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Verfahren : 2012/2865(RSP)
Werdegang im Plenum
Entwicklungsstadium in Bezug auf das Dokument : B7-0161/2013

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Aussprachen :

PV 22/05/2013 - 14
CRE 22/05/2013 - 14

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PV 23/05/2013 - 13.9
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Ausführliche Sitzungsberichte
Mittwoch, 22. Mai 2013 - Straßburg Überprüfte Ausgabe

14. Fortschrittsbericht 2012 über Bosnien und Herzegowina (Aussprache)
Video der Beiträge

  Presidente. − L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione sulla dichiarazione del Consiglio e della Commissione sulla relazione 2012 sui progressi compiuti dalla Bosnia-Erzegovina (2012/2865(RSP)).


  Lucinda Creighton, President-in-Office of the Council. − Madam President, developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina have not kept pace with our hopes and our expectations. We have a number of concerns, and I know that these are broadly shared by this Parliament, as is reflected in the motion for a resolution which you will be voting on tomorrow. Let me take this opportunity to particularly thank Doris Pack for the commitment and indeed the expertise and knowledge which she has shown as your rapporteur. Here in particular the positive influence that you can bring to bear on current and future developments is very important.

In December 2012, the Council noted that some progress had been made in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the start of 2012 with the formation of a state-level Council of Ministers. It also welcomed the adoption of two key EU-related laws – the Law on State Aid and the Law on Population Census. However, it is regrettable that the momentum brought about through these developments has not been maintained. We are particularly disappointed that progress generally on the EU agenda has stalled and that the use of divisive rhetoric has continued.

Also in December 2012, the Council welcomed the launch of the European Commission’s High-Level Dialogue on the Accession Process with Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political representatives, which took place in June 2012. However, the timelines of the roadmap forming part of this dialogue have not been met, and we remain concerned at the lack of implementation of the political agreements.

One of the top priorities for Bosnia and Herzegovina is to bring its constitution into compliance with the European Convention of Human Rights and the Sejdić-Finci ruling. We have to see evidence of serious moves in this direction before the Stabilisation and Association Agreement can enter into force.

Completing the implementation of the Sejdić-Finci ruling is important. So too is the need for Bosnia and Herzegovina to demonstrate a satisfactory track record in implementing its obligations under the interim Stabilisation and Association Agreement. These key elements are essential before the EU could realistically consider any membership application.

The Council has also underlined the importance of establishing an effective coordination mechanism for engagement with the EU, including for the effective use of the EU’s pre-accession assistance, as well as ensuring fiscal sustainability. Furthermore, the State Aid and Population Census laws now need to be fully implemented.

We have reaffirmed our support for the Structured Dialogue on Justice within the framework of the Stabilisation and Association Process and have called on all the relevant authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to participate constructively in this process. The key is to ensure the consolidation of an independent, accountable, credible, impartial and efficient judicial system. This would benefit all citizens across the country.

The EU intends to continue to strengthen its support for Bosnia and Herzegovina’s EU integration process. As part of this process it has reaffirmed its full support for a strengthened EU presence on the ground.

But the political leadership in Bosnia and Herzegovina must intensify its efforts. Existing commitments must be fulfilled and further work is required to bring greater stability and prosperity to the country. The leadership owes this to the citizens, who in turn deserve a better future.


  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. − Madam President, let me first of all thank Doris Pack for an excellent draft report on Bosnia and Herzegovina. Last year I told you that, when speaking about Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is difficult to be overly positive. Unfortunately I have the same problem this year.

As the draft report points out, progress has again been extremely limited. I am just as concerned about the political elite’s continued lack of a shared vision for the overall direction of the country. As the motion states, the country is ‘falling further behind the other countries of the region’.

Because of our concerns, the European Union has increased its engagement with Bosnia and Herzegovina and increased political facilitation efforts at all levels. Over the past few months, there has been considerable political and diplomatic activity in order to help solve the most pressing issues that the country needs to tackle: in a nutshell, to implement all the steps in the roadmap agreed by political leaders in June 2012, which are outlined in several Council conclusions and also in the draft report.

In April I went to Sarajevo to discuss with the politicians the way forward on the Sejdić-Finci issue. Because of the lack of any meaningful progress resulting from our facilitation process, I regrettably had to cancel the third round of the High-Level Dialogue on the Accession Process. I came back with the impression that some – the politicians – were more focused on the party and ethnic interests than on implementing the Sejdić-Finci judgement.

The European Union can only facilitate. It is up to the political leaders of the country to step up to the challenge with genuine commitment. In the current situation of political instability in the Federation, it is difficult to find a genuine consensus on essential issues, which nevertheless remains vital.

The accession of Croatia will make Bosnia and Herzegovina a direct neighbour of the Union. We are doing our utmost to facilitate this new status and make it a success for both sides. I have held two ministerial meetings with the Foreign Ministers of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina to this end, in addition to five technical meetings that my services have organised with both sides.

