Пълен протокол на разискванията

Сряда, 16 януари 2013 г. - Страсбург

4. Програма на ирландското председателство (разискване)

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgen die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission über das Programm des irischen Ratsvorsitzes (2012/2727(RSP)).

Dazu begrüße ich herzlich den Premierminister von Irland, Taoiseach Kenny. Herzlich willkommen im Europäischen Parlament! Ich begrüße auch Herrn Barroso, den Präsidenten der Kommission.

  Enda Kenny, Uachtarán-in-oifig sa Chomhairle. − A Uachtaráin, a Uachtaráin an Choimisiúin Eorpaigh, a cheannairí na ngrúpaí polaitiúla atá anseo agus a Fheisirí Pharlaimint na hEorpa ar fad – ba mhaith liom a rá libh i dtús go bhfuil mé fíorbhuíoch díobh as ucht an seans a bheith againn díospóireacht a bheith eadrainn faoi phríomhaidhmeanna Uachtaránacht na hÉireann.

This is Ireland’s seventh Presidency, begun on the 40th anniversary of our joining what was then the European Community.

The Irish people made a good decision. In those 40 years we have travelled well and travelled far and we have never looked back. But our Atlantic island has long been at the very ‘heart’ of Europe. Actually, in the sixth and seventh centuries our monks and educators, Columbanus and Cillian among them, left in their small boats to bring the light of learning to the European mind.

Today Ireland keeps that faith with our continent, with our union of peoples. We keep that faith because of our particular idea of Europe. An idea that says despite our national differences as a people we dwell deepest and best always in the shelter and never in the shadow of the other. We must work hard and together to renovate, to restore and to renew our Union.

So it is in that spirit of doing – that spirit of renewing – that Ireland assumes with some pride and some honour this, its seventh Presidency. In those 40 years, just as our Union has been transformed, so too has membership of the European Union transformed our country.

In 1973 our exports were primarily agricultural and they went primarily to Britain. Today Irish companies export high-tech goods and services across Europe and around the world. We also host over 1 000 foreign companies critical to our capacity to recover and to strengthen our economy.

It was in November 2010 that Ireland entered an EU-IMF support-programme. Our people continue to labour under the weight of bank-related debt. Austerity has brought pain and suffering to many families and to many homes. But the Irish people have borne that weight and that pain with remarkable courage and patience and dignity. And it is in that story, those qualities and the deeper authentic elements of Ireland such as respect, and vision and compassion, and loyalty that I bring to the European Parliament today. And because of our people, and because of those qualities I am happy to report to you that Ireland is taking steps on the road to recovery.

We have honoured all, and I mean all, of our EU-IMF commitments through seven troika analyses. Last year our economy started to grow again, our exports actually climbed to record levels. We are bringing government spending under control.

Internationally, investors are showing a new confidence in Ireland. The result has been seen in lower yields on Irish government bonds in recent times. Those recent bond sales show the market confidence that once ebbed is now beginning to return.

As a nation, let me say to you, that we are determined to exit the EU-IMF programme before the end of this year. We face many challenges up ahead and our economy is still fragile, but I believe that 2013 will be the year in which Ireland will exit this programme and shows leadership to Europe.

But Europe too needs to steady itself after this crisis driven period and return to stability. That is why Ireland’s Presidency will be all about stability, jobs, and growth.

In our previous presidencies, let me tell this august membership, we focused on results and we intend to do the same again. We will work very closely with you, the elected Members of the peoples of Europe here in this Parliament, whose increased importance is growing in influence – it puts you at the very heart of the business of the European Union.

We have worked hard in preparing for this Presidency. We have re-invested in our European relationships. And because we have, the depth of that relationship, the breadth of our understanding has never been greater or indeed deeper.

We are taking those better relationships to our people. Our citizens of this Union need to know and they need to see that we are working in their interest to restore confidence and trust, not alone in the national parliaments, but equally and crucially in the democratic ideal of the European Union itself. It is important that people understand and that they feel that returning confidence.

Certainly the concept of Europe can be difficult. Some people wish that ‘Europe’ was simpler, was less complex, and less institutionalised. But as someone who is passionate about Europe, I am convinced that European people can be both inspired and motivated about what we actually do in Europe and what together we can actually achieve.

All across this Union people need jobs and they look to us, to Europe, for support. From the Atlantic to the Urals, people want and they need security. The security that will allow them to live better, safer, and more prosperous lives.

Our Union is unique in its success in responding to these issues if we work together. It inspires others in their capacity to do likewise. Our ability to work together and to commit to achieving results is really what matters to our citizens. In this year of 2013, the year of the citizen, we have to be ready to argue and debate the very ‘Why?’ of Europe.

Yes, I agree with those who might say that sometimes our response is not sufficiently clear. But what we have done well, when we have done it well together, has been outstanding. You all know from the wreckage of war we created a peaceful, united, democratic union of peoples and we did all of this within a heartbeat, as Steiner said, ‘of the possibility of there being no Europe at all’.

The awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Europe last year recognised that achievement. Ireland knows in its own way the pain and the suffering of violence. We have also been lucky enough to see what dialogue and understanding between communities can lead to: the historic reconciliation of two communities and the peace agreement on our island.

These last weeks in Ireland have seen some attempts by some to threaten that very hard won peace. But let me assure you, small groups of disparate, unrepresentative, trouble-makers will never succeed in bringing Northern Ireland and its peoples back to that dark place.

I want to pay tribute today to the European Union for its long and its unswerving support for the peace process over many long years in our country. I pay tribute especially to the European Parliament for the faith that you have kept with all who wanted and all who worked for peace on our island. That support fortifies our resolve to ensure that the people of Northern Ireland can look forward to an end to this disruption of their much-valued peaceful stability.

As we know, and as we see, the current economic crisis is impacting deeply on our people. In some countries, including ours, that impact has been even deeper. The deepest hurt of all is that of unemployment – 26 million people unemployed in this Union, facing another day with no work to go to. Particularly for our young people, their confidence eroded, but worse still their hopes eroded.

No unemployment figure is acceptable. However, we cannot and we will not as democrats allow a situation where a generation grows up believing that their political leaders have failed to give them a reasonable opportunity in life. Because it is they who are democracy’s future, who are our future and who are Europe’s future.

What matters most to our young people leaving school and university? It is the chance and the opportunity of work. The dignity of a job and the opportunity to contribute. This is the challenge of our generation. This is the political challenge of our generation. There is no simple solution to the problem, but it is a challenge that we will meet head on. We will prioritise within that the Youth Employment Package and the youth guarantee. Completing the single market, removing those barriers to business, increasing trading opportunities, improving competitiveness are all critical in improving the environment for jobs and the opportunity for economies to grow.

The next phase of Europe’s recovery will involve untapping the full potential of the single market. We will be ambitious in our Presidency for progress on the Professional Qualifications Directive, on the Posting of Workers Directive and on pensions portability, the Public Procurement Package also has the potential to contribute significantly to the marketplace for our SMEs.

We also have to reflect the way we live in a new age of technology in a digital Single Market and all the potential that this carries with it. We will want to see how we prioritise progress on e-signatures, high-speed broadband, collective rights management, and data protection.

This Union needs a stable basis for its challenging work. We just had a meeting with your President. We need adequate multiannual financing. The MFF is a priority which I have discussed with President Schulz and the Conference of Presidents. Our government has prepared hard for our Presidency. The European Council has made considerable progress in narrowing the very large differences between Member States. But more work and more negotiation, and long and hard discussions, are needed, and needed soon.

I will spare no effort in our Presidency in working with Herman Van Rompuy with the aim of securing agreement on the MFF at the European Council. But as Presidency, we will discuss this with you as Parliament. You are critical partners in this. It cannot be done without you. That authority was enshrined in the Lisbon Treaty. I recognise that as a politician. I recognise that as a Prime Minister. This is a codecision process and everyone must understand that.

I believe it is very much in our interest, and in Europe’s interest, that we have an early agreement on this. After that, we will work with you, Mr President, and your Parliament to advance across the range of instruments so that there can be a stable basis for the Union’s programmes by the end of 2013.

Important work clearly on CAP reform and CFP reform, Horizon 2020 and on Structural Funds needs early attention. We owe that to our citizens. Difficult times require difficult choices for us all. A fair and a balanced agreement, even if imperfect, is better than no agreement.

Stability is needed, above all in the financial sector and the area of economic governance. Parliament and Council have to agree on the two-pack very soon. The European Semester Process is a real step forward in how we govern our economies. But you have pointed out shortcomings in terms of democratic accountability of the system and we are ready to contribute to such a discussion in the time ahead.

In June 2012, the euro area Heads of State and Government determined and made a decision to sever the toxic link between banking and sovereign debt as well as improving specifically, and referring to it, the sustainability of our own country’s adjustment programme. We are determined to see that these decisions actually happen, and are seen to happen. It is very important for citizens to understand that political decisions arrived at are delivered on. People want to see that.

We will work to achieve a real banking union. That has to be among the Union’s top priorities, including early adoption of the single supervisory mechanism and the other elements of a banking union. We look forward to agreement with Parliament on CRD IV also, where we have made good progress.

The world in which we live has now become smaller, from a communications perspective, it makes Europe’s role and Europe’s responsibility more important than ever before.

The Irish people’s commitment to human rights and to international aid has been exemplary. At almost any field clinic in the world, any food depot, any of the long-forgotten parts on this globe, you will hear an Irish voice and you will get an Irish view.

We will use our Presidency to strengthen the Union’s approach to fighting global hunger and global poverty. We will work closely in support of the efforts of the High Representative/Vice-President Ashton to strengthen the role of the European Union in bringing peace to troubled regions such as Syria, Iran, Mali and Somalia.

On the matter of trade, we see real potential to increase Europe’s trade with strategic partners. I know from my days as Minister of Trade myself how important this is. We have great hopes of opening the free trade negotiations between the European Union and the US. We believe the time is right to do so. Important negotiations will also take place where we hope to conclude discussions and agreements with Japan, India, Canada and the countries of ASEAN region.

We are under no illusions that this will be easy: there are vast sensitive issues that will arise. But because we know the benefits of what we have forged among ourselves in our single market, we must try to seize the potential benefits of increasing trade with other global players. The prize of success here is simply enormous in terms of the capacity to grow economies and create enormous numbers of jobs.

One of the most important days in the EU’s long and proud history was on 1 May 2004 when Ireland’s Presidency welcomed ten new members into the European Union.

This Presidency will also prioritise a credible enlargement policy. We look forward to greeting the Croatian people as full members on 1 July of this year. For those countries in negotiations, each at a different stage, we will work to advance the process with Iceland, Turkey, and Montenegro. Important decisions may also be taken on the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, Albania, and Kosovo during Ireland’s term.

Let me say this in conclusion, the crisis of jobs in the European community so preoccupies us that there is always a risk of losing sight of what we hold and what we have actually achieved.

Europe remains among the best places in the world in which to live, not just economically, but culturally and socially. Above all because we have a peace, indeed a precious peace, we are committed to and that we have made together over the years. No wonder so many countries aspire to join us to become part of our European family, to feel pride in being part of the European family.

I believe that in 2012 we saw the passing of possibly the worst of the economic crisis – the fear that the euro itself might not survive was confronted and was dispelled emphatically and we now move on to the challenges of recovering and putting Europe into recovery and development mode.

I know that this does not console many of our citizens or our families who have lost jobs, who do not need to read about the crisis because they live it every day. They and their experience strengthen our resolve. And it is for their sake that we push on and push harder with actions to bring stability, new jobs, new growth to the Union and reinstil hope and confidence in our people’s lives. It is necessary to build trust, be clear and be decisive about what we do in that regard.

This European Union is not some exclusive, some distant pavilion. This union is a family, sometimes it is boisterous, anxious, fretful, joyful – but it is always compassionate and it has always been faithful.

So Ireland’s Presidency will be about our European family. Today and for the next six months, for Ireland’s part we will give all our heart to solving a number of Europe’s problems. I believe we can do no less. For this is the outstanding task of our generation, the ultimate challenge of politics for those entrusted with the democratic responsibility of leadership. Let us together resolve that in this task we will not fail.

(Applause)

  José Manuel Barroso, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, every Presidency is a landmark, but this time it is particularly true. This is the seventh time Ireland has held the Presidency and it is also the 40th anniversary of Ireland’s accession to the European Union. As such it is a reminder of the past achievements of our Union, the current challenges and the future work ahead of us, as we seek not to replicate the past but to build a better future.

I am indeed convinced that having Ireland at the helm of the rotating Presidency of the Council at this juncture will be good for Ireland and good for Europe. Last week the Commission met in Dublin with the Taoiseach and the Irish Government to discuss our shared priorities. Together, we stressed the need to lay the foundations for lasting growth and job creation. Stability, growth and jobs: these are the priorities Ireland has set for its Presidency programme, priorities which I very much welcome and which have been at the heart of the Commission’s actions since the start of the crisis.

As I said to this House yesterday during the debate on the Cyprus Presidency, we have by the end of 2012 achieved much in the way of stability. The forecasts of the doomsayers who predicted the implosion of the euro have been proved wrong. European institutions and countries have shown, through their actions, that we will stand together, the Union as a whole, to face the challenges ahead.

We all know that there is very important and difficult work to do to achieve the goal of sustainable growth, and I underline sustainable because we have seen in the past that artificial growth fuelled by irresponsible public or private debt is simply not viable. While going on with further steps to a deeper economic and monetary union – and in this context the approval of the two-pack comes to mind as an urgent priority – we must pursue fiscal consolidation, enact economic reforms for competitiveness and also make targeted investments for growth, and above all we need to tackle the very serious social situation that we have in too many of our Member States.

Let me start with the short-term steps to put in place the banking union. It is good that the Member States were able to find consensus on the Single Supervisory Mechanism just three months after the Commission proposal. I now hope that Parliament and the Council will be able to finalise the agreement as quickly as possible in the next weeks. This is a key test to demonstrate that the European Union has the political will and capacity to act quickly on the big issues.

An agreement on the Single Supervisory Mechanism also shows that we can reach agreement within the European Union as a whole on deepening the euro area, and as you know we are clearly attached to the principles of the integrity – not only of the integrity of the Single Market but the integrity of our Union – while accepting and indeed promoting the deepening of the EMU.

Reaching political agreement on the proposal in time for discussion at your plenary session in early February is not impossible with political will. Parliament has worked on this very efficiently and the Thyssen and Giegold reports are constructive and supportive, and in very many points rather similar to the approach taken by the Council. The Commission will do everything it can to facilitate and assist in the intensive trialogue discussions to deliver final agreement on this important piece of legislation.

I know the importance this House attaches to the next stage of banking union – the single resolution mechanism. Proposals are already before you which should allow for the harmonisation of national bank resolution tools. But to completely break the vicious link between bank failure and sovereign debt, we need to go further and provide for a single resolution mechanism to match the single supervision we are putting in place for the euro area and other Member States which wish to participate. This raises some very complex legal and technical issues, but we are determined to work through these quickly and aim to present a proposal before the summer. I consider this a matter of utmost political priority.

Stability means more than financial stability. We must increase our efforts to ensure economic and social stability. Of course, economic growth is the best means to generate employment and to improve the social situation. The single market is the Union’s largest engine for growth. To release the full benefits of the single market we are pushing forward with the two Single Market Acts.

I welcome the Irish Presidency’s commitment to securing the adoption of the proposals already on the table. The Commission will present the remaining Single Market Act 2 legislative proposals this spring.

In all of this we look forward to continuing the very good cooperation with this House to ensure that legislation is not only put on the statute books but is implemented as soon as possible to the benefit of all our citizens. Of course, creating opportunities within the single market is one thing, taking advantage of the opportunities is another. This is why we will work to implement the action plan for entrepreneurship and place a particular focus on SMEs to ensure that these opportunities are translated into increased economic activity and more jobs.

We have all committed to growth through our Europe 2020 Strategy and the compact on growth and jobs. But the time has come to make good on this commitment. This will be driving Europe’s work over the Irish Presidency and beyond, as made clear in the Commission’s annual work programme.

As leverage for growth and investment, we must have an agreement on the multiannual financial framework. It is a new year but the message remains the same, and it remains equally valid: the European budget is the budget for investment growth and jobs at the European level.

Now is the time for governments to match actions to their rhetoric: if you state that growth in Europe is vital for your national economy then you need to support European measures to promote that growth. I hope that the European Council will agree on the MFF very soon, probably at the beginning of February. But governments should not forget that while their agreement is necessary it is not sufficient; the European Parliament’s approval is also indispensable.

The Commission has and will continue to focus on supporting employment. Last April we presented the Employment Package with a set of key measures to support job creation, to restore the dynamics of the labour market and to enhance the EU’s governance. In December, the Commission presented a proposal to combat youth unemployment: the youth guarantee scheme is a concrete measure with renewed potential to enhance school-to-work transitions and ensure every young person gets into further education, training, an apprenticeship or a job within four months. The Commission has also called for urgent action in rethinking education: maximising the investments in skills is indeed essential to achieve better socioeconomic outcomes. In our discussions with Taoiseach Kenny and the Irish Government I have been heartened by the importance that the Irish Presidency will place on these issues, in particular its commitment to reach agreement on the youth guarantee next month already.

The solution to our social crisis is not to abandon the European social model. The solution is to recognise the immense challenges that globalisation poses for European competitiveness and to reform our social market economy, addressing the important issues of competitiveness. The Commission is preparing a social investment package with a set of focused and concrete actions on how these reforms can take shape in our Member States and what the European Union can do to support them.

Ultimately, European stability is also provided by confidence and confidence comes out of a clear, realistic and achievable vision of the future, and that means for Europe’s future architecture. Plans for deeper economic and monetary union help generate stability by showing investors that there is a clear vision for the future.

Over the course of this year the Commission will, building on the blueprint we presented last year, set out in a more detailed manner the steps needed to deepen economic and monetary union, including a social dimension in the EMU and the necessary accompanying steps towards political Union.

I am confident that during the Irish Presidency we will look beyond our European borders. The world economy is changing beyond recognition, with new centres of growth appearing and the pace of globalisation increasing. Europe needs to be an active global player to benefit from worldwide economic potential and to promote our values. Europe has indeed lots of advantages.

Despite the current difficulties, Europe’s average debt-to-GDP ratio is 82.5 %, compared to the United States’ rate of 103 % and Japan’s nearly 230 %. And – and this fact is less well known – unlike other major industrialised economies that have been losing parts of the world market, the European Union has preserved its share of the world market, but of course with very important differences among Member States of the European Union.

We will continue to deepen economic ties with both our well established strategic partners and the dynamic emerging economies. We look forward to the approval, now that the negotiations have been concluded, of the Singapore FTA and we look forward to completing FTA negotiations with Canada and to starting negotiations with Japan. We will pursue with vigour our negotiations with India, Malaysia and Vietnam. We will also set out a clear vision on deepening economic ties with the United States, which remains our single most important economic partner. And in spite of everything that we hear in these times, the reality is that the economic relationship between the European Union and the United States is by far the most important one in the world.

Nor must we neglect our neighbours to the south and to the east. Our relations with these countries are a reminder that our trade policy, indeed all our external economic policy from assistance to energy, transport to research, is not just vital for our economic interests but for Europe’s capacity to play a significant, constructive role at the global level.

Allow me to conclude with a remark on Ireland, which has shown an impressive commitment to implementing the economic adjustment programme. The Irish people have had to make great sacrifices to ensure the recovery of the country and so have the people of Greece, Portugal, Spain, but also other countries which carry out difficult but indispensable reforms.

The Irish case shows that, provided there is the political will to accompany the sacrifices, programmes can and do work and reform can go hand in hand with social cohesion. Economic growth in Ireland was stronger than expected at the end of last year, the deficit is lower than predicted and Ireland has already made a first successful return to financial markets.

Of course, important challenges remain, especially tackling unemployment and reducing further the very high deficit. The Commission will stand by Ireland, as we will stand with the other programme countries in particular. The Commission supports all measures that will improve market confidence and increase public support for the reform process. In parallel, I have always made and will always make the case for the need for solidarity and for the need for fairness in the European Union.

As I mentioned in my introduction, Ireland has been an active and valued member of the European Union for 40 years. It has greatly benefited from its membership in the past, and through its Presidency of the European Union will have an important role in shaping the new European Union for the future to the benefit of this generation and generations to come.

The great poet William Butler Yeats commenced his collection ‘Responsibilities’ with the sentence: ‘In dreams begins responsibility’. I would add ‘In responsibility begins action’ and over the next six months there will be plenty of action, from the Presidency, from the Commission and I am certain too from this Parliament, and I am sure that the six months of the Irish Presidency of the Council will be an Irish and European success story.

(Applause)

  Joseph Daul, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président du Parlement, Monsieur le Président de la Commission, Monsieur le Premier ministre, chers collègues, en ce début de présidence irlandaise, j'aimerais, naturellement, vous adresser mes vœux de réussite. Mais j'aimerais aussi vous féliciter, cher Enda Kenny, vous féliciter pour les efforts extraordinaires que vous avez accomplis pour inverser la tendance et prendre le dessus sur la récession économique. La preuve, les investissements sont de retour en Irlande, c'est une excellente nouvelle pour l'emploi.

