Istungi stenogramm

Kolmapäev, 12. detsember 2012 - Strasbourg

13. Olukord Egiptuses (arutelu)

  El Presidente. − El punto siguiente en el orden del día es el debate a partir de la Declaración de la Vicepresidenta de la Comisión y Alta Representante de la Unión para Asuntos Exteriores y Política de Seguridad sobre la situación en Egipto.

  Erato Kozakou-Marcoullis, President-in-Office of the Council, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, we are all following the domestic political situation in Egypt with increasing concern.

Last week saw violent clashes during demonstrations, leading to several deaths and many hundreds injured. The situation between President Morsi’s supporters and the main opposition, the National Salvation Front, is seemingly blocked. Further protests are called for by both camps. An agonising question that boggles the mind is: what about Egypt’s democratic transition?

On Monday, we discussed the situation in Egypt in the Foreign Affairs Council. Ministers agreed that we need to see a de-escalation of the situation and an all-inclusive dialogue to find a solution based on consensus and joint ownership. And evidently, Egypt needs a strong Constitution that represents all Egyptians.

Honourable Members, allow me first to recapitulate some of the events that have led to this deeply divisive political crisis.

On 22 November, President Morsi issued a constitutional declaration whereby he, among other things, put the Presidency beyond judicial control. On 30 November, a draft constitution was adopted by the Islamist-dominated Constituent Assembly and presented to the President. A public referendum on the Constitution was called for on 15 December. Demonstrations by both camps followed, initially peaceful but – regrettably – turning violent last week. Last Thursday, President Morsi addressed the nation, calling for talks; however, not budging on the Constitutional Declaration and keeping the set date for the referendum.

The National Salvation Front, which is the main opposition bloc, consisting of liberal and secular parties, including, inter alia, former presidential contenders Amr Moussa and Mohamed El-Baradei, refused to take part in the talks, since none of their requests were complied with – namely, to rescind the constitutional declaration, cancel the constitutional referendum and create a new Constituent Assembly.

On Saturday, and following the planned dialogue that convened some 60 political figures – but not, however, the National Salvation Front – President Morsi nullified the initial Constitutional Declaration but then he issued a new one, which included keeping a date for the referendum. As we speak, new demonstrations are being called for by pro-Morsi supporters and by the opposition, but the situation is calmer in the streets. The National Salvation Front has announced today that it will participate in the constitutional referendum and campaign for a ‘no’ vote. This lends a new level of legitimacy to the vote.

On the economic front, Egypt decided to freeze – for the moment – the IMF loan for a month. This is not a final decision and we will need to see how the situation unfolds.

All along, High Representative/Vice-President Cathy Ashton, as well as the EU Special Representative Bernardino León and the EU Delegation in Cairo, have been in constant touch with the main political protagonists – not least Foreign Minister Mohamed Amr – passing on messages on the need for de-escalation and conciliatory moves. This has been judged the preferred course of action, given the degree of polarisation and controversy between the parties and also the sensitivity on both sides about outside interference. As you will know, last Wednesday, High Representative/Vice-President Ashton also conveyed in a public statement the importance of Egypt continuing its democratic transition and called for inclusive dialogue.

Going back to my initial question on Egypt’s democratic transition, democracy-building is not a ‘quick fix’. Many of you have witnessed this process recently in your own countries. You know that building deep and sustainable democracy is a long process which requires hard work, commitment and stamina as well as patience – domestically and internationally. Sometimes, actions and measures will be taken that, in hindsight, are not particularly well-considered. As one of my colleagues in the Foreign Affairs Council stated on Monday, transition is always messy and entails divisive decisions at times. It is important, however, to take account of opposition demands.

I think this statement summarises the situation in Egypt very well, and it is now up to the leadership, together with the opposition, to truly engage in an inclusive dialogue to find a consensual solution that has joint ownership – also to restore confidence regarding Egypt’s commitment to democratic transition. Again, I repeat that it is of the utmost importance that Egypt gets a constitution that represents all Egyptians and ensures human rights for all, independently of faith, gender or any other consideration.

People lost their lives in Tahrir Square and elsewhere in their legitimate request for their political and socio-economic rights. Let us never forget that.

Honourable Members, Egypt is currently facing an extremely delicate situation, but they have to find a solution themselves. Egypt belongs to the Egyptians, and we should not and cannot impose a solution. What we can do now is to show that the European Union supports the people of Egypt through the democratic transition and continue our call for inclusive dialogue for a solution based on consensus – and, evidently, banning any violence. The European Union also needs to convey firmly and clearly our expectations for a democratic transition, recalling the successful EU-Egypt Task Force of 13-14 November in which some of you actively took part and which established a new momentum in EU-Egypt relations based on respect for social justice, socio-economic development, the rule of law, human rights and good governance.