Despite the recurrent setbacks, we have reiterated that our continued engagement and support is available for those in the country who want to move things forward. Our structured dialogue on the judiciary is bearing fruit. I understand that this House wholeheartedly supports this approach, which I appreciate very much.


  Doris Pack, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Präsidentin des Rates, Herr Füle! Wir haben die Debatte hier vier Wochen verschoben, hoffend, dass sich inzwischen etwas Positives im Lande ereignet. Dies ist leider nicht geschehen. Nichts hat sich zum Besseren gewandelt: Es gibt keine Einigung im Fall Sejdić und Finci. Es gibt keine funktionsfähige Regierung in der Föderation. Deren Präsident sitzt in Haft, und er kann noch nicht einmal seine Aufgaben abgeben an einen anderen, weil der Vertrag von Dayton der Konstitution von Dayton dies nicht einmal erlaubt. Deshalb haben wir eine nicht funktionsfähige Föderation.

Bosnien und Herzegowina ist alles in allem in einem desolaten Zustand. Die Politiker in Brüssel, wie wir es von der EU gerade gehört haben, und im Lande unternehmen alles, um den Menschen dort zu helfen. Das Problem ist nur, dass sie offensichtlich nicht wollen, dass man ihnen hilft.

Das hat mich veranlasst, einen Änderungsantrag einzubringen, der für die Politiker ein Alarmsignal sein soll. Ich weiß, dass viele in diesem Haus mir nicht folgen werden. Aber ich fühle mich den Menschen in Bosnien und Herzegowina verpflichtet und sehe kein anderes Instrument, um den Politikern den Ernst der Lage – verursacht durch ihre Untätigkeit – vor Augen zu führen. Die Einfrierung der Mitgliedschaft wegen der Nichterfüllung des Urteils des Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte hat dazu geführt, dass ich zu diesem Antrag gekommen bin. Und wenn wir das tun und wenn wir dies fordern, dann trifft das nicht eine einzige Bürgerin und keinen Bürger in Bosnien und Herzegowina, es stellt die Politiker an den Pranger, und das ist recht so!

Wir können auch unseren Mitbürgern zuhause nicht mehr lange erklären, dass wir Gelder nach Bosnien und Herzegowina transferieren – wie Sie es auch gesagt haben – dass wir uns dort so stark engagieren und die Politiker dort unten uns alle an der Nase herumführen und uns eine lange Nase machen. Ich bin sehr traurig, dass ich zu dem Mittel dieses Antrags greifen muss, denn ich fühle mich den Menschen in Bosnien und Herzegowina seit 23 Jahren eng verbunden. Ich wünschte, das Land würde gut regiert, damit die Menschen einen Arbeitsplatz haben, damit die Kinder eine Zukunft haben und alle Vertriebenen zurückkehren können.


  Emine Bozkurt, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, deadline after deadline was missed. The leaders of Bosnia and Herzegovina had to come up with a credible effort. So far they have failed incredibly. In the EU we cannot call elections fair and free where not all citizens have equal rights of representation. That is the minimum retirement of democracy and a basic civic right. That is why the implementation of the Sejdić-Finci ruling is key.

Years ago when I visited Bosnia and Herzegovina I spoke with the person belonging to the so-called ‘others’. I remember the hope when he was saying that one day he might be able to become President of his country. Colleagues, I cannot support the call to suspend Bosnia and Herzegovina from the Council of Europe. Where would Mr Sejdić and Mr Finci have gone to enforce their rights otherwise? I do not want cut-away justice for the other citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnia and Herzegovina stand still but other countries do not. Croatia will soon enter the EU. This is going to have big consequences for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The EU border between Croatia and Bosnia must connect, not divide. Bosnia and Herzegovina needs to get its act together before Croatia enters the EU. The citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina are the ones suffering because of unemployment and the lack of enforcement of their rights. 80% of the population wants to be part of the EU. They want their rights safeguarded. This transcends ethnic lines. Now we are clearly in a deadlock. Bosnia is not moving, the Commission is not moving. In the meantime the region is moving. The negative advice not to let Bosnian citizens travel with ID cards to Croatia is already seen as a punishment in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Is that the case? We have a responsibility to the Western Balkans. Developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina affects the region as a whole. How can we then ensure the sustainability and stability of the region? If there is a will there is surely a way.


  Annemie Neyts-Uyttebroeck, namens de ALDE-Fractie. – Ik begrijp de ergernis van u, die al zovele jaren de revolutie in Bosnië-Herzegovina volgt en die met zoveel aandrang heeft bijgedragen of proberen bij te dragen tot een verbetering van de situatie en moet vaststellen dat ook nu, voor de zoveelste keer, een deadline niet gehaald wordt.