Vous avez pris des décisions difficiles, mais nécessaires. Par exemple, vous avez retardé l'âge du départ à la retraite, qui, l'année prochaine, passera de 65 à 66 ans, à 67 ans en 2021 et à 68 en 2028. Depuis 2008, vous avez réalisé un assainissement budgétaire de 18 % de votre PIB. Votre gouvernement est en train d'arriver à un équilibre budgétaire.

Vous montrez la voie en Europe et ça me donne envie de vous faire une proposition. Je pourrais vous signer caution, au niveau européen, pour baisser les taux d'intérêt auxquels vous empruntez. C'est comme cela que, quand les budgets seront à l'équilibre, à moyen terme, nous pourrons mutualiser la dette; c'est cela la solidarité européenne. Et plus vite cela arrivera pour ceux qui font du bon travail, mieux cela vaudra.

Et vous avez pris toutes ces décisions sans perdre le soutien des Irlandais, qui ont voté, lors du référendum, à 60 % pour le traité budgétaire. Ces efforts ne sont pas vains. Au contraire, ils sont tangibles. Mais, comme vous le savez, votre succès ne sera durable que si vous continuez sur cette voie. Ce n'est pas le moment de fléchir – rien n'est pire que de relâcher l'effort quand la pression tombe et que les premiers résultats positifs apparaissent – sinon, vous risquez une deuxième crise, pire que la première, et j'en ai vécu plusieurs dans ma vie.

Chers collègues, c'est notre leitmotiv depuis plus de deux ans. Il n'y a pas de solidarité sans responsabilité, et la solidarité doit jouer d'autant plus à l'égard de ceux qui se sont montrés responsables et exemplaires, à l'image de l'Irlande, qui a joué le jeu en respectant à la lettre le programme. Si l'Irlande met en place le programme dans les délais, et en sort avec une santé financière retrouvée, nous sommes en fait tous gagnants.

Monsieur le Premier ministre, les priorités de la Présidence irlandaise sont nos priorités: assurer la stabilité, la croissance et la création d'emplois. Et, comme je l'ai souvent dit, l'Europe a besoin d'une croissance durable. Or, aujourd'hui, 90 % de la croissance mondiale n'est plus en Europe. Nous sommes souvent tentés de réinventer le monde. Et, dans le passé, qui n'est pas si lointain, il a été décidé – et nous en avons beaucoup parlé au sein de notre Parlement – que notre avenir économique passait uniquement par les services. Il n'y avait plus de place, ou presque plus de place, pour l'industrie.

Où sont les services aujourd'hui? Pas en Europe, en tout cas. Tout comme l'industrie. Or, l'industrie est essentielle pour les emplois et l'Europe doit continuer à miser sur l'industrie et, surtout, je le rappellerai toujours, à protéger les emplois que nous avons et à défendre la création de nouveaux emplois. Pour cela aussi, nous avons besoin de vraies politiques européennes, de plus d'intégration.

Il nous faut des politiques communes comme celles qui ont contribué à nos succès – vous en connaissez quelques-unes en Irlande: la cohésion, la politique agricole – des politiques européennes qui soutiennent les investissements à long terme, des politiques européennes d'innovation, qui offrent une réelle synergie en matière de recherche et de développement, mais une politique de recherche et développement décidée au niveau de l'Europe. Il ne faut pas uniquement mettre de l'argent sur tel dossier ou tel dossier. Il faut une vraie politique de recherche et de développement.

Notre économie ne sera compétitive que si nous nous engageons sur cette voie. Et si nous travaillons à plus d'harmonisation fiscale et sociale. Et je répète qu'harmonisation, ça ne veut pas dire uniformisation. Nos économies sont liées les unes aux autres. Nous avons un marché unique. N'est-ce pas un formidable instrument pour trouver des solutions européennes à nos 26 millions de chômeurs? Pour toutes ces raisons, nous devons renforcer notre Union économique et monétaire et, pour ces mêmes raisons, il nous faut un budget européen crédible, à la hauteur du défi de la relance de notre économie.

Monsieur le Premier ministre, tenez bon! Le Parlement est avec vous. L'Irlande est un exemple de redressement. Votre Présidence, j'en suis certain, sera une Présidence de redressement européen et, mon cher Enda Kenny, je reprendrai le slogan qui m'est cher: "Tu es un homme politique formidable, mais tu es aussi un chef d'État". Tu connais la différence. Si l'homme politique veut assurer sa réélection, l'homme d'État doit, lui, assurer l'avenir des générations. Nous comptons beaucoup sur toi et souhaitons que la Présidence irlandaise réussisse. Toute l'Europe en profitera.

  Hannes Swoboda (S&D). - Mr President, I would like to say to the Taoiseach, yes, you are right; Ireland has a very different history. Not long ago you were the Celtic Tiger, then came an economic crisis and now you are on the way out of the economic crisis. You are on the way out of the economic crisis because of the positive combination of your efforts in Ireland and European aid. This is the remedy for other countries as well.

And there is a second point. You want to have reforms and you make reforms with the citizens, rather than against them, for example where agreements with trade unions are concerned. But it is not only about the crisis in Ireland; we need your help with the European crisis.

There are three elements I particularly want to mention: economic governance in a socially just and fair Europe; the fight against unemployment, especially youth unemployment, and freedom of movement in the Schengen area, including improving conditions for refugees and migrants.

Let me turn firstly to economic governance. Today a prominent newspaper, the Süddeutsche Zeitung, has written ‘Europa leidet, Deutschland gewinnt’ – Europe suffers, Germany wins. This is not how Europe should work: some countries win while the others suffer. Therefore we have to do something against it.

You mentioned the two-pack for more economic governance. We agree with it but we also wish to send a very clear message to the Council and to the Commission: we need something to lower the differences in interest rates. Yesterday in this House the Austrian Chancellor said the same. We have to start work help set up the Redemption Fund and we hope to get a message from the Commission, and we hope to have your help.

As for banking union, yes, we have to set up the banking union now, and we are ready to do so. We also need the Capital Requirement Regulation. But is it acceptable for some Member States countries to demand bonuses of up to 300, 400 or even 600%? This Parliament is ready to conclude the agreement, but we cannot accept bonuses like that.

You spoke about the citizens’ rights. Is it in the interest of the citizens to give such high bonuses to a small minority in the financial services sector? I do not think it is. And of course we need your help on the Financial Transaction Tax. I know you do not want it, not yet at least, but we need your help to come to a clear decision.

Secondly, the fight against unemployment, especially youth unemployment. I thank you for mentioning the youth guarantee. You also have to make many efforts, including the budgetary efforts, which you mentioned, but if we reduce the budget especially for the European Social Fund how can we fight against youth unemployment? How will the different countries, especially the poorer countries, fight against youth unemployment? Therefore we need also your support in that regard. That would be very helpful, because youth unemployment is an enormous waste of economic resources. It is an unacceptable social deprivation and it is an inestimable political danger for democracy in many countries.

But it is not only an economic issue. It is also concerns our achievements in terms of justice and home affairs. Let us talk about Schengen. It is not your direct business but now it is your business. We had an agreement under the Cyprus Presidency to go and find a solution with the Council, but again the Council is resisting, and again many ministers of the interior are saying we want to limit freedom of movement in the Schengen area.

This is not acceptable to us. We said at the very beginning that measures had to be taken if necessary, we were ready for that. But we cannot agree to undue restrictions to the freedom of movement, because Schengen is an achievement of the European Union. We want to work on this achievement, we want to improve it, but we are not ready to destroy this achievement which has enabled freedom of movement within the Schengen area. Therefore, we need your help.

But we are also shocked that many Council members are not able or not ready to adopt legislative measures on the Dublin Convention and on reception conditions. Again, how can Europe show its humanity if not towards migrants and also towards refugees? With regard to migration, internal migration, we reject any curtailing of the rights of migrants. In Ireland it may seem as though you have a lot of migrants all of a sudden. I understand that sometimes it seems the social problem is too big but I think we should stick to the European values.

Finally, Taoiseach, you, together with the Tánaiste and with your very young but already very experienced Minister for European Affairs, you will have a good Presidency. We are very convinced, especially if you are not afraid of your colleagues in the Council, that if you come here to Parliament and get the support of this Parliament and you think about the citizens, you will have a successful Presidency.

  Guy Verhofstadt, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, my group very much welcome Ireland’s Presidency and its experience. After all, it is not the first time that Ireland has undertaken it and I can tell you will need all your skill to make progress. Why? Because I think the most important task that we have now is to fight what I call complacency in the Union for the moment. The fight against complacency should be your first and most important task because that is what threatens the Union today.

There are many Member States and there are many national political leaders who think they can escape this crisis by doing nothing at all. They wonder if it is really necessary to do more and have greater integration of the European Union to solve this crisis. Is it not simpler to follow the miracle man, Mr Draghi? Is that not enough? I think that they are wrong and that we need structural solutions and that you, Mr Kenny, as the leader of a country that has suffered strongly because of the crisis, must remind your colleagues in the Council of the importance of establishing permanent solutions, structural solutions, a more integrated Europe, a fiscal union, a banking union, an economic union and finally also a political union.

So I think that would be an enormous achievement in the next six months instead of them thinking, that the crisis is over and that it is not necessary to go further in the direction of a more integrated Europe; you have to say: stop, no, it is wrong. The experience of Ireland is I think a good experience to show to them.

I want to come in on three specific issues: the further strengthening of the Stability Pact (the two-pack). A proposal was carried out by a majority in this House and it was sent in December of last year to the Commission, so we wait for a response. I think we can find a solution if the Commission can take over what we have sent to them.

Secondly, the single supervisory mechanisms; we have to be sure at the end that it is a genuinely European mechanism and not an amalgamation of national supervisors and also in that area, Mr Kenny, I think that you can show – with the Irish experience – how a good European single supervisor should have solved problems in advance which Ireland is facing today.

Finally, the most important thing in the next six months is work from the Commission that can be influenced by you and your experience: I refer to the resolution mechanism. I have to tell you that we will have no banking union if we do not have a serious resolution fund; we all agree on that. I do not think that there is a misunderstanding about that but what I see as a first draft reported by the FT worries me deeply. It may interest our British colleagues to hear something about the resolution mechanism. Mr President of the Commission, what I have seen in the FT is not a real European mechanism. It has to be a European mechanism and not Member States who are still responsible for their banking debt. It has to split banking debt from sovereigns.

My conclusion is to apply your experience, Mr Kenny. I think what is good for Ireland can be good for Europe.

  Daniel Cohn-Bendit, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, Messieurs les présidents, je voudrais vous prendre au mot, Monsieur Kenny, puisque vous avez dit que vous vouliez une politique de l'Union, qui soit responsable, une politique de l'Union qui se tourne vers la stabilité de l'emploi et la croissance. Le Président de la Commission vous a suivi dans cette direction.

On peut raconter ce qu'on veut. Si l'on veut mener une politique de croissance et de relance, il faut avoir de l'argent; sinon, vous ne ferez que des discours. À moins que l'Irlande ne soit le pays où les discours créent de l'emploi, il va bien falloir, à un moment, parvenir à une solution.

Vous avez dit qu'il fallait un cadre financier pluriannuel qui soit crédible. Il faut donc un accord crédible. Le problème, c'est que cet accord soit précisément "crédible". Ce qui est proposé sur la table par le Conseil n'est pas crédible et ne va pas aider à créer de l'emploi. De plus, c'est une proposition qui est conservatrice, structurellement conservatrice. Pourquoi? Parce que la France et d'autres défendront leur pré carré sur la politique agricole commune, tandis que d'autres encore défendront leur pré carré sur les politiques régionales. Et tout ce qui est tourné vers l'avenir, c'est-à-dire vers la jeunesse, vers l'innovation, vers la recherche, tout cela passera à l'as. C'est exactement ce qui est prévu dans les propositions. Par conséquent, si vous respectez votre philosophie de la crédibilité, vous n'arriverez à rien avec cette proposition pluriannuelle. C'est là où je ne comprends pas l'Irlande.

La seule possibilité de sortir de l'impasse des problèmes des États membres tient effectivement dans les ressources propres. Et que sont les ressources propres? C'est la taxe sur les transactions financières. Si elle était européenne, cette taxe rapporterait, selon la Commission, 55 milliards par an. C'est plus de la moitié du budget européen. Vous pouvez, donc, avec des ressources propres, avoir la capacité de disposer d'un budget européen crédible et valable, tout en réduisant, en partie, les contributions nationales. Tout le monde serait gagnant. Seulement, voilà, le Conseil européen y perdrait son pouvoir politique sur le budget.

Prenez l'exemple de la politique agricole commune. Une proposition a été faite de plafonner – to cap, en français, pour que tout le monde comprenne – ce que les agriculteurs reçoivent. On propose de plafonner à 100 000 euros ce que les agriculteurs gagneraient. 82 % des agriculteurs européens n'ont pas plus de 15 000 euros. Il n'y a que la reine d'Angleterre qui ait plus. C'est pour cette raison, d'ailleurs, que M. Cameron est contre le capping, parce qu'il prendrait de l'argent à la reine d'Angleterre. C'est cela qu'il faut leur dire! C'est la vérité! Absolument!

Si l'on reste conservateur dans le sens, qu'on n'a pas la capacité de créer un budget européen avec des ressources propres, on ne sera pas capables de créer ce dont les jeunes ont besoin – car, si vous voulez une politique de l'emploi des jeunes, il faut une politique d'investissement.

Monsieur le Président – je termine –, si vous voulez être à la hauteur des problèmes que nous connaissons, il faut sortir de l'ornière du conservatisme qui est proposé par le budget pluriannuel.

(Applaudissements)

  Martin Callanan, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, I would like to say good morning to the Taoiseach and welcome him to the Chamber this morning. On behalf of my group let me welcome the fact that Ireland is taking on the Presidency at this crucial time and indeed personally, as someone who is half Irish, it gives me particular pleasure, Taoiseach, to welcome you here this morning and it gives me the opportunity to wish you well. I have every confidence that your Presidency will in fact turn out to be a success because Ireland has such a distinguished track record during previous presidencies.

Ireland’s second Presidency in 1979 saw the conclusion of the GATT agreement which opened up international trade, the 1990 Irish Presidency helped to reunify the continent following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the 2004 Irish Presidency welcomed many former Soviet bloc states into the EU. Now, of course, it will not surprise you that my group does not agree with everything that either you have said today or that is included in your Presidency priorities but there is a substantial amount on which we can agree.

Naturally, in particular we welcome your emphasis on growth, on jobs and on stability. We agree with you that developing the single market as a drive of economic growth has to be a key priority. My group has long argued that it is time for the single market to move into the digital age and there is much in the Single Market 2 Act which delivers on this important agenda and we will work with you in attempting to deliver it.

In your priorities, you also talk about improving access to finance and, to quote, ‘public procurement for small businesses’. We, of course, welcome that although we will wait to see whether any concrete action actually flows from that statement. My group believes that there is one small but important change that you could make and that is to the Council meetings themselves, by creating a dedicated single market Council meeting rather than lumping this important policy area into other configurations.

It is, of course, as I have said many times essential that we reprioritise Europe’s competitiveness. Like much of Europe, your country was hit hard by the crisis but you have made great progress, as many have said, in your fight back. Ireland in my view is a fundamentally competitive economy compared to many other European countries. In particular I congratulate you in having rightly fought to preserve your low corporate tax rates; Ireland should be an example to the rest of Europe. I am thinking particularly of the Socialists and President Hollande here, showing that low tax rates do lead to a more competitive economy generating growth and creating wealth.

I also, unlike Mr Cohn-Bendit, welcome your very sensible opposition to a Financial Transaction Tax. It will be extremely damaging for many of the Member States that have introduced it, but there again that is their problem. Luckily Mr Cohn-Bendit will never get the opportunity to spend the vast fantasy sums which he thinks will be raised by it.

As you also said in your remarks, we have a unique opportunity in the next few months to make substantial progress on an EU-USA free trade agreement. The first half of 2013 not only sees Ireland hold the Presidency of the EU but it sees my own country hold the Presidency of the G8. I really hope that both Presidencies can work hard on such an agreement to get it off the ground. It seems to have gone from a pie-in-the-sky notion to a distinct possibility in a matter of months. The benefits of reducing tariffs are incalculable, both to our economies and across the Atlantic, and indeed it will help to build further on the transatlantic partnership.

I believe that our people in Europe want to see the EU making a difference in those areas where it can genuinely add value. What they do not want to see is more institutional navel gazing or theological blueprints for deepening economic and monetary union. We all know of course that there is little willingness by any Member State to shift from their entrenched positions on the eurozone crisis, whether in the north or in the south, so in my view it is important not to waste time and divert scarce resources trying to pretend otherwise.

Taoiseach, my hope is that you will be able to return here in the summer saying that you have laid the groundwork for a more open and competitive market, for a more complete digital single market and for freer trade with our major economic partners. That indeed would be a worthy legacy of your Presidency.

  Nigel Farage, on behalf of the EFD Group. – Mr President, we see there is nothing to worry about! Mr Barroso told us last week – I think I can say – that the existential threat against the euro has essentially been overcome. Nothing to see here; move along – crisis over. Mr Draghi and Angela Merkel may well have committed the German taxpayer to unlimited sums of money in order to prop up the eurozone, and certainly ahead of the German elections there is perhaps not much else she could have done – and I do accept that the pressure from the markets, Mr Barroso, has eased for now.

And from your perspective, Mr Barroso, and from everybody’s perspective I suppose, the champagne is still flowing, the chauffeur-driven cars are shiny, the salaries and of course the expenses are attractive, so everything is rosy in the EU garden. But I do not think we should be kidding anybody, Mr Barroso, because the fundamentals have not changed. In fact things deteriorated in 2012 – substantially. Unemployment has soared, particularly in the Mediterranean countries, with youth unemployment now up to 58% in two of those countries. Manufacturing, both in the north and south of the eurozone, is eroding with every single month that goes by, and there are the levels of human suffering that we are seeing – with pensions having been cut back, with soup kitchens growing all over the place, and with people in despair – and the prospects for 2013, particularly for the Mediterranean, are that it will be worse still.

And yet what the Commission and you, Mr Barroso, from your ivory tower, are saying is ‘let them eat cake’. You are showing that the European political class are out of touch, uncaring and simply plain wrong. But I am pleased to say that in Britain there is a proper European debate that is starting, driven I suspect by the rise of UKIP in the polls, and Mr Cameron, having postponed it for a few times, will speak this Friday on the issue. He wants to renegotiate the EU’s deal; he wants us to have an à la carte menu. Well, you may give him some concessions and you may not. His real plan is of course to deflect all of this so that there is not a referendum for five years. That or not, actually the longer this debate goes on, the more likely the UK is to leave the European Union.

This debate will not stop and I am pleased to say that democracy, the arguments for democracy, are now staging a fight back and I look forward to when the United Kingdom does get that referendum. And I hope that many other countries will follow our lead, including Ireland, in claiming back their rights of democracy and self-government.

  Gabriele Zimmer, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Taoiseach! Schon der Titel des Programms der irischen Präsidentschaft „Stabilität, Arbeitsplätze, Wachstum“ zeigt, dass Armutsbekämpfung in der EU und weltweit, Bekämpfung sozialer Ausgrenzung und auch ökologischer Zerstörung nicht oberste Prioritäten Ihres Programms sind. Es geht nicht um die verantwortungsvolle Schaffung nachhaltiger Arbeitsplätze, die dringend gebraucht werden. An dieser Tatsache ändert aus meiner Sicht auch der blumige Blick auf die Menschen nichts. Das Programm des Vorsitzes geht weder von den Lebensproblemen der Griechinnen und Griechen aus, noch entspricht es insgesamt der EU-Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie.

Die irische Präsidentschaft – und das ist uns allen klar – steht vor großen Herausforderungen. Ich befürchte aber, Sie stellen nicht einmal die Fragen, die eigentlich notwendig sind und die mit den anstehenden Entscheidungen der nächsten sechs Monate verbunden sind. Ist das Ruder in den Verhandlungen um den Mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen bis 2020 und um den Kohäsions- und Strukturfonds noch herumzureißen? Wird die irische Präsidentschaft auch nur den Versuch unternehmen, Struktur- und Kohäsionsfonds als Instrument der Solidarität, der Angleichung, der Entwicklung innerhalb der Europäischen Union zu bewahren?

Heute, pünktlich zur Übernahme der Präsidentschaft hier in diesem Parlament, titelt die Süddeutsche Zeitung „Europa leidet, Deutschland gewinnt“. Welche Überschriften werden am Ende Ihrer Präsidentschaft stehen? Werden Sie als ehrlicher Makler versuchen, die Spaltung der Union, die Verschärfung der Disparitäten auszugleichen? Wollen Sie das überhaupt? Es dürfte schwer sein, glaubwürdig zu vermitteln. Offensichtlich sehen Sie sich durch die Bedingungen dazu gezwungen, etwas zu tun, was auch bisher nicht üblich war, nämlich die Präsidentschaft zu verbinden mit den Interessen der irischen Regierung. Anders kann ich es nicht verstehen, dass Sie unmittelbar nach Übernahme der irischen Präsidentschaft nichts anderes zu tun hatten, als sofort zur CSU-Landesgruppe zu reisen und an deren Tagung teilzunehmen. Offensichtlich sind Sie auf das Wohlwollen und auch auf das Lob der deutschen Regierung angewiesen. Das zumindest lässt die Frage stellen, ob Sie für einen Interessenausgleich der unterschiedlichen Interessengruppen innerhalb des Rates sorgen können.

