Index 
Débats
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Mercredi 16 janvier 2013 - Strasbourg Edition révisée
1. Ouverture de la séance
 2. Actes délégués (article 87 bis du règlement): voir procès-verbal
 3. Mesures d'exécution (article 88 du règlement): voir procès-verbal
 4. Programme de la présidence irlandaise (débat)
 5. Heure des votes
  5.1. Modification du calendrier des périodes de session du Parlement - 2013 (vote)
 6. Composition des commissions et des délégations: voir procès-verbal
 7. Rectificatif (article 216 du règlement): voir procès-verbal
 8. Heure des votes (suite)
  8.1. Classification, emballage et étiquetage des préparations dangereuses (A7-0391/2012 - Eija-Riitta Korhola) (vote)
  8.2. Exploitation durable des ressources halieutiques en Méditerranée (A7-0180/2012 - Anna Rosbach) (vote)
  8.3. Conclusion du protocole additionnel de Nagoya – Kuala Lumpur sur la responsabilité et la réparation relatif au protocole de Cartagena sur la prévention des risques biotechnologiques (A7-0429/2012 - Matthias Groote) (vote)
  8.4. Finances publiques dans l'UEM en 2011 et 2012 (A7-0425/2012 - Alfredo Pallone) (vote)
  8.5. Agences de notation de crédit (A7-0221/2012 - Leonardo Domenici) (vote)
  8.6. Organismes de placement collectif en valeurs mobilières (OPCVM) et gestionnaires de fonds d’investissement alternatifs (A7-0220/2012 - Leonardo Domenici) (vote)
  8.7. Plan pluriannuel applicable aux stocks de cabillaud de la mer Baltique (A7-0395/2012 - Jarosław Leszek Wałęsa) (vote)
  8.8. Conservation des ressources de pêche (A7-0342/2012 - Pat the Cope Gallagher) (vote)
  8.9. Modification du règlement du Parlement en ce qui concerne l'ordre de préséance des vice-présidents élus par acclamation (A7-0412/2012 - Carlo Casini) (vote)
  8.10. Garantie pour la jeunesse (B7-0007/2013) (vote)
  8.11. Rôle de la politique de cohésion de l'Union dans la mise en oeuvre de la nouvelle politique européenne de l'énergie (A7-0437/2012 - Lena Kolarska-Bobińska) (vote)
  8.12. Faisabilité de l'introduction d'obligations de stabilité (A7-0402/2012 - Sylvie Goulard) (vote)
 9. Explications de vote
  9.1. Modification du calendrier des périodes de session du Parlement - 2013
  9.2. Classification, emballage et étiquetage des préparations dangereuses (A7-0391/2012 - Eija-Riitta Korhola)
  9.3. Exploitation durable des ressources halieutiques en Méditerranée (A7-0180/2012 - Anna Rosbach)
  9.4. Conclusion du protocole additionnel de Nagoya – Kuala Lumpur sur la responsabilité et la réparation relatif au protocole de Cartagena sur la prévention des risques biotechnologiques (A7-0429/2012 - Matthias Groote)
  9.5. Finances publiques dans l'UEM en 2011 et 2012 (A7-0425/2012 - Alfredo Pallone)
  9.6. Agences de notation de crédit (A7-0221/2012 - Leonardo Domenici)
  9.7. Organismes de placement collectif en valeurs mobilières (OPCVM) et gestionnaires de fonds d’investissement alternatifs (A7-0220/2012 - Leonardo Domenici)
  9.8. Plan pluriannuel applicable aux stocks de cabillaud de la mer Baltique (A7-0395/2012 - Jarosław Leszek Wałęsa)
  9.9. Conservation des ressources de pêche (A7-0342/2012 - Pat the Cope Gallagher)
  9.10. Modification du règlement du Parlement en ce qui concerne l'ordre de préséance des vice-présidents élus par acclamation (A7-0412/2012 - Carlo Casini)
  9.11. Garantie pour la jeunesse (B7-0007/2013)
  9.12. Rôle de la politique de cohésion de l'Union dans la mise en oeuvre de la nouvelle politique européenne de l'énergie (A7-0437/2012 - Lena Kolarska-Bobińska)
  9.13. Faisabilité de l'introduction d'obligations de stabilité (A7-0402/2012 - Sylvie Goulard)
 10. Corrections et intentions de vote: voir procès-verbal
 11. Approbation du procès-verbal de la séance précédente : voir procès-verbal
 12. Situation en Syrie (débat)
 13. Accord de partenariat et de coopération entre l'UE et l'Iraq (débat)
 14. Victimes d'incendies survenus récemment dans des usines textiles, en particulier au Bangladesh (débat)
 15. Corruption, utilisation abusive des fonds européens et incidences sur les processus décisionnels politiques (débat)
 16. Recommandations de la conférence de révision du traité de non-prolifération nucléaire concernant l'instauration d'un Moyen-Orient exempt d'armes de destruction massive (débat)
 17. Accord intérimaire établissant le cadre d'un accord de partenariat économique entre les États d'Afrique orientale et australe et la CE - Mise en œuvre de l'APE intérimaire entre la Communauté européenne et les États d'Afrique orientale et australe au vu de la situation actuelle au Zimbabwe (débat)
 18. Modernisation du code des douanes et mise en place d'une liste de règles d'origine non préférentielles (débat)
 19. Ordre du jour de la prochaine séance: voir procès-verbal
 20. Levée de la séance


  

VORSITZ: MARTIN SCHULZ
Präsident

 
1. Ouverture de la séance
Vidéo des interventions
 

(Die Sitzung wird um 9.10 Uhr eröffnet.)

 

2. Actes délégués (article 87 bis du règlement): voir procès-verbal

3. Mesures d'exécution (article 88 du règlement): voir procès-verbal

4. Programme de la présidence irlandaise (débat)
Vidéo des interventions
MPphoto
 

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgen die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission über das Programm des irischen Ratsvorsitzes (2012/2727(RSP)).

Dazu begrüße ich herzlich den Premierminister von Irland, Taoiseach Kenny. Herzlich willkommen im Europäischen Parlament! Ich begrüße auch Herrn Barroso, den Präsidenten der Kommission.

 
  
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  Enda Kenny, Uachtarán-in-oifig sa Chomhairle. − A Uachtaráin, a Uachtaráin an Choimisiúin Eorpaigh, a cheannairí na ngrúpaí polaitiúla atá anseo agus a Fheisirí Pharlaimint na hEorpa ar fad – ba mhaith liom a rá libh i dtús go bhfuil mé fíorbhuíoch díobh as ucht an seans a bheith againn díospóireacht a bheith eadrainn faoi phríomhaidhmeanna Uachtaránacht na hÉireann.

This is Ireland’s seventh Presidency, begun on the 40th anniversary of our joining what was then the European Community.

The Irish people made a good decision. In those 40 years we have travelled well and travelled far and we have never looked back. But our Atlantic island has long been at the very ‘heart’ of Europe. Actually, in the sixth and seventh centuries our monks and educators, Columbanus and Cillian among them, left in their small boats to bring the light of learning to the European mind.

Today Ireland keeps that faith with our continent, with our union of peoples. We keep that faith because of our particular idea of Europe. An idea that says despite our national differences as a people we dwell deepest and best always in the shelter and never in the shadow of the other. We must work hard and together to renovate, to restore and to renew our Union.

So it is in that spirit of doing – that spirit of renewing – that Ireland assumes with some pride and some honour this, its seventh Presidency. In those 40 years, just as our Union has been transformed, so too has membership of the European Union transformed our country.

In 1973 our exports were primarily agricultural and they went primarily to Britain. Today Irish companies export high-tech goods and services across Europe and around the world. We also host over 1 000 foreign companies critical to our capacity to recover and to strengthen our economy.

It was in November 2010 that Ireland entered an EU-IMF support-programme. Our people continue to labour under the weight of bank-related debt. Austerity has brought pain and suffering to many families and to many homes. But the Irish people have borne that weight and that pain with remarkable courage and patience and dignity. And it is in that story, those qualities and the deeper authentic elements of Ireland such as respect, and vision and compassion, and loyalty that I bring to the European Parliament today. And because of our people, and because of those qualities I am happy to report to you that Ireland is taking steps on the road to recovery.

We have honoured all, and I mean all, of our EU-IMF commitments through seven troika analyses. Last year our economy started to grow again, our exports actually climbed to record levels. We are bringing government spending under control.

Internationally, investors are showing a new confidence in Ireland. The result has been seen in lower yields on Irish government bonds in recent times. Those recent bond sales show the market confidence that once ebbed is now beginning to return.

As a nation, let me say to you, that we are determined to exit the EU-IMF programme before the end of this year. We face many challenges up ahead and our economy is still fragile, but I believe that 2013 will be the year in which Ireland will exit this programme and shows leadership to Europe.

But Europe too needs to steady itself after this crisis driven period and return to stability. That is why Ireland’s Presidency will be all about stability, jobs, and growth.

In our previous presidencies, let me tell this august membership, we focused on results and we intend to do the same again. We will work very closely with you, the elected Members of the peoples of Europe here in this Parliament, whose increased importance is growing in influence – it puts you at the very heart of the business of the European Union.

We have worked hard in preparing for this Presidency. We have re-invested in our European relationships. And because we have, the depth of that relationship, the breadth of our understanding has never been greater or indeed deeper.

We are taking those better relationships to our people. Our citizens of this Union need to know and they need to see that we are working in their interest to restore confidence and trust, not alone in the national parliaments, but equally and crucially in the democratic ideal of the European Union itself. It is important that people understand and that they feel that returning confidence.

Certainly the concept of Europe can be difficult. Some people wish that ‘Europe’ was simpler, was less complex, and less institutionalised. But as someone who is passionate about Europe, I am convinced that European people can be both inspired and motivated about what we actually do in Europe and what together we can actually achieve.

All across this Union people need jobs and they look to us, to Europe, for support. From the Atlantic to the Urals, people want and they need security. The security that will allow them to live better, safer, and more prosperous lives.

Our Union is unique in its success in responding to these issues if we work together. It inspires others in their capacity to do likewise. Our ability to work together and to commit to achieving results is really what matters to our citizens. In this year of 2013, the year of the citizen, we have to be ready to argue and debate the very ‘Why?’ of Europe.

Yes, I agree with those who might say that sometimes our response is not sufficiently clear. But what we have done well, when we have done it well together, has been outstanding. You all know from the wreckage of war we created a peaceful, united, democratic union of peoples and we did all of this within a heartbeat, as Steiner said, ‘of the possibility of there being no Europe at all’.

The awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Europe last year recognised that achievement. Ireland knows in its own way the pain and the suffering of violence. We have also been lucky enough to see what dialogue and understanding between communities can lead to: the historic reconciliation of two communities and the peace agreement on our island.

These last weeks in Ireland have seen some attempts by some to threaten that very hard won peace. But let me assure you, small groups of disparate, unrepresentative, trouble-makers will never succeed in bringing Northern Ireland and its peoples back to that dark place.

I want to pay tribute today to the European Union for its long and its unswerving support for the peace process over many long years in our country. I pay tribute especially to the European Parliament for the faith that you have kept with all who wanted and all who worked for peace on our island. That support fortifies our resolve to ensure that the people of Northern Ireland can look forward to an end to this disruption of their much-valued peaceful stability.

As we know, and as we see, the current economic crisis is impacting deeply on our people. In some countries, including ours, that impact has been even deeper. The deepest hurt of all is that of unemployment – 26 million people unemployed in this Union, facing another day with no work to go to. Particularly for our young people, their confidence eroded, but worse still their hopes eroded.

No unemployment figure is acceptable. However, we cannot and we will not as democrats allow a situation where a generation grows up believing that their political leaders have failed to give them a reasonable opportunity in life. Because it is they who are democracy’s future, who are our future and who are Europe’s future.

What matters most to our young people leaving school and university? It is the chance and the opportunity of work. The dignity of a job and the opportunity to contribute. This is the challenge of our generation. This is the political challenge of our generation. There is no simple solution to the problem, but it is a challenge that we will meet head on. We will prioritise within that the Youth Employment Package and the youth guarantee. Completing the single market, removing those barriers to business, increasing trading opportunities, improving competitiveness are all critical in improving the environment for jobs and the opportunity for economies to grow.

The next phase of Europe’s recovery will involve untapping the full potential of the single market. We will be ambitious in our Presidency for progress on the Professional Qualifications Directive, on the Posting of Workers Directive and on pensions portability, the Public Procurement Package also has the potential to contribute significantly to the marketplace for our SMEs.

We also have to reflect the way we live in a new age of technology in a digital Single Market and all the potential that this carries with it. We will want to see how we prioritise progress on e-signatures, high-speed broadband, collective rights management, and data protection.

This Union needs a stable basis for its challenging work. We just had a meeting with your President. We need adequate multiannual financing. The MFF is a priority which I have discussed with President Schulz and the Conference of Presidents. Our government has prepared hard for our Presidency. The European Council has made considerable progress in narrowing the very large differences between Member States. But more work and more negotiation, and long and hard discussions, are needed, and needed soon.

I will spare no effort in our Presidency in working with Herman Van Rompuy with the aim of securing agreement on the MFF at the European Council. But as Presidency, we will discuss this with you as Parliament. You are critical partners in this. It cannot be done without you. That authority was enshrined in the Lisbon Treaty. I recognise that as a politician. I recognise that as a Prime Minister. This is a codecision process and everyone must understand that.

I believe it is very much in our interest, and in Europe’s interest, that we have an early agreement on this. After that, we will work with you, Mr President, and your Parliament to advance across the range of instruments so that there can be a stable basis for the Union’s programmes by the end of 2013.

Important work clearly on CAP reform and CFP reform, Horizon 2020 and on Structural Funds needs early attention. We owe that to our citizens. Difficult times require difficult choices for us all. A fair and a balanced agreement, even if imperfect, is better than no agreement.

Stability is needed, above all in the financial sector and the area of economic governance. Parliament and Council have to agree on the two-pack very soon. The European Semester Process is a real step forward in how we govern our economies. But you have pointed out shortcomings in terms of democratic accountability of the system and we are ready to contribute to such a discussion in the time ahead.

In June 2012, the euro area Heads of State and Government determined and made a decision to sever the toxic link between banking and sovereign debt as well as improving specifically, and referring to it, the sustainability of our own country’s adjustment programme. We are determined to see that these decisions actually happen, and are seen to happen. It is very important for citizens to understand that political decisions arrived at are delivered on. People want to see that.

We will work to achieve a real banking union. That has to be among the Union’s top priorities, including early adoption of the single supervisory mechanism and the other elements of a banking union. We look forward to agreement with Parliament on CRD IV also, where we have made good progress.

The world in which we live has now become smaller, from a communications perspective, it makes Europe’s role and Europe’s responsibility more important than ever before.

The Irish people’s commitment to human rights and to international aid has been exemplary. At almost any field clinic in the world, any food depot, any of the long-forgotten parts on this globe, you will hear an Irish voice and you will get an Irish view.

We will use our Presidency to strengthen the Union’s approach to fighting global hunger and global poverty. We will work closely in support of the efforts of the High Representative/Vice-President Ashton to strengthen the role of the European Union in bringing peace to troubled regions such as Syria, Iran, Mali and Somalia.

On the matter of trade, we see real potential to increase Europe’s trade with strategic partners. I know from my days as Minister of Trade myself how important this is. We have great hopes of opening the free trade negotiations between the European Union and the US. We believe the time is right to do so. Important negotiations will also take place where we hope to conclude discussions and agreements with Japan, India, Canada and the countries of ASEAN region.

We are under no illusions that this will be easy: there are vast sensitive issues that will arise. But because we know the benefits of what we have forged among ourselves in our single market, we must try to seize the potential benefits of increasing trade with other global players. The prize of success here is simply enormous in terms of the capacity to grow economies and create enormous numbers of jobs.

One of the most important days in the EU’s long and proud history was on 1 May 2004 when Ireland’s Presidency welcomed ten new members into the European Union.

This Presidency will also prioritise a credible enlargement policy. We look forward to greeting the Croatian people as full members on 1 July of this year. For those countries in negotiations, each at a different stage, we will work to advance the process with Iceland, Turkey, and Montenegro. Important decisions may also be taken on the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, Albania, and Kosovo during Ireland’s term.

Let me say this in conclusion, the crisis of jobs in the European community so preoccupies us that there is always a risk of losing sight of what we hold and what we have actually achieved.

Europe remains among the best places in the world in which to live, not just economically, but culturally and socially. Above all because we have a peace, indeed a precious peace, we are committed to and that we have made together over the years. No wonder so many countries aspire to join us to become part of our European family, to feel pride in being part of the European family.

I believe that in 2012 we saw the passing of possibly the worst of the economic crisis – the fear that the euro itself might not survive was confronted and was dispelled emphatically and we now move on to the challenges of recovering and putting Europe into recovery and development mode.

I know that this does not console many of our citizens or our families who have lost jobs, who do not need to read about the crisis because they live it every day. They and their experience strengthen our resolve. And it is for their sake that we push on and push harder with actions to bring stability, new jobs, new growth to the Union and reinstil hope and confidence in our people’s lives. It is necessary to build trust, be clear and be decisive about what we do in that regard.

This European Union is not some exclusive, some distant pavilion. This union is a family, sometimes it is boisterous, anxious, fretful, joyful – but it is always compassionate and it has always been faithful.

So Ireland’s Presidency will be about our European family. Today and for the next six months, for Ireland’s part we will give all our heart to solving a number of Europe’s problems. I believe we can do no less. For this is the outstanding task of our generation, the ultimate challenge of politics for those entrusted with the democratic responsibility of leadership. Let us together resolve that in this task we will not fail.

(Applause)

 
  
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  José Manuel Barroso, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, every Presidency is a landmark, but this time it is particularly true. This is the seventh time Ireland has held the Presidency and it is also the 40th anniversary of Ireland’s accession to the European Union. As such it is a reminder of the past achievements of our Union, the current challenges and the future work ahead of us, as we seek not to replicate the past but to build a better future.

I am indeed convinced that having Ireland at the helm of the rotating Presidency of the Council at this juncture will be good for Ireland and good for Europe. Last week the Commission met in Dublin with the Taoiseach and the Irish Government to discuss our shared priorities. Together, we stressed the need to lay the foundations for lasting growth and job creation. Stability, growth and jobs: these are the priorities Ireland has set for its Presidency programme, priorities which I very much welcome and which have been at the heart of the Commission’s actions since the start of the crisis.

As I said to this House yesterday during the debate on the Cyprus Presidency, we have by the end of 2012 achieved much in the way of stability. The forecasts of the doomsayers who predicted the implosion of the euro have been proved wrong. European institutions and countries have shown, through their actions, that we will stand together, the Union as a whole, to face the challenges ahead.

We all know that there is very important and difficult work to do to achieve the goal of sustainable growth, and I underline sustainable because we have seen in the past that artificial growth fuelled by irresponsible public or private debt is simply not viable. While going on with further steps to a deeper economic and monetary union – and in this context the approval of the two-pack comes to mind as an urgent priority – we must pursue fiscal consolidation, enact economic reforms for competitiveness and also make targeted investments for growth, and above all we need to tackle the very serious social situation that we have in too many of our Member States.

Let me start with the short-term steps to put in place the banking union. It is good that the Member States were able to find consensus on the Single Supervisory Mechanism just three months after the Commission proposal. I now hope that Parliament and the Council will be able to finalise the agreement as quickly as possible in the next weeks. This is a key test to demonstrate that the European Union has the political will and capacity to act quickly on the big issues.

An agreement on the Single Supervisory Mechanism also shows that we can reach agreement within the European Union as a whole on deepening the euro area, and as you know we are clearly attached to the principles of the integrity – not only of the integrity of the Single Market but the integrity of our Union – while accepting and indeed promoting the deepening of the EMU.

Reaching political agreement on the proposal in time for discussion at your plenary session in early February is not impossible with political will. Parliament has worked on this very efficiently and the Thyssen and Giegold reports are constructive and supportive, and in very many points rather similar to the approach taken by the Council. The Commission will do everything it can to facilitate and assist in the intensive trialogue discussions to deliver final agreement on this important piece of legislation.

I know the importance this House attaches to the next stage of banking union – the single resolution mechanism. Proposals are already before you which should allow for the harmonisation of national bank resolution tools. But to completely break the vicious link between bank failure and sovereign debt, we need to go further and provide for a single resolution mechanism to match the single supervision we are putting in place for the euro area and other Member States which wish to participate. This raises some very complex legal and technical issues, but we are determined to work through these quickly and aim to present a proposal before the summer. I consider this a matter of utmost political priority.

Stability means more than financial stability. We must increase our efforts to ensure economic and social stability. Of course, economic growth is the best means to generate employment and to improve the social situation. The single market is the Union’s largest engine for growth. To release the full benefits of the single market we are pushing forward with the two Single Market Acts.

I welcome the Irish Presidency’s commitment to securing the adoption of the proposals already on the table. The Commission will present the remaining Single Market Act 2 legislative proposals this spring.

In all of this we look forward to continuing the very good cooperation with this House to ensure that legislation is not only put on the statute books but is implemented as soon as possible to the benefit of all our citizens. Of course, creating opportunities within the single market is one thing, taking advantage of the opportunities is another. This is why we will work to implement the action plan for entrepreneurship and place a particular focus on SMEs to ensure that these opportunities are translated into increased economic activity and more jobs.

We have all committed to growth through our Europe 2020 Strategy and the compact on growth and jobs. But the time has come to make good on this commitment. This will be driving Europe’s work over the Irish Presidency and beyond, as made clear in the Commission’s annual work programme.

As leverage for growth and investment, we must have an agreement on the multiannual financial framework. It is a new year but the message remains the same, and it remains equally valid: the European budget is the budget for investment growth and jobs at the European level.

Now is the time for governments to match actions to their rhetoric: if you state that growth in Europe is vital for your national economy then you need to support European measures to promote that growth. I hope that the European Council will agree on the MFF very soon, probably at the beginning of February. But governments should not forget that while their agreement is necessary it is not sufficient; the European Parliament’s approval is also indispensable.

The Commission has and will continue to focus on supporting employment. Last April we presented the Employment Package with a set of key measures to support job creation, to restore the dynamics of the labour market and to enhance the EU’s governance. In December, the Commission presented a proposal to combat youth unemployment: the youth guarantee scheme is a concrete measure with renewed potential to enhance school-to-work transitions and ensure every young person gets into further education, training, an apprenticeship or a job within four months. The Commission has also called for urgent action in rethinking education: maximising the investments in skills is indeed essential to achieve better socioeconomic outcomes. In our discussions with Taoiseach Kenny and the Irish Government I have been heartened by the importance that the Irish Presidency will place on these issues, in particular its commitment to reach agreement on the youth guarantee next month already.

The solution to our social crisis is not to abandon the European social model. The solution is to recognise the immense challenges that globalisation poses for European competitiveness and to reform our social market economy, addressing the important issues of competitiveness. The Commission is preparing a social investment package with a set of focused and concrete actions on how these reforms can take shape in our Member States and what the European Union can do to support them.

Ultimately, European stability is also provided by confidence and confidence comes out of a clear, realistic and achievable vision of the future, and that means for Europe’s future architecture. Plans for deeper economic and monetary union help generate stability by showing investors that there is a clear vision for the future.

Over the course of this year the Commission will, building on the blueprint we presented last year, set out in a more detailed manner the steps needed to deepen economic and monetary union, including a social dimension in the EMU and the necessary accompanying steps towards political Union.

I am confident that during the Irish Presidency we will look beyond our European borders. The world economy is changing beyond recognition, with new centres of growth appearing and the pace of globalisation increasing. Europe needs to be an active global player to benefit from worldwide economic potential and to promote our values. Europe has indeed lots of advantages.

Despite the current difficulties, Europe’s average debt-to-GDP ratio is 82.5 %, compared to the United States’ rate of 103 % and Japan’s nearly 230 %. And – and this fact is less well known – unlike other major industrialised economies that have been losing parts of the world market, the European Union has preserved its share of the world market, but of course with very important differences among Member States of the European Union.

We will continue to deepen economic ties with both our well established strategic partners and the dynamic emerging economies. We look forward to the approval, now that the negotiations have been concluded, of the Singapore FTA and we look forward to completing FTA negotiations with Canada and to starting negotiations with Japan. We will pursue with vigour our negotiations with India, Malaysia and Vietnam. We will also set out a clear vision on deepening economic ties with the United States, which remains our single most important economic partner. And in spite of everything that we hear in these times, the reality is that the economic relationship between the European Union and the United States is by far the most important one in the world.

Nor must we neglect our neighbours to the south and to the east. Our relations with these countries are a reminder that our trade policy, indeed all our external economic policy from assistance to energy, transport to research, is not just vital for our economic interests but for Europe’s capacity to play a significant, constructive role at the global level.

Allow me to conclude with a remark on Ireland, which has shown an impressive commitment to implementing the economic adjustment programme. The Irish people have had to make great sacrifices to ensure the recovery of the country and so have the people of Greece, Portugal, Spain, but also other countries which carry out difficult but indispensable reforms.

The Irish case shows that, provided there is the political will to accompany the sacrifices, programmes can and do work and reform can go hand in hand with social cohesion. Economic growth in Ireland was stronger than expected at the end of last year, the deficit is lower than predicted and Ireland has already made a first successful return to financial markets.

Of course, important challenges remain, especially tackling unemployment and reducing further the very high deficit. The Commission will stand by Ireland, as we will stand with the other programme countries in particular. The Commission supports all measures that will improve market confidence and increase public support for the reform process. In parallel, I have always made and will always make the case for the need for solidarity and for the need for fairness in the European Union.

As I mentioned in my introduction, Ireland has been an active and valued member of the European Union for 40 years. It has greatly benefited from its membership in the past, and through its Presidency of the European Union will have an important role in shaping the new European Union for the future to the benefit of this generation and generations to come.

The great poet William Butler Yeats commenced his collection ‘Responsibilities’ with the sentence: ‘In dreams begins responsibility’. I would add ‘In responsibility begins action’ and over the next six months there will be plenty of action, from the Presidency, from the Commission and I am certain too from this Parliament, and I am sure that the six months of the Irish Presidency of the Council will be an Irish and European success story.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Joseph Daul, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président du Parlement, Monsieur le Président de la Commission, Monsieur le Premier ministre, chers collègues, en ce début de présidence irlandaise, j'aimerais, naturellement, vous adresser mes vœux de réussite. Mais j'aimerais aussi vous féliciter, cher Enda Kenny, vous féliciter pour les efforts extraordinaires que vous avez accomplis pour inverser la tendance et prendre le dessus sur la récession économique. La preuve, les investissements sont de retour en Irlande, c'est une excellente nouvelle pour l'emploi.

Vous avez pris des décisions difficiles, mais nécessaires. Par exemple, vous avez retardé l'âge du départ à la retraite, qui, l'année prochaine, passera de 65 à 66 ans, à 67 ans en 2021 et à 68 en 2028. Depuis 2008, vous avez réalisé un assainissement budgétaire de 18 % de votre PIB. Votre gouvernement est en train d'arriver à un équilibre budgétaire.

Vous montrez la voie en Europe et ça me donne envie de vous faire une proposition. Je pourrais vous signer caution, au niveau européen, pour baisser les taux d'intérêt auxquels vous empruntez. C'est comme cela que, quand les budgets seront à l'équilibre, à moyen terme, nous pourrons mutualiser la dette; c'est cela la solidarité européenne. Et plus vite cela arrivera pour ceux qui font du bon travail, mieux cela vaudra.

Et vous avez pris toutes ces décisions sans perdre le soutien des Irlandais, qui ont voté, lors du référendum, à 60 % pour le traité budgétaire. Ces efforts ne sont pas vains. Au contraire, ils sont tangibles. Mais, comme vous le savez, votre succès ne sera durable que si vous continuez sur cette voie. Ce n'est pas le moment de fléchir – rien n'est pire que de relâcher l'effort quand la pression tombe et que les premiers résultats positifs apparaissent – sinon, vous risquez une deuxième crise, pire que la première, et j'en ai vécu plusieurs dans ma vie.

Chers collègues, c'est notre leitmotiv depuis plus de deux ans. Il n'y a pas de solidarité sans responsabilité, et la solidarité doit jouer d'autant plus à l'égard de ceux qui se sont montrés responsables et exemplaires, à l'image de l'Irlande, qui a joué le jeu en respectant à la lettre le programme. Si l'Irlande met en place le programme dans les délais, et en sort avec une santé financière retrouvée, nous sommes en fait tous gagnants.

Monsieur le Premier ministre, les priorités de la Présidence irlandaise sont nos priorités: assurer la stabilité, la croissance et la création d'emplois. Et, comme je l'ai souvent dit, l'Europe a besoin d'une croissance durable. Or, aujourd'hui, 90 % de la croissance mondiale n'est plus en Europe. Nous sommes souvent tentés de réinventer le monde. Et, dans le passé, qui n'est pas si lointain, il a été décidé – et nous en avons beaucoup parlé au sein de notre Parlement – que notre avenir économique passait uniquement par les services. Il n'y avait plus de place, ou presque plus de place, pour l'industrie.

Où sont les services aujourd'hui? Pas en Europe, en tout cas. Tout comme l'industrie. Or, l'industrie est essentielle pour les emplois et l'Europe doit continuer à miser sur l'industrie et, surtout, je le rappellerai toujours, à protéger les emplois que nous avons et à défendre la création de nouveaux emplois. Pour cela aussi, nous avons besoin de vraies politiques européennes, de plus d'intégration.

Il nous faut des politiques communes comme celles qui ont contribué à nos succès – vous en connaissez quelques-unes en Irlande: la cohésion, la politique agricole – des politiques européennes qui soutiennent les investissements à long terme, des politiques européennes d'innovation, qui offrent une réelle synergie en matière de recherche et de développement, mais une politique de recherche et développement décidée au niveau de l'Europe. Il ne faut pas uniquement mettre de l'argent sur tel dossier ou tel dossier. Il faut une vraie politique de recherche et de développement.

Notre économie ne sera compétitive que si nous nous engageons sur cette voie. Et si nous travaillons à plus d'harmonisation fiscale et sociale. Et je répète qu'harmonisation, ça ne veut pas dire uniformisation. Nos économies sont liées les unes aux autres. Nous avons un marché unique. N'est-ce pas un formidable instrument pour trouver des solutions européennes à nos 26 millions de chômeurs? Pour toutes ces raisons, nous devons renforcer notre Union économique et monétaire et, pour ces mêmes raisons, il nous faut un budget européen crédible, à la hauteur du défi de la relance de notre économie.

Monsieur le Premier ministre, tenez bon! Le Parlement est avec vous. L'Irlande est un exemple de redressement. Votre Présidence, j'en suis certain, sera une Présidence de redressement européen et, mon cher Enda Kenny, je reprendrai le slogan qui m'est cher: "Tu es un homme politique formidable, mais tu es aussi un chef d'État". Tu connais la différence. Si l'homme politique veut assurer sa réélection, l'homme d'État doit, lui, assurer l'avenir des générations. Nous comptons beaucoup sur toi et souhaitons que la Présidence irlandaise réussisse. Toute l'Europe en profitera.

 
  
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  Hannes Swoboda (S&D). - Mr President, I would like to say to the Taoiseach, yes, you are right; Ireland has a very different history. Not long ago you were the Celtic Tiger, then came an economic crisis and now you are on the way out of the economic crisis. You are on the way out of the economic crisis because of the positive combination of your efforts in Ireland and European aid. This is the remedy for other countries as well.

And there is a second point. You want to have reforms and you make reforms with the citizens, rather than against them, for example where agreements with trade unions are concerned. But it is not only about the crisis in Ireland; we need your help with the European crisis.

There are three elements I particularly want to mention: economic governance in a socially just and fair Europe; the fight against unemployment, especially youth unemployment, and freedom of movement in the Schengen area, including improving conditions for refugees and migrants.

Let me turn firstly to economic governance. Today a prominent newspaper, the Süddeutsche Zeitung, has written ‘Europa leidet, Deutschland gewinnt’ – Europe suffers, Germany wins. This is not how Europe should work: some countries win while the others suffer. Therefore we have to do something against it.

You mentioned the two-pack for more economic governance. We agree with it but we also wish to send a very clear message to the Council and to the Commission: we need something to lower the differences in interest rates. Yesterday in this House the Austrian Chancellor said the same. We have to start work help set up the Redemption Fund and we hope to get a message from the Commission, and we hope to have your help.

As for banking union, yes, we have to set up the banking union now, and we are ready to do so. We also need the Capital Requirement Regulation. But is it acceptable for some Member States countries to demand bonuses of up to 300, 400 or even 600%? This Parliament is ready to conclude the agreement, but we cannot accept bonuses like that.

You spoke about the citizens’ rights. Is it in the interest of the citizens to give such high bonuses to a small minority in the financial services sector? I do not think it is. And of course we need your help on the Financial Transaction Tax. I know you do not want it, not yet at least, but we need your help to come to a clear decision.

Secondly, the fight against unemployment, especially youth unemployment. I thank you for mentioning the youth guarantee. You also have to make many efforts, including the budgetary efforts, which you mentioned, but if we reduce the budget especially for the European Social Fund how can we fight against youth unemployment? How will the different countries, especially the poorer countries, fight against youth unemployment? Therefore we need also your support in that regard. That would be very helpful, because youth unemployment is an enormous waste of economic resources. It is an unacceptable social deprivation and it is an inestimable political danger for democracy in many countries.

But it is not only an economic issue. It is also concerns our achievements in terms of justice and home affairs. Let us talk about Schengen. It is not your direct business but now it is your business. We had an agreement under the Cyprus Presidency to go and find a solution with the Council, but again the Council is resisting, and again many ministers of the interior are saying we want to limit freedom of movement in the Schengen area.

This is not acceptable to us. We said at the very beginning that measures had to be taken if necessary, we were ready for that. But we cannot agree to undue restrictions to the freedom of movement, because Schengen is an achievement of the European Union. We want to work on this achievement, we want to improve it, but we are not ready to destroy this achievement which has enabled freedom of movement within the Schengen area. Therefore, we need your help.

But we are also shocked that many Council members are not able or not ready to adopt legislative measures on the Dublin Convention and on reception conditions. Again, how can Europe show its humanity if not towards migrants and also towards refugees? With regard to migration, internal migration, we reject any curtailing of the rights of migrants. In Ireland it may seem as though you have a lot of migrants all of a sudden. I understand that sometimes it seems the social problem is too big but I think we should stick to the European values.

Finally, Taoiseach, you, together with the Tánaiste and with your very young but already very experienced Minister for European Affairs, you will have a good Presidency. We are very convinced, especially if you are not afraid of your colleagues in the Council, that if you come here to Parliament and get the support of this Parliament and you think about the citizens, you will have a successful Presidency.

 
  
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  Guy Verhofstadt, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, my group very much welcome Ireland’s Presidency and its experience. After all, it is not the first time that Ireland has undertaken it and I can tell you will need all your skill to make progress. Why? Because I think the most important task that we have now is to fight what I call complacency in the Union for the moment. The fight against complacency should be your first and most important task because that is what threatens the Union today.

There are many Member States and there are many national political leaders who think they can escape this crisis by doing nothing at all. They wonder if it is really necessary to do more and have greater integration of the European Union to solve this crisis. Is it not simpler to follow the miracle man, Mr Draghi? Is that not enough? I think that they are wrong and that we need structural solutions and that you, Mr Kenny, as the leader of a country that has suffered strongly because of the crisis, must remind your colleagues in the Council of the importance of establishing permanent solutions, structural solutions, a more integrated Europe, a fiscal union, a banking union, an economic union and finally also a political union.

So I think that would be an enormous achievement in the next six months instead of them thinking, that the crisis is over and that it is not necessary to go further in the direction of a more integrated Europe; you have to say: stop, no, it is wrong. The experience of Ireland is I think a good experience to show to them.

I want to come in on three specific issues: the further strengthening of the Stability Pact (the two-pack). A proposal was carried out by a majority in this House and it was sent in December of last year to the Commission, so we wait for a response. I think we can find a solution if the Commission can take over what we have sent to them.

Secondly, the single supervisory mechanisms; we have to be sure at the end that it is a genuinely European mechanism and not an amalgamation of national supervisors and also in that area, Mr Kenny, I think that you can show – with the Irish experience – how a good European single supervisor should have solved problems in advance which Ireland is facing today.

Finally, the most important thing in the next six months is work from the Commission that can be influenced by you and your experience: I refer to the resolution mechanism. I have to tell you that we will have no banking union if we do not have a serious resolution fund; we all agree on that. I do not think that there is a misunderstanding about that but what I see as a first draft reported by the FT worries me deeply. It may interest our British colleagues to hear something about the resolution mechanism. Mr President of the Commission, what I have seen in the FT is not a real European mechanism. It has to be a European mechanism and not Member States who are still responsible for their banking debt. It has to split banking debt from sovereigns.

My conclusion is to apply your experience, Mr Kenny. I think what is good for Ireland can be good for Europe.

 
  
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  Daniel Cohn-Bendit, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, Messieurs les présidents, je voudrais vous prendre au mot, Monsieur Kenny, puisque vous avez dit que vous vouliez une politique de l'Union, qui soit responsable, une politique de l'Union qui se tourne vers la stabilité de l'emploi et la croissance. Le Président de la Commission vous a suivi dans cette direction.

On peut raconter ce qu'on veut. Si l'on veut mener une politique de croissance et de relance, il faut avoir de l'argent; sinon, vous ne ferez que des discours. À moins que l'Irlande ne soit le pays où les discours créent de l'emploi, il va bien falloir, à un moment, parvenir à une solution.

Vous avez dit qu'il fallait un cadre financier pluriannuel qui soit crédible. Il faut donc un accord crédible. Le problème, c'est que cet accord soit précisément "crédible". Ce qui est proposé sur la table par le Conseil n'est pas crédible et ne va pas aider à créer de l'emploi. De plus, c'est une proposition qui est conservatrice, structurellement conservatrice. Pourquoi? Parce que la France et d'autres défendront leur pré carré sur la politique agricole commune, tandis que d'autres encore défendront leur pré carré sur les politiques régionales. Et tout ce qui est tourné vers l'avenir, c'est-à-dire vers la jeunesse, vers l'innovation, vers la recherche, tout cela passera à l'as. C'est exactement ce qui est prévu dans les propositions. Par conséquent, si vous respectez votre philosophie de la crédibilité, vous n'arriverez à rien avec cette proposition pluriannuelle. C'est là où je ne comprends pas l'Irlande.

La seule possibilité de sortir de l'impasse des problèmes des États membres tient effectivement dans les ressources propres. Et que sont les ressources propres? C'est la taxe sur les transactions financières. Si elle était européenne, cette taxe rapporterait, selon la Commission, 55 milliards par an. C'est plus de la moitié du budget européen. Vous pouvez, donc, avec des ressources propres, avoir la capacité de disposer d'un budget européen crédible et valable, tout en réduisant, en partie, les contributions nationales. Tout le monde serait gagnant. Seulement, voilà, le Conseil européen y perdrait son pouvoir politique sur le budget.

Prenez l'exemple de la politique agricole commune. Une proposition a été faite de plafonner – to cap, en français, pour que tout le monde comprenne – ce que les agriculteurs reçoivent. On propose de plafonner à 100 000 euros ce que les agriculteurs gagneraient. 82 % des agriculteurs européens n'ont pas plus de 15 000 euros. Il n'y a que la reine d'Angleterre qui ait plus. C'est pour cette raison, d'ailleurs, que M. Cameron est contre le capping, parce qu'il prendrait de l'argent à la reine d'Angleterre. C'est cela qu'il faut leur dire! C'est la vérité! Absolument!

Si l'on reste conservateur dans le sens, qu'on n'a pas la capacité de créer un budget européen avec des ressources propres, on ne sera pas capables de créer ce dont les jeunes ont besoin – car, si vous voulez une politique de l'emploi des jeunes, il faut une politique d'investissement.

Monsieur le Président – je termine –, si vous voulez être à la hauteur des problèmes que nous connaissons, il faut sortir de l'ornière du conservatisme qui est proposé par le budget pluriannuel.

(Applaudissements)

 
  
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  Martin Callanan, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, I would like to say good morning to the Taoiseach and welcome him to the Chamber this morning. On behalf of my group let me welcome the fact that Ireland is taking on the Presidency at this crucial time and indeed personally, as someone who is half Irish, it gives me particular pleasure, Taoiseach, to welcome you here this morning and it gives me the opportunity to wish you well. I have every confidence that your Presidency will in fact turn out to be a success because Ireland has such a distinguished track record during previous presidencies.

Ireland’s second Presidency in 1979 saw the conclusion of the GATT agreement which opened up international trade, the 1990 Irish Presidency helped to reunify the continent following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the 2004 Irish Presidency welcomed many former Soviet bloc states into the EU. Now, of course, it will not surprise you that my group does not agree with everything that either you have said today or that is included in your Presidency priorities but there is a substantial amount on which we can agree.

Naturally, in particular we welcome your emphasis on growth, on jobs and on stability. We agree with you that developing the single market as a drive of economic growth has to be a key priority. My group has long argued that it is time for the single market to move into the digital age and there is much in the Single Market 2 Act which delivers on this important agenda and we will work with you in attempting to deliver it.

In your priorities, you also talk about improving access to finance and, to quote, ‘public procurement for small businesses’. We, of course, welcome that although we will wait to see whether any concrete action actually flows from that statement. My group believes that there is one small but important change that you could make and that is to the Council meetings themselves, by creating a dedicated single market Council meeting rather than lumping this important policy area into other configurations.

It is, of course, as I have said many times essential that we reprioritise Europe’s competitiveness. Like much of Europe, your country was hit hard by the crisis but you have made great progress, as many have said, in your fight back. Ireland in my view is a fundamentally competitive economy compared to many other European countries. In particular I congratulate you in having rightly fought to preserve your low corporate tax rates; Ireland should be an example to the rest of Europe. I am thinking particularly of the Socialists and President Hollande here, showing that low tax rates do lead to a more competitive economy generating growth and creating wealth.

I also, unlike Mr Cohn-Bendit, welcome your very sensible opposition to a Financial Transaction Tax. It will be extremely damaging for many of the Member States that have introduced it, but there again that is their problem. Luckily Mr Cohn-Bendit will never get the opportunity to spend the vast fantasy sums which he thinks will be raised by it.

As you also said in your remarks, we have a unique opportunity in the next few months to make substantial progress on an EU-USA free trade agreement. The first half of 2013 not only sees Ireland hold the Presidency of the EU but it sees my own country hold the Presidency of the G8. I really hope that both Presidencies can work hard on such an agreement to get it off the ground. It seems to have gone from a pie-in-the-sky notion to a distinct possibility in a matter of months. The benefits of reducing tariffs are incalculable, both to our economies and across the Atlantic, and indeed it will help to build further on the transatlantic partnership.

I believe that our people in Europe want to see the EU making a difference in those areas where it can genuinely add value. What they do not want to see is more institutional navel gazing or theological blueprints for deepening economic and monetary union. We all know of course that there is little willingness by any Member State to shift from their entrenched positions on the eurozone crisis, whether in the north or in the south, so in my view it is important not to waste time and divert scarce resources trying to pretend otherwise.

Taoiseach, my hope is that you will be able to return here in the summer saying that you have laid the groundwork for a more open and competitive market, for a more complete digital single market and for freer trade with our major economic partners. That indeed would be a worthy legacy of your Presidency.

 
  
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  Nigel Farage, on behalf of the EFD Group. – Mr President, we see there is nothing to worry about! Mr Barroso told us last week – I think I can say – that the existential threat against the euro has essentially been overcome. Nothing to see here; move along – crisis over. Mr Draghi and Angela Merkel may well have committed the German taxpayer to unlimited sums of money in order to prop up the eurozone, and certainly ahead of the German elections there is perhaps not much else she could have done – and I do accept that the pressure from the markets, Mr Barroso, has eased for now.

And from your perspective, Mr Barroso, and from everybody’s perspective I suppose, the champagne is still flowing, the chauffeur-driven cars are shiny, the salaries and of course the expenses are attractive, so everything is rosy in the EU garden. But I do not think we should be kidding anybody, Mr Barroso, because the fundamentals have not changed. In fact things deteriorated in 2012 – substantially. Unemployment has soared, particularly in the Mediterranean countries, with youth unemployment now up to 58% in two of those countries. Manufacturing, both in the north and south of the eurozone, is eroding with every single month that goes by, and there are the levels of human suffering that we are seeing – with pensions having been cut back, with soup kitchens growing all over the place, and with people in despair – and the prospects for 2013, particularly for the Mediterranean, are that it will be worse still.

And yet what the Commission and you, Mr Barroso, from your ivory tower, are saying is ‘let them eat cake’. You are showing that the European political class are out of touch, uncaring and simply plain wrong. But I am pleased to say that in Britain there is a proper European debate that is starting, driven I suspect by the rise of UKIP in the polls, and Mr Cameron, having postponed it for a few times, will speak this Friday on the issue. He wants to renegotiate the EU’s deal; he wants us to have an à la carte menu. Well, you may give him some concessions and you may not. His real plan is of course to deflect all of this so that there is not a referendum for five years. That or not, actually the longer this debate goes on, the more likely the UK is to leave the European Union.

This debate will not stop and I am pleased to say that democracy, the arguments for democracy, are now staging a fight back and I look forward to when the United Kingdom does get that referendum. And I hope that many other countries will follow our lead, including Ireland, in claiming back their rights of democracy and self-government.

 
  
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  Gabriele Zimmer, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Taoiseach! Schon der Titel des Programms der irischen Präsidentschaft „Stabilität, Arbeitsplätze, Wachstum“ zeigt, dass Armutsbekämpfung in der EU und weltweit, Bekämpfung sozialer Ausgrenzung und auch ökologischer Zerstörung nicht oberste Prioritäten Ihres Programms sind. Es geht nicht um die verantwortungsvolle Schaffung nachhaltiger Arbeitsplätze, die dringend gebraucht werden. An dieser Tatsache ändert aus meiner Sicht auch der blumige Blick auf die Menschen nichts. Das Programm des Vorsitzes geht weder von den Lebensproblemen der Griechinnen und Griechen aus, noch entspricht es insgesamt der EU-Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie.

Die irische Präsidentschaft – und das ist uns allen klar – steht vor großen Herausforderungen. Ich befürchte aber, Sie stellen nicht einmal die Fragen, die eigentlich notwendig sind und die mit den anstehenden Entscheidungen der nächsten sechs Monate verbunden sind. Ist das Ruder in den Verhandlungen um den Mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen bis 2020 und um den Kohäsions- und Strukturfonds noch herumzureißen? Wird die irische Präsidentschaft auch nur den Versuch unternehmen, Struktur- und Kohäsionsfonds als Instrument der Solidarität, der Angleichung, der Entwicklung innerhalb der Europäischen Union zu bewahren?

Heute, pünktlich zur Übernahme der Präsidentschaft hier in diesem Parlament, titelt die Süddeutsche Zeitung „Europa leidet, Deutschland gewinnt“. Welche Überschriften werden am Ende Ihrer Präsidentschaft stehen? Werden Sie als ehrlicher Makler versuchen, die Spaltung der Union, die Verschärfung der Disparitäten auszugleichen? Wollen Sie das überhaupt? Es dürfte schwer sein, glaubwürdig zu vermitteln. Offensichtlich sehen Sie sich durch die Bedingungen dazu gezwungen, etwas zu tun, was auch bisher nicht üblich war, nämlich die Präsidentschaft zu verbinden mit den Interessen der irischen Regierung. Anders kann ich es nicht verstehen, dass Sie unmittelbar nach Übernahme der irischen Präsidentschaft nichts anderes zu tun hatten, als sofort zur CSU-Landesgruppe zu reisen und an deren Tagung teilzunehmen. Offensichtlich sind Sie auf das Wohlwollen und auch auf das Lob der deutschen Regierung angewiesen. Das zumindest lässt die Frage stellen, ob Sie für einen Interessenausgleich der unterschiedlichen Interessengruppen innerhalb des Rates sorgen können.

Ich sage es auch sehr deutlich: Meine Fraktion ist mit dem Vorschlag zur Struktur des Mehrjährigen Finanzrahmens nicht einverstanden. Der Rat schlägt Kürzungen hauptsächlich bei den Mitteln für soziale Programme und Forschung, für soziale und territoriale Kohäsion, Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und humanitäre Hilfe vor. Die Kürzungen, die bei den Struktur- und Kohäsionsfonds vorgesehen sind – 35 Milliarden Euro weniger als für den bisherigen Zeitraum –, führen zwangsläufig zur Verstärkung des Nord-Süd-Gefälles. Das Europa der Solidarität, Herr Taoiseach, wird unter Ihren Augen zum Europa der Austerität. Und Austerität ist antieuropäisch.

Sie haben sich zur Idee der Jugendgarantie bekannt. Gut! Welche Vorstellungen haben Sie allerdings zur Finanzierung? Bitte lassen sie jeden Gedanken daran fallen, die Jugendgarantie aus dem ESF zu finanzieren. Greifen Sie den Vorschlag Ihres österreichischen Kollegen auf, den er gestern unterbreitet hat, setzen Sie den Rabatten ein Ende, nehmen Sie die freiwerdenden Gelder, finanzieren Sie damit das, was notwendig ist, nämlich die Schaffung konkreter Arbeitsplätze für junge Menschen. Sorgen Sie dafür, dass diese Arbeitsplätze sozialrechtlich abgesichert sind, dass Mindesteinkommen gezahlt werden und dass nicht durch den Abzug von Geldern zur Bekämpfung von Armut aus dem ESF gleichzeitig ein neues Heer von billigen Arbeitskräften geschaffen wird, die langfristig in Armut verbleiben. Das wird Ihre Aufgabe sein, daran werden wir Sie messen, das wäre nachweislich ein wirklicher, sensibler Blick auf die Menschen, zu dem Sie sich bekannt haben.

 
  
  

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. GIANNI PITTELLA
Vicepresidente

 
  
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  Diane Dodds (NI). - Mr President, firstly I would like to wish the Irish Presidency well in the next number of months. I would also like to concur with the Taoiseach’s condemnation of street violence from all quarters in Belfast in recent weeks. Respect for identity and culture is important in Northern Ireland, as it is in the rest of Europe. I would urge the Taoiseach to emphasise this to nationalist politicians from my constituency whom I know that he meets on a frequent and regular basis.

The aims of the Irish Presidency are right and laudable. Stability, jobs and growth are essential for all of our constituents. In Northern Ireland we are heartened that the economy in the Irish Republic is showing signs of recovery. Despite repeated conversations within these institutions, I do not believe that many here actually recognise how difficult it has been for firms and small businesses and, in my part of Northern Ireland, the impact that the crisis in the Irish Republic’s economy has had on them. However, over the next number of months of the Irish Presidency, Northern Ireland requires changes to its regional aid guidelines. We look forward to your help in gaining a successful outcome, as with fisheries and agriculture.

 
  
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  Gay Mitchell (PPE). - Mr President, I wish to welcome the Taoiseach and Minister Creighton, to thank them for the programme they have set out here this morning and to congratulate the Irish Presidency for the thorough preparations that have been made.

I would like to make three points. One is about use of language. I think the language we use is important. There are many people in this House who play politics with people’s pain. They use phrases like ‘austerity does not work’, as if you plant the seed today and you wake up in the morning saying ‘where is the bush?’.

We all know that it takes time. Nobody more than Ireland knows that it takes time. What happened in three general elections we had in 1981 and 1982, right up to 1987, when we could not get the public finances under control, was that there was unemployment. When we got our public finances under control from 1987 onwards, with the support of Fine Gael from opposition to a minority Fianna Fáil Government, the Celtic Tiger years followed.

You are right, Taoiseach. Start changing the language. Talk about growth, jobs and stability and hope. And above all, in Europe and also in Ireland, talk about solidarity. There is plenty to go around. Ireland is not a poor country. Europe is not a poor continent. It is time we shared things out a bit and helped people through the difficult times that they are facing.