Ik kan ook begrijpen dat mevrouw Pack, die een zeer temperamentvolle collega is zoals wij allemaal weten, en een zeer dynamische collega, nu vanuit die ergernis een amendement indient, waarin zij zowaar oproept om het lidmaatschap van Bosnië-Herzegovina van de Raad van Europa te schorsen, om hetzelfde te doen met de interimovereenkomst en zelfs met de financiële assistentie onder IPA. Ik kan dat begrijpen, maar ik ben het er niet mee eens.

Ik ben het er niet mee eens omdat, hoe groot de tekortkomingen van Bosnië-Herzegovina ook zijn, er helaas een aantal leden van de Raad van Europa zijn die veel grotere tekortkomingen op hun kerfstok hebben en al veel langer, maar die wel in tegenstelling tot Bosnië-Herzegovina grote en machtige landen zijn. Wij dreigen daar wel naar, maar wij roepen niet op om hen te schorsen. Ik vind het geen goed beleid om verschillende maatstaven te hanteren al naar gelang een land groot of klein is. La Fontaine heeft dat wel in één van zijn fabeltjes geschreven: "selon que vous serez faible ou puissant", enz., maar daar moeten wij geen voorbeeld aan nemen. Wij moeten druk blijven uitoefenen op Bosnië-Herzegovina, maar ik denk dat het amendement van mevrouw Pack te ver gaat.


  Marije Cornelissen, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, since yesterday we have had some intense debate about whether to take stronger measures against the leadership of Bosnia and Herzegovina for missing deadline after deadline for the real constitutional reform that the country badly needs.

Ms Pack proposes asking the Council of Europe to consider suspending membership of BIH and asking the Commission to consider freezing the interim agreement and IPA funding. I do not think we should ever consider freezing IPA funding because that will hurt the citizens far more than the leadership, so we are asking for a split vote on that.

But I do think we need far more urgency on the part of the Bosnian leadership. They must face the consequences of their complete inaction. The only thing they need to do is to agree among themselves in order to prevent any of this. It is in their hands.

We definitely also need far more urgency on the part of the international community. If freezing membership and the agreement is pending, then no country will any longer be free to pretend that on the whole things are fine, with just some minor mishaps to resolve. Things are very much not fine in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Both Bosnian and international leaders need to get far more of a sense of urgency: to stop turning a blind eye and to start doing what is really necessary for the citizens of Bosnia.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8)).




  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD), blue-card question. – Ms Cornelissen, in the light of the points which you made in your speech, how do you justify the very substantial sums of money paid to Bosnia and Herzegovina to your constituents, many of whom are struggling, as are most people in the European Union?


  Marije Cornelissen (Verts/ALE), blue-card answer. – I think the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina are European people. They belong, and ought to be, in the EU at a certain point. Their progress is our progress. So all the money spent for their progress, for their infrastructure, for their social progress, for their employment, for eradicating poverty there will, in the end, come to be for the good of everybody.


  Tomasz Piotr Poręba, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Po raz kolejny oceniamy dzisiaj postępy Bośni i Hercegowiny na drodze do integracji z Unią Europejską i bez wątpienia faktem jest, że ten kraj wypada de facto najsłabiej na tle państw Bałkanów Zachodnich objętych perspektywą poszerzenia. Dlatego tamtejsze władze bez wątpienia muszą na poważnie skoncentrować swoje wysiłki na dobrym zarządzaniu, zasadach państwa prawa, budowaniu demokratycznych instytucji, ustanowieniu niezawisłego i bezstronnego systemu sądowego, poprawie zdolności administracyjnych oraz reformach społecznych i gospodarczych, a także na walce z bezrobociem.

Ogromnym problemem pozostaje również korupcja, przenikająca tak naprawdę wszystkie dziedziny życia publicznego, a także handel ludźmi. Pozycję Bośni i Hercegowiny osłabia również brak niezależnych i pluralistycznych mediów oraz głębokie podziały etniczne. Mimo wszystko uważam, że rozszerzenie Unii Europejskiej o państwa Bałkanów Zachodnich jest inwestycją zarówno w stabilność regionu, jak i w stabilność sąsiedztwa Unii Europejskiej, i mam nadzieję, że Bośni i Hercegowinie uda się spełnić wszystkie wymagane przez Unię Europejską kryteria w tym zakresie.


  Bastiaan Belder, namens de EFD-Fractie. – Op 7 mei ontving ik van uw externe dienst sussende, relativerende antwoorden op schriftelijke vragen over de activiteiten van Iran, alsmede van wahhabitische, respectievelijk salafistische groeperingen op Bosnisch grondgebied. Exact een week later, 14 mei, echter wees de Bosnische regering twee prominente leden van de Iraanse ambassade in Sarajevo, de tweede en derde secretaris, uit voor spionageactiviteiten en contacten met moedjahedienkampen in het land. Foto´s in de plaatselijke pers legden het oneervolle vertrek van de ontmaskerde diplomaten vast.