Ich sage es auch sehr deutlich: Meine Fraktion ist mit dem Vorschlag zur Struktur des Mehrjährigen Finanzrahmens nicht einverstanden. Der Rat schlägt Kürzungen hauptsächlich bei den Mitteln für soziale Programme und Forschung, für soziale und territoriale Kohäsion, Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und humanitäre Hilfe vor. Die Kürzungen, die bei den Struktur- und Kohäsionsfonds vorgesehen sind – 35 Milliarden Euro weniger als für den bisherigen Zeitraum –, führen zwangsläufig zur Verstärkung des Nord-Süd-Gefälles. Das Europa der Solidarität, Herr Taoiseach, wird unter Ihren Augen zum Europa der Austerität. Und Austerität ist antieuropäisch.

Sie haben sich zur Idee der Jugendgarantie bekannt. Gut! Welche Vorstellungen haben Sie allerdings zur Finanzierung? Bitte lassen sie jeden Gedanken daran fallen, die Jugendgarantie aus dem ESF zu finanzieren. Greifen Sie den Vorschlag Ihres österreichischen Kollegen auf, den er gestern unterbreitet hat, setzen Sie den Rabatten ein Ende, nehmen Sie die freiwerdenden Gelder, finanzieren Sie damit das, was notwendig ist, nämlich die Schaffung konkreter Arbeitsplätze für junge Menschen. Sorgen Sie dafür, dass diese Arbeitsplätze sozialrechtlich abgesichert sind, dass Mindesteinkommen gezahlt werden und dass nicht durch den Abzug von Geldern zur Bekämpfung von Armut aus dem ESF gleichzeitig ein neues Heer von billigen Arbeitskräften geschaffen wird, die langfristig in Armut verbleiben. Das wird Ihre Aufgabe sein, daran werden wir Sie messen, das wäre nachweislich ein wirklicher, sensibler Blick auf die Menschen, zu dem Sie sich bekannt haben.

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. GIANNI PITTELLA
Vicepresidente

  Diane Dodds (NI). - Mr President, firstly I would like to wish the Irish Presidency well in the next number of months. I would also like to concur with the Taoiseach’s condemnation of street violence from all quarters in Belfast in recent weeks. Respect for identity and culture is important in Northern Ireland, as it is in the rest of Europe. I would urge the Taoiseach to emphasise this to nationalist politicians from my constituency whom I know that he meets on a frequent and regular basis.

The aims of the Irish Presidency are right and laudable. Stability, jobs and growth are essential for all of our constituents. In Northern Ireland we are heartened that the economy in the Irish Republic is showing signs of recovery. Despite repeated conversations within these institutions, I do not believe that many here actually recognise how difficult it has been for firms and small businesses and, in my part of Northern Ireland, the impact that the crisis in the Irish Republic’s economy has had on them. However, over the next number of months of the Irish Presidency, Northern Ireland requires changes to its regional aid guidelines. We look forward to your help in gaining a successful outcome, as with fisheries and agriculture.

  Gay Mitchell (PPE). - Mr President, I wish to welcome the Taoiseach and Minister Creighton, to thank them for the programme they have set out here this morning and to congratulate the Irish Presidency for the thorough preparations that have been made.

I would like to make three points. One is about use of language. I think the language we use is important. There are many people in this House who play politics with people’s pain. They use phrases like ‘austerity does not work’, as if you plant the seed today and you wake up in the morning saying ‘where is the bush?’.

We all know that it takes time. Nobody more than Ireland knows that it takes time. What happened in three general elections we had in 1981 and 1982, right up to 1987, when we could not get the public finances under control, was that there was unemployment. When we got our public finances under control from 1987 onwards, with the support of Fine Gael from opposition to a minority Fianna Fáil Government, the Celtic Tiger years followed.

You are right, Taoiseach. Start changing the language. Talk about growth, jobs and stability and hope. And above all, in Europe and also in Ireland, talk about solidarity. There is plenty to go around. Ireland is not a poor country. Europe is not a poor continent. It is time we shared things out a bit and helped people through the difficult times that they are facing.

The second thing I want to say is that we should take stock in Europe. In all this doom and gloom, saying that it is a terrible place and that the whole place is falling down around us, have we forgotten where we came from? There were two world wars in the first half of the last century and 60 million Europeans killed each other. Then in recent times the unthinkable, the miraculous happened: the Berlin Wall came down and we brought ten Member States into the European Union. Then they threw the worst financial crisis since the 1930s at us and we are managing it.

But I want to say one thing to the Taoiseach, if I may, coming back to what he said about Africa. This is a changing world. There will be two billion more people within a generation, 90% of them born into what is now the developing world. We will be six per cent of the world’s population. 26 000 children are dying every day. Please look out especially for the humanitarian aid budget and the development budget in the multiannual financial framework.

  Göran Färm (S&D). - Mr President, the Irish Presidency takes office at a sensitive time for the Union. I am thinking particularly of the financial framework negotiations. It is the first time in history that a long-term budget will be dealt with under the rules of the Lisbon Treaty and at the same time in an economic crisis, the deepest since the birth of this Union.

The crisis fosters a simple logic. If Member States cut their budgets, so should the EU, but that logic is simplified and false. First of all, not all Member States have cut their budgets and no Member State has decided to cut their national budget up until 2020, so why should the European Union? We should hopefully be out of the crisis by then.

Secondly, the main priority in this situation, when the role of the EU is more difficult and more important than ever, should be to safeguard the functioning, the unity and the future of the Union, even if it comes at a cost. Parliament has been quite clear about what we need in order to grant consent to the new financial framework. Everyone should understand that the consent procedure gives Parliament the right of veto. We do not need any major increase, but we do need a budget strong enough to match crucial priorities, investments in sustainability, growth and jobs, particularly youth unemployment and infrastructure, as well as to play a major role in the world.

We need a budget that is flexible enough not just to meet present needs, but also the need for the future up to 2020, including a binding mid-term revision. We need a process towards more own resources stable enough to reduce the national direct contributions so controversial and detrimental to EU solidarity.

I would like to ask the Prime Minister, even though Mr Van Rompuy is now heading the negotiations, what he can do to deliver on those needs in order to avoid a veto from Parliament?

  Alexander Graf Lambsdorff (ALDE). - Mr President, the Taoiseach is here; Chancellor Merkel was here; Prime Minister Monti was here; President Sarkozy, when still in office, was here.

David Cameron is hiding in Holland. He seems to be afraid of a real debate about the future of Europe with the elected representatives of the peoples of Europe. I would like to say to Martin Callanan of our Tory friends to invite him to come here to have this debate here rather than in The Hague. Your being here earns you our respect and loyalty but not only that.

Sie haben sechs Sparhaushalte nacheinander verabschiedet. Sie haben alle Auflagen von IWF und Europäischer Union erfüllt. Sie sind am Kapitalmarkt zurück, Sie haben wirklich viel getan! Aber Ihr Schuldenstand wird in diesem Jahr ungefähr 120 % des Bruttoinlandsprodukts erreichen, und Sie wollen deshalb die irischen Schulden europäisieren. Ob das richtig ist, sei dahingestellt. Es ist allemal legitim, es zu versuchen.

Es wirft nur eine Frage auf: Kann Irland wirklich ein ehrlicher Makler sein, wenn die Last der nationalen Interessen so schwer auf Ihren Schultern drückt? Vergessen wir nicht, in zwölf Monaten wird hier der griechische Premierminister sitzen. Welche nationalen Interessen wird er mitbringen? Das ist ein großes Problem.

Sie haben eben in Ihrer Rede gesagt, Sie wollen eine erneuerte und umgebaute Europäische Union. Das klingt bei Ihnen erheblich glaubwürdiger als wahrscheinlich bei David Cameron am Freitag.

Ich habe einige Vorschläge, was man machen könnte. Zum Einen: Lassen Sie uns die rotierende Präsidentschaft abschaffen. Sie werden sehr gute Arbeit machen. Das ist Ihre siebte Präsidentschaft, Sie haben eine hervorragende Europaministerin. Aber das System ist ein Problem.

Zweitens: Gestern hat hier der österreichische Bundeskanzler, der auch hier war, um über Europa zu debattieren, gefordert, dass alle Rabatte abgeschafft werden sollen bei der Finanzierung der Europäischen Union. Lassen Sie uns das System erheblich einfacher machen!

Beim dritten Punkt geht es an Ihre Glaubwürdigkeit: Sie haben gesagt, Sie wollen eine Europäische Union, die weniger komplex, weniger institutionell ist. Der erste wichtige Schritt dahin ist eine kleinere Kommission. Wir haben jetzt 27 Kommissare, es werden immer mehr. Das ist der erste wichtige Schritt, und hier spielen Sie eine ganz besondere Rolle!

  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE). - Herr Präsident, Herr Präsident Barroso, Taoiseach, Kollegen! Ich habe mich gefreut, Taoiseach, dass Sie so großes Gewicht auf die Anstrengungen für die Jugend Europas gelegt haben. Ich hoffe, Sie werden in Kooperation mit der Kommission und auch mit diesem Parlament dabei erfolgreich sein.

Aber enttäuscht war ich darüber, dass ich von Ihnen praktisch nichts gehört habe über eine wesentliche Aufgabe, gerade auch Ihrer Präsidentschaft, die auch für die Jugend von großer Bedeutung ist, nämlich die Industriepolitik. Wenn man in den Arbeitsplan der Kommission für dieses Jahr sieht, kann man leicht feststellen, wie groß die Aufgaben sind und wie groß die Agenda ist. Bei Ihnen ist da nichts zu hören. Wir reden von einer Reindustrialisierung Europas, bei Ihnen kommt der ganze Bereich überhaupt nicht vor! Eine Reindustrialisierung Europas braucht die Kombination von Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Nachhaltigkeit, um sustainable growth, wie Herr Barroso das genannt hat, zu erreichen. Das braucht nicht nur Industriepolitik im Allgemeinen, das braucht einen Ressourceneffizienz-Fahrplan, das braucht Energieeffizienz, das braucht – wie im Jahreswirtschaftsbericht vorgeschlagen wird – einen Abbau von umweltschädlichen Subventionen. In Ihren Prioritäten nichts dazu, in Ihrer Rede heute nichts dazu. Haben Sie da keine klaren Ambitionen, oder haben Sie nur vergessen, darüber zu sprechen?

Wenn Sie – gerade auch für die Jugend – Stabilität, Wachstum und Jobs erreichen wollen, wenn das das Zentrum Ihrer Arbeit in diesem halben Jahr sein soll, dann müssen Sie sich auch aktiv für eine Industriepolitik einsetzen, die auf Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Nachhaltigkeit gegründet ist.

  Jan Zahradil (ECR). - Dobrý den, pane ministerský předsedo, paní ministryně, rád Vás vidím zase po několika týdnech, vzpomínám na naše setkání v Dublinu a přeji Vašemu předsednictví úspěch. Těším se na něj, věřím, že to bude předsednictví zdravě realistické, jak to tak většinou bývá u předsednictví těch menších evropských zemí.

Líbí se mi, že jste zmínili ve svých prioritách mezinárodní obchod. Máme tady řadu rozdělaných mezinárodních smluv. Bohužel někdy v tomto Parlamentu se právě obchodní politika stává tak trochu rukojmím politického soupeření, které do toho nepatří. Na to si asi budete muset zvyknout a doufám, že se Vám to podaří prorazit. Stejně tak se mi líbí, že jste zmínili ve svých prioritách důležitost transatlantických vztahů. To se tady bohužel často neslyší a fakt je, že za Obamovy administrativy se Spojené státy věnují trochu jiným oblastem světa, než je zrovna Evropa. Tak doufám, že i to se podaří s Vaší pomocí změnit.

Pokud jde o budoucnost Evropy, bohužel tady existuje určitá fobie z jiných názorů, různí eurofederalisté odmítají slyšet alternativní vize Evropské unie. Já jsem přesvědčen, že ani to nebude Váš případ a že přispějete k plodnému dialogu v této věci. Takže Vám přeji, jak už jsem řekl v Dublinu, aby Vaše předsednictví bylo jako irská whisky, aby mělo chuť, aby mělo barvu a aby ho byla pokud možno plná sklenice.

  Νίκη Τζαβέλα (EFD). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η Ιρλανδική Προεδρεία δίνοντας έμφαση στη σταθερότητα, την ανάπτυξη και την απασχόληση θέτει την εμπειρία που απέκτησε κατά τη διάρκεια της οικονομικής κρίσης στις υπηρεσίες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Αυτή η εμπειρία φαίνεται ότι είναι πράγματι παραγωγική, μαζί με το γεγονός στο οποίο αναφέρεστε, δηλαδή την προσφορά σας στις ευρωατλαντικές σχέσεις, η οποία πράγματι μπορεί να είναι πολύ θετική εξαιτίας της ισχυρής ιρλανδέζικης διασποράς που υπάρχει στην Αμερική.

Η επιτυχία της Ιρλανδίας διαφαίνεται από το γεγονός ότι την προηγούμενη Πέμπτη η Ιρλανδία έκανε ένα σημαντικό βήμα για την απεξάρτησή της από το μνημόνιο. Πούλησε με απόλυτη επιτυχία πενταετή και εξαετή ομόλογα. Τα μηνύματα από τους κλάδους των υπηρεσιών και της υψηλής τεχνολογίας είναι άκρως ενθαρρυντικά. Η ιρλανδική οικονομία έχει αρχίσει πάλι να παράγει, ίσως λοιπόν μπορεί να αποτελέσει παράδειγμα για τους υπολοίπους αδύνατους κρίκους της Ένωσης. Καλή επιτυχία.

  Martina Anderson (GUE/NGL). - Mr President, I should like to say this to the Taoiseach: the Presidency programme contains nothing progressive, no investment package, no concrete action to address the unemployment issue or that of the people participating in one of the biggest forced migrations in centuries. We were led to believe that it would be an all-Ireland Presidency and there is little evidence of that in the programme.

Transforming the conflict in the North of Ireland is most important now, as important as it ever was, as recent events in parts of Belfast have borne out. The EU has still a role to play and your government has a very key role to play, so therefore I urge you to take your responsibilities under the Good Friday Agreement, particularly with regard to rights supplementary to the European Convention on Human Rights and therefore the need for a Bill of Rights, to ensure that the symbols and the emblems are used in a manner which promotes mutual respect, and also to support the Good Friday Agreement’s commitment to a border poll. I wish you well over the next six months.

  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Herr Präsident! Nach einem nicht ganz unkomplizierten E-mail-Verkehr mit dem Rat wurde mir mitgeteilt, dass der Schengen-Beitritt Rumäniens und Bulgariens nun auf der Agenda der irischen Ratspräsidentschaft steht. Herr Präsident, ich appelliere an Sie: Nehmen Sie bitte die Sorgen und Bedenken der Bevölkerung mitteleuropäischer Länder wie auch meiner Heimat Österreich sehr ernst und treiben Sie diesen Beitritt nicht zu sehr voran, ehe in den betroffenen Ländern die Probleme mit Schlepperunwesen, Menschenhandel, organisierter Kriminalität, Waffenhandel gelöst sind. Durch den Schengen-Beitritt erhält die organisierte Kriminalität dieser Länder einen vereinfachten Zutritt zu weiteren Absatzmärkten im Unionsgebiet. Dazu kommt auch die sehr großzügige Reisepasspolitik Rumäniens für zigtausend Moldawier, und somit haben diese auch eine Eintrittskarte in die EU.

Abschließend zum Thema Datenschutz: Geldstrafen für Datenschutzverstöße in der neuen Richtlinie durch Rügen zu ersetzen, halte ich für sehr bedenklich. Es kann nicht sein, dass Lobbyisten von Google und Facebook hier das Sagen haben und nicht die Bürgerrechte. Ich wünsche Ihnen zusammenfassend alles Gute und viel Erfolg für Ihre schwere Arbeit.

  Herbert Reul (PPE). - Meine Herren Präsidenten! Ich fand das sehr erfreulich, hier einen europäischen Politiker zu erleben, der nicht klagt und irgendwelche Beschwerden äußert, sondern der darüber berichtet, wie man aus schwierigen Situationen durch konkretes Arbeiten rauskommt. Das macht Mut, und das ist der einzig richtige Weg! Und das heißt übrigens, dass es nicht darauf ankommt, immer mehr und ständig neue Programme und Projekte zu platzieren, sondern die paar Sachen, die richtig und vernünftig sind, auch zu realisieren.

Da will ich schon den Hinweis geben an Herrn Verhofstadt, der bei jeder dieser Debatten immer nur sagt „Schuldentilgungsfondsdebatte“, und deshalb solche Projekte wie das twopack blockiert. Wir müssten uns jetzt darum kümmern, dass solche Instrumente auch in Kraft treten können. Und auch wir müssen unseren Beitrag leisten. Ich finde, Herr Präsident des Rates, wir sollten uns darum bemühen, das unbedingt möglichst schnell zu realisieren.

Wenn es zweitens richtig ist, dass Wettbewerbsfähigkeit – ich finde, Sie haben das präzise vorgetragen – der Schlüssel der Veranstaltung ist, um Wachstum zu organisieren und damit Arbeitsplätze zu schaffen, dann müssen wir auch konkret werden, wenn es um die Frage geht – Herr Bütikofer hat es angesprochen –, was wir eigentlich tun, um Industrie in Europa zu halten und zu fördern. Auch da geht es nicht darum, immer einen neuen Plan zu formulieren. Es geht auch nicht darum, mehr Geld auszugeben, sondern es geht um die Frage: Kann ich sicherstellen, dass wir vielleicht durch die eine oder andere Maßnahme, die wir nicht treffen, die wir bremsen, die wir aussetzen, der Industrie eine Chance geben?

Was wäre denn, Herr Ratspräsident, wenn es eine gemeinsame Initiative von Rat, Kommission und Parlament gäbe, in Zukunft jeden Vorschlag, den wir hier machen – und zwar egal wer ihn macht –, daraufhin zu prüfen, ob er positive oder negative Auswirkungen auf Arbeitsplätze und Industrie hat, und dann zu entscheiden, ob wir das jetzt oder später machen. Das fände ich konkret.

Oder drittens ganz konkret zur Frage: Wettbewerbsfähigkeit erfolgt durch Technologie, Innovation und Forschung. Dann müssen wir allerdings bei der Frage der mittelfristigen Finanzplanung auch beschließen, dass, wenn es schon nicht mehr Geld gibt, dann nicht in dem Bereich gespart wird, in dem die Zukunft entsteht.

  Emer Costello (S&D). - Mr President, I am delighted to welcome the Taoiseach and Minister Creighton to the European Parliament in Strasbourg at the beginning of the Irish Presidency of the European Union. It is a proud moment for Ireland to embark on its seventh Presidency since our accession 40 years ago.

Much has changed in those 40 years for Ireland and for Europe, most of it for the better. However, our Presidency comes at a critical time. There are new and serious challenges facing the EU, its 27 Member States and its 500 million citizens. These challenges must be confronted with a new sense of urgency.

A generation of young people must not be abandoned to long-term unemployment. A sense of aimlessness in young lives will inevitably poison young minds. I particularly welcome the Taoiseach’s assertion that the Irish Presidency will prioritise stability, growth and employment. It is important to recognise that stability on its own is not enough. We must promote growth and create jobs. That is what engenders solidarity among the citizens of the EU and restores people’s faith in the vision of the founding fathers. Peace and prosperity through solidarity and cohesion. Thus I greatly welcome the Irish Presidency’s commitment to the youth guarantee as a key policy platform urgently addressing the unemployment crisis in the EU.

Finally, the banking crisis has held the EU in thrall for too long. It is time to complete banking union and to break the link between banking and sovereign debt once and for all. I am sure that these priorities will be pursued and progressed by the Irish Presidency to bring them to fruition over the next six months.

  Pat the Cope Gallagher (ALDE). - A Uachtaráin, ba mhaith liom fáilte a chur roimh an Taoiseach agus roimh an Aire Creighton chuig Parlaimint na hEorpa agus guím gach rath oraibh sna míonna atá amach romhainn.

The Presidency should provide you, Taoiseach, and your government with the opportunity to give practical effect to the agreement of June 2012 by EU leaders to break the link between sovereign and private bank debt. The issue of the promissory note must also be dealt with as quickly as possible. This is a matter of great concern and importance to Ireland and confidence in the Irish economy, and I do know that you are focusing on this.

During your Presidency, the government will have to conclude the EU budget for the period 2014 to 2020. Of course, as you know, a strong and robust budget is required for the common agricultural policy and, of course, the reform of the common fisheries policy, which is also important to Ireland.

As one who represents the border counties, I would also like to emphasise the importance of renewing the Peace III Programme. The Peace Programme, which you have rightly referred to, has during the period 2007 to 2013 contributed EUR 205 million in support of social inclusion projects in the border counties and Northern Ireland.

