek, według mnie, to to, że jesień na Wschodzie pod hasłem „demokracja” będzie trudna –odbędą się wybory w Gruzji i na Ukrainie. Bardzo potrzebujemy wsparcia politycznego, o czym pisałem już do Pani Przewodniczącej. Potrzebujemy także wsparcia dla organizacji pozarządowych, dla społecznych misji obserwacyjnych. Jeżeli chcemy jeszcze raz podjąć tę wielką historyczną grę ze Wschodem i powiedzieć: „tak, macie szansę wejść do Unii Europejskiej”, musimy dziś wyśrubować kryteria, według których będą ocenione wybory. Dlatego pierwsze hasło to demokracja.

Druga rzecz, która jest bardzo trudna i w której potrzebne jest Pani osobiste zaangażowanie, to wolność, szczególnie w kontekście wolności religijnej. Bardzo nas niepokoi to, co dzieje się w Syrii. My nie możemy dopuścić do tego, żeby wydarzenia w Syrii były elementem ostatecznego rozwiązania kwestii chrześcijan na Wschodzie, którzy tam zawsze byli i tam jest ich miejsce. Dzisiaj powinien zabrzmieć w tej sprawie Pani głos.

Trzecia sprawa to energia, ale już nie ma na to czasu.

 
  
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  Bastiaan Belder (EFD). - Zowel de Duitse minister van Buitenlandse Zaken als zijn Franse ambtgenoot zijn van mening dat atoomwapens in Iraanse handen onaanvaardbaar zijn. Welke consequentie verbindt de Europese Unie aan deze stellingname indien de onderhandelingen met het Iraanse regime, zoals nu het geval is, vruchteloos blijven? Dat is mijn eerste vraag aan mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger.

Mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, in een persbericht van afgelopen zaterdag wordt u geciteerd over het Europese sanctiebeleid ten aanzien van de Islamitische Republiek Iran. U spreekt over de noodzaak om na te gaan of de Europese sancties worden ontdoken of zelfs genegeerd. Hebt u daarvoor ook concrete aanwijzingen?

Ondertussen is er op Europees ministersniveau sprake van nieuwe sancties tegen Teheran. Kunt u daarover al opheldering verschaffen? Ik dank u.

 
  
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  Philip Claeys (NI). - Eergisteren werden de Zuid-Afrikaanse boer Johan Fourie en zijn vrouw Cecile in gruwelijke omstandigheden vermoord. Volgens de politiemensen ging het om één van de gruwelijkste misdaadscènes die ze ooit gezien hebben.

De media in Europa besteden hier geen aandacht aan, maar Johan en Cecile Fourie zijn niet zomaar alleenstaande gevallen. Sinds het ANC aan de macht kwam, zijn er meer dan 3 000 boeren vermoord in Zuid-Afrika. Er zit een patroon in die moordpartijen. Ze gaan meestal gepaard met urenlange folteringen. Meestal wordt er weinig gestolen. Het heeft ook niets te maken met armoede. Deze mensen worden gewoon vermoord omwille van wie ze zijn.

Het gaat om een politiek probleem, want er zijn belangrijke krachten in en rond het ANC die deze moordpartijen in de hand werken. De regering en de politie doen nauwelijks iets. De landhervorming die op til is, dreigt de situatie nog verder aan te scherpen. Er is dus meer nodig dan zomaar een brief om de zaken aan te pakken. Er moeten sancties komen en er moeten maatregelen komen.

 
  
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  Arnaud Danjean (PPE). - Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute représentante, nous mesurons tous l'ampleur de votre tâche et les difficultés qui sont liées à la coordination des États membres, très susceptibles sur leurs prérogatives diplomatiques et militaires. Ceci nous invite donc à une certaine indulgence et à reconnaître bien volontiers que vous ne ménagez pas vos efforts.

Pour autant, il est impossible pour nous, aujourd'hui, de ne pas exprimer une certaine déception, voire une certaine frustration, que l'on retrouve d'ailleurs bien exprimée dans le rapport Brok, lorsqu'il insiste sur l'absence de sens clair des priorités stratégiques de la PESC.

L'ambition louable que vous affichez, c'est la mise en œuvre de l'approche globale – la comprehensive approach – qui doit constituer la valeur ajoutée de l'Union européenne sur la scène internationale. Mais je dois vous avouer que l'approche semble surtout globale dans sa dimension et, j'allais dire, dans sa dispersion géographique.

À vouloir être partout, tout le temps, on se demande parfois ce que fait vraiment l'Union européenne et où elle exerce vraiment une capacité globale avec succès. Vous avez justement mentionné la corne de l'Afrique; c'est vrai, l'Union y met en œuvre tous ses moyens, y compris militaires, et c'est encore un succès, mais un succès limité.

La PESC doit vraiment sortir d'une logique d'initiatives fragmentées, éclatées qui se nouent au fil des urgences et de l'actualité pour se concentrer sur une hiérarchie des priorités et une véritable mobilisation cohérente de tous ses instruments.

 
  
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  Roberto Gualtieri (S&D). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Signora Alto rappresentante, concordo con quanto affermato dall'on. Brok e con la sua relazione, nel rilevare progressi nello sviluppo del Servizio europeo di azione esterna che, insieme alla Sua personale azione, inizia a dare corpo e identità alla politica estera e di sicurezza comune e all'azione esterna dell'UE, lungo le linee di quell'approccio globale multilaterale fondato sulla pluralità di strumenti, che è l'unico metodo possibile per affrontare le sfide del mondo di oggi.

In questo quadro, mi sembra condivisibile l'approccio equilibrato da Lei seguito in dossier delicati, come quelli siriano e iraniano, basato sulla giusta consapevolezza del delicato sistema di interdipendenze e sulla contraddizione fra dimensione statale e dimensione nazionale religiosa che caratterizza la scena mediorientale.