Raad en Commissie, ik verwacht van u en de externe dienst serieuze antwoorden op serieuze vragen. Ik waag derhalve een tweede poging:

Acht u het Europese integratieproces van Bosnië verenigbaar met nauwe contacten en coöperatie van het politieke en religieuze establishment in Sarajevo met de Islamitische Republiek Iran?

Acht u, in navolging van uw dienst, de aanwezigheid van wahhabitische gemeenschappen op Bosnisch grondgebied geen veiligheidsrisico voor het land en de regio, alhoewel deze groeperingen strikt volgens hun eigen religieuze principes wensen te leven en volstrekt voorbijgaan aan de wetten van het land?


  Χαράλαμπος Αγγουράκης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας GUE/NGL. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η έκθεση ζητά την ένταξη ακόμη μιας ταλαιπωρημένης χώρας στην κόλαση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, γεγονός που θα εντείνει την εκμετάλλευση των εργαζομένων για να διασφαλίσει την κερδοφορία των μονοπωλίων και τα γεωστρατηγικά και ενεργειακά συμφέροντα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.

Ζητά επίσης την επιτάχυνση των καπιταλιστικών αναδιαρθρώσεων για να θεραπευτούν δήθεν οι πολλές πληγές που δημιούργησε τόσο ο πόλεμος του ΝΑΤΟ, της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και των Αμερικανών ενάντια στον Γιουγκοσλάβικο λαό όσο και η ιμπεριαλιστική ειρήνη που ακολούθησε. Συνιστά πρόκληση να απευθύνουν συστάσεις για τις εθνοτικές διαιρέσεις, τη διαφθορά, την ανεργία, την απίστευτη φτώχεια, τους χιλιάδες πρόσφυγες, αυτοί που τα δημιούργησαν, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και το πολιτικό της προσωπικό. Πάει πολύ να εμφανίζεται τιμητής η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση που διαμέλισε την Γιουγκοσλαβία και αναχάραξε τα σύνορα στην περιοχή με το αίμα των λαών της, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση που ενίσχυσε το εθνικό μίσος και τις διαιρέσεις, που δημιούργησε δύο άθλια προτεκτοράτα, τη Βοσνία και το Κόσοβο, που διατηρεί στη Βοσνία εδώ και 20 χρόνια τα στρατεύματα του ΝΑΤΟ, τον Ευρωστρατό και την EULEX.

Οι λαοί της Βοσνίας, κύριε Πρόεδρε, έχουν ανάγκη όχι την ένταξη στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αλλά την άμεση απομάκρυνση των στρατευμάτων κατοχής της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης για να μπορέσει ο λαός να αποφασίσει ελεύθερα το μέλλον του.


  Philip Claeys (NI). - Het was een krankzinnig idee om een land als Bosnië-Herzegovina de status van potentieel kandidaat-lidstaat te verlenen. Het gaat om een land dat een enorm probleem van georganiseerde misdaad kent, een land ook dat een reusachtig probleem van corruptie kent.

Enkele weken geleden werd niemand minder dan Živko Budimir, de president van de Bosnisch-Kroatische federatie, gearresteerd onder verdenking van corruptie, samen met 18 ambtenaren. Eén van hen verkocht tegen betaling kwijtschelding van straf aan veroordeelde criminelen. De anderen worden beschuldigd van onder meer machtsmisbruik, actieve en passieve corruptie, georganiseerde misdaad en drugshandel. De georganiseerde misdaad is met andere woorden aanwezig tot op het hoogste niveau van de staat.

Daar bovenop komt nog het probleem van de opgang van het radicaalste soort islamisme, het wahabisme, dat een shariastaat wil vestigen in Bosnië-Herzegovina. Zoiets kunnen wij missen als de pest. Wij hebben al genoeg problemen in de Europese Unie en we moeten stoppen met die uitbreidingswaanzin.


  Bernd Posselt (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Niemand hat sich in den letzten Jahrzehnten mit so viel Liebe und so viel Kampfkraft für Bosnien und Herzegowina eingesetzt wie Doris Pack oder wie auch der anwesende Bischof Komarica aus Banja Luka. Ich möchte ganz klar sagen: Wenn ein solcher Notschrei zu hören ist wie jetzt im Antrag von Doris Pack, dann muss man ihn ernst nehmen.

Man kann das aber nicht beantworten, indem man selbstgerechte Reden über Korruption und Untätigkeit im Land hält, sondern wir müssen uns gemeinsam überlegen, wie es weitergeht. Manche sagen, wir sollten uns zurückziehen. Ein Stück weit wäre das sicher auch richtig, denn wir haben uns vielleicht zu viel in zu viele Details eingemischt. Auf der anderen Seite ist es so, dass wir diesem Land in Dayton unter Führung der Amerikaner eine Struktur verpasst haben, die einfach nicht funktioniert. Es gilt der berühmte Satz von Franz Josef Strauß: Wenn man eine Jacke falsch zugeknöpft hat, muss man sie wieder aufknöpfen, um sie richtig zuzuknöpfen. Wir brauchen eine Verfassungsreform. Wir brauchen eine Föderation dreier gleichberechtigter Völker. Wir brauchen eine Stärkung der Kommunen, der Selbstverwaltung, eine Heranbildung einer jungen neuen Führungsschicht.