In conclusion, I would urge the Taoiseach to play a leading role to ensure that the Peace Programme is renewed after 2014. This will further help to develop peace and reconciliation on the island of Ireland. Taoiseach, I wish you well.

  Emilie Turunen (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, I would like to welcome the Irish Prime Minister to the European Parliament and to the Irish Presidency. We are in a time of severe crisis and great challenges lie ahead. You have put forward an ambitious agenda and I sincerely hope that you will manage to move us all forward.

We Greens are especially pleased to see that you have chosen youth unemployment as one of your main priorities. As you might be aware, Parliament will today vote on a resolution supporting the introduction of European-wide youth guarantee schemes. Everybody seems to agree that the situation for Europe’s young is serious.

I remember that Heads of State already in January 2012 expressed their deep concern and the necessity to act at European level. Mr Prime Minister, now you have the chance to act. You can, on behalf of all the Member States, make a difference by gathering support in the governments for a youth guarantee in all Member States. Parliament will give you its full support; we also have very high expectations that you will be the first Presidency to deliver something concrete for Europe’s young.

  Lajos Bokros (ECR). - Mr President, Ireland suffered much at the beginning of the financial crisis but it is a shining example of how a society can renew itself if there is political consensus on what needs to be done. It is now customary to distinguish between a fiscal and a banking crisis although all crises become fiscal after recapitalisation. A crisis which originated in the financial sector may not reflect fiscal prudence.

Governments are never innocent. Fiscal equilibrium based on inflated revenues created by a bubble economy ought not to have been considered sustainable in the first place. Ireland can promote this simple truth. Austerity, although unavoidable, is never enough to restart growth. The other indispensable component is the restoration of international competitiveness, which has been achieved by Ireland. Others should follow its example.

An ugly by-product of the crisis is the upswing of racist, populist and extremist parties. These groups fight austerity and reforms without having a rational alternative. They blame foreigners, Muslims, Jews or Roma for the hardship of natives. This trend has reached dangerous levels and become part of the mainstream. For example, a leading columnist of the Hungarian Government Party compared Roma to animals and declared them unfit for co-existence. The ruling party Fidesz missed a magnificent opportunity to condemn this ugly, racist outburst. This proves my conviction that Fidesz is in a cultural coalition with the extreme right.

Ireland has so far managed to escape the emergence of racism. It has the moral authority and obligation to uphold human rights before fascist parties gain respectability and power. The rotating presidency is obsolete, but it is important which country holds the presidency. It carries a huge political and moral authority.

  Rolandas Paksas (EFD). - Pone pirmininke, gerbiami kolegos, Airijos pirmininkavimas Europos Sąjungai šį pusmetį šiai valstybei ne naujiena. Tačiau septintą kartą pirmininkausianti šalis šiandien turbūt pirmąkart tai darys esant ypatingai sudėtingai politinei, ekonominei situacijai pačioje bendrijoje.

Laukia itin sunkus ir nedėkingas darbas: pasiekti susitarimą dėl ilgalaikio bendrijos biudžeto. Manau, kad tai svarbiausias šio pirmininkavimo tikslas ir linkiu visokeriopos sėkmės jo siekiant. Tai labai svarbu ir Lietuvai, kurios piliečius čia atstovauju. Nes ko nepadarys Airija teks atlikti po to pirmininkausiančiai Lietuvai.

Ypač remiu Airijos pirmininkavimo Europos Sąjungai būtent šį prioritetą – į žmonių gerovę orientuotą ekonomikos atsigavimą. Tai itin dera ir su Lietuvos nacionaliniais, ir su europiniais pirmininkavimo Europos Sąjungai prioritetais, nes be piliečių gerovės nebus ir Europos Sąjungos lyderystės globalioje politikoje.

  Paul Murphy (GUE/NGL). - Mr President, I want to say to the Taoiseach that I feel somewhat like the boy who had to point out that the emperor had no clothes. Thankfully the Taoiseach himself is not naked, but his Presidency slogan of ‘stability, jobs and growth’ is. Because there is no stability, there are no jobs, there is no real economic growth in Ireland or in Europe and your coordination of deep austerity across Europe will make the situation worse not better.

Working people right across Europe are being crucified in order to protect the bondholders. In Ireland, figures from Eurostat indicate that we are paying an incredible 42% of the total cost of the European banking crisis. But the government is reduced to begging for what are, relatively speaking, crumbs from the table of the European Central Bank on the promissory note. At the same time he will hand over EUR 26 billion to the bondholders this year.

Is it not time, Taoiseach, to say: ‘we cannot pay this debt, we should not pay this debt and we will not pay this debt’? Delivering stability, jobs and growth requires breaking with austerity and the dictatorship of the markets and, instead of funnelling these billions to the rich bondholders, investing increasing jobs and improving our society for the majority.

  Daniël van der Stoep (NI). - Het voorzitterschap van Ierland is helaas nu al heel slecht begonnen. Als ik de website van het Iers voorzitterschap bekijk en het speciaal voor dit Iers voorzitterschap - prachtig initiatief overigens - gemaakte Ierse receptenboek probeer te bekijken, dan blijkt het een dode link te zijn. Helaas, geen receptenboek. Ik vraag de heer Kenny dan ook om daar heel snel iets aan te doen, want dit is een slechte start, Voorzitter, een heel slechte start.

Maar serieus, het voorzitterschap van de Europese Unie is natuurlijk altijd een wassen neus. Ik wens Ierland veel succes het komend halfjaar met het hebben van geen procent meer macht.

Iemand die hier natuurlijk wél macht heeft is de heer Barroso. Hij is er even tussenuit geknepen. Dat is jammer, want wij hebben het natuurlijk over een nieuwe Maltese commissaris, omdat de heer Dalli zogenaamd contact had met de tabakslobby. Wij weten dat niet. Hij is door Barroso met veel theater van het toneel gebonjourd. Nu blijkt echter dat het kabinet van de heer Barroso en andere ambtenaren meerdere contacten hebben gehad met de tabakslobby.

Is hier sprake van een enorme dubbele moraal of niet? Ik roep de voorzitter van de Commissie op om per direct alle informatie beschikbaar te stellen aan het volledige Parlement en eens op te houden met die geheime en geniepige spelletjes. Ik wil graag een reactie van de voorzitter van de Commissie.

  Mario Mauro (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Signor presidente del Consiglio in carica, i miei auguri più sinceri per un buon lavoro al suo governo, al governo irlandese, per un semestre che si preannuncia tanto difficile quanto decisivo. Se gli anni che abbiamo appena trascorso verranno ricordati come il periodo della crisi e del rigore, il 2013 potrebbe essere ricordato come l'anno di una svolta, di una vera svolta.

Ho notato infatti con soddisfazione che il governo di Dublino annuncia l'intenzione di lavorare, nel suo programma, con gli altri Stati membri e con il Parlamento europeo, sui programmi chiave che possono sostenere forte crescita economica e coesione sociale dell'Europa. Dublino cioè ha identificato il punto chiave da dove può arrivare la spinta per la ripresa economica, per la creazione di nuovi posti di lavoro, per tornare, insomma, ad avere una speranza. Perché è questa la vera questione.

Siamo legati in un accordo sul futuro finanziamento dell'Unione europea per il periodo 2014-2020 e su questo punto si consuma un'opportunità e anche una grande ambiguità: non sono gli euroscettici, ma sono coloro che si dichiarano persuasi dell'Europa che continuano a traccheggiare sui contenuti di questo accordo. Sono cioè quei paesi che, da un lato, dovrebbero spendersi perché l'accordo sia utilizzato per il rilancio della nostra economia, che invece esitano e usano, in questo senso, l'Europa come un supermarket, dove si recano per prendere ciò di cui hanno bisogno, rifiutando invece il grande compito che la storia ci affida.

È proprio per questo, signor Presidente, che io la invito a fare di tutto perché la Presidenza irlandese sia il crogiuolo, il luogo dove si potrà realizzare un accordo concreto e autentico sul programma pluriennale. E sulla questione del bilancio si giocherà il senso della parola Europa, che apparirà a quel punto non semplicemente un'espressione retorica ma lo strumento oggettivo per il rilancio delle opportunità dei nostri cittadini e delle nostre imprese.

  Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D). - Señor Presidente, señor Kenny, bienvenido a este Parlamento y mis mejores deseos para la Presidencia irlandesa.

De todas las prioridades que usted ha señalado esta mañana quiero retener tres: la primera es que Europa necesita empleos; la segunda, que hay que tener especial cuidado y sensibilidad con las políticas dirigidas a los jóvenes; y, la tercera, que hay que luchar contra la pobreza, el hambre y la exclusión en el mundo y en Europa.

Para esas tres prioridades hace falta crecimiento, y las perspectivas que tenemos para el próximo año son negativas: depresión en la eurozona, más desempleo. Y tenemos que evitar caer en el espejismo de que la bajada de presión sobre el euro crea por sí misma empleo, de que podemos tener estabilidad monetaria, pero, sin embargo, no tener crecimiento, no resolver los problemas de fondo.

Le pido, como ejerciente de la Presidencia, que presione a los países con superávit –especialmente Alemania– para que activen la demanda y la inversión y para que ayuden al crecimiento en el conjunto de la Unión Europea, y le pido también, como Presidente en ejercicio del Consejo, que empuje para que el presupuesto de la Unión sea un presupuesto potente, que permita igualmente el crecimiento.

En relación con los jóvenes, preferiríamos que la garantía juvenil fuera una política europea, para que los jóvenes perciban que los europeos, las instituciones europeas, y no solamente sus Gobiernos nacionales, atienden sus problemas.

  Marian Harkin (ALDE). - Mr President, I would like to welcome the Taoiseach and Minister Creighton to Parliament and I want to wish them, their ministers and their officials well as they work to deliver a Presidency focused on results, but the challenge is huge. In the 60 seconds I have at my disposal I will deal with one core issue only and that is the slipsliding and the backsliding by the Commission and the European Council to fully and finally break the toxic link between bank and sovereign debt.

Many speakers have spoken of Ireland’s recovery. Indeed Mr Barroso said that our deficit is slower than predicted but he did not say that, despite our very best efforts, our debt-to-GNP ratio will peak at 150 % this year, our youth unemployment is at 30 % and our greatest export still is our young people. If we do not get a deal on bank debt within the context of a European solution we cannot exit the bail-out this year and our economy will grind along the bottom. Mr Barroso has gone but he spoke of solidarity and fairness. I want to ask him to keep those commitments.

  Sven Giegold (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, I would like to thank Mr Kenny for taking over the Presidency. After having been at many trialogues in the last six months, I am looking forward to the next six months, mainly on financial services, and I hope that we can make rapid progress there.

I must also mention one area which has not been discussed very much here today, namely the whole issue of the lack of action at European level on the income side of public finances. We have seen cuts, but we have very little action regarding the taxation of wealth and of capital income, and a fair system of sharing tax income at European level. We know that at the moment the different initiatives, which are also mentioned in the Presidency programme, are locked in inaction. Therefore we have developed a list of additional points for your Presidency in a tax action plan.

The greatest presidencies were those which touched on exactly those issues where their own interests were also involved and used the Presidency to find fair balances and solutions for problems which concern all of us, despite their own interests also being affected.

  Mara Bizzotto (EFD). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, quello presentato alla nostra Assemblea dalla Presidenza irlandese è un programma molto ambizioso. Riportare l'Europa sul binario della crescita e dell'occupazione, facendo i conti con la recessione non è un'impresa facile: eppure spetta a questa Presidenza raggiungere nei prossimi sei mesi traguardi fondamentali per il futuro del progetto europeo, la revisione della politica di coesione, la PAC, la riforma sulla pesca, solo per citarne alcuni.

Chiedo però all'Irlanda di essere coraggiosa e di agire senza preconcetti, ascoltando la voce dei cittadini che chiedono un'Europa diversa. È infatti arrivato il momento di aprire un serio dibattito sulle sorti nell'UE dei popoli, come quello veneto, scozzese, catalano, che chiedono a gran voce – anche attraverso il referendum – l'indipendenza dallo Stato di appartenenza. Il fallimento dello Stato-azione, fonte di inefficienza amministrativa e ingiustizia sociale, del resto, è sotto gli occhi di tutti. Bisogna far posto a una nuova democrazia dal basso. Solo grazie alla cooperazione tra regioni, alle macroregioni e – io spero – alla futura Euroregione del Nord Italia, possiamo uscire da questa crisi e possiamo avere un'Europa più coesa.

  Laurence J.A.J. Stassen (NI). - Voorzitter, de prioriteiten van Ierland als voorzitter van de Raad zijn stabiliteit, groei en banen. Tja, wie wil dat niet? Dat is net zoiets als elke dag zonovergoten weer en aangename temperaturen. Wij hebben dit soort ambities allemaal al eerder gehoord. Wie herinnert zich niet de Agenda van Lissabon en de Europa 2020-strategie, die van Europa de meest concurrerende en dynamische kenniseconomie in de wereld moesten maken?

En wat is er van al die mooi klinkende plannen terechtgekomen? In plaats van groei heeft de Europese Unie ons in een economische recessie gestort. Je kunt nog zo veel strooien met strategieën, ambities en mooie woorden, als de problemen niet benoemd worden, is elk plan gedoemd om te falen.

Zo is het ook met Europa. De kern van het probleem ís Europa, Voorzitter. Het is de Europese Unie zélf. De EU kan geen oplossing bieden, simpelweg omdat zij zelf het probleem vormt. De EU en de euro hangen als een molensteen om de nek van de lidstaten en hun burgers. Alles en iedereen moet inleveren, niets of niemand wordt gespaard, behalve de EU. Die krijgt alsmaar meer geld en meer macht. Het is zoals ze zeggen: all pigs are equal, but some are more equal than others.

Voorzitter, als ik een suggestie mag doen, de enige manier om dit continent nog hoop te bieden is door de stekker uit de Europese Unie te trekken. In plaats van dit bureaucratische monster moet het in de toekomst weer draaien om nationale staten en burgers die vriendschappelijk samenwerken waar dat echt nodig is. Het is de vrijhandel binnen Europa en met de rest van de wereld die de economische groei aanjaagt. Doorgaan met de Europese Unie is trekken aan een dood paard. Laten wij Europa redden uit de handen van de Europese Unie.

  Jean-Pierre Audy (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Premier ministre, Madame la ministre, Madame la Commissaire, j'observe d'ailleurs que Mme la Commissaire irlandaise est présente. Je voudrais vous dire, Monsieur le Premier ministre, même si vous n'êtes pas dans la même formation politique, qu'elle fait un excellent travail et que vous pouvez être fier d'elle.

Monsieur le Premier ministre, un mot tout d'abord sur la troïka. Vous débutez l'année 2013, qui est la dernière année avant la fin de l'actuel mandat. Nous n'avons pas senti dans votre discours une quelconque forme de dynamisme ni d'impulsion concernant la troïka entre l'Irlande, la Lituanie et la Grèce, qui va se terminer avec les élections européennes de 2014. Pourriez-vous nous en dire un mot?

Je me demande également, Monsieur le Premier ministre, si vous ne pourriez pas, par rapport au Royaume-Uni, jouer un rôle de trait d'union? Le premier ministre britannique va, après-demain, prononcer un discours. On le sent dans une sorte de confusion quant à sa pensée politique. S'il annonce un référendum sur un périmètre à définir pour le Royaume-Uni ou la sortie de ce pays, il y aura probablement, derrière, la sortie de l'Écosse du Royaume-Uni. Il est, peut-être, en train de jouer la stabilité d'un État important au sein de l'Union européenne.

Je fais partie de ceux qui se désolent de cette évolution et qui souhaitent que nous conservions au sein de l'Union ce grand État, le Royaume-Uni, deuxième armée du monde. Par conséquent, ne pourriez-vous pas jouer un rôle de trait d'union pour apporter une forme de sagesse au premier ministre britannique?

S'agissant de Schengen, votre État appartient à la zone euro, mais sans relever de l'espace Schengen. N'envisagez-vous pas de faire évoluer l'Irlande sur ce plan, à supposer que le Royaume-Uni, lui, s'éloigne de l'Union européenne? Ne pourriez-vous pas vous en rapprocher, en adhérant à l'espace Schengen?

Dernier élément concernant la présence politique. Au sein de notre Parlement, nous manquons cruellement de liens politiques avec les chefs d'État et de gouvernement. Je salue votre excellente ministre des affaires européennes, qui s'est bien débrouillée en plénière, hier déjà. Ne pourriez-vous pas accepter, Monsieur le premier ministre, de venir nous rencontrer plus souvent, notamment à l'occasion des réunions préparatoires des Conseils européens, puisque vous présidez le Conseil "Affaires générales", qui est en charge de la préparation des Conseils européens? En tout cas, nous sommes très demandeurs de relations très directes avec vous.

Monsieur le Premier ministre, bravo et bon courage pour votre présidence.

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΑΝΝΥ ΠΟΔΗΜΑΤΑ
Αντιπρόεδρος

  Patrizia Toia (S&D). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Presidente del Consiglio, come lei ha sentito, c'è molta attesa e fiducia per la sua Presidenza, coadiuvata peraltro da una signora ministro molto competente e determinata. Il momento è cruciale, lo hanno detto tutti: qualche spiraglio si apre ma molto gravi e molti sono ancora i problemi per l'Europa. E tutti ruotano attorno a questo tema: quello dell'occupazione – lo ha detto il mio capogruppo ed è stato ribadito in altri interventi – e dello sviluppo. E senza un orizzonte di fiducia anche l'idea di Europa perde la sua grandezza, perde il suo valore: gli ideali sono importanti ma senza concretezza rischiano di essere una fuga dalla realtà quotidiana dei cittadini.

Nelle politiche europee c'è stato un grande limite, un errore – che noi, questo Parlamento, abbiamo denunciato, a volte solitari, ma lo abbiamo fatto instancabilmente – l'errore cioè di pensare che il rigore e l'austerità fossero una precondizione, un obiettivo a sé stante, il primo tempo di una politica che poi avrebbe fatto le altre cose. Invece le altre cose sono state rese ancora più difficili, più gravi e la vita delle persone è stata resa più fragile da questa separatezza della dimensione economica dalla dimensione sociale della nostra vita.

Le chiediamo di invertire questa tendenza per quanto possibile nel Consiglio, siamo ancora in tempo. Le rivolgo anche un altro invito: lei ha parlato di stabilità, poi di lavori di crescita. Inverta queste priorità: dica prima lavoro e poi stabilità e crescita per come ci possono aiutare per il lavoro. Ho però molto apprezzato la sua frase per quelle persone che oggi – e sono molti giovani, molte donne – iniziano una giornata senza reddito, senza occupazione, senza un impegno, nella fragilità e nella debolezza.

Il secondo invito è quello alla coerenza: basta grandi proclami e poi comportamenti al ribasso, compromessi insignificanti. Il bilancio è un banco di prova: parliamo di crescita, di occupazione! Orizzonte 2020 deve avere un bilancio adeguato e adeguata deve essere l'iniziativa per le piccole e medie imprese, per i giovani e per il lavoro.

  George Lyon (ALDE). - Madam President, as a Scot and a fellow Celt, can I congratulate Ireland on taking over the Presidency once again. Taoiseach, I am sure I do not have to tell you, but there is a huge weight of expectation bearing down on your shoulders. We have high hopes for your Presidency across a whole range of policy areas.

I want to say a few words about CAP reform because it is very important – speaking as a member of the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development – that we make progress on that. Taoiseach, you have set out a very ambitious timetable of concluding an agreement between the institutions by the end of your Presidency and I welcome that ambition. Next week with a bit of luck – a lot of luck, indeed – the Agriculture Committee here in Parliament will vote through our compromises and we stand ready to begin negotiations with the Council, subject to an agreement by this House in the plenary at the beginning of March.

But one of the big stumbling blocks to progress is the lack of agreement between farm ministers. It is vital that your Presidency gets a grip of the Council and pushes them hard to reach an agreement by mid-March, otherwise your timetable will be blown off course.

Taoiseach, I am sure I speak for all of my MEP colleagues when I say we look forward to working with you and we look forward to delivering your ambitious timetable and programme.

  Jacek Protasiewicz (PPE). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Premierze! U większości Polaków Irlandia wywołuje wyłącznie pozytywne skojarzenia. Nic dziwnego – przecież to podczas poprzedniej prezydencji irlandzkiej nasz kraj wstąpił do Unii Europejskiej, a od tego czasu tysiące Polaków znalazło w Pana kraju swój drugi dom, przyczyniając się zresztą swoją pracą do nadzwyczajnego rozwoju gospodarczego, którego Irlandia doświadczała przed wybuchem światowego kryzysu finansowego.