  Cristian Dan Preda, în numele grupului PPE. – Aş vrea, în primul rând, să salut dezbaterea pe care o avem astăzi despre situaţia din Egipt; e o discuţie cu adevărat urgentă, pentru că, o ştim cu toţii, revoluţia egipteană este în pericol. Lucrurile evoluează foarte repede, dar, din păcate, nu în sensul pe care l-am dori noi, şi anume în sensul instaurării unei democraţii veritabile construite pe principiile statului de drept, pe respectarea drepturilor şi libertăţilor fundamentale.

Remarc, de fapt, cu tristeţe că fiecare zi care trece ne îndepărtează de acest obiectiv; e suficient să mă refer în acest sens la recent adoptatul Decret 107, care autorizează armata egipteană, în perspectiva referendumului constituţional, să aresteze civili şi să-i trimită în faţa tribunalelor militare. E ştiut, pe de altă parte, că Preşedintele Morsi a acceptat, în cele din urmă, să retragă decretul ce l-ar fi transformat într-un hiperpreşedinte, dar aceasta nu s-a întâmplat decât după două săptămâni de proteste ale opoziţiei, marcate de atacuri violente ale susţinătorilor Frăţiei Musulmane.

În plus, societatea egipteană nu a fost niciodată, parcă, atât de profund divizată. Nu e vorba, aici, de susţinerea sau nu a preşedintelui Morsi, e vorba despre o diviziune mai profundă, referitoare la locul religiei în viaţa publică, iar această divizare nu poate fi depăşită prin impunerea în forţă a unui text constituţional. O consultare populară plasată sub semnul violenţei asupra unui text care e elaborat fără participarea tuturor actorilor din Egipt şi care nu oferă, potrivit primelor analize, toate garanţiile în materie de drepturi fundamentale nu poate duce la nimic bun. Trebuie să insistăm, de aceea, să se pună capăt derivei autoritare a regimului din Egipt şi să cerem demararea unui dialog autentic şi incluziv. E singurul mod de a ieşi din criza actuală.

Evenimentele din ultimele ore nu fac decât să întărească această concluzie. Armata egipteană a anunţat organizarea unor discuţii cu opoziţia pentru a le anula în ultimul moment, fără a se preciza o altă dată. Mai mult, oficialii egipteni presează în continuare în privinţa organizării referendumului constituţional, deşi o confuzie considerabilă domneşte: nu se ştie sigur dacă scrutinul se va ţine doar pe 15 sau şi pe 15, şi pe 22 decembrie şi, potrivit ultimelor informaţii, el ar fi început deja pentru alegătorii din străinătate. O asemenea consultare are mai curând aerul unei comedii, al unei şarade, decât al unei democraţii incluzive. Cred, de aceea, că trebuie să insistăm asupra faptului că legea fundamentală a unei ţări nu poate fi adoptată în condiţii atât de penibile.

  Pier Antonio Panzeri, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la fase politica attuale che sta interessando l'Egitto deve essere seguita e costantemente monitorata. Su quanto è avvenuto in questi ultimi giorni dobbiamo esprimere la nostra valutazione e soprattutto definire alcune linee guida oltre la pur importante ricostruzione cronologica dei fatti.

Dall'esito della fase di transizione attuale in Egitto dipende l'equilibrio dell'intera regione e ovviamente anche il rapporto con la situazione difficile dopo la tregua con Israele e Palestina. La nostra presenza attraverso la task force è stata ed è molto importante. Tuttavia, le azioni messe in atto dal Presidente egiziano hanno determinato non pochi problemi di tenuta democratica e provocato la giusta reazione dell'opposizione.

Penso che dovremmo essere molto chiari, senza ingerenze, ma essere molto chiari. Non è possibile immaginare che la transizione democratica in Egitto si realizzi attraverso colpi di mano. Soprattutto, non può sussistere la logica maggioritaria per la quale chi vince ha il diritto assoluto di decidere – si badi bene – non già sulle politiche di governo, ma sulle regole democratiche e sul processo costituzionale. In questo quadro non possiamo non dire che il testo costituzionale si presenta estremamente lacunoso e conservatore e che non rappresenta l'intera società egiziana.