The second thing I want to say is that we should take stock in Europe. In all this doom and gloom, saying that it is a terrible place and that the whole place is falling down around us, have we forgotten where we came from? There were two world wars in the first half of the last century and 60 million Europeans killed each other. Then in recent times the unthinkable, the miraculous happened: the Berlin Wall came down and we brought ten Member States into the European Union. Then they threw the worst financial crisis since the 1930s at us and we are managing it.

But I want to say one thing to the Taoiseach, if I may, coming back to what he said about Africa. This is a changing world. There will be two billion more people within a generation, 90% of them born into what is now the developing world. We will be six per cent of the world’s population. 26 000 children are dying every day. Please look out especially for the humanitarian aid budget and the development budget in the multiannual financial framework.

 
  
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  Göran Färm (S&D). - Mr President, the Irish Presidency takes office at a sensitive time for the Union. I am thinking particularly of the financial framework negotiations. It is the first time in history that a long-term budget will be dealt with under the rules of the Lisbon Treaty and at the same time in an economic crisis, the deepest since the birth of this Union.

The crisis fosters a simple logic. If Member States cut their budgets, so should the EU, but that logic is simplified and false. First of all, not all Member States have cut their budgets and no Member State has decided to cut their national budget up until 2020, so why should the European Union? We should hopefully be out of the crisis by then.

Secondly, the main priority in this situation, when the role of the EU is more difficult and more important than ever, should be to safeguard the functioning, the unity and the future of the Union, even if it comes at a cost. Parliament has been quite clear about what we need in order to grant consent to the new financial framework. Everyone should understand that the consent procedure gives Parliament the right of veto. We do not need any major increase, but we do need a budget strong enough to match crucial priorities, investments in sustainability, growth and jobs, particularly youth unemployment and infrastructure, as well as to play a major role in the world.

We need a budget that is flexible enough not just to meet present needs, but also the need for the future up to 2020, including a binding mid-term revision. We need a process towards more own resources stable enough to reduce the national direct contributions so controversial and detrimental to EU solidarity.

I would like to ask the Prime Minister, even though Mr Van Rompuy is now heading the negotiations, what he can do to deliver on those needs in order to avoid a veto from Parliament?

 
  
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  Alexander Graf Lambsdorff (ALDE). - Mr President, the Taoiseach is here; Chancellor Merkel was here; Prime Minister Monti was here; President Sarkozy, when still in office, was here.

David Cameron is hiding in Holland. He seems to be afraid of a real debate about the future of Europe with the elected representatives of the peoples of Europe. I would like to say to Martin Callanan of our Tory friends to invite him to come here to have this debate here rather than in The Hague. Your being here earns you our respect and loyalty but not only that.

Sie haben sechs Sparhaushalte nacheinander verabschiedet. Sie haben alle Auflagen von IWF und Europäischer Union erfüllt. Sie sind am Kapitalmarkt zurück, Sie haben wirklich viel getan! Aber Ihr Schuldenstand wird in diesem Jahr ungefähr 120 % des Bruttoinlandsprodukts erreichen, und Sie wollen deshalb die irischen Schulden europäisieren. Ob das richtig ist, sei dahingestellt. Es ist allemal legitim, es zu versuchen.

Es wirft nur eine Frage auf: Kann Irland wirklich ein ehrlicher Makler sein, wenn die Last der nationalen Interessen so schwer auf Ihren Schultern drückt? Vergessen wir nicht, in zwölf Monaten wird hier der griechische Premierminister sitzen. Welche nationalen Interessen wird er mitbringen? Das ist ein großes Problem.

Sie haben eben in Ihrer Rede gesagt, Sie wollen eine erneuerte und umgebaute Europäische Union. Das klingt bei Ihnen erheblich glaubwürdiger als wahrscheinlich bei David Cameron am Freitag.

Ich habe einige Vorschläge, was man machen könnte. Zum Einen: Lassen Sie uns die rotierende Präsidentschaft abschaffen. Sie werden sehr gute Arbeit machen. Das ist Ihre siebte Präsidentschaft, Sie haben eine hervorragende Europaministerin. Aber das System ist ein Problem.

Zweitens: Gestern hat hier der österreichische Bundeskanzler, der auch hier war, um über Europa zu debattieren, gefordert, dass alle Rabatte abgeschafft werden sollen bei der Finanzierung der Europäischen Union. Lassen Sie uns das System erheblich einfacher machen!

Beim dritten Punkt geht es an Ihre Glaubwürdigkeit: Sie haben gesagt, Sie wollen eine Europäische Union, die weniger komplex, weniger institutionell ist. Der erste wichtige Schritt dahin ist eine kleinere Kommission. Wir haben jetzt 27 Kommissare, es werden immer mehr. Das ist der erste wichtige Schritt, und hier spielen Sie eine ganz besondere Rolle!

 
  
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  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE). - Herr Präsident, Herr Präsident Barroso, Taoiseach, Kollegen! Ich habe mich gefreut, Taoiseach, dass Sie so großes Gewicht auf die Anstrengungen für die Jugend Europas gelegt haben. Ich hoffe, Sie werden in Kooperation mit der Kommission und auch mit diesem Parlament dabei erfolgreich sein.

Aber enttäuscht war ich darüber, dass ich von Ihnen praktisch nichts gehört habe über eine wesentliche Aufgabe, gerade auch Ihrer Präsidentschaft, die auch für die Jugend von großer Bedeutung ist, nämlich die Industriepolitik. Wenn man in den Arbeitsplan der Kommission für dieses Jahr sieht, kann man leicht feststellen, wie groß die Aufgaben sind und wie groß die Agenda ist. Bei Ihnen ist da nichts zu hören. Wir reden von einer Reindustrialisierung Europas, bei Ihnen kommt der ganze Bereich überhaupt nicht vor! Eine Reindustrialisierung Europas braucht die Kombination von Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Nachhaltigkeit, um sustainable growth, wie Herr Barroso das genannt hat, zu erreichen. Das braucht nicht nur Industriepolitik im Allgemeinen, das braucht einen Ressourceneffizienz-Fahrplan, das braucht Energieeffizienz, das braucht – wie im Jahreswirtschaftsbericht vorgeschlagen wird – einen Abbau von umweltschädlichen Subventionen. In Ihren Prioritäten nichts dazu, in Ihrer Rede heute nichts dazu. Haben Sie da keine klaren Ambitionen, oder haben Sie nur vergessen, darüber zu sprechen?

Wenn Sie – gerade auch für die Jugend – Stabilität, Wachstum und Jobs erreichen wollen, wenn das das Zentrum Ihrer Arbeit in diesem halben Jahr sein soll, dann müssen Sie sich auch aktiv für eine Industriepolitik einsetzen, die auf Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Nachhaltigkeit gegründet ist.

 
  
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  Jan Zahradil (ECR). - Dobrý den, pane ministerský předsedo, paní ministryně, rád Vás vidím zase po několika týdnech, vzpomínám na naše setkání v Dublinu a přeji Vašemu předsednictví úspěch. Těším se na něj, věřím, že to bude předsednictví zdravě realistické, jak to tak většinou bývá u předsednictví těch menších evropských zemí.

Líbí se mi, že jste zmínili ve svých prioritách mezinárodní obchod. Máme tady řadu rozdělaných mezinárodních smluv. Bohužel někdy v tomto Parlamentu se právě obchodní politika stává tak trochu rukojmím politického soupeření, které do toho nepatří. Na to si asi budete muset zvyknout a doufám, že se Vám to podaří prorazit. Stejně tak se mi líbí, že jste zmínili ve svých prioritách důležitost transatlantických vztahů. To se tady bohužel často neslyší a fakt je, že za Obamovy administrativy se Spojené státy věnují trochu jiným oblastem světa, než je zrovna Evropa. Tak doufám, že i to se podaří s Vaší pomocí změnit.

Pokud jde o budoucnost Evropy, bohužel tady existuje určitá fobie z jiných názorů, různí eurofederalisté odmítají slyšet alternativní vize Evropské unie. Já jsem přesvědčen, že ani to nebude Váš případ a že přispějete k plodnému dialogu v této věci. Takže Vám přeji, jak už jsem řekl v Dublinu, aby Vaše předsednictví bylo jako irská whisky, aby mělo chuť, aby mělo barvu a aby ho byla pokud možno plná sklenice.

 
  
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  Νίκη Τζαβέλα (EFD). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η Ιρλανδική Προεδρεία δίνοντας έμφαση στη σταθερότητα, την ανάπτυξη και την απασχόληση θέτει την εμπειρία που απέκτησε κατά τη διάρκεια της οικονομικής κρίσης στις υπηρεσίες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Αυτή η εμπειρία φαίνεται ότι είναι πράγματι παραγωγική, μαζί με το γεγονός στο οποίο αναφέρεστε, δηλαδή την προσφορά σας στις ευρωατλαντικές σχέσεις, η οποία πράγματι μπορεί να είναι πολύ θετική εξαιτίας της ισχυρής ιρλανδέζικης διασποράς που υπάρχει στην Αμερική.

Η επιτυχία της Ιρλανδίας διαφαίνεται από το γεγονός ότι την προηγούμενη Πέμπτη η Ιρλανδία έκανε ένα σημαντικό βήμα για την απεξάρτησή της από το μνημόνιο. Πούλησε με απόλυτη επιτυχία πενταετή και εξαετή ομόλογα. Τα μηνύματα από τους κλάδους των υπηρεσιών και της υψηλής τεχνολογίας είναι άκρως ενθαρρυντικά. Η ιρλανδική οικονομία έχει αρχίσει πάλι να παράγει, ίσως λοιπόν μπορεί να αποτελέσει παράδειγμα για τους υπολοίπους αδύνατους κρίκους της Ένωσης. Καλή επιτυχία.

 
  
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  Martina Anderson (GUE/NGL). - Mr President, I should like to say this to the Taoiseach: the Presidency programme contains nothing progressive, no investment package, no concrete action to address the unemployment issue or that of the people participating in one of the biggest forced migrations in centuries. We were led to believe that it would be an all-Ireland Presidency and there is little evidence of that in the programme.

Transforming the conflict in the North of Ireland is most important now, as important as it ever was, as recent events in parts of Belfast have borne out. The EU has still a role to play and your government has a very key role to play, so therefore I urge you to take your responsibilities under the Good Friday Agreement, particularly with regard to rights supplementary to the European Convention on Human Rights and therefore the need for a Bill of Rights, to ensure that the symbols and the emblems are used in a manner which promotes mutual respect, and also to support the Good Friday Agreement’s commitment to a border poll. I wish you well over the next six months.

 
  
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  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Herr Präsident! Nach einem nicht ganz unkomplizierten E-mail-Verkehr mit dem Rat wurde mir mitgeteilt, dass der Schengen-Beitritt Rumäniens und Bulgariens nun auf der Agenda der irischen Ratspräsidentschaft steht. Herr Präsident, ich appelliere an Sie: Nehmen Sie bitte die Sorgen und Bedenken der Bevölkerung mitteleuropäischer Länder wie auch meiner Heimat Österreich sehr ernst und treiben Sie diesen Beitritt nicht zu sehr voran, ehe in den betroffenen Ländern die Probleme mit Schlepperunwesen, Menschenhandel, organisierter Kriminalität, Waffenhandel gelöst sind. Durch den Schengen-Beitritt erhält die organisierte Kriminalität dieser Länder einen vereinfachten Zutritt zu weiteren Absatzmärkten im Unionsgebiet. Dazu kommt auch die sehr großzügige Reisepasspolitik Rumäniens für zigtausend Moldawier, und somit haben diese auch eine Eintrittskarte in die EU.

Abschließend zum Thema Datenschutz: Geldstrafen für Datenschutzverstöße in der neuen Richtlinie durch Rügen zu ersetzen, halte ich für sehr bedenklich. Es kann nicht sein, dass Lobbyisten von Google und Facebook hier das Sagen haben und nicht die Bürgerrechte. Ich wünsche Ihnen zusammenfassend alles Gute und viel Erfolg für Ihre schwere Arbeit.

 
  
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  Herbert Reul (PPE). - Meine Herren Präsidenten! Ich fand das sehr erfreulich, hier einen europäischen Politiker zu erleben, der nicht klagt und irgendwelche Beschwerden äußert, sondern der darüber berichtet, wie man aus schwierigen Situationen durch konkretes Arbeiten rauskommt. Das macht Mut, und das ist der einzig richtige Weg! Und das heißt übrigens, dass es nicht darauf ankommt, immer mehr und ständig neue Programme und Projekte zu platzieren, sondern die paar Sachen, die richtig und vernünftig sind, auch zu realisieren.

Da will ich schon den Hinweis geben an Herrn Verhofstadt, der bei jeder dieser Debatten immer nur sagt „Schuldentilgungsfondsdebatte“, und deshalb solche Projekte wie das twopack blockiert. Wir müssten uns jetzt darum kümmern, dass solche Instrumente auch in Kraft treten können. Und auch wir müssen unseren Beitrag leisten. Ich finde, Herr Präsident des Rates, wir sollten uns darum bemühen, das unbedingt möglichst schnell zu realisieren.

Wenn es zweitens richtig ist, dass Wettbewerbsfähigkeit – ich finde, Sie haben das präzise vorgetragen – der Schlüssel der Veranstaltung ist, um Wachstum zu organisieren und damit Arbeitsplätze zu schaffen, dann müssen wir auch konkret werden, wenn es um die Frage geht – Herr Bütikofer hat es angesprochen –, was wir eigentlich tun, um Industrie in Europa zu halten und zu fördern. Auch da geht es nicht darum, immer einen neuen Plan zu formulieren. Es geht auch nicht darum, mehr Geld auszugeben, sondern es geht um die Frage: Kann ich sicherstellen, dass wir vielleicht durch die eine oder andere Maßnahme, die wir nicht treffen, die wir bremsen, die wir aussetzen, der Industrie eine Chance geben?

Was wäre denn, Herr Ratspräsident, wenn es eine gemeinsame Initiative von Rat, Kommission und Parlament gäbe, in Zukunft jeden Vorschlag, den wir hier machen – und zwar egal wer ihn macht –, daraufhin zu prüfen, ob er positive oder negative Auswirkungen auf Arbeitsplätze und Industrie hat, und dann zu entscheiden, ob wir das jetzt oder später machen. Das fände ich konkret.

Oder drittens ganz konkret zur Frage: Wettbewerbsfähigkeit erfolgt durch Technologie, Innovation und Forschung. Dann müssen wir allerdings bei der Frage der mittelfristigen Finanzplanung auch beschließen, dass, wenn es schon nicht mehr Geld gibt, dann nicht in dem Bereich gespart wird, in dem die Zukunft entsteht.

 
  
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  Emer Costello (S&D). - Mr President, I am delighted to welcome the Taoiseach and Minister Creighton to the European Parliament in Strasbourg at the beginning of the Irish Presidency of the European Union. It is a proud moment for Ireland to embark on its seventh Presidency since our accession 40 years ago.

Much has changed in those 40 years for Ireland and for Europe, most of it for the better. However, our Presidency comes at a critical time. There are new and serious challenges facing the EU, its 27 Member States and its 500 million citizens. These challenges must be confronted with a new sense of urgency.

A generation of young people must not be abandoned to long-term unemployment. A sense of aimlessness in young lives will inevitably poison young minds. I particularly welcome the Taoiseach’s assertion that the Irish Presidency will prioritise stability, growth and employment. It is important to recognise that stability on its own is not enough. We must promote growth and create jobs. That is what engenders solidarity among the citizens of the EU and restores people’s faith in the vision of the founding fathers. Peace and prosperity through solidarity and cohesion. Thus I greatly welcome the Irish Presidency’s commitment to the youth guarantee as a key policy platform urgently addressing the unemployment crisis in the EU.

Finally, the banking crisis has held the EU in thrall for too long. It is time to complete banking union and to break the link between banking and sovereign debt once and for all. I am sure that these priorities will be pursued and progressed by the Irish Presidency to bring them to fruition over the next six months.

 
  
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  Pat the Cope Gallagher (ALDE). - A Uachtaráin, ba mhaith liom fáilte a chur roimh an Taoiseach agus roimh an Aire Creighton chuig Parlaimint na hEorpa agus guím gach rath oraibh sna míonna atá amach romhainn.

The Presidency should provide you, Taoiseach, and your government with the opportunity to give practical effect to the agreement of June 2012 by EU leaders to break the link between sovereign and private bank debt. The issue of the promissory note must also be dealt with as quickly as possible. This is a matter of great concern and importance to Ireland and confidence in the Irish economy, and I do know that you are focusing on this.

During your Presidency, the government will have to conclude the EU budget for the period 2014 to 2020. Of course, as you know, a strong and robust budget is required for the common agricultural policy and, of course, the reform of the common fisheries policy, which is also important to Ireland.

As one who represents the border counties, I would also like to emphasise the importance of renewing the Peace III Programme. The Peace Programme, which you have rightly referred to, has during the period 2007 to 2013 contributed EUR 205 million in support of social inclusion projects in the border counties and Northern Ireland.

In conclusion, I would urge the Taoiseach to play a leading role to ensure that the Peace Programme is renewed after 2014. This will further help to develop peace and reconciliation on the island of Ireland. Taoiseach, I wish you well.

 
  
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  Emilie Turunen (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, I would like to welcome the Irish Prime Minister to the European Parliament and to the Irish Presidency. We are in a time of severe crisis and great challenges lie ahead. You have put forward an ambitious agenda and I sincerely hope that you will manage to move us all forward.

We Greens are especially pleased to see that you have chosen youth unemployment as one of your main priorities. As you might be aware, Parliament will today vote on a resolution supporting the introduction of European-wide youth guarantee schemes. Everybody seems to agree that the situation for Europe’s young is serious.

I remember that Heads of State already in January 2012 expressed their deep concern and the necessity to act at European level. Mr Prime Minister, now you have the chance to act. You can, on behalf of all the Member States, make a difference by gathering support in the governments for a youth guarantee in all Member States. Parliament will give you its full support; we also have very high expectations that you will be the first Presidency to deliver something concrete for Europe’s young.

 
  
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  Lajos Bokros (ECR). - Mr President, Ireland suffered much at the beginning of the financial crisis but it is a shining example of how a society can renew itself if there is political consensus on what needs to be done. It is now customary to distinguish between a fiscal and a banking crisis although all crises become fiscal after recapitalisation. A crisis which originated in the financial sector may not reflect fiscal prudence.

Governments are never innocent. Fiscal equilibrium based on inflated revenues created by a bubble economy ought not to have been considered sustainable in the first place. Ireland can promote this simple truth. Austerity, although unavoidable, is never enough to restart growth. The other indispensable component is the restoration of international competitiveness, which has been achieved by Ireland. Others should follow its example.

An ugly by-product of the crisis is the upswing of racist, populist and extremist parties. These groups fight austerity and reforms without having a rational alternative. They blame foreigners, Muslims, Jews or Roma for the hardship of natives. This trend has reached dangerous levels and become part of the mainstream. For example, a leading columnist of the Hungarian Government Party compared Roma to animals and declared them unfit for co-existence. The ruling party Fidesz missed a magnificent opportunity to condemn this ugly, racist outburst. This proves my conviction that Fidesz is in a cultural coalition with the extreme right.

Ireland has so far managed to escape the emergence of racism. It has the moral authority and obligation to uphold human rights before fascist parties gain respectability and power. The rotating presidency is obsolete, but it is important which country holds the presidency. It carries a huge political and moral authority.

 
  
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  Rolandas Paksas (EFD). - Pone pirmininke, gerbiami kolegos, Airijos pirmininkavimas Europos Sąjungai šį pusmetį šiai valstybei ne naujiena. Tačiau septintą kartą pirmininkausianti šalis šiandien turbūt pirmąkart tai darys esant ypatingai sudėtingai politinei, ekonominei situacijai pačioje bendrijoje.

Laukia itin sunkus ir nedėkingas darbas: pasiekti susitarimą dėl ilgalaikio bendrijos biudžeto. Manau, kad tai svarbiausias šio pirmininkavimo tikslas ir linkiu visokeriopos sėkmės jo siekiant. Tai labai svarbu ir Lietuvai, kurios piliečius čia atstovauju. Nes ko nepadarys Airija teks atlikti po to pirmininkausiančiai Lietuvai.

Ypač remiu Airijos pirmininkavimo Europos Sąjungai būtent šį prioritetą – į žmonių gerovę orientuotą ekonomikos atsigavimą. Tai itin dera ir su Lietuvos nacionaliniais, ir su europiniais pirmininkavimo Europos Sąjungai prioritetais, nes be piliečių gerovės nebus ir Europos Sąjungos lyderystės globalioje politikoje.

 
  
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  Paul Murphy (GUE/NGL). - Mr President, I want to say to the Taoiseach that I feel somewhat like the boy who had to point out that the emperor had no clothes. Thankfully the Taoiseach himself is not naked, but his Presidency slogan of ‘stability, jobs and growth’ is. Because there is no stability, there are no jobs, there is no real economic growth in Ireland or in Europe and your coordination of deep austerity across Europe will make the situation worse not better.

Working people right across Europe are being crucified in order to protect the bondholders. In Ireland, figures from Eurostat indicate that we are paying an incredible 42% of the total cost of the European banking crisis. But the government is reduced to begging for what are, relatively speaking, crumbs from the table of the European Central Bank on the promissory note. At the same time he will hand over EUR 26 billion to the bondholders this year.

Is it not time, Taoiseach, to say: ‘we cannot pay this debt, we should not pay this debt and we will not pay this debt’? Delivering stability, jobs and growth requires breaking with austerity and the dictatorship of the markets and, instead of funnelling these billions to the rich bondholders, investing increasing jobs and improving our society for the majority.

 
  
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  Daniël van der Stoep (NI). - Het voorzitterschap van Ierland is helaas nu al heel slecht begonnen. Als ik de website van het Iers voorzitterschap bekijk en het speciaal voor dit Iers voorzitterschap - prachtig initiatief overigens - gemaakte Ierse receptenboek probeer te bekijken, dan blijkt het een dode link te zijn. Helaas, geen receptenboek. Ik vraag de heer Kenny dan ook om daar heel snel iets aan te doen, want dit is een slechte start, Voorzitter, een heel slechte start.

Maar serieus, het voorzitterschap van de Europese Unie is natuurlijk altijd een wassen neus. Ik wens Ierland veel succes het komend halfjaar met het hebben van geen procent meer macht.

Iemand die hier natuurlijk wél macht heeft is de heer Barroso. Hij is er even tussenuit geknepen. Dat is jammer, want wij hebben het natuurlijk over een nieuwe Maltese commissaris, omdat de heer Dalli zogenaamd contact had met de tabakslobby. Wij weten dat niet. Hij is door Barroso met veel theater van het toneel gebonjourd. Nu blijkt echter dat het kabinet van de heer Barroso en andere ambtenaren meerdere contacten hebben gehad met de tabakslobby.

Is hier sprake van een enorme dubbele moraal of niet? Ik roep de voorzitter van de Commissie op om per direct alle informatie beschikbaar te stellen aan het volledige Parlement en eens op te houden met die geheime en geniepige spelletjes. Ik wil graag een reactie van de voorzitter van de Commissie.

 
  
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  Mario Mauro (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Signor presidente del Consiglio in carica, i miei auguri più sinceri per un buon lavoro al suo governo, al governo irlandese, per un semestre che si preannuncia tanto difficile quanto decisivo. Se gli anni che abbiamo appena trascorso verranno ricordati come il periodo della crisi e del rigore, il 2013 potrebbe essere ricordato come l'anno di una svolta, di una vera svolta.

Ho notato infatti con soddisfazione che il governo di Dublino annuncia l'intenzione di lavorare, nel suo programma, con gli altri Stati membri e con il Parlamento europeo, sui programmi chiave che possono sostenere forte crescita economica e coesione sociale dell'Europa. Dublino cioè ha identificato il punto chiave da dove può arrivare la spinta per la ripresa economica, per la creazione di nuovi posti di lavoro, per tornare, insomma, ad avere una speranza. Perché è questa la vera questione.

Siamo legati in un accordo sul futuro finanziamento dell'Unione europea per il periodo 2014-2020 e su questo punto si consuma un'opportunità e anche una grande ambiguità: non sono gli euroscettici, ma sono coloro che si dichiarano persuasi dell'Europa che continuano a traccheggiare sui contenuti di questo accordo. Sono cioè quei paesi che, da un lato, dovrebbero spendersi perché l'accordo sia utilizzato per il rilancio della nostra economia, che invece esitano e usano, in questo senso, l'Europa come un supermarket, dove si recano per prendere ciò di cui hanno bisogno, rifiutando invece il grande compito che la storia ci affida.

È proprio per questo, signor Presidente, che io la invito a fare di tutto perché la Presidenza irlandese sia il crogiuolo, il luogo dove si potrà realizzare un accordo concreto e autentico sul programma pluriennale. E sulla questione del bilancio si giocherà il senso della parola Europa, che apparirà a quel punto non semplicemente un'espressione retorica ma lo strumento oggettivo per il rilancio delle opportunità dei nostri cittadini e delle nostre imprese.

 
  
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  Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D). - Señor Presidente, señor Kenny, bienvenido a este Parlamento y mis mejores deseos para la Presidencia irlandesa.

De todas las prioridades que usted ha señalado esta mañana quiero retener tres: la primera es que Europa necesita empleos; la segunda, que hay que tener especial cuidado y sensibilidad con las políticas dirigidas a los jóvenes; y, la tercera, que hay que luchar contra la pobreza, el hambre y la exclusión en el mundo y en Europa.

Para esas tres prioridades hace falta crecimiento, y las perspectivas que tenemos para el próximo año son negativas: depresión en la eurozona, más desempleo. Y tenemos que evitar caer en el espejismo de que la bajada de presión sobre el euro crea por sí misma empleo, de que podemos tener estabilidad monetaria, pero, sin embargo, no tener crecimiento, no resolver los problemas de fondo.

Le pido, como ejerciente de la Presidencia, que presione a los países con superávit –especialmente Alemania– para que activen la demanda y la inversión y para que ayuden al crecimiento en el conjunto de la Unión Europea, y le pido también, como Presidente en ejercicio del Consejo, que empuje para que el presupuesto de la Unión sea un presupuesto potente, que permita igualmente el crecimiento.

En relación con los jóvenes, preferiríamos que la garantía juvenil fuera una política europea, para que los jóvenes perciban que los europeos, las instituciones europeas, y no solamente sus Gobiernos nacionales, atienden sus problemas.

 
  
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  Marian Harkin (ALDE). - Mr President, I would like to welcome the Taoiseach and Minister Creighton to Parliament and I want to wish them, their ministers and their officials well as they work to deliver a Presidency focused on results, but the challenge is huge. In the 60 seconds I have at my disposal I will deal with one core issue only and that is the slipsliding and the backsliding by the Commission and the European Council to fully and finally break the toxic link between bank and sovereign debt.

Many speakers have spoken of Ireland’s recovery. Indeed Mr Barroso said that our deficit is slower than predicted but he did not say that, despite our very best efforts, our debt-to-GNP ratio will peak at 150 % this year, our youth unemployment is at 30 % and our greatest export still is our young people. If we do not get a deal on bank debt within the context of a European solution we cannot exit the bail-out this year and our economy will grind along the bottom. Mr Barroso has gone but he spoke of solidarity and fairness. I want to ask him to keep those commitments.

 
  
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  Sven Giegold (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, I would like to thank Mr Kenny for taking over the Presidency. After having been at many trialogues in the last six months, I am looking forward to the next six months, mainly on financial services, and I hope that we can make rapid progress there.

I must also mention one area which has not been discussed very much here today, namely the whole issue of the lack of action at European level on the income side of public finances. We have seen cuts, but we have very little action regarding the taxation of wealth and of capital income, and a fair system of sharing tax income at European level. We know that at the moment the different initiatives, which are also mentioned in the Presidency programme, are locked in inaction. Therefore we have developed a list of additional points for your Presidency in a tax action plan.

The greatest presidencies were those which touched on exactly those issues where their own interests were also involved and used the Presidency to find fair balances and solutions for problems which concern all of us, despite their own interests also being affected.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, quello presentato alla nostra Assemblea dalla Presidenza irlandese è un programma molto ambizioso. Riportare l'Europa sul binario della crescita e dell'occupazione, facendo i conti con la recessione non è un'impresa facile: eppure spetta a questa Presidenza raggiungere nei prossimi sei mesi traguardi fondamentali per il futuro del progetto europeo, la revisione della politica di coesione, la PAC, la riforma sulla pesca, solo per citarne alcuni.

Chiedo però all'Irlanda di essere coraggiosa e di agire senza preconcetti, ascoltando la voce dei cittadini che chiedono un'Europa diversa. È infatti arrivato il momento di aprire un serio dibattito sulle sorti nell'UE dei popoli, come quello veneto, scozzese, catalano, che chiedono a gran voce – anche attraverso il referendum – l'indipendenza dallo Stato di appartenenza. Il fallimento dello Stato-azione, fonte di inefficienza amministrativa e ingiustizia sociale, del resto, è sotto gli occhi di tutti. Bisogna far posto a una nuova democrazia dal basso. Solo grazie alla cooperazione tra regioni, alle macroregioni e – io spero – alla futura Euroregione del Nord Italia, possiamo uscire da questa crisi e possiamo avere un'Europa più coesa.

 
  
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  Laurence J.A.J. Stassen (NI). - Voorzitter, de prioriteiten van Ierland als voorzitter van de Raad zijn stabiliteit, groei en banen. Tja, wie wil dat niet? Dat is net zoiets als elke dag zonovergoten weer en aangename temperaturen. Wij hebben dit soort ambities allemaal al eerder gehoord. Wie herinnert zich niet de Agenda van Lissabon en de Europa 2020-strategie, die van Europa de meest concurrerende en dynamische kenniseconomie in de wereld moesten maken?

En wat is er van al die mooi klinkende plannen terechtgekomen? In plaats van groei heeft de Europese Unie ons in een economische recessie gestort. Je kunt nog zo veel strooien met strategieën, ambities en mooie woorden, als de problemen niet benoemd worden, is elk plan gedoemd om te falen.

Zo is het ook met Europa. De kern van het probleem ís Europa, Voorzitter. Het is de Europese Unie zélf. De EU kan geen oplossing bieden, simpelweg omdat zij zelf het probleem vormt. De EU en de euro hangen als een molensteen om de nek van de lidstaten en hun burgers. Alles en iedereen moet inleveren, niets of niemand wordt gespaard, behalve de EU. Die krijgt alsmaar meer geld en meer macht. Het is zoals ze zeggen: all pigs are equal, but some are more equal than others.

Voorzitter, als ik een suggestie mag doen, de enige manier om dit continent nog hoop te bieden is door de stekker uit de Europese Unie te trekken. In plaats van dit bureaucratische monster moet het in de toekomst weer draaien om nationale staten en burgers die vriendschappelijk samenwerken waar dat echt nodig is. Het is de vrijhandel binnen Europa en met de rest van de wereld die de economische groei aanjaagt. Doorgaan met de Europese Unie is trekken aan een dood paard. Laten wij Europa redden uit de handen van de Europese Unie.

 
  
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  Jean-Pierre Audy (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Premier ministre, Madame la ministre, Madame la Commissaire, j'observe d'ailleurs que Mme la Commissaire irlandaise est présente. Je voudrais vous dire, Monsieur le Premier ministre, même si vous n'êtes pas dans la même formation politique, qu'elle fait un excellent travail et que vous pouvez être fier d'elle.

Monsieur le Premier ministre, un mot tout d'abord sur la troïka. Vous débutez l'année 2013, qui est la dernière année avant la fin de l'actuel mandat. Nous n'avons pas senti dans votre discours une quelconque forme de dynamisme ni d'impulsion concernant la troïka entre l'Irlande, la Lituanie et la Grèce, qui va se terminer avec les élections européennes de 2014. Pourriez-vous nous en dire un mot?

Je me demande également, Monsieur le Premier ministre, si vous ne pourriez pas, par rapport au Royaume-Uni, jouer un rôle de trait d'union? Le premier ministre britannique va, après-demain, prononcer un discours. On le sent dans une sorte de confusion quant à sa pensée politique. S'il annonce un référendum sur un périmètre à définir pour le Royaume-Uni ou la sortie de ce pays, il y aura probablement, derrière, la sortie de l'Écosse du Royaume-Uni. Il est, peut-être, en train de jouer la stabilité d'un État important au sein de l'Union européenne.

Je fais partie de ceux qui se désolent de cette évolution et qui souhaitent que nous conservions au sein de l'Union ce grand État, le Royaume-Uni, deuxième armée du monde. Par conséquent, ne pourriez-vous pas jouer un rôle de trait d'union pour apporter une forme de sagesse au premier ministre britannique?

S'agissant de Schengen, votre État appartient à la zone euro, mais sans relever de l'espace Schengen. N'envisagez-vous pas de faire évoluer l'Irlande sur ce plan, à supposer que le Royaume-Uni, lui, s'éloigne de l'Union européenne? Ne pourriez-vous pas vous en rapprocher, en adhérant à l'espace Schengen?

Dernier élément concernant la présence politique. Au sein de notre Parlement, nous manquons cruellement de liens politiques avec les chefs d'État et de gouvernement. Je salue votre excellente ministre des affaires européennes, qui s'est bien débrouillée en plénière, hier déjà. Ne pourriez-vous pas accepter, Monsieur le premier ministre, de venir nous rencontrer plus souvent, notamment à l'occasion des réunions préparatoires des Conseils européens, puisque vous présidez le Conseil "Affaires générales", qui est en charge de la préparation des Conseils européens? En tout cas, nous sommes très demandeurs de relations très directes avec vous.

Monsieur le Premier ministre, bravo et bon courage pour votre présidence.

 
  
  

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΑΝΝΥ ΠΟΔΗΜΑΤΑ
Αντιπρόεδρος

 
  
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  Patrizia Toia (S&D). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Presidente del Consiglio, come lei ha sentito, c'è molta attesa e fiducia per la sua Presidenza, coadiuvata peraltro da una signora ministro molto competente e determinata. Il momento è cruciale, lo hanno detto tutti: qualche spiraglio si apre ma molto gravi e molti sono ancora i problemi per l'Europa. E tutti ruotano attorno a questo tema: quello dell'occupazione – lo ha detto il mio capogruppo ed è stato ribadito in altri interventi – e dello sviluppo. E senza un orizzonte di fiducia anche l'idea di Europa perde la sua grandezza, perde il suo valore: gli ideali sono importanti ma senza concretezza rischiano di essere una fuga dalla realtà quotidiana dei cittadini.

Nelle politiche europee c'è stato un grande limite, un errore – che noi, questo Parlamento, abbiamo denunciato, a volte solitari, ma lo abbiamo fatto instancabilmente – l'errore cioè di pensare che il rigore e l'austerità fossero una precondizione, un obiettivo a sé stante, il primo tempo di una politica che poi avrebbe fatto le altre cose. Invece le altre cose sono state rese ancora più difficili, più gravi e la vita delle persone è stata resa più fragile da questa separatezza della dimensione economica dalla dimensione sociale della nostra vita.

Le chiediamo di invertire questa tendenza per quanto possibile nel Consiglio, siamo ancora in tempo. Le rivolgo anche un altro invito: lei ha parlato di stabilità, poi di lavori di crescita. Inverta queste priorità: dica prima lavoro e poi stabilità e crescita per come ci possono aiutare per il lavoro. Ho però molto apprezzato la sua frase per quelle persone che oggi – e sono molti giovani, molte donne – iniziano una giornata senza reddito, senza occupazione, senza un impegno, nella fragilità e nella debolezza.

Il secondo invito è quello alla coerenza: basta grandi proclami e poi comportamenti al ribasso, compromessi insignificanti. Il bilancio è un banco di prova: parliamo di crescita, di occupazione! Orizzonte 2020 deve avere un bilancio adeguato e adeguata deve essere l'iniziativa per le piccole e medie imprese, per i giovani e per il lavoro.

 
  
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  George Lyon (ALDE). - Madam President, as a Scot and a fellow Celt, can I congratulate Ireland on taking over the Presidency once again. Taoiseach, I am sure I do not have to tell you, but there is a huge weight of expectation bearing down on your shoulders. We have high hopes for your Presidency across a whole range of policy areas.

I want to say a few words about CAP reform because it is very important – speaking as a member of the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development – that we make progress on that. Taoiseach, you have set out a very ambitious timetable of concluding an agreement between the institutions by the end of your Presidency and I welcome that ambition. Next week with a bit of luck – a lot of luck, indeed – the Agriculture Committee here in Parliament will vote through our compromises and we stand ready to begin negotiations with the Council, subject to an agreement by this House in the plenary at the beginning of March.

But one of the big stumbling blocks to progress is the lack of agreement between farm ministers. It is vital that your Presidency gets a grip of the Council and pushes them hard to reach an agreement by mid-March, otherwise your timetable will be blown off course.

Taoiseach, I am sure I speak for all of my MEP colleagues when I say we look forward to working with you and we look forward to delivering your ambitious timetable and programme.

 
  
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  Jacek Protasiewicz (PPE). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Premierze! U większości Polaków Irlandia wywołuje wyłącznie pozytywne skojarzenia. Nic dziwnego – przecież to podczas poprzedniej prezydencji irlandzkiej nasz kraj wstąpił do Unii Europejskiej, a od tego czasu tysiące Polaków znalazło w Pana kraju swój drugi dom, przyczyniając się zresztą swoją pracą do nadzwyczajnego rozwoju gospodarczego, którego Irlandia doświadczała przed wybuchem światowego kryzysu finansowego.

Dzisiaj debatujemy nad priorytetami kolejnej, siódmej już prezydencji irlandzkiej w Radzie Unii Europejskiej. Stabilność, wzrost, nowe miejsca pracy, zwłaszcza dla młodzieży to dobrze wybrane priorytety, bo właściwie trafiają w troski i oczekiwania Europejczyków, ale, odnosząc się do Pana wystąpienia, Panie Premierze, chcę jednak stanowczo podkreślić, że nie uda się tych priorytetów osiągnąć, a i nawet przybliżyć, bez pozytywnego zakończenia negocjacji nad wieloletnimi ramami finansowymi. Wspomniał Pan krótko w swoim wystąpieniu, że liczy na szybkie porozumienie w Radzie w tej sprawie, choć pewnie będzie ono niedoskonałe. Nie oczekujemy, Panie Premierze, że będzie idealne. Wystarczy, że będzie dobre, ale żeby za takowe je uznać nie można już więcej godzić się na cięcia w wydatkach na inwestycje, na politykę regionalną i na programy społeczne.

Solidarność europejska nie może być ofiarą imperfect agreement. Wierzę, Panie Premierze, że Pan to doskonale rozumie jako premier kraju, który ma za sobą imponującą historię rozwoju gospodarczego, także dzięki istnieniu europejskiej polityki spójności. Mam świadomość, że główny ciężar negocjacji wieloletnich ram finansowych spoczywa na stałej prezydencji Rady, tym niemniej apeluję do Pana o dołożenie wszelkich starań, aby ich wynik nie był wyłącznie imperfect, but acceptable, ale żeby był good or at least good enough. Życzę Panu powodzenia w realizacji zarówno tego celu, jak i wszystkich tych, które Pan w swoim wystąpieniu zapowiedział.

 
  
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  Véronique De Keyser (S&D). - Madame la Présidente, bienvenue, Monsieur le Premier ministre. Vous l'avez dit vous-même, les relations extérieures ne sont pas exactement le domaine de la Présidence tournante, mais vous avez mentionné votre expérience historique en matière de médiation. Vous avez réussi à faire la paix entre des communautés distinctes et à amener des groupes, qu'on appelait terroristes, à s'engager en politique et à entretenir des relations tout à fait pacifiques.

C'est extrêmement précieux pour l'Union européenne. C'est précieux dans les conflits que nous rencontrons, et spécialement au Moyen-Orient. Je sais que votre pays, tout comme Malte et le Luxembourg, a été l'un des premiers à soutenir Mahmoud Abbas dans sa demande à l'ONU. Il s'agit donc d'un point important.

Laissez-moi vous dire un mot, cependant, sur Savita Halappavanar. On n'en a pas parlé. Il s'agit de cette jeune Indienne qui est morte à la suite d'une fausse couche en Irlande, après avoir agonisé pendant trois jours en demandant qu'on mette fin à sa grossesse.

Monsieur le Premier ministre, pour nous, les femmes européennes, cette question du choix du moment de sa grossesse, ne relève ni de la religion, que nous respectons, ni de la subsidiarité; c'est une question de droit et de liberté. Nous allons nous battre pour que ces droits et ces libertés soient partagés en Europe. Que 40 000 Irlandaises aillent encore se faire avorter à l'étranger n'est pas acceptable pour les droits des femmes européennes.

(Applaudissements)

 
  
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  Cecilia Wikström (ALDE). - Fru talman! Jag vill välkomna det irländska ordförandeskapet och jag ser fram mot vårt samarbete. Redan i Tammerforsprogrammet från 1999 åtog sig EU:s institutioner att skapa ett gemensamt asylpaket. Den ambitionen har upprepats, men fortfarande är paketet inte på plats. För det är svårt – i tider av ekonomisk kris har medlemsländerna varit motvilliga att leva upp till sina åtaganden.

Jag är föredragande för Dublinförordningen som i höstas avslutades med trialogförhandlingar, precis som också mottagandedirektivet är avslutat för parlamentets del. Båda de här betänkandena skulle ha antagits här i Strasbourg denna vecka. Nu har så inte skett därför att rådet har varit ovilligt att klara av detta, helt enkelt. Parlamentet uttrycker sin djupa besvikelse över detta.

Nu uppmanar jag det irländska ordförandeskapet att göra sitt yttersta för att dessa två betänkanden ska fullföljas och bli klara så fort som möjligt. Budskapet är tydligt: parlamentet fortsätter med arbetet med Eurodac och procedurdirektivet så att asylpaketet kan vara på plats inom kort. Jag önskar det irländska ordförandeskapet allt gott och framförallt mycket uthållighet i arbetet under det här året, och ser fram mot vårt samarbete.

 
  
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  Luis de Grandes Pascual (PPE). - Señora Presidenta, señor Presidente en ejercicio del Consejo, Irlanda, a nuestro juicio, es un ejemplo para todos, ya que, gracias a los ajustes presupuestarios, a diversas reformas estructurales del sector financiero y del bancario, y a que ha actuado con rigor y con firmeza, ha conseguido aliviar su situación, aumentar las exportaciones y crecer. Todo un ejemplo. Desde España, desde luego, señor Presidente, nos alegramos y deseamos firmemente que siga por ese camino que, a nuestro juicio, conduce al éxito.

La Presidencia irlandesa propone acertadamente como prioridad la necesidad de crear las condiciones para el crecimiento económico y la creación de empleo y el restablecimiento de la confianza en la economía europea, garantizando su estabilidad y, sobre todo, la estabilidad del euro.

Una prioridad que es compartida por España y por el resto de los socios europeos. Por eso es prioritario avanzar en la hoja de ruta para una auténtica integración de la unión económica y monetaria. La supervisión bancaria, las directivas de resolución y recuperación bancarias y sobre fondos de garantía de depósitos, el establecimiento de un supervisor europeo único –tal como se acordó en diciembre–, así como permitir que el mecanismo europeo de estabilidad sirva para la recapitalización directa de la banca, son prioridades que compartimos, desde luego, desde España.

En otro orden de cosas, durante su Presidencia deberían finalizarse las negociaciones del próximo marco financiero plurianual 2014-2020. En todo caso, señor Presidente, un acuerdo deberá preservar las cantidades de la PAC y la cohesión política, que han demostrado su gran capacidad de crear empleo y crecimiento, además de ser una de las expresiones más importantes de la solidaridad entre europeos.

También le corresponde culminar la financiación y definición de la red transeuropea de transportes y la política comercial común. Además, y es muy importante, durante su mandato los Estados Unidos van a anunciar próximamente su intención de lanzar negociaciones para crear un mercado interior transatlántico, que puede suponer una importante fuente de ingresos y de creación de empleo.

Señor Presidente, concretar el alcance de esas negociaciones y fijar un calendario viable serían una forma de culminar con brillantez su mandato. Estos son los buenos deseos que la delegación española del Partido Popular Europeo quiere para Irlanda, deseándole, además, todo el éxito de su presidencia.

 
  
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  Udo Bullmann (S&D). - Frau Präsidentin! Herr Ratspräsident, Sie haben über die Menschen in Irland gesprochen. Über die Menschen, die Erfahrungen haben, über die Menschen, die bereit sind, sich neuen Herausforderungen zu stellen, sich zu engagieren, und über den Mut der Menschen in Irland. Das hat mir gut gefallen. Ich muss Ihnen aber sagen, in diesem Volkshaus haben wir in den seltensten Fällen Probleme mit der Bevölkerung. In aller Regel haben wir unsere Probleme mit den Regierungen. Wir würden Sie gerne einladen, während Ihrer Ratspräsidentschaft nicht ein Problem zu sein für dieses Volkshaus, sondern ein Verbündeter!

Ich möchte das an zwei Beispielen erläutern. Sie haben völlig zu Recht über die Jugendgarantie als ein zentrales Element unserer Politik gesprochen. Seien wir einmal ganz ehrlich: Wir haben diese Jugendgarantie seit 2002. Seit dem Frühjahrsgipfel in Barcelona haben die Staats- und Regierungschefs einander versprochen, in der Lissabon-Strategie alles dafür zu tun, dass nach einigen Monaten jeder Jugendliche in Europa in einen Job oder in eine Ausbildung kommt. Warum ist eigentlich nichts passiert? Ich will Ihnen sagen, warum nichts passiert ist: Weil wir diese Politik nicht hart gemacht haben, weil wir sie nicht genau so gehärtet haben wie alle anderen Anforderungen, die etwas mit dem Budget zu tun haben, weil es keine Sanktionen gibt, und weil dieses Haus hier nicht zuständig ist dafür, die Verpflichtungen der Mitgliedstaaten zu überprüfen und mit Ihnen zu diskutieren, wie es vorangehen kann. Das ist ein wichtiges Beispiel.

Das zweite Beispiel sind die Banker-Boni. Machen Sie – und Sie haben Erfahrung in Irland – in Ihrer Ratspräsidentschaft nicht den Fehler, sich zu den Verteidigern derjenigen zu machen, die uns in die Krise gestürzt haben, sondern helfen Sie den Menschen, wieder Vertrauen zu finden durch klare Regeln, auch für den Finanzmarkt.

 
  
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  Chris Davies (ALDE). - Madam President, one of the great successes of this Irish Presidency could be the successful negotiation of a reform of the common fisheries policy: putting in place a policy which will allow fish stocks to recover, ending the nonsense of discarding perfectly edible fish, and giving hope for the future.

Taoiseach, if you are able to do that then I think your success will be rightly heralded, but one of the subtexts of the debate which will not get so much publicity is the two-year long dispute which has existed between the Council and this Parliament over the long-term management plans for fisheries.

This issue has to be resolved if we are to ensure the success of a common fisheries policy reform. At the moment we have not even publicly identified the reasons for the dispute. They have not all been laid on the table. This needs to be done. Negotiations need to begin; we need to secure some agreement; flexibility needs to be shown on both sides.

I praise your Fisheries Minister, Simon Coveney and I think he has already shown more interest in this subject than any of his predecessors in previous years. But I would ask you to take a personal interest in making sure that this longstanding dispute is once and for all resolved.

 
  
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  Ildikó Gáll-Pelcz (PPE). - Tisztelt Elnök Asszony, Tisztelt Biztos Asszony, Tisztelt Biztos Úr, Tisztelt Miniszterelnök Úr! Először is szeretnék gratulálni az ír elnökségnek azért, mert önök ilyen kiváló és ambiciózus programot állítottak össze az elkövetkezendő és egyébként nehézségektől sem mentes következő fél évre.

A program valójában jól fogja át azt a lényeget, amire Európának szüksége van: stabilitás, munkahelyek és növekedés. Stabilitás a közös intézményeinkben, a közös politikánkban, munkahelyteremtés a gyerekeinknek, Európa ifjúságának és növekedés a közös gazdaságpolitikai reformok mentén. Mondhatnám, hogy Önök bizonyos értelemben könnyű helyzetben vannak, hiszen már a meglévő szakpolitikai irányokat, szakpolitikai programokat kell folytatni és kiteljesíteni, legyen szó éppen az európai szemeszter folytatásáról, a belső piacot kiteljesítő szakpolitikákról, vagy éppen a külpolitikai indíttatású témák képviseletéről. A helyzet azonban korántsem ilyen egyszerű, még egy olyan tapasztalt elnökség számára sem, mint az ír elnökség.

Egyrészt a feladat kettős. Egyrészről a nemrégiben életre hívott projekteket kell tartalommal és részletekkel megtölteni, gondolok itt például a bankuniós tervezetre, vagy éppen a közös bankfelügyelet kérdésére és annak ütemtervére, másrész viszont új feladatokat és megoldási módokat kell találni, mert el kell ismernünk, hogy egyes eszközeink idejétmúltak és jelentőségükben, mondanivalójukban is megkopottak.

Az pedig, hogy Önök szimbolikusan is üzennek, és valódi perspektívát mutatnak a fiatal generáció számára, azzal, hogy bevonják az Ifjúsági Garancia elnevezésű programot a munkatervükbe, sok olyan fiatalnak kínálnak munkalehetőséget vagy éppen továbbképzési, gyakorlati lehetőséget, akik teljesen eltűntek már a munkaerőpiacról. Nos, ehhez a részhez külön gratulálok. Gratulálok miniszter asszonynak is a tegnapi munkájához, nagyszerű munkát végzett az Európai Parlamentben, programjukhoz pedig sok sikert kívánok az elkövetkezendő fél évre.

 
  
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  Catherine Trautmann (S&D). - Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Premier ministre, je voudrais vous adresser mes vœux très chaleureux pour votre Présidence, car l'ampleur de la tâche est considérable et le premier enjeu est de parvenir à un accord sur les perspectives financières.

Vous avez dit: "Il vaut mieux un accord que pas d'accord". Je vous réponds: "Il vaut mieux ne pas placer le budget de l'Union à un niveau inférieur à celui de l'année 2008", ce qui reviendrait à garantir, à tous coups, l'impossibilité de traduire notre ambition dans les faits, de traduire, de manière concrète, nos ambitions en matière de croissance et d'emploi. Nous devons, en effet, nous y consacrer.

Nous ne pouvons pas simplement condamner les Européens à des mesures de rigueur. Les Européens ne peuvent pas payer la crise au prix de leurs économies, de leur travail et de leur emploi. Nous devons les rassurer et, évidemment, commencer par la jeunesse. C'est notre premier défi et je pense que la Présidence irlandaise, lors du Conseil EPSCO de février, doit pouvoir avancer dans ce sens, car – vous l'avez dit – c'est notre obligation.

Mais, il faut, aussi, renforcer l'Europe solidaire. Je pense, en particulier, aux salariés victimes des restructurations. Je pense également aux victimes de la pauvreté et je compte sur vous. Votre liste est déjà longue, mais je voudrais y rajouter le financement du programme d'aide alimentaire de l'Union européenne.

Nous jouons gros avec ce financement. Si l'Europe n'est pas capable de prendre en considération l'année dédiée aux citoyens, de prendre aussi sur elle le financement du premier droit – celui de s'alimenter, le droit à la santé –, nous pourrons toujours parler du reste; nous ne serons pas crédibles.

Enfin, je suis membre de la commission de l'industrie, de la recherche et de l'énergie, et je vous remercie, Monsieur le Premier ministre, des annonces qui ont été faites sur le projet paneuropéen de recherche en matière de fibre optique. Je pense qu'il y a là un atout majeur et une façon concrète de nous dédier aux investissements.

Je vous remercie, une nouvelle fois, et vous félicite. Bien sûr, comptez sur moi pour assumer ma part des efforts nécessaires afin de parvenir au succès.

 
  
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  Paulo Rangel (PPE). - Senhor Primeiro-Ministro, Senhores Comissários, em primeiro lugar queria saudá-lo por esta presidência e, em particular, pelos resultados que a Irlanda já obteve no seu programa de ajustamento que são, para um português, uma grande inspiração e um motivo de esperança.