Dzisiaj debatujemy nad priorytetami kolejnej, siódmej już prezydencji irlandzkiej w Radzie Unii Europejskiej. Stabilność, wzrost, nowe miejsca pracy, zwłaszcza dla młodzieży to dobrze wybrane priorytety, bo właściwie trafiają w troski i oczekiwania Europejczyków, ale, odnosząc się do Pana wystąpienia, Panie Premierze, chcę jednak stanowczo podkreślić, że nie uda się tych priorytetów osiągnąć, a i nawet przybliżyć, bez pozytywnego zakończenia negocjacji nad wieloletnimi ramami finansowymi. Wspomniał Pan krótko w swoim wystąpieniu, że liczy na szybkie porozumienie w Radzie w tej sprawie, choć pewnie będzie ono niedoskonałe. Nie oczekujemy, Panie Premierze, że będzie idealne. Wystarczy, że będzie dobre, ale żeby za takowe je uznać nie można już więcej godzić się na cięcia w wydatkach na inwestycje, na politykę regionalną i na programy społeczne.

Solidarność europejska nie może być ofiarą imperfect agreement. Wierzę, Panie Premierze, że Pan to doskonale rozumie jako premier kraju, który ma za sobą imponującą historię rozwoju gospodarczego, także dzięki istnieniu europejskiej polityki spójności. Mam świadomość, że główny ciężar negocjacji wieloletnich ram finansowych spoczywa na stałej prezydencji Rady, tym niemniej apeluję do Pana o dołożenie wszelkich starań, aby ich wynik nie był wyłącznie imperfect, but acceptable, ale żeby był good or at least good enough. Życzę Panu powodzenia w realizacji zarówno tego celu, jak i wszystkich tych, które Pan w swoim wystąpieniu zapowiedział.

  Véronique De Keyser (S&D). - Madame la Présidente, bienvenue, Monsieur le Premier ministre. Vous l'avez dit vous-même, les relations extérieures ne sont pas exactement le domaine de la Présidence tournante, mais vous avez mentionné votre expérience historique en matière de médiation. Vous avez réussi à faire la paix entre des communautés distinctes et à amener des groupes, qu'on appelait terroristes, à s'engager en politique et à entretenir des relations tout à fait pacifiques.

C'est extrêmement précieux pour l'Union européenne. C'est précieux dans les conflits que nous rencontrons, et spécialement au Moyen-Orient. Je sais que votre pays, tout comme Malte et le Luxembourg, a été l'un des premiers à soutenir Mahmoud Abbas dans sa demande à l'ONU. Il s'agit donc d'un point important.

Laissez-moi vous dire un mot, cependant, sur Savita Halappavanar. On n'en a pas parlé. Il s'agit de cette jeune Indienne qui est morte à la suite d'une fausse couche en Irlande, après avoir agonisé pendant trois jours en demandant qu'on mette fin à sa grossesse.

Monsieur le Premier ministre, pour nous, les femmes européennes, cette question du choix du moment de sa grossesse, ne relève ni de la religion, que nous respectons, ni de la subsidiarité; c'est une question de droit et de liberté. Nous allons nous battre pour que ces droits et ces libertés soient partagés en Europe. Que 40 000 Irlandaises aillent encore se faire avorter à l'étranger n'est pas acceptable pour les droits des femmes européennes.

(Applaudissements)

  Cecilia Wikström (ALDE). - Fru talman! Jag vill välkomna det irländska ordförandeskapet och jag ser fram mot vårt samarbete. Redan i Tammerforsprogrammet från 1999 åtog sig EU:s institutioner att skapa ett gemensamt asylpaket. Den ambitionen har upprepats, men fortfarande är paketet inte på plats. För det är svårt – i tider av ekonomisk kris har medlemsländerna varit motvilliga att leva upp till sina åtaganden.

Jag är föredragande för Dublinförordningen som i höstas avslutades med trialogförhandlingar, precis som också mottagandedirektivet är avslutat för parlamentets del. Båda de här betänkandena skulle ha antagits här i Strasbourg denna vecka. Nu har så inte skett därför att rådet har varit ovilligt att klara av detta, helt enkelt. Parlamentet uttrycker sin djupa besvikelse över detta.

Nu uppmanar jag det irländska ordförandeskapet att göra sitt yttersta för att dessa två betänkanden ska fullföljas och bli klara så fort som möjligt. Budskapet är tydligt: parlamentet fortsätter med arbetet med Eurodac och procedurdirektivet så att asylpaketet kan vara på plats inom kort. Jag önskar det irländska ordförandeskapet allt gott och framförallt mycket uthållighet i arbetet under det här året, och ser fram mot vårt samarbete.

  Luis de Grandes Pascual (PPE). - Señora Presidenta, señor Presidente en ejercicio del Consejo, Irlanda, a nuestro juicio, es un ejemplo para todos, ya que, gracias a los ajustes presupuestarios, a diversas reformas estructurales del sector financiero y del bancario, y a que ha actuado con rigor y con firmeza, ha conseguido aliviar su situación, aumentar las exportaciones y crecer. Todo un ejemplo. Desde España, desde luego, señor Presidente, nos alegramos y deseamos firmemente que siga por ese camino que, a nuestro juicio, conduce al éxito.

La Presidencia irlandesa propone acertadamente como prioridad la necesidad de crear las condiciones para el crecimiento económico y la creación de empleo y el restablecimiento de la confianza en la economía europea, garantizando su estabilidad y, sobre todo, la estabilidad del euro.

Una prioridad que es compartida por España y por el resto de los socios europeos. Por eso es prioritario avanzar en la hoja de ruta para una auténtica integración de la unión económica y monetaria. La supervisión bancaria, las directivas de resolución y recuperación bancarias y sobre fondos de garantía de depósitos, el establecimiento de un supervisor europeo único –tal como se acordó en diciembre–, así como permitir que el mecanismo europeo de estabilidad sirva para la recapitalización directa de la banca, son prioridades que compartimos, desde luego, desde España.

En otro orden de cosas, durante su Presidencia deberían finalizarse las negociaciones del próximo marco financiero plurianual 2014-2020. En todo caso, señor Presidente, un acuerdo deberá preservar las cantidades de la PAC y la cohesión política, que han demostrado su gran capacidad de crear empleo y crecimiento, además de ser una de las expresiones más importantes de la solidaridad entre europeos.

También le corresponde culminar la financiación y definición de la red transeuropea de transportes y la política comercial común. Además, y es muy importante, durante su mandato los Estados Unidos van a anunciar próximamente su intención de lanzar negociaciones para crear un mercado interior transatlántico, que puede suponer una importante fuente de ingresos y de creación de empleo.

Señor Presidente, concretar el alcance de esas negociaciones y fijar un calendario viable serían una forma de culminar con brillantez su mandato. Estos son los buenos deseos que la delegación española del Partido Popular Europeo quiere para Irlanda, deseándole, además, todo el éxito de su presidencia.

  Udo Bullmann (S&D). - Frau Präsidentin! Herr Ratspräsident, Sie haben über die Menschen in Irland gesprochen. Über die Menschen, die Erfahrungen haben, über die Menschen, die bereit sind, sich neuen Herausforderungen zu stellen, sich zu engagieren, und über den Mut der Menschen in Irland. Das hat mir gut gefallen. Ich muss Ihnen aber sagen, in diesem Volkshaus haben wir in den seltensten Fällen Probleme mit der Bevölkerung. In aller Regel haben wir unsere Probleme mit den Regierungen. Wir würden Sie gerne einladen, während Ihrer Ratspräsidentschaft nicht ein Problem zu sein für dieses Volkshaus, sondern ein Verbündeter!

Ich möchte das an zwei Beispielen erläutern. Sie haben völlig zu Recht über die Jugendgarantie als ein zentrales Element unserer Politik gesprochen. Seien wir einmal ganz ehrlich: Wir haben diese Jugendgarantie seit 2002. Seit dem Frühjahrsgipfel in Barcelona haben die Staats- und Regierungschefs einander versprochen, in der Lissabon-Strategie alles dafür zu tun, dass nach einigen Monaten jeder Jugendliche in Europa in einen Job oder in eine Ausbildung kommt. Warum ist eigentlich nichts passiert? Ich will Ihnen sagen, warum nichts passiert ist: Weil wir diese Politik nicht hart gemacht haben, weil wir sie nicht genau so gehärtet haben wie alle anderen Anforderungen, die etwas mit dem Budget zu tun haben, weil es keine Sanktionen gibt, und weil dieses Haus hier nicht zuständig ist dafür, die Verpflichtungen der Mitgliedstaaten zu überprüfen und mit Ihnen zu diskutieren, wie es vorangehen kann. Das ist ein wichtiges Beispiel.

Das zweite Beispiel sind die Banker-Boni. Machen Sie – und Sie haben Erfahrung in Irland – in Ihrer Ratspräsidentschaft nicht den Fehler, sich zu den Verteidigern derjenigen zu machen, die uns in die Krise gestürzt haben, sondern helfen Sie den Menschen, wieder Vertrauen zu finden durch klare Regeln, auch für den Finanzmarkt.

  Chris Davies (ALDE). - Madam President, one of the great successes of this Irish Presidency could be the successful negotiation of a reform of the common fisheries policy: putting in place a policy which will allow fish stocks to recover, ending the nonsense of discarding perfectly edible fish, and giving hope for the future.

Taoiseach, if you are able to do that then I think your success will be rightly heralded, but one of the subtexts of the debate which will not get so much publicity is the two-year long dispute which has existed between the Council and this Parliament over the long-term management plans for fisheries.

This issue has to be resolved if we are to ensure the success of a common fisheries policy reform. At the moment we have not even publicly identified the reasons for the dispute. They have not all been laid on the table. This needs to be done. Negotiations need to begin; we need to secure some agreement; flexibility needs to be shown on both sides.

I praise your Fisheries Minister, Simon Coveney and I think he has already shown more interest in this subject than any of his predecessors in previous years. But I would ask you to take a personal interest in making sure that this longstanding dispute is once and for all resolved.

  Ildikó Gáll-Pelcz (PPE). - Tisztelt Elnök Asszony, Tisztelt Biztos Asszony, Tisztelt Biztos Úr, Tisztelt Miniszterelnök Úr! Először is szeretnék gratulálni az ír elnökségnek azért, mert önök ilyen kiváló és ambiciózus programot állítottak össze az elkövetkezendő és egyébként nehézségektől sem mentes következő fél évre.

A program valójában jól fogja át azt a lényeget, amire Európának szüksége van: stabilitás, munkahelyek és növekedés. Stabilitás a közös intézményeinkben, a közös politikánkban, munkahelyteremtés a gyerekeinknek, Európa ifjúságának és növekedés a közös gazdaságpolitikai reformok mentén. Mondhatnám, hogy Önök bizonyos értelemben könnyű helyzetben vannak, hiszen már a meglévő szakpolitikai irányokat, szakpolitikai programokat kell folytatni és kiteljesíteni, legyen szó éppen az európai szemeszter folytatásáról, a belső piacot kiteljesítő szakpolitikákról, vagy éppen a külpolitikai indíttatású témák képviseletéről. A helyzet azonban korántsem ilyen egyszerű, még egy olyan tapasztalt elnökség számára sem, mint az ír elnökség.

Egyrészt a feladat kettős. Egyrészről a nemrégiben életre hívott projekteket kell tartalommal és részletekkel megtölteni, gondolok itt például a bankuniós tervezetre, vagy éppen a közös bankfelügyelet kérdésére és annak ütemtervére, másrész viszont új feladatokat és megoldási módokat kell találni, mert el kell ismernünk, hogy egyes eszközeink idejétmúltak és jelentőségükben, mondanivalójukban is megkopottak.

Az pedig, hogy Önök szimbolikusan is üzennek, és valódi perspektívát mutatnak a fiatal generáció számára, azzal, hogy bevonják az Ifjúsági Garancia elnevezésű programot a munkatervükbe, sok olyan fiatalnak kínálnak munkalehetőséget vagy éppen továbbképzési, gyakorlati lehetőséget, akik teljesen eltűntek már a munkaerőpiacról. Nos, ehhez a részhez külön gratulálok. Gratulálok miniszter asszonynak is a tegnapi munkájához, nagyszerű munkát végzett az Európai Parlamentben, programjukhoz pedig sok sikert kívánok az elkövetkezendő fél évre.

  Catherine Trautmann (S&D). - Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Premier ministre, je voudrais vous adresser mes vœux très chaleureux pour votre Présidence, car l'ampleur de la tâche est considérable et le premier enjeu est de parvenir à un accord sur les perspectives financières.

Vous avez dit: "Il vaut mieux un accord que pas d'accord". Je vous réponds: "Il vaut mieux ne pas placer le budget de l'Union à un niveau inférieur à celui de l'année 2008", ce qui reviendrait à garantir, à tous coups, l'impossibilité de traduire notre ambition dans les faits, de traduire, de manière concrète, nos ambitions en matière de croissance et d'emploi. Nous devons, en effet, nous y consacrer.

Nous ne pouvons pas simplement condamner les Européens à des mesures de rigueur. Les Européens ne peuvent pas payer la crise au prix de leurs économies, de leur travail et de leur emploi. Nous devons les rassurer et, évidemment, commencer par la jeunesse. C'est notre premier défi et je pense que la Présidence irlandaise, lors du Conseil EPSCO de février, doit pouvoir avancer dans ce sens, car – vous l'avez dit – c'est notre obligation.

Mais, il faut, aussi, renforcer l'Europe solidaire. Je pense, en particulier, aux salariés victimes des restructurations. Je pense également aux victimes de la pauvreté et je compte sur vous. Votre liste est déjà longue, mais je voudrais y rajouter le financement du programme d'aide alimentaire de l'Union européenne.

Nous jouons gros avec ce financement. Si l'Europe n'est pas capable de prendre en considération l'année dédiée aux citoyens, de prendre aussi sur elle le financement du premier droit – celui de s'alimenter, le droit à la santé –, nous pourrons toujours parler du reste; nous ne serons pas crédibles.

Enfin, je suis membre de la commission de l'industrie, de la recherche et de l'énergie, et je vous remercie, Monsieur le Premier ministre, des annonces qui ont été faites sur le projet paneuropéen de recherche en matière de fibre optique. Je pense qu'il y a là un atout majeur et une façon concrète de nous dédier aux investissements.

Je vous remercie, une nouvelle fois, et vous félicite. Bien sûr, comptez sur moi pour assumer ma part des efforts nécessaires afin de parvenir au succès.

  Paulo Rangel (PPE). - Senhor Primeiro-Ministro, Senhores Comissários, em primeiro lugar queria saudá-lo por esta presidência e, em particular, pelos resultados que a Irlanda já obteve no seu programa de ajustamento que são, para um português, uma grande inspiração e um motivo de esperança.

Queria dizer o seguinte: a sua missão é extremamente difícil mas ela é difícil não apenas porque os desafios são grandes mas especialmente porque as esperanças que este Parlamento e que os cidadãos europeus põem na Presidência irlandesa são, talvez, demasiado grandes. De facto, a Irlanda não podia encontrar, digamos, maior oportunidade histórica para uma presidência. Num momento em que nós estamos a ter os primeiros sintomas de saída da crise, em que há resultados interessantes no domínio do euro, em que a situação grega parece mais calma, em que os países como Portugal e a Irlanda ou como a Espanha e a Itália estão manifestamente a dar sinais positivos, neste momento nós sabemos que nada está garantido e portanto, ser a Irlanda que tem a Presidência é para nós também um motivo de grande inspiração, mas julgo que é algo de muito difícil. É extremamente difícil o desafio que tem pela frente. O que é que eu queria dizer com isto? Queria dizer três coisas basicamente: consideramos muito positiva a aposta no crescimento, consideramos muito importante a preocupação com a questão da juventude – embora faça aqui uma nota de que, frequentes vezes, se esquece que no domínio da crise é a terceira idade, são os seniores que estão a sofrer mais, nomeadamente porque há cortes de pensões praticamente em todos os Estados e precisam aqui também de uma atenção especial – e finalmente as questões sociais. Queria dizer, finalmente, uma única palavra só para dizer o seguinte: eu tive experiência a trabalhar com a sua Ministra para os Assuntos Europeus, foi uma grande defensora das boas relações entre os parlamentos nacionais e o Parlamento Europeu; espero que ela, na equipa que faz com o Senhor Primeiro-Ministro, possa também dar ao Conselho esse exemplo de boa colaboração com o Parlamento Europeu.

  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). - Señora Presidenta, Taoiseach Kenny, saludo a la Presidencia irlandesa y le deseo éxito en el cumplimiento de su mandato.

Irlanda es, efectivamente, no solo un ejemplo sino también un emblema de los sufrimientos causados por esta crisis y de sus injusticias, de los padecimientos sociales, además de económicos y financieros, y por eso, sí, celebramos la esperanza de que Irlanda pueda empezar a remontar las turbulencias financieras, pero recordamos que la crisis no ha sido solo económica y financiera sino también social, que ha afectado al nódulo político de la ciudadanía y los derechos fundamentales en el conjunto de la Unión, y que la superación de la crisis no consiste solo en la superación de las turbulencias financieras.

Por eso le pedimos, como Presidente en ejercicio del Consejo, que se empeñe en el desbloqueo de Schengen, que es un acervo de libre circulación de personas pendiente de resolución después de la decisión unilateral adoptada por el Consejo de cambiar su base jurídica.

Que se empeñe en el desbloqueo del paquete de asilo, especialmente Eurodac, la Directiva de procedimiento y el Reglamento de Dublín, que lleva el nombre de la capital irlandesa y es un emblema en toda Europa de la responsabilidad compartida en la gestión de los peticionarios de asilo.

Que se empeñe también en el desbloqueo del Reglamento de acceso a la información y a los documentos públicos de la Unión Europea, en el que el Consejo también arrastra los pies a pesar de que el Parlamento está ejerciendo toda su presión.

Y, finalmente ―si permite―, que se empeñe también en el impulso de la Directiva sobre la protección de los intereses financieros de la Unión, que será el primer ladrillo en el camino que nos conducirá al establecimiento de una fiscalía europea en la lucha contra la criminalidad grave transnacional, no solamente en la protección de los intereses financieros de la Unión.

  Μαριέττα Γιαννάκου (PPE). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, θέλω να καλωσορίσω θερμά την Ιρλανδική Προεδρία και την παρουσία εδώ του πρωθυπουργού κ. Κένυ και της αρμοδίας υπουργού κ. Κρέϊτον.

Είναι ιδιαίτερα σημαντικό το γεγονός ότι η Ιρλανδία αναλαμβάνει σε αυτή τη δύσκολη οικονομική συγκυρία τα ηνία της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Μια χώρα που έχει βιώσει τις επιπτώσεις της οικονομικής κρίσης και της κρίσης χρέους έχει κάθε λόγο να προχωρήσει αποφασιστικά σε όλα τα ανοικτά ζητήματα. Αναμφισβήτητα το έργο που θα κληθεί να υλοποιήσει, σε συνεργασία με τις επόμενες προεδρίες, είναι δύσκολο. Από την τραπεζική ένωση και τον ενιαίο μηχανισμό των τραπεζών μέχρι την ψηφιακή οικονομία, και από την αναθεώρηση της ΚΑΠ και το ευρωπαϊκό σύστημα ασύλου, μέχρι την αναθεώρηση της Κοινής Αλιευτικής Πολιτικής.

Η Ευρώπη σήμερα βρίσκεται σε ένα κρίσιμο σταυροδρόμι. Η περίοδος των σχεδιασμών οδεύει προς το τέλος. Ξεκινά μια περίοδος που θα κριθεί τοις πράγμασι η αποτελεσματικότητα των ευρωπαϊκών πρωτοβουλιών. Το τρίπτυχο της Ιρλανδικής Προεδρίας σταθερότητα, δουλειές, ανάπτυξη αντικατοπτρίζει πλήρως το ζητούμενο σε αυτή τη χρονική συγκυρία. Μόνο μέσω της δημιουργίας νέων θέσεων εργασίας και της ανάπτυξης θα δώσουμε λύσεις στα προβλήματα των ευρωπαίων πολιτών και ιδιαίτερα εκείνων που έχουν πληγεί περισσότερο από την οικονομική κρίση, όπως οι νέοι και οι μακροχρόνια άνεργοι. Σαφέστατα κλειδί σε αυτή την προσπάθεια είναι η επίτευξη συμφωνίας μεταξύ Συμβουλίου και Κοινοβουλίου για το πολυετές δημοσιονομικό πλαίσιο. Ένα φιλόδοξο πλαίσιο θα δώσει την αναγκαία ώθηση στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση για να υπερβεί τον σημερινό φαύλο κύκλο της ύφεσης και της λιτότητας. Το Κοινοβούλιο έχει δώσει μάχη προς την κατεύθυνση αυτή. Ελπίζω η Ιρλανδική Προεδρία να βρει τη χρυσή τομή που θα απελευθερώσει την τεράστια αναπτυξιακή δυναμική του νέου πολυετούς δημοσιονομικού πλαισίου.

Κυρία Πρόεδρε, μια ερώτηση θα ήθελα να κάνω: ποιοι είναι οι στόχοι και σε ποιο βαθμό φιλοδοξεί να προχωρήσει η Ιρλανδική Προεδρία τον ενιαίο μηχανισμό εποπτείας των τραπεζών και τη τραπεζική ένωση η οποία θα επιτρέψει την απευθείας ανακεφαλαιοποίηση των ευρωπαϊκών τραπεζών και την ελάφρυνση των δημοσιονομικών βαρών των υπερχρεωμένων σήμερα κρατών μελών;

  Cătălin Sorin Ivan (S&D). - Domnule prim-ministru, salut absolut tot ce aţi spus astăzi aici, dar vă spun că nimic din ce aţi spus nu este posibil, dacă nu există încredere, dacă nu există încrederea cetăţenilor în instituţiile europene, dacă nu există încredere între toate cele 27 de state membre ale Uniunii Europene şi dacă nu există încrederea partenerilor externi că această construcţie este una coerentă şi durabilă.

