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Ausführliche Sitzungsberichte
Dienstag, 11. September 2012 - Straßburg Überprüfte Ausgabe

18. Lage in Syrien (Aussprache)
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  La Présidente. - Je voudrais d'abord saluer à la tribune, M. Al-Jarrah et M. Doghmouch, qui sont des visiteurs syriens, et aussi M. El-Hariri, éminent politicien libanais, pour leur présence ici et leur écoute de notre débat.

Nous vous saluons et vous aurez l'occasion de suivre nos propos à l'égard de tout le dossier syrien qui nous occupe.

L'ordre du jour appelle le débat sur la déclaration de la vice-présidente de la Commission et Haute représentante de l'Union pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité sur la situation en Syrie (2012/2788(RSP)).


  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Madam President, honourable Members, 18 months of fighting have seen over 25 000 people dead in Syria, with many countless more made homeless or injured by the situation. August was the bloodiest month since the conflict began, and we have all recognised the appalling human rights violations and the destruction of the infrastructure of the country and of its cultural heritage.

The situation in terms of humanitarian needs has got worse. We have over 230 000 refugees who have escaped into neighbouring countries and 2.5 million inside Syria are in need of assistance, of which 1.5 million are displaced. Still today, massacres continue and we see no end to the plight of so many innocent Syrians.

I begin by saying to you that the humanitarian track is an absolute priority. We have to work closely with the neighbouring countries to coordinate and help in the massive challenge of refugees leaving and those who are displaced internally. Over these last two or three days I have spoken yet again to the Foreign Ministers of Turkey and Jordan. I also meet the Prime Minister of Lebanon to talk about the challenges that they face and to try and offer additional support.

I think Turkey is doing a very impressive job in hosting the refugees, but they are flowing in greater numbers and that is becoming a big difficulty. As the Foreign Minister said to me, it takes a month to build a camp properly but only a very short time to fill it. Refugees, particularly those in Jordan and Lebanon, are being hosted outside camps – in families, in schools – and it is having a greater impact too on the services that they need to offer and there is a real need for increased support.

You have seen that Commissioner Georgieva announced over the weekend an additional EUR 50 million of humanitarian funding, which puts us at the point of a contribution from the Commission of EUR 168 million and a total of EUR 240 million across the European Union.

It is also really important, as well as providing the resources, a lot of which is going through NGOs that are providing absolutely vital support on the ground, that we have assisted the Syrian Humanitarian Forum, which exists under the leadership of the United Nations, and that we are providing support for civil society through our Neighbourhood Policy instruments, both internally and to those who have fled to neighbouring countries, to try and help them to develop and support the civil society needs across the country.

As I have said, we have children that we are supporting in Jordan and in Lebanon, through the UN High Commission for Refugees, to help the capacity of the institutions and local communities that are working with about 300 schools to support children who are now coming in and who need school. As I have said many times before, we should never underestimate the importance of school and education for children who are traumatised by these terrible circumstances and of helping them to have some sense of normality in their lives.

Of course, we have suspended all our work with the Syrian Government but have stepped up assistance through the human rights organisations in the fields of activists; the networking and advocacy and a number of our contracts in Syria are still in place.

So we are still preparing additional funds in order to be able to support the humanitarian relief across all the things that I mentioned – education, food, water, support for people and organisational support. But as you will be the first to say to me, that is not going to end the crisis and we face a very dangerous stalemate with each side seeming to be convinced that the war may turn to their advantage. There could be more violence and suffering and the most radical elements on all sides will become stronger, bringing further militarisation and the risk of sectarian violence. We also are aware of the threat of chemical weapons, and that is being monitored extremely closely.

But the truth is that, despite all the efforts, the international community is, in a sense, at a deadlock. The six-point plan has not been implemented, the UN Security Council has not been able to agree on a common response that could open the way for a political solution. And the opposition, in spite of some real progress which we felt was being made in Cairo at the beginning of July under the supervision of the Arab League, remains fragmented. We do not yet have a real alternative to the regime in power and an alternative that is truly inclusive, something that I know that honourable Members feel very strongly about.

It is obvious that the regime is so clearly responsible for the conflict and that the parties have to do everything possible to find a solution, but we have a collective responsibility and we cannot wait. One would argue that the Syrian people have waited for far too long and this stalemate could drag on, which would have impacts not only on the terrible things that are happening in Syria but beyond into the region.

The priority we have to have, beyond continuing to provide humanitarian aid and support, increasing it, working with Member States, working with the International Red Cross and Red Crescent and working with those who are providing support to the UN, is to find a way to reduce and stop the violence and the killing. We have to do everything we possibly can to find ways to promote this political transition and we have to be ready for the post-conflict moment, for the period of transition towards what we want to see, which is democracy. Our approach has to change in a sense; we have to make real progress on this.

I raised all this with the Foreign Ministers at the Gymnich meeting at the weekend. It was clear, of course, that we are absolutely united that Assad has to go and that we need to see this political transition move forward. We agree that, whilst the humanitarian track is an absolute priority and we must consistently urge the regime and the opposition groups to comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law, we have to continue to work on a number of different tracks: political, diplomatic and support for the opposition groups to come together and plan for the future.

On the political and diplomatic track, the EU Ministers reaffirmed their support for Mr Brahimi as the UN-Arab League Joint Special Representative. I have offered him our expertise and our operational assistance in what is an extremely challenging task. He is working with the Security Council, with the neighbouring countries, with the Arab League and with us. I remind honourable Members that our delegation remains open in Damascus and is ready to assist him and his team in any way. I have made that offer very clear to him and he and I will meet for a long discussion when we meet the General Assembly in New York, where we have a meeting arranged and where we will also be meeting the Secretary-General of the Arab League together in order to look at what we can do regionally.

We have to carry on urging a political solution and we have to devote our efforts to find a way to make contact with those who are striving for a peaceful process and that means continuing our outreach on the ground, which we do through the people we have on the ground and through all the contracts that we have as well.

We have to bring the efforts together because without the support for Mr Brahimi it will be impossible for him to be able to coordinate and find the tangible results. We did everything we could to support Kofi Annan in what he sought to do to try and work to get the Security Council to be able to come together. We need to continue our diplomatic efforts involving all the key partners. I remain in regular touch with Russia, with China, with all the neighbours of Syria, with all the regional organisations I have already described and, of course, with Ban Ki-Moon with whom I talked about this a few days ago.

I will meet again with all of them as well as with Foreign Minister Lavrov and Secretary Clinton in 10 days’ time in New York. It is absolutely going to be the focus of the UN General Assembly, where I hope we will take the opportunity to seriously discuss and make some progress across the United Nations on this. I believe the Security Council has to work tirelessly to find common ground to support Mr Brahimi. It is absolutely essential that he gets that full support and is able to work in Syria and develop the mission.

One of the issues that I have already touched upon is the need to make sure that we work to support the opposition parties. I have said that we need to find ways of bringing them together and to help and support them to be able to find a transitional government that is ready to move forward. That means bringing all the efforts that are currently going on to do that together so that there is a common approach and a general move forward in that direction.

So, we have the humanitarian aid support, which needs to increase, needs to be tangible, needs to reach people and communities. We have the support from Mr Brahimi in the efforts that he is making to try and find a political solution with the support of everyone, so that the United Nations works together to find the common ground to push forward on this and that we work with the opposition groups, both inside and outside, to find the common ground that can bring together the transitional government-in-waiting and push forward in support of the people.