Detto questo, naturalmente molto resta da fare lungo la strada di una migliore individuazione delle priorità: rafforzamento dell'unità di intenti degli Stati membri, rafforzamento della dimensione della difesa europea e anche sviluppo di quella dimensione parlamentare della PESC, sia in termini di controllo parlamentare nello spirito e nella lettera dell'articolo 36, sia di rafforzamento delle potenzialità della diplomazia parlamentare.

Ritengo che anche relativamente a questi aspetti potremo lavorare insieme anche in vista della revisione della decisione sul Servizio di azione esterna, per la quale lavoreremo con spirito costruttivo.

 
  
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  Geoffrey Van Orden (ECR). - Madam President, the Vice-President/High Representative and Elmar Brok deserve congratulations on making a lot out of very little. There is hardly an area of the world, apparently, where EU intervention is not seen as the most vital contribution and the solution to all problems. It is almost as if no other international organisation or government exists.

The CFSP report’s favourite mantra is ‘human rights’. They are mentioned 43 times, as if they are some sort of unique prerogative of the European Union. Our friends are ignored or get scant mention. That great democracy and emerging power, India, is reduced to three lines in a report of 30 pages. Another emerging power, Turkey, gets similar treatment. No positive engagement, no mention of all the positive changes that have taken place, of the support it needs in dealing with the refugee influx from Syria, or of the potentially key role it plays in the region. We see the old sore of a UN Security Council seat reopened, and now the curious idea is raised of an EU-US transatlantic political council explicitly to run in parallel with NATO. The world is moving on, while the EU seems to live in some sort of bubble. It needs radical change.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))

 
  
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  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE), Blue-card question. – Mr Van Orden, you just criticised the fact that human rights have been mentioned 43 times in this report. Could you possibly give us any advice on how often we should mention them next year?

 
  
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  Geoffrey Van Orden (ECR), Blue-card answer. – Well, I am delighted to respond to that. I am a great supporter of human rights but it is not the be-all and end-all and it is not the be-all and end-all of what we are doing. Our priorities at the moment should be economic resurgence and the security of our nations. These are where the priorities should be and in our dealings with foreign countries that is where we should put the priority, and by lecturing countries like India when we are trying to arrange a free trade agreement between the European Union and India, all we do is create difficulties and problems over so-called human rights issues and inclusion issues and all these sorts of things, which is decidedly unhelpful. Let us get our priorities right.

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI). - Frau Präsidentin, liebe Frau Ashton! Wir wissen, dass die sicherheitspolitischen Herausforderungen unserer Zeit ganz andere sind als in der Vergangenheit: Internetkriminalität, unkontrollierte Migration und Flüchtlingsströme, internationaler Terrorismus und die drohende Ausbreitung von Massenvernichtungswaffen gehören dazu. Wenn wir beispielsweise den Nahen und Mittleren Osten betrachten, dann wissen wir, dass sich etwa der Streit um das iranische Atomprogramm sicher nicht mit Gewalt lösen lassen wird. Sollte Israel die nuklearen Anlagen angreifen, droht der gesamte Nahe Osten in Chaos und Krieg zu versinken.

Wenn die EU die Erhaltung des Friedens wirklich will, dann muss sie zweifellos zwischen den Streitparteien vermitteln. Denn die Folgen eines Krieges in der Region, etwa was zu erwartende Flüchtlingsströme oder die Sicherheit der Erdölversorgung betrifft, wären für Europa sicher enorm. Frieden und Stabilität in der Region könnten jedenfalls nur durch eine allgemeine Abrüstung erreicht werden, weshalb Brüssel wohl auf beide Seiten Druck ausüben müsste. Natürlich muss das Existenzrecht des Staats Israel dabei außer Zweifel stehen, und Teheran hat bezüglich seines umstrittenen Atomprogramms alle Karten auf den Tisch zu legen.

 
  
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  Mario Mauro (PPE). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Alto rappresentante, nell'esprimerle apprezzamento per gli sforzi da Lei profusi in questo ultimo periodo, torno a sottolineare quella che forse è la nostra aspettativa principale rispetto al tema della PESC e che è chiarita da un passaggio della relazione Brok dove si afferma che "la capacità dell'UE di influenzare l'ordine internazionale non dipende soltanto dalla coerenza delle sue politiche, ma anche da una concezione realmente strategica della politica estera europea, che deve unire e coordinare tutti gli Stati membri in base alla stessa serie di priorità in modo che parlino con un'unica voce".

Signora Alto rappresentante, il problema per noi sta esattamente qui: qual è la Sua strategia per imporre priorità ai paesi membri? La crisi ci ha insegnato che per uscirne bisogna fissare delle priorità, cosa che abbiamo fatto: unione bancaria, unione fiscale e unione monetaria per un'unione politica.

Qual è la Sua strategia in ordine ai temi di politica estera? Come facciamo a fare passi in avanti verso una dimensione, non dico federale, della politica estera dell'Unione europea, ma che ci faccia capire che abbiamo stabilito priorità ben precise e che a queste si sentono subordinati tutti gli Stati membri dell'Unione.

 
  
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  Richard Howitt (S&D). - Madam President, I also endorse President Brok, in particular in what he said about the collaboration between national parliaments and the European Parliament, which shows that Europe’s common policy does not replace, but rather advances, our initial objectives.

I welcome too what the High Representative is doing more than 43 times a year on human rights, her appointment of the new Special Representative, her work, with our support, to end the death penalty for juveniles in Thailand – as was achieved just yesterday – and her bringing forward of the concept of ‘education in a suitcase’ for the world’s seven million refugee children, which shows that children’s rights are human rights. I would ask the Conservatives how human rights can be universal but not for all.