Queria dizer o seguinte: a sua missão é extremamente difícil mas ela é difícil não apenas porque os desafios são grandes mas especialmente porque as esperanças que este Parlamento e que os cidadãos europeus põem na Presidência irlandesa são, talvez, demasiado grandes. De facto, a Irlanda não podia encontrar, digamos, maior oportunidade histórica para uma presidência. Num momento em que nós estamos a ter os primeiros sintomas de saída da crise, em que há resultados interessantes no domínio do euro, em que a situação grega parece mais calma, em que os países como Portugal e a Irlanda ou como a Espanha e a Itália estão manifestamente a dar sinais positivos, neste momento nós sabemos que nada está garantido e portanto, ser a Irlanda que tem a Presidência é para nós também um motivo de grande inspiração, mas julgo que é algo de muito difícil. É extremamente difícil o desafio que tem pela frente. O que é que eu queria dizer com isto? Queria dizer três coisas basicamente: consideramos muito positiva a aposta no crescimento, consideramos muito importante a preocupação com a questão da juventude – embora faça aqui uma nota de que, frequentes vezes, se esquece que no domínio da crise é a terceira idade, são os seniores que estão a sofrer mais, nomeadamente porque há cortes de pensões praticamente em todos os Estados e precisam aqui também de uma atenção especial – e finalmente as questões sociais. Queria dizer, finalmente, uma única palavra só para dizer o seguinte: eu tive experiência a trabalhar com a sua Ministra para os Assuntos Europeus, foi uma grande defensora das boas relações entre os parlamentos nacionais e o Parlamento Europeu; espero que ela, na equipa que faz com o Senhor Primeiro-Ministro, possa também dar ao Conselho esse exemplo de boa colaboração com o Parlamento Europeu.

 
  
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  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). - Señora Presidenta, Taoiseach Kenny, saludo a la Presidencia irlandesa y le deseo éxito en el cumplimiento de su mandato.

Irlanda es, efectivamente, no solo un ejemplo sino también un emblema de los sufrimientos causados por esta crisis y de sus injusticias, de los padecimientos sociales, además de económicos y financieros, y por eso, sí, celebramos la esperanza de que Irlanda pueda empezar a remontar las turbulencias financieras, pero recordamos que la crisis no ha sido solo económica y financiera sino también social, que ha afectado al nódulo político de la ciudadanía y los derechos fundamentales en el conjunto de la Unión, y que la superación de la crisis no consiste solo en la superación de las turbulencias financieras.

Por eso le pedimos, como Presidente en ejercicio del Consejo, que se empeñe en el desbloqueo de Schengen, que es un acervo de libre circulación de personas pendiente de resolución después de la decisión unilateral adoptada por el Consejo de cambiar su base jurídica.

Que se empeñe en el desbloqueo del paquete de asilo, especialmente Eurodac, la Directiva de procedimiento y el Reglamento de Dublín, que lleva el nombre de la capital irlandesa y es un emblema en toda Europa de la responsabilidad compartida en la gestión de los peticionarios de asilo.

Que se empeñe también en el desbloqueo del Reglamento de acceso a la información y a los documentos públicos de la Unión Europea, en el que el Consejo también arrastra los pies a pesar de que el Parlamento está ejerciendo toda su presión.

Y, finalmente ―si permite―, que se empeñe también en el impulso de la Directiva sobre la protección de los intereses financieros de la Unión, que será el primer ladrillo en el camino que nos conducirá al establecimiento de una fiscalía europea en la lucha contra la criminalidad grave transnacional, no solamente en la protección de los intereses financieros de la Unión.

 
  
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  Μαριέττα Γιαννάκου (PPE). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, θέλω να καλωσορίσω θερμά την Ιρλανδική Προεδρία και την παρουσία εδώ του πρωθυπουργού κ. Κένυ και της αρμοδίας υπουργού κ. Κρέϊτον.

Είναι ιδιαίτερα σημαντικό το γεγονός ότι η Ιρλανδία αναλαμβάνει σε αυτή τη δύσκολη οικονομική συγκυρία τα ηνία της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Μια χώρα που έχει βιώσει τις επιπτώσεις της οικονομικής κρίσης και της κρίσης χρέους έχει κάθε λόγο να προχωρήσει αποφασιστικά σε όλα τα ανοικτά ζητήματα. Αναμφισβήτητα το έργο που θα κληθεί να υλοποιήσει, σε συνεργασία με τις επόμενες προεδρίες, είναι δύσκολο. Από την τραπεζική ένωση και τον ενιαίο μηχανισμό των τραπεζών μέχρι την ψηφιακή οικονομία, και από την αναθεώρηση της ΚΑΠ και το ευρωπαϊκό σύστημα ασύλου, μέχρι την αναθεώρηση της Κοινής Αλιευτικής Πολιτικής.

Η Ευρώπη σήμερα βρίσκεται σε ένα κρίσιμο σταυροδρόμι. Η περίοδος των σχεδιασμών οδεύει προς το τέλος. Ξεκινά μια περίοδος που θα κριθεί τοις πράγμασι η αποτελεσματικότητα των ευρωπαϊκών πρωτοβουλιών. Το τρίπτυχο της Ιρλανδικής Προεδρίας σταθερότητα, δουλειές, ανάπτυξη αντικατοπτρίζει πλήρως το ζητούμενο σε αυτή τη χρονική συγκυρία. Μόνο μέσω της δημιουργίας νέων θέσεων εργασίας και της ανάπτυξης θα δώσουμε λύσεις στα προβλήματα των ευρωπαίων πολιτών και ιδιαίτερα εκείνων που έχουν πληγεί περισσότερο από την οικονομική κρίση, όπως οι νέοι και οι μακροχρόνια άνεργοι. Σαφέστατα κλειδί σε αυτή την προσπάθεια είναι η επίτευξη συμφωνίας μεταξύ Συμβουλίου και Κοινοβουλίου για το πολυετές δημοσιονομικό πλαίσιο. Ένα φιλόδοξο πλαίσιο θα δώσει την αναγκαία ώθηση στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση για να υπερβεί τον σημερινό φαύλο κύκλο της ύφεσης και της λιτότητας. Το Κοινοβούλιο έχει δώσει μάχη προς την κατεύθυνση αυτή. Ελπίζω η Ιρλανδική Προεδρία να βρει τη χρυσή τομή που θα απελευθερώσει την τεράστια αναπτυξιακή δυναμική του νέου πολυετούς δημοσιονομικού πλαισίου.

Κυρία Πρόεδρε, μια ερώτηση θα ήθελα να κάνω: ποιοι είναι οι στόχοι και σε ποιο βαθμό φιλοδοξεί να προχωρήσει η Ιρλανδική Προεδρία τον ενιαίο μηχανισμό εποπτείας των τραπεζών και τη τραπεζική ένωση η οποία θα επιτρέψει την απευθείας ανακεφαλαιοποίηση των ευρωπαϊκών τραπεζών και την ελάφρυνση των δημοσιονομικών βαρών των υπερχρεωμένων σήμερα κρατών μελών;

 
  
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  Cătălin Sorin Ivan (S&D). - Domnule prim-ministru, salut absolut tot ce aţi spus astăzi aici, dar vă spun că nimic din ce aţi spus nu este posibil, dacă nu există încredere, dacă nu există încrederea cetăţenilor în instituţiile europene, dacă nu există încredere între toate cele 27 de state membre ale Uniunii Europene şi dacă nu există încrederea partenerilor externi că această construcţie este una coerentă şi durabilă.

Dar vă spun că, în Uniunea Europeană, e greu să vorbim despre încredere, atunci când acordurile nu sunt respectate. Un astfel de acord este acordul care priveşte aderarea României şi Bulgariei la spaţiul Schengen. Aici, în Parlamentul European, am votat o rezoluţie în care se spunea foarte clar că toate condiţiile din acest acord au fost respectate, atât de România, cât şi de Bulgaria. Comisia Europeană a spus, în nenumărate rânduri, că toate condiţiile sunt îndeplinite, că, de drept, şi România, şi Bulgaria trebuie să facă parte din spaţiul Schengen. Cu toate acestea, nici România, nici Bulgaria nu sunt în spaţiul Schengen, pentru că în Consiliu sunt anumite state care se opun.

Atâta timp cât nu aducem încrederea înapoi în această construcţie, atâta timp cât nu respectăm acordurile între noi, eu cred că nu putem vorbi despre o Uniune Europeană cu viitor bun în lume, care să treacă de această criză economică. Eu cred că cea mai mare provocare a dumneavoastră este aceea de a aduce încrederea înapoi în Uniunea Europeană.

 
  
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  Anna Záborská (PPE). - Tento parlament už prijal niekoľko zásadných opatrení s cieľom obmedziť zadlžovanie verejného sektora a veľa hovoríme o potrebe naštartovať ekonomický rast a znížiť nezamestnanosť. Írska skúsenosť z posledných rokov v tom môže zohrať významnú a nadovšetko pozitívnu úlohu.

Jeden rozmer tejto skúsenosti však nesmie zostať nepovšimnutý. Odkedy kríza naplno prepukla, pôrodnice v Írsku praskajú vo švíkoch. V roku 2009 zaznamenala krajina najvyšší počet pôrodov za posledných 118 rokov.

Podľa predpovedí Eurostatu narastie počet obyvateľov Írska v najbližších 25 rokoch o štvrtinu, zatiaľ čo priemerný nárast obyvateľstva v celej Európskej únii sa očakáva na úrovni 4 %.

Írsko je krajina dôvery a nádeje, pán predseda Rady.

Írske predsedníctvo môže ponúknuť viac než len efektívnu koordináciu zložitého európskeho rozhodovacieho procesu. Môže ponúknuť víziu, ako využiť krízu na prekonanie alebo aspoň oddialenie demografickej zimy. Pretože história aj súčasnosť dávajú Írsku právo presadzovať v Európskej únii rodinné hľadisko.

 
  
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  Elisa Ferreira (S&D). - É com muita esperança que nós acolhemos e damos as boas-vindas à Presidência irlandesa. Queria fazer-lhe três pedidos: um primeiro relativamente à dívida soberana. Nós sabemos e esperamos que a Irlanda regresse aos mercados para se financiar a muito curto prazo e aí nós todos beneficiamos das intervenções do Banco Central Europeu. O meu pedido é, que nas negociações do two pack, quando reforçamos de novo a governação económica nós tratemos a questão da dívida soberana da zona euro de modo a estruturar o modo de a gerir no futuro. O meu segundo pedido é sobre o crescimento e emprego. Nada melhor do que a oportunidade que temos agora, quando se discutem as perspetivas de crescimento da União Europeia para 2013, para precisamente abordar a questão do crescimento e do emprego e, porque não, revisitar de uma maneira objetiva e clara e calma aquilo que têm sido as recomendações e os programas de ajustamento e que na prática têm ou não resultado ou só resultam quando se prolonga os prazos e se reduzem as condições.

Uma última nota, termino já, Senhora Presidente, para relembrar que na união bancária é importante que nós não acabemos divididos como bancos de primeira e bancos de segunda e que definitivamente protejamos os nossos contribuintes de pagarem aquilo que a Irlanda teve de pagar por uma crise bancária que os cidadãos acabaram por ter de pagar.

 
  
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  Gunnar Hökmark (PPE). - Madam President, I should like to welcome the Irish Presidency and thank the Taoiseach for the leadership that Ireland has demonstrated in getting out of the crisis.

I have four points for the Taoiseach. Firstly, Croatia: ensure the accession of Croatia without any Member States blocking the enlargement because of bilateral conflicts. That is one of the most important challenges you have.

Secondly: keep the Union together; focus on the reforms that can unite us and make the European economy stronger, not on the very many institutional changes that can divide us.

Thirdly, the European budget: focus on the spending and the powers of the budget that can make Europe a strong knowledge economy. Agriculture is important but even more important are research, science and securing the leadership regarding modern society’s infrastructure.

Fourthly: the reforms which we need to implement all over Europe, at European level as well as at Member State level, reforms which can attract investments. We do not see today any opportunities to stimulate our economies by deficits and spending, and we have seen that they do not help, but we can ensure that we attract all the private investments which can make the European economy strong and prosperous.

Ensure that we carry out the reforms regarding telecoms, regarding the energy market, regarding the digital economy, which can give us the leadership. You have much to do and you can achieve it because you have demonstrated that Ireland can make a difference.

 
  
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  Claude Moraes (S&D). - Madam President, as we have heard today, the economy must of course take centre stage. Taoiseach, you have also heard that we are a Union of values and you have heard from a number of colleagues that in the area of justice and home affairs we had a bad experience in December where we had delays with the Reception Directive and other measures. We now have Eurodac and other asylum elements which we hope will see progress in 2013. You heard from my own group leader that we want to see progress on Schengen, on seasonal workers and on the Intra-Corporate Transfer Directive.

We look to the Irish Presidency in the hope that we will now see some progress, thanks to the special knowledge that you have and the history that you have, in all of these areas where there are no votes, but there are values on migration and on asylum where we have repeatedly seen presidencies delaying because migration and asylum, and burden-sharing, are not seen as a serious topic.

There are also exciting possibilities – in data protection, in personal freedoms, but also in the internal market – to see some progress on your priorities. So in justice and home affairs and the community of values, as well as on the economy, we would like to see progress in those six months, and we will work with you to make that progress so that we have a complete Presidency for our Union of values as well as on the economy.

 
  
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  Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE). - Domnule Prim-ministru, misiunea dumneavoastră nu este uşoară. Aveţi o mare responsabilitate, dumneavoastră şi colaboratorii dumneavoastră: în următoarele şase luni se poate defini o mare parte din viitorul Uniunii până în 2020. Vă urez succes.

În ultimii trei ani, Uniunea a reacţionat la problemele apărute şi a luat măsurile necesare pentru stabilizarea şi consolidarea situaţiei financiare, economice şi bancare a statelor membre. Au mai rămas de finalizat câteva piese legislative. Cred că „the 2- pack” şi taxa pe tranzacţiile financiare sunt o prioritate.

Măsurile luate trebuie dublate de mecanisme care să determine creştere economică şi locuri de muncă. Bugetul european, 95% buget de investiţii, prin politicile europene, poate deveni catalizatorul creării de locuri de muncă. Este necesar un buget 2014-2020 la un nivel care să facă faţă provocărilor actuale. Diminuarea propunerii Comisiei nu se justifică, având în vedere că aceleaşi state membre net au aprobat Strategia 2020. Argumentele statelor membre net contributoare nu sunt în totalitate corecte. Fondurile europene investite în statele membre beneficiare aduc beneficii semnificative firmelor din toate statele membre. Domnule Prim-ministru, nu aveţi o misiune uşoară, dar trebuie să încercaţi să convingeţi Consiliul European să propună cât mai repede un buget, cel puţin la nivelul celui propus de Comisie.

Aş dori, de asemenea, să vă rog să aduceţi la normal o situaţie nedreaptă, incorectă: aderarea României şi Bulgariei la spaţiul Schengen. Cele două state au îndeplinit toate cerinţele europene în materie, este corect să primească ceea ce merită: intrarea în spaţiul Schengen.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE). - A Uachtaráin, fáiltím roimh Uachtaránacht na hÉireann chomh maith, an seachtú huaire atá an onóir sin againn agus tá clár oibre cuimsitheach dúshlánach leagtha amach romhainn ag an Taoiseach. Tá a fhois agam go n-éireoidh linn an chuid is mó de ar a laghad a chur i bhfeidhm. Tá seanfhocal inar dtír a deir ‘ní neart go cur le chéile’. Dá bhrí sin tá súil agam go mbeidh an cur le chéile sin ar fáil agus má bhíonn déanfaimid a lán dul chun cinn.

Let me tell you a little bit about our Taoiseach. When he took over our party in 2002 we were seen by many people as being on the brink of extinction. Now we have the highest political representation we have ever had. When he took over as Taoiseach a little less than two years ago the country was, in economic terms, on the verge of collapse. But now we are very much on the verge of recovery.

The energy which he brought to those jobs he will also now bring to the benefit of Europe. But also let me also say we are in coalition, and I would recognise the role of the Labour Party under the leadership of Eamon Gilmore. We will be working together for the benefit of Europe.

There are many challenges: the multiannual financial framework, the common agricultural policy, the common fisheries policy and the free trade agreement for the USA in particular and, as a member of the EU-US Delegation, I welcome that. As the rapporteur on data protection for the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy, I welcome the fact that this has been made a priority, in addition to, in particular, trying to get jobs for young people.

Let me conclude by saying that Rome was not built in a day. Europe is not going to be transformed in five and a half months, but we can make real progress.

 
  
 

Διαδικασία Catch-the-eye

 
  
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  Othmar Karas (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin, Herr Ratspräsident, meine Damen und Herren! Ich habe zwei Punkte, die ich kurz erwähnen möchte. Das Eine ist: Sie haben in Ihrer Ratspräsidentschaft – wir haben das alle angesprochen – die finanzielle Vorausschau. Ich bitte Sie darum, die Prioritäten zu verändern und nicht zuerst über die Prozentsätze, die ausgegeben werden, zu reden, sondern über die Notwendigkeiten, damit die Europäische Union ihre Ziele, ihre Aufgaben, ihre Programme und ihre Herausforderungen erfüllen kann. Setzen Sie auch in dem Bereich ihren pragmatischen Weg fort.

Das Zweite: Wir verhandeln in einigen Bereichen im Trilog, wie über die Eigenkapitalrichtlinie, Basel 3 und CRD 4. Dies ist die dritte Ratspräsidentschaft, die im Trilog diese Dossiers verhandelt. Ich bitte Sie, dass wir nur mehr über die Dinge verhandeln, die offen sind, und dass Sie in jeder einzelnen Frage die Vereinbarungen mit ihren Vorgängerpräsidentschaften einhalten. Sonst müssen wir mit jeder Präsidentschaft bei Null beginnen und kommen in Widersprüche, und die Vertrauensbasis in den Verhandlungen wäre dadurch geschwächt.

 
  
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  Zita Gurmai (S&D). - Mr President, I would like to congratulate the Irish Presidency on its very careful preparation and for having put the issue of youth unemployment at the top of its agenda.

I also welcome the ambitious objectives set in this programme on equality between women and men. I would like to draw your attention to two recent documents, the first on ‘The impact of the economic crisis on the situation of women and men and on gender equality policies’, the second being the 2012 ‘Annual review of employment and social developments in Europe’. Both reports are proof that women have been hardest hit by the economic crisis in Europe.

Austerity measures, as the sole response to the crisis, have further eroded the social situation since essential services such as healthcare, local government and child care, have been particularly affected. We urgently need a detailed impact assessment of the consequences of these measures on women and the guarantee that the gender factor will be taken into consideration in all policies to address the crisis.

 
  
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  Kristiina Ojuland (ALDE). - Madam President, I am sure the Prime Minister must be quite tired already sitting down there; however Prime Minister, I need to raise the case of Sergei Magnitsky with you. I am sure you are well informed that last year in October this Parliament adopted by a large majority the recommendation to the Council to introduce sanctions on visas and financial assets in EU territory against those Russian officials who were guilty in Sergei Magnitsky’s death. I would like to ask you if and when the Irish Presidency is planning to put this question on the Council’s agenda. I would also like to assure you that the large majority of Members of this Parliament who adopted this recommendation are looking very much forward to your activities on this issue during your Presidency.

 
  
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  Peter van Dalen (ECR). - Vanmiddag komt de organisatie "Open Doors" op mijn uitnodiging naar dit Parlement. Iedereen is hartelijk welkom wanneer om drie uur vanmiddag de World Watch List 2013 wordt gepresenteerd. Dat is een overzicht van de landen waar het voor christenen gevaarlijk is om te leven.

Wat wij vanmiddag gaan horen is dat er in verschillende landen minderheden en christenen letterlijk geen leven hebben. Denk bijvoorbeeld aan Noord-Korea, Saoedi-Arabië en Afghanistan. Maar ook zal tot in detail worden verteld dat in veel landen de christenvervolging sterk toeneemt, met name in Afrikaanse landen zoals Mali, Ethiopië, Kenia en Nigeria. Daar worden elke week voorgangers en kerkgangers vermoord en kerken platgebrand. De situatie is veel erger dan een paar jaar geleden.

Daarnaast komen christenen in de landen van de zogenaamde Arabische lente in de knel. De nieuwe islamitische machthebbers zijn beslist niet zo tolerant als wij mochten hopen. Daarom mijn concrete vraag aan het voorzitterschap: wat gaat u eraan doen om de toenemende christenvervolging aan te pakken?

 
  
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  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL). - Estabilidade, emprego, crescimento é um slogan atrativo. Infelizmente, o programa da Presidência irlandesa replica as mesmas medidas que têm sido aplicadas em nome da tal estabilidade e que são totalmente contraditórias com o objetivo da promoção do emprego e do crescimento. A realidade não mente, a receita é desastrosa. O Semestre Europeu tão acarinhado por esta presidência como solução para a estabilidade significa destruição de serviços públicos, privatizações, redução de níveis salariais e de pensões, logo mais despedimentos, mais recessão, menos capacidade de consumo, mais pobreza, mais círculo vicioso de desastre social.

Em relação à garantia europeia à juventude, a questão que se nos coloca é esta: este instrumento não deverá nunca ser um substituto do trabalho estável, seguro e com direitos. A um posto de trabalho deverá corresponder um contrato, a todos os postos de trabalho permanentes deverão corresponder contratos efetivos. A precariedade deverá sempre ser combatida pois ela é a forma mais eficiente de perpetuar as situações de desemprego, sobretudo entre os jovens. Poderá a Presidência irlandesa garantir-nos que defenderá estes princípios?

 
  
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  John Bufton (EFD). - Madam President, I would like to address my speech to the Irish Presidency. Taoiseach, do you agree with your Deputy Prime Minister, Mr Eamon Gilmore, when he said that there could not be different forms of membership in the EU? He also added that there cannot be flexibility on the core conditions. You cannot have a European Union if you end up with 27 different forms of membership, he added.

If you agree with your Deputy Prime Minister, what advice will you give to our Prime Minister, David Cameron, who will be making his big Europe speech on Friday? It is widely reported that he will be aiming to repatriate powers to the UK. Do you think that David Cameron’s plan to repatriate powers is possible or impossible? Mr Kenny, when you take to the floor shortly, will you please answer my questions?

 
  
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  Andrew Henry William Brons (NI). - Madam President, we have heard a lot about the priorities of the Irish Presidency, including improving economic growth and creating jobs. Of course neither is very likely at all with the euro being grossly overvalued for many of the southern European countries and the EU’s disastrous embrace of globalisation, neo-liberal economics and austerity measures.

Of course these and other priorities were not initiated by Ireland any more than Cyprus’s priorities were devised by that country. The Irish Foreign Minister let the cat out of the bag on 12 January: he said, “Today’s meeting helped to build on 18 months of Presidency preparations in close contact with the Commission”. It is all an elaborate delusion in which the rotating presidency provides a sort of demographic or democratic legitimacy to the programme of the unelected Commission. The President of the Council presides over a meeting of Member State representantives with an agenda provided for it from outside.

 
  
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  Mairead McGuinness (PPE). - Madam President, I would like to extend Céad Míle Fáilte to An Taoiseach and Minister Creighton to the European Parliament. You used one word which I think needs repeating and it is the word ‘respect’. I think that is a word which is in short supply within our Member States, sometimes within politics itself, but I do want to thank you for the respect you have shown to this Parliament. Because very often we have a sense in which we, the directly-elected people who represent the people of Europe, are not given the right status by the Council. I think you are now in a position to enlighten other Council Members on the importance of this Parliament and what codecision actually means.

I have a question for you, Taoiseach. I noted very carefully your comments about a fair and balanced agreement on the MFF, even if it is imperfect, being better than no agreement. How confident are you that we will have an agreement, and how important is an agreement on the MFF for delivery of your work programme? Thank you and good luck.

 
  
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  Liisa Jaakonsaari (S&D). - Arvoisa puhemies, Irlannin puheenjohtajuuskaudella on luotu uusi jännittävä käsite: "sininen kasvu". Tällä varmasti tarkoitetaan mereen liittyviä mahdollisuuksia. Toivoisin kuitenkin "punaista kasvua", joka tarkoittaa sitä, että nyt kun tämä velka-, kasvu- ja työttömyyskriisi synnyttää ihan varmasti kasvavan köyhyyskriisin, ja se puolestaan synnyttää lisää äärioikeistolaisia liikkeitä, niin tämän köyhyyden torjuminen olisi ihan todella vakava politiikan painopiste. Tässä suhteessa tarvitaan "punaista kasvua". Niin kuin täällä on moni sanonut, yksi väline on tämä nuorisotakuu, mutta jos samanaikaisesti jäsenvaltiot leikkaavat ja Euroopan budjettia leikataan, muun muassa nuoriso-ohjelmista, niin tämä käsite nuorisotakuu saattaa jäädä vain sanaksi. Luotan Irlantiin ja luotan teidän kokemukseenne, että saatte näissä asioissa jotain aikaan.

 
  
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  Jim Higgins (PPE). - A Uachtaráin, is mór an onóir domsa fáilte a chur roimh an Taoiseach go dtí an teach seo inniu le haghaidh a phríomhóráide i bParlaimint na hEorpa in Strasbourg agus chun clár tosaíochtaí Uachtaránacht na hÉireann a leagan amach. Mar a dúirt mo chomhghleacaí, Sean Kelly, tuigimid go léir go bhfuil dúshláin mhóra ag baint leis an uachtaránacht seo. Tuigeann muintir na hÉireann níos fearr ná muintir a lán tíortha eile cé chomh deacair agus atá sé.

It is very clear, Taoiseach, that you have a very clear priority and a very clear focus on what is really important. The multiannual framework is important. Youth unemployment has to be tackled. But if you look at Ireland, what has happened in the last two years under your leadership is an absolute miracle. The fact that you were able to state that we are soon going to be out of the programme – the ECB, the IMF, the EU programme – is an inspiration for other countries.

Stability is absolutely vital. We need to inject hope and confidence into Europe. Above all we need to dispel the doom and the gloom. When this period of Europe’s history is written it will be seen as nothing other than a blip. It will be seen as a period of rejuvenation for Europe, stronger, more durable and more united than ever.

 
  
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  Roberta Angelilli (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'Irlanda è un paese che amo molto ed è per questo che, con grande piacere, voglio ringraziare la Presidenza irlandese per gli impegni presi oggi, soprattutto per l'impegno verso l'approvazione, nel più breve tempo possibile, della Garanzia per i giovani. Sappiamo che non è una bacchetta magica e che non risolverà tutti i problemi: ma è un segnale forte di concretezza verso quel 24% di giovani europei – parliamo di circa 6 milioni di ragazzi – che sono oggi senza lavoro. In Italia siamo arrivati alla cifra record del 37%.

Inoltre, occorre incoraggiare, direi obbligare, gli Stati membri in ritardo sull'utilizzo del Fondo sociale europeo a utilizzarlo non solo per gli ammortizzatori sociali ma soprattutto per le politiche attive per il lavoro.

 
  
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  Phil Prendergast (S&D). - Madam President, I would like to wish the Taoiseach and Minister Creighton well in the difficult steering role that awaits them in the semester ahead. Taoiseach and Minister Creighton, I was encouraged to hear both your statements last week when the College of EU Commissioners visited Ireland and your remarks today. Your emphasis on the need for solidarity and fairness within the EU as a whole and your commitment to prioritise growth and job creation echoes what I and my Social-Democratic colleagues, among other MEPs, have been calling for in this House since the crisis hit the continent in 2008.

Likewise, you understand the need for separation of the banking debt and the public purse for the sake of economic recovery and a return to employment and prospects for a decent future for our youth. We agree that; however the logical corollary is simple, Member States stepped in to avert financial collapse and found ourselves engulfed in debt as a consequence. I think the self-defeating austerity-led response has mistaken causes and consequences. Our fellow countrymen are certainly among those who feel the brunt of it.

So I would appeal to you to take the experience that we have gained to the Council of Ministers and try to come up with a new approach that can give us a chance in the common interests of all EU citizens. I wish you very well, Taoiseach.

 
  
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  Charles Goerens (ALDE). - Madame la Présidente, l'année 2013 est l'année de tous les risques.

Premièrement, la rigueur excessive risque de paralyser l'activité économique. Deuxièmement, le mécontentement des personnes menacées de précarité nous fait courir le risque d'une révolte sociale. Troisièmement, la frilosité de nos gouvernements en matière d'efforts de relance de l'activité économique nous fait courir le risque de voir réduits à néant les efforts de réduction des déficits publics. Quatrièmement, en matière de politique extérieure, la décision de plusieurs États membres de réduire leur aide publique au développement entame la crédibilité de l'Union européenne.

Il serait toutefois inapproprié d'attribuer tous les manquements à la Présidence en exercice du Conseil. Ma question à la Présidence irlandaise, à laquelle je souhaite beaucoup de succès, est de savoir si elle voit encore une masse critique d'États membres qui soient à même de l'appuyer en vue de faire bouger les choses dans la bonne direction.

 
  
  

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

 
  
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  President. − Mr Nicholson, you asked for the floor. There is a procedural issue because if it is for catch the eye, as explained, we had more than 30 requests and it was practically impossible to respond to all of them, so thank you very much for your understanding.

 
  
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  James Nicholson (ECR). - Madam President, I understand your problem but I have to tell you that I was in this Chamber this morning at 9.00. I handed my name into the podium up there at 9.01. I have sat through this debate the whole time. There are people who have just been called in this debate; they have just come in and waved a paper at the end.

Get your procedures right if you want to do it. I shall take my opportunity to speak to the Taoiseach at 15.00 and I would like to welcome him to the Chamber.

 
  
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  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Madam President, the Taoiseach rightly pointed out that the previous Irish Presidency welcomed new Member States to the European Union. On that day I was in Dublin and to see the flag of my country being raised up and my country being welcomed into the family of the European Union is still one of the most emotional and cherished memories I treasure and I thank you, Taoiseach, very much for that.

This time it is your seventh Presidency, and seven is supposed to be a lucky number. On top of that, you have enormous experience, you have a very strong pro-European commitment and you have a great professional team.

I have been working with Minister Creighton and Ambassador Montgomery for years already and I think that they are the best you can get. We in the Commission are ready for close cooperation and we all in this House wish you success. I would like to assure Ms Harkin that it is the Commission’s priority to break the vicious circle between bank debts and sovereigns. The Commission will stand by Ireland as for the other problem countries.

The Commission was very clear on one thing: that we support all measures that will improve market confidence and increase public support for the return process.

The Commission has also always made the case for solidarity and fairness in the European Union and we will continue to support the Member States and work with them on technical implementation of the possibility of using the European Stabilisation Mechanism for direct bank recapitalisation. I can assure you that solidarity and fairness would be the guiding principles here for the Commission as well.

Regarding the situation in Northern Ireland, which has been mentioned several times here today, I would like to underline that the Commission condemns violence of any kind. The EU continues to support the peace process in Northern Ireland by providing long-term political and financial support to ensure a successful and sustainable settlement. Between 1995 and 2013, EUR 1.9 billion in EU funding has been dedicated to the programme for peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland and the border region of Ireland. The Commission has set up a task force to make sure that the people of Northern Ireland get the full benefits of the EU funds and to promote good engagement by Northern Ireland’s administrations with the EU institutions and policymaking.

Coming back to our banking situation in Europe, we all agree that the Single Supervisory Mechanism agreement was a success and we would like to see the legislative process on this agreement being concluded. Now I think it is time and it is very important that we continue to work on the remaining banking union pillars. Taoiseach, your focus on results, jobs and growth is absolutely the correct one in the situation. We have to get a very ambitious agenda with the Single Market Act I and Single Market Act II and we will have to use the potential of the single market much better than any time before. Mr Audy just made a kind reference to my dear colleague Máire Geoghegan-Quinn and I can only subscribe to his statement because she symbolises the policies, the way the European Union and all our economies can be modernised through research, innovation and support of start-ups.

Ireland is the best example of how you can transform one country through these policies and this is how we need to transform Europe. But for that we need EU investment, we need the EU budget, therefore MMF agreement is crucial and I would like to underline the agreement which is good – an agreement which is supported by this House and which does not deviate further from the Commission’s initial proposal. I am afraid that further cuts called for by some, cuts across the board, including disproportional cuts to Heading 5 for administration, which represents less than 6 % of all the budget, would bring only small overall savings but would cause long-lasting structural damage to the European Union, its structure and its machine. We need to resist this and work for a good agreement and for that you will have good cooperation and support from the Commission.

So I would like to wish you all the best, a lot of success for your Presidency and, if you will allow me, Madam President, to answer one specific question from Mr van der Stoep on the so-called tobacco issue. Here I would like to inform the House that the Commission has already provided Parliament, notably the Conference of Presidents and the Committee on Budgetary Control, with the information and has replied to all Parliament questions in writing. The Commission has ensured and will ensure full transparency insofar as legal provisions will allow this, keeping in mind that there is a judicial investigation ongoing in Malta.

 
  
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  Joseph Daul (PPE). - Madame la Présidente, je demanderais simplement un petit peu de respect vis-à-vis des commissaires et des premiers ministres qui sont dans cette salle, et je vous demande de ne pas donner la parole au premier ministre tant que le silence ne règne pas dans la salle. Nous avons tout le temps. Et si nous votons dans une heure, ce n'est pas grave, mais faites respecter la discipline.

(Applaudissements)

 
  
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  President. − I am now going to ask the President of the Council, Prime Minister of Ireland Mr Kenny, to take the floor, and again I will ask you to demonstrate some respect to him and to your colleagues.

 
  
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  Enda Kenny, Uachtarán-in-oifig sa Chomhairle. − A Uachtaráin, ba mhaith liom mo bhuíochas a ghabháil le gach duine as ucht na n-oráidí breátha a thug sibh anseo ar maidin.

I would like to thank the European Parliament for the interaction and engagement we have had here today. I speak as both the politician and leader of the government of my own country. I want you to understand that we have absolute respect for this Parliament, the elected Members of the peoples of the European Union. Politics for me has always been about people, first and last, and that is your remit, I am quite sure, as well.

I would like to say to you that it is in Ireland’s interest that we make this an effective Presidency, because I want to see our country emerge from the programme and exit from the programme in 2013. That is not just a good signal about Ireland, it is also a good signal about Europe.

The founding principle of the European Union – despite the absolute necessity for peace – was also that big countries would work with small countries and that together the peoples would grow in importance of their economies and the opportunity to live their lives and do their business. It is time for Europe to realise that it stands at a crossroads and on this planet, and in a global sense, Europe has got to realise that it can do so much more by working together, by increasing the opportunity for economies to grow.

Thank you all for your contributions. I would like to refer in general to a few things and make a few specific points. Just to be clear: in respect of Schengen governance, which has been raised here by a number of people, we hope to agree on this during this term, and the same applies in the case of asylum. With regard to Bulgaria and Romania in so far as Schengen is concerned, that is on the agenda for the March Justice Council meeting, and progress here will obviously depend upon partners where unanimity is required here.

With regard to the MFF, Ms McGuinness and others raised this. This is an important message that I have heard here today. I have already had a meeting with President Schulz, and I intend to engage directly with Herman Van Rompuy and my colleagues at the European Council about this.

This is the first time that the European Parliament has been indispensable to this process. The Lisbon Treaty makes this a codecision process, therefore it is important that Members of the European Council understand and appreciate that. We do need a budget and we need a budget soon, and that budget should be adequately resourced to provide the facilities for the Union for the time ahead.

I have heard the messages about flexibility and own resources, and these are obviously central to a solution for the MFF. As holder of the Presidency, I pledge to work as a Presidency with this Parliament and our colleagues in the Council to see that this can be brought about as quickly as possible.

In respect of the financial transaction tax raised by Mr Swoboda and a number of others, I want you to understand that Ireland has a stamp duty on transactions. We did not favour a financial transaction tax, because of our own international financial services centre with 35 000 jobs being so close to London. But that does not mean that we do not understand what enhanced cooperation means. Because there are more than 11 countries that now favour this, Ireland will not stand in its way. I can confirm for you that the first item on the agenda of the Euro Group next week, under the Chairmanship of the Irish Minister for Finance, is the question of the Financial Transaction Tax.

In respect of the single market and youth unemployment, what is more important for any young person in this Union than to understand that they have opportunities? Opportunities to go and work where they would like to work, in an employment that would be suitable for them and that they would enjoy. That is what politics should be about: to create those opportunities. The world in which we live is changing at bewildering speed: genetics, biotech, nano-technology, robotics, all of these changes that are coming at us like a wave. We have the opportunity to have our young people make those waves of change for the people who are going to live on our planet for the next hundred years, and the platforms can be put in now by courage, trust, decisiveness and clarity at European level.

In so far as we are concerned, with our Presidency we will work directly and very diligently in regard to the question of unemployed youth and the opportunity to motivate young people, to give them an inspiration that politics actually does work and that they can have an opportunity themselves to contribute. If we do not do that, there will be anger, rage, frustration, cynicism – and this applies on the streets – if we fail in that duty. Nothing is more important in the entire political spectrum than creating opportunities for people to contribute to the society in which we live. I have heard the scepticism being expressed by many people. I am a believer in politics and in political results and I am an optimist by nature. I think we can do something about this.

In respect of economic progress, I agree with Mr Verhofstadt and Mr Cohn-Bendit that this is no time for complacency. There have been calls here for a firm hand on the tiller; let me assure you that the Irish Presidency can bring to bear its own experience in this matter. Our people have been pragmatic in understanding that the problem will not go away and will not sort itself out unless there is leadership and clear, decisive interaction with people. As applied in our country, and as does apply in our country, so too we can apply that across the European spectrum. Therefore, we need interaction and engagement with the two-pack urgently, and I hope that this happens.

The importance has been raised here of the European development role, particularly in regard to hunger and poverty, raised specifically by Gay Mitchell. I think people should understand that, since the United Nations was formed, since the very first day of its formation, my country has been represented somewhere around the world in peacekeeping and dealing with issues of poverty, malnutrition, human rights and under-nutrition, and we will continue that. In fact, the major conference in Dublin in April will deal with climate change, malnutrition and under-nutrition. It is an issue in which we have an interest.

I would like to say to you that the Presidency programme sets out specifically an issue dealing with maritime development – marine development – and I hope to have President Barroso in Galway in June to deal with the blue economy and the commencement of a strategy dealing with the Atlantic, which will have such important repercussions.

Ms Gurmai mentioned about the European protection order, which helps promote the protection of women, and the Commission proposal for women on company boards. We hope to achieve agreement on that during the course of our Presidency here.

I would like to say that, in respect of Mr Swoboda, we will not stand in the way of FTT in the Youth Employment and Youth Guarantee. We are going to work very hard on that. In respect of Schengen, as I say, that is underway.

Ms Zimmer mentioned why I was more interested in the Germans and why I went to see the CSU: I did, and I went to see Cyprus as well, and everybody else included. I think it is important that you should understand this, because the CSU might have a particular view about programme countries. It is very important that a political leader could go and engage with politicians to explain the decisions that we made in our country in making progress to exit from our programme. That is why I went to see the CSU, so that I could get a clear understanding, Ms Zimmer, of what our country and our people have had to contend with.

That is why it is important that people should also understand that, because we were one of the first countries in a programme, we had to borrow EUR 64 billion and put that on the backs of our electorate because European financial policy – and European political policy at the time – was that no bank should fail. We are the only country which has a situation where we have to repay three billion every year for 10 years in promissory notes.

It has not happened to any other country, and that is why it is important for Ireland to exit this programme and that we get the support which has been committed to us by Europe for a long time. That is why we are negotiating with the ECB on one hand, and that is why I was very happy to see that the European Council was actually able to endorse – on time – the decision taken by the Euro Group to follow through on the decision of 29 June last to break the link between sovereign and bank debt and to move on now to the single supervisory mechanism, which will be the discussions undertaken by the Euro Group, which is being led by our own Minister for Finance.

Mr Farage mentioned respect and rights and all the rest of it. I remember you here with your T-shirt saying ‘respect the Irish vote’. We gave a very strong endorsement of the Fiscal Stability Treaty last year. Despite the difficulties that people had, they said: ‘the place to be is in Europe, the place to hang on to is the euro, we see real opportunities here’.

(Applause)

People ask what advice I would give to Prime Minister Cameron. I do not know what the Prime Minister is going to put in his speech, but I want you to understand this. We have very close relationships with our British counterparts. We signed a strategic partnership agreement with him last year. There are 50 000 Irish people serving on the boards of British companies. As far as I am concerned, Britain has always been a fundamental part of the European Union – a driver of the Single Market – and would stand to gain enormously from being intensely involved in the new trade discussions with Japan, Canada, India and Singapore, and most importantly of all, when we get a mandate to open negotiations for free trade agreements between the United States and the European Union. This holds enormous potential for every one of us.

Mr Bütikofer mentioned that there was no mention of industry in my contribution here. I did say that the important thing is to raise the economies of Europe, and we can do that together. We have got a thousand multinationals in our country to help drive our exports, and we are concentrating, as President Schulz knows, on small and medium enterprises to stimulate confidence in our own indigenous economy. If this is reflected across the board in Europe, think of the potential for jobs, opportunity, investment in industry, investment in research and creativity. Our own Commissioner is dealing with a very important budget from that point of view. I see trade and the opportunity to be creative for the future as being so important for young Europeans, the next generation coming behind us. It is our responsibility to put in place the platforms upon which they can have a prosperous existence.

Mr Reul said: ‘you give us courage’, yes, and to use the tools that we have, which are enormous in extent and capacity, and we hope to give examples of that during our Presidency.

The question of the peace situation in Northern Ireland was raised by Ms Anderson and others. I want you to understand that I raised this deliberately with Mr Van Rompuy, and I have thanked Parliament, the Commission and the Council over the years for their continuing support for the peace process in Northern Ireland. Believe you me, this took politicians of all parties very many years to win a hard-won peace, and we are not going to lose that because of thugs or by those who want to disrupt that peace process and destroy the economy of Northern Ireland and the people who make that work.

(Applause)

That is why Parliament has been so important in continuing its funding for that peace process, and I thank all of you right across the spectrum for what you have done in that regard.

In respect of the need for tolerance, social cohesion and non-discrimination, we support that, obviously. Mr Murphy raised the question of having to come to Europe to beg, as he said, for support. I want Mr Murphy to understand – he is not actually elected to this Parliament – that Irish governments over the year have not been to Europe with a begging-bowl mentality but one that is central to the development of Europe for everybody else. The fantasy economics of thinking that you can just say ‘forget your liabilities’, ‘forget your responsibilities’, is just not valid. We want Mr Murphy to assure everybody that Ireland has always paid its way, but it needs to be done in a fair and balanced way for everybody involved here. We intend to exit our programme and will discuss with the ECB about re-engineering and re-structuring those promissory notes. At the other end of the spectrum, in respect of the European Council decision of 29 June, we will follow that through.

There is a role for the MFF in investment in Horizon 2020, CAP, CFP, cohesion, etc. Ms Harkin mentioned about exiting the programme, as did Mr Higgins and Mr Seán Kelly, and we appreciate that. This, after all, is the year of the citizen. It behoves every one of you – every one of us – to be able to explain to our people the purpose of the European Union: what it means to feel to be a European, to have pride in the European Union and to understand that, together, we have the opportunity to make the Union of 500 million people – which others want to join – the opportunity to be a really strong global player. I hope to welcome the Croatian people as full members of the European Union on 1 July.

Let me assure you that, in respect of the CAP reform, Minister Coveney has been engaging with all his counterparts. This is very important. We need to see that budget well structured and well financed. It is still capable of delivering the most jobs in manufacturing in the European Union. It is absolutely important in the context of food security and a growing global population that we deal with that, and I expect that we will during this Presidency as well.

Obviously there were a range of other matters that were raised here. I do not want to go into them all. We will progress the file on growth and unemployment during the Presidency. I hope that, at the end of our six months, we will have demonstrated that a good news story for Ireland is a good news story for Europe.

The situation in so far as Mali and other countries is concerned has been discussed at European Council. We are taking a very strong view here. I note the interaction and the discussions taking place with Vice-President Ashton in respect of Mali, in particular, and Syria, where Christian torture has grown beyond belief. It is catastrophic in so many ways. Let us hope that Europe can play its part in dealing with these very serious issues.

The question was asked by Mr Bufton about the Tánaiste, my Deputy Prime Minister. We have a very clear understanding of the conditions of membership of the European Union: it is to make them work better in the interest of everybody. That should be our remit. I do not see a situation where you can have 27 different conditions of membership for countries of the one Union. From that point of view, while we have great respect for our colleagues, it is a case of working towards what we can achieve with the single market, the digital market, the new trade agreements and so on.

We have an enormous agenda over the next number of months, but I want to assure you in this Parliament, which I respect absolutely, that we will work as a Presidency with you, President Schulz, and with the members of your institution here, the Members of Parliament. As I said, this is the first time that codecision applies here, and the European Council – of which I am honoured to be a Member – cannot believe that it takes decisions as an individual institution. This is codecision. You represent the peoples of 500 million. So from that point of view, we will engage with you, with Herman Van Rompuy and with the others, to see if we can put an MFF in place as quickly as possible which will allow us to engage with Parliament, the CAP, the 70 files of legislation that must be gone through and all of that.

This is the first time I have addressed the plenary session of the European Parliament. I thank you for your indulgence and your silence. In Ireland this year we are having a major gathering. We are inviting people from all over the world to come to our country, and any of you who want to see how a country in challenging times is able to measure up to the conditions and still live with hope for a brighter future, please come and engage with us. You will help us in that way to understand that, if Ireland can do this, so can Europe. We are with you all the way.

(Sustained applause)

 
  
  

IN THE CHAIR: MARTIN SCHULZ
President

 
  
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  President. − Taoiseach, thank you very much. Looking from here at the applause I must say that you are unifying Europe – even the Tories applauded!

(Laughter)

Meine Damen und Herren! Ich darf mich herzlich bedanken beim Premierminister und bei der Kommission.

Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149 GO)

 
  
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  Liam Aylward (ALDE), i scríbhinn. – A Uachtaráin, a Thaoisigh – Tréimhse ina mbeidh orainn cinntí deacra maidir le todhchaí an Aontais a ghlacadh í tréimshe Uachtaránacht na hÉireann. Táthar ag súil le torthaí suntasacha ón Uachtaránacht seo, go háirithe maidir le dul chun cinn a dhéanamh ar an gcreat airgeadais ilbhliantúil agus an CBT. Ní foláir don Uachtaránacht seo tús áite a thabhairt do bhearta seachas briathra, ar mhaithe le dul chun cinn a dhéanamh agus spriocanna a bhaint amach. Ní hiad na comhréitigh ar bhuiséid agus cláir na t-aon chloch atá ar phaidrín na hUachtaránachta. Ní mór dul i ngleic le príomhfhadhb an Aontais: dífhostaíocht na n-óg. Tá 7.5 milliún Eorpach idir 15 agus 24 bliain d’aois gan phost agus gan teacht acu ar dheiseanna oideachais agus oiliúna. Tá breis is duine as gach cúigear Eorpach óg nach bhfuil in ann fostaíocht a bhaint amach. Ní mór infheistiú a dhéanamh san oideachas agus sa taithí ghairmiúil ar mhaithe le dul i ngleic le dífhostaíocht na n-óg. EUR 153 bn sa bhliain atá le cailliúint mura ndéantar sin. Is deis í Uachtaránacht na hÉireann deireadh a chur leis an gcaint maidir le ‘glúin chaillte’ agus díriú ar bhearta láidre praiticiúla a chur i bhfeidhm le teacht i gcabhair ar an ógra.

 
  
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  Elena Oana Antonescu (PPE), în scris. – Aşa cum documentele programatice ale preşedinţiei irlandeze o arată, Uniunea Europeană trebuie să se concentreze nu numai asupra adoptării unor măsuri care să asigure stabilitatea economică şi instituţională a statelor membre, ci şi asupra traducerii acestor măsuri în beneficii reale pentru cetăţenii europeni. În ciuda efectului stabilizator al mai multor măsuri de guvernanţă adoptate în ultimii ani, cetăţenii europeni se confruntă în continuare cu problema evidentă a scăderii veniturilor sau cu perspectivele nefaste ale şomajului pe termen lung. Susţin, în aceste condiţii, linia politică asumată de către preşedinţia irlandeză de a pune cetăţenii europeni în centrul eforturilor politice viitoare. Consider, de asemenea, că este important ca Uniunea Europeană să continue să îşi asume cât se poate de asertiv poziţia de lider politic în combaterea efectelor schimbărilor climatice. Este important însă ca la acest nivel imperativul reducerii emisiei de gaze cu efect de seră să facă obiectul nu numai al unor eforturi dedicate ale Uniunii Europene, ci şi al unui demers de amplă coordonare a tuturor politicilor Uniunii care au un impact la acest nivel.

 
  
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  Erik Bánki (PPE), írásban. – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Magyar képviselőként különösen örülök annak, hogy az ír és az azt követő litván elnökségi program sportról szóló fejezete kiemelkedő jelentőségű az egészségvédő testmozgás népszerűsítése érdekében. A kérdés uniós napirendre vétele nagyon időszerű, hiszen a statisztikák szerint a javasolt napi testmozgás mennyiségét nem érik el a legtöbb uniós tagállam állampolgárai, sőt néhány tagállamban az utóbbi években csökkenés tapasztalható. Köztudott ugyanakkor, hogy a rendszeres fizikai tevékenység döntő szerepet játszik egészségünk megőrzésében és a betegségek megelőzésében. Továbbá a testmozgás hiánya nemcsak az egyén egészségére gyakorol káros hatást, hanem a tagállamok egészségügyi rendszereire és a gazdaság egészére is, hiszen a fizikai inaktivitás számottevő közvetlen és közvetett költséget generál. Talán azt Önök közül is sokan tudják már, hogy Magyarországon épp ezen megfontolásból vezettük be 2012 szeptemberétől a mindennapos testnevelést az általános iskolákban, amellyel nem utolsó sorban mintaként szeretnénk szolgálni a többi uniós tagállam számára is. Üdvözlöm továbbá, hogy az ír elnökség egy sor fontos, a fentivel szorosan összefüggő problémát is kezelni szeretne, mint például a szabadidősportok fenntartható finanszírozásának kihívásait. Míg ugyanis a tagállamok gyakran tökéletesen tisztában vannak a rendszeres testmozgás társadalmi-gazdasági hasznaival, a szükséges sportinfrastruktúra megteremtését és fenntartását gyakran korlátozzák a nemzeti költségvetésből rendelkezésükre álló források. Tehát e téren az Uniónak is segítenie kell a tagállami törekvéseket.

 
  
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  Minodora Cliveti (S&D), în scris. – Odată cu preluarea preşedinţiei Uniunii Europene de către Irlanda, atenţia se îndreaptă în special spre măsurile care vor trebui să fie luate în perioada ce vine pentru a repune economia europeană pe drumul cel bun, prin promovarea creşterii economice şi crearea de locuri de muncă. Irlanda va trebui să impulsioneze punerea în aplicare a Pactului pentru creştere economică şi locuri de muncă, un pachet de măsuri privind consolidarea bugetară, reducerea şomajului, comerţul internaţional şi alte domenii care pot crea locuri de muncă şi creştere economică. De asemenea, printre priorităţile pe care ar putea să le gestioneze Irlanda ar fi şi directiva privind concediul de maternitate. Sunt state membre care şi-au exprimat îngrijorarea cu privire la modificările şi costurile aferente acestui concediu. Potrivit a patru state membre (Germania, Marea Britanie, Irlanda şi Cehia), din cauza modificărilor aduse de PE, s-a constatat că este foarte greu să se ajungă la o poziţie comună în cadrul Consiliului. Prin urmare, preşedinţia irlandeză ar putea juca un rol esenţial în cadrul negocierilor pentru a debloca situaţia actuală. Totodată, un subiect importat care ar trebui să se numere printre priorităţile stabilite este aderarea României şi Bulgariei la spaţiul Schengen pentru a întări solidaritatea în cadrul Uniunii.