We have facilitated a dialogue with the opposition groups and we ask them again to set aside their differences and agree on this shared platform of principles, particularly where we can see that they can work together in support of the people of Syria and, of course, building on our approach on human rights to ensure that all are included regardless of faith, gender and so on.

We also have to keep up the economic pressure as well. We have had 17 rounds of sanctions. We discussed at the weekend the need to see what more we can do and, as we do in all our sanctions, to make sure that they are being as effective as possible. We will move without further delay; the work has already started to see what more now could be done.

As honourable Members will be aware, accountability for the crimes that have taken place requires our full attention. These atrocities cannot go unpunished and we have been prominent in calling for a strong response to the systematic and widespread violations of human rights, to combat impunity and hold accountable those responsible for crimes against humanity and war crimes in Syria. Through the current human rights council session we will push this forward. We have proposed to provide support to enhance that accountability, the efforts of the independent commission of inquiry, which we want to see extended, and other UN bodies and mechanisms.

It is of course incredibly difficult to predict the end of this crisis. We have started the planning for the transition, preparing the set of actions at EU level in which we can add value from day one and to coordinate that with our Member States and international organisations. That means ensuring that we have the capacity to increase our presence inside Syria as soon as the situation allows. It means leading on and working towards effective donor coordination and starting to prepare for a very rapid post-conflict needs assessment. All these things need to be done as well and are being done now. It means setting aside the funds that we are going to need to be able to do this because, as well as the additional support for humanitarian aid, we have to find the resources to be able to support the people and to support the transition that is going to be moving forward.

All I can say to end is that we have to begin with the principles that we hold dear, that the future of Syria belongs to the Syrian people, and we have to help them in every possible way that we can. We have engaged in every aspect of trying to find solutions – diplomatic, political – working with Member States to ensure that we are absolutely determined in supporting the efforts of the Security Council, the efforts to bring a common position that will enable the United Nations to move forward and efforts to see what can be done to support the countries of the region, which are, as we speak, dealing with the impact in every possible way and, in doing so, to be able to put the resources behind the words and actually try and help find a solution for the people of Syria.


  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señora Presidenta, señora Alta Representante y Vicepresidenta de la Comisión, Señorías, en el debate anterior, señora Ashton, ha dicho usted que estaba escandalizada por la situación en Siria y creo que ya hemos agotado –lo hemos dicho en otros debates– todos los calificativos. Indignación, frustración, impotencia, y mientras tanto, se sigue produciendo un baño de sangre en el país.

Y hechos: la dimisión de Kofi Annan en un plan que estaba abocado al fracaso desde el primer momento. Y declaraciones, muchas declaraciones: declaración del nuevo Enviado Especial, diciendo que esta es una misión casi imposible –me pregunto por qué la ha aceptado–; declaración del Ministro de la Presidencia en ejercicio del Consejo, diciendo que se van a producir nuevas sanciones contra Siria; declaraciones del Ministro sueco, diciendo que no cree que vayan a producir efectos; declaraciones del Ministro francés, diciendo que hay que incrementar la presión. En definitiva, muchas declaraciones y pocos hechos.

Y, como usted decía muy bien, señora Ashton, la situación sigue igual que hace meses, pero con más muertos. El régimen está amparándose en la complicidad de Rusia y China en el Consejo de Seguridad y la oposición está ganando adeptos en el tablero regional, esperando que, más tarde o más temprano, haya una intervención internacional.

Mientras tanto, creo que ha llegado el momento de que la Unión Europea, señora Ashton, y los actores regionales tomen alguna decisión. Quiero pedirle que se pronuncie sobre algunas cuestiones concretas: si comparte usted o no la declaración de la Embajadora de los Estados Unidos en las Naciones Unidas, que ha dicho que ha llegado el punto de hacer algo si el Consejo de Seguridad no avanza; si cree usted que es viable la introducción de corredores humanitarios; si cree que es posible una zona de exclusión aérea; si es deseable y conveniente armar, apoyar y ayudar a la oposición.

Señora Ashton, más de veinte mil muertos nos interpelan y tenemos que pasar de las palabras a los hechos. Ustedes han prestado muy bien la ayuda humanitaria y la siguen prestando, pero no tenemos la vocación de ser una Cruz Roja Internacional. Queremos tener el peso político, con otros actores, para parar esta carnicería.


  Véronique De Keyser, au nom du groupe S&D. – Madame la Présidente, Madame Ashton, je pense que nous avons probablement tous les mêmes interrogations, c'est-à-dire que vous avez devant vous des parlementaires qui sont convaincus que la solution est une solution politique, sans quoi il y aurait des risques de contagion et de déstabilisation de la région. Nous le voyons aujourd'hui: s'il n'y a pas de décision politique, il y aura déstabilisation de la région. On commence à le voir au Liban. On peut imaginer ce qui se passerait si jamais il y avait une quelconque riposte au niveau de l'Iran. On sent très bien qu'on est à un moment où un choix doit être fait. Je ne vous demande pas d'y répondre, mais c'est vrai que, pour nous, c'est la question majeure aujourd'hui.

Nous sommes allés à Washington vendredi; j'étais au Département d'État et tout le monde me parlait de "l'après". On est en train d'étudier la transition pour the day after. On est déjà au jour d'après? Moi, je croyais qu'on était encore en plein dedans. Pour l'avenir, je vois qu'il y a des plans. On sait comment neutraliser les armes chimiques, on sait comment fournir l'aide humanitaire, etc., on est tous en train de préparer l'après-transition parce que, là, on a les mains libres. Mais parler de l'après-transition, quand les gens sont en train de mourir aujourd'hui, cela a, pour moi, quelque chose de surréaliste.

Je ne vous demande pas une réponse que vous ne pourrez pas donner, mais je vous demande peut-être une chose et c'est la dernière, Madame Ashton. Je suis obsédée par le risque de contagion, et je sais que vous travaillez à le résorber, mais il faut insister davantage là-dessus.

Vous avez parlé de vos conversations, de votre dialogue avec l'Iran. Je sais que vous mettez beaucoup de poids sur la question du Liban, mais peut-être que le fait de limiter le risque de contagion serait déjà une réponse très concrète à ce qui nous inquiète terriblement aujourd'hui et ce qui nous désespère, d'ailleurs.




  Guy Verhofstadt, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, I would like to say to Mrs Ashton that I think her approach is completely unrealistic: to talk here in the plenary about political transition at a time when there are 25 000 deaths and 70 000 people missing in Syria and 250 000 refugees outside Syria.

No, let us recognise that it is the attitude of the international community – which is doing nothing at all – that is a scandal. We know why they are doing nothing: because there are American elections. It is impossible at the moment for the candidate who will be elected – or for the candidate who will be re-elected – to have an operation in Syria. That is the reality.

So tell us the truth and do not tell us we are waiting for a political transition. There will not be a political transition unless first of all the problem of the violence of Assad is tackled and an end put to his regime. You know it very well: end the Assad regime. It will only be done by the international community taking a number of measures – a no-fly zone for example. If you do not start with a no-fly zone he can continue to use his planes against the population, against Aleppo, against other cities in Syria.