I also welcome what the High Representative said at the start of the debate about Europe’s ‘tin hut’ in Mogadishu. Normally it is dictators who are ‘tin-pot’, but she demonstrates that European diplomacy has the agility, quite literally, of a ‘cat on a hot tin roof’.

Finally, and seriously, I ask the High Representative once again what progress is being made towards an EU common position on referring Syrian war crimes to the International Criminal Court? Europe delayed the formal pursuit of justice in the former Yugoslavia, in the Democratic Republic of Congo and in Sudan, and subsequently changed its mind. On Syria the time for delay is gone.

 
  
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  Mirosław Piotrowski (ECR). - W sprawozdaniu na temat struktury polityki zagranicznej Unii znalazło się wiele zapisów dotyczących wspólnej polityki bezpieczeństwa i obrony, a także powtórzone zostały wezwania do państw członkowskich, aby zintensyfikowały współpracę w zakresie obrony i wdrażały potencjał polityki zbrojeniowej samej Unii.

Dziwi nieco, że w dokumencie tym tylko jeden akapit poświęcono dialogowi kultur i religii, a przecież polityka zagraniczna to nie tylko działania zbrojne, ale także szerzenie wartości, na jakich opiera się Unia Europejska. Zapis o wspieraniu dialogu i porozumienia między różnymi religiami i kulturami, które, jak czytamy w sprawozdaniu, „powinno być nieodłączną częścią naszego zaangażowania zewnętrznego w państwach trzecich”, nie jest wystarczający w kontekście masowych prześladowań chrześcijan na świecie. W przemówieniu pani Ashton również zabrakło tego wątku. Unia Europejska wyrosła z korzeni chrześcijańskich, powinna w odpowiednich proporcjach i bardziej ambitnie akcentować ten problem.

 
  
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  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). - Señora Presidenta, como la política exterior y de seguridad es una materia tan amplia, me centraré en tres ideas básicas:

En primer lugar, la acción exterior de la Unión debe ser ambiciosa. Deseo que la Unión Europea sea un actor relevante en un mundo global, complejo, multipolar, cada vez más multipolar, y además es posible que pronto asistamos a un cierto repliegue de la acción exterior de los Estados Unidos.

En segundo lugar, el tamaño en política exterior es importante, juntos los europeos somos más fuertes que por separado, y esta perspectiva ambiciosa para Europa se refleja en el sólido informe del señor Brok que mañana aprobaremos.

En tercer lugar, el Tratado de Lisboa aportó nuevos instrumentos para esa política. Me refiero al puesto que usted misma ocupa, señora Ashton, el de Alta Representante y a la vez Vicepresidenta de la Comisión. Como usted preside el Consejo de Relaciones Exteriores, será ahora menos difícil conseguir la unidad, la continuidad y la coherencia de la política exterior de la Unión. Además, dispone usted de un nuevo instrumento, el Servicio Europeo de Acción Exterior, en el que se han incorporado diplomáticos de los países miembros que enriquecerán con su experiencia en política exterior la visión más centrada en asuntos económicos, comerciales y de cooperación de los funcionarios provenientes de la Comisión.

Una última idea: una auténtica política exterior de la Unión no solo requerirá tiempo sino también el cumplimiento de dos condiciones básicas, a saber, que los nuevos organismos del Tratado de Lisboa tengan ambición, trabajen con un propósito de liderar a los 27, no de acompañarles, ni de sacar denominadores comunes mínimos, y, en segundo lugar, también que los Estados miembros sean conscientes de la necesidad de una labor exterior conjunta, y que actúen con un espíritu, por tanto, de compromiso y un espíritu constructivo.

 
  
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  Μαρία-Ελένη Κοππά (S&D). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η κρίση χρέους που ταλανίζει πολλά κράτη μέλη και η αβεβαιότητα για το μέλλον της ευρωζώνης επηρεάζουν αδιαμφισβήτητα την εικόνα της Ένωσης και θέτουν ερωτηματικά σε σχέση με την ικανότητά της να έχει ουσιαστικό ρόλο στη διεθνή σκηνή. Δεν νομίζω λοιπόν ότι είναι η ώρα για μεγάλες διακηρύξεις κενές περιεχομένου. Η Ένωση πρέπει να ξαναβρεί τον εαυτό της και πρέπει να θέσει ρεαλιστικούς στόχους στη βάση των πραγματικών της δυνατοτήτων. Είναι σημαντικό το γεγονός ότι στη φετινή έκθεση του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου για την εξωτερική πολιτική και πολιτική ασφάλειας, υπάρχει μια σαφέστερη έκκληση για την προσδιορισμό, εκ μέρους της Ένωσης, τέτοιων στρατηγικών προτεραιοτήτων. Ως εισηγήτρια του Κοινοβουλίου για τη διεύρυνση, θα ήθελα ιδιαίτερα να ευχαριστήσω τον εισηγητή Brok, ο οποίος επέδειξε μια εποικοδομητική στάση στα θέματα της διεύρυνσης. Θα ήθελα να εκφράσω επίσης την ικανοποίησή μου για την ξεκάθαρη δήλωση, σύμφωνα με την οποία το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο υποστηρίζει αταλάντευτα την ευρωπαϊκή προοπτική κάθε ευρωπαϊκού κράτους που σέβεται τις αξίες της Ένωσης και είναι πρόθυμο να εκπληρώσει τα κριτήρια της Κοπεγχάγης. Η διεύρυνση είναι μια μεγάλη επιτυχία της εξωτερικής δράσης και πρέπει να παραμείνει στην πρώτη γραμμή και στην εργαλειοθήκη της Ένωσης.

