Rapporti verbatim tad-dibattiti

It-Tnejn, 14 ta' Jannar 2013 - Strasburgu

25. L-Istrateġija tal-UE għall-Qarn tal-Afrika (preżentazzjoni qasira)

  Πρόεδρος. - Το επόμενο σημείο της ημερήσιας διάταξης είναι η έκθεση του Charles Tannock, εξ ονόματος της Επιτροπής Εξωτερικών Υποθέσεων, σχετικά με τη στρατηγική της ΕΕ για το Κέρας της Αφρικής (2012/2026(INI) (Α7-0408/2012).

  Charles Tannock, rapporteur. − Mr President, the whole of Africa is one of the most tense and conflict-prone regions of the world. The countries of the region – Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan and Uganda – continue to be characterised by strife. The many problems include tensions between Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia and between Eritrea and Djibouti, absence of the rule of law, drug smuggling and piracy, terrorist activities by the Lord’s Resistance Army and al-Qa’ida and, perhaps most gravely of all, famine, dire poverty and disputes over water supplies.

But the first thing that my report notes is the paramount importance to the global economy of a stable Horn of Africa and safe passage of ships off its coast. Africa itself as a continent presents huge economic potential but we cannot ignore the problems of fundamental human rights. Poverty is rife and, owing to the particularly bad droughts in 2008 and 2009 with the resulting famine, it is estimated that over 13 million people are now in need of emergency assistance in the entire Horn of Africa.

Coupled with this is the lack of stable democratic and employment prospects for the population particularly the young. We are now reaching a point in which young people growing up in towns such as Mogadishu in Somalia have only ever known violence and war. Coupled with the absence of the rule of law, poor prospects will continue to provide fertile grounds for encouraging criminal activities including piracy and drug smuggling and sustain al-Qa’ida affiliated terrorist groups such as Al-Shabaab.

Piracy is costing the world’s shipping industry an estimated GBP 4.1 billion per year. Although there now appears to be some signs that the revenue from piracy is declining as counter-piracy measures take effect, recent raids by pirates have nonetheless demonstrated the increasing ambitions and sophistication of their operations which require still more effort and resources from the EU’s CFSP maritime counter-piracy operation EUNavfor-Atalanta, which is commanded out of my constituency in Northwood in London.

The EU should stand ready now to provide financial assistance when required but the political resources and political impetus must come from within the region itself led by the Horn of Africa nations: Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda. The latter, until a recent announcement of withdrawal, have all provided valuable military support to the efforts to achieve stability and peace in the region. We have also seen success through the EU training mission in Somalia and the newly launched EUCAP Nestor which aims to strengthen the rule of law in Somalia.

Political coordination also needs to be a priority and, as such, the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development known as IGAD can play a key role as a regional Africa player in developing a system of good governance. Coordination of water resources is particularly vital, with the ongoing negotiations between Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt over the grand renaissance Blue Nile Dam project proving a case in particular.

There is now reason for cautious optimism on the prospects of enduring peace and stability in this region. We have seen that EU and AU troops can work together to achieve common aims. Pockets of stability such as Somaliland have proved to be capable of developing effective judiciaries and democratic institutions. The recent elections in Somalia to replace a transitional federal government and the near-peaceful split of Sudan into two sovereign states gives rise to the hopes that democracy, stability and prosperity will one day be realised for all the nations in that region.

The extremely large volume of amendments inserted at committee stage for my report have, of course, diluted the initial foreign affairs and security focus which I had intended and I did oppose the hostile tone of some paragraphs towards Ethiopia in particular. It is also a matter of personal regret that my observation of Somaliland’s desire for re-recognition as a nation state was deleted. Nevertheless, I hope that this report can offer some contribution to the current multi-layered discourse on the Horn of Africa and eventually be incorporated into the EU strategy more broadly.