Dobbiamo lavorare perché il dialogo abbia il sopravvento e perché sia davvero possibile gestire la fase di transizione assicurandoci un ruolo neutrale delle forze armate. L'Egitto non può tornare indietro e su questo è necessario che l'Unione europea, a partire dalla Commissione, abbia una presenza molto più forte perché, prima ancora degli Stati Uniti, l'Europa ha tutto l'interesse che l'Egitto definisca pacificamente il suo tragitto democratico.

  Marietje Schaake, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, this is another urgent appeal for leadership by Vice-President/High Representative Ashton. Early last year the EU made a promise to our citizens and to people in North Africa and the Middle East who called for freedom, justice, human rights and opportunities. We saw the consequences of supporting decades of dictatorial regimes and decided that, even with an uncertain future ahead, the EU needed a more values-based policy to build partnerships with people in these countries. Our promise to reward more democratic reforms with more financial assistance has barely been implemented, but is now being seriously tested.

President Morsi made the very bad judgement of grabbing more power than President Mubarak had ever had, placing himself beyond judicial scrutiny. Our efforts to help bring investments and economic reconstruction to Egypt are replaced by serious concern and the need for urgent crisis management.

The Egyptian people do not deserve this leadership – inexperienced yet power-hungry. Democracy is much more than ‘one man, one vote’, and relying on checks on power via the streets is not sustainable. Egypt needs the rule of law. And what has been the EU response to this proactive power grab? It took weeks for a very weak statement to be issued, and the first statement by the Vice-President/High Representative after 22 November 2012 was an announcement that the EU would return frozen assets of the Mubarak regime to Egypt. A more poorly timed and wrongly guided message is hardly imaginable.

A partnership with the new Egypt is very important to us. When people in our neighbourhood flourish, so do we, and this is not just an economic story. We need to stand firmly for the universal rights of all Egyptian people. And it is disappointing that the EU is not stronger. We are letting the people of Egypt as well as our own promises down. With regard to the referendum and any developments that may unfold we must be much more vigilant or we should stop pretending about conditionality.

  Judith Sargentini, namens de Verts/ALE-Fractie. – Wat doe je als een vriend rare dingen gaat doen en je niet meer begrijpt waarom hij het doet? Wat doe je als een land een democratie probeert te vinden, maar zo gepolariseerd is dat compromissen er niet meer inzitten?

Wij waren onlangs in Egypte met de task force, met mevrouw Ashton, en ik merkte in gesprekken met parlementariërs in Egypte dat een compromis sluiten, een stapje zetten, weten wanneer je een stapje terugdoet, ruimte houden voor de collega die het niet met je eens is, dat dat er niet inzit, niet in de gewoonten, noch in de omgangsvormen.

En dat betekent dat wij zitten te kijken naar een land wat ontspoord lijkt te zijn. En ja, ik maak mij ongelooflijk veel zorgen als ik zie hoe president Morsi opereert. Maar ik weet ook dat als een vriend iets geks doet, je hem 1. de waarheid zegt: mijnheer Morsi, in drie weken een grondwet erdoorheen jassen is zeer onverstandig, maar 2. je blijft erbij en het blijft je vriend en je blijft zoeken naar mogelijkheden om te assisteren. Megafoondiplomatie is niet de manier waarop de Europese Unie ervoor gaat zorgen dat in Egypte rule of law weer gaat heersen.

Mijn verzoek aan mevrouw Ashton en aan mijnheer Füle is dan ook: blijf erbij! Inderdaad, gebruik die condities voor onze hulp, maar laten wij in het oog houden dat democratie er niet van vandaag op morgen komt.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, as all students of political history know, a revolution represents not transformation but transition. Egypt could not have been expected to create fully-democratic institutions overnight, but nevertheless certain recent acts by President Morsi are to be roundly condemned.

The drafting of the new Constitution should have reached out beyond his Islamist power base of the Muslim Brotherhood and, in failing to do so, it alienated vast swathes of the Egyptian population. More seriously, his attempts to extend his powers by a huge margin and put himself beyond the legal reach of the country’s judiciary would have gravely compromised hard-won recent freedoms, a fact borne out by the massive popular resistance, which happily now seems to have forced a partial reversal of the decree.

Nevertheless, there are signs for cautious optimism. Today we have heard that the opposition is likely to participate in the upcoming constitutional referendum rather than boycotting it. On a wider level, the ECR welcomes Lady Ashton’s taskforce for Egypt, which promises economic assistance in return for real democratic progress in that country.

Finally, as a group, we stress the need to respect the religious freedom of the Coptic Christian minority, who feel threatened by a Parliament and a government dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood, and by Sharia being the sole legal basis within the Constitution.