 
  
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  Anna Ibrisagic (PPE). - Fru talman! I detta betänkande efterfrågas tydligare politiska prioriteringar och strategiska linjer, och jag håller med. Men jag saknar samtidigt ett och samma förhållningssätt till samma problem. Vi kan t.ex. inte förespråka territoriell integritet och slut på ockupation för vissa länder, men strunta i samma sak i andra länder. Samma förhållningssätt måste gälla för alla. Det är skamligt att ett land som är engagerat i partnerskap med EU ockuperar territorier av ett annat land, och det är ännu värre att ett antal resolutioner om tillbakadragande av ockupationstrupperna inte respekteras.

Den andra saken som jag vill insistera på är ett tydligare ledarskap gentemot Balkan. Många av Balkanländerna har inte tillräckligt starkt ledarskap, och de förväntar sig med rätta av oss att visa det. Vi kan inte göra samma misstag som vi gjorde i början i 90-talet. Vi kan inte bara medla, utan vi måste också kunna leda. Annars kan vår position och hela utvidgningsprocessen äventyras.

 
  
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  Eduard Kukan (PPE). - Madam President, many thanks to Ms Ashton for her statement and congratulations to Elmar Brok on an excellent report.

This is a good time for our debate. The crisis in Europe has constrained the EU’s ability to react more effectively to many recent foreign developments. But if there is one thing we cannot afford to lose in this process, it is our leadership on certain foreign policy issues.

Yes, we have achieved some successes in the Western Balkans: in Croatia, Montenegro and Serbia. Many more issues, however, have remained unresolved for quite a long time. We need to react promptly and to take leadership in the Serbia-Kosovo dialogue, in the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in the many challenges in Albania and Macedonia.

So, at this time especially, the EU has to play a strategic role in this region. It is our responsibility and our duty to have an effective and clear policy towards it.

 
  
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  Krzysztof Lisek (PPE). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Wysoka Przedstawiciel! Oczywiście gratuluję dobrego szczerego sprawozdania panu posłowi Brokowi, ale również kieruję podziękowania dla Pani Wysokiej Przedstawiciel za otwarty dialog z nami, ale także dialog dwa dni temu na Cyprze – z szefami komisji spraw zagranicznych i obrony państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej łącznie z delegacją Parlamentu Europejskiego.

Tym, co jest potrzebne i co się przewija w wielu rozmowach, również w naszych rozmowach, np. z politykami spoza Europy, jest to, że nadal niestety nie potrafimy rozwiązać pewnych problemów w Europie. Amerykanie, Chińczycy mówią „no świetnie, zajmujecie się całym światem, ale macie nadal nierozwiązane problemy na Kaukazie, nadal problem Górnego Karabachu, nadal problem Nadniestrza”. Zagadnienia te rzeczywiście powinny się stać priorytetami naszej polityki zagranicznej, polityki zagranicznej Unii Europejskiej na najbliższe miesiące i lata, bo jest czas posunąć się do przodu w tych kwestiach. Oczywiście zdajemy sobie wszyscy sprawę, że wymagają one często bardzo twardych, trudnych rozmów z Rosją.

 
  
 

Interventions à la demande

 
  
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  Andrzej Grzyb (PPE). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Chciałbym bardzo serdecznie podziękować wysokiej przedstawiciel Unii do spraw zagranicznych Catherine Ashton za to podkreślenie roli Parlamentu Europejskiego dotyczącej właśnie polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa. Elmar Brok stwierdził, że kryzysy nie są przezwyciężane przez czołgi. Korzystając z okazji, gratuluję mu tego sprawozdania. Jednocześnie chcę podkreślić, że jako Unia mamy pewne swoje know-how. Jest to między innymi dialog polityczny, dialog w sprawach praw człowieka, pomoc humanitarna czy pomoc rozwojowa, a dopiero w ostateczności i ewentualnie wsparcie interwencji zbrojnej i to za mandatem ONZ.

Chciałbym podkreślić, że powołaliśmy Specjalnego Przedstawiciela UE ds. Praw Człowieka i jednocześnie finalizujemy sprawę powołania Europejskiego Funduszu na rzecz Demokracji. To mogą być te instrumenty, o które pytali np. przedstawiciele w Mogadiszu w Somalii czy w innych częściach świata, które chcą budować demokrację.

 
  
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  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D) - Správa Rady mapuje priority zahraničnej politiky Únie, z môjho pohľadu však nevenuje dostatočnú pozornosť prioritám a strategickým usmerneniam pre spoločnú zahraničnú a bezpečnostnú politiku. Navyše neobjasňuje ani politické mechanizmy na zabezpečenie súdržnosti a jednotnosti medzi rôznymi zložkami zahraničnej politiky vrátane tých, za ktoré zodpovedá Komisia.

Únia nevyhnutne potrebuje väčšiu súčinnosť na základe trojitého mandátu Vás, pani Ashton. Hovorili ste vo svojom vystúpení, pani Ashton, o mnohých veciach, ktoré sa podarili, o mnohých intervenciách, ktoré pomohli.

Chcem Vás požiadať z tohto miesta o intervenciu pre syna jednej Európanky, občianky Slovenskej republiky. Jej syn sa pred štyrmi rokmi ocitol v Egypte. Je to krajina, ktorú ste spomínali, kde sme pomáhali egyptským ženám. A ja chcem aj v tomto pléne požiadať kolegyne a kolegov, poslankyne a poslancov, a Vás, z pohľadu Vášho mandátu a so silou Vášho mandátu, aby ste Kataríne Azab pomohli získať malého Adamka naspäť na Slovensko.

