Sanatarkat istuntoselostukset

Keskiviikko 16. tammikuuta 2013 - Strasbourg

12. Syyrian tilanne (keskustelu)

  El Presidente. − El punto siguiente es el debate sobre la Declaración de la Vicepresidenta de la Comisión/Alta Representante de la Unión para Asuntos Exteriores y Política de Seguridad sobre la situación en Siria [2013/2511(RSP)].

En ausencia de la Vicepresidenta de la Comisión/Alta Representante de la Unión para Asuntos Exteriores y Política de Seguridad, va a ser la Presidenta en ejercicio del Consejo, Lucinda Creighton, quien planteará el tema ante la Cámara.

  Lucinda Creighton, President-in-Office of the Council, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President and distinguished Members of the European Parliament, permit me to update you, on behalf of High Representative/Vice-President Catherine Ashton, on the EU’s assessment of the situation in Syria.

I am sure that all of us here would agree that the political solution to the heart-wrenching and almost two-year long conflict in Syria is not yet in sight. The political process that the EU and the international community have been supporting with true resolve has, unfortunately, not moved far enough as yet. Conversely – and there are also no signs that the Assad regime has moved in its own intransigence – we all witnessed the defiance of President Assad in his unacceptable speech, as recognised by many of our supporters and Joint Special Representative Brahimi. From our side, the EU’s official statements remain unambiguous: there is no future for Assad in the political future of Syria.

The EU has incessantly worked with all partners on the bilateral, multilateral and interinstitutional levels to address the whole array of pressing issues. Political efforts continue, and there is no need to recall all of the daily diplomacy that operates in Brussels as well as in European and world capitals. From our side, we can count the most recent statement of the High Representative on Assad’s speech, the European Council and FAC conclusions of December that covered very broad areas of our approach to the Syrian tragedy. We must also mention the extension of the sanctions regime, official recognition of the Syrian Coalition of Revolutionary and Opposition Forces as legitimate representatives of the Syrian people, or support to the Third Committee, as well UNHRC resolutions. And we will keep on examining if further sanctions can be adopted in order to put pressure on the regime.

The EU commends and continues to support the mission of Mr Brahimi. His perseverance in reaching a workable solution over the last months has earned him much deserved respect. We do hope that within the international community we are nearing a compromise on how to best assist Syria’s future. Here we will be watching very closely a report from Mr Brahimi that he will present to the UN Security Council on 29 January. He could not attend the Foreign Affairs Council in January, but we have invited him to the FAC in February.

At the same time, the EU has managed to reinforce actions addressing the challenges faced at present by the Syrian population. They range from the increasing flow of hundreds of thousands of refugees into the Syrian neighbourhood countries during an extraordinarily harsh winter and continuing massive internal displacement of millions of Syrians to possible chemical incident scenarios and the consolidation of the opposition. The European Council tasked the Foreign Affairs Council to work on all options to support and help the opposition and to enable greater support for the protection of civilians. This issue will be tackled at the next Foreign Affairs Council on 31 January.

Although financial assistance is only part of the solution, it does help in easing some of these challenges. Since the last debate here in the European Parliament, the EU has almost doubled all types of assistance in and outside Syria. Today, over EUR 500 million (of which over EUR 350 million is in humanitarian aid) go to long-term actions on supporting refugees, Syrian youth and the general population particularly affected by the unrest, including skills, education and mentoring for refugees. The EU is also funding activities, such as the Regional Protection Programme, aimed at building up the resilience of displaced Syrian people as well as enhancing the capacity of communities which host them in neighbouring countries. More, of course, is certainly needed, and improved channels of delivery will have to be devised, given harsher weather conditions descending on refugees and internally-displaced Syrians. I would like to particularly commend the work done in this field by Commissioner Georgieva and her staff.

Our efforts also try to prepare for the day after and the transition, which will include financial assistance to support political transition, institutional and economic recovery as well as support to the population and post-conflict accountability. The EU is also preparing preventive measures in case of a potential chemical weapon incident. At the moment the focus is more on the trans-border element of this threat, on which we cooperate closely with Syria’s neighbours such as Jordan and Turkey.

In all of our financial interventions, the EU uses a four-pronged approach. It includes ongoing support to the multilateral institutions such as the UN and INGOs and civil society organisations, alongside just-being-rolled-out support of local Syrian NGOs and civilian structures together with structured support for the opposition. As you know, the EU co-chairs the UN Humanitarian Forum and chairs the donor coordination work within the Friends of Syria working group on economic recovery.