 
  
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  George Sabin Cutaş (S&D), în scris. – Doresc, în primul rând, să salut preluarea de către Irlanda a preşedinţiei Uniunii Europene şi să îmi exprim speranţa că aceasta va reuşi să ducă la îndeplinire o mare parte a programului elaborat pentru următoarele 6 luni. Redresarea economică şi crearea de locuri de muncă, în special în rândul tinerilor, se numără printre obiectivele ambiţioase, a căror realizare corespunde cu aşteptările cetăţenilor europeni. Cu toate acestea, nu am cum să nu constat cu mâhnire că unul dintre punctele centrale ale tuturor ţărilor care au deţinut preşedinţia UE de la începutul lui 2011 până în prezent - aderarea României şi Bulgariei la spaţiul Schengen - nu se regăseşte printre priorităţile Irlandei. Doamna Lucinda Creighton declara recent că Preşedinţia irlandeză nu se va ocupa de teme „mărunte” şi reamintea că Irlanda este unul dintre membrii vechi ai UE. Tocmai de aceea, pledez pentru includerea aderării României la Schengen pe lista priorităţilor, având în vedere că libera circulaţie a mărfurilor, capitalurilor, dar şi a persoanelor ar aduce o importantă contribuţie la îndeplinirea obiectivului de creştere economică. Neglijarea acestui aspect atât de important pentru ţara mea ar valida argumentele care fac din Schengen un „club exclusivist”, erodând libertăţile fundamentale pe care se fondează Uniunea Europeană.

 
  
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  Ioan Enciu (S&D), în scris. – Este important că noua preşedinţie irlandeză a inclus atât aderarea României şi Bulgariei la spaţiul Schengen, cât şi reforma Schengen printre priorităţile sale. Acum, când noul guvern al României, condus de Victor Ponta, are ca primă prioritate de politică europeană admiterea României la spaţiul Schengen şi prezintă garanţii politice clare, Preşedinţia irlandeză are oportunitatea de a repara nedreptatea care se perpetuează din 2011 şi care a dus la amânarea aderării pe criterii total străine de litera şi spiritul Tratatelor. Este unanim acceptat faptul că ambele ţări sunt pregătite de aproape doi ani să devină membre ale spaţiului Schengen, pe unele componente ale acquis-ului, precum infrastructura de control a frontierelor, fiind chiar cele mai performante state din întreaga Europă. În ceea ce priveşte pachetul Schengen, ne aflăm la un stadiu al negocierilor în care diferenţa dintre un acord final şi un eşec al negocierilor depinde strict de voinţa politică a statelor membre de a avansa către un sistem cu adevărat european de gestionare a Schengen. Preşedinţia irlandeză are, astfel, de ales între a fi recunoscută ca una ce a contribuit la consolidarea uneia dintre cele mai mari realizări din istoria UE sau care, din contră, a contribuit la dezmembrarea Schengen.

 
  
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  Ismail Ertug (S&D), schriftlich. Herr Präsident, sehr verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Auftakt der Ratspräsidentschaft Irlands markiert eine entscheidende Zeit für die EU. Gemeinsam müssen wir über den mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen 2014–2020 entscheiden, und das in einer Phase, in der nationale Haushalte knapper sind denn je. Maßgeblich hierbei: In welchen Bereichen können wir mit europäischen Geldern den größten Mehrwert erzielen? In Ihrem Programm zur Ratspräsidentschaft machen Sie klar, welche wichtige Rolle der Binnenmarkt für Europas wirtschaftliche Zukunft spielt. Rückgrat unseres Binnenmarktes ist eine effiziente Verkehrsinfrastruktur. Bis heute behindern jedoch viele Engpässe und fehlende Verbindungen den freien Personen- und Warenverkehr. Wir müssen daher dringend die mangelnde Investitionsbereitschaft mancher Mitgliedstaaten überwinden. Infrastrukturinvestitionen fördern einerseits das Wachstum und tragen zum sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Zusammenhalt in der Krise bei. Andererseits können wir nur durch die Verbesserung der Infrastruktur die europäischen Ziele zur CO2-Reduzierung erreichen. Die neue Fazilität „Connecting Europe“ spielt deshalb in den MFR-Verhandlungen eine ganz zentrale Rolle. Ich appelliere an Sie als Vorsitzende, setzen Sie sich aktiv für ein angemessenes Budget ein, damit wir Europa gemeinsam aus der Krise holen können! Vielen Dank!

 
  
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  Kinga Gál (PPE), írásban. – Tisztelt Elnök Úr, Tisztelt Miniszterelnök Úr! Üdvözlöm az ír elnökséget, és kérem, hogy folytassa azt az elkötelezett munkát, amit mi itt e Parlamentben már évek óta folytatunk a jog és igazság érvényesülésén alapuló térség működéséért, gyakorlati megvalósításáért. De a mindennapi élet még mindig azt mutatja, erőfeszítéseink nem maradéktalanok. Minden jóérzésű embert felháborít az a tény ugyanúgy Magyarországon, mint Írországban, hogy Francis Tobin ír állampolgár, aki több mint egy évtizede gázolt halálra két kisgyermeket Magyarországon, mind a mai napig nem töltötte le a magyar igazságszolgáltatás által rá kiszabott börtönbüntetést. A magyar közvélemény, és a hatóságok számára nem az a fontos, hogy Francis Tobin Magyarországon töltse le büntetését, hanem hogy egyáltalán letölti-e. Elfogadhatatlan, hogy jogi kiskapuk lehetővé tegyék számára, hogy büntetlenül, bármiféle következmény nélkül élje mindennapjait. Kérem az ír elnökséget, hogy tegyen meg mindent a Tobin-ügy jogszerű és egyben igazságot is szolgáltató lezárása érdekében. Az Európai Bizottságot pedig arra kérem, hogy járjon közben és a rendelkezésre álló eszközeivel segítse elő az ügy mihamarabbi rendezését hiszen ez jelentené, hogy a jog és igazság európai térsége életképes a gyakorlatban.

 
  
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  Ádám Kósa (PPE), írásban. – Tisztelt Miniszterelnök Úr, Kedves Képviselő Kollégatársaim! Külön szeretném felhívni a figyelmet a fogyatékosságügyre. Az elmúlt három évben a fogyatékosságügy magas színvonalon lett kezelve, hiszen elfogadták a 10 éves fogyatékosságügyi stratégiát, és ugyanúgy az Európai Tanács ezzel kapcsolatos következtetéseit is elfogadták, és az általam készített jelentést tavaly szeptemberben fogadták el, a ciprusi elnökség pedig magas szintű esélyegyenlőségi konferenciát szervezett. Úgy gondolom, hogy 80 millió fogyatékkal élő ember megérdemli azt, hogy az ír elnökség továbbvigye ezt a jó szerepet és kiemelten kezelje, külön örülök annak, hogy foglalkozni kívánnak az egyenlő bánásmóddal és a honlapok akadálymentesítésével. Ehhez sok sikert kívánok az ír elnökségnek!

 
  
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  Jan Kozłowski (PPE), na piśmie. – Z dużym zainteresowaniem wysłuchałem Pańskiego przemówienia. Prezydencja irlandzka przejmuje przewodnictwo w Unii Europejskiej niewątpliwie w okresie niełatwym. Przedłużający się kryzys ekonomiczny oraz rosnące bezrobocie stawiają przed Unią coraz trudniejsze wyzwania, coraz wyraźniejsza jest też potrzeba pogłębiania integracji. Wierzę, iż prezydencja irlandzka przyjęła słuszną strategię. Za bardzo istotne uważam skoncentrowanie na małych i średnich przedsiębiorstwach, gdyż to właśnie one prezentują największy potencjał w budowaniu trwałego wzrostu gospodarczego. Cieszę się, że prezydencja planuje szereg działań na rzecz sektora MŚP, takich jak poprawa dostępu do finansowania czy promocja przedsiębiorczości. Duże nadzieje wiążę z pracami nad programem COSME, którego celem jest zwiększenie konkurencyjności firm. Za istotne uważam też podjęcie działań na rzecz znoszenia barier administracyjnych dla MŚP.

 
  
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  Antonio Masip Hidalgo (S&D), por escrito. – - Saludo el esfuerzo de la Presidencia de Irlanda en política de auditorías y por poner en su sitio al lobby de las llamadas «big four».

¡Saquen adelante el espíritu del señor Barnier (que no es de mi familia política) para terminar con el oligopolio y la perversidad de su práctica, que tanto dificulta la economía!

Y no nos ocurra lo que pasa en el drama tan famoso de un escritor irlandés, Samuel Beckett: esperar desesperadamente.

Adelante, pues, les apoyaré contra los lobbies.

¡Suerte!

Soy de Asturias, región celta, y confío en ustedes

 
  
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  Ivari Padar (S&D), kirjalikult. – Mul on suur lootus Iirimaa eesistumisele. Iirimaa on riik, kes on tegudes näidanud, et suudab keerulistes olukordades vastu võtta otsuseid. Kui rääkida ühest konkreetsest probleemist - noorte tööpuudusest -, siis ilmselgelt vajame selle probleemi väga sisulist lahendamist, mis tähendab probleemi põhjusteni, juurteni jõudmist. See on meile kõikidele suureks ohuks, kui meie tegutsematusest kasvab peale põlvkond, kel puuduvad tööharjumused.

 
  
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  Joanna Senyszyn (S&D), na piśmie. – Rok 2013 to rok obywateli. Cieszę się, że prezydencja irlandzka właśnie na obywatelach i ich prawach będzie koncentrować swoje działania. Jako wiceprzewodnicząca Komisji Praw Człowieka zwracam uwagę prezydencji na kluczowe kwestie, których realizacja jest niezbędna do wzmocnienia systemu przestrzegania praw człowieka w Unii i na świecie. Rosnąca świadomość związku praw człowieka z biznesem wymaga, aby poświęcić większą uwagę społecznej odpowiedzialności przedsiębiorstw. Pilnym zadaniem jest upowszechnianie idei odpowiedzialnego biznesu w celu zwiększenia konkurencyjności przedsiębiorstw, zadowolenia społecznego i poprawy stanu środowiska.

Konieczna jest konsekwentna realizacja unijnej polityki praw człowieka w działaniach zewnętrznych. Aby być wiarygodnym partnerem na arenie międzynarodowej, Unia musi działać konsekwentnie i zgodnie ze zobowiązaniami wynikającymi z Traktatu i prawodawstwa wspólnotowego. Musimy eliminować różnice standardów między zewnętrzną polityką w zakresie praw człowieka i w innych dziedzinach.

Proszę także o zwrócenie szczególnej uwagi na prawa kobiet. Wspieranie praw kobiet i równości płci oraz zwalczanie przemocy wobec kobiet powinny stanowić podstawę wszelkich stosunków z krajami trzecimi, z którymi Unia podpisała umowy o stowarzyszeniu i współpracy. W tym kontekście apeluję do prezydencji, aby zainicjowała na forum międzynarodowym debatę na temat przemocy wobec kobiet oraz naruszeń praw człowieka związanych z płcią.

 
  
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  Ewald Stadler (NI), schriftlich. – Ich möchte meine Freude über die irische Ratspräsidentschaft zum Ausdruck bringen. Mit Irland übernimmt den Vorsitz des Rates ein Land, das mit Stolz mehrfach seine Eigenständigkeit durch Referenden zum Ausdruck gebracht hat. Mit Bedauern muss ich aber feststellen, dass Irland immer wieder ein politisches Angriffsziel der militanten Abtreibungslobby ist, insbesondere die Wortmeldungen einiger Abgeordneter in der heutigen Debatte haben dies bewiesen. Ich appelliere daher an das Europäische Parlament, den irischen Ratsvorsitz nicht mit einer Abtreibungsdebatte zu belasten. Der autonomen und übrigens auch vorbildlichen Werthaltung des irischen Volkes – eine Werthaltung für das Leben – gebührt unser aller Respekt. Ich appelliere weiters an die irische Regierung, gerade in der Frage des Lebensschutzes standhaft zu bleiben und keinesfalls dem Druck aggressiver Lobbyisten nachzugeben. Im Übrigen wünsche ich der irischen Regierung das Beste für ihren Ratsvorsitz.

 
  
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  Csaba Sándor Tabajdi (S&D), írásban. – Az uniós tagállamok közti megosztottság csökkentése lesz a működését január 1-jén megkezdett ír uniós elnökség legfontosabb feladata. Ennek két területen is meg kell jelennie. Egyrészt a gazdaságpolitikai integráció elmélyítésében, amennyiben az integráció újabb köreinek nyitva kell maradniuk minden tagállam számára. Különösen fontos, hogy az elmúlt év végén a bankunióról olyan megállapodás született, amely nem erősíti tovább az eurót használó és az euróövezeten kívüli tagállamok közti megosztottságot, a kétsebességes Európát. Főként azonban a 2014–20 közti hétéves uniós költségvetésről folytatott tárgyalásokon kell felszámolni a megosztottságot. Az olyan sikeres beruházási politikák, mint a kohéziós támogatási keret csökkentése és felhasználási szabályainak előnytelen megváltoztatása tovább sújtaná a válság által legsúlyosabban érintett rétegeket: a munkanélkülieket, a szociálisan kiszolgáltatott helyzetben lévőket és általában véve a hátrányos helyzetben lévő régiókat. Az ír elnökség adjon új, más irányt a vitának. Írország, amely a 80-as és 90-es években bemutatott bámulatos fejlődését elsősorban a Kohéziós Politikának köszönheti, remélhetőleg nem felejtette el, hogy milyen fontos a rossz gazdasági helyzetben lévő régiók, köztük számos magyarországi régió felzárkóztatása. Ettől a céltól a jövőben sem szabad eltérnünk. Idén tavaszra olyan kompromisszumnak kell születnie, amely a felzárkózó kohéziós tagállamok, közte Magyarország számára is elfogadható. Ez vonatkozik a támogatások mértékére és a felhasználási szabályokra egyaránt.

 
  
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  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. – A Europa está a atravessar sérias dificuldades económicas e financeiras, levando alguns países a adotarem duras medidas de austeridade com vista ao equilíbrio das contas públicas. No entanto, entendo ser necessário que as instituições europeias adotem de forma mais rápida e efetiva algumas medidas que têm vindo a ser estudadas no sentido de aprofundar a integração bancária. Em articulação com as medidas de equilíbrio orçamental, considero fundamental que sejam adotados novos estímulos ao crescimento e ao emprego. O aumento de capital do Banco Europeu de Investimento em 10 mil milhões de Euros, a reindustrialização da Europa e a crescente aposta na inovação e no empreendedorismo são algumas das soluções que poderão levar o continente europeu a uma nova fase de prospeção económica e social. Gostaria assim de felicitar a Presidência Irlandesa por ter definido como prioridades estratégicas para os próximos seis meses a estabilidade económica, o crescimento e o emprego. Por fim, saliento que, neste semestre, deverá ser aprovado o novo Quadro Financeiro Plurianual 2014-2020 e os novos regulamentos da Política de Coesão. Espero que exista um alargado consenso à volta dos assuntos em questão e gostaria de sensibilizar o Conselho para a necessidade de ter em conta as especificidades naturais e económicas das Regiões Ultraperiféricas da UE.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. – Domnule prim-ministru, urez mult succes preşedinţiei irlandeze a Consiliului UE! Domnule prim-ministru, solicit sprijinul şi angajamentul preşedinţiei irlandeze a Consiliului pentru aderarea României şi a Bulgariei la spaţiul Schengen. Cele două ţări îndeplinesc toate condiţiile tehnice pentru aderarea la spaţiul Schengen, fapt recunoscut, în repetate rânduri, atât de Comisia Europeană, cât şi de Parlamentul European. Domnule prim-ministru, Irlanda sărbătoreşte 30 de ani de apartenenţă la Uniunea Europeană, împărtăşeşte şi apără valorile fundamentale ale Uniunii. Cetăţenii români împărtăşesc aceleaşi valori şi, de aceea, subliniez aşteptările imense pe care cetăţenii României le au din partea preşedinţiei irlandeze a Consiliului UE privind aderarea României la spaţiul Schengen. Ca raportor al Parlamentului pentru Regulamentul privind tahografele digitale, salut prioritatea pe care preşedinţia irlandeză o acordă acestui dosar şi vă asigur că Parlamentul va depune toate eforturile necesare pentru a finaliza împreună acest dosar. De asemenea, subliniez importanţa pe care preşedinţia irlandeză o acordă realizării Pieţei Unice Digitale. Salut prioritatea dată unor domenii precum securitatea informatică, semnătura şi identificarea electronică, protecţia datelor, extinderea reţelelor de comunicaţii de bandă largă şi accesibilitatea site-urilor web, în special pentru persoanele cu dizabilităţi. În final, este esenţial ca regulamentul privind ENISA să fie finalizat în cadrul acestei preşedinţii.

 
  
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  Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), in writing. – A lot has been said which I can support. I have two thoughts:

1. Concerning the MFF – I strongly believe that you have to have a good debate with Great Britain concerning the rebate: ‘Either rebates for all or no rebates at all’ – the money from all rebates should be made available to invest into a much better education of our young generation. A job guarantee alone will not help, if the basis is not there.

2. Visions for enlargement: I have one very basic question. Can we really afford to speed up the negotiation process with these countries in the current tight and very difficult economic situation? We all want the peace we have to continue and be long-lasting; this is also a question of our shared responsibility – therefore we also have to provide stability within the EU. In that sense: let us work together with the goal in mind of having this crisis end. You are the ‘helmsman’ now. So, let us work!

 
  
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  Josef Weidenholzer (S&D), schriftlich. – Eines der wichtigsten Projekte der irischen Präsidentschaft ist für mich die Verabschiedung des Datenschutzpakets. Sie würde unter Beweis stellen, dass Europa zur vorbildlichen Regelung wichtiger Bereiche des modernen Lebens fähig ist und das Vertrauen der Bürger in die Wirksamkeit des Schutzes ihrer persönlichen Daten wiederherstellen. Dies ist eine unabdingbare Voraussetzung für eine positive Entwicklung des digitalen Binnenmarktes. Es ist erfreulich, dass sich Irland offiziell dafür einsetzen will. Verwunderlich ist allerdings, wenn interne Dokumente zur Vorbereitung des informellen Rates der Innenminister auftauchen, in denen eine substantielle Abschwächung des Kommissionsvorschlags betrieben wird. Dieser Double Speak ist wenig hilfreich. Irland muss sich entscheiden, was es will, die Interessen der europäischen Bürger zu unterstützen oder die Interessen der Industrie.

 

5. Heure des votes
Vidéo des interventions
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  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgt die Abstimmungsstunde.

 

5.1. Modification du calendrier des périodes de session du Parlement - 2013 (vote)
 

– Vor der Abstimmung:

 
  
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  Martin Callanan (ECR). - Mr President, in accordance with Rule 177(4) of our Rules of Procedure, I would like to propose that we adjourn this calendar vote for a period of three months.

My reason is that we do not need to take a decision on this now. We only received the Court judgment on 13 December 2012. Most Members have not yet had a chance to study that judgment properly. Why is this calendar being pushed through now in such a rush? There has been no opportunity to examine the judgment properly. There has been no opportunity to get any legal opinions on what the judgment actually means. You, Mr President, have decided in your wisdom to rule out of order any calendar amendments that propose moving either for or against the period of four days, either more or less four days. In my opinion that is not in the legal opinion from the Court. I would like to see your legal justification for doing that. I have had no opportunity to see it. Most Members here have not seen the new calendar. No copies of it have been sent round. It is only available on the website so I ask again: why is this being pushed forward in such a hurry?

Finally, repeatedly, a large majority in this Chamber have voted for us to spend less time here in Strasbourg, saving both time, money and carbon emissions.

(Applause)

We agree that we have to comply with the judgment, but we are asking for a reasonable delay in the proposal, allowing you, Mr President, to think again about your judgment, allowing the Conference of Presidents to think again about its proposal and perhaps – you never know – allowing the Council to put an end finally to this travelling circus.

 
  
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  Marita Ulvskog (S&D). - Herr talman! Jag ställer inte upp på de konspirationsteorier som herr Callanan presenterade här. Däremot talar jag för den svenska delegationen i min grupp, inte hela gruppen, utifrån uppfattningen att vi inte har någon brådska när det gäller kalendern.

Den kalender vi redan arbetar efter och som redan är beslutad, den ser likadan ut fram till sommaruppehållet, så vi förlorar ingenting på om vi tar lite extra tid på oss eller rättare sagt, låter AFCO, det konstitutionella utskottet, ta lite mer tid på sig för att analysera konsekvenserna av EU-domstolens utslag.

 
  
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  Joseph Daul (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, je voudrais simplement faire une remarque. J'ai lu le jugement. Normalement, le calendrier 2013 a été annulé. Par conséquent, comme le calendrier a été annulé, si j'écoute mon collègue, cela signifie qu'à partir de lundi, nous ne pouvons plus siéger nulle part, pas même à Bruxelles. Cela nous laissera donc trois mois pour réfléchir à la manière de nous organiser en 2013.

(La demande d'ajournement du vote est rejetée)

 
  
  

IN THE CHAIR: EDWARD McMILLAN-SCOTT
Vice-President

 

6. Composition des commissions et des délégations: voir procès-verbal
Vidéo des interventions

7. Rectificatif (article 216 du règlement): voir procès-verbal
Vidéo des interventions

8. Heure des votes (suite)
Vidéo des interventions
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  President. − We now continue with the vote.

 

8.1. Classification, emballage et étiquetage des préparations dangereuses (A7-0391/2012 - Eija-Riitta Korhola) (vote)

8.2. Exploitation durable des ressources halieutiques en Méditerranée (A7-0180/2012 - Anna Rosbach) (vote)

8.3. Conclusion du protocole additionnel de Nagoya – Kuala Lumpur sur la responsabilité et la réparation relatif au protocole de Cartagena sur la prévention des risques biotechnologiques (A7-0429/2012 - Matthias Groote) (vote)

8.4. Finances publiques dans l'UEM en 2011 et 2012 (A7-0425/2012 - Alfredo Pallone) (vote)

8.5. Agences de notation de crédit (A7-0221/2012 - Leonardo Domenici) (vote)
 

– Before the vote on Amendment 130:

 
  
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  Sharon Bowles (ALDE). - Mr President, these separate votes have been deemed admissible in view of their content. However, they would break the first reading agreement that was approved without dissent in the committee on 17 December. Therefore, irrespective of any merits that there might be within those amendments, I recommend that they should be voted against.

 
  
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  President. − There is a request to put Amendments 2 to 116 to the vote collectively. Are there any objections?

(Objections from the EFD Group)

OK – you have asked for it!

– Before the vote on Amendment 2:

 
  
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  Godfrey Bloom (EFD). - Mr President, we are very interested to see how people vote on what is a very important subject. I draw your attention to Rule 161(5). A little transparency, even in this place, would not go amiss.

 
  
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  President. − I would just remind you that the Chair is supporting your right to table these amendments and we are now going to vote on them.

– After the vote:

 
  
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  Hannes Swoboda (S&D). - Mr President, I find the services’ interpretation, which we had to accept, very strange because, as Sharon Bowles said, it goes against the meaning if we have a compromise and then we have amendments which could make the compromise fall; this does not make sense.

It is a senseless interpretation. I am sorry to have to say this.

But I would like the President to ask the Committee on Constitutional Affairs to look into this interpretation and to give a clear interpretation, because if you have a compromise you cannot say I will vote for the compromise, and then two minutes later I will vote against the compromise. This is not a sensible parliamentary procedure.

(Applause)

 
  
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  President. − The President and I did have a meeting this morning with the services. There are people on this bench who understand this hybrid approach. I do not, myself, but I entirely agree with your proposition. It should be referred to the Committee on Constitutional Affairs and that will happen.

 

8.6. Organismes de placement collectif en valeurs mobilières (OPCVM) et gestionnaires de fonds d’investissement alternatifs (A7-0220/2012 - Leonardo Domenici) (vote)
 

– Before the vote:

 
  
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  Leonardo Domenici (S&D). - Signor Presidente, in realtà si presenta esattamente la stessa situazione del voto precedente: quindi, dato che io sono d'accordo con la presidente Bowles, ci troviamo di fronte allo stesso tipo di procedura. Se le posizioni politiche non sono cambiate, dovremmo procedere come prima, quindi lascio a lei l'interpretazione.

 
  
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  President. − I am afraid we are going to have to vote on this. It will not take that long but nevertheless there is a need to have it examined and it will be done.

– Before the vote on Amendment 5:

 
  
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  József Szájer (PPE). - Mr President, I would just like to indicate concerning my group voting list that the upcoming votes on the amendments are ‘no’, and it is wrongly marked in the voting list.

 
  
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  President. − Can I confirm with you, Mrs Bowles, that your approach on this report is the same as the last one? Correct? OK. So this group of votes does not form part of the package.

– After the vote:

 
  
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  Leonardo Domenici (S&D). - Signor Presidente, è stato un voto particolare: ci siamo trovati in una situazione delicata ma io vorrei ringraziare tutti i gruppi politici che hanno sostenuto questo accordo e in particolare i relatori ombra, perché l'accordo evidentemente era solido, ha tenuto e siamo arrivati finalmente dopo una lunga fatica all'approvazione di questo importante provvedimento

(Applausi).

 

8.7. Plan pluriannuel applicable aux stocks de cabillaud de la mer Baltique (A7-0395/2012 - Jarosław Leszek Wałęsa) (vote)
 

– Before the vote:

 
  
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  Jarosław Leszek Wałęsa (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Po tym głosowaniu kolejnym etapem, zanim przepisy wejdą w życie, będą oczywiście rozmowy trójstronne z Komisją Europejską oraz Radą. Niestety, ze względu na spór dotyczący kompetencji między Parlamentem Europejskim a Radą, opóźni się wejście w życie tych przepisów. Blokada instytucjonalna, z którą mamy tu do czynienia, dotyczy sporu o interpretację artykułu 46 ust. 3 Traktatu o funkcjonowaniu Unii Europejskiej, czyli ustalania i przydziału wielkości dopuszczalnych połowów. Rada od lat blokuje prace nad wieloletnimi planami zarządzania poszczególnymi gatunkami ryb, interpretuje przepisy na własną korzyść, czyli uważa, że ma wyłączne prawo do ustalania możliwości połowowych. Ta sytuacja bardzo negatywnie odbija się na tworzeniu prawa dotyczącego rybołówstwa, pogarsza relacje między instytucjami i zasługuje na wyraźne potępienie.

 

8.8. Conservation des ressources de pêche (A7-0342/2012 - Pat the Cope Gallagher) (vote)
 

– Before the vote:

 
  
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  Pat the Cope Gallagher (ALDE). - Mr President, on behalf of the Committee on Fisheries I would like to request the postponement of the vote on my technical report, after serious consideration by the coordinators at the meeting yesterday, convened by the Chair of the committee, Gabriel Mato Adrover.

The purpose of deferring the vote is to once again highlight the difficulty that Parliament is experiencing with the Council on the issue of long-term management plans. These plans are vitally important in terms of protecting fishing resources and ensuring the livelihoods of communities depending on fishing. No progress has been made on these important plans since the introduction of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, and this is due to the lack of interest by successive presidencies since then.

So no progress has been made. We are now calling on the incoming Irish Presidency to deal with this issue in a pragmatic and realistic manner. The coordinators look forward to the meeting with the Irish minister tomorrow morning and to the minister’s presentation of his priorities to the Fisheries Committee next week.

The Fisheries Committee has put a lot of effort into this over a sustained period, and we want to ensure we can make progress. The Council has to respect Parliament, but has not done so over the past years. While this report is not adopted, anyone who has any fears should note that the basic regulation of 1998 remains in place.

Unfortunately if the Irish Presidency is unable to map a way forward for Parliament, we will have no alternative but to block other reports which are in the pipeline, whether it may be the basic regulation or the regulation on the European Maritime and Fisheries Fund.

In conclusion, I may have a similar request in February if we do not make progress in the meantime, but I do not want to pre-judge the outcome of our discussions with the Presidency. I request a roll-call vote on the issue of postponing the adoption of my report.

 
  
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  Chris Davies (ALDE). - Mr President, I very strongly endorse what the rapporteur has said. If we are to secure substantial reform of the common fisheries policy to ensure that fish stocks are allowed to recover and secure a good future for fish and for fishermen, it is essential that we get this issue of long-term management plans sorted out. The dispute with the Council must be resolved.

 

8.9. Modification du règlement du Parlement en ce qui concerne l'ordre de préséance des vice-présidents élus par acclamation (A7-0412/2012 - Carlo Casini) (vote)
 

– Before the vote on Amendment 3:

 
  
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  Carlo Casini (PPE). - Signor Presidente, ho già detto che noi abbiamo respinto gli emendamenti 2, 3D, 4 e 5. Sul 6D ancora siamo contrari: siamo favorevoli al testo originario della Commissione e quindi favorevoli al voto sul primo emendamento. Sul resto siamo contrari.

 

8.10. Garantie pour la jeunesse (B7-0007/2013) (vote)

8.11. Rôle de la politique de cohésion de l'Union dans la mise en oeuvre de la nouvelle politique européenne de l'énergie (A7-0437/2012 - Lena Kolarska-Bobińska) (vote)
 

– After the vote:

 
  
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  Lena Kolarska-Bobińska (PPE). - Mr President, on Monday the European Court of Auditors announced the results of an audit investigation into the way money on energy efficiency has been used in some Member States.

I want to stress that the Commission must take this audit and the recommendations of my report into account when preparing the next programming period. We do not want cohesion funds for energy to be wasted.

Thank you very much for your support for the report.

(Applause)

 
  
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  President. − Thank you for that comment. Colleagues have heard it. The Commissioner is doing his Facebook at the moment but no doubt they will read the report when it comes in.

(Laughter and applause)

 

8.12. Faisabilité de l'introduction d'obligations de stabilité (A7-0402/2012 - Sylvie Goulard) (vote)

9. Explications de vote
Vidéo des interventions

9.1. Modification du calendrier des périodes de session du Parlement - 2013
Vidéo des interventions
  

Oral explanations of vote

 
  
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  Søren Bo Søndergaard (GUE/NGL). - Hr. formand! EU-Parlamentets rejse mellem Bruxelles og Strasbourg er spild af tid og til skade for miljøet. Men derudover koster det jo millioner og atter millioner. Efter min mening er det en provokation, ikke bare mod den sunde fornuft, men også mod de mange EU-borgere, som er blevet arbejdsløse, eller som lider under EU-dikterede nedskæringer. Jeg synes ikke, vi skal deltage i den provokation. Jeg synes, vi skal kunne se vores vælgere i øjnene. Derfor har jeg også gjort, hvad jeg kunne, for at begrænse dette rejsecirkus uden at tage stilling til, om det enkelte sæde, vi skal have, skal ligge i Bruxelles eller Strasbourg. Jeg stemte nej til det nye forslag til kalender for 2013, fordi det vil øge rejseriet i stedet for at begrænse det. Vedtagelsen af det fortsatte rejsecirkus er en sort dag for Parlamentet. Men det er frem for alt en sort dag for miljøet og for skatteborgerne i EU. Det må vi ændre på fremover.

 
  
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  Marina Yannakoudakis (ECR). - Mr President, the Treaties state that the European Parliament shall have its seat in Strasbourg where 12 monthly plenary sessions shall be held. The European Court of Justice has ordered that an amendment on the European Parliament’s calendar, tabled by my group, must be overturned as it is not in accordance with the Treaties. Yet its members are fully aware that Parliament does not meet in Strasbourg on a monthly basis as the Treaties require.

Why can the Parliament choose to postpone the August session, yet not be able to hold two sessions in the same week? The ruling does not make sense to me or my constituents. Why does the European Parliament meet in Strasbourg at all? There is no satisfactory answer. Member States and the European Parliament arguing whether we need to troop to Strasbourg 11 or 12 times a year appears to our citizens as if we are rearranging the deckchairs on the Titanic. Before we all go down with this ship, let us, once and for all, do the right thing and scrap Strasbourg.

 
  
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  Constance Le Grip (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, je me réjouis qu'aujourd'hui, le Parlement européen ait voté un nouveau calendrier de travail, tenant compte de la décision de la Cour de justice de l'Union européenne. Celle-ci a dit le droit, a rappelé très clairement et très explicitement que c'était à Strasbourg que devaient se tenir les douze sessions plénières de notre Parlement, douze sessions plénières par an. Il était important que le droit soit réaffirmé, que l'esprit et la lettre des traités soient à nouveau clairement explicités et que nous, parlementaires européens, nous soyons les premiers à avoir à cœur de respecter l'esprit et la lettre des traités.

Nul n'est besoin de revenir sur l'histoire de notre continent, sur le symbole que représente Strasbourg pour la réconciliation entre les peuples européens, pour comprendre que c'est à Strasbourg que vibre et vit le cœur de la démocratie parlementaire européenne.

 
  
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  Roberta Angelilli (PPE). - Signor Presidente, a parte il calendario dei lavori, voglio lanciare un messaggio chiaro: al di là delle rigidità normative, occorre trovare il modo per risolvere il problema della doppia sede, che rappresenta a mio avviso – ma soprattutto all'avviso dei cittadini europei – un doppione inutile, dispendioso e anacronistico. Credo non esista un altro Parlamento al mondo con una doppia sede. Quindi un Parlamento, una sede sola.

 
  
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  Kay Swinburne (ECR). - Mr President, this House has now voted several times for an end to the two-seat Parliament and called for us to limit the Strasbourg visits in order to save valuable taxpayers’ money and make our work far more efficient. In eliminating just one trip to Strasbourg in 2012 we succeeded in completing our parliamentary business without any disruption. In fact we carried out the two sessions in one week very effectively.

If we are to interpret the Court of Justice opinion on our visits to Strasbourg as requiring 12 monthly visits of the same length, then presumably this year we will be forced to visit in August. This interpretation is absurd, as are the Strasbourg sessions themselves, and it is time that the Council and Commission now take up our mandate to allow the European Parliament a single seat. Preventing the democratically elected House from choosing where and when to conduct its business is not acceptable.

 
  
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  Ewald Stadler (NI). - Herr Präsident! Neben den bereits vielfach geäußerten Argumenten, die für einen einzigen Sitz in Brüssel sprechen und die ich nicht wiederholen möchte, habe ich noch ein weiteres Argument, warum ich heute gegen diesen Kalender gestimmt habe. Es ist zum wiederholten Mal zu sehen, dass dieses Parlament schlicht und einfach auf christliche Feiertage und auf christliche Symbole keine Rücksicht nimmt. Der 20. Mai ist als Plenartag ausgewiesen. Der 20. Mai ist in einer ganzen Reihe von Staaten gesetzlicher, christlicher Feiertag, so z. B. in Österreich, Deutschland, Belgien, Frankreich, Ungarn, Luxemburg und den Niederlanden. Ich sehe nicht ein, warum man auf die christlichen Feiertage keine Rücksicht nimmt und ausgerechnet an diesem Pfingstmontag eine Plenartagung anberaumt hat. Das war für mich der zweite Grund, warum ich gegen diesen Kalender gestimmt habe.

 
  
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  Syed Kamall (ECR). - Mr President, there are those in our constituencies who see politicians as out of touch and those politicians who try to justify the fact that we meet in two places, in Brussels and Strasbourg, are seen as even more out of touch. It is ridiculous, especially during these times of austerity but at any time, that we are spending EUR 120 million or more a year, plus all the waste in CO2, shifting between two seats.

Now I understand the view of those who support Strasbourg. For them it is a symbol of Franco-German reconciliation. For others it is a symbol of Franco-German collaboration. But whatever the truth and whatever the view of that, it is quite clear that we have to move towards one seat.

And if it is to be Strasbourg, then let those who want further integration understand. Parliament can meet in Strasbourg rather than trying to force us all to meet in Brussels. But let us agree on one seat. The majority of people here agree it should be Brussels, but let us all work together to support one seat and stop this waste and show that we understand the concerns of our electorate.

 
  
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  President. − Before giving the floor to Mr Hannan, I should like to mention that the local newspaper yesterday began its commentary on the vote which took place today with the following words:

"Restaurateurs, hôteliers et taxis strasbourgeois, à vos agendas!"

which means ‘restaurateurs, hoteliers and the taxis of Strasbourg, get your diaries out’. That is the symbolism of Strasbourg today.

 
  
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  Daniel Hannan (ECR). - Mr President, every vote we have passed in the last couple of days has tended to increase spending on various euro-schemes and boondoggles. This modest proposal slightly to reduce the amount of travel between the two seats of this Parliament was thrown out by two to one.

Let me remind colleagues of one of the lines in the US Declaration of Independence. The American patriots laid as a grievance against George III the fact that he had called legislatures to meet in ‘places unusual, uncomfortable and distant’. That was seen as a cause for separation, as I suspect a lot of our constituents and people in different countries will see this extraordinary waste, this duplication of this monthly peregrination.

I agree with Syed Kamall. I would be very happy to meet in Strasbourg at every single session and cut out Brussels. But what is absolutely unjustifiable, at a time of austerity, is to be pouring away hundreds of millions of euros on the trip in between.

After the vote my colleague sitting next to me on this side said very loudly in French, ‘the English have arrived late and now they want to change things’. There were several responses that sprang to my mind, but I instead confined myself to saying to him politely that I do not think we will be staying long.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock (ECR). - Mr President, I just want to speak on this very important issue. It may be a little insensitive perhaps with the 50th anniversary of the Elysée Treaty coming up next Tuesday to stand in the city where a former Conservative Party leader, Winston Churchill, called for Europe to unite after the war and say that all MEPs must leave this city.

Any self-respecting parliament nevertheless should have one seat not two. No one can justify the wholesale waste of money, time and carbon emissions. Neither was it desired or acquired by the people for their representation to have two seats. Sadly President Schulz deems procedures and processes more important. He has indicated that he intends to rule as inadmissible any amendments which change the duration of the Strasbourg session from four days and uses the Court of Justice’s judgment as a justification for this.

Our position as British Conservatives is very very clear. No administrative device is going to quell the fact that by conducting our business the way we do, we invite and earn the contempt of our electorate. Do we not want to remove, rather than add to, the stains on our reputation as MEPs? Democracy is government for the people by the people of the people. It is not about hiding behind a stitch-up in a long-forgotten treaty and a rogue judgment by the European Court of Justice.

 
  
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  Martin Kastler (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Ich bin etwas erschüttert, wie parteipolitisch Sie in Ihrer Rolle als Präsident jetzt hier in dieser Sitzung hantieren. Wenn Sie einen Zeitungsartikel aus einer der Lokalzeitungen hier nehmen, ist das die eine Seite. Aber ich muss sagen: Wenn ich nach Brüssel schaue, wo die Nepper, Schlepper und die Bauernfänger jede Woche auf uns warten, um uns zu überfallen, die Autos aufzubrechen, wo es keine Sicherheit gibt, wo es keine Polizei gibt, die sich um uns kümmert, dann bin ich viel lieber hier in Straßburg. Und das ist nur ein Argument, warum ich bisher für einen Single-Seat gestimmt habe und auch weiter so stimme. Aber das ist eben eine Auslegungssache. Für mich ist es Straßburg.

Ich bitte Sie aber, in Ihrer Rolle als Vizepräsident hier nicht parteipolitisch in die eine Richtung zu argumentieren. Das ist nicht Ihre Funktion, das ist hier unsere Funktion.

 
  
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  President. − Thank you for the reproach. Anybody who thinks I am impartial on this subject cannot have been round for the last five years. But I think the exchanges show the need for a debate in this House on this subject. That will take place in due course and I look forward to it.

 
  
  

Written explanations of vote

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – J’ai voté en faveur de ce texte purement administratif qui permet de déterminer le calendrier des réunions du Parlement européen, en arrêtant les dates des sessions plénières notamment.

 
  
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  Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea modificării calendarului Parlamentului privind perioadele de sesiune pentru anul 2013, deoarece consider că decizia Curţii Europene de Justiţie trebuie respectată. Curtea a decis că trebuie să existe 12 sesiuni plenare pe an, iar toate trebuie să aibă loc la Strasbourg. De asemenea, aceste sesiuni plenare vor trebui să aibă o durată egală de 4 zile. În 2011, Parlamentul a modificat calendarul sesiunilor pentru anii 2012 şi 2013, unificând două sesiuni plenare într-o singură săptămână. Astfel, durata acestor două sesiuni a fost redusă la doar două zile. Respingând această decizie, Curtea de Justiţie a Uniunii Europene a obligat Parlamentul să modifice calendarul sesiunilor plenare pentru anul 2013.

 
  
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  Sebastian Valentin Bodu (PPE), în scris. − Aş vrea să menţionez că am votat împotriva calendarului sesiunilor de plen pentru anul 2013 şi că nu sunt de acord cu deplasarea la Strasbourg în fiecare lună, deoarece aceasta implică cheltuirea unor sume foarte mari, care ar putea constitui economii importante la bugetul Uniunii.

 
  
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  John Bufton (EFD), in writing. − This boils down to a single seat debate and, like the overwhelming majority of MEPs, I believe that Parliament should have its seat in a single location. This is the best setup both in economic terms and in terms of limiting the detrimental effects on the environment brought about by commuting between the two seats. It is for the same reasons that I am opposed to the proposed increase in the number of part-sessions in Strasbourg this year. We simply cannot justify the additional costs to the taxpayer associated with these additional visits to Strasbourg. It is for these reasons that I voted against the proposed changes to the European Parliament’s calendar for 2013

 
  
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  George Sabin Cutaş (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru calendarul revizuit pentru 2013, în spiritul respectării deciziei Curţii Europene de Justiţie. Cu toate acestea, în actualul context de criză economică, Parlamentul European ar trebui să reducă, la rândul sau, cheltuielile. Faptul că deputaţii, asistenţii şi funcţionarii europeni sunt obligaţi să călătorească o dată pe lună la Strasbourg pentru sesiunea plenară costă Parlamentului European aproximativ 180 de milioane de euro anual. La această sumă se adaugă un consum de 19 000 de tone de CO2. Consider că Parlamentul European ar trebui să aibă dreptul să decidă asupra propriului mod de organizare şi să aleagă, în consecinţă, o singură locaţie pentru desfăşurarea activităţii sale. Şefii de stat şi de guvern trebuie să respecte voinţa majorităţii - 75% dintre deputaţii europeni au votat în 2012 în favoarea alegerii unui singur sediu pentru PE - şi să revizuiască tratatul european.

 
  
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  Jill Evans (Verts/ALE), in writing. − I voted in favour of the proposed changes to mini-plenary sessions. However, I am opposed to the Parliament moving between Brussels and Strasbourg, which is hugely expensive and has detrimental effects on the environment. I am an enthusiastic supporter of the ‘Single Seat Campaign’, as are many of my constituents in Wales. I supported the proposal to postpone this vote, which was defeated in the Chamber.

 
  
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  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg (S&D), na piśmie. − 16 stycznia br. posłowie przyjęli nowy zmodyfikowany kalendarz prac na 2013 rok, powracając do praktyki 12 sesji plenarnych o jednakowej długości, które będą odbywać się w Strasburgu. Jest to, nie ukrywam, porażka dla strategii ustanowienia jednej siedziby Parlamentu Europejskiego. Modyfikacja kalendarza była konieczna ze względu na wydane 13 grudnia 2012 r. orzeczenie Europejskiego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości, który anulował przegłosowane przez Parlament 9 marca 2011 r. zmiany w kalendarzu sesji plenarnych na lata 2012 i 2013. Spór dotyczył ustanowienia dwóch dwudniowych zamiast czterodniowych sesji w miesiącu październiku, co miało sprostać wymaganiom przeprowadzania 12 sesji plenarnych w Strasburgu.

Takie rozwiązanie, które uważano za zgodne z procedurą, miało umożliwić spore oszczędności, ponieważ utrzymanie trzech odrębnych siedzib szacuje się nawet na 180 milionów euro. Niestety przeciw oszczędnościom opowiedziały się rządy Francji i Luksemburga, wnosząc sprawę o anulowanie kalendarza naszych prac na 2012 i 2013 do Trybunału, który orzekł, że „12 zwykłych plenarnych sesji miesięcznych” musi być tej samej długości i raz jeszcze przypomniał, iż tylko państwa członkowskie mają prawo do zmiany siedziby instytucji. Aby zmienić tę absurdalną sytuację musimy nadal podejmować walkę na mocne argumenty oraz przekonywać państwa członkowskie do koniecznych zmian traktatowych umożliwiających ustalenie jednej siedziby Parlamentu Europejskiego.

 
  
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  Catherine Grèze (Verts/ALE), par écrit. – Le calendrier initial du Parlement européen pour 2013 prévoyait "deux sessions plénières en une" lors du mois d'octobre, tel que ça a été le cas en 2012. Cependant, la Cour européenne de Justice a rendu un arrêt obligeant le Parlement à avoir 12 sessions entières à Strasbourg, comme le stipulent les Traités. C'est suite à cet arrêt que ce nouveau calendrier a été proposé. Celui-ci prévoit deux semaines de plénière en Octobre. J'ai voté pour ce nouveau calendrier car concentrer deux plénières en une semaine n'était ni soutenable ni crédible. Je tiens cependant à rappeler que le groupe des Verts demande de longue date un vrai débat sur les deux sièges (Bruxelles et Strasbourg) aboutissant à de vraies propositions pour atténuer le coût financier et environnemental des allers et retours à Strasbourg.

 
  
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  Brice Hortefeux (PPE), par écrit. – Je me félicite de la modification du calendrier des périodes de session du Parlement européen pour l'année 2013 qui consacre la primauté du droit sur les considérations personnelles des députés. Cette révision fait suite à l'arrêt de la Cour de Justice de l'UE rendu le 13 décembre 2012 qui a donné raison à la France au sujet de l'organisation des douze sessions plénières du Parlement européen. Ce calendrier avait en effet été remis en cause par les députés européens, une manière détournée de contester le siège officiel du Parlement pourtant connu et accepté par chaque pays au moment de son adhésion à l'UE. J'observe avec affliction la levée de bouclier des opposants du siège de Strasbourg. Cette désunion sur le symbole le plus marquant de l'Union européenne me paraît extrêmement regrettable à une période où, plus que jamais, nous devrions faire front uni. Alors que nous nous apprêtons à célébrer le 50ème anniversaire du Traité de l'Elysée qui scella l'amitié franco-allemande, ces députés si prompts à contester le siège de Strasbourg devraient mettre autant de zèle à exiger le rapatriement de toutes les institutions et agences européennes à Bruxelles qui sont certainement tout aussi essentielles aux travaux parlementaires.

 
  
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  Agnès Le Brun (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté pour l'adoption du calendrier révisé des périodes de session plénière du Parlement européen pour 2013, rétablissant le calendrier normal prévu par les traités. Ces derniers imposent en effet au Parlement européen non seulement de se réunir en douze périodes de sessions plénières mais encore que ces douze périodes soient de durée équivalente, comme l'a souligné la Cour de justice de l'Union européenne dans son arrêt du 13 décembre 2012. Or, les députés défavorables au siège de Strasbourg avaient changé le calendrier pour organiser deux sessions de deux jours sur une même semaine, violant ainsi les traités puisqu'une session traditionnelle se déroule sur trois jours et demi. Ce nouveau calendrier tel qu'il vient d'être adopté permet de rétablir douze sessions plénières entières pour l'année 2013.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted against the new draft calendar because I felt Parliament should have been given more time to consider its options following the Court ruling. I also felt the calendar should have been open for amendment.

 
  
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  Véronique Mathieu (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de la modification du calendrier des périodes de session du Parlement pour 2013, qui fixe 12 sessions plénières de 4 jours durant lesquelles les députés européens se réunissent à Strasbourg. En effet, l'arrêt rendu par la Cour européenne de justice a annulé le 13 décembre dernier le calendrier du Parlement car celui-ci ne respectait pas les Traités. Ceux-ci sont très clairs, le siège du Parlement est fixé à Strasbourg, où se tiennent les douze périodes de sessions plénières mensuelles, y compris la session budgétaire.

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. Die abermalige Abstimmung über den Kalender 2013 wurde notwendig, nachdem der Europäische Gerichtshof den im letzten Jahr beschlossenen Fahrplan für die Plenartagungen in diesem Jahr aufgehoben hat. In seinem Urteil wurde klar festgestellt, dass es pro Jahr zwölf Plenarwochen in Straßburg geben muss. Da das Europäische Parlament im August in der Sommerpause weilt, wird traditionsgemäß eine zweite Plenartagung im Oktober eingeschoben. Da ich grundsätzlich ein Befürworter der Plenartage in Straßburg bin, habe ich auch aus prinzipiellen Überlegungen für den geänderten Sitzungskalender 2013 gestimmt.

 
  
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  Claudio Morganti (EFD), per iscritto. − Oggi abbiamo perso una grande occasione: il Parlamento europeo poteva infatti dimostrarsi compatto nel respingere questa proposta, che ci vede succubi della recente decisione della Corte di Giustizia che obbliga a inserire una nuova sessione mensile a Strasburgo, per rispettare gli scandalosi Trattati, che qualche sprovveduto ha voluto a suo tempo sottoscrivere. Dovremo quindi fare una nuova gita in Alsazia il prossimo ottobre, un viaggio che costerà qualche milione di euro ai contribuenti europei: il tutto, per compiacere delle assurde logiche di potere che coinvolgono in primo luogo la Francia, con la complicità neanche troppo velata di Lussemburgo e Germania.

Io stesso mi sono battuto in prima persona lo scorso anno per presentare un emendamento che andava nella direzione di stabilire un unico luogo di lavoro per il Parlamento europeo, trovando l'aiuto di pochi e l'ostilità di molti. Col tempo, tanti colleghi si sono "convertiti sulla via di Damasco", sposando la sede unica e di questo non posso che essere soddisfatto. Avevo inoltre chiesto insieme ad altri parlamentari italiani che anche il Presidente Monti si esprimesse sulla questione: a quasi un anno di distanza siamo ancora in attesa di una risposta, alla faccia della tanto sbandierata spending review.

 
  
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  Franz Obermayr (NI), schriftlich. Ich habe gegen den Vorschlag gestimmt, da im Kalender christliche Feiertage nicht berücksichtigt wurden.

 
  
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  Evelyn Regner (S&D), schriftlich. Ich habe gegen den neuen Sitzungskalender gestimmt, weil ich für einen einzigen Sitz des Europäischen Parlaments bin. Dieser soll sich in Brüssel befinden und nicht in Straßburg. Ich halte es ebenfalls nicht für angebracht, die Plenartagung des Europäischen Parlaments im Mai bereits am Pfingsmontag abzuhalten, weil ich für arbeitsfreie Sonntage bin und dazu zählen auch solche Feiertage, die im Großteil der Mitgliedstaaten offizielle Feiertage sind. Arbeitsfreie Feiertage sind deshalb so wichtig, damit die Menschen Zeit für ihre Familien und auch ihre Freizeitgestaltung haben. Ich unterstütze daher auch die Initiative „Arbeitsfreier Sonntag“, für die sich die österreichischen und europäischen Gewerkschaften einsetzen.

 
  
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  Christel Schaldemose (S&D), skriftlig. − Om nogen er jeg modstander af Europa-Parlamentets rejser mellem Bruxelles og Strasbourg, og jeg er dybt uenig i EU-Domstolens afgørelse. Men jeg accepterer afgørelsen - vi er nødt til at overholde traktatens bestemmelse om 12 Strasbourg-sessioner. Når jeg stemmer nej, skyldes det bl.a., at den 12. session ligger dårligt. Ydermere mener jeg, at vi bør have tid til at reflektere over dommens indhold i forhold til at kunne reducere de økonomiske omkostninger og miljøbelastningen ved de mange rejser. Desværre er der nok ikke nogen vej uden om en traktatændring. Men jeg vil blive ved med at sætte fokus på rejsecirkusset.