 
  
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  Kristiina Ojuland (ALDE). - Madam President, I would like to make a couple of comments on the report, on the part concerning Asia.

First, the report calls for elimination of the inconsistencies between Member State and European Union priorities as regards the human rights in China. I trust in the staunch belief of all parties in the inviolability of human rights and expect them to vigorously address the situation in Tibet and East Turkestan, and that of the human rights activists in the People’s Republic of China at, meetings with their Beijing counterparts.

Second, Taiwan has made serious efforts to maintain peace and stability in the Asia/Pacific region and I hope that the EU will support the East China Sea peace initiative which encourages peaceful and cooperative solutions to the disputes between Japan, Taiwan and mainland China. I also regret that this report does not touch on the Russian Federation’s obligations to withdraw from the Georgia-occupied territories of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and I believe that the High Representative will keep that in her sights.

 
  
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  Andrew Henry William Brons (NI). - Madam President, there is reason to hope that the countries of Europe, with their ancestral and cultural ties, have overcome their inherited rivalries and grievances. However, I do not see that as a legacy of the European Union, but of an entirely understandable revulsion of the loss of life during two world wars and later conflicts. The emergence of common threats and challenges have led to a convergence of the interests of the nation states of Europe, whether within or outside the borders of the EU.

We are undergoing a neo-colonial challenge from Third World immigration, our industries and our jobs are threatened by the emergent economies and our cultural values are threatened by aggressive religious predators. However, convergence does not mean congruence. Our interests are not identical, we have distinct alliances, friendships and interests of both kinds that are attributable to ancestral and historical differences. A presumption of common interest where none exists will be unsuccessful and even counterproductive.

 
  
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  Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE). - Madam President, Ms Ashton, the CSDP’s military and civilian missions have always been part of a larger international commitment, and they have only rarely brought about a real improvement in the situation on the ground. Their function was always more to indicate to NATO and the United States that the EU is in a position to take on security policy missions. Only in a few instances, such as Somalia, Georgia and Macedonia, was efficient crisis management achieved.

In the future, Member States should discuss and reach a decision on the following key documents prepared by the European External Action Service. On the one hand, there is a new security strategy, and on the other hand, a European White Paper on security and defence policy defining what military and civilian tasks the EU will take on, where it will intervene, how the necessary capabilities will be provided, and how Member States’ resources can be committed to these purposes. In doing so, the CSDP must become more efficient at offering clear added value.

(The President cut off the speaker)

 
  
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  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'Europa è chiamata sempre più a svolgere un ruolo importante nel quadro dei cambiamenti geopolitici che interessano vaste aree del mondo.

Ritengo che innalzare il profilo e la qualità della politica estera europea sia una necessità sempre più urgente, soprattutto perché molti di questi cambiamenti stanno avvenendo non lontano dal nostro continente. Per realizzare tutto questo c'è bisogno di convincere gli Stati membri a investire nella politica estera comune europea rafforzando le scelte fatte nell'ambito del trattato di Lisbona.

È necessario passare, signora Vicepresidente, dall'attuale attivismo – innegabile e richiamato dai tanti viaggi da Lei fatti in ogni parte del mondo – a un maggiore protagonismo, capace non solo di lasciare il segno, ma di modificare gli equilibri esistenti a favore della politica estera europea.

Sarebbe auspicabile dedicare un'apposita sessione per la discussione in questo Parlamento della politica estera e degli orizzonti strategici da realizzare.

 
  
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  Olle Schmidt (ALDE). - Madam President, I would like to thank Ms Ashton. Today is certainly a happy day in my home country of Sweden. It has been mentioned that the two reporters were released in Ethiopia yesterday and are back home. This of course gives me the opportunity to ask Ms Ashton: have you received any new information about Dawit Isaak in the neighbouring country of Eritrea? He has now been imprisoned without a trial in Asmara, Eritrea, for 4000 days and nights - nearly eleven years. Do you have any new information?

 
  
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  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Frau Präsidentin! Vieles wurde pflichtgemäß gelobt, manches zart kritisiert. Ich spüre, dass sich unsere Außenpolitik vorwiegend damit befasst, über Probleme zu jammern, und maximal Sanktionen dort verhängt, wo sie leicht zu verhängen sind. Ich vermisse eine gesamtheitlich robuste, wirtschafts- und sozialpolitische geostrategische Ausrichtung.

Am Beispiel Mogadischu möchte ich es festmachen. Mit unseren Kriegsschiffen in Mogadischu haben wir sicherlich kurzfristig eine Symptombekämpfung. Allerdings werden die Wurzeln der Piraterie – die Zerstörung der Lebensgrundlagen der Menschen in der Landwirtschaft und der Fischerei – nicht behoben. Der Mitbewerber China freut sich darüber. Er sichert sich ganze Landstriche für seine Produkte und sichert sich auch entsprechend die Fischereirechte und schützt diese auch vor der Küste von Somalia. Europa darf sich aber in diesem Zusammenhang mit den negativen Folgen beschäftigen, mit Völkerwanderung, mit Piraterie, mit humanitären Katastrophen und mit der Ausbreitung des fundamentalistischen Islam. So stelle ich mir eine einheitliche Sicherheitspolitik nicht vor. Da muss sich auch etwas in den Köpfen ändern. Dazu brauche ich auch keinen wirklichen EAD.