All diese Aufgaben müssen von uns mit angepackt werden, denn wir haben unseren Beitrag dazu geleistet, das Land in die jetzige Krise zu bringen. Aber nicht nur wir dürfen uns nicht untätig abwenden, sondern natürlich die Menschen im Land selbst auch nicht. Wir können es von außen her nicht lösen, sondern eigentlich muss natürlich die Kraft der Erneuerung aus dem Land selbst kommen.


  Libor Rouček (S&D). - Mr President, nobody expected that Bosnia and Herzegovina’s road to the EU would be easy, because, given the legacy of the conflict and the complex institutional structure of the state – as Doris Pack’s report makes clear – a lot remains to be done.

A constitutional reform must be launched to streamline decision-making and avoid political paralysis now and in the future. Without functioning institutions at all levels, it will be not only difficult but, I think, impossible to implement the necessary reforms and modernise the country. The Sejdić-Finci ruling still awaits implementation. Beyond that, inclusive political representation, the rule of law and the judicial system all need to be strengthened.

However, the magnitude of the challenges facing Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot be an excuse for inaction. Rather, it requires the Bosnian political elites to redouble their efforts and bring the country closer to the EU in the interests of the Bosnian population.

Croatia will become a member of the EU on 1 July 2013. Montenegro is making substantial progress. We are now seeing progress in the relationship between Belgrade and Pristina, and I do not think that Bosnia and Herzegovina should lag behind. But it is not up to us. Yes, we want to help, but it is, above all, up to the leaders of Bosnia and Herzegovina to do their job.


  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD). - Mr President, Bosnia has an eye-watering unemployment rate of 43%. It is yet another very poor Eastern European country in line to join the EU. Once the door is open to Bosnia, there will be a massive outflow of people. The UK will then be a magnet.

Back home, the British Conservative Party claims to be committed to reducing immigration. But, as we all know, that is an impossibility so long as we remain in the EU, and the impossibility is compounded as more countries get EU membership and their people in consequence have the right of free movement.

It is simply breathtaking that the British Government and the Labour Party, none of whose representatives are here, can support – and support actively – Bosnia Herzegovina joining the EU.


  Bernd Posselt (PPE), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ an Libor Rouček . – Ich möchte den Kollegen Rouček nur fragen: In fünfeinhalb Wochen ist Kroatien Mitglied der Europäischen Union. Sehen Sie Chancen für die grenzüberschreitende Zusammenarbeit mit Bosnien und Herzegowina, vor allem in kritischen Grenzgebieten wie der Posavina oder in Banja Luka und anderen Regionen, dass wir dort den Wiederaufbau von Kroatien her mit vorantreiben, wenn Kroatien in der EU ist?


  Libor Rouček (S&D), blue-card answer. – To answer the question briefly: yes, I can see that possibility. We should encourage this effort, but at the same time we have to be aware of the fact that life for many people in Bosnia and Herzegovina will be more difficult because Croatia will be in the EU, and there will now be a de facto border between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. It will be more difficult for people to travel to Croatia, and of course it will also be more difficult for certain goods.

However, it is very important to encourage this cross-border cooperation. I do not see any other way.

I would like to ask Lord Dartmouth a question, if he would allow that.

Sir, could you give us a figure? Because you paint the people from Bosnia and Herzegovina as being some kind of a threat to a country which has 62 or 63 million people – a country which was always a friend to the central and eastern European nations. So can you give us the figure of how many people from Bosnia and Herzegovina live in Britain?

(The speaker put a blue-card question pursuant to Rule 149(8))


  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD), blue-card answer. – Mr Rouček, I think with respect that you are missing the point. It is not very many at the moment, but that is precisely because we are able to have immigration controls. Should Bosnia-Herzegovina become a member of the European Union, we would then have no immigration controls, as you and your colleagues have said in this House many times – and, I regret to say it, with the support of the Commission.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))


  Marije Cornelissen (Verts/ALE), blue-card question. – Lord Dartmouth, in your speech it sounded as though BiH was going to become a member of the EU tomorrow. This is very much not the case. There is an accession process which requires reforms from BiH with regard to human rights, the rule of law, economic progress and competition and becoming part of the Single Market. Do you not want that for the citizens of BiH? Do you want to take that prospect of proper reform away from them? Does your sense of ‘love thy neighbour’ really only stretch to British citizens and not to those living elsewhere in Europe?


  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD), blue-card answer. – I would have thought that I had made it very clear – indeed abundantly clear – that my party is opposed to Bosnia-Herzegovina becoming a member of the European Union. But we are further opposed to Macedonia, Serbia, Albania and, above all, Turkey becoming members of the European Union. And that surely is the point.