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de EFD-Fractie. – Uit de gesprekken die ik vorige en deze week voerde met de christelijke minderheid in Egypte, valt de heldere conclusie te trekken dat zij het ontwerp van nieuwe grondwet resoluut van de hand wijst.

Daarin staat zij gelukkig bepaald niet alleen. Nauwkeurige lezing van de tekst van de conceptgrondwet maakt duidelijk waarom christenen en seculieren in Egypte krachtig tegen deze tekst uit de koker van de moslimbroederschap opponeren.

Enkele concrete voorbeelden ter illustratie: Artikel 219 maakt de codificatie en totale toepassing van de sharia, de islamitische wetgeving, mogelijk en blijkens artikel 4 promoveert de hoge raad van clerici van de Al-Azhar tot de enige bevoegde autoriteit om wetten te interpreteren en te controleren of deze conform de grondwet en de sharia zijn. Dit grondwetsartikel beoogt een beslissende invloed van islamitische schriftgeleerden, de ulema, op de juridische, wetgevende en uitvoerende macht. Niets minder!

Welke conclusies en consequenties trekken Raad en Commissie uit dit scenario van president Morsi of waarschijnlijk veel eerder van de "Murshid", de werkelijke leider van Egypte, Mohammed Badai, de voorman van de moslimbroeders.

  Marisa Matias, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – O Presidente Morsi e a irmandade muçulmana estão a apropriar-se do processo popular da Primavera Árabe para restabelecer mecanismos de poder de tipo autocrático. As recentes tentativas de controlo do sistema judicial, seguidas de um recurso às forças armadas, cujos poderes deveriam estar a ser contidos no âmbito de um sistema de democracia política, são sinais de uma preocupante tendência presidencial para o controlo do poder.

A forma como o Presidente e a Irmandade Muçulmana responderam à recente contestação popular, reforçou os receios de instauração de um sistema autocrático com apoio militar. Esta possibilidade tornou-se ainda mais evidente no modo como as forças armadas foram envolvidas na repressão de manifestantes. Ao autorizar as forças armadas a deter civis que se destaquem na oposição ao referendo constitucional, o governo Morsi abriu um perigoso precedente.

Aparentemente, houve um recuo quanto ao controlo do aparelho judicial, mas não na intenção de fazer aprovar rapidamente, por referendo, uma constituição elaborada em dezanove dias, de um modo que não reflete a diversidade social e política do país. É bom lembrar que Morsi não chegou aos 25% na primeira volta das eleições presidenciais, havendo mais dois candidatos com votações acima de 20% e outros dois com votações acima de 10%. Esta dispersão de votações por vários candidatos justificaria um trabalho constitucional que a refletisse. Não é isso que está a acontecer, e a partir de uma Primavera esperançosa esperemos que o Egito não volte a mergulhar num sombrio inverno. O povo do Egito e a oposição merecem, por isso, o nosso apoio.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI). - Herr Präsident! Dass Präsident Mursi sich zunächst über die Richter stellte und nun eine umstrittene Verfassung um jeden Preis durchsetzen will, kann man wahrscheinlich nur als ersten Schritt hin zu einer islamischen Diktatur deuten. Die Revolution ist jedenfalls insofern gescheitert, als in den vergangenen beiden Jahren weder über die Rolle der Religion noch über die Frage der Neuordnung des Landes eine Einigung gelang.

Fest steht, das einstige Hoffnungsland der „Arabellion“ sitzt auf einem Pulverfass aus ideologischen Gräben, einer tief gespaltenen Gesellschaft, rechtlichem Chaos und wirtschaftlichem Niedergang. Klar ist auch, dass die angestrebte Aufhebung der Gewaltenteilung demokratischen Grundsätzen sicherlich widerspricht und dass für die Sorgen der Menschen, wie die steigende Arbeitslosigkeit, zu wenig getan wird.

Um einen Bürgerkrieg zu verhindern, reicht es sicher nicht, die Demonstranten als schariafeindliche Christen und Mubarak–Anhänger zu verunglimpfen. Vielmehr ist wahrscheinlich eine Überarbeitung der Verfassung notwendig, und die EU–Hilfen sollte man in Zukunft an die Gewährleistung der Menschenrechte der ägyptischen Christen koppeln.

  Mariya Gabriel (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, d'abord nous pouvons le dire: l'Union doit rester active et continuer, avec encore plus de courage, à prendre des positions claires et à la hauteur de nos valeurs quand il s'agit de l'Égypte.