We are working with our partners to improve channels of our delivery, planning and gap analysis. The EU will also participate in the donor conference initiated by the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and hosted by the Kuwaiti Emir on 30 January. While on one side we work towards a political solution, on the other we do not lose sight of the human dimension of the Syrian tragedy that has unfolded in the past two years. It has resulted in over 60 000 dead, 2.5 million internally displaced Syrians and 500 000 refugees; numbers which, unfortunately, are rising as we speak.

As Commissioner Georgieva will tell you later, we are working tirelessly every day to alleviate the suffering of the Syrian people. But we all agree that such a tragedy cannot go on without more action and initiatives. I know that some of you are of the opinion that today, more direct military assistance to the opposition should be envisaged. But such an option is still very divisive and runs the risk of hardening the conflict.

This is why, in spite of all the difficulties and the doubts on the shortcomings, we must remain determined to keep the course, by supporting Mr Brahimi’s efforts, assisting the opposition and relentlessly calling for the Syrian leadership to face up to reality in the country and at last put an end to all violence.

  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señor Presidente, señora Ministra, señora Comisaria, Señorías, la verdad es que el horror que se está viviendo en Siria ha sobrepasado todos los límites. Ayer, noventa estudiantes que realizaban sus exámenes en la Universidad de Alepo han engrosado la insoportable cifra de sesenta mil personas a la que se ha referido la Presidencia en ejercicio, a la que quiero aprovechar la oportunidad para expresarle mis mejores deseos para su período semestral. Ella misma nos ha recordado los datos de este drama: quinientos mil refugiados en los países vecinos, dos millones quinientas mil personas desplazadas en el interior de Siria y unos daños en infraestructuras y en viviendas absolutamente intolerables.

Se nos decía que Bashar Al-Assad iba a caer más tarde o más temprano, que era una cuestión de tiempo. Todavía no se ha producido esa caída. Y se nos decía también que, con la implicación de Rusia, Rusia acabaría cediendo en sus posiciones en el Consejo de Seguridad. La verdad es que la posición rusa ha sido una auténtica quimera y tiene que responder ante la comunidad internacional por la actitud que está manteniendo ante esta situación.

El Enviado especial del Secretario General de las Naciones Unidas y de la Liga Árabe se reunió en Ginebra, el pasado viernes, con los Secretarios Adjuntos de los Estados Unidos y de Rusia –por cierto, señor Presidente, no he visto ninguna referencia e ignoro si ha habido representantes de la Unión Europea; desde luego, no han salido en los informes o en los medios de comunicación– y sus declaraciones se explican por sí mismas ante la falta de resultados y remitiendo a la responsabilidad de los miembros recalcitrantes del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas.

Esta semana, el señor Brahimi está en Egipto y ha dicho que la situación no solo es mala, muy mala, sino que es susceptible de empeorar y, si este conflicto se prolongase durante un año más, produciría cien mil muertos adicionales a los sesenta mil que ya se han producido. Y ha dicho que o se satisfacen las legítimas pretensiones del pueblo sirio o la situación en Siria se va a convertir en un infierno –como si no estuvieran ya viviendo en el infierno.

Y ante esta situación, la comunidad internacional hace como si estuviera haciendo algo, siguiendo un guión realmente trágico. Es decir, mientras el conflicto no desborde la esfera nacional siria –y, evidentemente, sí hay riesgos de que se proyecte sobre el conjunto de la región– y mientras no se utilicen armas químicas –y otra vez hay que saludar el coraje y la determinación de Francia, cuyo Presidente ha hecho unas declaraciones muy contundentes en este sentido– se sigue ganando tiempo, para ver si Assad consigue finalmente aplastar a los opositores, cosa que tampoco parece probable, o para ver si la oposición se coordina, se organiza y, efectivamente, acaba produciéndose la caída del régimen.

Ante esta situación, señor Presidente, la comunidad internacional tiene que tomar alguna decisión. Ayer tuvimos un debate muy interesante sobre Mali, un conflicto que tiene, efectivamente, unas potencialidades negativas muy importantes, y la comunidad internacional ha sido capaz de adoptar decisiones. En este mismo hemiciclo, en todas las ocasiones en las que hemos debatido este asunto, hemos hablado de la iniciativa francesa de un corredor humanitario y hemos hablado de la posibilidad de establecer una zona de exclusión aérea, que exige, naturalmente, una cierta unanimidad en el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas. Pero lo que es evidente es que hay que progresar en esta situación.