I would just quickly say: if I was objecting to this and Bosnia-Herzegovina was about to join tomorrow, you would be entitled to say it is too late to object, so that is why we are objecting now, and with some degree of clarity.


  Andreas Mölzer (NI). - Herr Präsident! Wir haben mit Bosnien und Herzegowina bekanntlich einen dezentralen Staat, in dem die Befugnisse der Einzelteile oft größer sind als jene der Zentralregierung. Und während etwa die Serben nicht in Bosnien und Herzegowina verbleiben wollen, wollen die Bosniaken mehr Zentralisierung. Diese Gegensätze lassen sich einfach nicht wegdiskutieren oder ignorieren. Auch wenn Brüssel seit Jahren unter Einsatz vieler Milliarden versucht, aus Bosnien einen multiethnischen Staat zu machen, gibt es hier keine nennenswerten Erfolge.

Während etwa die Grenzen Bosniens sakrosankt sein sollen, gelten für Serbien plötzlich ganz andere Maßstäbe. Mit ihrer einseitigen Unterstützung der Kosovo-Albaner hat die EU zu den Problemen ja beigetragen. Und dass die Serben im Kosovo unter Diskriminierung zu leiden haben, scheint die sonst so menschenrechtsbewegte EU kaum zu stören. Auch wird den bosnischen Serben das Selbstbestimmungsrecht verweigert. Noch dazu übt die EU Druck aus, mittels einer Verfassungsreform die Serben in einen zentralistischen bosnischen Staat zu zwängen, wo sie unter der Oberhoheit der muslimischen Bosniaken leben müssten.

Diese kurzsichtige Politik sollte bald ein Ende haben!


  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Sunt o susţinătoare a extinderii Uniunii, fie că este vorba de extindere spre estul Europei, fie că este vorba despre extindere în Balcanii de Vest.

Însă Bosnia şi Herţegovina reprezintă singurul stat din regiune care nu a înregistrat progrese în procesul de integrare europeană. Un principal motiv ar putea să îl reprezinte lipsa unei viziuni atunci când vine vorba despre direcţia în care ar trebui să se îndrepte ţara. Forma de organizare administrativă a ţării îngreunează şi ea procesul decizional. Există îndoială atât în rândul politicienilor, cât şi în rândul populaţiei cu privire la capacitatea Bosniei de a funcţiona ca un stat veritabil. Însă divergenţele dintre politicieni, propriile lor interese puse înaintea interesului naţional, stopează apropierea de Uniunea Europeană, exact aşa cum se întâmplă şi în Republica Moldova, deci indiferent că vorbim despre extindere la est sau spre Balcanii de Vest, politicienii ajung cu greu la un consens.

Situaţia minorităţilor reprezintă un alt aspect îngrijorător. Constituţia permite numai etnicilor bosniaci, sârbi şi croaţi să candideze la preşedinţia ţării sau pentru Camera Superioară. Atrag atenţia că există riscul instalării unei stări de scepticism în rândul populaţiei.


  Tanja Fajon (S&D). - Bosna in Hercegovina nam polzi iz rok. Država je v politični paralizi, politične elite ne sledijo obljubam pri uresničevanju evropskih refom. Posledice nosijo državljani, žal.

Poročilo kolegice Packove odraža stanje v državi, ne strinjam pa se z njenim radikalnim predlogom, da bi Bosno in Hercegovino izključili iz Sveta Evrope. To ne bo služilo napredku.

Dejstvo je, da država tone iz ene politične krize v drugo, razmere se morajo korenito spremeniti. Želim, da država postane članica Unije. Želim, da ji pomagamo. Provokativna retorika o razpustitvi države vodi v napačno smer.

Bosna in Hercegovina lahko deluje kot skupnost različnih narodov. Lahko smo ji vzor, a politiki obljub ne smejo sprejemati s figami v žepu.

Z vstopom Hrvaške v Unijo bo Bosna in Hercegovina postala neposredna soseda velike evropske družine. Prav danes smo s kolegi v Parlamentu predsedujočo Irsko pozvali k lažjim prehodom meje za državljane Bosne in Hercegovine na Hrvaško le z osebnimi izkaznicami. Taka rešitev bi močno olajšala življenje ljudi vzdolž meje. Ljudi ne smemo kaznovati zaradi neuspeha politike.

Politiki v Bosni in Hercegovini pa zaradi lastnih kratkoročnih interesov ne smejo kaznovati svojih državljanov. Ljudje bolj kot kdajkoli doslej zaslužijo varno državo in blagostanje.


  Eduard Kukan (PPE). - To tu ešte nikto nepovedal, ale ja chcem privítať a oceniť iniciatívy komisára Fülleho a vysokej predstaviteľky Ashton namierené na podporu reforiem v Bosne a Hercegovine.