Deux mots clés: vigilance et dialogue. Aujourd'hui, il me semble qu'il est important d'adresser des messages.

Le premier s'adresse au gouvernement égyptien. Il y a plus d'un an, vous vous êtes engagés sur les voies de la démocratie. Le chemin n'est pas facile: nouvelle Constitution, élections, ancrage des institutions... Mais vous êtes sur la bonne voie. En revanche, ne cédez pas à de vieux réflexes autoritaires car il s'agit de tous les citoyens égyptiens qui vous ont fait confiance. Vous n'avez pas le droit de les négliger.

Le message suivant s'adresse aux partenaires locaux, régionaux et internationaux. Nous devons continuer nos efforts d'accompagnement en intensifiant le dialogue politique. Nous ne sommes pas là pour juger le gouvernement égyptien mais il ne faut pas hésiter à défendre les droits de l'homme, les valeurs démocratiques et l'état de droit.

Ensuite, un message aux citoyens égyptiens. Nous avons le devoir de soutenir l'initiative des citoyens qui ont montré leur attachement à vivre dans une démocratie qui défend leurs intérêts et qui garantit leurs droits. J'appelle tous les acteurs nationaux à œuvrer, dans un esprit de compromis et de dialogue, pour avoir un État égyptien qui défende les droits de l'homme, respecte l'état de droit et se montre décidé à avancer. Ceci passe, aussi, par l'inclusion des femmes dans le processus de négociation et leur accès à des positions de haute responsabilité politique et économique.

Un autre aspect est important: n'oublions pas les jeunes. Grâce à leur dynamisme et à leur esprit d'initiative, l'Égypte fait un pari gagnant si elle investit dans le développement des jeunes.

Enfin, un message qui s'adresse à nous tous en tant qu'Union européenne. Nous sommes le principal partenaire commercial et la première source d'aide et d'investissement de l'Égypte. Aujourd'hui, nous sommes appelés à jouer un rôle politique de premier plan. La task force entre l'Union européenne et l'Égypte, dont la première réunion s'est tenue le 14 novembre dernier au Caire, est la manifestation concrète de notre coopération renforcée.

(Le Président interrompt l'oratrice)

Elle constitue aussi un moyen unique d'assurer l'objectif commun, qui est la promotion de la paix, de la stabilité et de la prospérité ainsi que des valeurs fondamentales des droits de l'homme et de l'état de droit. Cette task force doit permettre d'inclure tous les acteurs de la transition démocratique et d'identifier les partenaires qui peuvent contribuer à concrétiser les priorités, à la fois, de l'Égypte et de l'Union européenne dans les sphères tant économiques que politiques.

C'est ainsi que nous pouvons œuvrer à l'ancrage de la démocratie tout en n'oubliant pas le redressement de l'économie, la création de l'emploi et la réalisation d'investissements profitables à nous tous.

Je pense donc que notre partenariat renforcé avec l'Égypte peut relever ce défi et être à la hauteur des besoins des populations. Mais pour ce faire, comme je l'ai déjà dit, il est important que le dialogue et le respect des droits de l'homme restent les éléments clés dans le processus de transition égyptienne.

  Ana Gomes (S&D). - O Egito enfrenta uma perigosa regressão nos tímidos passos dados na transição democrática. O Presidente Morsi, o establishment judiciário que serviu a ditadura, e as forças armadas estão a assumir papéis incompatíveis com um caminho democrático. O Presidente errou. Para sair da crise tem de ouvir o povo egípcio e dialogar com todas as forças democráticas que dele emergem, em particular com as que protestam na Praça Tahrir contra um projeto de constituição que não oferece garantias democráticas consentâneas com um estado de direito, que não assegura a proteção dos direitos e liberdades fundamentais que são reclamados pela maioria da população, desde logo as mulheres, e pelas minorias religiosas e outras.

O processo referendário apressadamente posto em marcha é questionável e questionado, em nada contribui para afirmar a legitimidade da presidência e da constituição. É preciso impedir o regresso da autocracia no Egito, é preciso evitar um mergulho na intolerância religiosa que condenará o Egito ao colapso económico, ao obscurantismo político. É preciso evitar que os generais agarrem de novo o poder a pretexto de manter a ordem e proteger os civis.