 
  
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  Monika Smolková (S&D), písomne. − Hlasovala som za úpravu kalendára schôdzi parlamentu pre rok 2013. Osobne si ale myslím, že keď šetria všetky štáty a obyvatelia celej EÚ sa musia denno-denne uskromňovať, mala by Rada zvážiť, či na prechodné obdobie neumožní zasadnutie EP iba na jednom mieste. Ale súčasne nesmieme zabudnúť na historický fakt, prečo práve Francúzsko a mesto Štrasburg je sídlom EP. Iba pred mesiacom dostala EÚ Nobelovú cenu za mier. Štrasburg je symbolom mieru a zmierenia medzi štátmi. Túto myšlienku musíme uchovať aj pre ďalšie generácie.

 
  
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  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. Após decisão do Tribunal de Justiça da União Europeia de anulação das deliberações do Parlamento Europeu referentes ao calendário das sessões plenárias de 2012 e 2013, ficou estabelecido que se devem realizar os doze períodos de sessões plenárias mensais em Estrasburgo. Considero que as sessões que se realizam em Estrasburgo devem ser repensadas, contudo o respeito pelos Tratados e os protocolos deve manter-se. Por essa razão, voto favoravelmente este relatório e aguardo por uma tomada de posição nesta matéria por parte dos Estados-Membros.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru decizia de organizare internă în ceea ce priveşte modificarea calendarului Parlamentului European privind perioadele de sesiune plenară - 2013. Acest vot asupra calendarului reuniunilor plenare care au loc la Strasbourg este în concordanţă cu decizia Curţii Europene de Justiţie din decembrie 2012 (Cauza C-237/11). Conform deciziei Curţii şi votului din Parlamentul European, toate sesiunile plenare ale Parlamentului trebuie să se desfăşoare la Strasbourg (estul Franţei) şi nu pot fi scindate în favoarea Bruxelles-ului. Astfel, Curtea a anulat un vot al Parlamentului European care a decis să scindeze sesiunile plenare din octombrie 2012 şi 2013, pentru a limita timpul prezenţei parlamentarilor europeni la Strasbourg. Tratatele impun Parlamentului European, al cărui sediu de află la Strasbourg, să se reunească în sesiuni plenare de 12 ori pe an. De obicei, două sesiuni plenare au loc la Strasbourg toamna, în aceeaşi lună, pentru a compensa absenţa unei sesiuni plenare în august. Pentru 2013, aceste două sesiuni plenare vor avea loc în luna octombrie.

 
  
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  Thomas Ulmer (PPE), schriftlich. Ich habe für den Sitzungsplan gestimmt, und zwar aus der juristischen Notwendigkeit einer suffizienten Terminplanung. Die dauernden polemisierenden Äußerungen gegen Straßburg nehme ich zur Kenntnis, allerdings ist für mich Straßburg der Sitz des Parlaments und nicht Brüssel.

 
  
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  Derek Vaughan (S&D), in writing. − I voted against the proposed changes to the European Parliament’s calendar for 2013, which will increase the number of part-sessions in Strasbourg this year. I have consistently supported calls to scrap the monthly commute to Strasbourg, and an overwhelming majority of MEPs agree that the European Parliament should have its seat in a single location. Maintaining Brussels as the sole location of the European Parliament would be a smart move in economic and environmental terms, saving around EUR 180 million and 19 000 tonnes of CO2 each year, which is why I voted against a further increase in this unnecessary expenditure.

 

9.2. Classification, emballage et étiquetage des préparations dangereuses (A7-0391/2012 - Eija-Riitta Korhola)
  

Written explanations of vote

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. Aprovo o presente relatório, considerando que as modificações decorrentes da reformulação da Diretiva 1999/45/CE deveram-se ou à necessidade de atualizar a proposta à luz do Tratado de Lisboa, com vista à substituição de disposições anteriores, já obsoletas, por novas disposições (incluindo a atualização da base jurídica, ou seja, o artigo 114.º do TFUE, que corresponde ao anterior artigo 95.º do TCE), ou à adoção do Regulamento REACH e de alterações adicionais (introduzidas diretamente pelo regulamento ou pelos seus atos de execução) que obrigam à codificação da Diretiva 1999/45/CE, a fim de assegurar a clareza e a exatidão das regras aplicáveis. Embora não tenham sido feitas escolhas políticas no contexto da proposta de reformulação, as alterações de fundo baseiam-se no Tratado ou na nova legislação da UE sobre esta matéria.

 
  
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  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE), in writing. − I voted in favour of the resolution on the classification, packaging and labelling of dangerous preparations. I think it is important to recast the directive on the approximation of the already existing legislative and administrative provisions on the classification, packaging and labelling for such preparations. It would ensure legal continuity within the sectoral framework and would also close gaps that might exist regarding confidentiality and intellectual property rights protection.

 
  
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  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį siūlymą dėl Direktyvos dėl pavojingų preparatų (DPP) (1999/45/EB) išdėstymo nauja redakcija. Direktyvą, reglamentuojančią pavojingų preparatų klasifikavimą, pakavimą ir ženklinimą siūloma kodifikuoti nekeičiant jos esmės, siekiant suderinti jos nuostatas su naujai įsigaliojusia Lisabonos sutartimi. Direktyvoje nurodomi kriterijai, kuriais remiantis nustatoma, ar cheminės medžiagos klasifikavimas yra tinkamas. Klasifikacija atspindi cheminės medžiagos keliamo pavojaus tipą ir rimtumą, t. y. potencialią žalą žmonėms ir aplinkai. Kadangi visi į naująją DPP įtraukti pakeitimai yra grindžiami poreikiu pakeisti senas nebereikalingas nuostatas naujomis, siekiant užtikrinti jų aiškumą ir tikslumą, pritariu šiam siūlymui.

 
  
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  Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea acestui raport susţinând necesitatea de reformare a Directivei existente privind preparatele periculoase. Consider că este nevoie de introducerea unor modificări pentru a actualiza directiva în temeiul Tratatului de la Lisabona. Astfel, se vor înlocui vechile dispoziţii, care sunt depăşite, cu altele noi. De asemenea, vom asigura astfel o claritate sporită şi precizia normelor aplicabile. Iar acest lucru este foarte important, având în vedere impactul pe care preparatele periculoase îl pot avea asupra sănătăţii omului şi mediului înconjurător. Deşi reformarea se referă la un act care urmează să fie eliminat treptat, este important ca, pe durata funcţionării acestei directive, să fie aplicate standardele actualizate.

 
  
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  Adam Bielan (ECR), na piśmie. − Obowiązująca dyrektywa w sprawie preparatów niebezpiecznych reguluje klasyfikację, pakowanie i etykietowanie preparatów składających się z co najmniej dwóch substancji chemicznych. Szczególnie dystrybucja materiałów niebezpiecznych wymaga precyzyjnych zasad, a także oznaczeń, zgodnie z którymi prowadzona będzie ona w sposób właściwy i niezagrażający obywatelom oraz środowisku.

Wobec przyjęcia traktatu lizbońskiego szereg przepisów wymaga aktualizacji i dostosowania, a dotyczy to także kwestii przedmiotowych niniejszego sprawozdania. Proponowane zmiany nie noszą znamion regulacji politycznych, a jedynie wynikają z przyjętych przez państwa zobowiązań. Licząc na wzmocnienie ochrony niezbędnej w obrocie materiałami chemicznymi, głosowałem za przyjęciem rezolucji.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Ho sostenuto la Relazione della on. Korhola relativa alla classificazione, all'imballaggio e all'etichettatura dei preparati pericolosi. Questo testo apporta alla direttiva 1999/45/CE modifiche giustificate dalla necessità di aggiornare la proposta alla luce del trattato di Lisbona e al fine di sostituire le precedenti e obsolete disposizioni con quelle aggiornate.

 
  
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  Sebastian Valentin Bodu (PPE), în scris. − Modificările efectuate prin reformarea Directivei 1999/45/CE privind clasificarea, ambalarea şi etichetarea preparatelor periculoase, chiar dacă nu sunt de fond, sunt justificate de necesitatea de actualizare şi codificare a propunerii, în temeiul Tratatului de la Lisabona. În acest context, aş vrea să menţionez că susţin concluziile Grupului de lucru consultativ al serviciilor juridice referitoare la faptul că propunerea se limitează la o simplă codificare a textului existent, fără să aducă modificări de fond acestuia. Cred că prelungirea termenului de notificare a PE şi Consiliului cu 2 luni reprezintă o victorie importantă.

 
  
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  John Bufton (EFD), in writing. − I am entirely against the EU controlling our chemical industry and it is for this reason that I voted against the proposed recast.

 
  
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  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. Eu votei favoravelmente este relatório, porque vejo a necessidade de reformar a atual diretiva sobre embalagens e rotulagens das preparações perigosas. Acho que é necessário introduzir algumas mudanças para atualizar a diretiva no âmbito do Tratado de Lisboa. Isso irá substituir as antigas disposições que estão desatualizadas. Além disso, isso irá garantir maior clareza e precisão às regras.

 
  
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  Minodora Cliveti (S&D), în scris. − Consider că reformarea Directivei privind preparatele periculoase (1999/45/CE) este necesară pentru a asigura mai multă claritate şi precizie normelor în vigoare de la 1 decembrie 2010. Directiva este deosebit de importantă pentru reglementarea clasificării, ambalării şi etichetării substanţelor şi amestecurilor periculoase, incluzând şi Sistemul global armonizat al ONU de la 20 ianuarie 2009. Toate adaptările şi modificările propuse de către Comisie sunt justificate de necesitatea de a actualiza directiva din perspectiva dispoziţiilor recent introduse de Tratatul de la Lisabona sau adoptate în cadrul Regulamentului REACH.

 
  
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  Carlos Coelho (PPE), por escrito. A diretiva relativa às preparações perigosas regula a classificação, embalagem e rotulagem das preparações perigosas, ou seja, misturas ou soluções de duas ou mais substâncias. Esta Diretiva de 1999 procurou, assim, aproximar as normas em vigor nos Estados-Membros sobre esta matéria, de forma a estabelecer uma igualdade de condições de concorrência essenciais para o bom funcionamento do mercado interno, ao mesmo tempo que procurou assegurar um elevado nível de proteção da população em geral, dos consumidores e do ambiente. A presente proposta tem como objetivo atualizar a Diretiva à luz do Tratado de Lisboa, bem como de forma a ter em conta a nova legislação da UE entretanto aprovada sobre esta matéria, como é o caso do Regulamento REACH. Pretende, assim, substituir disposições que entretanto se tornaram obsoletas, como é o caso por exemplo da atualização da base jurídica, de forma a assegurar a clareza e a exatidão das regras aplicáveis. Votei, assim, a favor desta proposta que não contém quaisquer alterações em termos de substância, limitando-se apenas a uma simples codificação do texto existente sem modificações de fundo.

 
  
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  Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D), în scris. − Având în vedere că grupul de lucru consultativ a ajuns, de comun acord, la concluzia că actuala propunere nu conţine nicio modificare de fond, în afara celor care au fost identificate ca atare în propunere sau în prezentul aviz, consider că trebuie să ţinem seama de recomandările grupului de lucru consultativ al serviciilor juridice ale Parlamentului European, Consiliului şi Comisiei.

 
  
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  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. Votei favoravelmente o relatório sobre "Classificação, embalagem e rotulagem das preparações perigosas", tendo em conta a necessidade de adaptar a respetiva Diretiva às novas disposições introduzidas pelo Tratado de Lisboa e à legislação adotada recentemente, em particular o regulamento REACH.

 
  
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  Jill Evans (Verts/ALE), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report, because safety depends on standardised and recognisable labelling and packaging as well as the classification of dangerous substances. I know from experience with landfill sites in Wales that dangerous preparations can be mistakenly disposed of and that clear rules can prevent this.

 
  
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  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. O objetivo principal da proposta é o de reformular a diretiva relativa à aproximação das disposições já existentes no que respeita à classificação, embalagem e rotulagem de preparações perigosas. Esta reformulação, de natureza muito técnica e específica, parece-me pretender adaptar a diretiva ao progresso científico e tecnológico num quadro de continuidade jurídica que é de saudar.

 
  
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  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. A diretiva relativa às preparações perigosas (DPP) regula a classificação, embalagem e rotulagem das preparações, ou seja, misturas ou soluções de duas ou mais substâncias (elementos químicos e seus compostos). As modificações decorrentes da reformulação da Diretiva 1999/45/CE deveram-se à necessidade de atualizar a proposta à luz do Tratado de Lisboa, com vista à substituição de disposições anteriores por novas disposições, e, ao mesmo tempo, à adoção do Regulamento REACH que obriga à codificação da Diretiva 1999/45/CE, a fim de assegurar a clareza e a exatidão das regras aplicáveis. Neste relatório, não foram feitas escolhas políticas no contexto da proposta de reformulação e as alterações de fundo baseiam-se no Tratado ou na nova legislação da UE sobre esta matéria.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. A Diretiva relativa às preparações perigosas (DPP) regula a classificação, embalagem e rotulagem das preparações, ou seja, das misturas ou soluções de duas ou mais substâncias (elementos químicos e seus compostos). É aplicável até 1 de junho de 2015, enquanto novo sistema da UE relativo à classificação e rotulagem de substâncias e misturas perigosas. A reformulação desta Diretiva visa a codificação de atos modificativos e a harmonização com o Tratado de Lisboa das disposições referentes ao poder da Comissão de adotar e aplicar atos delegados. O relatório aprova a posição da Comissão em primeira leitura, tendo em conta o parecer do Grupo Consultivo dos Serviços Jurídicos do Parlamento Europeu, do Conselho e da Comissão, que concluiu que a proposta em apreço não contém alterações de fundo para além das mencionadas e, assim sendo, atesta que "a proposta se cinge à codificação pura e simples dos textos existentes, sem alterações substantivas". Esta é também a nossa leitura, pelo que consideramos justificadas as alterações propostas pela relatora.

 
  
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  Lorenzo Fontana (EFD), per iscritto. − Essendo questo provvedimento di natura tecnica, a mio parere, pienamente condivisibile e non presentando lo stesso alcuna problematica, il mio voto è stato favorevole.

 
  
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  Françoise Grossetête (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de cette directive visant à mettre à jour les exigences de sécurité pour les préparations dangereuses, c'est-à-dire les mélanges ou solutions composés de deux substances ou plus (éléments chimiques et leurs composés). Des normes très élevées en ce qui concerne les produits chimiques utilisés en Europe, pour la santé et le bien-être de tous les citoyens, seront ainsi mises en œuvre.

Afin que les législations existantes puissent continuer de fonctionner au mieux, il était nécessaire de mettre en conformité certains de leurs aspects juridiques et techniques. Les modifications apportées par ce vote sont motivées par la nécessité de mettre à jour le texte, conformément à la fois au traité de Lisbonne et à la législation européenne sur les produits chimiques (REACH) adoptée, dans un souci de clarté et de précision.

 
  
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  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šį dokumentą. Direktyva dėl pavojingų preparatų reglamentuojamas pavojingų preparatų, t. y. iš dviejų arba daugiau medžiagų sudarytų mišinių arba tirpalų, klasifikavimas, pakavimas ir ženklinimas. Buvo pasiūlyta šią Direktyvą dėl pavojingų preparatų išdėstyti nauja redakcija siekiant kodifikuoti taisomuosius aktus ir suderinti nuostatas, susijusias su Komisijos įgaliojimais priimti deleguotuosius ir įgyvendinimo aktus, su Lisabonos sutartimi. Visi į naujos redakcijos Direktyvą įtraukti pakeitimai yra pagrįsti poreikiu atnaujinti pasiūlymą pagal Lisabonos sutartį ir pakeisti senas nebereikalingas nuostatas naujomis, užtikrinant taikytinų nuostatų aiškumą ir tikslumą.

 
  
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  Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. − La direttiva sui preparati pericolosi disciplina la classificazione, l’imballaggio e l’etichettatura dei preparati, cioè le miscele o le soluzioni composte da due o più sostanze. Tutte le modifiche apportate alla direttiva 199/45/CE nel quadro della rifusione sono giustificate dalla necessità di aggiornare la proposta facendo seguito alle modifiche introdotte dal Trattato di Lisbona. Considerando il fatto che l’argomento è strettamente connesso alle questioni legate alla salute dei cittadini e ai rischi ad essa connessi, ritengo necessario questo aggiornamento e per questo esprimo voto favorevole alla relazione.

 
  
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  Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), în scris. − Reformarea Directivei 1999/45/CE este necesară din două motive: - actualizarea propunerii în temeiul Tratatului de la Lisabona, pentru a înlocui vechile dispoziţii, care au devenit caduce, cu altele noi; - adoptarea Regulamentului REACH ce presupune o codificare a Directivei 199/45/CE pentru a asigura claritatea şi precizia normelor aplicabile. Una din cele mai importante modificări mi se pare faptul că, în versiunea consolidată, există numeroase trimiteri la partea A din anexa V la Directiva 67/548/CE, referitoare la metodele de testare. Consider că, în vederea asigurării unor condiţii uniforme pentru punerea în aplicare a prezentei Directive, ar trebui conferite competenţe de executare Comisiei.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour of this proposal. The recast of the Dangerous Preparations Directive (1999/45/EC) is proposed in order to codify amending acts and to align provisions regarding the Commission’s power to adopt delegated and implementing acts to the Lisbon Treaty. The Directive represents a bridging piece of legislation ensuring legal continuity within the legal sectoral framework, currently under fundamental reform due to the adoption of REACH (Regulation (EC) No 1907/2006). The Dangerous Preparations Directive (DPD) regulates the classification, packaging and labelling of preparations, i.e. mixtures or solutions of two or more substances (chemical elements and their compounds). It remains applicable until 1 June 2015 within the transitional provisions of the CLP (Regulation (EC) No 1272/2008) as the EU’s new system on the classification and labelling of hazardous substances and mixtures, including the UN’s Globally Harmonised System, in force since 20 January 2009. In addition, mixtures already placed on the market may continue to be supplied under the DPD rules until 1 June 2017. For substances, the CLP rules have applied since 1 December 2010. The recast thus refers to an act that is about to be phased out.

 
  
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  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. As alterações feitas através da reforma da Diretiva 1999/45/CE sobre a classificação, embalagem e rotulagem das preparações perigosas, justificam-se pela necessidade de atualizar e de codificar a proposta no âmbito do Tratado de Lisboa. De salientar que o Grupo Consultivo dos Serviços Jurídicos do Parlamento Europeu, do Conselho e da Comissão concluiu no seu parecer que a proposta em apreço não contém alterações de fundo para além das que nela foram identificadas como tal e que, no que diz respeito à codificação das disposições inalteradas dos atos precedentes com estas alterações, a proposta se cinge à codificação pura e simples dos textos existentes, sem alterações substantivas. Daí o meu voto favorável.

 
  
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  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado a favor de este informe al incluir modificaciones realizadas por los servicios jurídicos del Parlamento, el Consejo y la Comisión para adaptar la Directiva sobre Preparados Peligrosos de manera que se atenga al derecho comunitario. Este informe presenta tan solo una enmienda que supone una adaptación de forma de la Directiva sin cambiar el fondo de la misma, simplemente modifica el plazo de prorroga en varios apartados del artículo 10 para ampliar el citado plazo de uno a dos meses incluyendo la formula 2+2 en los plazos, permitiendo de esta manera unos tiempos razonables si el Parlamento desea presentar objeciones. Esta es una modificación de carácter técnico que ha sido realizada para atener esta Directiva a derecho. Por ello he votado a favor.

 
  
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  Louis Michel (ALDE), par écrit. – Une refonte de la directive sur les préparations dangereuses (1999/45/CE) était indispensable pour assurer la protection de la santé et de l'environnement. Grâce à cet amendement, les vides juridiques et le manque de réglementation sur les préparations dangereuses sont comblés. Ainsi, la lacune sur les conditions de protection de la confidentialité des informations techniques, régies par le droit de propriété intellectuelle, est, désormais, comblée par cette refonte.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − The recast of the Dangerous Preparations Directive is being proposed in order to codify amending acts and to align provisions on the Commission’s power to adopt delegated and implementing acts under the Lisbon Treaty. The Directive regulates the classification, packaging and labelling of preparations (i.e. mixtures or solutions of two or more substances). It remains applicable until 1 June 2015 within the transitional provisions of the CLP-Regulation as the EU’s new system on the classification and labelling of hazardous substances and mixtures. In favour.

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. Gefährliche Stoffe und Gemische müssen entsprechend der Chemikalienverordnung gekennzeichnet sein. Einstufung, Verpackung und Kennzeichnung von Zubereitungen werden durch die Richtlinie über gefährliche Zubereitung geregelt. Die CLP-Verordnung einschließlich des globally harmonised system der UNO gilt seit 2009 als das System der Einstufung. Ihre Bestimmungen sollen auch weiterhin Gültigkeit haben. Ich habe mich meiner Stimme enthalten, da die Vorteile einer Neufassung der Richtlinie nicht klar genug herausgearbeitet wurden. Zudem steht meiner Ansicht nach zu befürchten, dass es zu einem größeren Verwaltungsaufwand als bisher nötig kommen könnte.

 
  
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  Justas Vincas Paleckis (S&D), in writing. − Voting in favour of this report is predominantly due to the offers of regulations concerning the three main elements involved with preparations: classification, packaging and labelling. It is important to ensure the safety of both our health and our environment, and correctly classifying and labelling solutions would further ensure safety in these fields, as would packaging these solutions with extreme care under the guidelines set forth in the legislation, so that during transport all necessary precautions are met without any consequences.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Παπανικολάου (PPE), γραπτώς. – Υπερψήφισα την έκθεση για την τροποποίηση της οδηγίας. Η έγκριση της κρίνεται απαραίτητη προκειμένου να εναρμονιστεί η νομοθεσία με την Συνθήκη της Λισαβόνας παραχωρώντας αρμοδιότητα στην Επιτροπής να εγκρίνει κατ’ εξουσιοδότηση πράξεις καθώς και εκτελεστικές πράξεις. Η παρούσα οδηγία ρυθμίζει την ταξινόμηση, τη συσκευασία και την επισήμανση των παρασκευασμάτων, δηλαδή των μειγμάτων ή διαλυμάτων που αποτελούνται από δύο ή περισσότερες ουσίες (χημικά στοιχεία και ενώσεις τους) και παραμένει σε πλήρη εναρμόνιση με το Συνολικώς Εναρμονισμένο Σύστημα των Ηνωμένων Εθνών. Η μεγαλύτερη παραχώρηση αρμοδιοτήτων σε υπερεθνικό επίπεδο διασφαλίζει την καλύτερη και αρτιότερη διεξαγωγή σχετικών ελέγχων, δημιουργώντας ταυτόχρονα ένα ασφαλέστερο πλαίσιο για τους πολίτες όσον αφορά την επικινδυνότητα και την ασφάλεια σχετικών παρασκευασμάτων.

 
  
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  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. As modificações decorrentes da reformulação da Diretiva 1999/45/CE devem-se, ou à necessidade de atualizar a proposta à luz do Tratado de Lisboa, com vista à substituição de disposições anteriores, já obsoletas, por novas disposições e de alterações adicionais (introduzidas diretamente pelo regulamento ou pelos seus atos de execução) que obrigam à codificação da Diretiva 1999/45/CE, a fim de assegurar a clareza e a exatidão das regras aplicáveis. As alterações de fundo, no contexto da proposta de reformulação, baseiam-se no Tratado ou na nova legislação da UE sobre esta matéria. Votei favoravelmente o presente relatório.

 
  
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  Paulo Rangel (PPE), por escrito. Pretende a presente proposta de diretiva reformular a diretiva relativa às preparações perigosas (Diretiva 1999/45/CE), que regula a classificação, embalagem e rotulagem das preparações químicas de duas ou mais substâncias. As modificações decorrentes da reformulação da Diretiva 1999/45/CE deveram-se, ou à necessidade de atualizar a proposta à luz do Tratado de Lisboa, com vista à substituição de disposições anteriores, já obsoletas, por novas disposições (incluindo a atualização da base jurídica, ou seja, o artigo 114.º do TFUE, que corresponde ao anterior artigo 95.º do TCE), ou à adoção do Regulamento REACH e de alterações adicionais (introduzidas diretamente pelo regulamento ou pelos seus atos de execução) que obrigam à codificação da Diretiva 1999/45/CE, a fim de assegurar a clareza e a exatidão das regras aplicáveis. Tendo em conta o parecer do Grupo Consultivo dos Serviços Jurídicos do Parlamento Europeu, do Conselho e da Comissão, votei favoravelmente.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. The recast of the Dangerous Preparations Directive (1999/45/EC) is proposed in order to codify amending acts and to align provisions regarding the Commission’s power to adopt delegated and implementing acts to the Lisbon Treaty. The Directive represents a bridging piece of legislation ensuring legal continuity within the legal sectoral framework, currently under fundamental reform due to the adoption of REACH (Regulation (EC) No 1907/2006). The Dangerous Preparations Directive (DPD) regulates the classification, packaging and labelling of preparations, i.e. mixtures or solutions of two or more substances (chemical elements and their compounds). It remains applicable until 1 June 2015 within the transitional provisions of the CLP (Regulation (EC) No 1272/2008) as the EU’s new system on the classification and labelling of hazardous substances and mixtures, including the UN’s Globally Harmonised System, in force since 20 January 2009. In addition, mixtures already placed on the market may continue to be supplied under the DPD rules until 1 June 2017. For substances, the CLP rules have applied since 1 December 2010. The recast thus refers to an act that is about to be phased out.

 
  
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  Nikolaos Salavrakos (EFD), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report because the Dangerous Preparations Directive (DPD) regulates the classification, packaging and labelling of preparations, i.e. mixtures or solutions of two or more substances (chemical elements and their compounds). The changes made by the recast to Directive 1999/45/EC were necessary and are all motivated by the need to update the proposal under the Lisbon Treaty to replace the old obsolete provisions with new ones.

 
  
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  Daciana Octavia Sârbu (S&D), in writing. − I voted to update the provisions on the classification, packaging, and labelling of dangerous preparations, in order to align the old Directive to the Lisbon Treaty. This confirms the powers of the Commission and Parliament respectively regarding implementation of these important safety regulations

 
  
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  Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce rapport, parce que la refonte de la directive sur les préparations dangereuses permet de mettre à jour la proposition de directive, conformément au traité de Lisbonne, pour remplacer les anciennes dispositions obsolètes par de nouvelles, y compris la mise à jour de la base juridique.

 
  
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  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. Este relatório tem um conteúdo bastante técnico, pretendendo alinhar a legislação relativa à classificação, embalagem e rotulagem das preparações, ou seja, as misturas e/ou soluções de duas ou mais substâncias. Esta revisão pretende servir de ponte, uma vez que é aplicável até 1 de junho de 2015 para a continuidade legal, e reduzir as possíveis lacunas na confidencialidade e na proteção dos direitos de propriedade intelectual. Por estas razões, voto favoravelmente este relatório.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru propunerea de directivă privind clasificarea, ambalarea şi etichetarea preparatelor periculoase. Reformarea Directivei privind preparatele periculoase (1999/45/CE) este propusă în vederea codificării actelor de modificare şi a alinierii dispoziţiilor referitoare la competenţa Comisiei de a adopta acte delegate şi acte de punere în aplicare la Tratatul de la Lisabona. Directiva privind preparatele periculoase (DPP) reglementează clasificarea, ambalarea şi etichetarea preparatelor, adică a amestecurilor sau soluţiilor formate din două sau mai multe substanţe (elemente chimice şi compuşii acestora). Aceasta rămâne aplicabilă până la 1 iunie 2015, fiind noul sistem al UE de clasificare şi etichetare a substanţelor şi amestecurilor periculoase, incluzând Sistemul global armonizat al ONU. Reformarea Directivei 1999/45/CE este justificată fie de necesitatea de actualizare a propunerii conform Tratatului de la Lisabona, fie de adoptarea Regulamentului REACH şi de alte modificări introduse de acesta, ce presupun o codificare a Directivei 1999/45/CE pentru a asigura claritatea şi precizia normelor aplicabile. În cadrul propunerii de reformare nu au fost incluse alegeri politice, modificările substanţiale rezultând din tratate sau din noua legislaţie a UE privind acest subiect.

 
  
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  Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. In diesem Bericht wird die Neufassung der Richtlinie über die Einstufung, Verpackung und Kennzeichnung von gefährlichen Zubereitungen (von Gemengen, Gemischen und Lösungen, die aus zwei oder mehreren Stoffen bestehen) behandelt. Aufgrund der Art der Änderungen an der Neufassung der Richtlinie ist davon abzuraten.

 
  
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  Jacek Włosowicz (EFD), na piśmie. − Przepisy mówiące o pakowaniu i etykietowaniu preparatów i substancji niebezpiecznych powstały po to, aby dbać o ochronę zdrowia i środowiska. Stworzenie takich przepisów miało na celu także umożliwienie swobodniejszego przepływu wspomnianych rzeczy. Jednakże ciągła zmiana przepisów, w tym także traktatów, spowodowała, że rozporządzenie z 2008 roku musi być zmienione. Dodatkowo nowe prawodawstwo w tej dziedzinie będzie kompatybilne z systemem obejmującym globalnie zharmonizowany system ONZ.

 
  
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  Iva Zanicchi (PPE), per iscritto. − La relazione presentata dall'on. Korhola ha l'obiettivo di rifondere la corrispondente direttiva sul riavvicinamento delle disposizioni normative in vigore nell'ambito della classificazione, dell'imballaggio e dell'etichettatura dei preparati pericolosi, specie considerando i repentini mutamenti dovuti al progresso tecnologico. Ho dunque espresso il mio voto favorevole al testo che, garantendo continuità giuridica all'interno del quadro settoriale, va a colmare quelle lacune attualmente presenti in materia di riservatezza e protezione dei diritti di proprietà intellettuale.

 
  
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  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. A Diretiva relativa às preparações perigosas (DPP) regula a classificação, embalagem e rotulagem das preparações, ou seja, das misturas ou soluções de duas ou mais substâncias (elementos químicos e seus compostos). É aplicável até 1 de junho de 2015, enquanto novo sistema da UE relativo à classificação e rotulagem de substâncias e misturas perigosas. A reformulação desta Diretiva visa a codificação de atos modificativos e a harmonização com o Tratado de Lisboa das disposições referentes ao poder da Comissão de adotar e aplicar atos delegados. O relatório aprova a posição da Comissão em primeira leitura, tendo em conta o parecer do Grupo Consultivo dos Serviços Jurídicos do Parlamento Europeu, do Conselho e da Comissão que concluiu que a proposta em apreço não contém alterações de fundo, para além das mencionadas e, assim sendo, atesta que "a proposta se cinge à codificação pura e simples dos textos existentes, sem alterações substantivas". Votámos favoravelmente.

 

9.3. Exploitation durable des ressources halieutiques en Méditerranée (A7-0180/2012 - Anna Rosbach)
  

Written explanations of vote

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. Aprovo o presente relatório, dado que este Regulamento é um dos primeiros atos no setor das pescas a ser alinhado de acordo com o novo sistema de atos delegados e de implementação. Deste modo, considero de grande relevo o facto de encontrarmos uma solução bem fundamentada que salvaguarda os direitos do Parlamento Europeu de acordo com o Tratado de Lisboa, que a meu ver é ótimo, pois como Membro do Parlamento Europeu considero de grande importância o contributo que todos nós no seio do Parlamento, recordando que somos eleitos em sufrágio universal nos nossos Estados-Membros, podemos dar de modo a salvaguardar as nossas regiões e países nesta matéria.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – J’ai voté en faveur de ce texte qui vise à encadrer la capacité de la Commission à adopter des actes délégués dans le cadre de la politique commune de la pêche. Par exemple, si les mesures prises par l’État membre ne sont pas considérées comme étant satisfaisantes, la Commission peut sous certaines conditions compléter l’acte de base.

 
  
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  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį siūlymą dėl Reglamento (EB) Nr. 1967/2006 dėl žuvų išteklių tausojančio naudojimo Viduržemio jūroje valdymo priemonių keitimo siekiant suderinti jo nuostatas su naujai įsigaliojusia Lisabonos sutartimi. Atsižvelgiant į pablogėjusią kai kurių žuvų išteklių Viduržemio jūroje būklę reglamentu siekiama užtikrinti išteklių išsaugojimą bei tvarų naudojimą. Kadangi žuvų išteklių apsauga yra pagrindinis reglamento tikslas, pritariu išsakytam siūlymui žodį „apsauga“ įtraukti į reglamento pavadinimą.

 
  
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  Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea Raportului, deoarece actualul sistem de cote de pescuit a adus în prim-plan preocupările pe termen scurt pe care le au statele. Astfel, sustenabilitatea sectorului pescuitului a fost trecută în plan secund. Aproximativ 60% din stocurile europene de peşte sunt exploatate peste limita maximă a sustenabilităţii. La fel ca şi în multe alte regiuni ale Europei, şi în Marea Mediterană avem de-a face cu un pescuit peste limitele normale. De aceea, regionalizarea politicii comune în domeniul pescuitului trebuie avută în vedere ca soluţie pentru remedierea deficienţelor. Comisia trebuie să iniţieze planuri pe termen lung care să ţină cont, pe de o parte, de nevoile statelor membre, iar pe de alta, de nevoia prezervării stocurilor de peşte. De asemenea, statele membre vor trebui să dea dovadă de o responsabilitate mai mare în viitor.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Appoggio la Relazione della Collega Rosbach sulle misure per la gestione e uno sfruttamento sostenibile delle risorse della pesca nel Mar Mediterraneo. Il testo analizza la proposta di modifica del regolamento (CE) n. 1967/2006 che deve essere adeguato al Trattato di Lisbona delineando puntualmente i campi di intervento degli atti di esecuzione e degli atti delegati. Concordo con la Relatrice nel voler mantenere gli Allegati del Regolamento in regime di procedura legislativa ordinaria: essi rappresentano una parte essenziale della normativa e non devono essere esclusi dalla procedura legislativa ordinaria, cosa che toglierebbe al Parlamento il ruolo di colegislatore.

 
  
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  Sebastian Valentin Bodu (PPE), în scris. − Salut şi susţin dorinţa raportoarei referitoare la o îmbunătăţire a stadiului de aplicare a Regulamentului (CE) nr.1967/2006 şi cred că statele membre trebuie să îşi intensifice eforturile de punere în aplicare a acestui regulament. Speră ca, odată cu reforma politicii comune în domeniul pescuitului, un nou cadru regional să permită rapid găsirea unor soluţii de reglementare adecvate pentru Marea Mediterană, care să fie acceptate de toate părţile interesate, asigurându-se însă, totodată, în mod efectiv, sustenabilitatea pescuitului şi protecţia resurselor şi a mediului.

 
  
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  Vito Bonsignore (PPE), per iscritto. − Evidentemente la materia in discussione supera il merito specifico del regolamento (CE) n. 1967/2006, per investire il tema della complessa opera di allineamento normativo al nuovo sistema degli atti delegati e di esecuzione. In questo senso, mi pare che il relatore abbia affrontato con realismo e prudente determinazione il nodo della riaffermata sovranità del Parlamento, in equilibrio con la natura degli atti delegati ed esecutivi: ad esempio, affermando il principio del limite temporale degli atti delegati al fine di preservarne il carattere pratico e conseguente e non alterarne la posizione nella gerarchia delle fonti normative, come di fatto poteva accadere con il sistema ante TFUE.

Considerando questo uno dei primi test di allineamento, è condivisibile ad esempio la chiarezza con cui si ribadisce il ruolo del Parlamento, stabilendo nello specifico che l'individuazione e la gestione di nuove zone di pesca protette, in genere al di fuori delle acque territoriali degli Stati membri, siano normate attraverso procedura legislativa ordinaria. Il tema specifico costituisce peraltro un ottimo ambito di test normativo, considerate le numerose implicazioni della politica comune della pesca, sotto il profilo della sostenibilità ambientale, economica e industriale.

 
  
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  Philippe Boulland (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu ce rapport qui traite de la gestion des zones de pêche protégées car il s'agit d'une mise à jour de la procédure de comitologie à la suite de l'adoption du Traité de Lisbonne dans le règlement concernant la pêche en Méditerranée.

 
  
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  John Bufton (EFD), in writing. − I voted against this report as I oppose the increased power it gives the Commission to: first, make decisions on such things as fishing gear; second, grant derogation from the rules; and, third, formulate criteria for certain types of fishing, on certain stock, around certain countries in the Mediterranean.

 
  
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  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. Claramente, a questão em causa é ultrapassar o mérito específico do Regulamento (CE) n.° 1967/2006, para investir no tema do alinhamento complexo regulatório com o novo sistema de atos delegados e executórios. Parece-me que o relator tem tratado com prudência a temática. Nesse sentido, votei favoravelmente o relatório sobre "Exploração sustentável dos recursos haliêuticos no mar Mediterrâneo", tendo em conta a necessidade de adaptar o respetivo Regulamento às novas disposições introduzidas pelo Tratado de Lisboa.

 
  
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  Tadeusz Cymański (EFD), na piśmie. − Zrównoważona eksploatacja zasobów rybołówstwa to przede wszystkim ochrona poszczególnych gatunków ryb przed „grabieżczą” polityką połowową. To także szansa na stworzenie długoterminowej rentowności sektora rybnego. Aby zapewnić harmonijny rozwój branży w Europie, Unia Europejska stworzyła szereg przepisów regulujących dostęp do wód wspólnotowych i – co najważniejsze –wykorzystanie zasobów oraz ograniczenie nakładów połowowych. Oczywiście niektóre środowiska mogą być przeciwne wprowadzaniu ograniczeń połowowych, ponieważ, jak twierdzą, może to uszczuplić ich dochody. Jednakże mam nadzieję, że przyjęte zmiany przyczynią się do poprawy systemu zarządzania polityką rybołówstwa poprzez lepszą integrację rybaków, a także sprawią, że tzw. podejście ekosystemiczne w dziedzinie łowisk wpłynie pozytywnie na ogólną ochronę środowiska morskiego.

 
  
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  Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D), în scris. − Sper ca, odată cu reforma politicii comune în domeniul pescuitului, un nou cadru regional să permită rapid găsirea unor soluţii de reglementare adecvate pentru Marea Mediterană, care să fie acceptate de statele membre şi de părţile interesate, ţinând seama de particularităţile acestui bazin maritim, asigurându-se însă totodată, în mod efectiv, sustenabilitatea pescuitului şi protecţia resurselor şi a mediului.

 
  
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  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. Votei favoravelmente o relatório sobre "Exploração sustentável dos recursos haliêuticos no mar Mediterrâneo", tendo em conta a necessidade de adaptar o respetivo Regulamento às novas disposições introduzidas pelo Tratado de Lisboa, nomeadamente no que se refere aos novos poderes legislativos que são por ele conferidos ao Parlamento Europeu.

 
  
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  Jill Evans (Verts/ALE), in writing. − The adoption of the Lisbon Treaty gave the European Parliament more power over EU legislation. This has meant the revision of several current laws, including this one. While the changes voted on are restricted to procedural ones, the issue of sustainable fishing is of great concern to many of my constituents in Wales, particularly during discussions on the Common Fisheries Policy.

 
  
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  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. O mar Mediterrâneo vem sendo sujeito a uma elevada pressão piscatória que pode pôr em causa a sustentabilidade dos seus recursos haliêuticos. É necessário acautelá-los e procurar garantir em simultâneo a sobrevivência das comunidades piscatórias e das empresas de pesca que ali operam. Este equilíbrio é evidentemente delicado mas não pode deixar de ser permanentemente tentado. A Comissão Europeia e o Parlamento Europeu vêm acompanhando esta questão e, estou certo, procuram assegurar-se que ela tem o melhor enquadramento jurídico possível. Não obstante esta posição de princípio comum, na prática, as instituições divergem acerca do modo e âmbito em que a Comissão deve atuar. Faço votos que consigamos chegar a um acordo e que a questão formal acerca dos atos da Comissão não se sobreponha de tal modo ao interesse material que lhe subjaz e que este possa ser adequadamente defendido.

 
  
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  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. O meio aquático que constitui o mar Mediterrâneo representa, para os países da bacia mediterrânica, um enorme potencial de desenvolvimento económico a todos os níveis. Desde uma excelente via marítima para transporte de mercadorias, aos recursos marinhos, passando pelo potencial turístico, tudo este espaço potencia. Se no passado foi uma barreira natural, hoje é uma via de ligação entre o norte (Europa) e o sul (África); entre o leste (Médio-Oriente e Ásia) e o oeste (Atlântico). Dado o seu elevado potencial, é importante que o mesmo seja devidamente protegido. Uma das potencialidades que mais atenção merece é os recursos haliêuticos. Todos conhecemos a biodiversidade que este mar encerra bem como as ameaças a que está sujeito. Urge, por isso, tomar medidas de gestão que garantam a exploração sustentável dos recursos haliêuticos no mar Mediterrâneo. Porque entendo ser essencial a aprovação de um plano de gestão sustentável que ajude os Estados-Membros na fruição deste meio, votei favoravelmente o relatório elaborado pela colega Anna Rosbach sobre a proposta de regulamento do Parlamento Europeu e do Conselho que altera o Regulamento (CE) n.º 1967/2006 do Conselho sobre a exploração sustentável dos recursos haliêuticos no mar Mediterrâneo.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Este é mais um relatório que pretende alterar o Regulamento (de 2006) relativo às medidas de gestão para a exploração sustentável dos recursos haliêuticos no Mar Mediterrâneo, de forma a alinhá-lo ao artigo 290.º do TFUE em relação à delegação de atos à Comissão. O conjunto de alterações propostas vai, todavia, além deste mero alinhamento, conferindo, do nosso ponto de vista, um poder excessivo à Comissão.

Temos sérias reservas quanto ao poder discricionário (injustificadamente) atribuído à Comissão, que passa a poder alterar as medidas e os planos de gestão dos Estados-Membros. Não podemos estar mais de acordo com a necessidade de haver uma exploração sustentável dos recursos haliêuticos. No entanto, consideramos que é essencialmente através de uma gestão de proximidade - que envolva o setor e as comunidades na definição e implementação das medidas - que essa exploração sustentável pode ser alcançada. Os efeitos nefastos de uma gestão excessivamente centralizada estão bem à vista nos mais de 30 anos de Política Comum das Pescas. Daí a nossa abstenção.

 
  
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  Carlo Fidanza (PPE), per iscritto. − Accolgo con favore il testo votato oggi, che riguarda un argomento di particolare rilevanza per l'Italia: lo sfruttamento sostenibile delle risorse della pesca nel Mar Mediterraneo. Infatti il regolamento (CE) n. 1967/2006 è uno dei primi provvedimenti nel settore della pesca ad essere allineato al nuovo sistema degli atti delegati e di esecuzione. Ritengo che gli Stati membri dovrebbero incrementare i loro sforzi nell'attuazione di tale regolamento; la pesca nel Mediterraneo dovrebbe tenere conto da un lato della tutela delle risorse e dell'ambiente, dall'altro del mercato e della filiera legati all'attività della pesca.

 
  
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  Lorenzo Fontana (EFD), per iscritto. − Il lavoro, un adeguamento al trattato di Lisbona, pone molta attenzione alla definizione dei campi d'intervento degli atti di esecuzione e delegati. Il relatore non concorda con la proposta formulata dalla Commissione che esclude, negli allegati del regolamento, la procedura legislativa ordinaria escludendo così il Parlamento dal ruolo di colegislatore. È auspicabile che con la riforma della politica comune della pesca sia possibile trovare un quadro normativo soddisfacente per il Mar Mediterraneo considerando le importanti specificità dell'area. Il mio voto è stato, perciò, favorevole.

 
  
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  Elisabetta Gardini (PPE), per iscritto. − Al centro di questo voto oggi c'è il delicato equilibrio che siamo chiamati a trovare per conciliare lo sfruttamento economico delle risorse marine del Mediterraneo, pensando quindi alle tantissime famiglie che vivono di quest'attività, con quello ambientale. Al di là della questione specifica, molto tecnica, il Parlamento europeo ritiene imprescindibile proteggere il mare all’interno di regole che rendano la pesca nei mari europei più sicura e duratura. È in questa direzione che l'Europa deve lavorare anche in vista della nuova Politica comune della Pesca, che passerà molto presto al vaglio di questo Parlamento. I pescatori europei hanno bisogno di regole certe, tempestive, efficaci.

 
  
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  Michał Tomasz Kamiński (ECR), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report because I agree with the amendments proposed by the rapporteur, which reflect the view that Parliament should use this occasion to request the full alignment of this Regulation to the changes introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon. This applies to the provisions giving the Council the power to take decisions which should (since the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon) be adopted according to the ordinary legislative procedure. I share the view that leaving these references to the old consultation procedure intact would endanger the institutional achievements of the Treaty of Lisbon in the fisheries sector and create legal uncertainty, casting doubt on Parliament's qualities as a legislator.

 
  
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  Monica Luisa Macovei (PPE), in writing. − I voted in favour of the present report, which identifies the delegated powers of the Commission in Council Regulation (EC) No 1967/2006. This will enable the alignment of the regulation I just mentioned with the provisions introduced by the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union and in particular regarding resorting to delegated acts. Empowering the Commission to adopt, by way of delegated acts, amendments on non-essential elements of the Regulation will improve our rapidity of reaction to new situations. However, I agree with the rapporteur that the Annexes in fact constitute an essential part of Regulation (EC) No 1967/2006. Therefore I believe that in this case, delegated acts are not appropriate. Annexes should be amended only by the European Parliament and the Council together, according to the ordinary legislative procedure.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted for this Resolution. I welcome the deletion from the report of the following paragraph: ‘Further technical and scientific information is needed to duly take into account the specificities of the Mediterranean fisheries to enable the Commission to establish possible technical specifications limiting the maximum dimension of trawl nets and the maximum number of nets in multi-rig trawl nets’.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Ce rapport vise à refuser la délégation à la Commission de compétences revenant au Parlement européen et aux gouvernements en matière de pêche et d'écologie. Je vote pour.

 
  
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  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. O texto aqui aprovado hoje diz respeito a um assunto de importância primordial: a exploração sustentável dos recursos haliêuticos no mar Mediterrâneo. É necessário modernizar as disposições existentes, a fim de usar os produtos marinhos de uma forma mais amiga do ambiente. É assim muito importante encontrar rapidamente uma legislação adequada para o Mar Mediterrâneo, aceite pelos Estados-Membros e por todas as partes interessadas, tendo em conta as especificidades da bacia do mar e assegurando ao mesmo tempo a efetiva sustentabilidade das pescas e da proteção dos recursos e do ambiente. Daí o meu voto favorável.

 
  
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  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − No he podido votar a favor del presente informe debido a que, pese a contener importantes puntos relativos a la conservación de los recursos pesqueros, supone un incremento de las competencias de la Comisión sobre los recursos del Mediterráneo. Los recursos pesqueros del Mediterráneo se encuentran en riesgo y resulta una prioridad protegerlos, pero deben ser protegidos por la población que está vinculada a los mismos y llevan explotándolos de manera sostenible desde hace miles de años. Otorgar a la Comisión la potestad de decidir directamente sobre al sustento de numerosas poblaciones del Mediterráneo supone una cesión de soberanía que sin duda acarreará problemas para la sostenibilidad social de las poblaciones pesqueras del Mediterráneo. Por ello, pese a contener puntos importantes, no he podido votar a favor de este informe.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − This Regulation is one of the first acts in the fisheries sector to be aligned to the new system of delegated and implementing acts. It is therefore of particular importance to find a legally well-founded solution safeguarding Parliament’s rights created by the Treaty of Lisbon. I voted in favour.

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. Prinzipiell ist eine nachhaltige Bewirtschaftung der Fischereiressourcen im Mittelmeer zu befürworten. Aus Protest über den Vertrag von Lissabon, der durch die wiederholte Abstimmung, bis das Ergebnis dem EU-Establishment passt, auf demokratische Art und Weise zustande gekommen ist und zudem dem Trend der Kompetenzübertragung auf die EU weiter Vorschub leistet, habe ich mich jedoch in dieser Diskussion darum, ob die besagte Verordnung an die neuen Bestimmungen des AEUV angepasst werden sollen, der Stimme enthalten.

 
  
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  Rareş-Lucian Niculescu (PPE), în scris. − Nicio dezbatere privind gestionarea resurselor piscicole din Marea Mediterană nu poate să ocolească faptul că, în prezent, problemele pescuitului din Marea Neagră sunt gestionate în mod bizar de Comisia Generală pentru Marea Mediterană. O întreagă serie de probleme sunt determinate de această măsură, care nu are nicio justificare (legală, geografică, economică). Înfiinţarea unei Comisii pentru Marea Neagră şi clarificarea competenţelor sunt necesare şi urgente. De asemenea, rămâne problema clarificării cooperării legislative între Parlament şi Consiliu, în contextul Tratatului.

 
  
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  Rolandas Paksas (EFD), raštu. − Priatriu šiai rezoliucijai. Manau, kad šie pakeitimai nustatantys procedūrines nuostatos dėl Komisijai suteiktų įgaliojimų vykdymo sustiprins tausią žvejybą regione. Komisijai suteiktos deleguojamojo ir įgyvendinamojo pobūdžio priemonės padės nustatyti efektyvesnius tausaus išteklių naudojimo valdymo mechanizmus ir tokiu būdu prisidės prie gyvųjų vandens išteklių naudojimo gerinimo ir pažeidžiamų buveinių apsaugos.

 
  
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  Alfredo Pallone (PPE), per iscritto. − Rispetto dell'ambiente ed interessi del mercato devono trovare un equilibrio in modo da non danneggiare l'uno né limitare l'altro. Ho votato a favore del testo della collega Rosbach sulle misure di gestione per lo sfruttamento sostenibile delle risorse della pesca nel Mar Mediterraneo perché bisogna aggiornare la regolamentazione sull'attività di pesca che, nel rispetto dell'ambiente e dell'ecosistema marino, non deve essere invasiva ma efficace e dotata di elementi tecnici in grado di valutare l'attività da svolgere nell'interesse dei consumatori. Ritengo il testo una buona bilancia tra rispetto dell'ambiente, mercato della pesca e offerta al cittadino.

 
  
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  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. O Regulamento (CE) n.º 1967/2006 relativo às medidas de gestão para a exploração sustentável dos recursos haliêuticos no Mar Mediterrâneo é um dos primeiros documentos do setor das pescas a ser alinhado com o novo sistema de atos delegados e atos de execução, sendo por isso extremamente importante encontrar uma solução jurídica sólida e bem fundamentada para salvaguardar os direitos conferidos pelo Tratado de Lisboa ao Parlamento Europeu. Neste contexto, o presente relatório pretende identificar os poderes delegados da Comissão no Regulamento (CE) n.º 1967/2006 e estabelecer os procedimentos para adoção desses atos delegados. O relatório propõe a aplicação de atos delegados com duração limitada, de modo a permitir uma avaliação regular da sua utilidade. No caso dos Estados-Membros adotarem medidas nacionais posteriormente controladas pela Comissão, o relatório propõe que sejam conferidos poderes à Comissão para adotar atos delegados quando as medidas dos Estados-Membros forem consideradas insatisfatórias. No caso dos Estados-Membros adotarem medidas nacionais que possam afetar a frota de pesca de outros Estados-Membros, o relatório propõe também a adoção de atos delegados. Dada a relevância destas medidas legislativas para a gestão e exploração sustentável dos recursos pesqueiros do Mar Mediterrâneo, votei favoravelmente o presente relatório.

 
  
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  Paulo Rangel (PPE), por escrito. Está aqui em causa uma proposta da Comissão destinada a alinhar o Regulamento (CE) n.° 1967/2006 com o novo sistema de atos delegados e de execução previsto no TFUE. Em geral, a proposta merece a concordância da relatora, mas relativamente a alguns aspectos, como sejam a adoção de alterações, os anexos e a limitação no tempo dos atos delegados, propõe alterações destinadas a salvaguardar o papel do Parlamento Europeu enquanto legislador. Na expetativa de se assistir a uma melhoria no cumprimento deste Regulamento e se envidem esforços para alcançar uma gestão e exploração sustentáveis dos recursos haliêuticos no mar Mediterrâneo, votei favoravelmente o presente relatório.