Naše diskusie o tomto štáte sú však stále viac frustrujúce. Je viac ako smutné, že európske ambície krajiny a jej občanov sú tak často paralyzované neschopnosťou miestnych politikov prijať dohody dotýkajúce sa základných princípov fungovania štátu. Ak má EÚ niesť zodpovednosť za budúcnosť a rozvoj Bosny, miestni politici musia niesť jasnú zodpovednosť za jej súčasný stav. Hovorím o základných ľudských právach. Ako je možné, že po štyroch rokoch od rozsudku Európskeho súdu pre ľudské práva a v kauze Sejdic a Finci nie je stále možné ich zakotviť v základnej zmluve? Veď ide o právo každého občana uchádzať sa o miesto v správe vecí verejných. To je minimálna požiadavka pre akúkoľvek krajinu, ktorá sa uchádza o členstvo v Európskej únii. Hovorím o ambíciách Bosny a Hercegoviny stať sa súčasťou Európskej únie. Posledná správa o pokroku hovorí o malom pokroku alebo o vôbec žiadnom pokroku. Základným predpokladom do budúcnosti pre akýkoľvek pokrok je povinnosť predstaviteľov Bosny a Hercegoviny hovoriť o európskej integrácii jasným a jednotným hlasom.

Bosna potrebuje reformy, nie pre Brusel a EÚ, ale pre občanov tohto štátu. EÚ môže pomáhať s reformami, ale zodpovednosť majú plne v rukách miestni politici.


„Catch the eye” eljárás


  Erik Bánki (PPE). - Nagyon nehéz helyzetben van Bosznia-Hercegovina, mivel az ország kis egységekből áll össze föderatív jelleggel, nagyon sérülékenyen. Három etnikum él együtt itt, ami önmagában is konfliktus-érzékeny. Én egy Magyarország déli részén lévő kisvárosban éltem, Mohácson. Nálunk ugyanez a helyzet, ahol horvátok, szerbek, magyarok és németek élnek együtt hosszú ideje békében, de éppen említhetném Pécs városát, ahol ugyanez a helyzet.

Magyarország elkötelezett amellett, hogy Bosznia-Hercegovinában mielőbb stabilizálódjon a helyzet, és minél hamarabb fel tudjanak gyorsulni azok a tárgyalások, amelyek az ország európai uniós csatlakozását lehetővé teszik. Azt gondolom, hogy az Európai Unió déli kapujaként nem is lehetett más az álláspontunk. Nyilván új lesz a helyzet július elsejétől, amikor Horvátország is csatlakozik az Európai Unióhoz, ez még szorosabbá teheti majd az együttműködést velük.


  Josef Weidenholzer (S&D). - Herr Präsident! Ich bin dankbar dafür, dass es diesen Fortschrittsbericht gibt. Sonst würde noch viel weniger über Bosnien und Herzegowina geredet. Es ist eine ganz besondere Tragik, dass mit dem Ende des Krieges auch der Aufmerksamkeitspegel gesunken ist. Das ist nicht nur bedauernswert, es ist ungerecht nach diesen vielen Opfern.

Seit Dayton ist dieses Land in einem beklemmenden Stillstand. Alle Hoffnungen, aus dieser Sackgasse mittels einer europäischen Perspektive herauszukommen, werden immer wieder enttäuscht. Dies sollte uns aber nicht dazu verführen, die Idee eines multiethnischen Bosniens aufzugeben. Das würde bedeuten, dass letzten Endes jene recht behalten, die diesen verhängnisvollen Krieg angezettelt haben. Und es würde keines der Probleme, an denen das Land leidet, lösen. Die Lage wird sich nur dann verändern, wenn wir Bosnien und Herzegowina mehr Aufmerksamkeit beimessen und den nötigen Druck aufbauen, um neue Lösungen zu entwickeln. Vor allem dürfen wir das Land nicht allein lassen, sonst überlassen wir es den Extremisten.


  Jelko Kacin (ALDE). - Mr President, in light of Croatia’s accession to the EU, the Council and the Commission should enable Bosnia and Herzegovina to keep the current travel arrangements with Croatia after 1 July 2013.

Bosnia and Herzegovina’s citizens should be able to enter neighbouring Croatia just with their ID, as Croatia is joining the EU and not the Schengen area. We need to show more solidarity with Bosnian citizens and try to help economic recovery and people-to-people contacts whenever possible.

At the same time, I need to speak out against the rapporteur’s Amendment No 7, which calls on the Council of Europe to suspend Bosnia’s membership of that organisation. We need to facilitate constitutional changes in Bosnia, not further isolate the country by somehow identifying it with Belarus, the only European country which is not a member of the Council of Europe. I have to say to the rapporteur, ‘Doris, you went too far’. We should discuss such a drastic amendment in the Committee on Foreign Affairs first. We did not. We need to reach out to Bosnian citizens. We should definitely not cancel the IPA funds for the country, which does not have the constitutional means to take its fate into its own hands.