 
  
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  Σοφοκλής Σοφοκλέους (S&D). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κατ' αρχάς είμαι πολύ αισιόδοξος με όσα άκουσα από την κυρία Ashton και δεν αμφισβητώ ούτε τη διάθεση ούτε τις προθέσεις της. Το ερώτημά μου, όμως, είναι πολύ συγκεκριμένο και πολύ σαφές: πού πηγαίνουμε, πώς προχωρούμε, πώς υλοποιείται η ομοσπονδιοποίηση, η συνταγματοποίηση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης; Εάν δεν υπάρξει συγκεκριμένη πολιτική προς αυτήν την κατεύθυνση, εκτιμώ ότι θα διαιωνίζονται οι διαπιστώσεις και θα υπάρχουν συνεχώς πόλεμοι, δολοφονίες, όπως γίνονται σήμερα στη Συρία, στην Αφρική, στην Αιθιοπία. Άρα ένα είναι το ζητούμενο το οποίο πρέπει να επιτύχουμε: αποτελεσματικότητα· συνταγματοποίηση· κοινή εξωτερική πολιτική, άμυνα και ασφάλεια.

 
  
 

(Fin des interventions à la demande)

 
  
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  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative. − Madam President, it has certainly been an interesting debate, with a complete range of views and thoughts on every aspect of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, and indeed a couple on me.

I want to start with something that was said about the need to ensure economic resurgence and the security of the needs of our people. I agree with that. It is important to recognise that the purpose of trying to collaborate effectively on foreign and security policy is, above everything, to support the needs of our own people.

Making sure that we bring prosperity is about trade deals and about economic opportunity. It is also about ensuring that others get economic opportunity – to their benefit and to ours. Ensuring that we have a secure and safer planet, especially in our neighbourhood, is also about ensuring that we have safety and security for our own people. Countries that are close to Syria or which are experiencing the challenges of transition in the southern neighbourhood know this only too well, because they saw people trying to flee from terrible tragedy and to come and stay in the European Union.

So there are many ways in which that is precisely what this is all about. When people got together and said what we need is a Common Foreign and Security Policy, it was because they saw not that Member States were not able to do things individually, but that there were many things they could do better together.

It is a very simple proposition and nobody should get hysterical about what that means for sovereignty or this, that and the other. It is about what makes sense when you do things together, and indeed a number of honourable Members pointed to good examples.

I tried to show, in describing this comprehensive approach which is a strategic approach, that actually it is not just about dealing with conflict. Conflict needs to be dealt with, but it is also about what you do before and what you do afterwards.

So our engagement with Libya will not just be for this year, it will be for the years to come until we are confident and they are confident that they have built the institutions that they need, that they have got political security. By the way, they are looking at the diversification of their economy and they are worrying about what has happened to weapons that have gone south from Libya into the Sahel.

I could give you example after example of what we do. What we do is we work on conflict prevention and we work on how to support peace building and we work together, 27 Member States around the Foreign Affairs Council who do things where they agree, and where they agree they give me the mandate to operate on their behalf. Everybody should welcome and celebrate that because that is about recognition by all of them that there is something more to be done where we work together.

I agree, by the way, with Mrs Neynsky about the need to have greater synergy. Absolutely. We look for that all the time. There is something about trying to set up a new service in an economic crisis that means you have to think in cleverer ways about the use of resources and you have to work together. That applies in defence, where we are pooling and sharing and where we are looking at the results of Libya that showed us we needed to do more about refuelling in mid-air and where we are working directly with NATO. We are also looking at the synergy of Member States collaborating in buildings across the world, where sharing common services makes more sense for the diplomatic service or where, by doing things together, we can have more impact and we can support countries more effectively because we are not all trying to do the same thing.

Countries and Foreign Ministers say to me quite often, please, we do not want to have a procession of different ministers coming, can we not just talk with the European Union and then you spread out the message of what we need, because every time somebody else comes it is more time that they cannot spend on the things that matter. So this is about making sense of doing it together – planning better, working together effectively, not taking away but adding value to what Member States do.

I agree as well that you have to think strategically, and I mean by that not just geographically, but horizontally. Water, energy, education: there are big issues that I have already pointed to and which really do affect not just the lives of other people but ultimately ours too. Ensuring the quality of water for children and for adults across the world has an impact. It has an impact on us and it has an impact, more importantly, on them.

Then there is ensuring the provision of water, with all the complexity of what is now happening on the Nile and the desire for different countries to use water in different ways. There are enormous challenges in that region. We can help to support them to work out – and they ask us to support them to work out – how to deal with that, being aware of the challenges of water in areas where this can lead to conflict.

We have got to be clear, as I said, about what we offer and we have got to be clear about what we offer across the world.

I want to say specifically to Mrs Gomes, about Ethiopia – and I will also be speaking on Eritrea briefly – that we have worked incredibly hard (and I was very grateful to Louis Michel) on trying to resolve the issue not just of the Swedish journalists but of many others. I explained earlier on about the need to engage with countries and with politicians, as well as to be clear about our expectations of them. We have done that and we have sought, and will continue to seek, an inclusive approach to what happens in Ethiopia.

I will also say, because now I can, that the Swedish Government asked us not to make a lot of noise in our work to try and release the hostages, the journalists. That is also very important. Sometimes I think people forget that when you are trying to get people out, occasionally you have to do it more quietly, because that is what is going to have greatest effect and impact. We will send you a comprehensive list of all the demarches and letters that will show you everything we have done on Ethiopia. Do not leap to the assumption that just because you do not hear about something it does not mean it is not happening, because every day we are working on a whole raft of issues and it is important that you realise that.

I do not have any more information, Mr Schmidt, on what is happening with the poor gentlemen who is in Eritrea, David. We have been in touch with them as you know. We have delivered the habeas corpus that you asked us to do and we are still trying to get as much information as possible, but it is incredibly difficult. As you said, and as has been said in Commission meetings, 4 000 days is a horrendous amount of time for him. We will continue the efforts that we are making with others, because the partnership that we have with countries like the United States and others is really important.