Dar vă spun că, în Uniunea Europeană, e greu să vorbim despre încredere, atunci când acordurile nu sunt respectate. Un astfel de acord este acordul care priveşte aderarea României şi Bulgariei la spaţiul Schengen. Aici, în Parlamentul European, am votat o rezoluţie în care se spunea foarte clar că toate condiţiile din acest acord au fost respectate, atât de România, cât şi de Bulgaria. Comisia Europeană a spus, în nenumărate rânduri, că toate condiţiile sunt îndeplinite, că, de drept, şi România, şi Bulgaria trebuie să facă parte din spaţiul Schengen. Cu toate acestea, nici România, nici Bulgaria nu sunt în spaţiul Schengen, pentru că în Consiliu sunt anumite state care se opun.

Atâta timp cât nu aducem încrederea înapoi în această construcţie, atâta timp cât nu respectăm acordurile între noi, eu cred că nu putem vorbi despre o Uniune Europeană cu viitor bun în lume, care să treacă de această criză economică. Eu cred că cea mai mare provocare a dumneavoastră este aceea de a aduce încrederea înapoi în Uniunea Europeană.

  Anna Záborská (PPE). - Tento parlament už prijal niekoľko zásadných opatrení s cieľom obmedziť zadlžovanie verejného sektora a veľa hovoríme o potrebe naštartovať ekonomický rast a znížiť nezamestnanosť. Írska skúsenosť z posledných rokov v tom môže zohrať významnú a nadovšetko pozitívnu úlohu.

Jeden rozmer tejto skúsenosti však nesmie zostať nepovšimnutý. Odkedy kríza naplno prepukla, pôrodnice v Írsku praskajú vo švíkoch. V roku 2009 zaznamenala krajina najvyšší počet pôrodov za posledných 118 rokov.

Podľa predpovedí Eurostatu narastie počet obyvateľov Írska v najbližších 25 rokoch o štvrtinu, zatiaľ čo priemerný nárast obyvateľstva v celej Európskej únii sa očakáva na úrovni 4 %.

Írsko je krajina dôvery a nádeje, pán predseda Rady.

Írske predsedníctvo môže ponúknuť viac než len efektívnu koordináciu zložitého európskeho rozhodovacieho procesu. Môže ponúknuť víziu, ako využiť krízu na prekonanie alebo aspoň oddialenie demografickej zimy. Pretože história aj súčasnosť dávajú Írsku právo presadzovať v Európskej únii rodinné hľadisko.

  Elisa Ferreira (S&D). - É com muita esperança que nós acolhemos e damos as boas-vindas à Presidência irlandesa. Queria fazer-lhe três pedidos: um primeiro relativamente à dívida soberana. Nós sabemos e esperamos que a Irlanda regresse aos mercados para se financiar a muito curto prazo e aí nós todos beneficiamos das intervenções do Banco Central Europeu. O meu pedido é, que nas negociações do two pack, quando reforçamos de novo a governação económica nós tratemos a questão da dívida soberana da zona euro de modo a estruturar o modo de a gerir no futuro. O meu segundo pedido é sobre o crescimento e emprego. Nada melhor do que a oportunidade que temos agora, quando se discutem as perspetivas de crescimento da União Europeia para 2013, para precisamente abordar a questão do crescimento e do emprego e, porque não, revisitar de uma maneira objetiva e clara e calma aquilo que têm sido as recomendações e os programas de ajustamento e que na prática têm ou não resultado ou só resultam quando se prolonga os prazos e se reduzem as condições.

Uma última nota, termino já, Senhora Presidente, para relembrar que na união bancária é importante que nós não acabemos divididos como bancos de primeira e bancos de segunda e que definitivamente protejamos os nossos contribuintes de pagarem aquilo que a Irlanda teve de pagar por uma crise bancária que os cidadãos acabaram por ter de pagar.

  Gunnar Hökmark (PPE). - Madam President, I should like to welcome the Irish Presidency and thank the Taoiseach for the leadership that Ireland has demonstrated in getting out of the crisis.

I have four points for the Taoiseach. Firstly, Croatia: ensure the accession of Croatia without any Member States blocking the enlargement because of bilateral conflicts. That is one of the most important challenges you have.

Secondly: keep the Union together; focus on the reforms that can unite us and make the European economy stronger, not on the very many institutional changes that can divide us.

Thirdly, the European budget: focus on the spending and the powers of the budget that can make Europe a strong knowledge economy. Agriculture is important but even more important are research, science and securing the leadership regarding modern society’s infrastructure.

Fourthly: the reforms which we need to implement all over Europe, at European level as well as at Member State level, reforms which can attract investments. We do not see today any opportunities to stimulate our economies by deficits and spending, and we have seen that they do not help, but we can ensure that we attract all the private investments which can make the European economy strong and prosperous.

Ensure that we carry out the reforms regarding telecoms, regarding the energy market, regarding the digital economy, which can give us the leadership. You have much to do and you can achieve it because you have demonstrated that Ireland can make a difference.

  Claude Moraes (S&D). - Madam President, as we have heard today, the economy must of course take centre stage. Taoiseach, you have also heard that we are a Union of values and you have heard from a number of colleagues that in the area of justice and home affairs we had a bad experience in December where we had delays with the Reception Directive and other measures. We now have Eurodac and other asylum elements which we hope will see progress in 2013. You heard from my own group leader that we want to see progress on Schengen, on seasonal workers and on the Intra-Corporate Transfer Directive.

We look to the Irish Presidency in the hope that we will now see some progress, thanks to the special knowledge that you have and the history that you have, in all of these areas where there are no votes, but there are values on migration and on asylum where we have repeatedly seen presidencies delaying because migration and asylum, and burden-sharing, are not seen as a serious topic.

There are also exciting possibilities – in data protection, in personal freedoms, but also in the internal market – to see some progress on your priorities. So in justice and home affairs and the community of values, as well as on the economy, we would like to see progress in those six months, and we will work with you to make that progress so that we have a complete Presidency for our Union of values as well as on the economy.

  Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE). - Domnule Prim-ministru, misiunea dumneavoastră nu este uşoară. Aveţi o mare responsabilitate, dumneavoastră şi colaboratorii dumneavoastră: în următoarele şase luni se poate defini o mare parte din viitorul Uniunii până în 2020. Vă urez succes.

În ultimii trei ani, Uniunea a reacţionat la problemele apărute şi a luat măsurile necesare pentru stabilizarea şi consolidarea situaţiei financiare, economice şi bancare a statelor membre. Au mai rămas de finalizat câteva piese legislative. Cred că „the 2- pack” şi taxa pe tranzacţiile financiare sunt o prioritate.

Măsurile luate trebuie dublate de mecanisme care să determine creştere economică şi locuri de muncă. Bugetul european, 95% buget de investiţii, prin politicile europene, poate deveni catalizatorul creării de locuri de muncă. Este necesar un buget 2014-2020 la un nivel care să facă faţă provocărilor actuale. Diminuarea propunerii Comisiei nu se justifică, având în vedere că aceleaşi state membre net au aprobat Strategia 2020. Argumentele statelor membre net contributoare nu sunt în totalitate corecte. Fondurile europene investite în statele membre beneficiare aduc beneficii semnificative firmelor din toate statele membre. Domnule Prim-ministru, nu aveţi o misiune uşoară, dar trebuie să încercaţi să convingeţi Consiliul European să propună cât mai repede un buget, cel puţin la nivelul celui propus de Comisie.

Aş dori, de asemenea, să vă rog să aduceţi la normal o situaţie nedreaptă, incorectă: aderarea României şi Bulgariei la spaţiul Schengen. Cele două state au îndeplinit toate cerinţele europene în materie, este corect să primească ceea ce merită: intrarea în spaţiul Schengen.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). - A Uachtaráin, fáiltím roimh Uachtaránacht na hÉireann chomh maith, an seachtú huaire atá an onóir sin againn agus tá clár oibre cuimsitheach dúshlánach leagtha amach romhainn ag an Taoiseach. Tá a fhois agam go n-éireoidh linn an chuid is mó de ar a laghad a chur i bhfeidhm. Tá seanfhocal inar dtír a deir ‘ní neart go cur le chéile’. Dá bhrí sin tá súil agam go mbeidh an cur le chéile sin ar fáil agus má bhíonn déanfaimid a lán dul chun cinn.

Let me tell you a little bit about our Taoiseach. When he took over our party in 2002 we were seen by many people as being on the brink of extinction. Now we have the highest political representation we have ever had. When he took over as Taoiseach a little less than two years ago the country was, in economic terms, on the verge of collapse. But now we are very much on the verge of recovery.

The energy which he brought to those jobs he will also now bring to the benefit of Europe. But also let me also say we are in coalition, and I would recognise the role of the Labour Party under the leadership of Eamon Gilmore. We will be working together for the benefit of Europe.

There are many challenges: the multiannual financial framework, the common agricultural policy, the common fisheries policy and the free trade agreement for the USA in particular and, as a member of the EU-US Delegation, I welcome that. As the rapporteur on data protection for the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy, I welcome the fact that this has been made a priority, in addition to, in particular, trying to get jobs for young people.

Let me conclude by saying that Rome was not built in a day. Europe is not going to be transformed in five and a half months, but we can make real progress.

Διαδικασία Catch-the-eye

  Othmar Karas (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin, Herr Ratspräsident, meine Damen und Herren! Ich habe zwei Punkte, die ich kurz erwähnen möchte. Das Eine ist: Sie haben in Ihrer Ratspräsidentschaft – wir haben das alle angesprochen – die finanzielle Vorausschau. Ich bitte Sie darum, die Prioritäten zu verändern und nicht zuerst über die Prozentsätze, die ausgegeben werden, zu reden, sondern über die Notwendigkeiten, damit die Europäische Union ihre Ziele, ihre Aufgaben, ihre Programme und ihre Herausforderungen erfüllen kann. Setzen Sie auch in dem Bereich ihren pragmatischen Weg fort.

Das Zweite: Wir verhandeln in einigen Bereichen im Trilog, wie über die Eigenkapitalrichtlinie, Basel 3 und CRD 4. Dies ist die dritte Ratspräsidentschaft, die im Trilog diese Dossiers verhandelt. Ich bitte Sie, dass wir nur mehr über die Dinge verhandeln, die offen sind, und dass Sie in jeder einzelnen Frage die Vereinbarungen mit ihren Vorgängerpräsidentschaften einhalten. Sonst müssen wir mit jeder Präsidentschaft bei Null beginnen und kommen in Widersprüche, und die Vertrauensbasis in den Verhandlungen wäre dadurch geschwächt.

  Zita Gurmai (S&D). - Mr President, I would like to congratulate the Irish Presidency on its very careful preparation and for having put the issue of youth unemployment at the top of its agenda.

I also welcome the ambitious objectives set in this programme on equality between women and men. I would like to draw your attention to two recent documents, the first on ‘The impact of the economic crisis on the situation of women and men and on gender equality policies’, the second being the 2012 ‘Annual review of employment and social developments in Europe’. Both reports are proof that women have been hardest hit by the economic crisis in Europe.

Austerity measures, as the sole response to the crisis, have further eroded the social situation since essential services such as healthcare, local government and child care, have been particularly affected. We urgently need a detailed impact assessment of the consequences of these measures on women and the guarantee that the gender factor will be taken into consideration in all policies to address the crisis.

  Kristiina Ojuland (ALDE). - Madam President, I am sure the Prime Minister must be quite tired already sitting down there; however Prime Minister, I need to raise the case of Sergei Magnitsky with you. I am sure you are well informed that last year in October this Parliament adopted by a large majority the recommendation to the Council to introduce sanctions on visas and financial assets in EU territory against those Russian officials who were guilty in Sergei Magnitsky’s death. I would like to ask you if and when the Irish Presidency is planning to put this question on the Council’s agenda. I would also like to assure you that the large majority of Members of this Parliament who adopted this recommendation are looking very much forward to your activities on this issue during your Presidency.

  Peter van Dalen (ECR). - Vanmiddag komt de organisatie "Open Doors" op mijn uitnodiging naar dit Parlement. Iedereen is hartelijk welkom wanneer om drie uur vanmiddag de World Watch List 2013 wordt gepresenteerd. Dat is een overzicht van de landen waar het voor christenen gevaarlijk is om te leven.

Wat wij vanmiddag gaan horen is dat er in verschillende landen minderheden en christenen letterlijk geen leven hebben. Denk bijvoorbeeld aan Noord-Korea, Saoedi-Arabië en Afghanistan. Maar ook zal tot in detail worden verteld dat in veel landen de christenvervolging sterk toeneemt, met name in Afrikaanse landen zoals Mali, Ethiopië, Kenia en Nigeria. Daar worden elke week voorgangers en kerkgangers vermoord en kerken platgebrand. De situatie is veel erger dan een paar jaar geleden.

Daarnaast komen christenen in de landen van de zogenaamde Arabische lente in de knel. De nieuwe islamitische machthebbers zijn beslist niet zo tolerant als wij mochten hopen. Daarom mijn concrete vraag aan het voorzitterschap: wat gaat u eraan doen om de toenemende christenvervolging aan te pakken?

  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL). - Estabilidade, emprego, crescimento é um slogan atrativo. Infelizmente, o programa da Presidência irlandesa replica as mesmas medidas que têm sido aplicadas em nome da tal estabilidade e que são totalmente contraditórias com o objetivo da promoção do emprego e do crescimento. A realidade não mente, a receita é desastrosa. O Semestre Europeu tão acarinhado por esta presidência como solução para a estabilidade significa destruição de serviços públicos, privatizações, redução de níveis salariais e de pensões, logo mais despedimentos, mais recessão, menos capacidade de consumo, mais pobreza, mais círculo vicioso de desastre social.

Em relação à garantia europeia à juventude, a questão que se nos coloca é esta: este instrumento não deverá nunca ser um substituto do trabalho estável, seguro e com direitos. A um posto de trabalho deverá corresponder um contrato, a todos os postos de trabalho permanentes deverão corresponder contratos efetivos. A precariedade deverá sempre ser combatida pois ela é a forma mais eficiente de perpetuar as situações de desemprego, sobretudo entre os jovens. Poderá a Presidência irlandesa garantir-nos que defenderá estes princípios?

  John Bufton (EFD). - Madam President, I would like to address my speech to the Irish Presidency. Taoiseach, do you agree with your Deputy Prime Minister, Mr Eamon Gilmore, when he said that there could not be different forms of membership in the EU? He also added that there cannot be flexibility on the core conditions. You cannot have a European Union if you end up with 27 different forms of membership, he added.

If you agree with your Deputy Prime Minister, what advice will you give to our Prime Minister, David Cameron, who will be making his big Europe speech on Friday? It is widely reported that he will be aiming to repatriate powers to the UK. Do you think that David Cameron’s plan to repatriate powers is possible or impossible? Mr Kenny, when you take to the floor shortly, will you please answer my questions?

  Andrew Henry William Brons (NI). - Madam President, we have heard a lot about the priorities of the Irish Presidency, including improving economic growth and creating jobs. Of course neither is very likely at all with the euro being grossly overvalued for many of the southern European countries and the EU’s disastrous embrace of globalisation, neo-liberal economics and austerity measures.

Of course these and other priorities were not initiated by Ireland any more than Cyprus’s priorities were devised by that country. The Irish Foreign Minister let the cat out of the bag on 12 January: he said, “Today’s meeting helped to build on 18 months of Presidency preparations in close contact with the Commission”. It is all an elaborate delusion in which the rotating presidency provides a sort of demographic or democratic legitimacy to the programme of the unelected Commission. The President of the Council presides over a meeting of Member State representantives with an agenda provided for it from outside.

  Mairead McGuinness (PPE). - Madam President, I would like to extend Céad Míle Fáilte to An Taoiseach and Minister Creighton to the European Parliament. You used one word which I think needs repeating and it is the word ‘respect’. I think that is a word which is in short supply within our Member States, sometimes within politics itself, but I do want to thank you for the respect you have shown to this Parliament. Because very often we have a sense in which we, the directly-elected people who represent the people of Europe, are not given the right status by the Council. I think you are now in a position to enlighten other Council Members on the importance of this Parliament and what codecision actually means.

I have a question for you, Taoiseach. I noted very carefully your comments about a fair and balanced agreement on the MFF, even if it is imperfect, being better than no agreement. How confident are you that we will have an agreement, and how important is an agreement on the MFF for delivery of your work programme? Thank you and good luck.

  Liisa Jaakonsaari (S&D). - Arvoisa puhemies, Irlannin puheenjohtajuuskaudella on luotu uusi jännittävä käsite: "sininen kasvu". Tällä varmasti tarkoitetaan mereen liittyviä mahdollisuuksia. Toivoisin kuitenkin "punaista kasvua", joka tarkoittaa sitä, että nyt kun tämä velka-, kasvu- ja työttömyyskriisi synnyttää ihan varmasti kasvavan köyhyyskriisin, ja se puolestaan synnyttää lisää äärioikeistolaisia liikkeitä, niin tämän köyhyyden torjuminen olisi ihan todella vakava politiikan painopiste. Tässä suhteessa tarvitaan "punaista kasvua". Niin kuin täällä on moni sanonut, yksi väline on tämä nuorisotakuu, mutta jos samanaikaisesti jäsenvaltiot leikkaavat ja Euroopan budjettia leikataan, muun muassa nuoriso-ohjelmista, niin tämä käsite nuorisotakuu saattaa jäädä vain sanaksi. Luotan Irlantiin ja luotan teidän kokemukseenne, että saatte näissä asioissa jotain aikaan.

  Jim Higgins (PPE). - A Uachtaráin, is mór an onóir domsa fáilte a chur roimh an Taoiseach go dtí an teach seo inniu le haghaidh a phríomhóráide i bParlaimint na hEorpa in Strasbourg agus chun clár tosaíochtaí Uachtaránacht na hÉireann a leagan amach. Mar a dúirt mo chomhghleacaí, Sean Kelly, tuigimid go léir go bhfuil dúshláin mhóra ag baint leis an uachtaránacht seo. Tuigeann muintir na hÉireann níos fearr ná muintir a lán tíortha eile cé chomh deacair agus atá sé.

It is very clear, Taoiseach, that you have a very clear priority and a very clear focus on what is really important. The multiannual framework is important. Youth unemployment has to be tackled. But if you look at Ireland, what has happened in the last two years under your leadership is an absolute miracle. The fact that you were able to state that we are soon going to be out of the programme – the ECB, the IMF, the EU programme – is an inspiration for other countries.

Stability is absolutely vital. We need to inject hope and confidence into Europe. Above all we need to dispel the doom and the gloom. When this period of Europe’s history is written it will be seen as nothing other than a blip. It will be seen as a period of rejuvenation for Europe, stronger, more durable and more united than ever.

  Roberta Angelilli (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'Irlanda è un paese che amo molto ed è per questo che, con grande piacere, voglio ringraziare la Presidenza irlandese per gli impegni presi oggi, soprattutto per l'impegno verso l'approvazione, nel più breve tempo possibile, della Garanzia per i giovani. Sappiamo che non è una bacchetta magica e che non risolverà tutti i problemi: ma è un segnale forte di concretezza verso quel 24% di giovani europei – parliamo di circa 6 milioni di ragazzi – che sono oggi senza lavoro. In Italia siamo arrivati alla cifra record del 37%.

Inoltre, occorre incoraggiare, direi obbligare, gli Stati membri in ritardo sull'utilizzo del Fondo sociale europeo a utilizzarlo non solo per gli ammortizzatori sociali ma soprattutto per le politiche attive per il lavoro.

  Phil Prendergast (S&D). - Madam President, I would like to wish the Taoiseach and Minister Creighton well in the difficult steering role that awaits them in the semester ahead. Taoiseach and Minister Creighton, I was encouraged to hear both your statements last week when the College of EU Commissioners visited Ireland and your remarks today. Your emphasis on the need for solidarity and fairness within the EU as a whole and your commitment to prioritise growth and job creation echoes what I and my Social-Democratic colleagues, among other MEPs, have been calling for in this House since the crisis hit the continent in 2008.

Likewise, you understand the need for separation of the banking debt and the public purse for the sake of economic recovery and a return to employment and prospects for a decent future for our youth. We agree that; however the logical corollary is simple, Member States stepped in to avert financial collapse and found ourselves engulfed in debt as a consequence. I think the self-defeating austerity-led response has mistaken causes and consequences. Our fellow countrymen are certainly among those who feel the brunt of it.

So I would appeal to you to take the experience that we have gained to the Council of Ministers and try to come up with a new approach that can give us a chance in the common interests of all EU citizens. I wish you very well, Taoiseach.

  Charles Goerens (ALDE). - Madame la Présidente, l'année 2013 est l'année de tous les risques.