Διαδικασία catch-the-eye

  Olle Schmidt (ALDE). - Mr President, I would like to express my congratulations to Mr Tannock on a well written report. Well done! As pointed out in paragraph 68, there was great relief in my country when the two Swedish journalists, Martin Schibbye and Johan Persson, were released from prison in Ethiopia after almost 14 months. Let me now raise another dreadful case: the case of Dawit Isaak. Dawit Isaak is a Swedish-Eritrean journalist who has been in prison in Eritrea since 2001 – over 11 years – without knowing why he is in prison and without a trial. It is a tragedy that this can go on year after year without anything happening. We do not even know if he is still alive. Dawit Isaak, Mr Commissioner, is the only politically-imprisoned EU citizen.

I have here copies of a film made by two Swedish journalists, Gellert Tamas and Maria Magnusson, about Dawit Isaak, entitled ‘Imprisoned: the untold story of Dawit Isaak’. I would like to give a copy to you, Mr President, to the Commissioner and to the rapporteur. This film gives additional arguments as to why Dawit Isaak must be released immediately. It is our responsibility never to forget Dawit Isaak and his awful living conditions in the prison of Asmara.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL). - A extensa e negra folha de serviços do FMI e do Banco Mundial não deixou incólume a martirizada região do Corno de África. A intervenção destas instituições nos anos 80 levou à desestruturação do tecido económico e social local, com consequências profundas e duradouras. A capacidade produtiva no setor primário, que garantia a autossuficiência em diversas produções, na pecuária e na agricultura, foi aniquilada. Esta realidade e o intervencionismo externo que lhe subjaz e que posteriormente a agravou são indissociáveis das condições que levaram a uma guerra civil que dura até hoje.

Intervencionismo que tem nos assassinatos levados a cabo pelos aviões não tripulados norte-americanos, os chamados drones, macabra e intolerável expressão. A hipócrita evocação dos problemas de segurança para justificar uma maior militarização da região, escamoteando responsabilidades próprias na desestabilização e no empurrar de milhões de seres humanos para a mais extrema pobreza é inaceitável e não pode deixar de ser denunciada. Os problemas da região não serão resolvidos com mais ingerência, militarização e guerra.

  Zbigniew Ziobro (EFD). - Panie Przewodniczący! Otóż w najbliższym czasie rusza zbieranie podpisów pod europejską inicjatywą obywatelską, która zmierza do tego, aby jeszcze raz wywołać debatę na temat pakietu klimatycznego w Unii Europejskiej, i w tym celu inicjatorzy mają zamiar zebrać ponad milion podpisów obywateli Unii Europejskiej w szeregu krajów naszej Wspólnoty.

Nie ulega najmniejszej wątpliwości, że pakiet klimatyczny, biorąc pod uwagę narastający kryzys gospodarczy w Unii Europejskiej, zwłaszcza w strefie euro, jest inicjatywą, która będzie pociągała za sobą daleko idące konsekwencje społeczne i gospodarcze. Już dziś Europa przegrywa konkurencję z gospodarkami bardziej dynamicznymi, takimi jak Chiny, już nie mówiąc o Stanach Zjednoczonych. I niestety ta konkurencja będzie jeszcze bardziej zostawiać Unię Europejską z tyłu i wszystkie jej kraje, jeśli będziemy podejmować działania nieracjonalne z punktu widzenia istoty konkurencji na rynkach światowych, jeśli nie będziemy brać pod uwagę konkurencyjności naszej gospodarki, a ta konkurencyjność jest obniżana poprzez dodatkowe koszty, jakie nakłada na nas pakiet klimatyczny.

  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Cornul Africii este una dintre cele mai nesigure regiuni ale lumii. Milioane de oameni trăiesc în această zonă, fiind supuşi în mod constant violenţelor şi foametei. Implicarea Uniunii pentru menţinerea păcii, promovarea democraţiei şi eradicarea sărăciei este vitală. De aceea, consider oportună adoptarea unei strategii a Uniunii pentru Cornul Africii. Astfel, Uniunea se va putea implica mai mult în construirea unor structuri politice democratice şi robuste în regiune.