Y es evidente también, señor Presidente, que este conflicto tiene una dimensión humanitaria. Y quiero agradecer particularmente los esfuerzos de la señora Georgieva en este sentido. Pero no nos engañemos. Los ciudadanos de la Unión Europea no esperan solamente de la Unión Europea que dé una respuesta a la crisis humanitaria grave que este conflicto está produciendo. Lo que esperan es que seamos capaces de atajar este baño de sangre, que seamos capaces de arbitrar medidas que puedan realmente acabar con esta vergonzosa situación y que estemos a la altura de las circunstancias, que exigen que en estas condiciones y en estos momentos la comunidad internacional en general, y la Unión Europea en particular, sean capaces de poner fin al atroz sufrimiento, señor Presidente, que está padeciendo el pueblo sirio.

  Véronique De Keyser, au nom du groupe S&D. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Ministre, merci de remplacer Mme Ashton. Ce n'est pas facile et c'est un début tout à fait remarquable.

Ce n'est pas facile, parce que le thème est complexe. Et je vais enchaîner avec ce que vient de dire mon ami Salafranca. Nous ici, Européens, avons absolument besoin, je pense, aujourd'hui, de dresser un bilan de cette solution diplomatique et d'effectuer une analyse de ce qui se passe réellement sur le terrain. Nous avons soutenu et nous continuons à soutenir la position européenne qui était de se dire: "tout sauf une intervention militaire", étant donné le contexte, l'environnement.

Nous sommes partis de l'hypothèse qu'avec des sanctions, le temps allait jouer pour nous, que Bachar allait céder, que Bachar allait partir. Il n'est pas sûr que le temps joue en notre faveur. Et si vous faites un bilan, maintenant, de la solution diplomatique, quand vous voyez le nombre de réfugiés – on a parlé de 500 000 réfugiés, mais il y en a plus; ce sont ceux qui sont recensés –, quand vous voyez le nombre affolant de morts, quand vous voyez l'attentat sanglant à l'université d'Alep, qui est un attentat de type terroriste, peu importe que ces terroristes appartiennent au régime ou qu'ils viennent de factions d'Al-Qaïda, quand vous savez que, aujourd'hui, les Russes sont parfaitement implantés à l'intérieur de la Syrie, qu'ils sont en train de défendre les défenses anti-aériennes de Bachar el-Assad, quand vous savez que les Iraniens sont là, quand vous savez qu'il y a des envois du Qatar et de l'Arabie saoudite, quand vous voyez que c'est une proxy war, que les gens se sont installés en Syrie jusqu'à rendre la situation absolument ingérable, vous vous demandez si le temps joue encore en notre faveur ou s'il joue contre nous.

Et quand je vois les propositions du représentant spécial Brahimi. En fait, ce qu'il donne, c'est le plan Dardari, c'est-à-dire un plan qui date d'il y a huit mois avec un gouvernement provisoire où Bachar serait tenu un peu à distance, etc. Je veux dire qu'il n'y a pas de changement dans les données diplomatiques. Au contraire, sur le terrain – ne parlons même pas de l'armée syrienne libre –,.quand je vois les images, je me dis: "Est-ce que c'est une armée de libération? Est-ce que ce sont mes jeunes Syriens que je connaissais si bien, qui étaient épris de liberté? Ou alors est-ce que ce sont de nouveau des infiltrations salafistes, etc?"

Nous voudrions donc un bilan et, éventuellement, une riposte ou un plan B. Alors, j'ai deux points et j'ai peu de temps. Je voudrais vous dire merci, Mme Georgieva, pour le plan humanitaire. Vous avez fait le maximum et c'est à nous, Parlement européen, de faire en sorte que cette action puisse continuer et que l'aide humanitaire ne soit pas coupée et sanctionnée comme elle risque de l'être. Il faut que nous puissions maintenir l'aide humanitaire. Je voudrais vous poser une question toute simple, outre le bilan. Finalement, il y a une initiative de 55 pays pour saisir la Cour pénale internationale sur la Syrie. Quel était le rôle de l'Europe là-dedans? Est-ce que l'Europe a joué un rôle en tant que telle, je veux dire en tant qu'Union européenne? Je sais que c'est une initiative des pays. Qu'en pensez-vous?

Mais le fond du problème, c'est que nous manquons, ici, d'une vision stratégique et surtout d'une analyse critique de ce qui était et de ce qui est toujours la solution diplomatique.