If you do not create safe zones near the borders with Jordan and Turkey it is impossible to have a safe haven for refugees. If you do not create humanitarian corridors so that the people can go there, the problems will continue. If you do not give weapons to the Free Syrian Army, then it will be the Jihad that continues to enter. This is what I hear: ‘Syria is a problem. The Jihad fighters are there now.’

It is our responsibility. If the western democracies do not shoulder their responsibilities – which we are not doing now – then automatically it is warriors of the Jihad who will be carrying out violence inside Syria, as is happening at the moment. So my question to you is: Will you simply continue this? Keep repeating this message? Then there will be 30 000 deaths, maybe 40 000 deaths in the future, half a million refugees. It is time that the international community recognises that neither the Kofi Annan plan, nor its successor, are able to do it.

It is time also to overcome the deadlock in the Security Council. I think that we have an obligation to protect these people and this obligation to protect these people is not, in my opinion, a value that is dependent on the attitude of the Russians and the attitude of the Chinese.

A coalition of the willing was possible for bad causes – we did it in the past. Why not for a good cause here in Syria to end the bloodshed that is happening today? That is your task: to lead us. If the Americans do not have the courage, maybe you have and the Europeans have the courage.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))


  Véronique De Keyser (S&D), question "carton bleu". – Pensez-vous réellement, Monsieur Verhofstadt, que c'est simplement une question d'élection américaine alors que, à la convention démocrate, M. Obama vient de se targuer, justement, d'avoir mis fin à deux guerres? Pensez-vous qu'il va rouvrir, si jamais il est élu, un autre front qui serait peut-être encore bien plus dangereux que la guerre d'Irak ou que celle d'Afghanistan? Si, comme vous le suggérez, nous débloquons la situation au Conseil de sécurité, ce qui serait évidemment "la" solution, cela voudrait dire que la Russie est d'accord quelque part. Mais si la Russie est d'accord, à ce moment-là, Bachar il saute tout de suite, et il n'y a pas besoin de guerre.


  Guy Verhofstadt (ALDE), réponse "carton bleu". – Si les Américains ou les Européens n'ont pas le courage d'intervenir, ceci va continuer, on le sait. Assad ne va pas partir tout seul. On le sait, toutes les sanctions ont déjà été prises. Qu'on augmente le nombre de sanctions ne change rien du tout! La seule chose qui puisse modifier quoi que ce soit, c'est que les Américains et les Européens, comme ils l'ont déjà fait dans le passé, décident d'instaurer une zone d'exclusion aérienne dans ce pays, en Syrie. Ce qui en découlera automatiquement, c'est la libération de territoires qui, pour certains, sont déjà libérés. Mais, pour le moment, c'est la guerre civile là-bas! J'entends des gens dire: "Oui, mais enfin, votre attitude est très dangereuse, c'est le début de la guerre." Mais c'est la guerre en Syrie! En ce moment, c'est la guerre civile avec des dizaines et des dizaines de milliers de morts!

La question que nous devons nous poser n'est pas celle-là, mais plutôt celle-ci: combien de temps allons-nous laisser subsister cette situation? Si nous étions intervenus il y a six ou neuf mois, il y aurait dix mille ou quinze mille morts de moins qu'aujourd'hui.

(L'orateur accepte de répondre à une autre question "carton bleu" (article 149, paragraphe 8, du règlement))


  Bernd Posselt (PPE), Frage nach dem Verfahren der blauen Karte. – Herr Präsident! Ich habe eine Frage an den Kollegen Verhofstadt. Er spricht hier von Krieg und Bürgerkrieg, und ich möchte ihn fragen, inwieweit er eine Übersicht darüber hat, welche Kräfte eigentlich in Syrien gegen das Regime kämpfen, und ob nicht die Gefahr besteht, dass die Situation von islamistischen und totalitären Kräften missbraucht wird, gerade mit Blick auf die Minderheiten in Syrien, mit Blick auf die Christen in Syrien und viele andere Gruppierungen. Ist es nicht notwendig, eine politische Lösung stärker voranzutreiben, gerade wegen der extremistischen Flügel, die es innerhalb der syrischen Opposition womöglich gibt?


  Guy Verhofstadt (ALDE), Blue-card answer. – In my opinion the extremists are coming in more and more at this moment because the western democracies are not taking on their responsibilities. The only help that the Syrian people are receiving for the moment is from extremists coming in who have weapons, while the Free Syrian Army has no weapons and no possibility to fight against Assad’s army. I think that is the reason why we are partly responsible for the fact that more and more Jihad warriors are entering Syria, coming from Jordan and other neighbouring countries into Syria. The only way to stop that is for the international community to shoulder its responsibilities. It should decide on a free no-fly zone and on the other elements that I have listed. Otherwise, we are responsible for the radicalisation of the conflict.


  Rui Tavares, em nome do Grupo Verts/ALE. – Caros Colegas, mais uma vez estamos num daqueles debates típicos do Parlamento, um debate muito dilemático. A situação na Síria é complexa, a situação na Síria é problemática. Intervir? Não intervir? Não sabemos o que fazer. Bem, é muito fácil saber o que fazer: vamos começar por aquilo que é simples.

É simples que temos 200 mil refugiados que saíram da Síria. Nós temos as ferramentas para lidar com isto, não é verdade que não tenhamos. O Fundo Europeu de Refugiados não foi todo gasto, temos milhões de euros para fazer reinstalação de refugiados que estão naqueles campos e para melhorar a situação nos campos. Além disso, temos os refugiados que estão dentro da própria Síria, que são o resultado de disparates passados da União Europeia porque ainda temos centenas de milhares de refugiados que vieram da guerra do Iraque, principalmente de minorias: cristãos, sabeus, mandeus, yazidis, zoroastras, no bairro de Jaramana, em Damasco. Estão a 70 quilómetros da fronteira do Líbano, é um corredor humanitário que se pode abrir. Mas estão 200, duzentos palestinianos no campo de Al Hol, que nós já prometemos reinstalar. Estão a 10 quilómetros da fronteira. E podemos fazer um corredor humanitário a 10 quilómetros da fronteira com o Iraque ou a 30 quilómetros da fronteira com a Turquia.

Mas, mais do que tudo, Senhora Ashton, o que eu lhe quero dizer é que nós não precisamos de um corredor humanitário porque a União Europeia tem uma fronteira com a Síria. A União Europeia tem uma fronteira marítima com um Estado-Membro que é, neste momento, a Presidência do Conselho. A Senhora Ashton só precisa de falar com a Presidência do Conselho, que é Chipre, e dizer a Chipre que em vez de deixar passar armas para Assad, como já fizeram, o que Chipre tem de fazer é abrir a sua fronteira marítima para receber os refugiados em Chipre e depois, com uma chave de distribuição europeia como já foi sugerida aqui, distribuir esses refugiados pela União Europeia e prepará-los e ajudá-los para que depois, mais tarde, sim, possamos apoiar a transição democrática na Síria. Basta falar com a Presidência do Conselho, que tem estado inativa.


  Bastiaan Belder, namens de EFD-Fractie. – Eind vorige week keerde Jacques Beres, medeoprichter van "Artsen zonder grenzen", terug naar Parijs na twee weken intensieve medische hulpverlening in een ziekenhuis in de frontstad Aleppo.

In een openhartig interview vertelde hij overwegend rebellenstrijders te hebben behandeld, waarvan minstens de helft van buitenlandse origine was. Onder Beres' patiënten bevonden zich tientallen fanatieke jihadisten - dat is nu al in het debat naar voren gekomen -, waaronder jonge Franse burgers. Zij streven de stichting van een islamitische staat na in Syrië, met als rechtsgrondslag de shari'a.

Mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, ik wil u twee concrete vragen voorleggen: deelt u de bevindingen van Jacques Beres over de talrijke aanwezigheid van jihadisten op Syrisch grondgebied en zo ja, welke gevolgen heeft dat voor de Europese strategie in Syrië?

Hoe denkt u in tweede instantie in de nabije toekomst om te gaan met de terugkeer van Europese jihadisten van het Syrische slagveld?


  Willy Meyer, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor Presidente, estas paredes ya han escuchado discursos vehementes en otras ocasiones a favor de la guerra, a favor de la intervención militar para resolver pretendidamente conflictos.

Irak y Afganistán. Yo no comparto, en absoluto, la necesidad de convertir a Siria en un Irak y un Afganistán, que son más inseguros, que han creado muerte y destrucción; y se ha talibanizado ¡talibanizado! Afganistán. No había armas de destrucción masiva en Irak, no estaba Al Qaeda detrás, y se intervinó. Para hacer un mundo más injusto.

Y en Siria, efectivamente, tenemos que condenar los crímenes y la represión de el Asad, pero también los de la oposición, y los actos terroristas de la oposición, y la yihad de la oposición y Al Qaeda de la oposición. Y la única solución posible es la paz. Y, por lo tanto, hay que apoyar, efectivamente, al Enviado Especial de las Naciones Unidas y comprometer a todos los Estados de la región, incluido Irán, para que, efectivamente, se comprometan en un alto el fuego, para que el pueblo sirio se autodetermine, pero no para sacar un Gobierno de un color u otro en función de lo que más les convenga a unos u otros, como hacen los Estados Unidos o Arabia Saudí. ¡No! ¡No! ¡No! Para que el pueblo sirio en libertad se autodetermine y se ponga fin a esta horrenda guerra civil.

No se trata de echar más leña al fuego, señor Verhofstadt. No se trata de eso, no se trata de empujar a que haya, efectivamente, una intervención militar extranjera que nos llevaría al caos en la región. ¡Al caos!


  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). - Mai întâi vreau să condamn reprimarea prin violenţă extremă a opoziţiei şi atacurile deliberate asupra civililor comise de regimul lui Bashar al-Assad şi de către susţinătorii săi. Aceste violenţe au afectat şi comunitatea românească din Siria, care era formată la începutul crizei din aproximativ 14 000 de persoane. Mulţi dintre cetăţenii români au ales să nu părăsească Siria şi suferă astfel din cauza barbariei regimului sirian.

Pe lângă ajutorul umanitar pentru victime, principala noastră preocupare trebuie să rămână, cred, acţiunea diplomatică, scopul fiind acela de a-l convinge pe Bashar al-Assad să se retragă din politica siriană, pentru a permite negocierea încetării confruntărilor. Salut în acest sens decizia Consiliului Afaceri Externe de a impune sancţiuni mai dure asupra regimului sirian. Trebuie, cred eu, găsite şi aplicate toate măsurile posibile pentru a limita acţiunile dictatorului de la Damasc, ca, de exemplu, restricţionarea activităţilor financiare şi comerciale ale Siriei, aşa cum s-a decis şi în cazul Iranului.

Sunt, pe de altă parte, foarte îngrijorat de blocajul existent la nivelul Consiliului de Securitate al Naţiunilor Unite şi sunt revoltat de faptul că unii membri permanenţi tolerează masacrul din Siria pentru a-şi proteja interesele comerciale din zonă. Ca urmare a reînnoirii refuzului Rusiei şi Chinei de a negocia o nouă rezoluţie pentru problema siriană, consider că Uniunea Europeană ar trebui să se concerteze cu partenerii săi strategici pentru susţinerea unei opoziţii siriene unite.


  Ana Gomes (S&D). - Mr President, I share the feelings of frustration and shame for the inaction of the international community in exercising its responsibility to protect the people of Syria, towards whom I feel a great solidarity. However, I understand that this is one area where the High Representative cannot move along if our Member States are not moving along. The equipment which is necessary to implement a no-fly zone cannot be made by simple statements.

Therefore, I support working with Brahimi, with the OIC and with the Arab League now to try to find a solution. I am also in favour of supporting and encouraging the opposition to get together so that they will be able to deal with the situation after Assad. It is, of course, crucial that Assad and his henchmen and women are brought in front of the ICC – out of Syria and in front of the ICC. Of course humanitarian support is crucial, but that alone is not enough. We need to send a very clear message to Russia, China, Brazil, India, and so on – and to their public opinion – that it is outrageous the way their countries are behaving, obstructing the work of the Security Council and preventing the international community from exercising its responsibility to protect the people of Syria.


  Marietje Schaake (ALDE). - Mr President, after so many debates on Syria, I already know what we are going to be hearing from you: it is a terrible tragedy; human rights have to be respected; Assad has lost his legitimacy; the EU has imposed sanctions and provided humanitarian aid in cooperation with our partners, etc. etc. But this means nothing any more for the Syrian people who are being slaughtered every day, caught between a murderous regime and foreign fighters ranging from Hizbollah to al-Qaida.

I do not think Assad is losing sleep over EU sanctions. The options are not easy, but doing nothing is no longer one of them. Let us at least enforce our own embargoes effectively. You will understand the shock I experienced at reading the Council conclusions on 23 July, one year and two months after EU sanctions and an arms embargo were imposed. I quote: ‘EU countries will be obliged to inspect vessels and aircraft heading to Syria if they suspect they contain weapons or equipment for internal repression’. Is this what we are coming up with as a result of a Council, one year and two months after the imposition of an EU arms embargo? I do not think this does any justice to the EU as a global player. Words are no longer enough for the Syrian people.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))


  Rui Tavares (Verts/ALE), Pergunta segundo o procedimento "cartão azul". – Cara Colega Schaake, eu concordo, no global, com a sua intervenção, mas gostaria de lhe fazer uma pergunta, até porque há pouco creio que a Senhora Ashton não teve possibilidade de ouvir. Está ao corrente, evidentemente, que o principal suspeito desse transporte de armas russas, em particular, para Assad é um governo da União que neste momento faz parte da Presidência do Conselho, é o Governo de Chipre que ainda por cima tem uma fronteira marítima com a Síria? Porque nós não precisamos de corredores humanitários terrestres se partilhamos uma fronteira marítima com a Síria e que pode, em vez de deixar estar a passar armas para a Síria, pode, em vez disso, fazer reinstalação de refugiados.

Eu perguntar-lhe-ia se concorda com esta análise?


  Marietje Schaake (ALDE), Blue-card answer. – Indeed the role of Cyprus is very important here. There have been ships which have docked in Cyprus that have later continued on with weapons on board to Syria. That is a disgrace. I am surprised, and confused about what a weapons embargo even means if this can continue to happen.

If we are not capable of at least enforcing our own actions and words, such as on a weapons embargo and the export of repressive technologies, then we are losing our credibility. I appreciate the complexity of the international reality around Syria but I do think that doing nothing – the way we have for the past year and a half – is no longer an option.


  Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL). - Vamos, obviamente, assumir uma coisa que é mais do que assumida: a intervenção do regime de Al-Assad é insustentável, na Síria e em qualquer parte do mundo, e a forma como se dirigiu à população, com meios militares, é absolutamente insustentável.