Premièrement, la rigueur excessive risque de paralyser l'activité économique. Deuxièmement, le mécontentement des personnes menacées de précarité nous fait courir le risque d'une révolte sociale. Troisièmement, la frilosité de nos gouvernements en matière d'efforts de relance de l'activité économique nous fait courir le risque de voir réduits à néant les efforts de réduction des déficits publics. Quatrièmement, en matière de politique extérieure, la décision de plusieurs États membres de réduire leur aide publique au développement entame la crédibilité de l'Union européenne.

Il serait toutefois inapproprié d'attribuer tous les manquements à la Présidence en exercice du Conseil. Ma question à la Présidence irlandaise, à laquelle je souhaite beaucoup de succès, est de savoir si elle voit encore une masse critique d'États membres qui soient à même de l'appuyer en vue de faire bouger les choses dans la bonne direction.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

  President. − Mr Nicholson, you asked for the floor. There is a procedural issue because if it is for catch the eye, as explained, we had more than 30 requests and it was practically impossible to respond to all of them, so thank you very much for your understanding.

  James Nicholson (ECR). - Madam President, I understand your problem but I have to tell you that I was in this Chamber this morning at 9.00. I handed my name into the podium up there at 9.01. I have sat through this debate the whole time. There are people who have just been called in this debate; they have just come in and waved a paper at the end.

Get your procedures right if you want to do it. I shall take my opportunity to speak to the Taoiseach at 15.00 and I would like to welcome him to the Chamber.

  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Madam President, the Taoiseach rightly pointed out that the previous Irish Presidency welcomed new Member States to the European Union. On that day I was in Dublin and to see the flag of my country being raised up and my country being welcomed into the family of the European Union is still one of the most emotional and cherished memories I treasure and I thank you, Taoiseach, very much for that.

This time it is your seventh Presidency, and seven is supposed to be a lucky number. On top of that, you have enormous experience, you have a very strong pro-European commitment and you have a great professional team.

I have been working with Minister Creighton and Ambassador Montgomery for years already and I think that they are the best you can get. We in the Commission are ready for close cooperation and we all in this House wish you success. I would like to assure Ms Harkin that it is the Commission’s priority to break the vicious circle between bank debts and sovereigns. The Commission will stand by Ireland as for the other problem countries.

The Commission was very clear on one thing: that we support all measures that will improve market confidence and increase public support for the return process.

The Commission has also always made the case for solidarity and fairness in the European Union and we will continue to support the Member States and work with them on technical implementation of the possibility of using the European Stabilisation Mechanism for direct bank recapitalisation. I can assure you that solidarity and fairness would be the guiding principles here for the Commission as well.

Regarding the situation in Northern Ireland, which has been mentioned several times here today, I would like to underline that the Commission condemns violence of any kind. The EU continues to support the peace process in Northern Ireland by providing long-term political and financial support to ensure a successful and sustainable settlement. Between 1995 and 2013, EUR 1.9 billion in EU funding has been dedicated to the programme for peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland and the border region of Ireland. The Commission has set up a task force to make sure that the people of Northern Ireland get the full benefits of the EU funds and to promote good engagement by Northern Ireland’s administrations with the EU institutions and policymaking.

Coming back to our banking situation in Europe, we all agree that the Single Supervisory Mechanism agreement was a success and we would like to see the legislative process on this agreement being concluded. Now I think it is time and it is very important that we continue to work on the remaining banking union pillars. Taoiseach, your focus on results, jobs and growth is absolutely the correct one in the situation. We have to get a very ambitious agenda with the Single Market Act I and Single Market Act II and we will have to use the potential of the single market much better than any time before. Mr Audy just made a kind reference to my dear colleague Máire Geoghegan-Quinn and I can only subscribe to his statement because she symbolises the policies, the way the European Union and all our economies can be modernised through research, innovation and support of start-ups.

Ireland is the best example of how you can transform one country through these policies and this is how we need to transform Europe. But for that we need EU investment, we need the EU budget, therefore MMF agreement is crucial and I would like to underline the agreement which is good – an agreement which is supported by this House and which does not deviate further from the Commission’s initial proposal. I am afraid that further cuts called for by some, cuts across the board, including disproportional cuts to Heading 5 for administration, which represents less than 6 % of all the budget, would bring only small overall savings but would cause long-lasting structural damage to the European Union, its structure and its machine. We need to resist this and work for a good agreement and for that you will have good cooperation and support from the Commission.

So I would like to wish you all the best, a lot of success for your Presidency and, if you will allow me, Madam President, to answer one specific question from Mr van der Stoep on the so-called tobacco issue. Here I would like to inform the House that the Commission has already provided Parliament, notably the Conference of Presidents and the Committee on Budgetary Control, with the information and has replied to all Parliament questions in writing. The Commission has ensured and will ensure full transparency insofar as legal provisions will allow this, keeping in mind that there is a judicial investigation ongoing in Malta.

  Joseph Daul (PPE). - Madame la Présidente, je demanderais simplement un petit peu de respect vis-à-vis des commissaires et des premiers ministres qui sont dans cette salle, et je vous demande de ne pas donner la parole au premier ministre tant que le silence ne règne pas dans la salle. Nous avons tout le temps. Et si nous votons dans une heure, ce n'est pas grave, mais faites respecter la discipline.

(Applaudissements)

  President. − I am now going to ask the President of the Council, Prime Minister of Ireland Mr Kenny, to take the floor, and again I will ask you to demonstrate some respect to him and to your colleagues.

  Enda Kenny, Uachtarán-in-oifig sa Chomhairle. − A Uachtaráin, ba mhaith liom mo bhuíochas a ghabháil le gach duine as ucht na n-oráidí breátha a thug sibh anseo ar maidin.

I would like to thank the European Parliament for the interaction and engagement we have had here today. I speak as both the politician and leader of the government of my own country. I want you to understand that we have absolute respect for this Parliament, the elected Members of the peoples of the European Union. Politics for me has always been about people, first and last, and that is your remit, I am quite sure, as well.

I would like to say to you that it is in Ireland’s interest that we make this an effective Presidency, because I want to see our country emerge from the programme and exit from the programme in 2013. That is not just a good signal about Ireland, it is also a good signal about Europe.

The founding principle of the European Union – despite the absolute necessity for peace – was also that big countries would work with small countries and that together the peoples would grow in importance of their economies and the opportunity to live their lives and do their business. It is time for Europe to realise that it stands at a crossroads and on this planet, and in a global sense, Europe has got to realise that it can do so much more by working together, by increasing the opportunity for economies to grow.

Thank you all for your contributions. I would like to refer in general to a few things and make a few specific points. Just to be clear: in respect of Schengen governance, which has been raised here by a number of people, we hope to agree on this during this term, and the same applies in the case of asylum. With regard to Bulgaria and Romania in so far as Schengen is concerned, that is on the agenda for the March Justice Council meeting, and progress here will obviously depend upon partners where unanimity is required here.

With regard to the MFF, Ms McGuinness and others raised this. This is an important message that I have heard here today. I have already had a meeting with President Schulz, and I intend to engage directly with Herman Van Rompuy and my colleagues at the European Council about this.

This is the first time that the European Parliament has been indispensable to this process. The Lisbon Treaty makes this a codecision process, therefore it is important that Members of the European Council understand and appreciate that. We do need a budget and we need a budget soon, and that budget should be adequately resourced to provide the facilities for the Union for the time ahead.

I have heard the messages about flexibility and own resources, and these are obviously central to a solution for the MFF. As holder of the Presidency, I pledge to work as a Presidency with this Parliament and our colleagues in the Council to see that this can be brought about as quickly as possible.

In respect of the financial transaction tax raised by Mr Swoboda and a number of others, I want you to understand that Ireland has a stamp duty on transactions. We did not favour a financial transaction tax, because of our own international financial services centre with 35 000 jobs being so close to London. But that does not mean that we do not understand what enhanced cooperation means. Because there are more than 11 countries that now favour this, Ireland will not stand in its way. I can confirm for you that the first item on the agenda of the Euro Group next week, under the Chairmanship of the Irish Minister for Finance, is the question of the Financial Transaction Tax.

In respect of the single market and youth unemployment, what is more important for any young person in this Union than to understand that they have opportunities? Opportunities to go and work where they would like to work, in an employment that would be suitable for them and that they would enjoy. That is what politics should be about: to create those opportunities. The world in which we live is changing at bewildering speed: genetics, biotech, nano-technology, robotics, all of these changes that are coming at us like a wave. We have the opportunity to have our young people make those waves of change for the people who are going to live on our planet for the next hundred years, and the platforms can be put in now by courage, trust, decisiveness and clarity at European level.

In so far as we are concerned, with our Presidency we will work directly and very diligently in regard to the question of unemployed youth and the opportunity to motivate young people, to give them an inspiration that politics actually does work and that they can have an opportunity themselves to contribute. If we do not do that, there will be anger, rage, frustration, cynicism – and this applies on the streets – if we fail in that duty. Nothing is more important in the entire political spectrum than creating opportunities for people to contribute to the society in which we live. I have heard the scepticism being expressed by many people. I am a believer in politics and in political results and I am an optimist by nature. I think we can do something about this.

In respect of economic progress, I agree with Mr Verhofstadt and Mr Cohn-Bendit that this is no time for complacency. There have been calls here for a firm hand on the tiller; let me assure you that the Irish Presidency can bring to bear its own experience in this matter. Our people have been pragmatic in understanding that the problem will not go away and will not sort itself out unless there is leadership and clear, decisive interaction with people. As applied in our country, and as does apply in our country, so too we can apply that across the European spectrum. Therefore, we need interaction and engagement with the two-pack urgently, and I hope that this happens.

The importance has been raised here of the European development role, particularly in regard to hunger and poverty, raised specifically by Gay Mitchell. I think people should understand that, since the United Nations was formed, since the very first day of its formation, my country has been represented somewhere around the world in peacekeeping and dealing with issues of poverty, malnutrition, human rights and under-nutrition, and we will continue that. In fact, the major conference in Dublin in April will deal with climate change, malnutrition and under-nutrition. It is an issue in which we have an interest.

I would like to say to you that the Presidency programme sets out specifically an issue dealing with maritime development – marine development – and I hope to have President Barroso in Galway in June to deal with the blue economy and the commencement of a strategy dealing with the Atlantic, which will have such important repercussions.

Ms Gurmai mentioned about the European protection order, which helps promote the protection of women, and the Commission proposal for women on company boards. We hope to achieve agreement on that during the course of our Presidency here.

I would like to say that, in respect of Mr Swoboda, we will not stand in the way of FTT in the Youth Employment and Youth Guarantee. We are going to work very hard on that. In respect of Schengen, as I say, that is underway.

Ms Zimmer mentioned why I was more interested in the Germans and why I went to see the CSU: I did, and I went to see Cyprus as well, and everybody else included. I think it is important that you should understand this, because the CSU might have a particular view about programme countries. It is very important that a political leader could go and engage with politicians to explain the decisions that we made in our country in making progress to exit from our programme. That is why I went to see the CSU, so that I could get a clear understanding, Ms Zimmer, of what our country and our people have had to contend with.

That is why it is important that people should also understand that, because we were one of the first countries in a programme, we had to borrow EUR 64 billion and put that on the backs of our electorate because European financial policy – and European political policy at the time – was that no bank should fail. We are the only country which has a situation where we have to repay three billion every year for 10 years in promissory notes.

It has not happened to any other country, and that is why it is important for Ireland to exit this programme and that we get the support which has been committed to us by Europe for a long time. That is why we are negotiating with the ECB on one hand, and that is why I was very happy to see that the European Council was actually able to endorse – on time – the decision taken by the Euro Group to follow through on the decision of 29 June last to break the link between sovereign and bank debt and to move on now to the single supervisory mechanism, which will be the discussions undertaken by the Euro Group, which is being led by our own Minister for Finance.

Mr Farage mentioned respect and rights and all the rest of it. I remember you here with your T-shirt saying ‘respect the Irish vote’. We gave a very strong endorsement of the Fiscal Stability Treaty last year. Despite the difficulties that people had, they said: ‘the place to be is in Europe, the place to hang on to is the euro, we see real opportunities here’.

(Applause)

People ask what advice I would give to Prime Minister Cameron. I do not know what the Prime Minister is going to put in his speech, but I want you to understand this. We have very close relationships with our British counterparts. We signed a strategic partnership agreement with him last year. There are 50 000 Irish people serving on the boards of British companies. As far as I am concerned, Britain has always been a fundamental part of the European Union – a driver of the Single Market – and would stand to gain enormously from being intensely involved in the new trade discussions with Japan, Canada, India and Singapore, and most importantly of all, when we get a mandate to open negotiations for free trade agreements between the United States and the European Union. This holds enormous potential for every one of us.

Mr Bütikofer mentioned that there was no mention of industry in my contribution here. I did say that the important thing is to raise the economies of Europe, and we can do that together. We have got a thousand multinationals in our country to help drive our exports, and we are concentrating, as President Schulz knows, on small and medium enterprises to stimulate confidence in our own indigenous economy. If this is reflected across the board in Europe, think of the potential for jobs, opportunity, investment in industry, investment in research and creativity. Our own Commissioner is dealing with a very important budget from that point of view. I see trade and the opportunity to be creative for the future as being so important for young Europeans, the next generation coming behind us. It is our responsibility to put in place the platforms upon which they can have a prosperous existence.

Mr Reul said: ‘you give us courage’, yes, and to use the tools that we have, which are enormous in extent and capacity, and we hope to give examples of that during our Presidency.

The question of the peace situation in Northern Ireland was raised by Ms Anderson and others. I want you to understand that I raised this deliberately with Mr Van Rompuy, and I have thanked Parliament, the Commission and the Council over the years for their continuing support for the peace process in Northern Ireland. Believe you me, this took politicians of all parties very many years to win a hard-won peace, and we are not going to lose that because of thugs or by those who want to disrupt that peace process and destroy the economy of Northern Ireland and the people who make that work.

(Applause)

That is why Parliament has been so important in continuing its funding for that peace process, and I thank all of you right across the spectrum for what you have done in that regard.

In respect of the need for tolerance, social cohesion and non-discrimination, we support that, obviously. Mr Murphy raised the question of having to come to Europe to beg, as he said, for support. I want Mr Murphy to understand – he is not actually elected to this Parliament – that Irish governments over the year have not been to Europe with a begging-bowl mentality but one that is central to the development of Europe for everybody else. The fantasy economics of thinking that you can just say ‘forget your liabilities’, ‘forget your responsibilities’, is just not valid. We want Mr Murphy to assure everybody that Ireland has always paid its way, but it needs to be done in a fair and balanced way for everybody involved here. We intend to exit our programme and will discuss with the ECB about re-engineering and re-structuring those promissory notes. At the other end of the spectrum, in respect of the European Council decision of 29 June, we will follow that through.

There is a role for the MFF in investment in Horizon 2020, CAP, CFP, cohesion, etc. Ms Harkin mentioned about exiting the programme, as did Mr Higgins and Mr Seán Kelly, and we appreciate that. This, after all, is the year of the citizen. It behoves every one of you – every one of us – to be able to explain to our people the purpose of the European Union: what it means to feel to be a European, to have pride in the European Union and to understand that, together, we have the opportunity to make the Union of 500 million people – which others want to join – the opportunity to be a really strong global player. I hope to welcome the Croatian people as full members of the European Union on 1 July.

Let me assure you that, in respect of the CAP reform, Minister Coveney has been engaging with all his counterparts. This is very important. We need to see that budget well structured and well financed. It is still capable of delivering the most jobs in manufacturing in the European Union. It is absolutely important in the context of food security and a growing global population that we deal with that, and I expect that we will during this Presidency as well.

Obviously there were a range of other matters that were raised here. I do not want to go into them all. We will progress the file on growth and unemployment during the Presidency. I hope that, at the end of our six months, we will have demonstrated that a good news story for Ireland is a good news story for Europe.

The situation in so far as Mali and other countries is concerned has been discussed at European Council. We are taking a very strong view here. I note the interaction and the discussions taking place with Vice-President Ashton in respect of Mali, in particular, and Syria, where Christian torture has grown beyond belief. It is catastrophic in so many ways. Let us hope that Europe can play its part in dealing with these very serious issues.

The question was asked by Mr Bufton about the Tánaiste, my Deputy Prime Minister. We have a very clear understanding of the conditions of membership of the European Union: it is to make them work better in the interest of everybody. That should be our remit. I do not see a situation where you can have 27 different conditions of membership for countries of the one Union. From that point of view, while we have great respect for our colleagues, it is a case of working towards what we can achieve with the single market, the digital market, the new trade agreements and so on.

We have an enormous agenda over the next number of months, but I want to assure you in this Parliament, which I respect absolutely, that we will work as a Presidency with you, President Schulz, and with the members of your institution here, the Members of Parliament. As I said, this is the first time that codecision applies here, and the European Council – of which I am honoured to be a Member – cannot believe that it takes decisions as an individual institution. This is codecision. You represent the peoples of 500 million. So from that point of view, we will engage with you, with Herman Van Rompuy and with the others, to see if we can put an MFF in place as quickly as possible which will allow us to engage with Parliament, the CAP, the 70 files of legislation that must be gone through and all of that.

This is the first time I have addressed the plenary session of the European Parliament. I thank you for your indulgence and your silence. In Ireland this year we are having a major gathering. We are inviting people from all over the world to come to our country, and any of you who want to see how a country in challenging times is able to measure up to the conditions and still live with hope for a brighter future, please come and engage with us. You will help us in that way to understand that, if Ireland can do this, so can Europe. We are with you all the way.

(Sustained applause)

IN THE CHAIR: MARTIN SCHULZ
President

  President. − Taoiseach, thank you very much. Looking from here at the applause I must say that you are unifying Europe – even the Tories applauded!

(Laughter)

Meine Damen und Herren! Ich darf mich herzlich bedanken beim Premierminister und bei der Kommission.

Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149 GO)

  Liam Aylward (ALDE), i scríbhinn. – A Uachtaráin, a Thaoisigh – Tréimhse ina mbeidh orainn cinntí deacra maidir le todhchaí an Aontais a ghlacadh í tréimshe Uachtaránacht na hÉireann. Táthar ag súil le torthaí suntasacha ón Uachtaránacht seo, go háirithe maidir le dul chun cinn a dhéanamh ar an gcreat airgeadais ilbhliantúil agus an CBT. Ní foláir don Uachtaránacht seo tús áite a thabhairt do bhearta seachas briathra, ar mhaithe le dul chun cinn a dhéanamh agus spriocanna a bhaint amach. Ní hiad na comhréitigh ar bhuiséid agus cláir na t-aon chloch atá ar phaidrín na hUachtaránachta. Ní mór dul i ngleic le príomhfhadhb an Aontais: dífhostaíocht na n-óg. Tá 7.5 milliún Eorpach idir 15 agus 24 bliain d’aois gan phost agus gan teacht acu ar dheiseanna oideachais agus oiliúna. Tá breis is duine as gach cúigear Eorpach óg nach bhfuil in ann fostaíocht a bhaint amach. Ní mór infheistiú a dhéanamh san oideachas agus sa taithí ghairmiúil ar mhaithe le dul i ngleic le dífhostaíocht na n-óg. EUR 153 bn sa bhliain atá le cailliúint mura ndéantar sin. Is deis í Uachtaránacht na hÉireann deireadh a chur leis an gcaint maidir le ‘glúin chaillte’ agus díriú ar bhearta láidre praiticiúla a chur i bhfeidhm le teacht i gcabhair ar an ógra.

  Elena Oana Antonescu (PPE), în scris. – Aşa cum documentele programatice ale preşedinţiei irlandeze o arată, Uniunea Europeană trebuie să se concentreze nu numai asupra adoptării unor măsuri care să asigure stabilitatea economică şi instituţională a statelor membre, ci şi asupra traducerii acestor măsuri în beneficii reale pentru cetăţenii europeni. În ciuda efectului stabilizator al mai multor măsuri de guvernanţă adoptate în ultimii ani, cetăţenii europeni se confruntă în continuare cu problema evidentă a scăderii veniturilor sau cu perspectivele nefaste ale şomajului pe termen lung. Susţin, în aceste condiţii, linia politică asumată de către preşedinţia irlandeză de a pune cetăţenii europeni în centrul eforturilor politice viitoare. Consider, de asemenea, că este important ca Uniunea Europeană să continue să îşi asume cât se poate de asertiv poziţia de lider politic în combaterea efectelor schimbărilor climatice. Este important însă ca la acest nivel imperativul reducerii emisiei de gaze cu efect de seră să facă obiectul nu numai al unor eforturi dedicate ale Uniunii Europene, ci şi al unui demers de amplă coordonare a tuturor politicilor Uniunii care au un impact la acest nivel.