  Marietje Schaake, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, it is regrettable we could not have this debate on the terrible situation in Syria with the High Representative herself when she finally did decide to fulfil her duties and appear before this Parliament yesterday after a delay of two months. But more important is the EU’s impact in the world under her leadership. The High Representative is in Kosovo today, a country that reminds us of how long the damage of conflict can last. In the civil war in former Yugoslavia too, it took Europe too long to act. And history seems to repeat itself and it embarrasses us.

For two years now, the situation in Syria has been dragging on without decisive action by the international community, including the EU. It is a disgrace in light of the tens of thousands of people that have been killed. On top of the man-made disaster, which has also caused millions to leave the country or left them internally displaced, winter has come and a humanitarian crisis can turn into a weapon of war in the hands of Assad if we do not intervene.

Recently, Brahimi for the UN, Burns for the United States and Bogdanov for Russia came together to discuss the situation in Syria once more. The main point is that the results of the talks were none, as has been the result with most talks including Russia over Syria. What was striking was the absence of the EU. Where were we, Commissioner, Minister Creighton?

Let us at least take the initiative now for a UN Security Council resolution that will ensure that aid can reach people. This would be non-controversial, at least in comparison to the discussions around a political discussion, and could push aid through the criminal obstructions preventing the people from accessing basics such as food and medicine.

Another question is, why is Sweden the only EU Member State not in favour of referring Assad to the ICC? What is the reason for a lack of unity among our Member States? We must save the Syrians who are crushed, freezing and starving between a murderous regime and increasingly radicalised armed opposition. Our priorities should be to stop the killing and the humanitarian disaster and we are a very long way from acting accordingly.

  Hélène Flautre, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, la dernière fois que nous avons parlé de la Syrie, c'était le 12 décembre, à 22 heures, avec Mme Malmström. Nous avions évoqué des scénarios catastrophiques et macabres qui, malheureusement, un mois plus tard, se retrouvent parfaitement réalisés.

Madame la Ministre, je crois vraiment qu'il ne faut pas garder le cap. Garder le cap, c'est, assurément, se retrouver avec des prédictions macabres qui seront réalisées dans les mois qui viennent. Il faut, au contraire, changer de cap. Je le dis, y compris d'ailleurs, pour l'aide humanitaire, dont on a raison de dire qu'elle est importante, puisqu'elle représente 53 % de l'aide internationale. Mais cette aide humanitaire est, d'abord, très mal répartie, en ce qui concerne, en tout cas, l'aide bilatérale européenne, puisque la Grande-Bretagne, à elle toute seule, fournit quasiment la moitié de l'aide bilatérale européenne.

Mais nous avons des problèmes d'acheminement, parce que cette aide humanitaire passe, finalement, par un Croissant rouge syrien qui reste sous l'autorité du régime. Je me demande comment un régime qui, systématiquement, détruit et bombarde, par exemple, les boulangeries, pour créer la famine, peut organiser, de manière équitable et non politique, l'aide humanitaire que nous délivrons. Nous enregistrons d'ailleurs, des plaintes extrêmement vives, de nombre de communautés et collectifs de populations, qui ne reçoivent pas notre aide humanitaire.

Par conséquent, j'attends que, dans les deux jours qui viennent, puisqu'une réunion sera consacrée à ce sujet, l'Union européenne puisse, réellement, réfléchir à des modalités efficaces pour l'aide humanitaire.

Ensuite, s'agissant des réfugiés, je suis désolée, mais nous retrouvons les problèmes que nous avions signalés le 12 décembre, c'est-à-dire que, pour venir aujourd'hui, comme Syrien en Europe, vous devez, non seulement, passer par des réseaux de passeurs mais, pire encore, acheter des faux passeports, parce qu'il est impossible, si vous avez un passeport syrien, d'arriver légalement, pour demander une protection, éventuellement temporaire, en Europe.

Comme le dit très bien Human Rights Watch, c'est la loterie qui domine pour la protection. Finalement, seules deux familles – et il faut qu'elles soient très riches – sont, aujourd'hui, en centre de rétention en Pologne. Elles ont dû acheter de faux documents, de faux passeports en Turquie, et payer 46 000 euros pour arriver sur notre territoire. Alors, quand allons-nous déclencher un plan d'accueil temporaire? Nous disposons d'une directive – la directive pour la protection temporaire –, je crois qu'il est urgent de le faire.

Ensuite, il ne faut pas, non plus, me semble-t-il, garder le cap en ce qui concerne l'embargo sur les armes, parce ce que cela produit l'effet délétère que nous redoutons, c'est-à-dire que l'opposition trouve de l'armement auprès des pays du Golfe et, donc, finalement, les risques d'islamisation que certains mettent en avant pour refuser l'accès aux armes produisent exactement l'effet contraire. C'est totalement paradoxal!