Just two more quick points. Strategically we work with everyone. It is not about the EU being the greatest thing on earth that only works by itself. Absolutely not. Most of what we do is in partnership with others, with Member States for sure, with the United Nations, with the Arab League, with the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, with the ASEAN countries and with others.

Think about how one tackles the challenges of a country like Burma/Myanmar. When I met with Aung San Suu Kyi, she talked about the need for us to coordinate because, as a country, they find it very difficult to deal with so many offers and with the many competing opportunities that businesses wish to have in their country, and they need help. They do not have the infrastructure, they do not have the knowledge, they do not have the systems. That is where we can offer support to countries to meet the challenge to move forward.

My final point is about priorities. I agree, I set out three: build a service – bring people from eight buildings into one; develop the delegations – bring the Lisbon Treaty to life in terms of what we do on the ground; and work in our neighbourhoods, where we should be judged and have the strongest strategic partnerships we possible.

Those are my priorities for my mandate. I still believe in them and that is what I do every day.

Just as has been shown in this debate, every day there are other issues that people believe should be number one on the agenda. In the course of this debate you have covered every continent and you have covered a huge number of countries into which you individually believe we should put our energy.

I agree with you that it is about trying to be effective across the world, working with others. We will continue to do that. We will not be scatter-gun, but will be effective and efficient in what we do. As things grow, this will get better and better.

All I would say is: do not be patient for the wrong reasons, but recognise that we are absolutely at the beginning.

 
  
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  Elmar Brok, Berichterstatter. − Frau Präsidentin! Frau Hohe Vertreterin, ich möchte mich an Ihre letzten Bemerkungen zum Mehrwert anschließen. Wir müssen für uns selbst eine deutliche Strategie zur Frage entwickeln, wie Europas Einordnung und Stellung in der neuen globalen Ordnung aussehen soll. Wenn wir das nicht tun, nicht wissen, wie wir uns dort positionieren wollen, werden wir immer nur reaktiv handeln. Wir betreiben sehr häufig Außenpolitik wie Tagespolitik, drängen unvorbereitet vor, um an dieser Stellung zu arbeiten und sind nur reaktiv in diesen Fragen.

Das hängt auch damit zusammen – neben den Schwächen, die wir immer noch in der Europäischen Union haben –, dass die Mitgliedstaaten sich oftmals noch weigern. Und wenn ich unsere britischen Kollegen hier zum Teil gehört habe, haben sie immer noch nicht verstanden, dass der Mehrwert in der Gemeinsamkeit liegt und dass kein Staat Europas alleine in der Lage ist, für die Verbesserung seiner Situation in dieser Welt zu arbeiten. Diese Erkenntnis muss deutlich sein. Nicht nur bei den Konsulardiensten, sondern auch bei den großen strategischen Aufgaben wollen wir uns gemeinsam positionieren.

Wie sind wir in der Lage, die transatlantische Gemeinschaft auch unter Einbeziehung Südamerikas zu integrieren, um hier auf ein strategisches Konzept hinzuweisen? Wie steht es mit dem Verhältnis zu den asiatischen Entwicklungen? Wir müssen dabei auch deutlich machen, dass der präventive Ansatz der richtige ist, Geoffrey Van Orden. Wir treten für unsere Interessen gemeinsam ein, und nur gemeinsam sind wir in der Lage, sie durchzusetzen. Aber es ist notwendig, dass wir dies zusammen tun mit Menschenrechten, mit der Gerechtigkeit in dieser Welt, mit dem sozialen Ausgleich in dieser Welt. Denn wir haben in Nordafrika zu oft gesehen: Stabilität allein ist nicht die Lösung, es gibt nur Stabilität, wenn sie mit Recht, mit Menschenrechten und mit sozialer Gerechtigkeit verbunden ist. Nur so können wir unseren Stellenwert in der Weltordnung erhöhen.

Diese Gesamtstrategie sollten wir stärker gemeinsam herausarbeiten. Es ist keine Gesamtstrategie, wenn jeder der 27 Außenminister mit einem Kamerateam um den Tahrir-Platz läuft, um auf diese Art und Weise festzuhalten, dass er den arabischen Frühling erfunden hat. Das ist nicht der Ansatz, mit dem wir Europa voranbringen.

 
  
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  La Présidente. - La discussion commune est close.

Le vote aura lieu mercredi 12 septembre, à 12 h 30.

Déclarations écrites (article 149)

 
  
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  Agustín Díaz de Mera García Consuegra (PPE), por escrito. – El mantenimiento de la paz y la seguridad internacional es uno de los objetivos primordiales de la UE. En la actualidad, en la lucha por la estabilidad democrática no debemos olvidarnos de América Latina, que posee grandes retos como la ya comentada consolidación democrática, integración regional, estabilidad económica y social, la pobreza y por supuesto la seguridad en la región. Por otro lado, nuestros vecinos Latinoamericanos comparten nuestros mismos valores y principios, cuentan con diversos países emergentes, como Brasil o México que son miembros claves de foros internacionales como el G-20, y en último lugar tiene un gran potencial económico con una crecimiento del 10% para la próxima década. Ante dicha situación, considero que el Servicio Europeo de Acción Exterior debe empeñarse en el próximo otoño en el Acuerdo multipartes entre Perú y Colombia y la UE, el Acuerdo de asociación con Centroamérica y la negociación del Instrumento de Cooperación al Desarrollo. Es una región clave para la UE, de la que no podemos desaparecer paulatinamente en su momento de mayor expansión. En conclusión, la UE está y debe cada día estar más concienciada e involucrada en la prevención y lucha por el mantenimiento de la seguridad.