  Erik Bánki (PPE), írásban. – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Magyar képviselőként különösen örülök annak, hogy az ír és az azt követő litván elnökségi program sportról szóló fejezete kiemelkedő jelentőségű az egészségvédő testmozgás népszerűsítése érdekében. A kérdés uniós napirendre vétele nagyon időszerű, hiszen a statisztikák szerint a javasolt napi testmozgás mennyiségét nem érik el a legtöbb uniós tagállam állampolgárai, sőt néhány tagállamban az utóbbi években csökkenés tapasztalható. Köztudott ugyanakkor, hogy a rendszeres fizikai tevékenység döntő szerepet játszik egészségünk megőrzésében és a betegségek megelőzésében. Továbbá a testmozgás hiánya nemcsak az egyén egészségére gyakorol káros hatást, hanem a tagállamok egészségügyi rendszereire és a gazdaság egészére is, hiszen a fizikai inaktivitás számottevő közvetlen és közvetett költséget generál. Talán azt Önök közül is sokan tudják már, hogy Magyarországon épp ezen megfontolásból vezettük be 2012 szeptemberétől a mindennapos testnevelést az általános iskolákban, amellyel nem utolsó sorban mintaként szeretnénk szolgálni a többi uniós tagállam számára is. Üdvözlöm továbbá, hogy az ír elnökség egy sor fontos, a fentivel szorosan összefüggő problémát is kezelni szeretne, mint például a szabadidősportok fenntartható finanszírozásának kihívásait. Míg ugyanis a tagállamok gyakran tökéletesen tisztában vannak a rendszeres testmozgás társadalmi-gazdasági hasznaival, a szükséges sportinfrastruktúra megteremtését és fenntartását gyakran korlátozzák a nemzeti költségvetésből rendelkezésükre álló források. Tehát e téren az Uniónak is segítenie kell a tagállami törekvéseket.

  Minodora Cliveti (S&D), în scris. – Odată cu preluarea preşedinţiei Uniunii Europene de către Irlanda, atenţia se îndreaptă în special spre măsurile care vor trebui să fie luate în perioada ce vine pentru a repune economia europeană pe drumul cel bun, prin promovarea creşterii economice şi crearea de locuri de muncă. Irlanda va trebui să impulsioneze punerea în aplicare a Pactului pentru creştere economică şi locuri de muncă, un pachet de măsuri privind consolidarea bugetară, reducerea şomajului, comerţul internaţional şi alte domenii care pot crea locuri de muncă şi creştere economică. De asemenea, printre priorităţile pe care ar putea să le gestioneze Irlanda ar fi şi directiva privind concediul de maternitate. Sunt state membre care şi-au exprimat îngrijorarea cu privire la modificările şi costurile aferente acestui concediu. Potrivit a patru state membre (Germania, Marea Britanie, Irlanda şi Cehia), din cauza modificărilor aduse de PE, s-a constatat că este foarte greu să se ajungă la o poziţie comună în cadrul Consiliului. Prin urmare, preşedinţia irlandeză ar putea juca un rol esenţial în cadrul negocierilor pentru a debloca situaţia actuală. Totodată, un subiect importat care ar trebui să se numere printre priorităţile stabilite este aderarea României şi Bulgariei la spaţiul Schengen pentru a întări solidaritatea în cadrul Uniunii.

  George Sabin Cutaş (S&D), în scris. – Doresc, în primul rând, să salut preluarea de către Irlanda a preşedinţiei Uniunii Europene şi să îmi exprim speranţa că aceasta va reuşi să ducă la îndeplinire o mare parte a programului elaborat pentru următoarele 6 luni. Redresarea economică şi crearea de locuri de muncă, în special în rândul tinerilor, se numără printre obiectivele ambiţioase, a căror realizare corespunde cu aşteptările cetăţenilor europeni. Cu toate acestea, nu am cum să nu constat cu mâhnire că unul dintre punctele centrale ale tuturor ţărilor care au deţinut preşedinţia UE de la începutul lui 2011 până în prezent - aderarea României şi Bulgariei la spaţiul Schengen - nu se regăseşte printre priorităţile Irlandei. Doamna Lucinda Creighton declara recent că Preşedinţia irlandeză nu se va ocupa de teme „mărunte” şi reamintea că Irlanda este unul dintre membrii vechi ai UE. Tocmai de aceea, pledez pentru includerea aderării României la Schengen pe lista priorităţilor, având în vedere că libera circulaţie a mărfurilor, capitalurilor, dar şi a persoanelor ar aduce o importantă contribuţie la îndeplinirea obiectivului de creştere economică. Neglijarea acestui aspect atât de important pentru ţara mea ar valida argumentele care fac din Schengen un „club exclusivist”, erodând libertăţile fundamentale pe care se fondează Uniunea Europeană.

  Ioan Enciu (S&D), în scris. – Este important că noua preşedinţie irlandeză a inclus atât aderarea României şi Bulgariei la spaţiul Schengen, cât şi reforma Schengen printre priorităţile sale. Acum, când noul guvern al României, condus de Victor Ponta, are ca primă prioritate de politică europeană admiterea României la spaţiul Schengen şi prezintă garanţii politice clare, Preşedinţia irlandeză are oportunitatea de a repara nedreptatea care se perpetuează din 2011 şi care a dus la amânarea aderării pe criterii total străine de litera şi spiritul Tratatelor. Este unanim acceptat faptul că ambele ţări sunt pregătite de aproape doi ani să devină membre ale spaţiului Schengen, pe unele componente ale acquis-ului, precum infrastructura de control a frontierelor, fiind chiar cele mai performante state din întreaga Europă. În ceea ce priveşte pachetul Schengen, ne aflăm la un stadiu al negocierilor în care diferenţa dintre un acord final şi un eşec al negocierilor depinde strict de voinţa politică a statelor membre de a avansa către un sistem cu adevărat european de gestionare a Schengen. Preşedinţia irlandeză are, astfel, de ales între a fi recunoscută ca una ce a contribuit la consolidarea uneia dintre cele mai mari realizări din istoria UE sau care, din contră, a contribuit la dezmembrarea Schengen.

  Ismail Ertug (S&D), schriftlich. – Herr Präsident, sehr verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Auftakt der Ratspräsidentschaft Irlands markiert eine entscheidende Zeit für die EU. Gemeinsam müssen wir über den mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen 2014–2020 entscheiden, und das in einer Phase, in der nationale Haushalte knapper sind denn je. Maßgeblich hierbei: In welchen Bereichen können wir mit europäischen Geldern den größten Mehrwert erzielen? In Ihrem Programm zur Ratspräsidentschaft machen Sie klar, welche wichtige Rolle der Binnenmarkt für Europas wirtschaftliche Zukunft spielt. Rückgrat unseres Binnenmarktes ist eine effiziente Verkehrsinfrastruktur. Bis heute behindern jedoch viele Engpässe und fehlende Verbindungen den freien Personen- und Warenverkehr. Wir müssen daher dringend die mangelnde Investitionsbereitschaft mancher Mitgliedstaaten überwinden. Infrastrukturinvestitionen fördern einerseits das Wachstum und tragen zum sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Zusammenhalt in der Krise bei. Andererseits können wir nur durch die Verbesserung der Infrastruktur die europäischen Ziele zur CO2-Reduzierung erreichen. Die neue Fazilität „Connecting Europe“ spielt deshalb in den MFR-Verhandlungen eine ganz zentrale Rolle. Ich appelliere an Sie als Vorsitzende, setzen Sie sich aktiv für ein angemessenes Budget ein, damit wir Europa gemeinsam aus der Krise holen können! Vielen Dank!

  Kinga Gál (PPE), írásban. – Tisztelt Elnök Úr, Tisztelt Miniszterelnök Úr! Üdvözlöm az ír elnökséget, és kérem, hogy folytassa azt az elkötelezett munkát, amit mi itt e Parlamentben már évek óta folytatunk a jog és igazság érvényesülésén alapuló térség működéséért, gyakorlati megvalósításáért. De a mindennapi élet még mindig azt mutatja, erőfeszítéseink nem maradéktalanok. Minden jóérzésű embert felháborít az a tény ugyanúgy Magyarországon, mint Írországban, hogy Francis Tobin ír állampolgár, aki több mint egy évtizede gázolt halálra két kisgyermeket Magyarországon, mind a mai napig nem töltötte le a magyar igazságszolgáltatás által rá kiszabott börtönbüntetést. A magyar közvélemény, és a hatóságok számára nem az a fontos, hogy Francis Tobin Magyarországon töltse le büntetését, hanem hogy egyáltalán letölti-e. Elfogadhatatlan, hogy jogi kiskapuk lehetővé tegyék számára, hogy büntetlenül, bármiféle következmény nélkül élje mindennapjait. Kérem az ír elnökséget, hogy tegyen meg mindent a Tobin-ügy jogszerű és egyben igazságot is szolgáltató lezárása érdekében. Az Európai Bizottságot pedig arra kérem, hogy járjon közben és a rendelkezésre álló eszközeivel segítse elő az ügy mihamarabbi rendezését hiszen ez jelentené, hogy a jog és igazság európai térsége életképes a gyakorlatban.

  Ádám Kósa (PPE), írásban. – Tisztelt Miniszterelnök Úr, Kedves Képviselő Kollégatársaim! Külön szeretném felhívni a figyelmet a fogyatékosságügyre. Az elmúlt három évben a fogyatékosságügy magas színvonalon lett kezelve, hiszen elfogadták a 10 éves fogyatékosságügyi stratégiát, és ugyanúgy az Európai Tanács ezzel kapcsolatos következtetéseit is elfogadták, és az általam készített jelentést tavaly szeptemberben fogadták el, a ciprusi elnökség pedig magas szintű esélyegyenlőségi konferenciát szervezett. Úgy gondolom, hogy 80 millió fogyatékkal élő ember megérdemli azt, hogy az ír elnökség továbbvigye ezt a jó szerepet és kiemelten kezelje, külön örülök annak, hogy foglalkozni kívánnak az egyenlő bánásmóddal és a honlapok akadálymentesítésével. Ehhez sok sikert kívánok az ír elnökségnek!

  Jan Kozłowski (PPE), na piśmie. – Z dużym zainteresowaniem wysłuchałem Pańskiego przemówienia. Prezydencja irlandzka przejmuje przewodnictwo w Unii Europejskiej niewątpliwie w okresie niełatwym. Przedłużający się kryzys ekonomiczny oraz rosnące bezrobocie stawiają przed Unią coraz trudniejsze wyzwania, coraz wyraźniejsza jest też potrzeba pogłębiania integracji. Wierzę, iż prezydencja irlandzka przyjęła słuszną strategię. Za bardzo istotne uważam skoncentrowanie na małych i średnich przedsiębiorstwach, gdyż to właśnie one prezentują największy potencjał w budowaniu trwałego wzrostu gospodarczego. Cieszę się, że prezydencja planuje szereg działań na rzecz sektora MŚP, takich jak poprawa dostępu do finansowania czy promocja przedsiębiorczości. Duże nadzieje wiążę z pracami nad programem COSME, którego celem jest zwiększenie konkurencyjności firm. Za istotne uważam też podjęcie działań na rzecz znoszenia barier administracyjnych dla MŚP.

  Antonio Masip Hidalgo (S&D), por escrito. – - Saludo el esfuerzo de la Presidencia de Irlanda en política de auditorías y por poner en su sitio al lobby de las llamadas «big four».

¡Saquen adelante el espíritu del señor Barnier (que no es de mi familia política) para terminar con el oligopolio y la perversidad de su práctica, que tanto dificulta la economía!

Y no nos ocurra lo que pasa en el drama tan famoso de un escritor irlandés, Samuel Beckett: esperar desesperadamente.

Adelante, pues, les apoyaré contra los lobbies.

¡Suerte!

Soy de Asturias, región celta, y confío en ustedes

  Ivari Padar (S&D), kirjalikult. – Mul on suur lootus Iirimaa eesistumisele. Iirimaa on riik, kes on tegudes näidanud, et suudab keerulistes olukordades vastu võtta otsuseid. Kui rääkida ühest konkreetsest probleemist - noorte tööpuudusest -, siis ilmselgelt vajame selle probleemi väga sisulist lahendamist, mis tähendab probleemi põhjusteni, juurteni jõudmist. See on meile kõikidele suureks ohuks, kui meie tegutsematusest kasvab peale põlvkond, kel puuduvad tööharjumused.

  Joanna Senyszyn (S&D), na piśmie. – Rok 2013 to rok obywateli. Cieszę się, że prezydencja irlandzka właśnie na obywatelach i ich prawach będzie koncentrować swoje działania. Jako wiceprzewodnicząca Komisji Praw Człowieka zwracam uwagę prezydencji na kluczowe kwestie, których realizacja jest niezbędna do wzmocnienia systemu przestrzegania praw człowieka w Unii i na świecie. Rosnąca świadomość związku praw człowieka z biznesem wymaga, aby poświęcić większą uwagę społecznej odpowiedzialności przedsiębiorstw. Pilnym zadaniem jest upowszechnianie idei odpowiedzialnego biznesu w celu zwiększenia konkurencyjności przedsiębiorstw, zadowolenia społecznego i poprawy stanu środowiska.

Konieczna jest konsekwentna realizacja unijnej polityki praw człowieka w działaniach zewnętrznych. Aby być wiarygodnym partnerem na arenie międzynarodowej, Unia musi działać konsekwentnie i zgodnie ze zobowiązaniami wynikającymi z Traktatu i prawodawstwa wspólnotowego. Musimy eliminować różnice standardów między zewnętrzną polityką w zakresie praw człowieka i w innych dziedzinach.

Proszę także o zwrócenie szczególnej uwagi na prawa kobiet. Wspieranie praw kobiet i równości płci oraz zwalczanie przemocy wobec kobiet powinny stanowić podstawę wszelkich stosunków z krajami trzecimi, z którymi Unia podpisała umowy o stowarzyszeniu i współpracy. W tym kontekście apeluję do prezydencji, aby zainicjowała na forum międzynarodowym debatę na temat przemocy wobec kobiet oraz naruszeń praw człowieka związanych z płcią.

  Ewald Stadler (NI), schriftlich. – Ich möchte meine Freude über die irische Ratspräsidentschaft zum Ausdruck bringen. Mit Irland übernimmt den Vorsitz des Rates ein Land, das mit Stolz mehrfach seine Eigenständigkeit durch Referenden zum Ausdruck gebracht hat. Mit Bedauern muss ich aber feststellen, dass Irland immer wieder ein politisches Angriffsziel der militanten Abtreibungslobby ist, insbesondere die Wortmeldungen einiger Abgeordneter in der heutigen Debatte haben dies bewiesen. Ich appelliere daher an das Europäische Parlament, den irischen Ratsvorsitz nicht mit einer Abtreibungsdebatte zu belasten. Der autonomen und übrigens auch vorbildlichen Werthaltung des irischen Volkes – eine Werthaltung für das Leben – gebührt unser aller Respekt. Ich appelliere weiters an die irische Regierung, gerade in der Frage des Lebensschutzes standhaft zu bleiben und keinesfalls dem Druck aggressiver Lobbyisten nachzugeben. Im Übrigen wünsche ich der irischen Regierung das Beste für ihren Ratsvorsitz.

  Csaba Sándor Tabajdi (S&D), írásban. – Az uniós tagállamok közti megosztottság csökkentése lesz a működését január 1-jén megkezdett ír uniós elnökség legfontosabb feladata. Ennek két területen is meg kell jelennie. Egyrészt a gazdaságpolitikai integráció elmélyítésében, amennyiben az integráció újabb köreinek nyitva kell maradniuk minden tagállam számára. Különösen fontos, hogy az elmúlt év végén a bankunióról olyan megállapodás született, amely nem erősíti tovább az eurót használó és az euróövezeten kívüli tagállamok közti megosztottságot, a kétsebességes Európát. Főként azonban a 2014–20 közti hétéves uniós költségvetésről folytatott tárgyalásokon kell felszámolni a megosztottságot. Az olyan sikeres beruházási politikák, mint a kohéziós támogatási keret csökkentése és felhasználási szabályainak előnytelen megváltoztatása tovább sújtaná a válság által legsúlyosabban érintett rétegeket: a munkanélkülieket, a szociálisan kiszolgáltatott helyzetben lévőket és általában véve a hátrányos helyzetben lévő régiókat. Az ír elnökség adjon új, más irányt a vitának. Írország, amely a 80-as és 90-es években bemutatott bámulatos fejlődését elsősorban a Kohéziós Politikának köszönheti, remélhetőleg nem felejtette el, hogy milyen fontos a rossz gazdasági helyzetben lévő régiók, köztük számos magyarországi régió felzárkóztatása. Ettől a céltól a jövőben sem szabad eltérnünk. Idén tavaszra olyan kompromisszumnak kell születnie, amely a felzárkózó kohéziós tagállamok, közte Magyarország számára is elfogadható. Ez vonatkozik a támogatások mértékére és a felhasználási szabályokra egyaránt.

  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. – A Europa está a atravessar sérias dificuldades económicas e financeiras, levando alguns países a adotarem duras medidas de austeridade com vista ao equilíbrio das contas públicas. No entanto, entendo ser necessário que as instituições europeias adotem de forma mais rápida e efetiva algumas medidas que têm vindo a ser estudadas no sentido de aprofundar a integração bancária. Em articulação com as medidas de equilíbrio orçamental, considero fundamental que sejam adotados novos estímulos ao crescimento e ao emprego. O aumento de capital do Banco Europeu de Investimento em 10 mil milhões de Euros, a reindustrialização da Europa e a crescente aposta na inovação e no empreendedorismo são algumas das soluções que poderão levar o continente europeu a uma nova fase de prospeção económica e social. Gostaria assim de felicitar a Presidência Irlandesa por ter definido como prioridades estratégicas para os próximos seis meses a estabilidade económica, o crescimento e o emprego. Por fim, saliento que, neste semestre, deverá ser aprovado o novo Quadro Financeiro Plurianual 2014-2020 e os novos regulamentos da Política de Coesão. Espero que exista um alargado consenso à volta dos assuntos em questão e gostaria de sensibilizar o Conselho para a necessidade de ter em conta as especificidades naturais e económicas das Regiões Ultraperiféricas da UE.

  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. – Domnule prim-ministru, urez mult succes preşedinţiei irlandeze a Consiliului UE! Domnule prim-ministru, solicit sprijinul şi angajamentul preşedinţiei irlandeze a Consiliului pentru aderarea României şi a Bulgariei la spaţiul Schengen. Cele două ţări îndeplinesc toate condiţiile tehnice pentru aderarea la spaţiul Schengen, fapt recunoscut, în repetate rânduri, atât de Comisia Europeană, cât şi de Parlamentul European. Domnule prim-ministru, Irlanda sărbătoreşte 30 de ani de apartenenţă la Uniunea Europeană, împărtăşeşte şi apără valorile fundamentale ale Uniunii. Cetăţenii români împărtăşesc aceleaşi valori şi, de aceea, subliniez aşteptările imense pe care cetăţenii României le au din partea preşedinţiei irlandeze a Consiliului UE privind aderarea României la spaţiul Schengen. Ca raportor al Parlamentului pentru Regulamentul privind tahografele digitale, salut prioritatea pe care preşedinţia irlandeză o acordă acestui dosar şi vă asigur că Parlamentul va depune toate eforturile necesare pentru a finaliza împreună acest dosar. De asemenea, subliniez importanţa pe care preşedinţia irlandeză o acordă realizării Pieţei Unice Digitale. Salut prioritatea dată unor domenii precum securitatea informatică, semnătura şi identificarea electronică, protecţia datelor, extinderea reţelelor de comunicaţii de bandă largă şi accesibilitatea site-urilor web, în special pentru persoanele cu dizabilităţi. În final, este esenţial ca regulamentul privind ENISA să fie finalizat în cadrul acestei preşedinţii.

  Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), in writing. – A lot has been said which I can support. I have two thoughts:

1. Concerning the MFF – I strongly believe that you have to have a good debate with Great Britain concerning the rebate: ‘Either rebates for all or no rebates at all’ – the money from all rebates should be made available to invest into a much better education of our young generation. A job guarantee alone will not help, if the basis is not there.

2. Visions for enlargement: I have one very basic question. Can we really afford to speed up the negotiation process with these countries in the current tight and very difficult economic situation? We all want the peace we have to continue and be long-lasting; this is also a question of our shared responsibility – therefore we also have to provide stability within the EU. In that sense: let us work together with the goal in mind of having this crisis end. You are the ‘helmsman’ now. So, let us work!

  Josef Weidenholzer (S&D), schriftlich. – Eines der wichtigsten Projekte der irischen Präsidentschaft ist für mich die Verabschiedung des Datenschutzpakets. Sie würde unter Beweis stellen, dass Europa zur vorbildlichen Regelung wichtiger Bereiche des modernen Lebens fähig ist und das Vertrauen der Bürger in die Wirksamkeit des Schutzes ihrer persönlichen Daten wiederherstellen. Dies ist eine unabdingbare Voraussetzung für eine positive Entwicklung des digitalen Binnenmarktes. Es ist erfreulich, dass sich Irland offiziell dafür einsetzen will. Verwunderlich ist allerdings, wenn interne Dokumente zur Vorbereitung des informellen Rates der Innenminister auftauchen, in denen eine substantielle Abschwächung des Kommissionsvorschlags betrieben wird. Dieser Double Speak ist wenig hilfreich. Irland muss sich entscheiden, was es will, die Interessen der europäischen Bürger zu unterstützen oder die Interessen der Industrie.