Na Europa, sabemos por experiência própria que as transições democráticas levam tempo e nunca são isentas de perigos nem retrocessos. Nós queremos um Egito democrático, que seja ator pela paz e segurança na região, e isso implica que a liderança egípcia cumpra as promessas de democracia e liberdade porque já morreram tantos e tão corajosos egípcios. E é por isso que a política de vizinhança da União Europeia, sob o lema Mais por Mais, tem que apoiar claramente quem se bate pela democracia no Egito e exigir ao Presidente Morsi e seus apoiantes que respeitem as obrigações internacionais do Egito, incluindo os direitos humanos de todos os egípcios.

  Marielle de Sarnez (ALDE). - Monsieur le Président, nous le voyons bien tous, ce qui se passe en Égypte est très grave. La situation économique y est catastrophique. S'y ajoutent une crise politique et une crise institutionnelle, constitutionnelle et démocratique. Et je crois que nos interrogations sont tout à fait légitimes. On a le droit, ici, de s'interroger sur le contenu du texte qui va être soumis à référendum. Au fond, ce projet, au lieu d'empêcher les abus, j'ai le sentiment qu'il laisse la porte ouverte à toutes les interprétations et justement à tous les abus en matière d'égalité femmes-hommes, en matière de protection du droit des minorités, en matière de liberté publique.

Donc je m'interroge et, deuxièmement, je m'interroge aussi sur le climat. Ce climat au fond, on le voit bien – violence extrêmement lourde, clivages très forts entre pro-islamistes, anti-islamistes -, ce climat n'est pas propice à la tenue d'un référendum. J'ajoute que les Égyptiens n'ont aucune information sur le vote. C'est ce que nous confirmait hier le blogueur Mahmoud Salem au téléphone, et que 90 % des juges ont refusé désormais de superviser ce référendum. Alors, oui, on peut s'interroger.

Je crois que le président Morsi devrait donner des signes d'apaisement, devrait reprendre le dialogue, reprendre la concertation, entendre les préoccupations tout à fait légitimes de l'opposition et faire un geste en repoussant, pourquoi pas, la date de ce référendum. Je crois que rien ne sert jamais de passer en force et que la fondation d'une démocratie ne peut se faire par le passage en force.

Quant à l'Union européenne, vous avez dit, Madame la Ministre, que l'Union ne pouvait au fond rien imposer. Oui, sans doute, elle ne peut rien imposer, mais elle peut parler et elle peut rappeler haut et fort ses exigences.

  Fiorello Provera (EFD). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le intenzioni del Presidente Morsi e dei Fratelli Musulmani sono ormai chiare: un progetto di Costituzione che conferisce un ruolo predominante alla shaharia come fonte del diritto e un decreto dello stesso Presidente che lo avrebbe messo al di sopra della legge. Il leader dei Fratelli Musulmani Mohammed Badie ha dichiarato che la sua organizzazione non riconosce Israele e che la jihad è un dovere per tutti i musulmani, in attesa del momento giusto per prendere le armi contro l'Occidente.

La democrazia della cosiddetta Primavera araba auspicata dall'Europa prende in Egitto una piega sempre più autoritaria. A vincere non sono i giovani e le donne di piazza Tahrir, che hanno lottato per lo Stato di diritto e la giustizia sociale, ma forze islamiste interessate a destabilizzare l'intera regione.

Dobbiamo prendere atto di questa situazione e rivedere drasticamente la nostra politica di sostegno incondizionato a una transizione democratica che si rivela sempre più illusoria e piena di contraddizioni. "More for more", come vuole il Commissario Füle, e aiuti alle forze autenticamente democratiche che in Egitto vogliono davvero il rinnovamento.

  Kristian Vigenin (S&D). - Mr President, when I follow the media reports, I have déjà vu. The president is misusing his power, the people are on Tahir Square, the military is back in the streets; history has come full circle in less than two years. Mubarak is out, Morsi is in. But nothing can repeat itself in the same way. I believe that we all learned our lessons, and if this is the case the EU has to act quickly and decisively and in close cooperation with the United States.

In mid-November, during the successful EU-Egypt task force, we showed an example of what our relations will be if democracies respect it and political reforms continue. Now we have to show an example of what our response will be if democracy is under threat and the rights of the people are violated, now that pro-democratic forces need adequate support in their fight.

This is a crucial moment when our credibility is again being tested. Therefore, I do not completely understand the fact that the Foreign Affairs Council just, I quote, ‘took stock of the latest developments in Egypt without any meaningful conclusion or statement’. I am afraid that calls for dialogue and responsibility not backed up by action can only encourage those who embark on a dangerous anti-democratic path.

In a few days Egypt will wake up with a dubious Constitution which will become the foundation of all future developments. Will the Council again simply take stock of it or will they be able to take a position? I know very well that democracy cannot be built overnight but I refuse to pretend I am blind when I see developments in the opposite direction.