 
  
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  Kinga Gál (PPE), írásban. – Először is gratulálni szeretnék a jelentéstevőnek, akinek sikerült ezt a meglehetőségen tág és szerteágazó témakörről szóló jelentést igazán strukturáltan és átláthatóan felépítenie. Úgy gondolom, hogy az így elfogadásra kerülő szöveg újabb fontos mérföldkő az Európai Parlament, valamint az Európai Külügyi Szolgálat szoros együttműködésében az Európai Unió kül- és biztonságpolitikáját illetően. Örömömre szolgál, hogy a benyújtott módosító indítványaim eredményeképpen a jelentésben egyrészt megerősítésre került az emberi jogi dimenzió, valamint a kisebbségek jogainak védelme. Továbbá a szövegbe bekerült egy külön bekezdés, mely az észak-koreai munkatáborokban és politikai fogolytáborokban végbemenő súlyos emberi jogsértésekre hívja fel a figyelmet. A jelentés szövege ily módon felkéri az Unió illetékes szerveit, hogy fokozottan figyeljenek erre a régióra, és nyújtsanak megfelelő támogatást és segítséget a szenvedőknek Amint már több felszólalásomban hangot adtam e gondolatnak, most is hangsúlyozni szeretném, hogy az emberi jogi dimenzió megkerülhetetlen, és meghatározó kell, hogy legyen az Unió külpolitikájában, zsinórmértékül kell, hogy szolgáljon a Külügyi Szolgálat, a Bizottság és a Tanács számára egyaránt. Úgy gondolom, hogy a Parlament élen jár ezen elv gyakorlatba ültetésében, és a jelen jelentés is hozzájárul ehhez a célhoz.

 
  
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  Ágnes Hankiss (PPE), írásban. – Üdvözlöm ezt a rendkívül alapos és átfogó jelentést. Két apró, kiegészítő megjegyzést tennék a biztonságpolitikával foglalkozó részekhez. A stratégiai és költségvetési prioritások között nyomatékosabban kellene figyelembe venni azt a célkitűzést, hogy a kül- és biztonságpolitika szorgalmazza minden rendelkezésére álló eszközzel a terrorizmus és a szervezett bűnözés elleni fellépést. E fellépés fontos feltétele a szoros és folyamatos együttműködés a kül- és belbiztonsági szervek között, ami éppen a külbiztonság oldaláról hagy még maga után kivetnivalót. A másik megjegyzésem az Oroszországhoz füződő viszonyt érinti. A jelentés helyesen állapítja meg, hogy az Oroszországgal való jó partneri viszony feltétele az emberi jogok tiszteletben tartása Oroszországban. Hiányoltam ugyanakkor a jelentésből azt az igényt, hogy az orosz állam ne csak szóban, hanem tevőlegesen is segítse az orosz és oroszajkú szervezett bűnözés elleni küzdelmet. Példaként említhetem az orosz kiberbűnözést, amely ma már nemzetközi maffiaként működik. Számos elemző véli úgy, hogy az orosz, illetve oroszajkú kiberbűnözők bizonyos esetekben rejtett támogatást élveznek orosz állami szervek részéről. Úgy hiszem, az Oroszországgal való partneri viszonynak egyik elengedhetetlen feltétele az is, hogy a bűnüldözésben orosz részről őszintébb és hatékonyabb együttműködést tapasztalhassunk.

 
  
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  Tunne Kelam (PPE), in writing. – The EU needs to become more vocal, more visible and act as global leader rather than silent donor. This report provides concrete aspects on how to make the CFSP more efficient, better coordinated and focused and I advise the HR/VP to make full use of these suggestions.

I underline the importance of EU-US relations as cornerstone of EU foreign policy and our priority partnership on the global arena. The EU has to step up its efforts in deepening the relations both in rhetoric and also in concrete actions, especially in the light of forthcoming presidential elections.

Relations with Russia have to be strictly conditional. The EU must demand from Russia to fully respect human rights and the rule of law based on international treaties and its international commitments. The new EU-Russia agreement has to be based on concrete achievements and not hurry into a solely economic agreement forgetting human rights and civil liberties. The EU has to strictly condemn the current politically motivated court cases and demand this practice to stop immediately. I welcome the rapporteur’s amendments calling for stronger EU involvement in finding solutions to ‘frozen’ conflicts, especially the Russian occupied South-Ossetia and Abkhazia territories and calling for Russia to respect the territorial and constitutional integrity of its regional neighbours.

 
  
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  Adrian Severin (NI), in writing. – We will never be able to be efficient or have a proper vision of our external action as long as we fail to understand the fact that our values cannot be promoted until we manage to resolve our geo-strategic problems. This is not about abandoning our values. It is about creating a framework for them to grow roots and flourish. The primacy we currently give to the values does not reflect our attachment to them, but our incapacity to define the geo-strategic interests of the EU. Since we do not know our identity, we do not know our interests and we cannot define our long-term objectives. This is why we prefer to fight an illusory crusade that gives us the false impression of being capable of imposing our model around the world, believing that this solves all of our other problems. Until we change this approach we cannot have a real common foreign and security policy. What is worse, since our foreign policy is not the goal but rather the means, through its lack we condemn ourselves to irrelevance within the international competition.

 
  
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  Indrek Tarand (Verts/ALE), in writing. – The common foreign and security policy has been both criticised and heralded as a meagre or great achievement of the EU. At this stage we can observe and wait for the CFSP to prove its worth in practice. At the same time we can witness the already generic rhetoric of the need for the EU to talk with a single voice. There is an imbalance between theory and practice, obviously. The most poignant example came from France in the shape of a Mistral warship – which was sold to Russia. Ceterum censeo, France has decided to sell a Mistral-class warship to Russia; we believe that it will sincerely regret its action.

 
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