Agora, o que eu não consigo perceber de várias intervenções aqui é dizer que precisamos de uma intervenção militar exterior mais forte. Convenhamos uma coisa: já existe intervenção militar exterior na Síria há muito tempo. O que nós estamos a fazer, aliás, é ser todos corresponsáveis por esta situação, na medida em que estamos a agravar um conflito interno entre sunitas e xiitas. A solução para a Síria é uma solução política, não pode ser outra, e nisso apoio totalmente aquilo que foi dito pela Senhora Alta Representante.

Não podemos dizer que há guerras boas e que há guerras más. Todas as guerras são más, todas as partes envolvidas neste processo querem ganhar, mas, por favor, quem está a perder é população civil síria. São eles que estão a perder. Portanto, vamos tentar resolver por via da política, por dar o apoio àquilo que pode ser apoiado, e não por uma intervenção que não vai trazer nenhuma solução miraculosa para uma região que, convenhamos, é neste momento a situação mais problemática que se vive no Médio Oriente.


  Mário David (PPE). - Continuamos a assistir impotentes ao massacre de um povo por parte de assassinos, a soldo de um regime encurralado e sem futuro, que insiste em manter-se à custa do sangue dos seus próprios cidadãos. Uma situação insustentável e intolerável. E se, jurídica e institucionalmente, Assad é o responsável, será que é mesmo assim? Afinal quem manda na Síria? É ele ou é a entourage do seu pai? Também aqui está a mentir ao seu povo?

Para tornar ainda mais trágico este cenário, o estranho mosaico que compõe a oposição não parece antecipar, no pós-Assad, uma solução que seja, simultaneamente, democrática, tolerante e representativa das várias realidades religiosas, étnicas, sociais ou culturais sírias. Não podem passar também sem um veemente repúdio algumas das formas de luta utilizadas pela oposição nesta guerra fratricida e irracional que opõe idealismos obscuros mesclados com genuínos gritos de liberdade a um regime que luta apenas pela sobrevivência. Também estes devem saber que os crimes de guerra não serão tolerados.

Cara Alta Representante, uma vez mais a União demonstra a sua sensibilidade com o drama dos refugiados nos países vizinhos, mais de 250 mil, sendo o maior doador de ajuda humanitária, esperando que a mesma esteja a ser corretamente canalizada. Mas deixo-lhe um desabafo: com toda a hipocrisia com que a comunidade internacional tem atuado, só se descredibiliza. É que sou daqueles que recusam aceitar que uma vida síria não valha o mesmo que qualquer outra vida.


  Saïd El Khadraoui (S&D). - Elke maand komen wij hier bij elkaar om telkens opnieuw het gruwelijke geweld te veroordelen en woorden schieten ons elke keer weer tekort. Een regime dat haar eigen bevolking op zodanige wijze slachtoffert, zal verdwijnen, dat staat vast. Dat moeten wij herhalen, ook aan de supporters van Assad, diegenen die nog twijfelen. Onze boodschap moet zijn: er is geen toekomst met hem en zijn regime. Keer uw kar en bouw mee aan het nieuwe Syrië.

Wij moeten nog veel meer dan vandaag proberen initiatieven te nemen die het regime verder doen afbrokkelen en isoleren. Uiteraard moeten wapenleveringen worden stopgezet. Een militaire interventie klinkt misschien aanlokkelijk, maar ik ben het eens met degenen die zeggen dat dat wel eens meer chaos zou kunnen veroorzaken. Wij kunnen dat enkel overwegen als daar vanuit een unanieme Syrische oppositie ook vraag naar is.

In de tussentijd moeten wij effectief humanitaire hulp verlenen, op alle mogelijke manieren druk opvoeren op China en Rusland om het regime te laten vallen en alles doen wat enigszins mogelijk is om de oppositie te helpen zich te organiseren, zich te verenigen en een geloofwaardig alternatief te ontwikkelen.


  Sari Essayah (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, kriisin ratkaisusta voidaan varmasti esittää erilaisia skenaarioita, joista mikään ei ole helppo, koska kansainvälinen yhteisö on niin erimielinen tässä tilanteessa. Viimeksi tästä saatiin esimerkki, kun Hillary Clinton sunnuntaina hylkäsi Venäjän ehdotuksen YK:n päätöslauselmaksi ja piti sitä hampaattomana. Venäjä ei toisaalta taas edelleenkään suostu länsimaiden vaatimukseen siitä, että al-Assadin on luovuttava vallasta, ja Venäjä vastustaa myös lisäpakotteita Syyrialle samoin kuin Iranille.

Täällä on jo monien kollegoiden toimesta tuotu hyvin esille se, että tähän sotaan ovat sotkeutuneet ääriliikkeet, jihadistit, ja on myös mahdollista, että tämä kriisi leviää hyvin nopeasti naapurimaihin. Jollakin tavalla on kuitenkin ulkopuolisten tähän asiaan tartuttava ja saatava aikaan tulitauko, jonka aikana voidaan lähteä tätä kriisiä poliittisesti ratkaisemaan.

Hyvä, että Lady Ashton toi täällä esille sen kuinka Syyrian naapurimaat, Turkin ohella myös Jordania, ovat ottaneet vastaan kasvavia virtoja pakolaisia. Meidän tulee toimia tässä myös humanitäärisen avun perille saattamiseksi.


  Μαρία-Ελένη Κοππά (S&D). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, Λαίδη Ashton, η απογοήτευση όλων μας είναι πολύ μεγάλη σήμερα. Πέρα από τις διαπιστώσεις, χρειαζόμαστε αποφάσεις για τη Συρία. Η χώρα συνεχίζει να πνίγεται στο αίμα και η Δύση παρακολουθεί ανίσχυρη. Η αδυναμία μας και η αδυναμία του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας να περάσουμε ένα αυστηρό μήνυμα επιτρέπει στον Άσαντ να πιστεύει ότι ακόμη μπορεί να νικήσει. Αυτή είναι η δική μας αποτυχία. Οι γειτονικές χώρες, συγκεκριμένα ο Λίβανος και η Ιορδανία αλλά πρωτίστως η Τουρκία, δέχονται μεγάλες πιέσεις από τα τεράστια κύματα των προσφύγων. Με βάση τα στοιχεία του ΟΗΕ, μόνο τον μήνα Αύγουστο εγκατέλειψαν τη χώρα τους εκατό χιλιάδες Σύριοι, αναζητώντας οι περισσότεροι καταφύγιο στη γειτονική Τουρκία. Η Τουρκία αντικειμενικά δεν μπορεί να διαχειριστεί μόνη της τέτοια μεγέθη. Η αναζήτηση ασφάλειας και επιβίωσης θα φέρει αυτούς τους ανθρώπους στις ευρωπαϊκές χώρες υποδοχής, όπως είναι η Ελλάδα, η Ιταλία και, τελικά, στις υπόλοιπες χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Οι συνέπειες αυτής της μετακίνησης θα είναι τεράστιες. Έστω και αυτή την ύστατη στιγμή, πρέπει να ενώσουμε τις δυνάμεις μας ώστε να βρεθεί τρόπος για να τερματιστεί άμεσα η βία αλλά και για να ενισχυθούν οι ανθρωπιστικές προσπάθειες και για να δοθεί μια προοπτική και μια ελπίδα στους ανθρώπους αυτούς.