  Zbigniew Ziobro (EFD). - Panie Przewodniczący! Rozwój wydarzeń w Egipcie zdaje się wskazywać, że polityka, która została przyjęta przez panią Ashton, znalazła się w ślepym zaułku. Niestety to, na co niektórzy wskazywali, czyli zagrożenie, że środowiska islamskie będą chciały odgrywać coraz większą rolę wykorzystując procesy demokratyczne, jakie pojawiły się przed rokiem w Egipcie, zdaje się niestety potwierdzać. Ten czarny scenariusz obserwujemy niemal każdego dnia, a cała opozycja w Egipcie bije na alarm, wskazując, że działania prezydenta Mursiego wykraczają ponad to, do czego przyzwyczaił nas poprzedni dyktator Egiptu, Mubarak. To bezkrytyczne poparcie Unii Europejskiej i pani Ashton dla tej polityki i dla tych sił, które przejęły władzę w Egipcie, zdaje się mieć niestety bardzo negatywne następstwa. W tej sytuacji konieczny jest wstrząs, konieczne są zmiany i konieczna jest radykalna i jasna postawa Unii Europejskiej wobec niepokojących sygnałów, które docierają do nas każdego dnia z Egiptu. Tam jest zagrożona nie tylko demokracja, ale zagrożone są podstawy prawa i musimy ich bronić.

  Boris Zala (S&D). - Egypt je stále v revolučnom procese. Ústava nie je nikdy formálnym procesom, je vždy výsledkom pomeru síl medzi rôznymi hodnotami, tradíciami, vyznaniami. Revolúcia v Egypte nie je porovnateľná s protikomunistickými revolúciami v roku 1989 v Európe. Krajiny Strednej, Južnej a Severnej Európy sa vracali k demokratickej tradícii, Egypt ju hľadá, formuje.

Egyptská ústava iste nebude ideálnym modelom demokracie a právneho štátu. Ak bude aspoň tým, čo nazývam tolerančným štátom, ktorý napokon bol prevažujúci v Európe skoro 200 rokov, bude to významným krokom k budúcemu štátu demokracie a slobody. Ja verím, že Egypt absolvuje tento proces rýchlejšie, ako to bolo v európskych dejinách, a to aj s pomocou práve nás a Európskej únie.

Intervenciones con arreglo al procedimiento de solicitud incidental de uso de la palabra («catch the eye»)

  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Cu toţii am crezut că după alegerea noului preşedinte egiptean situaţia politică se va stabiliza. Însă, din păcate, în ultimele două săptămâni lucrurile au degenerat. Decizia preşedintelui Morsi de a-şi creşte puterile constituţionale poate reprezenta o ameninţare pentru calea spre democraţie.

Am susţinut puternic toate mişcările Primăverii Arabe, inclusiv pe cea din Egipt, dar consider că un regim autoritar nu trebuie înlocuit cu un altul. De aceea, cred că este nevoie ca preşedintele Egiptului să renunţe la decretul prin care îşi extinde prerogativele, iar cetăţenii egipteni să renunţe la protestele violente. Cea mai bună cale prin care-şi pot face auzită vocea o reprezintă votul la referendumul constituţional din 15 decembrie, iar prin adoptarea unei noi constituţii va fi făcut un nou pas în tranziţia către democraţie.

  Paul Murphy (GUE/NGL). - Mr President, those who prematurely wrote off the Arab Spring as having turned into an Arab winter have been proved wrong by the massive protests that met President Morsi’s attempts to grab greater powers for himself. His actions obviously bring back haunting memories of Mubarak, but the tremendous response of workers and young people show that their massive power and capacity for mobilisation has not gone away.

The situation is clearly critical. Attacks on democratic workers, women and trade union rights are mounting. It is only through mass movement and organisation from below that the gains won so far can be defended and the revolutionary process can be pushed forward to meet people’s aspirations for an end to poverty, homelessness and illiteracy, to achieve free education and healthcare, for pensions, for jobs and decent wages.

These fundamental rights will not be conceded by capitalist politicians from the Muslim Brotherhood, by liberal oppositionists or from the top of the army. They all have a vested interest in preserving the economic system and defending a constitution that bases itself on the principles of private property. A fundamental struggle for democratic socialist change is necessary.