Par conséquent, j'attends du Conseil du 31 janvier qu'il se penche et se prononce sur cette question car, réellement, nous sommes totalement contreproductifs.

Pour terminer, je crois qu'il faut être très attentifs à ce qui se passe, aujourd'hui, en Turquie, aux négociations avec le PKK. Ce processus est fragile. L'Union européenne doit mettre toutes ses forces dans ce processus pour qu'il réussisse. Il peut avoir, par effet de dominos, un effet régional, absolument décisif dans la région. J'attends également que l'Union européenne s'engage sur ce terrain.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, it is hard to believe that the Syrian conflict has now been going on for two years with so many lives lost and so little achieved in terms of bringing peace to a once stable Middle Eastern country. Only yesterday 87 people were killed in a bombing attack on Aleppo’s university campus.

There is a sort of paradigm emerging, and a familiar one, with each side now blaming the other. But this does reinforce one crucial point about this war since we last spoke in the House, namely that both sides, sadly, have now been accused of atrocities. We must be extremely cautious in our unqualified endorsements of all the opposition forces, in particular the extremist Jihadi ones.

One thing is certain. There is a complete necessity now for the utterly discredited and morally bankrupt President Assad to leave office as soon as possible. He has dropped bombs, which is a war crime, on his own civilians and been directly or indirectly responsible for the deaths of an estimated 60 000 people. We now hear rumours that the Iranian proxy Hezbollah is mobilising fighters to defend the government, while Assad is planning a retreat to an Alawite enclave for a final stand. Any resolution that allowed him to remain in office would, however, be totally unacceptable to the West.

We must, therefore, maintain all the pressure we can to end this horrendous conflict. It would certainly be helpful in this regard if China and Russia, whose continuing appeasement of the regime in Damascus carries on – as well as their continuing blocking of UN resolutions which is actually blighting their own international standing and is an abuse of their Security Council privilege – were to actually come round and agree with the EU and the US on this matter. UN envoy, Lakdar Brahimi, recently said that Russia appears as determined as the US to end this conflict, but we need to see Moscow offering action, not simply words.

For the time being, all that we can hope for is the success of the peace plan and a transitional government. We owe it to the Syrian people and in particular the minorities, such as the Christians, who are caught up between the warring factions, to help them to realise their desire for their lives to be free of political tyranny and military onslaught.

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de EFD-Fractie. – Anno 2013 betekent Realpolitik in Syrië de keuze uit twee opties.

Eén, alle militaire middelen worden ingezet om het vertrek van de Syrische president Bashar al-Assad te bewerkstelligen. Deze keuze impliceert een continuering van de burgeroorlog, een verdergaande vernietiging van de Syrische infrastructuur, een humanitaire ramp van catastrofale omvang - ik spreek hier ook namens mensen uit Syrië zelf - en vooral niet te vergeten, voortschrijdende instabiliteit in de buurlanden van Syrië.

Twee, of de beëindiging van de Syrische burgeroorlog krijgt nu echt de hoogste prioriteit. Deze tweede optie vergt het aangaan van een politieke dialoog met het Syrische regime. Deze keuze impliceert evenzeer dat het westen, dus ook de Europese Raad - ik hoop dat hij luistert - het zwaartepunt van zijn politieke steun dient te verleggen van de Syrische buitenlandse naar de Syrische binnenlandse oppositie. Daarbij kan meteen ook de vraag worden neergelegd waarom er geen contacten worden gesmeed met de Syrische vredesbeweging Musalaha - dat wil ik graag wel eens horen van de Raad, want ik heb dat nog nooit gehoord - die de nationale verzoening, het neerleggen van de wapens en een toekomstig Syrië van vreedzame co-existentie beoogt.

Terwijl het schrikbeeld van een balkanisering van Syrië al meer opdoemt - u moet de kaart eens bekijken in de Arabische pers bijvoorbeeld - klemt de vraag naar Europese Realpolitik in de Levant. Ik hoopte eigenlijk, nadat ik de Raad heb gehoord, dat juist dit debat daarover helderheid verschaft, maar ik ben al sceptisch.