  Andrzej Grzyb (PPE). - Ponad 250 000 uchodźców, ponad 20 000 osób zabitych, to jest ten dramat, który się dzieje w chwili obecnej w Syrii i nie widać jego końca. Teraz, kiedy debatujemy, to również się dzieje. Konflikt oczywiście sprawia, że wspieramy opozycję, ale też musimy zdawać sobie sprawę z tego, że ten konflikt jest coraz mniej czarno-biały, ponieważ coraz więcej tam jest takich osób, których celem jest wojna, których celem jest tylko podtrzymanie tego konfliktu.

W Syrii zagrożone są również mniejszości, w tym mniejszości religijne, chrześcijanie. Gdyby nie blokowanie rezolucji bezpieczeństwa ONZ, przez Rosję, to być może bylibyśmy dużo bliżej rozwiązania tego konfliktu. Ale tu na tej sali będziemy rozmawiali na temat przystąpienia Rosji do WTO. Być może to jest ten moment, w którym też powinniśmy powiedzieć, że kraj, który chce wstąpić do WTO, nie powinien blokować rozwiązań pokojowych, w Syrii. Zdajemy sobie sprawę, że na tej sali nie jesteśmy w stanie tego rozwiązać, ale nasza troska powinna, że tak powiem, dotrzeć do tych, którzy mają decyzję w swoim ręku.


Intervenciones con arreglo al procedimiento de solicitud incidental de uso de la palabra («catch the eye»)


  Σοφοκλής Σοφοκλέους (S&D). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, εκφράζω την ευαρέσκειά μου για τη στήριξη του συριακού λαού. Χορηγήθηκαν συνολικά 240 εκατομμύρια από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, εκ των οποίων 168 εκατομμύρια από την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή. Έχει λεχθεί όμως ότι προτεραιότητα είναι να συνεχιστεί η χορήγηση ανθρωπιστικής βοήθειας. Η δική μου άποψη είναι ότι προτεραιότητα είναι να φύγει ο δικτάτορας Άσαντ. Οι νεκροί δεν επιστρέφουν και σίγουρα δεν χρειάζονται τη βοήθειά μας. Βέβαια, παράλληλα και ταυτόχρονα πρέπει να συνεχιστεί η χορήγηση ανθρωπιστικής βοήθειας. Θα ήθελα να υποβάλω ένα ερώτημα προς την κυρία Ashton: υπάρχει σχέδιο απομάκρυνσης; Και αν υπάρχει, ποιό είναι; Δεν είναι αρκετή η πολιτική λογοδοσία και ούτε βεβαίως εκ των υστέρων η δικαστική λογοδοσία.


  Ivo Vajgl (ALDE). - Mislim, da nam ni treba več ugibati, kaj se dogaja v Siriji. V Siriji je vojna, je državljanska, je verska vojna, je globalni spopad za vpliv, za interese.

V igri niso samo ljudje, ki jih tam na galeriji predstavljajo junaški, hrabri borci za svobodo, v igri so države s svojimi interesi in to države, ki so totalno skregane z demokratičnimi principi in ki bi jih bilo treba teh principov šele učiti.

Mislim, da je, gospa Ashton, pot, ki jo zagovarjate, prava pot. Pot politične rešitve, ki pa mora vsebovati tudi konec režima v Damasku. Ampak politična rešitev je vedno veliko cenejša in veliko razumnejša od vojne.


  Sajjad Karim (ECR). - Mr President, several months ago I raised the issue of journalists and media personnel being detained and their services being hacked by the Syrian authorities to thwart information reaching the outside world. The pace of that has increased and it now encompasses many other professions as well. Their numbers are well into the thousands. We have no knowledge about where these people are or how they are being kept. They are incommunicado.

What steps are we, as a European Union, taking to monitor and investigate this? It is quite clear that, as an international community, we are demonstrating a very limp-wristed approach. Commissioner, do you have a single European leader who is willing to establish either a no-fly zone or to arm the Free Syrian Army? If you do, who? If you do not, is it within the power of your office to encourage them to come to that position?


  Νικόλαος Σαλαβράκος (EFD). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρία Ashton, μιλούμε για τη Συρία κάνοντας διαπιστώσεις και ευχές. Είναι το μόνο που μπορούμε να κάνουμε. Διαπιστώνουμε έναν εμφύλιο πόλεμο στον οποίο θυσιάζονται καθημερινά χιλιάδες άνθρωποι. Συμπαριστάμεθα στις οικογένειές τους και κάνουμε ευχή να τελειώσει κάποια στιγμή αυτός ο πόλεμος. Δεν μπορώ να πω ότι πραγματοποιήσατε υπεράνθρωπες προσπάθειες και δεν μπορώ να σας ζητήσω ευθύνες για το τι κάναμε και το τι δεν κάναμε στη Συρία, όταν ο Οργανισμός Ηνωμένων Εθνών απέτυχε να δώσει λύση στο θέμα διότι η κατάσταση περιπλέκεται από τους δεσμούς της χώρας αυτής με τη Ρωσία και το Ιράν. Εκείνο το οποίο θέλω ιδιαιτέρως να τονίσω είναι ότι "φοβούμαι τους Δαναούς που φέρουν δώρα". Φοβούμαι την Τουρκία η οποία προσπαθεί να επιληφθεί ενός θέματος που εμπίπτει στο δόγμα Νταβούτογλου. Σας ερωτώ, πρώτον, ποιές είναι και από ποιον ελέγχονται οι δυνάμεις της αντιπολίτευσης στη Συρία, δεύτερον, αν υπάρχει σχέδιο απορρόφησης των προσφύγων και, τρίτον, τι θα κάνουμε με τους Χριστιανούς στη Συρία.


  Andreas Mölzer (NI). - Herr Präsident! Das am Anfang dieser Woche in Russland aufgetauchte Video, in dem der syrische Präsident seine Bereitschaft zum Abdanken erklärt, soll wahrscheinlich nur dazu dienen, Moskau für Assad bei der Stange zu halten. Schließlich wissen wir ja, dass das russische Veto eine UN-Resolution mit spürbaren Konsequenzen verhindert. Daran wird sich wahrscheinlich so bald nichts ändern.

Allgemein wurde ja unterschätzt, dass das Assad-Regime bereit ist, mit allen Mitteln seine Macht zu erhalten. Diese Brutalität könnte mit den in der Region seit langem schwelenden multireligiösen Spannungen zusammenhängen, die ja noch bekanntlich durch ethnische Konflikte gesteigert werden. Es bleibt also wohl nichts übrig, als mittels Sanktionen den Druck auf das Regime weiter zu verstärken. Eine direkte militärische Intervention allerdings ist wohl auszuschließen. Allein schon die in sich uneinige Opposition und die Tatsache, dass auch die Rebellen nicht vor Menschenrechtsverletzungen, willkürlichen Hinrichtungen und Folter zurückschrecken, sprechen dagegen. Zudem ist bekanntlich die Gefahr groß, dass militante Islamisten das Chaos nutzen, um ihren Einfluss zu festigen. Das dürfen wir nicht zulassen!


  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in realtà questa nostra discussione sta solo registrando l'impotenza di fronte al dramma che si sta consumando in Siria ed io vorrei capire se prendiamo solo atto di questo stato di cose o se invece intendiamo attuare un'adeguata e forte iniziativa politica che cerchi di rimettere in moto l'azione diplomatica e adotti le scelte necessarie sul campo, a partire dal corridoio umanitario.