 
  
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  Frédérique Ries (ALDE), par écrit. – La Méditerranée, plus encore que d'autres mers dans le monde, est victime de la surpêche. La gravité de la situation - plus de 54 % des stocks de poisson de la Méditerranée qui ont été étudiés par les scientifiques sont considérés comme surexploités - a justifié la mise en place d'un cadre juridique contraignant au niveau européen, adopté en 2006.

Depuis le 1er juin 2010, le règlement est d'application pour les États membres concernés. Comme souvent, certains pays ne jouent pas le jeu et le vote de ce jour, au Parlement européen, sur l’exploitation durable des ressources halieutiques en Méditerranée tombe à point nommé. Il était en effet important que les députés européens, en modifiant la législation sur la pêche en Méditerranée, soutiennent une approche ambitieuse visant une plus grande durabilité des pêcheries et une meilleure protection des ressources naturelles.

Cela a d'autant plus de sens que sera votée à la prochaine session plénière la réforme de la Politique commune de la pêche. La commission de la pêche a donné le ton en préconisant une réforme majeure: guerre à la surpêche, fin des rejets de poisson et du marchandage des quotas annuels. Ne reste qu'à transformer l'essai dans trois semaines.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. Regulation (EC) No 1967/2006 is one of the first acts in the fisheries sector to be aligned to the new system of delegated and implementing acts. It is therefore of particular importance to find a legally-well-founded solution safeguarding Parliament’s rights created by the Treaty of Lisbon. In the context of the alignment of Regulation (EC) No 1967/2006 to the new rules of the TFEU, the Commission has prepared a draft proposal classifying the powers currently conferred on the Commission by that Regulation into measures of a delegated nature and measures of an implementing nature. The changes proposed concern only the types of acts to be adopted and do not modify the content of the measures. The Commission did not align the Regulation in all its aspects to the TFEU but concentrated on the provisions in which direct reference was made to the old comitology procedure contained in Council Decision No 1999/468/EC, deciding in each case whether the measure should be adopted as a delegated or as an implementing act.

 
  
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  Νικόλαος Σαλαβράκος (EFD), γραπτώς. – Υπερψήφισα την έκθεση της κας Ρόσμπαχ καθώς θεωρώ ότι οι αλλαγές που προτείνονται στον κανονισμό είναι σημαντικές ώστε να δημιουργείται νομική βεβαιότητα. Κρίνεται σημαντικό ο εν λόγω κανονισμός να εναρμονιστεί με την Συνθήκη της Λισσαβόνας κατοχυρώνοντας τις ικανότητες του Κοινοβουλίου ως νομοθέτη

 
  
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  Sergio Paolo Francesco Silvestris (PPE), per iscritto. − Il regolamento (CE) n. 1967/2006 è uno dei primi provvedimenti nel settore della pesca a essere allineato al nuovo sistema degli atti delegati e di esecuzione. La conservazione delle risorse della pesca è di primaria importanza, pertanto è estremamente importante trovare una soluzione giuridicamente ben fondata che tuteli i diritti conferiti al Parlamento dal trattato di Lisbona. Il mio auspicio è quello di assistere a un miglioramento dello stato di applicazione del regolamento (CE) n. 1967/2006, gli Stati membri dovrebbero incrementare i loro sforzi volti ad attuare tale regolamento, inoltre credo che con la riforma della politica comune della pesca sia possibile trovare rapidamente, per mezzo di un nuovo quadro a carattere regionale, una soluzione normativa adeguata per il Mare Mediterraneo, accettata dagli Stati membri e dalle parti interessate, tenendo conto delle specificità di tale bacino marino, garantendo e tutelando al tempo stesso in modo efficace la sostenibilità dell'attività di pesca e la tutela delle risorse e dell'ambiente.

 
  
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  Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce texte. J'espère qu'avec la réforme de la politique commune de la pêche, un nouveau cadre régionalisé permettra rapidement de trouver une solution réglementaire appropriée pour la Méditerranée, qui sera acceptée par les États membres et les parties intéressées, tout en tenant compte des spécificités de ce bassin maritime, mais également en assurant de manière efficace la durabilité des pêcheries et la protection des ressources et de l'environnement. Étant donné que l'aspect de la conservation est essentiel, il convient de le faire figurer dans le titre du règlement.

 
  
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  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. Em virtude do Regulamento (CE) n.º 1967/2006 do Conselho relativo às medidas de gestão para a exploração sustentável dos recursos haliêuticos no mar Mediterrâneo, existe a proposta de delegação de alguns poderes junto da Comissão para que esta tome as providências necessárias à eficiente aplicação do mesmo. Sendo o Parlamento Europeu a instituição europeia responsável pela supervisão da Comissão, concordo com a Eurodeputada Anna Rosbach no que concerne ao limite temporal da delegação de poderes junto da Comissão. Tal limitação temporal permitirá ao Parlamento a avaliação regular do uso dos poderes concedidos à Comissão. A eficiência da aplicação do Regulamento supra referido depende, também, da ação concreta dos Estados-Membros, pelo que me junto à relatora no apelo para que estes sejam diligentes na correta execução da legislação da União Europeia. Face ao exposto, votei favoravelmente o relatório.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru propunerea de regulament referitoare la măsurile de gestionare pentru exploatarea durabilă a resurselor halieutice în Marea Mediterană. Conservarea resurselor halieutice este de o importanţă primordială. Pentru a contrabalansa conotaţiile negative ale termenului „exploatare”, este adecvat să se indice faptul că Regulamentul (CE) nr. 1967/2006 are ca obiectiv şi conservarea resurselor halieutice din Marea Mediterană. Am votat pentru includerea acestui obiectiv şi în titlul Regulamentului (CE) nr. 1967/2006 şi în textul regulamentului. Regulamentul (CE) nr. 1967/2006 este unul dintre primele acte din sectorul pescuitului care urmează să fie aliniat la noul sistem al actelor delegate şi de punere în aplicare. Este, prin urmare, deosebit de important să se găsească o soluţie foarte bine fundamentată din punct de vedere juridic, care să protejeze drepturile Parlamentului care au fost introduse prin Tratatul de la Lisabona. În acest sens, am votat pentru limitarea competenţei Comisiei de a adopta acte delegate pe o perioadă de trei ani de la data intrării în vigoare a prezentului regulament, pentru a permite o evaluare regulată a acestora. De asemenea, am votat ca anexele să fie modificate doar de colegislatori.

 
  
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  Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. Der Bericht zeichnet sich durch eine fundierte Berichterstattung aus, wobei der rechtliche Fokus stark in den Vordergrund tritt. Obwohl die rechtliche Komponente in diesem Bericht einen überwiegenden Anteil einnimmt, sind durchaus auch umweltpolitische Aspekte enthalten: Einerseits werden die Mitgliedstaaten dazu angeregt, ihre Bemühungen zur Umsetzung der Verordnung zu verstärken, damit mit der Änderung der Gemeinsamen Fischereipolitik schnell ein neuer regionalisierter Rahmen ermöglicht wird. Andererseits wird die Tatsache hervorgehoben, die Nachhaltigkeit und die Ressourcenschonung insoweit zu unterstützen, als die Anwendung eines ordentlichen Gesetzgebungsverfahrens beschlossen werden soll.

 
  
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  Jacek Włosowicz (EFD), na piśmie. − Zrównoważona eksploatacja zasobów rybołówstwa to przede wszystkim ochrona poszczególnych gatunków ryb przed „grabieżczą” polityką połowową. To także szansa na stworzenie długoterminowej rentowności sektora rybnego. Aby zapewnić w miarę harmonijny rozwój branży w Europie, Unia Europejska stworzyła szereg przepisów regulujących dostęp do wód wspólnotowych i – co najważniejsze –wykorzystanie zasobów oraz ograniczenie nakładów połowowych. Oczywiście niektóre środowiska mogą być przeciwne wprowadzaniu ograniczeń połowowych, ponieważ, jak twierdzą, może to uszczuplić ich dochody. Jednakże mam nadzieję, że przyjęte zmiany przyczynią się do poprawy systemu zarządzania polityką rybołówstwa poprzez lepszą integrację rybaków, a także sprawią, że tzw. podejście ekosystemiczne w dziedzinie łowisk wpłynie pozytywnie na ogólną ochronę środowiska morskiego.

 
  
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  Iva Zanicchi (PPE), per iscritto. − Il testo votato quest'oggi riguarda un argomento di primaria importanza: lo sfruttamento sostenibile delle risorse della pesca nel Mar Mediterraneo. È necessario infatti modernizzare le disposizioni attualmente in vigore al fine di utilizzare i prodotti marini in modo migliore e sempre nel rispetto dell'ambiente. Attraverso una riforma della politica comune della pesca ritengo, dunque, possibile trovare in tempi brevi una soluzione normativa adeguata per il Mar Mediterraneo, accettata dagli Stati membri e dalle parti interessate, tenendo conto delle specificità di tale bacino marino e garantendo al tempo stesso in modo efficace la sostenibilità dell'attività di pesca e la tutela delle risorse e dell'ambiente.

 
  
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  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Este é mais um relatório que pretende alterar o Regulamento (de 2006) relativo a medidas de gestão para a exploração sustentável dos recursos haliêuticos no mar Mediterrâneo, de forma a alinhá-lo ao artigo 290º do TFUE em relação à delegação de atos à Comissão. O conjunto de alterações propostas vai, todavia, além deste mero alinhamento, conferindo, do nosso ponto de vista, um poder excessivo à Comissão. Temos sérias reservas quanto ao poder discricionário (injustificadamente) atribuído à Comissão, que passa a poder alterar as medidas e os planos de gestão dos Estados-Membros. Não podemos estar mais de acordo com a necessidade de haver uma exploração sustentável dos recursos haliêuticos. No entanto, consideramos é essencialmente através de uma gestão de proximidade - que envolva o setor e as comunidades na definição e implementação das medidas - que essa exploração sustentável pode ser alcançada. Daí a nossa abstenção.

 

9.4. Conclusion du protocole additionnel de Nagoya – Kuala Lumpur sur la responsabilité et la réparation relatif au protocole de Cartagena sur la prévention des risques biotechnologiques (A7-0429/2012 - Matthias Groote)
  

Written explanations of vote

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. Aprovo o presente relatório, considerando de real importância o Protocolo de Cartagena sobre Segurança Biológica anexo à Convenção sobre Diversidade Biológica, uma vez que contém as regras e procedimentos internacionais sobre fiabilidade e indemnização pelos danos provocados pelos movimentos transfronteiriços de organismos modificados vivos. A importância deste Protocolo reveste-se de real relevo dado que este acordo permite que as autoridades nacionais ajam em nome do bem comum e possam pedir indemnizações aos operadores em consequência de danos à biodiversidade. Congratulo-me ainda pelo facto da União Europeia e os 24 Estados-Membros já terem ratificado o Protocolo.

 
  
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  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE), in writing. − I voted in favour of the resolution on the conclusion of the Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur Supplementary Protocol, which specifies measures which need to be taken in the event of damage by living modified organisms that adversely affect the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity, taking also into account risks to human health. Living modified organisms (LMOs) resulting from modern biotechnology might move from one country to another. Therefore, the Cartagena Protocol establishes an advance informed agreement (AIA) procedure for ensuring that countries are provided with the information necessary to make informed decisions before agreeing to the import of such organisms into their territory. I agree with the rapporteur that the Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur Supplementary Protocol will greatly contribute to achieving the objectives of the Convention on Biological Biodiversity and of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety. Moreover, this Supplementary Protocol will specifically address liability and compensation for damage to biodiversity resulting from LMOs. Now it is important that all EU Member States sign and swiftly ratify this Supplementary Protocol.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – J’ai voté en faveur de ce texte puisqu’il vient compléter l’engagement européen en matière environnementale. Ce protocole est en lien direct avec la Convention sur la Diversité Biologique (CBD) et renforce notamment les mécanismes de préventions des risques biotechnologiques.

 
  
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  Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea acestei recomandări, deoarece salut şi eu ratificarea rapidă a Protocolului adiţional Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur privind răspunderea şi repararea prejudiciului. Consider că acesta va contribui în mare măsură la realizarea obiectivelor Convenţiei privind diversitatea biologică şi ale Protocolului de la Cartagena privind biodiversitatea. Salut faptul că Protocolul adiţional se va referi în mod special la răspunderea şi la despăgubirea pentru daunele provocate biodiversităţii de organismele vii modificate (OVM). Luând în considerare daunele potenţiale pe care le pot aduce OVM, este important să se pună accentul, în principal, pe procedurile şi cerinţele administrative legate de măsurile ce trebuie adoptate ca reacţie în cazul unor daune. În acest sens, trebuie să ţinem cont de efectele adverse asupra conservării şi utilizării durabile a diversităţii biologice şi de riscurile la adresa sănătăţii oamenilor.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Appoggio la relazione del collega on. Groote. Il testo sottoposto al voto va a completare un iter iniziato con l'entrata in vigore della Convenzione sulla Diversità Biologica il 29 dicembre 1993. Il protocollo addizionale di Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur in materia di responsabilità e risarcimenti al protocollo di Cartagena sulla biosicurezza fa parte della Convenzione sulla diversità biologica sottoscritta dall'UE.

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau dėl šios rekomendacijos, nes Nagojos ir Kvala Lumpūro papildomas protokolas dėl atsakomybės ir žalos atlyginimo padės įgyvendinti Biologinės įvairovės konvencijos ir Kartachenos biosaugos protokolo tikslus. Biologinės įvairovės konvencijos Kartachenos biosaugos protokolas yra tarptautinė sutartis, pagal kurią reglamentuojamas gyvų pakitusių organizmų, sukurtų pasitelkus šiuolaikines technologijas, judėjimas iš vienos šalies į kitą. Protokole nustatyta išankstinio pagrįsto sutikimo tvarka, siekiant užtikrinti, kad šalims būtų suteikta reikalinga informacija pagrįstiems sprendimams priimti prieš sutinkant leisti įvežti šiuos organizmus į savo teritoriją. Pagal šį protokolą įsteigiamas Biosaugos informacijos centras, siekiant palengvinti keitimąsi informacija apie gyvus pakitusius organizmus ir padėti šalims įgyvendinti protokolą. Europos Parlamento pranešėjas remia Tarybos sprendimą, kuriuo Europos Sąjungos vardu patvirtinamas Nagojos ir Kvala Lumpūro papildomas protokolas dėl atsakomybės ir žalos atlyginimo Sąjungos kompetencijai priklausančiose srityse. Be to, sveikintina, kad papildomą protokolą pasirašė dauguma valstybių narių. Taigi Europos Parlamentas jas ragina sparčiai jį ratifikuoti.

 
  
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  John Bufton (EFD), in writing. − I am opposed to the EU telling us which species to conserve and not conserve. Biodiversity in the UK is our national affair and decisions made in the field shall be made by the British Government alone.

 
  
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  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. Votei a favor deste relatório por considerar que este tratado internacional prevê um enquadramento, baseado no princípio da precaução, para a transferência, manipulação e utilização seguras de organismos vivos modificados (OVM) resultantes das biotecnologias modernas, que possam ter efeitos adversos na conservação e na utilização sustentável da diversidade biológica ou envolver riscos para a saúde humana. Na Conferência das Partes, a UE apoiou, por unanimidade, o compromisso final alcançado referente ao Protocolo Suplementar de Nagoia-Kuala Lumpur, sobre Responsabilidade Civil e Indemnização, que o Parlamento aprovou.

 
  
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  Minodora Cliveti (S&D), în scris. − Protocolul adiţional Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur privind răspunderea şi repararea prejudiciului pune accentul pe răspunderea pe care toate ţările trebuie să o aibă pentru mediul înconjurător şi sunt convinsă că va contribui în mare măsură la realizarea obiectivelor Convenţiei privind diversitatea biologică şi ale Protocolului de la Cartagena privind biodiversitatea. Protocolul adiţional completează legislaţia existentă cu norme şi proceduri internaţionale privind răspunderea şi repararea prejudiciului în cazul daunelor provocate biodiversităţii de către organismele vii modificate (OVM) care au efecte adverse asupra conservării şi a utilizării durabile a diversităţii biologice, ţinând seama şi de riscurile la adresa sănătăţii oamenilor. Majoritatea statelor membre au semnat acest protocol adiţional şi urmează să îl ratifice în scurt timp. În Uniunea Europeană, dispoziţiile Protocolului de la Cartagena privind biosecuritatea sunt reglementate de legislaţia europeană privind biosecuritatea, care este în continuare o piatră de temelie esenţială a principiului precauţiei.

 
  
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  Tadeusz Cymański (EFD), na piśmie. − Protokół kartageński to pierwsze międzynarodowe porozumienie, które reguluje transgraniczne przemieszczanie organizmów genetycznie modyfikowanych. Głównym założeniem powstania protokołu jest regulacja handlu międzynarodowego oraz sposobów obchodzenia się i stosowania genetycznie modyfikowanych organizmów, które mogłyby mieć niekorzystny wpływ na zdrowie ludzkie. Mam nadzieję, że zawarcie protokołu uzupełniającego z Nagoi – Kuala Lumpur, dotyczącego odpowiedzialności oraz odszkodowania, w istotnym stopniu przyczyni się do podniesienia poziomu bezpieczeństwa dla zdrowia ludzkiego oraz zrealizowania zamierzeń, jakie są zapisane we wspomnianym protokole i konwencji o różnorodności biologicznej.

 
  
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  Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Je soutiens l'approbation de la conclusion de ce protocole additionnel, car il pose une ambition claire : celle de voir mis en place des principes communs de responsabilité et de réparation pour les dommages causés par des organismes vivants modifiés. Il s'agit d'une question de santé : nous avons donc besoin d'un accord global. L'Europe a montré son engagement dès 2004 en adoptant la directive sur la responsabilité environnementale. Je me félicite de ce que nous nous dirigions vers un système commun.

 
  
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  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. Votei favoravelmente o relatório relativo a "Celebração do Protocolo Suplementar de Nagoia-Kuala Lumpur sobre Responsabilidade Civil e Indemnização, ao Protocolo de Cartagena sobre Segurança Biológica", porque este irá contribuir muito para a consecução dos objetivos da Convenção sobre a Diversidade Biológica, nomeadamente no que respeita a responsabilidade civil e indemnização por danos à biodiversidade decorrentes de Organismos Vivos Modificados.

 
  
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  Jill Evans (Verts/ALE), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report to give consent to the protocol. It notes the conclusion of the Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur Supplementary Protocol on Liability and Redress to the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety. This is an important element in protecting biological diversity from risks posed by biotechnology. With its commitment to sustainable development, Wales needs the protection that international treaties such as this one offer.

 
  
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  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. A Convenção sobre a Diversidade Biológica (CDB) entrou em vigor em 29 de dezembro de 1993. O Protocolo de Cartagena sobre Segurança Biológica foi adotado em 29 de janeiro de 2000 como acordo complementar da CDB, tendo entrado em vigor em 11 de setembro de 2003. Este tratado internacional prevê um enquadramento, baseado no princípio da precaução, para a transferência, manipulação e utilização seguras de organismos vivos modificados (OVM) resultantes das biotecnologias modernas, que possam ter efeitos adversos na conservação e na utilização sustentável da diversidade biológica ou envolver riscos para a saúde humana. Na quinta Conferência das Partes, realizada em Nagoia, a UE apoiou, por unanimidade, o compromisso final alcançado referente ao Protocolo Suplementar de Nagoia-Kuala Lumpur, sobre Responsabilidade Civil e Indemnização, que o Parlamento agora aprova.

 
  
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  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. O Protocolo de Cartagena sobre Segurança Biológica anexo à Convenção sobre Diversidade Biológica é um tratado internacional que rege os movimentos transfronteiriços dos organismos vivos modificados (OVM) resultantes das biotecnologias modernas. No contexto do Protocolo de Cartagena, o Protocolo Suplementar de Nagoia-Kuala Lumpur sobre Responsabilidade Civil e Indemnização, anexo ao Protocolo de Cartagena sobre Segurança Biológica, incide, fundamentalmente, nos procedimentos e requisitos respeitantes às medidas de intervenção que cumpre tomar em caso de danos causados por OVM que possam ter efeitos adversos na conservação e na utilização sustentável da diversidade biológica ou envolver riscos para a saúde humana. Considero que este protocolo contribuirá consideravelmente para a consecução dos objetivos da Convenção sobre a Diversidade Biológica e do Protocolo de Cartagena sobre Segurança Biológica. É de salientar que este Protocolo Suplementar foi assinado pela maioria dos Estados-Membros e que, agora, é importante que estes procedam à respetiva ratificação.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. O relatório aprova a celebração do acordo em nome da União Europeia e considera que o Protocolo Suplementar de Nagoia-Kuala Lumpur sobre Responsabilidade Civil e Indemnização contribuirá consideravelmente para a consecução dos objetivos da Convenção sobre Diversidade Biológica e do Protocolo de Cartagena sobre Segurança Biológica, o que merece o nosso apoio. Em causa estão regras e procedimentos internacionais no domínio da responsabilidade civil e da indemnização por perdas e danos resultantes de movimentos transfronteiriços de organismos vivos modificados, resultantes das biotecnologias modernas. O referido protocolo estabelece um procedimento por consentimento prévio fundamentado, destinado a garantir aos Estados-Membros informações necessárias para a tomada de decisões fundamentadas, antes de permitirem a importação desses organismos no seu território, o que nos parece correto. Por estas razões, votámos favoravelmente.

 
  
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  Elisabetta Gardini (PPE), per iscritto. − Approvare il Protocollo di Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur significa aumentare la sicurezza e la certezza del diritto quando si commercializzano risorse naturali geneticamente modificate. Anche in questo provvedimento il Parlamento europeo vuole esprimersi a favore di rapporti commerciali trasparenti e paritari. Il principio secondo cui chi inquina è tenuto a risarcire il danno, infatti, mira a costruire relazioni internazionali basate sulla reciproca fiducia fra gli Stati. Fiducia, anche su questioni delicate come la biosicurezza.

 
  
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  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už pasiūlymą, kadangi biologinės įvairovės konvencijos Kartachenos biosaugos protokolas yra tarptautinė sutartis, pagal kurią reglamentuojamas gyvų pakitusių organizmų, sukurtų pasitelkus šiuolaikines technologijas, judėjimas iš vienos šalies į kitą. Protokole nustatyta išankstinio pagrįsto sutikimo tvarka, siekiant užtikrinti, kad šalims būtų suteikta reikalinga informacija pagrįstiems sprendimams priimti prieš sutinkant leisti įvežti šiuos organizmus į savo teritoriją. Protokole nurodomas atsargumo principas ir dar kartą patvirtinamos atsargumo nuostatos, nurodytos Rio de Žaneiro aplinkos ir plėtros deklaracijoje. Pagal šį protokolą įsteigiamas Biosaugos informacijos centras, siekiant palengvinti keitimąsi informacija apie gyvus pakitusius organizmus ir padėti šalims įgyvendinti protokolą. ES Kartachenos biosaugos protokolo nuostatos yra įtrauktos į ES biologinės saugos teisės aktus. Juose kaip pagrindinis įtvirtinamas atsargumo principas. Nagojos ir Kvala Lumpūro papildomo protokolo nuostatos dėl atsakomybės yra įtrauktos į 2004 m. balandžio 21 d. Europos Parlamento ir Tarybos direktyvą 2004/35/EB dėl atsakomybės už aplinkos apsaugą siekiant išvengti žalos aplinkai ir ją ištaisyti (atlyginti), kuria nustatoma principu „teršėjas moka“ grindžiama sistema, pagal kurią žalos aplinkai atveju moka teršėjas.

 
  
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  Jarosław Kalinowski (PPE), na piśmie. − Protokół kartageński, który wszedł w życie w 2003 r., jest umową dodatkową do Konwencji o różnorodności biologicznej z 1993 r. i stanowi ramy bezpieczeństwa dla transportu i wykorzystania żywych zmodyfikowanych organizmów (LMO). Znajdują się w nim zapewnienia o dostarczaniu państwom odpowiednich informacji umożliwiających podjęcie właściwej decyzji w kwestii wyrażenia zgody na przywóz ww. organizmów na ich terytorium, a także zapisy ustanawiające System Wymiany Informacji o Bezpieczeństwie Biologicznym.

Natomiast protokół uzupełniający z Nagoi, przyjęty w 2010 r., określa zasady i procedury związane z odpowiedzialnością za szkody powstałe w związku z żywymi zmodyfikowanymi organizmami. Wskazują one właściwy sposób postępowania w przypadku zagrożenia dla różnorodności biologicznej oraz zdrowia ludzi. W Unii Europejskiej regulacje te wchodzą w zakres dyrektywy 2004/35/WE Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady z 2004 r., w której zastosowano zasadę „zanieczyszczający płaci”, zgodnie z którą za szkody wyrządzone środowisku naturalnemu płaci podmiot, który ich dokonał.

Natomiast zasada ostrożności, będąca głównym przesłaniem protokołu kartageńskiego, pozostaje nadrzędnym założeniem europejskiego prawodawstwa o bezpieczeństwie biologicznym. Popieram stanowisko sprawozdawcy i decyzję Rady o podpisaniu protokołu uzupełniającego z Nagoi – Kuala Lumpur i mam nadzieję na jego sprawną ratyfikację przez wszystkie państwa.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I supported this resolution. The Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety to the Convention on Biological Diversity is an international treaty governing the movements of living modified organisms (LMOs) resulting from modern biotechnology from one country to another. The Protocol establishes an advance informed agreement (AIA) procedure for ensuring that countries are provided with the information necessary to make informed decisions before agreeing to the import of such organisms into their territory. The Protocol contains reference to a precautionary approach and reaffirms the precaution language in Principle 15 of the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development. The Protocol also establishes a Biosafety Clearing-House to facilitate the exchange of information on living modified organisms and to assist countries in the implementation of the Protocol.

 
  
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  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. O Protocolo Suplementar de Nagoia-Kuala Lumpur sobre Responsabilidade Civil e Indemnização, agora celebrado, contribuirá consideravelmente para a consecução dos objetivos da Convenção sobre a Diversidade Biológica e do Protocolo de Cartagena sobre Segurança Biológica. No espírito da Diretiva da União Europeia relativa à responsabilidade ambiental, adotada em 2004, este Protocolo Suplementar tem por objeto específico a responsabilidade civil e a indemnização por danos à biodiversidade decorrentes de OVM. Daí o meu voto favorável.

 
  
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  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado a favor de este informe al suponer la ratificación del protocolo de Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur sobre protección de la biodiversidad. Este protocolo supone un instrumento vinculante que puede permitir elevar el nivel de protección de los recursos naturales frente a los organismos vivos modificados. Esta es la definición legal que este protocolo establece de los organismos genéticamente modificados que pueden generar daños incalculables sobre la biodiversidad del planeta debido a la contaminación de otras variedades. La ratificación de este Protocolo supone incrementar su importancia a nivel internacional para que sea ratificado por más países, de manera que comience a resultar un instrumento vinculante efectivo en las regiones de la tierra donde existe más riesgo de contaminación debido a este tipo de organismos. He votado a favor de este informe por la amenaza a la biodiversidad que suponen los organismos vivos modificados.

 
  
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  Louis Michel (ALDE), par écrit. – Depuis longtemps, la biodiversité tient une place importante au sein des préoccupations de l'Union européenne. Dès les années 90 et 2000, la convention sur la diversité biologique (CDB) et le protocole de Cartagena sur la prévention des risques biotechnologiques ont été rédigés afin de garantir le transfert, la manipulation et l'utilisation sans danger des organismes vivants modifiés (OVM) engendrant potentiellement des effets néfastes sur la conservation et l'utilisation durable de la diversité biologique ou présentant a priori un risque pour la santé humaine. L'adoption du protocole additionnel de Nagoya – Kuala Lumpur en 2010 a été considéré comme une victoire pour protéger tous les écosystèmes menacés de planète et pour lutter contre l'extinction de certaines espèces animales et végétales. En 2010, un accord important avait également été adopté, relatif à "l'accès et le partage des avantages" (ABS), réglementant le partage des bénéfices tirés par les industries de la pharmacie et des cosmétiques, des ressources génétiques issues "du réservoir de biodiversité" des pays du Sud. Je trouve que ces bénéfices provenant de la fabrication de médicaments, de cosmétiques ou de ressources vivrières représentent des milliards qui devraient servir de fonds en faveur des PED.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − The Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety to the Convention on Biological Diversity mandated the elaboration of international rules and procedures on liability and redress for damage resulting from transboundary movements of living modified organisms. After long negotiations, the ‘Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur Supplementary Protocol on Liability and Redress to the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety’ was successfully adopted in Nagoya, Japan in October 2010. This legally binding instrument, largely inspired by the EU Environmental Liability Directive (ELD), would allow national authorities to act on behalf of the collective good and ask operators for remedial measures in the event of damage to biodiversity from living modified organisms. Both the European Union and 24 Members States have already signed the protocol.

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. Im September 2003 ist das sogenannte „Cartagena-Protokoll“ in Kraft getreten. Das internationale Folgeabkommen über die Konvention über biologische Vielfalt regelt erstmals völkerrechtlich bindend den grenzüberschreitenden Transport, die Handhabung und den Umgang mit gentechnisch veränderten Organismen. Um die genetischen Ressourcen vor möglichen Gefahren zu schützen, die mit der Freisetzung gentechnisch veränderter Organismen verbunden sein können, sieht das Abkommen unterschiedliche Maßnahmen vor. Im Zusatzprotokoll über die Haftung und Wiedergutmachung, das 2010 angenommen wurde, wurden Regeln zur Haftung und Wiedergutmachung im Falle von Schäden an der Artenvielfalt, die durch lebende veränderte Organismen verursacht wurden, festgelegt. Ich habe mich meiner Stimme enthalten, da ich der Ansicht bin, dass die Bestimmungen des Cartagena-Protokolls innerhalb der EU durch zahlreiche Vorschriften bereits ausreichend gedeckt sind und zu befürchten steht, dass es für die einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten zu Nachteilen Drittstaaten gegenüber kommen könnte, die in ihren Bestimmungen nicht so restriktiv sind.

 
  
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  Radvilė Morkūnaitė-Mikulėnienė (PPE), raštu. − Šiandien, kuomet Europos Sąjungoje ir valstybėse narėse nesame iki galo apsisprendę dėl gyvų pakitusių organizmų ir su jais susijusių produktų įvežimo bei naudojimo reglamentavimo, svarbu užtikrinti, kad būtų nustatytas mechanizmas dėl žalos, sukeltos tokių organizmų judėjimo, nustatymo ir kompensavimo. Todėl pritariu tam, kad ES prisijungtų prie tokiems mechanizmams nustatyti būtinų tarptautinių susitarimų.

 
  
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  Rolandas Paksas (EFD), raštu. − Visomis išgalėmis mes privalome prisidėti prie biologinės įvairovės išsaugojimo ir tvaraus jo naudojimo. Dėl to kiekviena valstybė narė turėtų kuo skubiau ratifikuoti papildomą protokolą dėl atsakomybės ir žalos atlyginimo Sąjungos kompetencijai priklausančiose srityse. ES turi būti įtvirtinti aukšti aplinkos apsaugos standartai. Labai svarbu, kad būtų nustatytas efektyviai funkcionuojantis žalos atlyginimo mechanizmas išsamiai reglamentuojant ne tik aplinkos atkūrimo, bet ir prevencines bei kompensuojamąsias priemones.

 
  
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  Justas Vincas Paleckis (S&D), in writing. − When considering living modified organisms (LMOs) and biotechnology, it is of utmost importance to maintain strict guidelines for the importation and exportation of such. A clear structure of trade formality is necessary as well as the assurance that all precautions have been taken before agreeing to the importation of LMOs and biotechnology. Another important aspect of the precautions outlined in this report is the ability to channel liability if damage is caused during the transaction. This is exhibited in the liability and redress aspect of this legislation. While the protocol mainly directs attention to administration procedures and requirements, it also concerns human health and biodiversity. To have both of these elements outlined in the guidelines for the legislation is extremely important during the implementation of the protocol. Therefore this legislation covers the most essential elements concerning biosafety. I voted in favour of this report, because it helps further ensure biosafety among the EU’s countries.

 
  
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  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. Votei favoravelmente o presente relatório por considerar que o protocolo suplementar de Nagoia-Kuala Lumpur sobre Responsabilidade Civil e Indemnização contribuirá consideravelmente para a consecução dos objetivos da Convenção sobre a Diversidade Biológica e do Protocolo de Cartagena sobre Segurança Biológica. No espírito da Diretiva da União Europeia relativa à responsabilidade ambiental, adotada em 2004, este Protocolo Suplementar tem por objeto específico assegurar a responsabilidade civil e a indemnização por danos à biodiversidade decorrentes de organismos vivos modificados.

 
  
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  Paulo Rangel (PPE), por escrito. Nos termos do artigo 34° da Convenção sobre a Diversidade Biológica, qualquer protocolo anexado à Convenção fica sujeito a ratificação pelos estados signatários. Esta Convenção integrou o Protocolo de Cartagena, em 29 de janeiro de 2000, como acordo complementar da CDB, prevendo este um enquadramento à transferência, manipulação e utilização seguras de organismos vivos modificados, baseado no princípio da precaução. Contudo, as partes celebrantes do Protocolo de Cartagena reuniram-se posteriormente em conferência para apoiar por unanimidade um protocolo suplementar, que obriga os Estados a prever no direito interno próprio regras e procedimentos aplicáveis em caso de danos, incumbindo-os de pensar medidas de intervenção tendentes a prevenir ou a mitigar os danos, ou a restaurar a diversidade biológica em caso de acidente. A fim de dar cumprimento a esta obrigação, uma vez que se enquadra no espírito da diretiva da UE relativa à responsabilidade ambiental e que vem completar um acordo já assinado pela União, o relator recomenda a aprovação da decisão do Conselho que aprova o Protocolo Suplementar de Nagoia-Kuala Lumpur. Votei favoravelmente.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. The Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur Supplementary Protocol on Liability and Redress will greatly contribute to achieving the objectives of the Convention on Biological Biodiversity and of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety. Along the same lines as the European environmental liability directive of 2004, this Supplementary Protocol will specifically address liability and compensation for damage to biodiversity resulting from LMOs. The EP endorses the Council decision, which approves the Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur Supplementary Protocol on Liability and Redress on behalf of the European Union regarding those matters falling within the Union’s competence.

 
  
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  Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – Le protocole additionnel de Nagoya – Kuala Lumpur sur la responsabilité et la réparation contribuera fortement à la réalisation des objectifs de la convention sur la diversité biologique et du protocole de Cartagena sur la prévention des risques biotechnologiques. Dans l'esprit de la directive de l'Union sur la responsabilité environnementale, adoptée en 2004, le protocole additionnel porte de façon spécifique sur la responsabilité et la réparation en matière de dommages causés à la biodiversité par des OVM.

J'approuve le texte de mon collègue Matthias Groote ainsi que la décision du Conseil qui approuve, au nom de l'Union européenne, le protocole additionnel de Nagoya - Kuala Lumpur sur la responsabilité et la réparation, pour ce qui est des questions relevant de la compétence de l'Union. C'est une bonne chose que la plupart des États membres aient signé le protocole additionnel. J'invite ceux-ci à ratifier le texte dans les plus brefs délais.

 
  
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  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. O Protocolo Suplementar de Nagoia-Kuala Lumpur sobre Responsabilidade Civil e Indemnização visa contribuir para a uma maior e mais eficiente conservação da biodiversidade do planeta Terra. O documento possui disposições importantes relativamente às regras e procedimentos, a nível internacional, no que diz respeito à responsabilidade e compensação em caso de danos para a biodiversidade, resultantes do movimento transfronteiriço de organismos vivos modificados. A assinatura do mesmo, por parte da UE e dos seus respetivos Estados-Membros (à exceção da República da Estónia, da República Helénica e da República de Malta), demonstra não só a coerência legislativa dos signatários, mas também a importância dada pela UE em garantir os mais elevados padrões de proteção ambiental no território europeu, bem como a sua promoção a nível global. Dada a importância da política ambiental para a UE e para os seus agentes económicos e políticos, voto a favor da conclusão do protocolo assinado.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru decizia Consiliului privind semnarea, în numele UE, a Protocolului adiţional Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur privind răspunderea şi repararea prejudiciului, la Protocolul de la Cartagena privind biosecuritatea. Protocolul de la Cartagena privind biodiversitatea este un tratat internaţional care reglementează deplasările organismelor vii modificate (OVM) rezultate din biotehnologia modernă dintr-o ţară în alta. Acesta stabileşte o procedură de acord prealabil în cunoştinţă de cauză, pentru a asigura ţărilor informaţiile necesare în vederea luării unor decizii în cunoştinţă de cauză, înainte de a aproba importul de astfel de organisme. Protocolul face referire la abordarea bazată pe principiul precauţiei. În acest sens, se înfiinţează un Centru de informare pentru biosecuritate, pentru facilitarea schimbului de informaţii privind OVM şi a susţinerii ţărilor cu privire la punerea în aplicare a acestui protocol. Protocolul adiţional Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur prevede norme şi proceduri internaţionale privind răspunderea şi repararea prejudiciului în cazul daunelor provocate biodiversităţii de OVM. În UE, dispoziţiile Protocolului de la Cartagena sunt reglementate de legislaţia europeană privind biosecuritatea. Dispoziţiile privind răspunderea ale Protocolului adiţional Nagoya-Kuala Lumpur sunt reglementate de Directiva 2004/35/CE privind răspunderea pentru mediul înconjurător în legătură cu prevenirea şi repararea daunelor aduse mediului. Aceasta stabileşte un cadru bazat pe principiul „poluatorul plăteşte”, conform căruia poluatorul plăteşte în cazul în care s-a adus un prejudiciu mediului.

 
  
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  Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. Der Bericht behandelt den Abschluss des Zusatzprotokolls über Haftung und Wiedergutmachung betreffend die biologische Sicherheit. Das Zusatzprotokoll von Nagoya/Kuala Lumpur über Haftung und Wiedergutmachung trägt wesentlich dazu bei, die Ziele des Übereinkommens über biologische Vielfalt und des Protokolls von Cartagena über die biologische Sicherheit zu verwirklichen. Dieses Zusatzprotokoll befasst sich speziell mit der Haftung und Entschädigung für Schäden, die durch lebende veränderte Organismen verursacht wurden (wie die Europäische Umwelthaftungsrichtlinie 2004). Daher stimme ich zu.

 
  
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  Jacek Włosowicz (EFD), na piśmie. − Protokół kartageński to pierwsze międzynarodowe porozumienie, które reguluje transgraniczne przemieszczanie organizmów genetycznie modyfikowanych. Głównym założeniem powstania protokołu jest regulacja handlu międzynarodowego oraz sposobów obchodzenia się i stosowania genetycznie modyfikowanych organizmów, które mogłyby mieć niekorzystny wpływ na zdrowie ludzkie. Mam nadzieję, że zawarcie protokołu uzupełniającego z Nagoi–Kuala Lumpur dotyczącego odpowiedzialności oraz odszkodowania w istotnym stopniu przyczyni się do podniesienia poziomu bezpieczeństwa dla zdrowia ludzkiego oraz zrealizowania zamierzeń, jakie są zapisane we wspomnianym protokole i konwencji o różnorodności biologicznej.

 
  
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  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. O relatório aprova a celebração do acordo em nome da União Europeia e considera que o Protocolo Suplementar de Nagoia-Kuala Lumpur sobre Responsabilidade Civil e Indemnização contribuirá consideravelmente para a consecução dos objetivos da Convenção sobre Diversidade Biológica e do Protocolo de Cartagena sobre Segurança Biológica, o que merece o nosso apoio. Em causa estão regras e procedimentos internacionais no domínio da responsabilidade civil e da indemnização por perdas e danos resultantes de movimentos transfronteiriços de organismos vivos modificados, resultantes das biotecnologias modernas. O referido protocolo estabelece um procedimento por consentimento prévio fundamentado, destinado a garantir aos Estados-Membros informações necessárias para a tomada de decisões fundamentadas, antes de permitirem a importação desses organismos no seu território, o que nos parece correto. Por estas razões, votámos favoravelmente.

 

9.5. Finances publiques dans l'UEM en 2011 et 2012 (A7-0425/2012 - Alfredo Pallone)
Vidéo des interventions
  

Oral explanations of vote

 
  
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  Iva Zanicchi (PPE). - Signor Presidente, le politiche di rigore, come abbiamo visto in Italia, non servono a uscire dalla crisi: anzi, rischiano di ridurre i consumi e indebolire ulteriormente l'economia. Per questo concordo con il relatore, l'on. Pallone, sulla necessità di portare avanti una politica di consolidamento, che invece di aumentare le imposte a carico dei cittadini, sia basata sul taglio degli sprechi e delle spese pubbliche improduttive. Al tempo stesso, è opportuno e urgente il bisogno di stimolare la crescita, l'occupazione, magari attraverso un'adeguata riforma del mercato del lavoro, che possa garantire un futuro più roseo ai giovani europei.

 
  
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  Monica Luisa Macovei (PPE). - Mr President, I voted for this report, considering that an increase of two percentage points in the government debt-to-GDP ratio in the eurozone in only one year is a warning that we should concentrate on credible long-term strategies for budgetary consolidation. However, Member States are not all in the same situation; they have particular economic and social conditions. Therefore I call on the Commission to facilitate the implementation of differentiated fiscal strategies, adapted to the particular microfinancial risk of each country. Consistent and common efforts on structural reforms are needed for our goal for a solid economic and monetary union in the long term.

 
  
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  Roberta Angelilli (PPE). - Signor Presidente, le riforme nel quadro della governance e di bilancio devono essere accompagnate da strategie di risanamento del bilancio a lungo termine e credibili. Questo non significa riduzione degli investimenti pubblici nei settori produttivi dell'economia, né pesare sui cittadini, aggravando il gettito fiscale: ma serve un impegno contro gli sprechi, le inefficienze e l'evasione fiscale.

In poche parole, risanare le finanze per investire nei settori strategici: infrastrutture, reti, ricerca, istruzione e formazione. Voglio ancora una volta sottolineare che la disoccupazione giovanile ha raggiunto livelli allarmanti e, come evidenzia la relazione del collega, se non si invertono questi dati, la crescita economica sarà pregiudicata anche in futuro.

 
  
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  Emma McClarkin (ECR). - Mr President, this report calls for budgetary consolidation. Consolidation based on cutting unproductive expenditure rather than on increasing revenue.

I believe the EU should follow its own advice and lead by its own example, not only with the total of the European budget but, for example, with the circus that is Strasbourg. It is totally unproductive and the Court ruling recently is ignoring the will of this House and of EU citizens across the whole of the EU.

We really need to concentrate on cutbacks, on saving costs. This place costs over EUR 200 million to keep coming here. It costs 20 000 CO2 tonnes and it is basically leading us to look like a joke and very indecisive at a point in time when we need to be showing real solidarity with the people suffering across the whole of the EU through this crisis. The EU needs to learn its lesson. It needs to consolidate. It needs to stop wasting EU citizens’ money.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock (ECR). - Mr President, the eurozone crisis gives me no pleasure and unemployment and recession are evils that nobody deserves, but they are a consequence of the profligacy and irresponsibility of some governments which avoided the choices that many other governments had to make in the 1980s and 1990s. By failing to reform rigid labour markets and sustaining corporatist economic structures, they did not bring about the prosperity which is required in a globalised economy. Therefore, some countries have had to face reality much more harshly than otherwise would have been necessary.

Nevertheless, I support wholeheartedly the supply-side reforms that are now happening in most eurozone countries. This report highlights those desirable structural reforms. Which Conservative could oppose a statement that fiscal consolidations based on cutting unproductive expenditure, rather than on increasing revenue, is the correct one and will aid growth and job creation?

However, it is never going to be possible for the EU budget to reduce macroeconomic and social imbalances throughout the eurozone. For instance, the European job youth guarantee for unemployed people can be no substitute for the real issue at stake that the eurozone economies must now take a dose of Thatcherite medicine as the only remedy for economic sustainability.

 
  
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  Syed Kamall (ECR). - Mr President, as my colleague Charles Tannock recently said, I do not think it gives anyone any great pleasure to see the suffering going on in a number of eurozone countries. But be that as it may, it is quite clear that the governments of these countries, and the EU as well, should be looking to see how we can sort out public finances.

It is quite clear the first lesson to learn, as Mrs Thatcher used to say, is that you cannot spend more money than you have got coming in. So stop spending more money than you collect in taxes. Stop wasting taxpayers’ money.

But how can we send that message out when we ourselves here have just voted to go back to 12 sittings a year in Strasbourg? What message does that send to the citizens, at the same time as asking them to cut back on spending?

But the most important lesson we should learn is that what people call ‘public investment’ is quite often spending even more taxpayers’ money. What we should be doing as politicians and governments is getting out of the way and letting the entrepreneurs invest in growth and jobs, for they are the people who can produce the goods that we seek.

 
  
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  Daniel Hannan (ECR). - Mr President, the money has run out. Our treasuries are empty, our credit is exhausted and you do not have to look far to see the reason why. For 40 years this Chamber and the other EU institutions have been passing more and more intrusive laws depreciating the private sector. We have the most generous workers’ rights anywhere in the world. We have plenty of rights but fewer and fewer workers. Work is becoming a lifestyle choice. People stay in full-time education for longer and longer. They retire earlier and earlier as a percentage of their total lifespan and, in the few years in between, they are likely to be working for the government.

So who is generating the revenue that is to pay for all the things that we want to spend? Now, forced by the financial crisis, many of the member governments are looking to retrench and yet we have the extraordinary situation where every penny they save at home, and more, is being swallowed up by these constant increases in the Brussels budget. The private sector in Europe is shrinking and our demographic situation is dire. The only way to restore prosperity is to look beyond Europe to the parts of the world that are still growing. If we cannot do that within the common external tariff, we should seek the wider horizons which our fathers took for granted.

 
  
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  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Am votat în favoarea acestui raport, deoarece problemele din sectorul finanţelor publice continuă să afecteze negativ dezvoltarea socioeconomică şi stabilitatea politică, atât în zona euro, cât şi în restul Uniunii. Având în vedere nivelul ridicat al datoriei publice şi private, precum şi al deficitelor publice din unele state membre, avem nevoie de strategii credibile pe termen lung.

Susţin şi eu prevederile raportului şi ţin să subliniez nevoia de a sprijini în mod constant investiţiile publice şi private, care au un rol crucial în crearea locurilor de muncă. Mai mult, este esenţial ca, în deciziile privind finanţele publice, să se ţină cont de proporţionalitate.

Atunci când este recomandată reducerea salariilor şi cheltuielilor sociale, trebuie să ne gândim în egală măsură şi la alte opţiuni, precum impozitele pe activităţile imobiliare sau cele poluante, spre exemplu.

 
  
  

Written explanations of vote

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. Aprovo o presente relatório, salientando, antes de mais, os esforços que compensaram, por parte do S&D. Conseguimos mudar o relatório da Comissão Europeia que apresentava um discurso muito virado à austeridade e torná-lo capaz de acolher propostas como o pedido de uma consolidação de crescimento amigável, o foco nos efeitos negativos da austeridade, o equilíbrio do ajustamento fiscal que necessita de ser reajustado de modo a fortalecer o crescimento e assim prosseguir com a Estratégia Europa2020, o desenvolvimento económico e a proteção social, bem como é chamada a atenção para uma consolidação fiscal diferenciada. Para além disso, apresenta um maior foco no desemprego e na Garantia da União Europeia para a Juventude em termos de emprego ou mesmo uma melhoria no lado das receitas do orçamento contra a evasão fiscal e assegura que o sistema de pensões seja reformado com respeito ao diálogo social. Esta foi a resposta do Parlamento Europeu aos relatórios de 2011 e 2012 da Comissão Europeia. Agora, importa que a Comissão Europeia se foque nestas questões essenciais para as quais o Parlamento pede a sua atenção.

 
  
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  Elena Oana Antonescu (PPE), în scris. − Actualul context economic şi politic european continuă să rămână unul marcat de efectele majore ale crizei economice, financiare şi bancare. Stabilitatea economică şi instituţională a statelor membre rămâne în continuare o prioritate esenţială a guvernanţei din interiorul Uniunii Europene. Nivelul ridicat al ratei şomajului din statele membre, alături de ponderea ridicată a datoriei publice în PIB reclamă adoptarea unor măsuri complementare reformelor recente operate la nivelul Zonei Euro şi al Uniunii în ansamblu. Aşa cum concluziile raportului arată, dincolo de măsurile instituţionale concrete pe care trebuie să le avem în vedere, miza actualelor dinamici este reprezentată şi de credibilitatea şi de legitimitatea construcţiei europene. Uniunea Europeană nu poate depăşi criza decât prin creşterea transparenţei şi prin crearea unor mecanisme publice capabile să gireze responsabilitatea maximă în domeniul economic. Concomitent, susţin poziţia raportului, care pledează pentru continuarea procesului de consolidare strategică a finanţelor publice ale statelor europene, dată fiind amploarea datoriilor şi deficitelor publice.

 
  
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  Alfredo Antoniozzi (PPE), per iscritto. − Signor Presidente, la crisi del debito sovrano ancora oggi influenza in maniera determinante la situazione dei conti pubblici nell'Unione monetaria. Ciò blocca ed aggrava i tentativi che molti Stati membri, impegnati in riforme strutturali atte a garantire competitività a livello internazionale, stanno affrontando. Il lavoro svolto in questa relazione di iniziativa non è stato sicuramente semplice. Trattare congiuntamente della situazione delle finanze pubbliche nell'EMU nel 2011 e 2012, degli interventi dell'FMI, dei nuovi fondi europei creati ad hoc e delle ricadute nel settore bancario, è stato alquanto complicato.

Sono d'accordo con l'impianto generale contenuto nella relazione del collega e ritengo anch'io che credibili strategie di controllo di bilancio a lungo termine siano una necessità: tuttavia, alla luce dei nuovi dati economici emersi da analisi e rapporti sull'economia statunitense e degli altri paesi BRICS, penso che dovremmo aprire un dibatto a livello europeo sulla politica di austerità portata avanti negli ultimi anni nell'Unione europea e trarre conseguenze e dati su quello che ha realmente prodotto.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – Ce rapport d’initiative est davantage une déclaration ou un rappel que des dispositions législatives précises. J’ai voté en faveur car il rappelle les importants efforts consentis par de nombreux États membres en raison de la crise des dettes souveraines. Ce texte insiste sur la nécessité de poursuivre l’assainissement des comptes publics en privilégiant une rationalisation des dépenses publiques plutôt que de recourir à des hausses d’impôts nuisibles à la reprise économique.

 
  
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  Regina Bastos (PPE), por escrito. A questão das finanças públicas dos países da União Económica e Monetária (UEM) no contexto da crise económica e financeira é muito delicada, dado que finanças públicas pouco saudáveis podem comprometer o desenvolvimento económico e social dos países, bem como a sua estabilidade política. Neste sentido, urge zelar pelo equilíbrio sustentável das finanças dos Estados-Membros, e garantir menos desequilíbrio e maior integração orçamental e económica, acompanhada de maior solidariedade entre Estados-Membros. Apesar de ainda muitos desafios persistirem no que toca ao controlo das dívidas e défices excessivos, alguns passos virtuosos foram já dados no sentido de garantir maior consolidação e equilíbrio orçamental, bem como contenção do contágio entre países. O Parlamento considera que os países devem canalizar esforços em estratégias de equilíbrio orçamental de médio a longo prazo, e tendo em conta a necessidade de gerar crescimento e desenvolvimento acompanhados de uma proteção social justa e progresso da qualidade de vida dos cidadãos. A orientação dos países deve ir no sentido da concretização de medidas como a reforma dos sistemas de pensões, promoção de investimento público e privado, redução assertiva das despesas públicas e reformas estruturais. Concordo com o conteúdo deste relatório e voto favoravelmente.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Ho sostenuto la relazione di iniziativa dell'onorevole Pallone. Il testo muove dalla considerazione dello stato preoccupante delle finanze dell'UE e dalla necessità di un loro consolidamento, e sottolinea la necessità di un dialogo fra Istituzioni Europee e Stati Membri sollecitati ad effettuare, al più presto, riforme strutturali orientate alla crescita ed in linea con la Strategia Europa 2020. La Relazione chiede maggiore flessibilità del mercato del lavoro attraverso la riduzione della sua tassazione, una maggiore agevolazione dell'accesso al credito e la riforma della pubblica amministrazione in chiave meno burocratica.