  Marisa Matias, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Nós tivemos informação esta semana através de um enviado das Nações Unidas de que este ano podem morrer 100.000 pessoas na Síria. Temos os relatos dos milhares e milhares de refugiados que este conflito já produziu e não há estimativa para quantos mais refugiados irá produzir. Estamos a falar de um alerta que é dramático mas não é apenas um alerta, é muito mais do isso, é uma confissão de fracasso da comunidade internacional, da comunidade das nações, que é extensiva a organizações militares como a NATO, mas também é extensiva a organizações políticas, como é o caso da União Europeia. E, contudo, o que nós vemos é que a situação na Síria continua a degradar-se, aceleradamente, à custa da morte de milhares e milhares de civis inocentes. Esta tragédia tem de ser partilhada entre o regime cruel e antidemocrático da família al-Assad, com o qual os governos de vários países europeus foram aliados muito coniventes durante anos a fio e grupos internos que têm sido comandados a partir do exterior.

Longe vai a Primavera Árabe, os levantamentos populares foram cavalgados e depois reduzidos a pó por grupos político-militares criados, financiados e armados do exterior que pouco têm a ver com democracia ou com direitos humanos. Neste momento, a Síria não é apenas corroída pela guerra interna mas também pela intervenção externa e quanto a isso não podemos isentar de culpas as potências e organizações internacionais, os seus interesses e ambições não podem sobrepor-se às necessidades de paz e de estabilidade do povo sírio. É preciso acabar com a guerra de uma vez por todas.

Sabemos que a degradação da Síria interessa a alguns mas não interessa, seguramente, ao povo sírio. É tempo, por isso, da União Europeia ter a sua própria política em favor da democracia e da paz no Médio Oriente, em vez de continuar a reboque de políticas que, de um lado e de outro, se vão ingerindo com sentido oportunista e mediatista no xadrez complexo do mundo árabe. Não apenas não se resolve o problema como se pode contribuir, aliás, para expandi-lo regionalmente. Temos por isso, Senhor Presidente, de acabar com a matança e com o desastre humanitário.

  Philip Claeys (NI). - Meer en meer begint duidelijk te worden hoezeer de euforie in dit Parlement over die zogenaamde Arabische lente misplaatst was. Deze naïviteit - of ik zou misschien beter moeten spreken van ideologische verblinding - heeft ertoe geleid dat men nu vaststelt dat de ene dictatuur, een seculiere dictatuur, wordt vervangen door een nog ergere dictatuur, een islamitische shari'a-dictatuur. Egypte is daar uiteraard het meest treffende voorbeeld van en het is dan ook bevreemdend en verbijsterend om dit weekeinde te moeten vernemen dat de Europese Unie vijf miljard euro schenkt aan het regime van de Moslimbroeders in Egypte. Ook in Syrië bestaat het gevaar dat het bekende scenario zich opnieuw zal voordoen.

Ik wil natuurlijk benadrukken dat de gruweldaden van het regime van Assad ondubbelzinnig moeten worden veroordeeld. Wij moeten ook alles in het werk stellen om te vermijden dat al-Qaeda of groepen die gelieerd zijn aan al-Qaeda voet aan de grond krijgen in Syrië. Het regime van Assad heeft niet meer het monopolie op de gruweldaden. Ook bepaalde groepen binnen de oppositie maken zich schuldig aan moordpartijen en aan allerhande schendingen van de mensenrechten. Het is dan ook van groot belang dat wij daar vanuit Europa wel degelijk rekening mee houden.

  Kristalina Georgieva, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, let me start with where the humanitarian crisis in Syria is heading: unfortunately, from bad to worse, and with the worst still to come.

We have seen in the last weeks a very significant deterioration in conditions in Syria, because of the combined impact of three factors. First, intensified fighting; second, economic conditions are now catastrophic; and third, the winter this year is, unfortunately, fierce and is affecting people dramatically.

Regarding the fighting: not only has it intensified, but more often than not, atrocities are being carried out. While the Assad regime carries the vast majority of the blame, atrocities are also carried out by the other side, and that makes conditions for the delivery of humanitarian aid particularly difficult.

Second, what is now hitting people as well are factors like increase of fuel and food prices, and lack of food. We are now faced with starvation in the places with the most severe fighting like Aleppo, Idlib, Hama and Homs. In these conditions, we are doing all we can to get help to people, and I want to particularly address the comments that have been made by Ms Flautre on how exactly European assistance works in Syria.

From the very early days of the crisis we have engaged in three ways as the leading funder, as the one donor that has a presence on the ground, and also with very active humanitarian advocacy through the Syrian humanitarian forum that has met seven times, by time and again pursuing – including with the opposition – our fight for respect for international humanitarian law, so that people at least do not die because of ignorance of the existence of this law.