L'Europa non può assistere passivamente a ciò che sta avvenendo. Chi pensa di dover protrarre questa situazione deve essere consapevole che si assume una grande responsabilità, politica e morale. È vero che Lei, signora Ashton, sembra condizionata dalle divisioni e dalle inconcludenze delle cancellerie degli Stati membri? Se è così, va detto.

È doveroso che si levi qui una voce alta verso tutti i governi europei perché aiutino con coerenza il Suo lavoro e la Sua azione europea, e questa voce oggi vorrei sentirla qui in Parlamento europeo in modo chiaro da Lei, signora Vicepresidente.


  Χαράλαμπος Αγγουράκης (GUE/NGL). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, νομίζω ότι πρέπει να καταδικάσουμε με τον πλέον κατηγορηματικό τρόπο ανοικτές επεμβάσεις μεγάλων ιμπεριαλιστικών δυνάμεων, όπως αυτή που διεξάγεται αυτή τη στιγμή σε βάρος του λαού της Συρίας. Τέτοιες επεμβάσεις ευθύνονται σε τεράστιο βαθμό για τη διαιώνιση και την όξυνση της κατάστασης. Θέλω να αναφερθώ σε κάτι που κανείς δεν ανέφερε σε αυτή την αίθουσα, ότι ο αμερικανός Πρόεδρος έχει εγκρίνει τη δράση της CIA ενάντια του λαού της Συρίας. Θέλω να αναφερθώ σε αυτό που έχουν γράψει οι εφημερίδες, ότι η Γαλλία ήδη στέλνει "ανθρωπιστική" βοήθεια σε πέντε πόλεις της Συρίας". Γνωρίζουμε πολύ καλά ότι μέσω της ανθρωπιστικής βοήθειας, στη Λιβύη και αλλού, είχε σταλεί στρατιωτική βοήθεια. Θέλω επίσης να διαψεύσω με τον πλέον κατηγορηματικό τρόπο αυτό που ακούστηκε σε αυτή την αίθουσα, με περίσσιο θράσος, ότι δήθεν η Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία υποστηρίζει την αποστολή όπλων στη Συρία. Με τέτοιες ανυπόστατες δηλώσεις προετοιμάζεται το έδαφος για νέα εγκλήματα σε βάρος των λαών της περιοχής, όπως έγινε στη Λιβύη, όπως έγινε στο Αφγανιστάν, όπως έγινε στο Ιράκ.


  Andrew Henry William Brons (NI). - Mr President, the methods used by the Syrian Government have been appalling and indefensible. However, this civil war is not a simple conflict between right and wrong. The Ba’ath Party is a secular party and had a reputation before the conflict for tolerance of religious minorities including Christians. Furthermore, the opposition includes Jihadists with links to Al-Qaida, and what is more members of the Syrian army captured by the Free Syrian Army have been subjected to summary executions and torture.

We must not think that a government of Syria based on the opposition will be democratic, observant of human rights and the rule of law. When the West in future asks itself whether or not a regime should be removed and replaced, it should ask itself a second question: replaced by what or by whom? And would it be an improvement? We might then ask a third question, which countries and interest groups stood to gain by regime change in Syria?


(Fin de las intervenciones con arreglo al procedimiento de solicitud incidental de uso de la palabra («catch the eye»))


  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, let me begin by making something very clear. We are not doing nothing. I think sometimes some honourable Members have the mistaken idea that if you have a military activity, that is action, and that somehow diplomatic activity is not. On behalf of the tireless work that our delegation does every day in Damascus in Syria, and in the United Nations and elsewhere, I must ask them to remember the efforts they make.

I paid tribute to our Head of Delegation for Syria at the Heads of Delegation Conference because I know how much he does and the challenges and risks he has to take. It would be wrong of this House not to recognise those activities. We are not doing nothing. There is a huge amount going on. What I tried to point out were the areas of activity where we have been able to show real progress.

Honourable Members will appreciate that we have looked at every single idea that they have put forward – and many others. There are people in Brussels and across the European Union – military experts and others – who look at every possible way in which we could engage with Syria. They also look at the way in which we have engaged historically and they look at the political needs that we have in so doing.

Syria is not Libya and you should not mix them up. They are completely different in every possible way and we have to recognise that. A Security Council resolution led the way in Libya. We knew that a no-fly zone was a military action. It is not a benign activity. It is something you do using military assets. If you move in and decide you are going to take military action you have to recognise the size and scale of what is being asked and ask how to do that, what one can be sure about when one goes in and how many countries are willing to put young men and women on the line to do that.

I believe a political solution is what we have to work towards. The situation on the ground is very difficult. Yes, there are Jihad fighters. Yes, there are people from different groups on the ground. No, it is not our fault that they are there, but yes it is true. The situation has become more difficult and more confused, and because we cannot get the Opposition groups to come together with a coherent and comprehensive view of what the transition would be in support of all the people, it is even more difficult to establish a way in which we can do this, but we have to keep trying and we do.

Every single day we work on these issues, every single day we work with the neighbouring countries. Every single day we work with the Security Council members. Every day we work with our delegation on the ground, with the international NGOs and with the Red Cross and others. Do not accuse us of inactivity please.

In terms of what I think you want to see happen, I understand your frustrations. I really do. I understand the passion. I share it. It is a horrendous situation, but we have to be careful and clear about what we can do to engage with it. When I met with the 27 Foreign Ministers that is what we talked about. We talked about all the possibilities. We talked about what we felt we could do and we came to the conclusions that you have seen in the Council conclusions.

Let me just add, by the way, the reason for the Council conclusion on getting Member States to check what is going through their countries is precisely because this Parliament asked us to. That is why we did it. Now I find, perhaps, that that has not been accepted for what it was. But it was you who asked us, and I did it, and that is why it matters that we continue to insist that Member States ensure that what is going through their ports is checked whenever they have reason to believe it is necessary.

It is also why we continue to look for more sanctions that we can place on the regime, not least to send the strongest and clearest message to everyone else that we want to see Assad go and we want to see a solution inclusive of the people of Syria, and born of the people of Syria, that will help them get the kind of society that we think most people want, because the truth is most people in Syria want Assad to go and want a solution.

That is what we have to build on and that is what we have to support, and to do it in a way that we believe can be effective. We have worked really hard with the Security Council Members. I spent eleven hours in Geneva talking with members of the Security Council and others to try and get the Geneva discussion to bring in everyone. I work hard in the core group of the Friends of Syria. We attend and discuss many meetings all the time to try and find a way through this. We are not inactive. |The European Union is respected for what we try to do in supporting the people of Syria and trying to find a way through this incredibly difficult challenge.

Frankly, honourable Members, if it was easy to find a solution to this we would have done so already. It is not hiding under a cushion somewhere; it is amazingly difficult. People across the world are trying to engage and find that solution. So, before we leap to the conclusion that unless you have military activity you are inactive, let us really consider what we mean by that. Let us really consider the implications of the big words translated into action on the ground and start thinking properly and comprehensively about what we do, including in the days after.

Because if we do not start preparing for that now – and the State Department are right to prepare for it – we will not be ready for what could be a situation which crumbles very quickly and where we will have to be ready with assets to move in, to support people in all the places we have been unable to reach. To get the infrastructure working and to get people into a future is going to need an enormous amount of effort. If we do not get the planning done for that now, we will not be in a position to help people. So I encourage you to support the US and us and everybody else in doing so.