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, kadangi reikia visapusiškų priemonių toliau sprendžiant daugelio ES šalių narių problemas, kurios neigiamai veikia socialinį ir ekonominį vystimąsi ir politinį stabilumą. Verta pažymėti, jog per pastarąjį laikotarpį ekonomikos ir bankininkystės krizės padariniai nesumažėjo – euro zonoje valstybės skolos ir BVP santykis padidėjo nuo 86,2 proc. pirmąjį 2011 m. ketvirtį iki 88,2 proc. pirmąjį 2012 m. ketvirtį. Taip pat šiuo metu tokios problemos, kaip aukštas jaunimo nedarbas, gali turėti rimtų pasekmių ekonomikos augimui ateityje, todėl būtina imtis konkrečių priemonių problemoms spręsti jau dabar. Atsižvelgdamos į „Europa 2020“ strategiją valstybės narės turi vykdyti inovacijų politiką, suteikti daugiau lankstumo ir saugumo darbo rinkai (angl. flexicurity), tobulinti mokymo programas, mažinti jaunimo nedarbą (geriau suderinant jaunimo kvalifikaciją su darbo jėgos paklausa), sukurti palankesnę aplinką naujam verslui kurti ir imtis kitų panašių priemonių norint užtikrinti tolimesnį ekonominį vystimąsi ir politinį stabilumą. Nors šie pasiūlymai ir negali staiga įveikti krizės padarinių, bet jais turėtų būti siekiama didinti fiskalinio koregavimo įtikimumą ir mažinti trumpalaikį jo poveikį augimui, kurie ilgesnėje perspektyvoje taip pat tai padėtų kurti geresnio politikos formavimo sistemas.

 
  
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  Sebastian Valentin Bodu (PPE), în scris. − Luând în considerare că actuala criză economică, financiară şi bancară nu se diminuează şi arată că problemele legate de finanţele publice afectează negativ dezvoltarea economică şi stabilitatea politică şi ţinând cont şi de faptul că statele membre nu se află toate în aceeaşi situaţie, este necesar să se aplice strategii favorabile unei creşteri economice durabile, care să fie diferenţiate în funcţie de recomandările specifice adoptate de Consiliu pentru fiecare ţară. Consider că strategiile credibile de consolidare fiscală pe termen lung sunt în continuare necesare, iar statele membre ar trebui să aplice politici şi reforme orientate asupra creşterii economice, în conformitate cu Strategia Europa 2020.

 
  
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  Zuzana Brzobohatá (S&D), písemně. − Hospodářská, finanční a bankovní krize přetrvává, poměr veřejného dluhu k HDP v prvním čtvrtletí 2012 vzrostl na 88,2 % a stále existuje problém vysoké nezaměstnanosti mladých. Vzhledem k tomu je nadále potřebná dlouhodobá a důvěryhodná strategie konsolidace rozpočtu z pohledu výdajů a příjmů, přičemž se musí najít rovnováha mezi posílením udržitelného růstu, hospodářském rozvojem a sociální ochranou. Proto jsem hlasovala pro tuto zprávu.

 
  
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  John Bufton (EFD), in writing. − This report purports to tell national governments how to run their economies and fiscal policies and encourages the Commission to monitor and criticise the implementation of those policies. I, therefore, voted against it.

 
  
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  Alain Cadec (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté pour ce rapport consacré aux finances publiques dans l'Union économique et monétaire. J'estime que des stratégies de long terme pour l'assainissement budgétaire sont nécessaires et que d'importants efforts restent à faire. Je note que le rapport privilégie une baisse des dépenses des Etats aux mesures fiscales. Je soutiens enfin l'appel à des réformes structurelles ainsi que la mise en place de politiques orientées vers la croissance.

 
  
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  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. A questão das finanças públicas dos países da UEM no contexto da crise económica e financeira é muito delicada, uma vez que finanças públicas pouco saudáveis podem comprometer o desenvolvimento económico e social dos países, bem como a sua estabilidade política. Neste sentido, urge zelar pelo equilíbrio sustentável das finanças dos Estados-Membros, mas também garantir menos desequilíbrio e maior integração orçamental e económica, acompanhada de maior solidariedade entre países. Apesar de ainda muitos desafios persistirem no que toca ao controlo das dívidas e défices excessivos, alguns passos virtuosos foram já dados no sentido de garantir maior consolidação e equilíbrio orçamental, bem como contenção do contágio entre países. Neste relatório, o Parlamento considera que os países devem canalizar esforços em estratégias de equilíbrio orçamental de médio a longo prazo, ajustadas ao seu caso específico, e tendo em conta a necessidade de gerar crescimento e desenvolvimento acompanhados de uma proteção social justa e progresso da qualidade de vida dos cidadãos. A orientação dos países deve ir no sentido da concretização de medidas como a reforma dos sistemas de pensões, promoção de investimento público e privado, redução assertiva das despesas públicas e reformas estruturais. Concordo com o conteúdo deste relatório e voto favoravelmente.

 
  
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  Emer Costello (S&D), in writing. − I welcome the adoption of Parliament’s response to the Commission’s reports for 2011 and 2012 on the state of public finances in EMU. Sharing a currency with 16 other countries presents enormous possibilities. But it also means that we are all in it together, that mistakes made in one euro area country can easily spill over into another. It is therefore clearly in the interests of all euro area countries to ensure that public finances are managed properly. But fiscal consolidation on its own does not work. Stability and growth are two sides of the same coin. I therefore welcome the emphasis in this report on differentiated growth-friendly fiscal consolidation that reflects country-specific fiscal and macro-financial risks as well as economic and social conditions, on the need to ensure that the EU has the resources necessary to achieve the aims of the Europe 2020 strategy, particularly the employment and social targets, and the focus on youth unemployment and the proposed Youth Guarantee, which will, I hope, be approved by the Social Affairs Council shortly under the Irish Presidency.

 
  
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  Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Nous connaissons les enjeux de la dette et du déficit publics. Ils doivent être mieux contrôlés, il en va de la santé de nos économies et de la confiance que nous portent les citoyens. C'est pour cela que je soutiens ce texte, qui pose nos ambitions pour des finances publiques assainies. Comme il l'indique, je pense que cela passera notamment par un assouplissement du marché du travail, afin de l'adapter aux évolutions économiques, pour une croissance renouvelée. La fiscalité du travail, les programmes de formation, la réduction du chômage des jeunes sont autant d'axes cruciaux pour la reprise de la croissance en Europe.

 
  
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  Christine De Veyrac (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce texte qui appelle au renforcement de l'intégration économique et monétaire de l'Union grâce à une meilleure gestion des finances publiques des Etats membres. Ces derniers se doivent de mettre en place des réformes structurelles favorisant la baisse des dépenses publiques, tout en mettant en place des programmes favorisant la croissance dans le but de sortir le continent de ce marasme économique. Les dernières avancées ont permis d'apaiser la frénésie des marchés, mais nous devons maintenir le cap et aller de l'avant afin d'assurer une stabilité pérenne de la zone euro, et que les périodes de répit que nous traversons ne soient pas que des périodes de calme avant une nouvelle tempête.

 
  
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  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. Votei favoravelmente este relatório por reconhecer o trabalho realizado pelos Estados-Membros na melhoria da sua situação orçamental durante os anos de 2011 e 2012. A recessão económica continua a ser motivo de preocupação e é cada vez mais notório que a consolidação orçamental não terá o resultado esperado se não forem solucionados os desequilíbrios macroeconómicos entre os Estados-Membros e as consequências desses desequilíbrios no processo de recuperação.

 
  
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  Jill Evans (Verts/ALE), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report. If monetary union is to work, there need to be proper financial instruments in place to oversee it and regulate it. A report that I commissioned in 2000 recommended certain safeguards should Wales choose to join the Euro, and proper regulation is clearly one of those. Even though we never joined the Euro, the crisis has an impact on our economy, and it is in everyone’s interest that the options for public debt instruments are examined as soon as possible and that a roadmap is adopted.

 
  
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  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. É inegável que os últimos anos têm sido particularmente difíceis para os países da zona euro. Vários foram assolados pela crise da dívida soberana, pelas consequências da crise financeira e da crise bancária e, em geral, todos têm sido seriamente afetados pelos efeitos devastadores da enorme contração económica mundial. Contudo, são incontestáveis os inúmeros passos que a União Europeia tem dado para repor as finanças públicas dos Estados-Membros. Entre eles, não posso deixar de destacar a recente reforma do Pacto de Estabilidade e Crescimento, da qual fui relator, que adapta as recomendações da União Europeia à situação económica e orçamental de cada Estado-Membro, nomeadamente tendo em atenção os esforços encetados por estes na prossecução de metas de consolidação orçamental e de diminuição da dívida pública. Recordo que o esforço levado a cabo pelos países da zona euro deve ser saudado e respeitado, nomeadamente em países como Portugal, onde os passos para reequilibrar o resultado de vários anos de má gestão das finanças públicas têm tido um grande impacto social.

 
  
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  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. A crise económica e financeira que afeta a maioria dos Estados-Membros (EM) levou a que a taxa média de desemprego na União Europeia subisse para os 11%. Esta situação obrigou os EM a adotarem medidas de austeridade e de rigor orçamental que provocaram o desinvestimento público e, consequentemente, a falência de muitas empresas. Infelizmente, a maior parte das medidas de contenção orçamental implementadas não foram acompanhadas de reformas estratégicas. Neste contexto, necessitamos de reformas e de novas políticas que conduzam a uma verdadeira União Monetária. A luta contra a fraude e a evasão fiscal, bem como a aposta na investigação, na educação e nos programas de apoio ao emprego juvenil devem estar na linha da frente dos investimentos da UE. Votei favoravelmente o relatório elaborado pelo colega Alfredo Pallone sobre as Finanças Públicas na UEM e saúdo as recomendações no sentido de serem efetuados cortes nas despesas não produtivas. Como consequência das medidas adotadas pelos EM, verificamos que as finanças públicas estão a melhorar, bem como a confiança dos mercados, o que é fundamental para a retoma económica. Embora tenha consciência que não é fácil compatibilizar crescimento económico com consolidação orçamental, penso que este será o caminho que a UE deve trilhar.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Se dúvidas houvesse ainda sobre a cumplicidade da maioria do Parlamento Europeu com as políticas ditas de austeridade, este relatório - apoiado como sempre pelo consenso entre a direita e a social-democracia - trataria de as desfazer. O consenso entre a direita e a social-democracia, de que esta se procura demarcar de forma oportunista sempre que conveniente (como sucede em Portugal com o PS), mas ao qual sempre regressa na hora da verdade, é o consenso da exploração, do empobrecimento, do retrocesso civilizacional. A estafada e fastidiosa retórica que enfeita com floreados de crescimento os mais brutais ataques aos trabalhadores e aos povos marca presença, mais uma vez, neste relatório. Mais não visa do que branquear responsabilidades no rumo de desastre económico e social que está a ser imposto a países como Portugal. O relatório cauciona as políticas de "ajustamento" em curso em países como Portugal, políticas que não só não resolveram nenhum dos problemas que se propunham resolver como os agravaram a todos sem exceção. Vejam-se os défices e as dívidas públicas imparáveis, com a sangria imposta a favor do grande capital financeiro. Evidentemente, votámos contra.

 
  
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  Carlo Fidanza (PPE), per iscritto. − Ritengo che le riforme nel contesto della governance e del bilancio devono essere accompagnate da strategie di risanamento del bilancio a lungo termine e credibili. E' necessario infatti implementare una politica di consolidamento, da un lato contro gli sprechi, le inefficienze e l'evasione fiscale e dall'altro lato una politica di risanamento delle finanze nei settori strategici a favore della crescita, come le infrastrutture, le reti, la ricerca, la formazione, l'occupazione giovanile e l'istruzione. Senza un impegno di questo genere, la crescita economica sarà pregiudicata anche in futuro.

 
  
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  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne. − Pomer verejného dlhu k HDP vzrástol v eurozóne z 86,2 % v prvom štvrťroku 2011 na 88,2 % v prvom štvrťroku 2012. Hospodárska, finančná a bankovej kríza neustále pretrvávajú a upozorňujú na skutočnosť, že záležitosti týkajúce sa verejných financií majú negatívny vplyv na sociálny a hospodársky rozvoj a politickú stabilitu. Nedávne reformy rámca pre správu ekonomických a rozpočtových záležitostí Európskej únie samé osebe nedokážu krízu vyriešiť. Na vyrovnanie nadmernej makroekonomickej nerovnováhy symetrickým spôsobom a na zvýšenie úrovne celkovej sociálnej a hospodárskej konvergencie a solidarity v rámci hospodárskej a menovej únie sú nevyhnutné komplexné opatrenia. V jednotlivých členských krajinách EÚ sa už síce podnikli významné kroky zamerané na konsolidáciu verejných financií, v záujme zlepšenia situácie je ale stále potrebné riešiť mnohé ďalšie výzvy.

 
  
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  Pat the Cope Gallagher (ALDE), i scríbhinn. − Vótáil mé i bhfábhar an rúin maidir le hairgeadas poiblí san AEA sna blianta 2011 agus 2012 toisc nach bhfuil réiteach ann fós ar an ngéarchéim eacnamaíoch, airgeadais agus bhaincéireachta agus go bhfuil ceisteanna an airgeadais phoiblí ag cur isteach ar an bhforbairt socheacnamaíoch agus ar an gcobhsaíocht pholaitiúil. Anuas ar sin, tháinig méadú ó 86.2% do chéad ceathrú na bliana 2011 go 88.2% do chéad ceathrú 2012 ar an gcóimheas fiach rialtais-OTI. Ní a dhóthain iad na leasuithe a rinneadh le déanaí ar chreat eacnamaíoch agus buiséadach an AE agus níl an scéal céanna ag na Ballstáit ar fad. Ní mór dúinn straitéisí inbhuanaithe ar mhaithe leis an bhfás geilleagrach a chur i bhfeidhm a aithníonn go bhfuil riachtanais éagsúla ag Ballstáit éagsúla. Os rud é go bhfuil fiacha poiblí agus príobháideacha arda agus easnaimh bhuiséadacha mhóra i gceist i roinnt Bhallstát, ní mór straitéisí ciallmhara fadtéarmacha don comhdhlúthú buiséadach a chur i bhfeidhm.

 
  
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  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Ekonomikos, finansų ir bankininkystės krizė nesumažėjo ir parodė, kad viešųjų finansų problemos neigiamai veikia socialinį ir ekonominį vystymąsi ir politinį stabilumą. Krizės negalima įveikti vien tik pastarojo meto ES ekonomikos ir biudžeto valdymo sistemos reformomis. Balsavau už, kadangi reikia visapusiškų priemonių, siekiant simetriškai spręsti perviršinio makrofinansinio disbalanso problemą ir gerinti bendros socialinės ir ekonominės konvergencijos bei solidarumo ekonominėje ir pinigų sąjungoje lygį. Patikimi įsipareigojimai imtis augimui palankių konsolidavimo priemonių yra būtina sąlyga norint tvariai spręsti daugelio euro zonos valstybių narių perviršinės skolos ir deficito problemas.

 
  
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  Krišjānis Kariņš (PPE), rakstiski. − Es atbalstīju Eiropas Parlamenta rezolūciju par publiskajām finansēm Eiropas Savienības valstīs 2011. un 2012. gadā. Šī rezolūcija sevī ietver galvenos principus, kā jāveido Eiropas Savienības valstu budžeti nākotnē. Tāpat rezolūcija norāda uz pastāvošajām problēmām, kas jārisina. Dalībvalstu politiķiem no kļūdām jāmācās, un tās nedrīkst pieļaut nākotnē, lai neapdraudētu izaugsmi un labklājības pieaugumu. Latvijas iedzīvotājiem ir nepieciešama stabila ekonomiskā situācija Eiropā, lai mūsu tautsaimniecības straujā izaugsme turpinātos. Manis iesniegtos grozījumus Parlaments ir atbalstījis, un tie ir iekļauti galīgajā rezolūcijas tekstā.

 
  
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  Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. − Lo stato dell’arte delle finanze pubbliche degli Stati membri facenti parte dell’Unione Economica e Monetaria non è certamente positivo. Si tenga conto, a titolo esemplificativo, dell’incremento del rapporto tra debito pubblico e PIL nella zona euro, che è passato dall’86,2% nel primo trimestre del 2011, all’88,2% nel primo trimestre del 2012. Il risanamento e la stabilità delle finanze pubbliche nazionali sono sicuramente obiettivi da non perdere di vista per guardare con fiducia al futuro economico e sociale dell’UE. Tuttavia, così come sottolineato dalla relazione dell’on. Pallone, politiche di controllo e rigore per mantenere in ordine i conti pubblici, non devono contrastare le azioni volte a stimolare crescita, sviluppo e occupazione. In tal senso, l’auspicio è che i governi nazionali, di concerto con le istituzioni europee, possano accogliere sempre più questi segnali e procedere verso l’attuazione di riforme in materia di welfare, lavoro e fiscalità, che tengano conto dell’esigenza crescente di stimolare un’economia oggi purtroppo stagnante.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted for this resolution, which underlines the role of local and regional public authorities in supporting public and private investments and stresses the importance of growth-oriented investments for a swift economic recovery.

 
  
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  Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Este relatório de iniciativa faz uma análise sobre o estado das Finanças Públicas na União Económica e Monetária entre 2011 e 2012. Embora defenda a necessidade de uma maior consolidação orçamental por via de reformas estruturais e investimentos que promovam o crescimento e a sustentabilidade das finanças, este relatório insta os Estados-Membros a cumprirem as regras orçamentais propostas na legislação do "Six Pack", do Tratado sobre Estabilidade, Coordenação e Governação na União Económica e Monetária e do futuro "Two Pack". Ora, esta legislação tem como preocupação a redução do défice e da dívida, levando por isso a uma maior recessão das economias europeias. Votei contra.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Ce rapport fait le constat de l'inefficacité des mesures d'austérité mises en place dans toute l'Europe, chiffres précis à l'appui. Il n'en tire pourtant aucune conséquence.

Du début à la fin, le texte n'est que spéculations sur l'avenir, pour justifier les conséquences catastrophiques de la politique d'austérité. Le rôle néfaste joué par les marchés n'est jamais remis en question. Il fait l'apologie de la casse du droit du travail et de la hausse de l'âge de la retraite. Il prétend même décider quel ministère ou quel échelon d'un État membre est utile ou pas!

Il y a tout de même quelques préconisations valables dans ce texte. Il prône la lutte contre la fraude et l'évasion, une plus forte taxation du capital et propose de réduire les dépenses militaires superflues, en particulier, à mon avis, celles qui relèvent de l'intégration à l'OTAN et des frais de couverture anti-missile des États-Unis en Europe.

Pas suffisant pour me convaincre de m'abstenir. Je vote contre.

 
  
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  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. Infelizmente a crise económica, financeira e bancária não apresenta sinais de abrandamento e tem exposto questões de finanças públicas que afetam negativamente o desenvolvimento socioeconómico e a estabilidade política. Temos consciência que as recentes reformas do quadro de governação económica e orçamental da União Europeia não podem, por si sós, resolver a crise; é pois necessária uma ação abrangente para solucionar os desequilíbrios macro-financeiros de forma simétrica e para aumentar em termos globais o nível de convergência socioeconómica e de solidariedade no quadro da União Económica e Monetária. É necessária a assunção de compromissos credíveis relativamente a medidas de austeridade favoráveis ao crescimento, para que se encontrem soluções sustentáveis para as situações de dívida e défice excessivos em que se encontra a maioria dos Estados-Membros da área do euro. Só com o esforço de todos e de cada um vai ser possível no médio prazo voltarmos a encontrar o caminho do crescimento.

 
  
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  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado en contra de este informe al igual que mi grupo parlamentario, debido a que supone otra vuelta de tuerca en la línea de las políticas económicas de austeridad que se están llevando a cabo en la Unión Económica y Monetaria. Este informe resulta pura apología de las políticas de reducción del déficit auspiciadas por la Comisión y que están destruyendo el tejido económico y social de los Estados miembros que han sido intervenidos por la Comisión. Frente a la necesidad de afrontar un debate serio y cuestionar los efectos reales que las políticas de austeridad están provocando, este informe se ha decidido a anular el debate en la cámara y a continuar delegando en las posiciones de la Comisión. Sin un cuestionamiento de las actuales políticas, basado en la realidad y en los datos de los que disponemos hoy día, solo se continúa por la senda de la autodestrucción del tejido productivo europeo para mantener el nivel de beneficio del sector bancario. Por ello he votado en contra de este informe.

 
  
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  Louis Michel (ALDE), par écrit. – Nonobstant les récentes réformes économiques et budgétaires, l'Union européenne subit toujours le courroux de la crise financière. Elle trouvera son salut dans une action de grande envergure visant à apporter une réponse symétrique aux déséquilibres macrofinanciers excessifs et à renforcer le niveau général de convergence socio-économique et de solidarité au sein de l'Union économique et monétaire (UEM). Cette action repose principalement dans des assainissements budgétaires à long terme. Par exemple, ces derniers encourageront la réduction de dépenses improductives et une flexibilité plus grande du marché de l'emploi; ce qui favorisera la croissance à moyen terme. En outre, ils permettront surtout la régulation de l'endettement et du déficit excessifs dans lesquels la plupart des Etats membres sont plongés. Mais il est primordial qu'une accentuation de la croissance durable, du développement économique, ainsi que de la protection sociale, joue de concert avec ces assainissements. Par conséquent, le mot d'ordre est l'atténuation des effets récessifs à court terme tout en visant à stimuler les facteurs de croissance à moyen terme, comme l'optimisation des programmes de formation et la diminution du chômage des jeunes.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour because the main aspects of the report are as follows: it calls for growth-friendly consolidation; it focuses on negative spillovers; it balances fiscal adjustment which needs to be balanced with strengthening growth (Europe 2020 strategy), economic development and social protection and calls for differentiated fiscal consolidation; it focuses on youth unemployment and an EU youth guarantee; it improves the revenue side of budget by fighting tax evasion and ensures pension systems are reformed with respect to social dialogue.

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. Der gesamteuropäische Schuldenstand im Verhältnis zum BIP im Euro-Währungsgebiet ist von 86,2 % im 1. Quartal 2011 auf 88,2 % im 1. Quartal 2012 angestiegen. Grund dafür ist das unverminderte Anhalten der Banken- und Finanzkrise, die ebenfalls negative Auswirkungen auf die sozioökonomische Entwicklung sowie die politische Stabilität haben. Trotz Reformversuchen der EU und Auflagen an die einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten ist noch keine Entspannung im Finanzsektor in Sicht. Der Bericht hat meine Stimme nicht erhalten, da, wie die vergangenen Monate gezeigt haben, die bis dato von der EU vorgeschlagenen Reformen nicht ausreichend sind, um diese Krise zu beenden. Zudem kommt hinzu, dass es unter den Mitgliedstaaten eine große Unausgewogenheit gibt und die Sparpläne der Pleite-Staaten nur sehr langsam greifen. Leidtragende sind die wirtschaftlich noch gut aufgestellten Mitgliedstaaten, durch deren Hilfszahlungen die Pleitestaaten immer aufs Neue gerettet werden sollen. Weiters bin ich der Meinung, dass weitere Regulierungsmaßnahmen vor allem den noch wirtschaftlich starken Mitgliedstaaten schaden werden.

 
  
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  Claudio Morganti (EFD), per iscritto. − Questa relazione contiene alcuni spunti interessanti, che per certi versi rappresentano delle novità nella visione spesso dogmatica di Bruxelles. In primo luogo viene evidenziata una realtà che dovrebbe essere sotto gli occhi di tutti, ma che non è quasi mai stata presa in considerazione: i diversi Stati europei hanno situazioni molto diverse tra loro per quanto riguarda le strutture economiche, finanziarie, produttive e sociali. Non vi può essere quindi una ricetta univoca che vada bene per tutti i Paesi che fanno parte dell'Unione economica e monetaria.

Ad esempio una misura o una serie di misure possono forse andare bene per la situazione francese ma sulla realtà italiana hanno magari effetti negativi: troppe sono le differenze di cui va tenuto conto. È chiaro che l'obiettivo generale deve essere una situazione di equilibrio e sana gestione finanziaria ma le maniere e gli strumenti per arrivare a questo traguardo possono e devono essere differenti tra i vari Paesi membri, nel rispetto anche delle diversità che a volte non hanno una mera valenza economico-finanziaria ma hanno le loro radici in contesti storici, sociali e culturali profondamente dissimili tra loro.

 
  
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  Siiri Oviir (ALDE), kirjalikult. − Selleks et Euroopa majandus saaks uue tõuke ning liiguks tõusu suunas, ei piisa pelgalt „joonlauaga kärpimisest”. Töötud inimesed ei maksa makse ega tarbi, pigem koormavad sotsiaalsüsteemi. Igal mündil on kaks poolt ning ka otsustajad ei tohiks lähtuda mustvalgest maailmapildist. Mõistagi tuleb kulusid kokku hoida seal, kus puudub efektiivsus. Eelarvepuudujäägi jätkusuutliku lahenduse eeltingimuseks on tõsiseltvõetav pühendumine majanduskasvu soodustavatele konsolideerimismeetmetele. Oluline on keskenduda pikaajalisele ja usaldusväärsele eelarve konsolideerimise strateegiale. Prioriteediks tuleb seada ennekõike inimene ja püüdlused vähendada suurt tööpuudust, mis on iseäranis suur noorte seas. Minu arvates on Euroopa uue majanduskasvu aluseks just noorte suurem kaasamine tööjõuturule erinevate meetmete, näiteks noortegarantii kaudu. Toetasin antud raportit, mis nimetatud küsimustele hästi tähelepanu juhtis.

 
  
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  Rolandas Paksas (EFD), raštu. − Pritariu šiai rezoliucijai, kadangi ilgalaikis viešųjų ir privačiųjų finansų tvarumas yra būtina stabilumo ir augimo sąlyga. Dauguma valstybių narių susiduria su dideliais sunkumais siekdamos atkurti viešųjų finansų tvarumą. Ypatingas dėmesys turi būti skiriamas ilgalaikėms fiskalinio konsolidavimo strategijoms. Be to, labai svarbu užtikrinti, kad viešųjų finansų konsolidavimas nebūtų vykdomas socialinės apsaugos ir viešųjų paslaugų sistemų sąskaita.

 
  
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  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. É importante zelar pelo equilíbrio sustentável das finanças dos Estados-Membros, mas também garantir menos desequilíbrio e maior integração orçamental e económica, acompanhada de maior solidariedade entre países. A questão das finanças públicas dos países da UEM no contexto da crise económica e financeira é muito delicada, uma vez que finanças públicas pouco saudáveis podem comprometer o desenvolvimento económico e social dos países, bem como a sua estabilidade política. Apesar de muitos desafios persistirem ainda no que toca ao controlo das dívidas e défices excessivos, alguns passos foram dados no sentido de garantir maior consolidação e equilíbrio orçamental, bem como contenção do contágio entre países. Neste relatório, o Parlamento considera que os países devem canalizar esforços em estratégias de equilíbrio orçamental de médio a longo prazo, ajustadas ao seu caso específico, e tendo em conta a necessidade de gerar crescimento e desenvolvimento acompanhados de uma proteção social justa e progresso da qualidade de vida dos cidadãos. A orientação dos países deve ir no sentido da concretização de medidas como a redução assertiva das despesas públicas e reformas estruturais, acompanhada da promoção de investimento público e privado. Por concordar genericamente com o conteúdo deste relatório, votei favoravelmente.

 
  
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  Paulo Rangel (PPE), por escrito. A questão das finanças públicas dos países da UEM no contexto da crise económica e financeira é delicada, uma vez que finanças públicas pouco saudáveis podem comprometer o desenvolvimento económico e social dos países, bem como a sua estabilidade política. Neste sentido, urge zelar pelo equilíbrio sustentável das finanças dos Estados-Membros, mas garantir também um menor desequilíbrio e uma maior integração orçamental e económica, assistida pela solidariedade que está na génese da UE. Apesar dos desafios que enfrentamos no que toca ao controlo das dívidas e défices excessivos, alguns passos foram já dados para garantir a consolidação e o equilíbrio orçamental, bem como a contenção do contágio entre os vários países. Neste relatório, o Parlamento considera que os países devem canalizar esforços que conduzam a estratégias de equilíbrio orçamental de médio e longo prazo, ajustadas ao seu caso específico, tendo em conta a necessidade de gerar crescimento e desenvolvimento, acompanhados de uma proteção social justa e do progresso da qualidade de vida dos cidadãos. A orientação dos países deve ir no sentido da concretização de medidas como a reforma dos sistemas de pensões, promoção de investimento público e privado, redução assertiva das despesas públicas e reformas estruturais. Por concordar com esta perspetiva, votei favoravelmente o presente relatório.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. The EPP rapporteur initially drafted a very liberal-conservative one-sided report advocating more austerity in combination with structural reforms so as to regain market confidence. However, several Green inflexions and proposals aimed at rebalancing the original draft report were finally taken into account and duly integrated in the report. On the positive side, the report contains a recognition that the economic downturn threatens the consolidation efforts; a recognition that private debt is a major cause of the crisis, next to public debt; an explicit call for differentiated fiscal consolidation and encouragement to revise consolidation paths when the macroeconomic environment changes; a call to release assumptions made when assessing multiplier effects of expenditure on GDP; explicit wording stressing the need to safeguard EU2020-related and sustainable-growth-enhancing expenditure such as R&D, education, health and energy efficiency; a call for combating tax fraud & evasion; and a call for addressing macroeconomic imbalances in a symmetric rationale.

 
  
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  Monika Smolková (S&D), písomne. − Hospodárska, finančná a banková kríza neustupuje ani napriek tomu, že v krajinách EÚ sa podarili významné kroky na konsolidáciu verejných financií. Uplatňovanie stratégií podporujúcich rast sa mnohokrát rozchádza s reálnymi možnosťami, keď sa sústreďujú na potrebu šetriť znižovaním pracovných miest, znižovaním miezd, sociálnym zabezpečením dôchodkov a pod. Tento stav podčiarkuje i skutočnosť, že dnes 7,5 mil. mladých ľudí do 25 rokov začína svoj deň bez možnosti ísť do práce. Je potrebné zvážiť zvyšovanie skutočného dôchodkového veku, lebo sociálne zdroje, ktoré by im pripadli ako dôchodcom, dnes vyplácame mladým ľuďom v nezamestnanosti, pričom mladí absolútne strácajú pracovné návyky až po svoje uplatnenie v živote. Preto by sme sa s plným nasadením a využitím všetkých prostriedkov mali venovať daňovej disciplíne, daňovým únikom do daňových rajov a na každom kroku sa venovať šedej ekonomike a zároveň nezabúdať na ďalšie zdroje, ktoré sú v kapitálových výnosov, spotrebných daniach, daniach za znečisťovanie či v daniach z nehnuteľnosti.

 
  
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  Bart Staes (Verts/ALE), schriftelijk. − De uitslag van de stemming is duidelijk. Een meerderheid van het EP wil dat de Europese Commissie en de ministers van Financiën ten volle gebruik gaan maken van de flexibiliteit in de Europese begrotingsregels om zo de schadelijke effecten van bezuinigen op de economie tegen te gaan. Deze stemming betekent een belangrijk keerpunt want de conservatief-liberale meerderheid binnen de Europese Commissie en de Ministerraad was de afgelopen jaren blind voor de negatieve effecten van de bezuinigingen op de economie. Ook in het Europees Parlement waren rechtse partijen kritiekloos over het gevoerde bezuinigingsbeleid. Langzaam maar zeker begint nu ook bij hen door te dringen dat hun strategie niet werkt. In het Europees Parlement is er nu voor het eerst een meerderheid voor een toon met meer kritiek.

Begrotingscommissaris Olli Rehn heeft eind 2012 verschillende malen gepleit voor een soepelere toepassing van de Europese begrotingsnormen om zo de overheidsinvesteringen aan te jagen. De toon van het Europese debat verandert. Nu het beleid nog. De begrotingen moeten op orde, maar in een langzamer tempo zodat we de recessie niet onnodig verlengen. We moeten de eurolanden langer tijd geven voor het terugdringen van begrotingstekorten en ruimte voor duurzame en sociale investeringen.

 
  
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  Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – La crise économique, financière et bancaire n'a pas baissé en intensité. Les problèmes affectant les finances publiques compromettent le développement socio-économique et la stabilité politique. Le ratio de la dette publique par rapport au PIB dans la zone euro a progressé, passant de 86,2 % au premier trimestre 2011 à 88,2 % au premier trimestre 2012.

Il semble que les récentes réformes du cadre de la gouvernance économique et budgétaire de l'Union européenne ne peuvent, à elles seules, résoudre la crise. Une action de grande ampleur est nécessaire pour apporter une réponse symétrique aux déséquilibres macrofinanciers excessifs et renforcer le niveau général de convergence socio-économique et de solidarité de l'Union économique et monétaire.

Je reste très préoccupé par le fait que, malgré les efforts de réforme et d'assainissement conduits par les États membres, les tensions persistent sur les marchés des obligations souveraines de la zone euro, comme le montrent l'ampleur des écarts de rendement et la forte volatilité des taux d'intérêt. Je constate que le déclencheur immédiat et la cause profonde en sont les préoccupations des marchés financiers quant à la solidité des finances du secteur public et du secteur privé dans certains pays de la zone euro.

 
  
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  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. A crise económica e financeira tem vindo a diminuir mas ainda não se encontra estabilizada, tendo-se identificado algumas questões de finanças públicas que afetam negativamente o desenvolvimento socioeconómico e a estabilidade política não só da União Europeia, como da generalidade dos Estados-Membros. Voto favoravelmente o presente relatório que visa recolocar as finanças públicas num caminho sustentável, salvaguardar a necessidade de reduzir os défices públicos através de programas equilibrados a médio/longo prazo e melhorar a coordenação e a consolidação orçamental na generalidade dos Estados-Membros. Por fim, defendo que as medidas de austeridade orçamental que visam equilibrar as finanças públicas devem estar em consonância com medidas que efetivamente promovam o crescimento e o emprego, para que o reequilíbrio orçamental seja sustentável nos anos vindouros.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru rezoluţia referitoare la finanţele publice în UEM – 2011 şi 2012. Consider că bugetul Uniunii Europene poate avea un rol important în reducerea dezechilibrelor macroeconomice şi sociale de pe întreg teritoriul Uniunii. Parlamentul European ia act de previziunile actuale ale Comisiei privind creşterea negativă a PIB pentru ansamblul UEM în 2013. Parlamentul European invită statele membre să aplice politici şi reforme orientate asupra creşterii economice, în conformitate cu Strategia Europa 2020, ţinând seama de protecţia socială, de incluziunea socială şi de investiţiile publice. Sustenabilitatea pe termen lung a finanţelor publice şi private reprezintă o condiţie esenţială pentru creşterea economică şi pentru menţinerea cheltuielilor publice, inclusiv a investiţiilor, la un nivel adecvat. De asemenea, rata ridicată a şomajului în rândul tinerilor va afecta şi dezvoltarea economică pe viitor. Solicităm statelor membre să adopte măsuri concrete pentru reducerea şomajului în rândul tinerilor. Parlamentul European salută noul accent pus pe descentralizarea bugetară în Raportul Comisiei privind finanţele publice în UEM în 2012 şi sugerează ca, în viitoarele ediţii, să se includă întotdeauna un capitol privind finanţele publice de la nivel local şi regional.

 
  
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  Ramon Tremosa i Balcells (ALDE), in writing. − How to take care of public finances to make them sustainable is the main political and economic issue of this decade. And to achieve this objective, this Parliament believes that spending cuts are a much more effective strategy than tax rises, particularly if they are growth-oriented. This report also highlights the great importance of raising new revenue through fighting tax evasion. Moreover, there are two very interesting ideas that I would like to draw your attention to: First, this Parliament will state that regions that do not have responsibility on the revenue side and are funded only through central government transfers are more prone to fail in their fiscal consolidation efforts. Second, ministries and sub-sectors of government without concrete powers should be eliminated, as it makes no sense to make fiscal consolidation efforts in our social services while we maintain useless bureaucracy.

 
  
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  Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. Bereits aufgrund der sorgfältigen Beachtung der Rechte der Arbeitnehmer und den begrüßenswerten Forderungen nach stabilem Sozialschutz im Rahmen der Haushaltskonsolidierungen ist diesem Bericht zuzustimmen. Differenzierte Vorschläge, die sowohl die makroökonomische Dimension des Wirtschaftsraums als auch die Bedürfnisse der europäischen Bürgerinnen und Bürger hinreichend beachten, sind ein weiterer Grund für die Zustimmung. Die Hinweise und Vorschläge an die Kommission wie auch an die Mitgliedstaaten sind konsistent, sinnvoll und nachvollziehbar.

 
  
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  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Não restam dúvidas sobre a cumplicidade da maioria do PE em relação à dita política de austeridade. Este relatório é mais uma prova disso mesmo. Aqui se reincide na contradição de que a austeridade pode ser aplicada com uma política de crescimento económico, ideia defendida pela social-democracia na tentativa de branquear a sua conivência com o rumo de desastre económico e social que está a ser imposto a países como Portugal. Para além de validar o caminho que tem vindo a ser imposto a vários países em termos de finanças públicas, o qual não só não resolveu nenhum dos problemas que se propunha, nomeadamente o défice e a dívida pública, como os aprofundou, transformando dívida privada em dívida pública, privatizando empresas públicas (perdendo lucros e impostos), aumentando impostos sobre os trabalhadores, cortando em direitos laborais e sociais. A maioria do PE defende que se vá ainda mais longe. Defende a implementação da Estratégia 2020, a redução dos impostos sobre o trabalho para as empresas (ameaçando a sustentabilidade da segurança social), o aumento da idade da reforma, a ligação dos salários à produtividade, a liberalização de vários setores e a privatização de empresas públicas, despedimentos na administração pública e a extinção de níveis de administração (freguesias e municípios).

 

9.6. Agences de notation de crédit (A7-0221/2012 - Leonardo Domenici)
Vidéo des interventions
  

Oral explanations of vote

 
  
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  Iva Zanicchi (PPE). - Signor Presidente, per la terza volta in tre anni il Parlamento europeo è chiamato a discutere di questioni relative alle agenzie di rating del credito. È innegabile come tali agenzie, in un periodo di grave crisi finanziaria come quella che stiamo vivendo, possano influenzare con i loro giudizi gli scenari economici e i prezzi dei titoli pubblici emessi degli Stati membri. Concordo quindi con l'esigenza di disciplinare al meglio l'operato delle agenzie di rating, per ridurre le possibilità che giudizi affrettati e dichiarazioni poco accorte possano influire in modo negativo sui mercati internazionali.

 
  
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  Giommaria Uggias (ALDE). - Signor Presidente, mi complimento innanzitutto con il collega Domenici per il lavoro svolto, e dico che con questo regolamento diamo un primo importante quadro normativo al mercato delle società di rating, pur sapendo che ciò non è sufficiente a metterci al riparo dalla strumentalizzazione del ruolo che le attuali agenzie di valutazione hanno messo in atto nel passato.

Il tentativo di aprire questo mercato a nuovi soggetti potrebbe servire a migliorare tutto il sistema, fin qui eccessivamente concentrato, e riteniamo che la strada maestra sia quella, effettivamente, di scindere senza possibili conflitti di interessi attività di queste agenzie da qualsiasi altro tipo di attività economica.

Devo dire, pur consapevole della diversità del tema – che in qualche modo è stato comunque introdotto oggi dalla Presidenza irlandese – che va affermata anche l'opportunità e la necessità di sancire una netta separazione tra attività bancaria tradizionale e attività di investimento, ovvero banche di deposito e di concessione del credito da una parte e banche di investimento dall'altra.

Anche ciò garantirebbe una maggiore trasparenza, riducendo il rischio che i risparmi dei consumatori vengano sempre utilizzati impropriamente e a fine di speculazione occulta. Tuttavia, il testo che oggi abbiamo discusso e approvato forse è il migliore accordo possibile per questa Assemblea: è auspicabile comunque che in futuro, quando si tornerà a discutere su questo argomento, si prenda in considerazione un intervento più incisivo.

 
  
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  Janusz Władysław Zemke (S&D). - Panie Przewodniczący! Jest faktem, że po raz trzeci w ciągu ostatnich dwóch lat Parlament Europejski pochyla się i zajmuje się działalnością agencji ratingowych. Potwierdza to nie tylko skomplikowanie tej trudnej problematyki, ale także fakt, że nie potrafimy jeszcze odbudować pełnej wiarygodności tych instytucji. Celowo kładę nacisk na słowo wiarygodność, gdyż agencje ratingowe powinny być – a niestety nie zawsze są – instytucjami zaufania. Rozporządzenie, moim zdaniem, jest rozporządzeniem idącym w dobrym kierunku. Są to rozwiązania kierunkowo słuszne, chciałbym jednak zwrócić uwagę na fakt, że to rozporządzenie nie rozwiązuje wszystkich problemów związanych z funkcjonowaniem tych agencji. Mimo to zasługuje ono na poparcie.

 
  
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  Monica Luisa Macovei (PPE). - Mr President, through their notation, credit rating agencies have a substantial impact on the financial economy of any country and definitely on the daily life of citizens. The 2008 subprime crisis, together with the bankruptcy of Enron, revealed the severe weaknesses existing within credit rating agencies in terms of transparency and conflict of interest.

I welcome the measures put forward by the report to guarantee the independence of the credit rating agencies. I commend the limits introduced on cross-shareholdings and especially the fact that a member or shareholder of a credit rating agency must publicly declare any share he or she holds in another agency, that these shares cannot exceed 5 % and that credit rating agencies are not allowed to hold a stake of more than 10 % in any entity that they rate. These are promising steps for greater transparency within these institutions.

 
  
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  Alfredo Antoniozzi (PPE). - Signor Presidente, come abbiamo potuto constatare negli ultimi anni, e in particolar modo durante questo periodo di crisi economica, l'attività delle agenzie di rating del credito ha avuto un grande impatto sul comportamento degli attori economico-finanziari e sulla vita delle istituzioni pubbliche. La loro influenza continua a suscitare tutt'ora dibattiti, sia nella società civile che tra la classe politica.

Accolgo con favore la proposta della Commissione: tuttavia continuo a chiedermi se le misure adottate siano sufficienti a garantire un processo trasparente del funzionamento di queste agenzie e a fare chiarezza sulle logiche e interessi che vi sono realmente dietro. Penso che dovremmo fare ancora di più e voglio cogliere questa occasione per ribadire che, in generale, questo argomento dovrebbe essere, a mio avviso, oggetto di future e ulteriori discussioni in seno al Parlamento europeo.

 
  
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  Erminia Mazzoni (PPE). - Signor Presidente, anche io sono d'accordo che si poteva fare di più. Ma ritengo anche che con la relazione Domenici si sia aperta realmente la strada a un processo di cambiamento della disciplina del rating in Europa e, come ha detto lo stesso relatore durante la discussione di ieri, con questo voto in Aula si celebra un nuovo inizio molto positivo che, tra l'altro, è stato suggellato anche dall'unanimità che si è registrata ieri tra Commissione, Consiglio e Parlamento europeo su alcuni punti chiave.

In primo luogo, riprendendo le dichiarazioni del Commissario Barnier, si è dichiarata la necessità di una nuova regolamentazione perché il rating sia a beneficio del lavoro e della crescita e non delle speculazioni; si è trovata unità di intenti e di obiettivi per quanto riguarda la regolamentazione della responsabilità civile delle società di rating, per quanto riguarda i meccanismi per garantire la trasparenza e per evitare situazioni gravi di conflitto d'interesse.

Credo che abbiamo fatto un notevole passo avanti e per questo ho votato a favore della relazione Domenici.

 
  
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  Roberta Angelilli (PPE). - Signor Presidente, come è noto, attualmente le tre grandi agenzie di rating influenzano il 90% del mercato e agiscono quindi in un regime di oligopolio. Non ci sono quindi più le necessarie condizioni di indipendenza, con tutti i rischi conseguenti.

Bene quindi il nuovo regolamento, seppur perfettibile, come ha ribadito ieri il relatore, ma comunque bene perché fissa norme più chiare sulla trasparenza, sulla concorrenza, sul conflitto di interessi. Inoltre, novità importante, l'introduzione della responsabilità civile con sanzioni pecuniarie a carico delle agenzie di rating in caso di valutazioni fuorvianti, che nel recente passato hanno condizionato l'instabilità finanziaria, favorendo di fatto aggressioni speculative sui debiti sovrani. Importante poi è l'obiettivo, entro il 2016, di verificare la fattibilità di una vera e propria agenzia europea di rating.

 
  
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  Kay Swinburne (ECR). - Mr President, this is the third piece of EU legislation on credit rating agencies since the financial crisis of 2008. The world’s regulation of these often global research institutions has moved on. I hope that we will now give the existing legislation on rating agencies time to settle down on a global basis.

Clarifying the liability of ratings agencies is sensible, and attempts to broaden the market participants, if done properly, should aid competition and lead to improvement in the quality of analysis. However, today’s report introduces blunt tools to try to change behaviour in very sophisticated financial markets.

It is a sad reflection of our rush in the EU to legislate on financial services post-crisis, particularly using regulations and not directives, that there have been three dossiers in a single parliamentary term attempting to establish a regulatory framework for a small, however systemically important, category of financial service provider.

 
  
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  Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE). - Señor Presidente, he votado a favor de este informe porque creo que la falta de transparencia es una de las condiciones que ha propiciado la crisis que vivimos. Ese problema se proyecta no solo sobre el funcionamiento del sistema financiero, que ha deparado algunos sonados escándalos, sino también sobre algunos organismos de control, como las agencias de calificación.

Creo que es una buena idea extender a estas organizaciones condiciones de trabajo que son moneda corriente en las empresas que auditan cualquier tipo de cuentas. Entre ellas están prevenir y limitar los conflictos de intereses, evitar la difusión de notas de calificación en momentos críticos, que pueden favorecer la especulación, y completar los resultados de la calificación con información sobre el método y los datos empleados para elaborarla.

Pero lo que me parece definitivo es que las agencias asuman, frente a terceros, las consecuencias de sus errores de manera efectiva, incluyendo indemnizaciones por los daños injustamente causados. Creo que esa previsión va a ser lo que en castellano llamamos «mano de santo».

 
  
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  Ewald Stadler (NI). - Herr Präsident! Ich möchte die Gründe für meine Zustimmung, die schon von meinen Vorrednern genannt wurden, aus Gründen der Zeitersparnis nicht wiederholen. Insbesondere das, was Kollegin Macovei und Kollege Antoniozzi gesagt haben, war auch für mich wichtig.

Ich möchte nur eine Klarstellung treffen. In Ziffer 36a des geänderten Texts des Ausschusses wird die Schaffung einer europäischen Schuldenbehörde verlangt. Eine derartige Schuldenaufsicht ist für mich richtig und wichtig. Ich unterstütze das. Es ist auch Transparenz für die Anleger wichtig und richtig. Wenn allerdings eine derartige Behörde dazu führen soll, dass in Zukunft Schulden vergemeinschaftet werden sollen, dann sage ich jetzt schon nein dazu. Wenn es dazu führen sollte, dass gemeinsame europäische Schuldentitel eingeführt werden sollen, dann sage ich jetzt schon nein dazu. Für mich kann eine derartige Behörde – und diese Klarstellung ist für mich bedeutsam – keine Vorstufe für europäische Anleihen oder für eine andere Form der Vergemeinschaftung der Schulden sein.

 
  
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  Oreste Rossi (EFD). - Signor Presidente, le agenzie di rating sono organismi autonomi che rilasciano valutazioni sulla capacità o meno di una società o di uno Stato di onorare i propri debiti, oppure sulla sua stabilità, e quindi credibilità economica e finanziaria. È evidente che tali valutazioni comportano scelte da parte degli investitori e quindi continue possibili oscillazioni di borsa.

Da quando sono stato eletto, ho insistito affinché fosse depotenziato l'impatto delle scelte che queste società fanno sull'economia e che fosse istituita un'agenzia di rating a carattere europeo. Finalmente, si è arrivati a una proposta di regolamento in codecisione con il Consiglio che approvo convintamente.

La garanzia che i giudizi delle agenzie di rating siano imparziali e di alta qualità; che le stesse possano essere ritenute responsabili per danni derivanti dalle loro scelte; che sia ridotto l'eccessivo affidamento ai rating, in particolare per le banche; che i giudizi sul debito pubblico degli Stati possano essere fatti solo tre volte l'anno per evitare di comprometterne la stabilità; che la Commissione europea entro il 2016 presenti il progetto di un'agenzia di rating europea: tutte proposte, queste, che ritengo fondamentali.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock (ECR). - Mr President, credit rating agencies have been widely blamed for their role in the financial crisis of 2008. They triple-A rated the US mortgage-backed securities, which ultimately caused the collapse of institutions such as Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers and AIG.

This legislation now opens up competition in a notoriously uncompetitive market, where 90% of ratings are made by three companies: Moody’s, Standard and Poor’s and Fitch’s. There were accusations in the past, which seem to have been resolved now, of conflicts of interest.

However, it is debatable whether the report goes about these aims in the right way. Ruling on how often a rating agency may make judgments on sovereign debt is somewhat odd. Do we really believe that a proscriptive and rushed approach by restricting these people to a view for only three times a year is going to decrease volatility? In actual fact this may in reality increase the volatility, for example by necessitating more severe downgrades than would previously have been necessary. It is also harmful as it limits the freedom of the credit rating agencies to act on their own best judgment as to when ratings should be modified.

Overall it was a poorish report so I abstained.

 
  
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  Peter Jahr (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Ich habe auch für den vorliegenden Bericht gestimmt, weil er in die richtige Richtung geht. Drei Dinge waren für mich ganz wichtig. Erstens sage ich immer, Ratingagenturen sollten wir zu dem machen, was sie eigentlich sind. Sie sind Hilfe für eine Entscheidung, sie sind nicht die Entscheidung selbst. Ich finde es außerordentlich wichtig, dass auch Ratingagenturen – so wie jeder Handwerker – für ihr eigentliches wirtschaftliches Tun haften müssen, wenn sie große Fehler machen.

Zweitens ist auch richtig festgestellt worden, dass wir auch bei den Ratingagenturen Wettbewerb brauchen, eine europäische Ratingagentur ist also überfällig. Aber drittens sollten wir auch bedenken: Auch eine Ratingagentur kann eine schlechte Finanzierung nicht einfach ändern oder eine schlechte Finanzierungssituation nicht schönreden. Das Problem wird also durch die Ratingagenturen nicht beseitigt.

Aber eine Vergemeinschaftlichung der Schulden wäre diesbezüglich auch nicht hilfreich. Noch einmal: Ratingagenturen sind Hilfe für eine Entscheidung und nicht die Entscheidung selbst. Die sollte nach wie vor bei den Akteuren bleiben.

 
  
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  Anna Záborská (PPE). - Skúsenosť nás naučila, aké škody môže napáchať chybný rating agentúr, pokiaľ sa stane jediným podkladom pri prijímaní investičných rozhodnutí.

Návrh tohto nariadenia nemá pritom za cieľ chrániť súkromných investorov, pretože v ekonomike založenej na slobodnej voľbe je potrebné nechať priestor pre aktérov, aby mohli robiť dobré aj zlé rozhodnutia.

Musím však povedať, že návrh spravodajcu na zákaz nevyžiadaných ratingov štátneho dlhu ide nad rámec tohto cieľa. Nezávislé ratingy štátneho dlhu sú potrebné, inak hrozí, že štátne dlhy sa stanú problémom až v momente hroziaceho bankrotu.