Because of our engagement, we have moved access to affected Syrian populations quite dramatically forward. In the beginning, Assad would allow only the ICRC inside Syria. Our relentless advocacy led to eight international NGOs, seven of which are European, now operating inside Syria and also to over 90 civil society organisations, mostly Community organisations, to be allowed to be the delivery mechanism for humanitarian aid in addition to the Syrian Red Crescent. True, left to Assad, he would have liked the Syrian Red Crescent to be the only vehicle, but we have moved way beyond this point and today one out of every three Syrians gets help because of what we do, what we fund (the numbers have been spelled out), but also what we do to provide more space for humanitarian workers.

We are engaging with the opposition. We have had a series of meetings with the aid arm of the opposition based in Cairo, and I can assure you that we are pursuing every possible channel to get help to people inside as well as to the refugees, whose numbers are growing. I have visited the region twice. It is heartbreaking to see what is happening. I recall talking to a young girl from Syria, now a refugee in Jordan, who has not been to school for two years, and I am thinking of the lives that have been shattered, not only the people who died but those whose future is being buried by this conflict. The education system in Syria is gone. Over 700 schools are now home to internally-displaced people. The health system of Syria is gone. Not only do the wounded not get help, but immunisation and vaccination has practically stopped.

So yes, we are facing a grave humanitarian crisis, and it is absolutely paramount that we work hard. For the only way for this crisis to end is, unfortunately, not in the hands of humanitarians, it is in the hands of politicians.

Some have spoken here for in favour of a military option. We have been in the Libya crisis, and I can tell you that Syria is not Libya. Syria is much better militarily. When I talk to people in the region, they tell me that, if there was military action, they fear that would lead to the unleashing of chemical weapons, with much graver humanitarian consequences than we currently have. So a military solution is not going to deliver results of a kind that would make things better. It is the political solution that we all have to raise our voices to urge for.

I want to finish by saying that we have also been in the lead to make sure that there will be a very high level of attention paid to the humanitarian crisis. The Secretary-General will chair a meeting that the Emir of Kuwait will host on 30 January. We, the EU, have been a strong voice for this meeting to take place, because the needs require funding of a magnitude that is not yet there, with the exception of us. For the honour of our Member States: 23 out of 27 have contributed generously to help the Syrian people. We have called on our civil protection mechanism twice. Eight of our Member States have delivered in-kind assistance to Turkey and Jordan, and I know that if we called on them again, they would be there.

But we need everybody to step up to the plate because, unfortunately, the political solution that is the only way forward is not yet in sight, and I fear that means terrible suffering for millions of Syrian people and a terrible risk of a spillover impact for the whole neighbourhood.

I want to assure this House that the humanitarian team of the Commission has been engaged. People are risking their lives. I have a staff member that has been shot at. Of the humanitarian community, 15 people have died and many more have been wounded. We are persevering, we are carrying the commitment of Europe towards the suffering of innocent people with our greatest possible commitment.

  Lucinda Creighton, President-in-Office of the Council, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, I would like to firstly thank all Members for the very constructive interventions.

I think that we all share a genuine concern and a deep sense of urgency in trying to address this horrendous situation which I think has been very well outlined by the Commissioner. It will require the determination and the cooperation of all of the institutions of the European Union and indeed of all of the international community to find ultimately a political solution, as the Commissioner has said.

In my remarks, I wish to respond to some of the points raised in the questions asked and I apologise if I miss anybody or any point which has been raised.

I want to begin by agreeing with the condemnation of the atrocity in the University in Aleppo yesterday. I am sure that everybody in this House shares in that condemnation. I also agree with Mr Salafranca about the potential catastrophe, loss of life and deepening humanitarian crisis if this conflict continues indefinitely into the future and that is why we must redouble our efforts.

Specifically in response to the question about the talks in Geneva and the tripartite meeting which took place: the EU was not there. This was the second meeting between Mr Brahimi, the US and Russia and it was Mr Brahimi’s plan to keep that particular forum, that particular dialogue between the three; and we understand that. However, we are in constant contact and communication of course with him and his team. We are constantly updated and informed as to the progress that he is making and the discussions and dialogue which he has. It is of course the commitment of the EU to be fully engaged in every possible form where there is an opportunity to contribute.

In answer to Ms De Keyser, the EU is participating in all efforts relating to accountability both in Geneva and in New York and that will continue to be the case.

A number of points were raised by Ms Schaake and Ms Flautre. We are all aware of the shortcomings of our combined efforts, whether on the diplomatic or humanitarian front. It is not a perfect process, that is for sure, but the situation I think cannot just be simplified as sometimes it is easy to do.