Honourable Members, I hope I have given you a sense of the passion I feel about this issue. I take my responsibilities seriously, but we have to find solutions which we know are going to work, that we can engage with members of the international community to achieve and, most of all, that we believe will bring peace as quickly as possible and not an escalation of violence.


  El Presidente. − Para cerrar el debate se han presentado seis propuestas de Resolución(1) de conformidad con el artículo 110, apartado 2, del Reglamento.

Se cierra el debate.

La votación tendrá lugar el jueves 13 de septiembre de 2012, a las 12.00 horas.

Declaraciones por escrito (artículo 149 del Reglamento)


  Corina Creţu (S&D), în scris. – De un an şi jumătate, cuantificăm morţii din conflictul intern ce afectează grav poporul sirian. Eforturile diplomatice, presiunile politice şi sancţiunile internaţionale n-au dat niciun rezultat. Mai mult, august a fost cea mai sângeroasă lună de la declanşarea revoltei, în martie 2011. Degenerarea situaţiei din Siria complică ecuaţia regională. Atacurile rebelilor kurzi de la frontiera turco-siriană riscă să determine internaţionalizarea conflictului, într-un Orient Mijlociu împins sub spectrul războiului şi în condiţiile în care tensiunea dintre Iran şi Israel este în creştere.

Pe fondul permanentizării blocajului din Consiliul de Securitate în dosarul sirian, noul emisar al Naţiunilor Unite, Lakhdar Brahimi, care îl înlocuieşte pe demisionarul Kofi Annan, apreciază că o intervenţie militară ar însemna eşecul procesului politic. Aş vrea să ştiu, în aceste condiţii, care este poziţia Uniunii Europene faţă de iniţiativa preşedintelui egiptean de a convoca o reuniune a reprezentanţilor unui grup de state din zonă pentru a găsi soluţii la criza siriană. Cred că există posibilitatea ca dialogul regional să fie mai eficient decât alte variante, unele deja epuizate, dar numai dacă există şi voinţa necesară găsirii unei soluţii din partea marilor puteri, a căror lipsă de sprijin a fost criticată de fostul mediator ONU, Kofi Annan.


  Krzysztof Lisek (PPE), na piśmie. – Kilka miesięcy temu pytałem wysoką przedstawiciel o to, jak ocenia szansę na zmianę stanowiska Rosji i Chin w odniesieniu do interwencji w Syrii. Nie możemy bezczynnie patrzeć na to, jak prezydent Assad krwawo rozprawia się ze swoimi przeciwnikami. Śmierć poniosło już ponad 20 000 ludzi. Brak skutecznego zaangażowania państw demokracji zachodnich pozwala również na umocnienie ruchów ekstremistycznych. Powinniśmy zrobić wszystko, co w naszej mocy, aby przekonać Chiny i Rosję do rezygnacji z blokady decyzji Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ. Z każdym dniem odkładania tej decyzji skazujemy Syrię na coraz większe oddalanie się od wprowadzenia w życie idei pokoju, stabilności, rozwoju, poszanowania prawa i praw człowieka. Skazujemy cały kraj na powolną zagładę.


  Tiziano Motti (PPE), per iscritto. – Mi unisco ai colleghi deputati che hanno firmato la risoluzione comune sulla Siria per chiedere alla comunità internazionale che intervenga per cercare di fermare il massacro che sta andando avanti ogni giorno sotto i nostri occhi mediatici. Dall'inizio dei disordini, nel marzo del 2011, sono quasi ventimila le persone uccise, delle quali molte sono bambini e donne indifese uccisi in maniera mirata in aggressioni organizzate dagli uomini del regime del Presidente Assad. Il numero dei profughi è poi molto più alto. Sono centinaia le persone che si riversano in continuazione nei paesi limitrofi, creando instabilità in zone geografiche già caratterizzate da un'instabilità politica notevole. In Siria inoltre sono circa 3 milioni le persone che necessitano di assistenza urgente, poiché il governo siriano ha tagliato l'accesso ai viveri, all'acqua ed ai medicinali. Mi dispiace riconoscere che finora le Nazioni Unite non sono state in grado di gestire adeguatamente la situazione che pare sfuggire di mano giorno dopo giorno, fino alle dimissioni di Kofi Annan. Il regime siriano ha perso ormai ogni credibilità e legittimità in quanto rappresentante del popolo siriano e sarebbe auspicabile che il Presidente Assad facesse un passo indietro.


  Kristiina Ojuland (ALDE), in writing. – I agree with the President of the ALDE Group, Guy Verhofstadt that the prolonged hesitation of the international community to take action is scandalous. It has already cost the lives of far too many Syrian people and unless the violence is brought to an end the death toll may exceed that in Libya. It is just tragic that the blocking members of the UN Security Council will have the blood of many Syrians on their hands now as well. Yet the reluctance of the Member States to make further efforts to end the conflict in the immediate neighbourhood is also difficult to understand, since tensions in this region bear direct consequences for the European Union. The Middle East is a powder keg that will do much better without the naked flame in Syria. I encourage the High Representative to call the Member States to support and provide means for establishing a no-fly zone over Syria and taking further measures to end the massacre in the country.


  Tokia Saïfi (PPE), par écrit. – La semaine dernière, la Commission a annoncé une augmentation de l'aide humanitaire européenne en faveur de la Syrie. Entre les contributions des Etats membres et les sommes prélevées sur le budget de l'UE, ce sont près de 200 millions d'euros qui été débloqués. Je souhaite saluer les efforts financiers consentis par l'UE et souligner les difficultés rencontrées sur le terrain pour acheminer l'aide. Il est urgent de parvenir à des "trêves humanitaires" pour aider les 2,5 millions de syriens déplacés et/ou pris au piège dans des affrontements urbains (principalement à Damas et Alep). Le "programme de protection régionale" bientôt lancé par l'UE doit bénéficier du soutien unanime de la communauté internationale. Car la diplomatie de connivence de la Russie, de la Chine et d'autres pays émergents vis à vis du régime d'Al-Assad est intolérable : face à une guerre civile qui s'intensifie de jour en jour, il est impératif de mettre au point un scénario international responsable qui conduise à une action efficace. Les répercussions de cette action sur les pays voisins, au premier rang desquels le Liban et la Jordanie, sont à prendre en compte.


  Boris Zala (S&D), písomne Kolegovia, sme v typickej pasci: na jednej strane chceme silou-mocou zastaviť vojnu v Sýrii. Vedú nás k tomu humanitárne dôvody. Jedinou možnou cestou je intervencia. Ale na druhej strane chceme dodržiavať medzinárodné právo a to znamená konať s mandátom OSN. Ale ten nemáme, Rusko a Čína ho blokujú. Ako postupovať: obísť OSN a intervenovať na princípe „koalície ochotných“? Treba sa rozhodnúť, či necháme Sýriu jej vlastnému vnútornému vývoju alebo pre intervenciu. Aj s dôsledkami na svetový právny systém a pozíciu OSN. Ak sa rozhodneme neintervenovať, musíme uniesť morálnu zodpovednosť. Ak pre intervenciu, musíme uniesť dôsledky vojnovej akcie.


(1)Véase el Acta.

Rechtlicher Hinweis - Datenschutzbestimmungen