 
  
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  Syed Kamall (ECR). - Mr President, when it comes to credit-rating agencies, I think some of the criticism is actually justified when you look at the role that the CRAs played in analysing credit default swaps and collateralised debt obligations. They clearly got it wrong and allowed some of the big players in the market to gain there formerly.

But they got it absolutely right when it came to government debt and the rating of government debt, and in fact quite often the credit rating agencies were simply following what the markets were saying anyway about that particular government’s debt. All we are doing in this case is really shooting the messenger rather than tackling the fundamental problems of debt.

But I think the most offensive thing I find about this proposal, as my colleague Kay Swinburne said, is that it is the third proposal in this area. Five years after the financial crisis we have not tackled the fundamental problems. It is time we made sure that explicitly there are no more taxpayer bail-outs of failing banks and that banks have an orderly wind-down procedure to make sure taxpayers do not pay for it; that directors are liable or more responsible for failing banks and pay the price, and finally that accounting standards are sorted out to stop banks and others booking profits up front but not booking losses until they are actually made.

We need to move back to prudence in accounting so that losses are booked up front and profits are not booked until they are actually made. Sort out the crisis.

 
  
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  Daniel Hannan (ECR). - Mr President, it is hard to improve on what my colleague Martin Callanan said on this issue, that seeking to address the debt crisis by regulating the credit rating agencies is like seeking to improve the weather by regulating the weather forecasters. You do not improve the underlying problem by tackling the way it is reported.

But what particularly strikes me today is the timing of this report, because, if I heard him correctly, the President of the Commission yesterday assured us that the debt crisis was over, the existential threat, as he put it, to the euro has been lifted and we could all look forward to a period of prolonged growth. The President of the Council said the same thing. One after another the leaders of the various groups chorused their agreement. So what are we worried about?

Why are we regulating the credit rating agencies if the crisis is past? Could it be that we are less sure privately than we are letting on in public? Could it be that we still suspect that the underlying debt crisis is in place and untackled?

Yes, I think the existential crisis of the euro has past. That is Europe’s tragedy: that the euro, far from breaking apart, will remain in place, condemning its people to poverty, immiseration and emigration.

 
  
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  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Am votat în favoarea acestui raport, deoarece consider că încrederea excesivă acordată ratingurilor de credit trebuie limitată.

Prin informaţiile pe care le oferă, agenţiile de rating de credit îndeplinesc un rol important pe pieţele financiare. Cu toate acestea, ele nu oferă caracteristici ale unui titlu, cum ar fi riscul de lichiditate sau volatilitatea preţului. De aceea, informaţiile oferite de ele nu ar trebui privite ca fiind singurele criterii de evaluare a riscului de credit.

Cred că, dacă actorii de pe pieţele financiare vor evalua opiniile emise de agenţiile de rating de credit înainte de a lua anumite decizii, rata eşecurilor de pe pieţe va scădea considerabil. O încredere echilibrată în ratingurile de credit va contribui la o protejare mai eficientă a investitorilor şi a pieţelor financiare europene şi va scădea riscul de practici neloiale.

 
  
  

Written explanations of vote

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. Aprovo o presente relatório, considerando que é um importante passo em direção à liberdade dos Estados-Membros no que respeita à sua dependência das agências de notação de risco. As notações de endividamento público terão que ser submetidas a regras específicas de modo a tomar em consideração as especificidades das notações de dívida soberana. A notação da dívida soberana deve ser considerada como uma notação específica com requisitos específicos. Não podemos permitir que se continue a avaliar as economias nacionais sem claros critérios e metodologia. As novas regras sobre as notações das dívidas soberanas poderão prevenir que as Agências de Notação de Crédito possam interferir com a agenda política. Para além disso, esta é a primeira vez que temos uma orientação para a criação de uma Agência de Notação de Risco Europeia que poderia ser proposta pela Comissão até ao final de 2016. Esta agência asseguraria as notações da dívida soberana dos Estados-Membros.

 
  
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  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE), raštu. − Balsavau už šią svarbią rezoliuciją, kadangi ES finansų rinkų reglamentavimas, reguliavimas ir priežiūra toli gražu nėra tobuli. Dabar kredito reitingų agentūras Europos Sąjungoje prižiūri naujoji Europos vertybinių popierių ir rinkų institucija (EVPRI), galinti jas bausti už taisyklių pažeidimus. Čia priminsiu, kad Europos Parlamentas jau 2011 m. birželio mėn. rezoliucijoje ragino sustiprinti reguliavimo sistemą ir atkreipė dėmesį į būtinybę sumažinti per didelį kliovimąsi reitingų agentūromis. Ši Europos Parlamento rezoliucija – bandymas sustiprinti ES finansų rinkų reguliavimą ir priežiūrą, siūlant pataisas ir papildymus kredito reitingų agentūrų veiklos ir priežiūros taisyklėms. Manau, kad to reikia ir ES, ir Lietuvai, nes kredito reitingų skelbiamų vertinimų pasekmės buvo ir gali būti labai skaudžios, nuostolius skaičiuojant milijonais eurų. Praeityje skelbiant kredito reitingus kartais be rimto pagrindo ar kieno nors interesų buvo padaryta žala ne tik atskirų investuotojų, bet ir valstybių patikimumui. Šia rezoliucija Europos Parlamentas siekia, kad reitingų agentūrose ir jų skelbiamuose reitinguose būtų maksimaliai išvengta interesų konfliktų, kad valstybių kredito reitingai būtų skelbiami ne kartą per metus, kaip iki šiol, dažniau, bent du kartus per metus. Be to, iš kredito agentūrų reikalaujama didesnio jų veiklos skaidrumo. Daugiau niekada neturėtų atsitikti taip, kad duomenų atskleidimo laikas ir būdas priklausytų nuo vienašališkų reitingų agentūrų sprendimų.

 
  
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  Elena Oana Antonescu (PPE), în scris. − Activităţile agenţiilor de rating de credit au un impact extrem de ridicat asupra actorilor economici şi financiari şi asupra instituţiilor publice. Tocmai de aceea, este esenţial ca acestea să opereze într-un cadru de reglementare cât mai riguros şi adaptat evoluţiilor recente de pe pieţele financiare. Consider că propunerea Comisiei are potenţialul de a soluţiona problema dependenţei instituţiilor de credit şi firmelor de investiţii de ratingurile externe ale agenţiilor de rating de credit, prin încurajarea creării de modele interne de evaluare a riscurilor şi impunerea de obligaţii în materie de diligenţă. Salut introducerea normelor care au ca scop soluţionarea conflictele de interese ce ar putea afecta calitatea ratingurilor propuse, asigurându-se, în acest fel, independenţa agenţiilor de rating. Am votat în favoarea acestei rezoluţii.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – Ce rapport a permis l’adoption de nouvelles règles sur le moment et la manière dont les agences notent les dettes des États et la santé financière des firmes privées. J’ai voté en faveur de ce texte car il autorise les agences à émettre des notations d'une dette souveraine non sollicitées uniquement à des dates fixes et permet aux investisseurs privés de les poursuivre en justice en cas de négligence. Par ailleurs, les participations des agences dans les entités notées seront plafonnées en vue de réduire les conflits d'intérêt.

 
  
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  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už pasiūlymą sugriežtinti kredito reitingų agentūrų, nuo kurių sprendimų priklauso valstybių ekonominė ir politinė perspektyva ir kokia kaina valstybės gali skolintis tarptautinėje paskolų rinkoje, veiklos reguliavimą. Pagrindinis pasiūlymo tikslas – mažinti per didelį rinkos dalyvių kliovimąsi reitingais, spręsti interesų konfliktų problemas ir didinti kredito reitingų agentūrų darbo skaidrumą ir konkurencingumą. Pritariu išdėstytiems pasiūlymams investuotojams naudotis ES vidaus reitingais, mažiau kliaunantis išorės kredito reitingų agentūromis, struktūrizuotų finansinių priemonių emitentams gauti kreditingumo vertinimus iš dviejų skirtingų agentūrų. Taip pat pritariu, kad asmenys, turintys daugiau nei 10 % agentūros kapitalo, negalėtų turėti 10 % ir daugiau vertinamo asmens kapitalo ir kad joks reitingų agentūros narys ar akcininkas negalėtų turėti daugiau negu 5 % kitos agentūros akcijų. Taip pat būtina nustatyti griežtesnius reikalavimus dėl valstybių reitingų skelbimo laiko, agentūrų skelbiami reitingai turi būti geriau pagrįsti, be to jos neturėtų skelbti tiesioginių politinių rekomendacijų valstybėms narėms. Svarbu, kad investuotojai turėtų galimybę laikyti kredito reitingų agentūrą atsakinga už bet kokią žalą, patirtą dėl taisyklių pažeidimo, turėjusio poveikį reitingavimo rezultatui.

 
  
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  Erik Bánki (PPE), írásban. − A mai strasbourgi plenáris ülésen nagy többséggel megszavazásra került ez a jelentéstervezet, amely újabb mérföldkő lehet az elmúlt hónapok során gyakran vitatott tevékenységet végző hitelminősítő intézetek működésének szabályozásában. Felveti például a nem-kezdeményezett államadósság-minősítések tilalmát, valamint megvizsgálná, hogy egy hitelminősítő intézmény minősíthet-e egyáltalán tagállami hitelképességet. A tervezet elfogadásával további korlátozásra kerülhetnek a minősítői tevékenységgel már jelentős jövedelmet szerzett hitelminősítők egyesülései, valamint a strukturált pénzügyi termékek eddig korlátlan minősítései is. A jelentést szavazatommal támogattam.

 
  
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  Regina Bastos (PPE), por escrito. Uma agência de notação de risco qualifica determinados produtos financeiros ou ativos (de empresas, governos ou países), avalia, atribui notas e classifica segundo o grau de risco no cumprimento das suas dívidas no prazo fixado. Assim sendo, estas agências ajudam a definir um preço justo para os ativos em causa. Com o eclodir da crise financeira e das dívidas soberanas, estas agências têm sido acusadas de ter impulsionado a crise, por avaliações levianas ou erradas de alguns ativos, o que distorce os mercados e prejudica quer investidores quer emitentes. Assim, a proposta da Comissão Europeia para regular o funcionamento das agências de notação vem, desta forma, aumentar a transparência, reduzir a excessiva dependência dos mercados relativamente às notações, introduzir a responsabilidade civil das agências perante os investidores e evitar potenciais conflitos de interesses. Enfatiza-se a promoção da diminuição da dependência das notações externas, limitação de participações cruzadas de acionistas em várias agências ou entre estas e seus clientes, regras de rotatividade, proibição de publicação arbitrária de ratings, etc. Tendo em conta a importância destas medidas para a estabilidade dos mercados, especialmente da dívida soberana, concedo todo o meu apoio ao presente relatório.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Bennahmias (ALDE), par écrit. – Les agences de notation ont progressivement vu leur rôle dans l'économie considérablement renforcé. La liberté d'opinion est une chose acquise dans nos sociétés mais elle doit évidemment s'accompagner de règles juridiques permettant de prévenir les dérapages qui dans le cas présent peuvent avoir des conséquences extraordinairement lourdes pour la stabilité économique. Il était urgent que le sujet arrive à l'ordre du jour du Parlement européen. Le point central du rapport consiste à prévenir les conflits d'intérêt et à préciser le cadre juridique des activités des agences. Si je regrette que la création d'une agence européenne indépendante ne soit abordée qu'à la marge et à une échéance de 2016 qui me semble pour le moins lointaine, je me suis néanmoins prononcé pour ce rapport qui va dans le bon sens.

 
  
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  Nora Berra (PPE), par écrit. – Accusées dans un premier temps de ne pas avoir prévu la crise financière de 2007, puis critiquées d’alimenter la crise des dettes souveraines, les agences de notation devront désormais se soumettre aux nouvelles règles européennes. Ces nouvelles règles, que j’ai voté ce mercredi, ont pour objectif des les rendre plus responsables. Comment? En ne leur permettant d’émettre des notations de dettes souveraines non sollicitées qu’à des dates fixes et en limitant les conflits d’intérêts entre ces dernières et les établissements financiers.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Ho sostenuto col mio voto la relazione dell'on. Domenici sulla modifica del regolamento (CE) n. 1060/2009 relativo alle agenzie di rating del credito. Il testo mette bene in evidenza due fenomeni importanti: da un lato il fatto che le agenzie di rating commettono errori anche in relazione all'affidabilità di taluni Stati, dall'altro l'eccessivo affidamento dei mercati e delle autorità ai giudizi di queste agenzie. Queste circostanze impongono l'introduzione di una normativa che responsabilizzi queste società rispetto al loro operato: esse devono assumere la completa responsabilità dei giudizi emessi e devono essere sanzionate quando li emettono in violazione delle normative o in modo superficiale, arrecando così danni tanto alla collettività quanto agli investitori.

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, kadangi kredito reitingų agentūrų veikla turi didelį poveikį ekonomikos ir finansų veikėjų elgesiui ir viešųjų institucijų veikimui. Savo ruožtu Europos Parlamentas 2011 m. birželio mėn. priėmė teisėkūros rezoliuciją (pagrįstą 2010 m. birželio mėn. Komisijos komunikatu), kurioje ragino sustiprinti reguliavimo sistemą ir atkreipė dėmesį į būtinybę sumažinti per didelį pasitikėjimą reitingų agentūromis. Pasiūlyme dėl reglamento (COM(2011)0747), kuriuo iš dalies keičiamas Reglamentas (EB) Nr. 1060/2009, nurodoma, jog taisyklės, kuriomis reglamentuojami valstybės skolinimosi reitingai, bet kokiomis formomis turėtų būti stiprinamos, kad šie reitingai būtų aukštesnės kokybės. Manau, jog didžioji dalis siūlomų dalykų yra labai svarbūs ir daugumai jų galima iš esmės pritarti, tačiau kai kurias nuostatas dar reikia paaiškinti ir sustiprinti, kad būtų išvengta nepageidaujamų pasekmių įgyvendinant šias priemones.

 
  
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  Philippe Boulland (PPE), par écrit. – Tout le monde se souvient des polémiques sur les agences de notation et le triple A de la France et le "pouvoir" des 3 agences de notations leaders sur ce marché. Ces agences se pensaient jusqu'à présent libres de faire la pluie ou le beau temps sur les situations financières des Etats à travers leurs notations, elles se sont crues inattaquables. La réplique est enfin arrivée, non pas du côté des Etats membres, mais de l'Europe. Après avoir proposé la création d'une agence de notation européenne qui ferait concurrence aux agences américaines, le Parlement a adopté des règles plus strictes en matière de notation des dettes des États ou des crédits. De même, afin d'éviter toutes spéculations sur les mauvais résultats d'un État, les notations se feront sur demande afin de limiter les conflit. Et les publications de notations devront se faire après la fermeture des marchés établis dans l'UE et au moins une heure avant leur réouverture. Enfin, les agences de notation pourront être poursuivies en justice si une de ces règles n'est pas respectée Ces mesures prises au niveau européen devraient nous permettre d'éviter des crises financières de l'ampleur de celles que nous venons de connaître.

 
  
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  John Bufton (EFD), in writing. − The proposals outlined in this report interfere in business methods, activities and ownership to the point that they stifle and restrict their execution. They interfere in the automatic mechanisms driven by credit ratings; significantly add to the costs and risks of doing business – which is likely to stifle the CRA market; and restrict freedom of speech with regard to rating banks’ credit risks and commenting on economic policies of sovereign states. I therefore voted against this report.

 
  
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  Cristian Silviu Buşoi (ALDE), în scris. − Agenţiile de rating de credit au un impact major asupra dobânzii la care se împrumută autorităţile publice şi diferiţi actori economici, prin urmare o mai bună reglementare în acest domeniu este absolut necesară. Am votat în favoarea acestui raport, pentru că va asigura o mai mare independenţă agenţiilor de rating, clarificând şi sancţionând situaţiile de conflict de interese.

 
  
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  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. Uma agência de notação de risco qualifica determinados produtos financeiros ou ativos (de empresas, governos ou países), avalia, atribui notas e classifica segundo o grau de risco no cumprimento das suas dívidas no prazo fixado. Assim sendo, estas agências ajudam a definir um preço justo para os ativos em causa. Com o eclodir da crise financeira e das dívidas soberanas, estas agências têm sido acusadas de ter impulsionado a crise, por avaliações levianas ou erradas de alguns ativos, o que distorce os mercados e prejudica quer investidores quer emitentes. Assim, a proposta da Comissão para regular o funcionamento das agências de notação vem, desta forma, aumentar a transparência, reduzir a excessiva dependência dos mercados relativamente às notações, introduzir a responsabilidade civil das agências perante os investidores e evitar potenciais conflitos de interesses. Das medidas propostas pela Comissão e pelo Parlamento enfatiza-se a promoção da diminuição da dependência das notações externas, limitação de participações cruzadas de acionistas em várias agências ou entre estas e seus clientes, regras de rotatividade, proibição de publicação arbitrária de notações, etc. Tendo em conta a importância destas medidas para a estabilidade dos mercados, especialmente da dívida soberana, concedo todo o meu apoio ao presente relatório.

 
  
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  Carlos Coelho (PPE), por escrito. A atividade das agências de notação de risco (ANR) tem um forte impacto no comportamento dos agentes económicos, bem como nas instituições públicas. Nos últimos tempos, no quadro da crise financeira e das dívidas soberanas, estas agências têm sido acusadas de ter impulsionado a crise, por avaliações levianas ou erradas de alguns ativos, o que distorce os mercados e prejudica quer investidores quer os emitentes desses ativos. A atual crise das dívidas soberanas veio sublinhar a necessidade de rever os requisitos processuais, de transparência e periodicidade da publicação, em particular para as notações soberanas, muitas vezes pelos efeitos negativos que as publicações de notações menos transparentes ou em momentos menos adequados causaram em muitos países. Apoio e considero positiva esta nova regulamentação proposta pela Comissão, que vem por um lado obrigar as ANR a uma calendarização específica, a uma metodologia e fontes de informação de cálculo das notações transparente e reduzir a dependência excessiva das notações externas por parte dos investidores e emitentes de obrigações. Aplaudo a introdução da responsabilidade civil das agências em caso de dolo ou negligência grave nas suas avaliações bem como normas de conflito de interesses entre estas avaliações e um seu acionista ou membro.

 
  
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  Anna Maria Corazza Bildt, Gunnar Hökmark och Anna Ibrisagic (PPE), skriftlig. − Vi röstade idag för två förslag till betänkanden om reglering av kreditvärderingsinstitut. Vi röstade för eftersom vi i grunden anser att det är bra att denna verksamhet regleras, inte minst som kreditbetyg fortfarande används som referens i lagstiftning och penningpolitiska sammanhang. Vi anser det däremot fel, som vissa delar av förslaget gör gällande, att på detaljnivå reglera hur kreditbetyg sätts och när de får ändras etc. Vi är också emot tanken att utreda möjligheten att etablera en europeisk kreditvärderingsstiftelse. Vid en samlad bedömning valde vi dock att med denna reservation ställa oss bakom de två förslagen.

 
  
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  George Sabin Cutaş (S&D), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea raportului privind agenţiile de rating de credit, deoarece este necesară o reglementare mai strictă a acestor companii. Măsurile pe care le-am votat urmăresc combaterea fenomenelor de oligopol şi conflict de interese şi limitarea influenţei acestor instituţii asupra unor decizii politice care ar trebui să fie rezultatul unui proces democratic. Agenţiile vor trebui să prezinte un calendar fix pentru publicarea evaluărilor de ţară şi nu vor mai putea difuza recomandări de ordin politic. Totodată, investitorii vor putea da în judecată agenţiile de rating, dacă acestea încalcă regulile stabilite prin intermediul acestui regulament.

 
  
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  Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D), în scris. − Consider utilă instituirea unei structuri interne de control în cadrul agenţiilor de rating de credit, lucru care ar permite prevenirea şi controlul unor posibile conflicte de interese, precum şi asigurarea unei independenţe a ratingurilor agenţiilor respective.

 
  
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  Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Grâce à ce vote, nous posons des bases saines pour la notation, et surtout la notation des dettes d'Etat. Ce texte contient beaucoup d'innovations en faveur desquelles je me suis exprimée. Mais je suis tout particulièrement sensible à l'inclusion de la notion de risque environnemental dans les notations de crédit : malgré la crise, nous n'oublions pas nos engagements en faveur de la protection de notre environnement. La finance ne doit plus être déconnectée des réalités, et cette mesure sera un symbole particulièrement puissant de cette ambition.

 
  
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  Christine De Veyrac (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce texte, qui vise à réguler le dogme d'infaillibilité des agences actuelles de notation de crédit en instaurant des notations plus claires et plus justes, et qui soutient également l'idée de la création d'une agence de notation européenne. Alors que les agences de notation font la pluie et le beau temps sur les marchés financiers, l'Union européenne se doit de proposer des règles de régulation qui augmentent la responsabilité civile de ces agences, afin de les rendre responsables en cas de notations mal conçues ou qui ont lésé les investisseurs ou les Etats membres. Grâce à ce texte, les agences devront dorénavant expliquer les principaux facteurs sur lesquels reposent leurs notations, et s'abstiendront d'émettre des commentaires sur la vie politique des Etats souverains. Ce sont aux citoyens de décider des politiques ou des réformes à entreprendre, et non aux agences de notations.

 
  
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  Anne Delvaux (PPE), par écrit. – Le vote d'aujourd'hui fait suite aux vives critiques adressées aux agences de notation, accusées dans un premier temps de ne pas avoir vu arriver la crise financière de 2008, puis d'avoir attisé la crise de la dette souveraine en dégradant, sans justification claire, la note de plusieurs Etats membres, menaçant un temps la zone euro d'implosion. C'est pourquoi je me réjouis du vote de ce nouveau règlement (déjà le 3ème depuis l'introduction d'un encadrement européen des agences de notation!) qui vient introduire un cadre plus strict pour les agences de notation. Ces nouvelles règles contribueront, je l'espère, à prévenir l'interférence des agences de notation dans l'agenda européen. Celles-ci seront notamment tenues de s'en tenir à trois notations souveraines non sollicitées par an. Elles devront également à l'avenir expliquer leur méthodologie. Les évaluations devront intervenir à dates fixes et les agences ne pourront en outre plus assortir leurs notations de recommandations sur les politiques à mener par les gouvernements. Elle devront donc faire preuve de plus de transparence et seront tenues responsables civilement en cas d'erreur intentionnelle ou de négligence. Je regrette toutefois que le texte n'aille pas assez loin pour lutter contre la mainmise des 'Big Three' (Standard and Poor's, Moody's, Fitch) sur la quasi-totalité du marché.

 
  
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  Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. Votei favoravelmente este relatório por defender a introdução de novas normas relacionadas com a atividade das agências de notação de risco, que visam aumentar a transparência, reduzir a excessiva dependência dos mercados relativamente às notações, introduzir a responsabilidade civil das agências perante os investidores e evitar potenciais conflitos de interesses.

 
  
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  Jill Evans (Verts/ALE), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report, as credit rating agencies play a central role in the world finance market and yet there are many concerns about various conflicts of interest. The new rules proposed are a step forward. In future these bodies will only be able to issue sovereign debt ratings at specific times and will be liable for damages in the event of ill-founded ratings. Unfavourable credit ratings have led to soaring public debt in many countries, which has caused financial hardship for a great number of people. The new rules will go some way to improving transparency and will make credit ratings easier to understand and provide greater stability, which is important for businesses and traders in Wales.

 
  
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  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. Na UE estão registadas 23 agências, no entanto, a Standard & Poor's, a Moody's e a Fitch têm uma quota de 96% do mercado (respetivamente 45%, 38% e 13%). A publicação intempestiva de notações soberanas contribuiu para a desorganização e desestabilização dos mercados. Por isso, doravante, as agências de notação deverão estabelecer um calendário anual das notações com um máximo de 3 notações não solicitadas. Estas notações serão publicadas à sexta-feira após o fecho dos mercados e pelo menos uma hora antes da abertura dos mesmos. Teremos, desta forma, uma maior transparência. Passa a haver um regime de responsabilidade civil, ao nível de toda a UE, que protegerá os investidores e os emissores. A questão do conflito dos interesses também é regulada. As novas regras proíbem aos acionistas de agências de notação (que possuam 10% ou mais de capital e/ou direito de voto) de deter 10% ou mais de ações na entidade sob avaliação. Fica ainda bloqueada a possibilidade de ser proprietário de mais de 5% do capital ou direitos de voto em mais do que uma agência, salvo se estas pertencerem ao mesmo grupo.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Este relatório contém medidas positivas que, de alguma forma, limitam alguns dos efeitos perniciosos das agências de notação de risco. São exemplos: pôr em causa a dependência do BCE das notações de risco das agências e a eliminação de alguns dos efeitos automáticos decorrentes das notações, que estiveram na base da falência de empresas como a Enron. São medidas que se inserem no objetivo enunciado pela Comissão de reduzir a dependência excessiva das agências de notação de riscos. A questão que se coloca é se, mesmo reduzida, a dependência se deve ou não manter. Com esta legislação, manter-se-á.

A própria Comissão Europeia reconhece poderem existir soluções alternativas às notações de crédito, mas remete o seu estudo para 2015 e a sua eventual implementação para depois desta data. Ou seja, a UE e os seus governos foram lestos a pôr os povos a pagar a dívida privada dos bancos, foram muito rápidos a atirar para as costas dos trabalhadores os custos dos desmandos do capital financeiro, mas quando se trata de pôr em causa o poder desse capital financeiro a coisa fia mais fino... O que é necessário é o controlo público, democrático, de todo o sistema financeiro, libertando-o das garras do grande capital financeiro especulativo.

 
  
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  Carlo Fidanza (PPE), per iscritto. − Attualmente le tre grandi agenzie di rating influenzano il 90% del mercato e agiscono quindi in un regime di oligopolio. Non ci sono quindi più le necessarie condizioni di indipendenza, con tutti i rischi conseguenti. Credo quindi che con il nuovo regolamento si potesse fare di più. Nonostante ciò, la relazione apre realmente la strada a un processo di cambiamento della disciplina del rating in Europa, fissando norme più chiare sulla trasparenza, sulla concorrenza, e sul conflitto di interessi. Inoltre, è una novità importante l'introduzione della responsabilità civile con sanzioni pecuniarie a carico delle agenzie di rating in caso di valutazioni fuorvianti, che nel recente passato hanno condizionato l'instabilità finanziaria, favorendo di fatto aggressioni speculative sui debiti sovrani. Fondamentale l'obiettivo, entro il 2016, di verificare la fattibilità di una vera e propria agenzia europea di rating.

 
  
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  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne. − Aktivity ratingových agentúr majú ďalekosiahly vplyv na správanie hospodárskych a finančných subjektov a na fungovanie verejných inštitúcií. Ich regulácia výrazne ovplyvní fungovanie finančných trhov. Návrh ukladá ratingovým agentúram nové povinnosti týkajúce sa transparentnosti, najmä pokiaľ ide o ľudské zdroje využívané pri vydávaní ratingov. Je nevyhnutné zabezpečiť riadnu rovnováhu medzi zúčastnenými stranami a dodržiavanie základné právnych zásad. Členské štáty sa musia oslobodiť od svojej závislosti od ratingových hodnotení. Hodnotenie musí byť nevyhnutne spojené s jasnými kritériami a jasnou metodikou.

 
  
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  Lorenzo Fontana (EFD), per iscritto. − Essendo chiaro il ruolo e l'influenza che hanno acquistato nell'ultimo periodo le agenzie di rating, protagoniste spesso di valutazioni sul debito sovrano di vari Paesi non corrette e intempestive, risulta necessario procedere ad una maggior regolamentazione del settore. Una maggiore responsabilità, trasparenza e indipendenza sono perciò necessarie. La creazione di un'agenzia europea, unitamente all'istituzione della responsabilità civile in caso di negligenza o dolo tali da produrre danni agli investitori, sono obiettivi pienamente condivisibili. Per tutti questi motivi, il mio voto è stato favorevole.

 
  
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  Ildikó Gáll-Pelcz (PPE), írásban. − Az Európai Unió kevesebb mint három év leforgása alatt már harmadszor szabályozza a piacot, az első körben bevezetett regisztrációs kötelezettségtől, illetve a hitelminősítőknek az európai felügyelőhatóság közvetlen ellenőrzése alá helyezésétől kezdve a mostani átfogó szabályozásig, ami várakozások szerint mélyreható változások előtt nyithatja meg az utat a szektorban Az egyik fő anomália a hitelminősítők véleményétől való túlzott mértékű függőség. Az európai és a nemzeti jogszabályok jelenleg számos esetben már-már intézményi státuszt tulajdonítanak a hitelminősítéseknek, a bankok számára kötelezően előírt tőketartalék-képzést például nem egy országban a hitelminősítői véleményekhez kötik. Ez egy nagyon rossz irány volt, s meglátásom szerint számos problémát is felvet. Szavazatommal támogattam a jelentést, hiszen az arra kötelezi a pénzügyi intézeteket, hogy erősítsék meg saját hitelkockázati elemzéseiket, és ne támaszkodjanak kizárólag és mechanikusan a külső hitelminősítőkre.

 
  
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  Pat the Cope Gallagher (ALDE), i scríbhinn. − Bíonn tionchar suntasach forleathan ag gníomhachtaí gníomhaireachtaí rátála creidmheasa ar an méid a bhíonn ar bun ag eagraíochtaí eacnamaíocha agus airgeadais agus ag na hinstitiúidí poiblí. Tá an cumas anois ag an Údarás Eorpach Úrras agus Margaí na gníomhaireachtaí rátála creidmheasa a chlárú agus a mhaoirsiú, agus ní mór breis rialacháin a chur i bhfeidhm chun go mbeadh tuartha creidmheasa clúdaithe freisin. Tacaím leis an dtogra i dtaca le na rialacha atá ann maidir le hathruithe rátála a leathnú agus i dtaca le hiallach a chur ar na gníomhaireachtaí rátála creidmheas réamheolas cruinn a thabhairt maidir le athrú rátála ar bith.

 
  
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  Bruno Gollnisch (NI), par écrit. – Les agences de notation n'émettent pas de simples avis, comme le démontrent amplement les communiqués publiés par Standard and Poor's et Moody's après l'accord budgétaire américain : elles jugent des politiques, et veulent dicter leur conduite aux gouvernants et aux parlements, sous menace de sanctions.

Votre règlementation, même si elle vaut mieux que l'inaction, ne change fondamentalement rien à cet état de fait. Tant que tout le système de financement des Etats et de nombreuses entreprises de premier plan reposera sur la désintermédiation et les marchés, une évaluation des risques restera indispensable pour "éclairer" le choix des investisseurs. Et ce d'autant plus que vos tentatives de mieux encadrer l'activité financière ont pour conséquence d'encourager les banques à se désengager. Elles continuent d'officialiser les notations, en cherchant juste à limiter leur impact automatique. Y compris le présent texte.

Pendant encore très longtemps, cette évaluation dépendra donc de trois agences à la crédibilité pourtant entachée, entre autres, par l'affaire Enron et la crise actuelle. Je ne crois ni en la création d'une agence publique européenne, soumise aux conflits d'intérêt avec la Commission et/ou les Etats, ni en la multiplication de petites agences privées qui souffriront d'un déficit de réputation, d'expérience et de surface.

Je crois au changement radical de système.

 
  
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  Sylvie Guillaume (S&D), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu le résultat de longues négociations qui permettront de mettre fin aux conflits d'intérêts et à l'irresponsabilité dont ont fait preuve les agences de notation, précipitant un grand nombre d'États européens dans une crise de la dette socialement insoutenable.

Les nouvelles règles auxquelles j'apporte aujourd'hui mon soutien permettront aux personnes lésées de réclamer des dommages pour des notations qui se seraient révélées mal conçues et auraient lésé leurs intérêts. En outre la notation des dettes publiques sera encadrée pour éviter toute manipulation.

Enfin, je me félicite de l'adoption d'une feuille de route pour la création d'une agence de notation européenne publique de notation de crédit des dettes souveraines, ce qui va dans le sens de l'engagement du Président Hollande de créer un tel instrument.

 
  
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  András Gyürk (PPE), írásban. − Elfogadhatatlan, hogy a világgazdasági folyamatokat és egyes országok gazdaságának megítélését olyan hitelminősítők befolyásolják, akik az elmúlt években sorozatosan hibás, esetenként öncélú minősítéseikkel felelősek a gazdasági válság elmélyülésért. A megalapozatlan és indokolatlan leminősítések növelik a pénzpiacok bizonytalanságát és az egyébként is nehézségekkel küszködő európai államokat további recesszióba taszíthatják. A mai napon elfogadott jelentés lehetővé teszi a több hitelminősítő intézetben való részvényesi érdekeltség felülvizsgálatát és többszöri minősítés esetén bevezeti a rotációt, amely növeli a hitelminősítők közötti versenyt. Szavazatommal támogatom, hogy ne csak szenvedő alanyai legyünk a megalapozatlan leminősítéseknek, hanem megfelelő szabályozási kerettel biztosítsuk a hitelminősítők átlátható működését és a jövőben elejét vegyük a megalapozatlan leminősítéseknek.

 
  
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  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šį dokumentą. Kredito reitingų agentūrų veikla turi didelį poveikį ekonomikos ir finansų veikėjų elgesiui ir viešųjų institucijų veikimui. Pritariau šiam pasiūlymui, nes tai turėtų padėti grąžinti kredito reitingų agentūras į jų teisėtą vietą. Tai reiškia, kad jų reitingai turėtų būti traktuojami kaip informacija, į kurią atsižvelgiama, bet ne tai, kad pačios agentūros turėtų turėti ypatingą statusą arba automatiškai daryti įtaką ekonomikos ir finansų subjektų bei viešųjų institucijų veiklai kenksmingu procikliniu poveikiu. Daugiau niekada neturėtų atsitikti taip, kad duomenų atskleidimo laikas ir būdas priklausytų nuo vienašališkų reitingų agentūrų sprendimų, net kai perteikta informacija iš esmės nėra nauja ar originali, visų pirma, kalbant apie valdžios sektoriaus būklę ir perspektyvas.

 
  
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  Michał Tomasz Kamiński (ECR), in writing. − This is the third piece of EU legislation concerning credit rating agencies (CRAs) since the beginning of the economic crisis. CRAs are widely blamed for having erroneously giving good ratings for many US mortgage-backed securities. The activities of CRAs have a far-reaching impact of the behaviour of economic and financial players and on the life of public institutions. I share the opinion that their ratings should be treated as information to take into account and that the agencies themselves should not enjoy special status or automatically influence the activities of economic and financial operators and public institutions. I voted in favour of this report, but I would like to draw attention to the fact that the new sovereign ratings rules (that limit the number of times a CRA may issue a rating to three times a year) which are meant to decrease volatility (as certain rating downgrades have caused turmoil in the markets) may actually increase volatility because they may necessitate more severe downgrades. This may also limit the freedom of CRAs to act on their best judgement as to when ratings should be modified. This is something that we must monitor closely.

 
  
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  Krišjānis Kariņš (PPE), rakstiski. − Kredītreitingu aģentūrām neapšaubāmi ir liela ietekme uz valstu un globālo ekonomiku. Tādēļ saprotama ir nepieciešamība to darbību un vērtējumus darīt sabiedrībai caurskatāmākus, saprotamākus un kvalitatīvākus. Tas ir ļoti svarīgi gan investoriem, gan finanšu tirgu stabilitātei, kā to pierāda nesenā vēsture, kad cilvēki steidzās uz bankām, lai izņemtu savus ietaupījumus, par iemeslu kam bija baumas par kādas bankas nestabilitāti. Priekšlikums regulai, ar ko groza Regulu (EK) Nr. 1060/2009 par kredītreitingu aģentūrām, tika ilgi pārspriests Parlamentā un, manuprāt, teksts, par kuru nobalsoja deputāti, ieviesīs lielāku caurskatāmību un augstākas kvalitātes prasības kredītreitingu aģentūrām, tādēļ es balsoju par šo priekšlikumu.

 
  
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  Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. − L’attività delle agenzie di rating del credito ha un impatto rilevante e significativo sul comportamento degli attori economico-finanziari e sul ruolo delle istituzioni pubbliche. La regolamentazione delle agenzie di rating rappresenta quindi un margine di manovra necessario nella più ampia riforma del funzionamento dei mercati finanziari. In particolare, mi trovano favorevole le proposte relative all’istituzione di un’agenzia del rating a livello europeo, le normative che regolano l’indipendenza delle agenzie e le modalità di comunicazione del rating, soprattutto per quanto riguarda i governi nazionali. Credo che l’insieme delle proposte rappresenti il tentativo di garantire una maggiore trasparenza dell’attività delle agenzie di rating e, al tempo stesso, di tutelarne l'azione specifica non costituendo un onere informativo capace di influenzare eccessivamente i mercati finanziari.

 
  
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  Agnès Le Brun (PPE), par écrit. – Cette proposition de règlement du Parlement européen et du Conseil avait pour objet de modifier le règlement n°1060/2009 sur les agences de notation de crédit, afin de réduire la dépendance excessive à leur égard, en sorte que les évaluations qu'elles émettent soient considérées comme de simples éléments d'information, mais n'aient pas de conséquences automatiques sur l'activité des acteurs économiques ou financiers, comme cela a pu être le cas pendant la crise, avec les graves conséquences que l'on connaît. Parmi les points forts de cette nouvelle règlementation, pour laquelle je me suis prononcée favorablement, on peut noter que les agences de notation devront communiquer à l'avance leurs perspectives de notation, que certains établissements financiers auront l'obligation de mettre en place un système de notation interne, et que les possibilités de conflit d'intérêts seront réduites.

 
  
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  Constance Le Grip (PPE), par écrit. – Je salue l'adoption par le Parlement de nouvelles mesures d’encadrement des agences de notation de crédit. Ces règles, plus strictes, visent à protéger les Etats et les citoyens contre des attaques spéculatives menées par les marchés lors des dégradations de notes réalisées par lesdites agences. Ces règles répondent donc à quatre objectifs principaux : diminuer la dépendance envers les agences de notation, améliorer la transparence et la régularité des notations, éliminer tout conflit d’intérêt et responsabiliser les agences en proposant des procédures en dommages et intérêts pour les investisseurs et émetteurs d’actions.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − As a result of today’s vote rules on sovereign debt ratings assigned by credit rating agencies will be tightened up to help prevent any repeat in the future of some of the disastrous consequences ratings have had for certain states. This is one of the key measures of the compromise endorsed by an overwhelming majority of the European Parliament. The reform, on which an agreement had already been struck with the Council, also entails measures to address conflicts of interest, to boost competition in the sector and reduce over-reliance on ratings. I am pleased we managed to get this very important text approved after fighting an uphill battle. The negotiations with the Council that led to the compromise reached on 27 November 2012 were particularly difficult. Some of us would have liked something with more teeth, with more impact. I regret the Council’s conservatism.

 
  
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  Véronique Mathieu (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce rapport, qui impose de nouvelles règles aux agences, qui notent les dettes des Etats et dont l'influence est devenue très importante sur les marchés économiques, les politiques économiques et les entreprises. Afin d'encadrer leur mode opératoire et d'améliorer la transparence, les agences devront expliquer et documenter leur notation, et elles ne devraient pas préconiser des changements de politiques. Par ailleurs, l'organisation interne des agences devrait respecter de nouvelles règles en matière de conflits d'intérêts. Un actionnaire ne peut détenir plus de 10% des droits de vote au sein d'une agence qui publie des notations sur une entité dans laquelle il a lui-même investi.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Ce rapport propose de restreindre un peu les très larges prérogatives que l'Union a, jusque récemment, offertes aux agences de notation. Il prône la lutte contre les conflits d'intérêts liés à ces agences et refuse que l'Union se réfère aux notations de ces agences dans sa législation. Il prévoit des sanctions, si une agence de notation fait des déclarations sur les politiques des États. Il demande même un droit de regard sur les méthodes utilisées par ces agences.

Malheureusement la requête ne vaut que pour les nouvelles méthodes ou les modifications des anciennes. Autant dire que c'est un vœu pieux! Il est, qui plus est, regrettable que le permis d'autosaisine donné aux agences de notation ne leur soit pas retiré.

Je regrette aussi et surtout qu'il ne soit pas interdit à ces agences de noter les dettes souveraines et que l'autorité européenne de la dette proposée par la commission de l'économie et des finances ne soit pas chargée d'organiser des audits publics de la dette.

Je m'abstiens pour souligner les quelques avancées prévues.

 
  
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  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. A atividade das agências de notação de risco tem um impacto relevante no comportamento dos agentes económicos e financeiros e na vida das instituições públicas, continuando a suscitar um interesse considerável junto da opinião pública e um aceso debate político. A regulamentação destas agências é muito importante e representa um aspecto específico e muito sensível do processo mais geral de reforma do funcionamento dos mercados financeiros. Temos pois que lançar um debate que tenha em conta as diferentes abordagens e pontos de vista, mas que sirva para conferir às ANR uma dimensão adequada, o que implica que as suas avaliações sejam tratadas como informação a ter em conta, sem que as agências beneficiem de um estatuto especial e tenham consequências determinantes nas atividades dos operadores económicos e financeiros e das instituições públicas. Só assim estas podem fazer parte de um sistema que se quer cada vez mais transparente, e em que a informação que circula seja fidedigna.

 
  
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  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado en contra de este informe al suponer otra oportunidad desaprovechada para terminar de una vez con la influencia que estas agencias de calificación llegan a tener sobre la capacidad de financiación de los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea. Mi posición es clara con respecto a la creación de una agencia pública de calificación financiera que permita una financiación soberana de los Estados y no un sistema de calificación privado que permite generar negocios millonarios sobre las deudas soberanas en perjuicio de los pueblos europeos. En la actualidad tres agencias de calificación controlan la calificación de dichas deudas y permiten un juego especulativo que tan solo beneficia al sector financiero. Una agencia pública sería una solución perfecta para solucionar los problemas que la calificación financiera ha generado sobre las deudas soberanas de Europa. Este informe no pretende solucionar nada y por ello he votado en contra.

 
  
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  Louis Michel (ALDE), par écrit. – Par ces temps de crise financière, les agences de notation ont plus de pouvoirs que jamais : elles peuvent, sur base d'une analyse de plus en plus standardisée, dévaluer la solvabilité d'un pays, avec les conséquences que nous connaissons aujourd'hui. Ces pouvoirs rendent les économies européennes dépendantes de leurs notations. Dès lors, il est impératif de nous affranchir et de bénéficier d'une évaluation plus transparente et régulière de nos dettes, tout particulièrement des souveraines : elles seront dans l'obligation de fournir un rapport détaillé quant à leurs motifs d'évaluation et de le rendre à une période donnée. En outre, l'Agence européenne des marchés financiers (AEMF) pourrait jouer le rôle de garde-fou des ces agences en contrôlant leurs activités et veiller à la diversité de leurs méthodes d'évaluation en favorisant la concurrence entre les agences et, si le cas échéant, d'administrer des sanctions. Toujours dans l'optique de réduire notre dépendance, la participation des agences de notation dans des entités évaluées sera limitée en vue d'éliminer les conflits d'intérêts.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − This agreement is an important step forward to freeing Member States from their dependence on credit rating agencies (CRAs). Sovereign debt ratings would be submitted to specific rules to take into account the specificity of sovereign debt ratings. Sovereign debt rating should be considered as specific rating with specific requirements. Credit rating agencies could not continue to assess national economies without clear criteria and clear methodology. It provides the confidence that the objective assessment of CRAs will not provide the possibility to use ‘imprecise’ data for speculation. I voted in favour.

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. Es ist zweifellos richtig und wichtig, klare Regeln für Ratingagenturen festzulegen und entsprechend zu implementieren. Insbesondere wenn man bedenkt, dass der Markt von drei großen US-amerikanischen Firmen beherrscht wird, die rund 90 Prozent der Marktanteile halten. Dennoch – und das missverstehen einige Abgeordnete, deren Länder von schlechten Bewertungen betroffen sind – braucht es für die Marktteilnehmer und Investoren eine mehr oder weniger unabhängige Einschätzung, um das Risiko einer allfälligen Investition einschätzen zu können. Es mag zutreffen, dass die Ratingagenturen in den Jahren vor der Krise bei diversen Derivaten auf einem Auge blind waren und die toxischen Papiere zu Unrecht mit guten Bewertungen ausgestattet haben. Dennoch erfolgten die Herabstufungen verschiedener europäischer Schuldenstaaten in den letzten drei Jahren zu Recht. Diese Staaten haben nicht nur ein kurzfristiges Liquiditätsproblem, sondern sind strukturell defizitär und schwer verschuldet. Man kann es den Ratingagenturen gerade wegen der Kritik mit Bezug auf die Krise jetzt nicht vorwerfen, wenn sie jetzt auf diesen Umstand aufmerksam machen. Die Ideen, die Agenturen auf verschiedene Arten zu „bestrafen“, wie sie in diesem Bericht formuliert werden, kann ich daher nicht gutheißen, weshalb ich mich der Stimme enthalten habe.

 
  
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  Vital Moreira (S&D), por escrito. Votei a favor do relatório Domenici sobre o regulamento das agências de notação de crédito (rating) porque a realidade mostrou que era necessário alargar e reforçar a regulação existente. Depois de terem ignorado e contestado, antes da crise, os fatores que a provocaram, as agências de rating contribuíram, desde o início da crise, para o seu agravamento. Por isso, as novas medidas - maior controlo de conflitos de interesse, responsabilidade civil perante os investidores, limitações nas avaliações da dívida soberana não solicitadas, proibição de recomendações sobre políticas nacionais e, sobretudo, menos dependência das próprias avaliações - vão no bom sentido. A crise teve a sua origem na desregulação dos mercados financeiros. Pelo menos que da crise resulte uma maior regulação - e regulação europeia - para evitar novas crises no futuro.

 
  
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  Kristiina Ojuland (ALDE), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report because the EU has to react to the disproportional influence that the credit rating agencies currently enjoy. Although I respect the principles of a free market, I think that certain conditions need to be set for credit rating agencies that want to do business in Europe.

 
  
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  Ivari Padar (S&D), kirjalikult. − Oli viimane aeg, et finantssektori kõik osapooled oleksid avalikkuse kontrolli all. Kriis on näidanud reitinguagentuuride väga vastuolulist rolli ja seadnud tihtipeale kahtluse alla nende objektiivsuse. Leian, et reitinguagentuuride turu paindlikumaks muutmine, kohustuslik rotatsioon ja uute tegijate ligipääs tõstab usaldusväärsust. Samas suhtun ettevaatliku skepsisega ideedesse luua avalik-õiguslik Euroopa Liidu reitinguagentuur. Pole kindel, et taoline institutsioon suudab olla poliitilise surve tingimustes lõpuni objektiivne.

 
  
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  Rolandas Paksas (EFD), raštu. − Šie reglamento pakeitimai padės apriboti kredito reitingų agentūrų įtaką ekonomikos ir finansų veikėjų elgesiui bei įtvirtins naujus skaidrumo reikalavimus. Manau, kad yra tikslinga išplėsti reitingų taisyklių taikymo sritį siekiant padidinti jų veiklos kontrolę. Visų pirma, turi būti nustatomi itin griežti apribojimai valstybės skolinimosi reitingų nustatymui ir skelbimui. Tokiu būdu bus sukuriamos palankios sąlygos padidinti valstybės skolinimosi reitingų kokybę. Be to, Komisija turėtų kuo skubiau priimti sprendimą dėl nepriklausomos Europos kredito reitingų agentūros įsteigimo, kuri atliktų valstybių skolos kredintingumo įvertinimus.

 
  
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  Justas Vincas Paleckis (S&D), raštu. − Valstybių priklausomybė nuo reitingų agentūrų pateikiamų valstybės skolinimosi reitingo įvertinimų vis didėja. Tačiau iki šiol šių institucijų atsakomybė nebuvo tinkamai kontroliuojama. Įstatyminės spragos sukėlė neigiamas pasekmes valstybių ekonomikoms. Todėl sutinku su požiūriu, kad atsirado poreikis geriau reguliuoti ir reglamentuoti finansinių paslaugų rinką. Balsavau už šį pranešimą, kadangi Europos Komisija ir Europos Parlamento pranešėjas pateikė inovatyvių pasiūlymų dėl reitingų agentūrų civilinės atsakomybės ir privalomo rotacijos reikalavimo. Numatomos priemonės užtikrins didesnį reitingavimo metodų skaidrumą bei padidins konkurencingumą kredito reitingų agentūrų rinkoje, kurioje šiuo metu dominuoja nedidelis skaičius stambių agentūrų.

 
  
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  Alfredo Pallone (PPE), per iscritto. − Le Agenzie di rating del credito svolgono un ruolo decisivo nella valutazione degli investimenti da parte degli attori economici. Incidono sulle previsioni e stimano l'andamento economico-finanziario di enti pubblici e privati. Sono quindi agenzie con un potenziale altissimo in grado di influenzare le sorti di un Paese. Di conseguenza, se non regolamentate per bene possono cadere in conflitti di interesse non poco rilevanti. Per questo ritengo importante che l'UE si doti di un sistema normativo adeguato che renda le agenzie di rating più trasparenti, leali e responsabili nella trasmissione dei dati, in particolar modo quando si tratta di uno Stato e del suo debito sovrano. La lotta alla crisi è anche la lotta alla speculazione e le Agenzie di Rating devono restare imparziali.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Παπανικολάου (PPE), γραπτώς. – Η Ελλάδα, όπως και άλλα κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ, βρέθηκε τα τελευταία έτη στο επίκεντρο των δραστηριοτήτων των οργανισμών αξιολόγησης πιστοληπτικής ικανότητας με σημαντικότατες επιπτώσεις στις εθνικές τους οικονομίες. Η ρύθμιση των δραστηριοτήτων τους αποτελεί προϊόν και εκτεταμένων καθώς και, ορισμένες φορές, έντονων πολιτικών συζητήσεων. Η παρούσα πρόταση – προϊόν αυτών των συζητήσεων - επικεντρώνεται στο πρόβλημα της υπερβολικής εξάρτησης των επενδυτών και των εκδοτών από τις εξωτερικές αξιολογήσεις των οργανισμών αυτών και επιχειρεί να ενθαρρύνει τη χρήση εσωτερικών αξιολογήσεων, αντιμετωπίζοντας τον κίνδυνο υπερβολικής εξάρτησης των παραγόντων των χρηματοπιστωτικών αγορών από τις αξιολογήσεις πιστοληπτικής ικανότητας. Επομένως, η πρόταση αυτή κινείται στην σωστή κατεύθυνση και την υπερψήφισα, ωστόσο δεν μπορεί παρά να θεωρηθεί ως η αρχή ενός συνολικού νομοθετικού πακέτου που χρειάζεται η Ε.Ε. για τον περιορισμό ανεξέλεγκτων και σε ορισμένες περιπτώσεις αυθαίρετων δράσεων των συγκεκριμένων οργανισμών.

 
  
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  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. A estabilidade dos mercados, especialmente da dívida soberana, é fundamental. As agências de notação de risco ajudam a definir um preço justo para os ativos em causa, qualificando determinados produtos financeiros ou ativos, avaliando, atribuindo notas e classificando segundo o grau de risco no cumprimento das suas dívidas no prazo fixado. Estas agências têm sido acusadas de ter impulsionado a crise, por avaliações levianas ou erradas de alguns ativos, o que distorce os mercados e prejudica quer investidores quer emitentes. Assim, a Comissão Europeia apresentou uma proposta para regular o funcionamento das agências de notação com o objetivo de aumentar a transparência, reduzir a excessiva dependência dos mercados relativamente às notações, introduzir a responsabilidade civil das agências perante os investidores e evitar potenciais conflitos de interesses. Das medidas propostas pela Comissão e pelo Parlamento enfatiza-se a promoção da diminuição da dependência das notações externas, limitação de participações cruzadas de acionistas em várias agências ou entre estas e seus clientes, regras de rotatividade, proibição de publicação arbitrária de notações, etc. Por apoiar as medidas descritas, votei favoravelmente o presente relatório.