We need to look into all the possible options, all aspects and all opportunities for cooperation with NGOs, as Commissioner Georgieva has pointed out, and the different civilian organisations to see how we can help them, how we can best support them, how we can ensure that humanitarian aid meets the target which have been set out by Members and indeed by the Commissioner, which is civilians who are suffering for a variety of reasons not least the deteriorating weather conditions.

We are acting with each of them in a very concrete way, in a very coordinated way. We are doing everything that we can to support them on the ground. That commitment, that determination and in practice those steps are being taken by the EU and will continue to be.

In summary, I would like to say that the cooperation between the European Parliament and the institutions is extremely important in order to carry forward the day to day work on the humanitarian front and indeed on the political front. We have to provide every possible opportunity to provide support, to help the opposition and to enable better protection for civilians; and that is, I think, an immediate and very pressing priority.

We will be focusing on finding better ways to make our efforts more effective. There will be an opportunity to review the sanctions and the very steps that have been taken at the next Foreign Affairs Council. Intensive regional cooperation efforts are also underway to ensure that the spill-over effects from the Syrian conflict is contained. This was mentioned by a number of Members but I will not name everybody. We will do everything we can to contain that and to ensure that there is no further destabilisation of what is, I think we can all acknowledge, an extremely volatile region.

  El Presidente. − Se cierra el debate.

Declaraciones por escrito (artículo 149)

  Ioan Mircea Paşcu (S&D), in writing. – The situation in Syria is a slap in the face of the international community. There have been situations before this which were less tragic but which mobilised the international community in curtailing human tragedy, even without the UN’s blessing. Sadly, not this time. The official explanation for inaction is the Russian and Chinese veto in the Security Council, preventing any legitimate action in that country. The truth is that, after Afghanistan and Iraq, there is not much stomach for another intervention with a doubtful ending. Moreover, one does not know whether the end result will not prove worse than the initial situation. In the meantime, the Syrians will continue to suffer and die. And, when everything is over, they will be entitled to look into our eyes and ask: where were you when we needed you most?

  Boris Zala (S&D), písomne. – Vážení kolegovia, Sýria sa stáva nočnou morou svetovej politiky. Jasne vidíme, akou strategickou chybou je neintervenovať hneď, keď treba. Iste, je to chyba Ruska a Číny a práve Rusko pocíti túto chybu najviac. V chaose, ktorý vzniká, sa žiadne ruské strategické, taktické ani obchodné záujmy nepresadia. V Sýrii vznikne chaos veľmi podobný Somálsku, a to na dlhé roky. Sýria sa stáva a zostane bojovým poľom regionálnych mocností a sektárskych ideológií. Je a bude obeťou geopolitiky regionálnych mocností, Iránu, Saudskej Arábie, Egypta či Turecka. Ak nechceme aby, toto dedičstvo zostalo trvalo na pleciach EÚ v budúcnosti, musíme situáciu riešiť dnes. Iste spolu s USA, ale je to oblasť, ktorej geopolitika sa bezprostredne dotýka Európy, a dôsledky vojen v tomto regióne majú na nás bezprostredný dosah. Spolu s USA a na pôde OSN, ale s oveľa väčšou energiou a vynaliezavosťou, ako aj dohodami s Ruskom. To je jediná cesta a asi aj Rusko chápe, že bez nej aj jeho záujmy v regióne nenájdu uplatnenie.

  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – São hoje claros os dramáticos efeitos do intervencionismo externo na Líbia, não apenas para este país, mas também pela desestabilização que trouxe para a região do norte de África. Aí estão, bem vivas ainda, as consequências das agressões no Afeganistão e no Iraque. A Síria continua também na mira do imperialismo, com dolorosas consequências para o seu povo. Não podemos deixar de aqui alertar para os últimos passos na escalada de guerra contra o país, com a instalação de mísseis "Patriot" norte-americanos na Turquia, operação que conta com a colaboração de tropas norte-americanas, para além de tropas alemãs e holandesas. Entretanto, Israel, sob o silêncio cúmplice da UE, aproveita para consolidar a ocupação dos Montes Golã. Mais uma vez, aqui manifestamos a nossa solidariedade com o povo sírio, na exigência de respeito pela sua soberania e independência, contra a agressão externa. São perigosos os dias que vivemos. As trombetas de guerra que ecoam a partir duma Europa em crise profunda exigem que se levante bem alto a bandeira da luta pela paz, contra o militarismo e a guerra.