Însă, pentru ca acest lucru să fie posibil, este nevoie de o mai mare cooperare între ţările din zonă. Soluţionarea disputelor teritoriale este foarte importantă pentru a asigura o pace durabilă în Cornul Africii. De asemenea, restabilirea încrederii între statele vecine va determina o mai mare stabilitate în regiune. Va fi foarte importantă activitatea Reprezentantului special al Uniunii pentru Cornul Africii în perioada următoare.

(Λήξη της διαδικασίας catch-the-eye)

  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Mr President, I would like to thank you for this opportunity to talk on behalf of Vice-President/High Representative Ashton about the strategy in the Horn of Africa. I would also like to thank Charles Tannock for his valuable report.

The situation in the Horn has evolved since the approval of our Horn of Africa strategy in November 2011, including the appointment of the EU Special Representative for the Horn of Africa, Mr Alexander Rondos. We must, of course, do our utmost to secure the progress achieved and we must prevent the region from being affected by the developments in the Sahel.

The turning point for the region has been the changes in Somalia. We have a new and more representative government, voted in by a new parliament. Al-Shabaab is a diminished force, thanks in no small part to our support to the African Union. Piracy, as was stated in the report, has been reduced. Our work on the political and security sectors has helped pave the way for more effective investment by us in construction and development. That is what High Representative Ashton means by a comprehensive approach.

By providing the support to our mission and maintaining Atalanta to secure the high seas from piracy, by training the future officer corps of the Somali army through the EU training mission, by financing Nestor to create maritime policy capacity and by supporting rule of law programmes in more parts of Somalia, the EU has laid the foundations for a Somalia that can be at peace. We have created the space for politics to play their part. Now we are opening the path for development activities to resume and we are helping make the entire region of the Horn of Africa more secure.

We are also pleased to announce too that, following the High Representative’s invitation, the new President of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, will be in Brussels at the end of the month to meet with the Foreign Affairs Council and with Parliament. It is also worth noting that natural resources are changing the economies of the region and that this is of course a challenge for African countries. Several of them have discovered oil and gas resources. If it is not hydrocarbons, as in Sudan, Uganda, Kenya or even Somalia, it is water, which Ethiopia has in such abundance and with which it could potentially supply hydroelectricity to the entire region.

We must now work with the region to turn these resources into something that adds strategic value to the security and prosperity of the whole region. We must intensify our investment in all regional projects – road, electricity, water management, inter-regional trade – and we believe that many in the region are hiding behind the excuse – real or perceived – of external threat. If we work on eliminating that threat we eliminate the rationale for abuse.

We are pleased that the External Action Service and the EU Special Representative for the Horn of Africa have already engaged through the African Union and with the intergovernmental authority on development in order to develop such a regional policy. Ethiopia and Eritrea need to come to a resolution of their differences. If both rise to the challenges and responsibility of finding common ground, they can make a major contribution to regional stability. Eritrea must find ways to demonstrate that it wishes to engage constructively with the region and eliminate the stifling restraints on its own population. I listened very carefully to the statement made by Olle Schmidt on the unfortunate imprisonment of Mr Dawit Isaak, and I will convey that information to High Representative Ashton.

We will monitor closely the Kenyan elections with a message that the key actors should not squander the country’s potential but pay careful attention to their responsibility to their country, their neighbours and the international community. The two Sudans, we hope, will continue in their recent efforts to improve their relations. Relations between the two Sudans remain very delicate, but the summit between Presidents Kiir and al-Bashir this month reaffirmed the commitment of both to respect and implement the Addis Ababa agreement of last September and work to resolve the outstanding issue of Abyei and other issues.

The report by Mr Tannock welcomes and underscores the need for an approach based on tackling security and stability concerns, enforcing the rule of law and ensuring due process, whilst addressing the underlying causes. Indeed, we need to act on both. Development will only occur if there is trust within and among the countries of the region, and we must act regionally and combine our economic, diplomatic, security and humanitarian activities in such a way that the interests of our taxpayers are effectively served and the regions’ populations feel the beneficial impact on their daily lives.

  Πρόεδρος. - Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί αύριο στις 12 το μεσημέρι.