  Νίκη Τζαβέλα (EFD). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αυτήν την στιγμή η Αίγυπτος φλέγεται. Κυρία Υπουργέ, Κύριε Επίτροπε, ποιον εμπιστευόμαστε αυτήν την στιγμή στην Αίγυπτο; Τον Μόσρι, τον Αμρ Μούσα, τους σαλαφιστές, τον στρατό; Ποιον εμπιστευόμαστε; Αν δούμε την ιστορία της Αιγύπτου, ο στρατός ήταν αυτός ο οποίος στη μεταβατική περίοδο παρενέβη και έβαλε κάποια πράγματα στη σειρά.

Η παγκόσμια κοινότης πρέπει να επιλέξει όποιον κρίνει ότι μπορεί να επιφέρει την τάξη. Αυτήν την στιγμή το Υπουργείο Οικονομικών χρειάζεται τεχνική υποστήριξη. Η χώρα έχει καταρρεύσει οικονομικά. Ο κόσμος κατεβαίνει στους δρόμους. Και αυτό δεν είναι μόνο θέμα ιδεολογικό, είναι θέμα επιβίωσης. Εφόσον, όπως είπατε κυρία Υπουργέ, η Αίγυπτος θα καθορίσει.....

(Ο Πρόεδρος διακόπτει την ομιλήτρια)

  María Muñiz De Urquiza (S&D). - Señor Presidente, creo que no debemos pasar por alto, en relación con el referéndum constitucional en Egipto, el hecho de que la oposición ha renunciado al boicot de dicho referéndum y que, en ausencia de una misión de observación electoral de la Unión Europea, las autoridades egipcias se han ofrecido a recibir a las organizaciones y diputados interesados para que valoren sin prejuicios el contexto, las condiciones y el desarrollo de la consulta.

Creo que es una ocasión que este Parlamento no debería desperdiciar.

(Fin de las intervenciones con arreglo al procedimiento de solicitud incidental de uso de la palabra («catch the eye»))

Elnökváltás: SURJÁN LÁSZLÓ úr
Alelnök

  Erato Kozakou-Marcoullis, President-in-Office of the Council, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, the European Union and Egypt have always been very close partners, bound together by history, geography and the common objective of a peaceful and stable neighbourhood. We were all very impressed when Egyptians from all strands of life took to the streets in January 2011 loudly and clearly requesting their legitimate political and socio-economic rights, and the European Union quickly expressed its unequivocal support for the building of a democratic transition.

Yes, the road has been bumpy and it will continue to be bumpy before Egypt has finalised its democratic transition that ensures human rights for all.

All new financial assistance in the form of grants pledged by the Commission has now to follow new European Neighbourhood Policy principles, an approach formulated in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. The new approach is meant to provide additional assistance to those countries that are truly undertaking and consolidating political and democratic reforms, striving for an inclusive growth and for more social justice. We will make sure that these principles are applied and fully implemented in all neighbourhood countries, including of course Egypt.

We also have to recall that most of the EU programmes are targeting Egyptian people and the most vulnerable among them. As an example, we adopted this year support in key areas such as job creation, youth employability and vocational training. Support will be channelled in most of these cases through local administration or NGOs.

It is a very fluid situation in Egypt. It is changing by the moment, by the hour. We all agree that Egypt is vital for us, for the European Union, for the region. Mention was made of the regional dimension and the importance of Egypt as far as the ceasefire in Gaza is concerned, but also the situation in the Middle East.

We also agree we should be patient because transition takes time. We should make sure that respecting minorities – especially religious communities – and building consensus are key components of Egypt’s democracy. The same applies of course to human rights. The constitution has to be the result of the broadest national agreement.

This is exactly the message that the European Union is conveying to our Egyptian counterparts. Let us keep working. At the very moment that we are speaking in this debate new proposals for dialogue are being discussed.

As Ms Sargentini has said, it is not about megaphone diplomacy, but being discreet does not mean not being clear and strong in our messages. In order to show in a pragmatic manner that the European Union supports Egypt’s democratic transition, the EU-Egypt Task Force, as I have mentioned, was organised on 13 and 14 November, putting all our support measures on the table: investments, tourism, mobility exchanges and of course financial support in the form of grants and concessional loans. The recent political turmoil cannot overshadow the success of this Task Force. Through this new contract with Egypt the European Union is in a unique position to help Egypt abide by values and principles, and in the current situation there is need for even more engagement with the European Union.

Let me conclude by repeating that democratic transition is a long process and requires hard work, commitment, stamina, as well as patience. The European Union will continue to support the Egyptian people in this difficult transition period with determination and persistence for the prevalence of democracy, human rights, the rule of law and good governance.

  Elnök. − A vitát lezárom.