  Jaroslav Paška (EFD). - Bosna a Hercegovina je krajina s najzložitejšou vnútornou politickou štruktúrou na Balkáne. Etnické a náboženské rozdelenie obyvateľstva výrazne komplikuje vytváranie akýchkoľvek celoštátnych orgánov a štruktúr. Relatívne čerstvé spomienky na kruté vnútorné vojnové konflikty sú základom pre vysokú mieru nedôvery medzi lídrami jednotlivých skupín obyvateľstva. Vydarená konsolidácia politických pomerov v rozhodujúcich štátoch regiónu v Chorvátsku a v Srbsku však ukazuje aj občanom Bosny a Hercegoviny, že vecné a pokojné riešenie problémov, zbavené predsudkov a nevraživosti, môže byť dobrou cestou pre rozvoj tejto krajiny. Preto som presvedčený, že aj naďalej musíme pokračovať v politike integrácie Balkánu a usilovať sa o získanie dôvery obyvateľstva pre túto cestu. Naša pomoc a podpora budovaniu civilizovanej občianskej spoločnosti Bosny a Hercegoviny totiž nemá alternatívu, aj keď je ťažká a zložitá, a komplikovanejšia ako v susedných krajinách.


  Andrew Henry William Brons (NI). - Mr President, I congratulate Bosnia and Herzegovina on making little progress towards meeting the political criteria. The more resistance a country shows to the EU, the better, in my opinion. In particular it has resisted the move towards a neo-liberal market economy as distinct from simply a private enterprise economy.

Apparently, too, little progress has been made towards freedom of movement, for which I might be inclined to congratulate them – until I discovered they are referring to freedom of movement within Bosnia and Herzegovina. If you are a Croat or a Bosniac, you might think twice about travelling through some parts of the Republic of Srpska. There is a coded reference to there being no shared vision. What this means is that the population is split three ways and political cooperation is minimal. Would it really be desirable to bring such a divided country into the EU?

There is of course a lesson for us. A vertically-divided state is ungovernable, as Swedes in Stockholm must be concluding at this very moment.


  Janusz Władysław Zemke (S&D). - Bardzo dziękuję! Ta dyskusja pokazuje, że sytuacja w Bośni i Hercegowinie nikogo z nas nie zadowala. Należy jednak zadać pytanie o fundamentalnym charakterze: czy oznacza to, że państwo to nie powinno mieć perspektywy wejścia do Unii? Moim zdaniem powinno mieć tę perspektywę, w przeciwnym razie bowiem Unia Europejska straci bardzo ważny instrument wpływu na sytuację w Bośni i Hercegowinie. Kiedy dyskutuje się o tym państwie, należy zawsze pamiętać o jego kontekście historycznym i etnicznym. Myślę, że lepiej stanie się, jeżeli Bośnia i Hercegowina będzie dążyła do wejścia do Unii, jeżeli będzie starała się spełnić wszelkie kryteria i wymogi związane z wejściem do Unii, niż jeżeli zostanie pozostawiona sama sobie.


(A „catch the eye” eljárás vége)


  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, sometimes I am sorry about not following the prepared text. I hope I am not going to be sorry at the end of this attempt.

The honourable Member who raised the issue of the free movement of workers is not here. I am not going to refer to him by name. Usually I try to avoid predicting and giving any kind of dates concerning the enlargement process. I try to avoid doing that. May I have an exception today? I hope colleagues will excuse me.

Bosnia and Herzegovina has not yet applied for membership of the European Union. If the conditions are right, I can foresee that happening in a couple of months. It is really in their hands. Then the Council needs to consider it. There should also be a track record of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement. They will ask the Commission to prepare an opinion. Then, if everything goes well, we might propose opening accession negotiations. There might be some delays because there might be some key priorities still to overcome. We open accession negotiations; we carry out screening for one year; then comes an additional four or five years of negotiations and two years for the ratification process of the accession treaty. Plus, let me remind you that the Member States have the possibility of protecting their internal market for up to seven years against the free movement of workers.

If everything goes well, 17 years from now. That needs quite a vision, a strong vision to foresee the problems in 17 years. By the way, somehow I do not see them, based on the experience that we have had. Also with the country I know the best, in the United Kingdom, where I served as ambassador for a short period of time.

Three points. We have a responsibility and commitment to Bosnia and Herzegovina: 1995, Dayton. We imposed this agreement on them. We have a commitment, and that Dayton Agreement was the best framework for them, to impose peace on Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The time has come to think about another framework, one for actually transforming Bosnia and Herzegovina. Enlargement is the most powerful transformation instrument we have. It is not Dayton, it is enlargement. It is through enlargement that we will be able to tackle a number of those issues you are complaining about and that we, the Commission, complain about.

We need to help them pass over that bridge to the European Union enlargement process. That bridge is, by the way, called for the time being Sejdić-Finci, but I will come back to that.

Second, it is important to see what is going on in the region. We are moving the external border of the European Union to Bosnia and Herzegovina. The rest of the region is moving. The deal between Belgrade and Pristina shows that if there is a will there is a way in the whole region. It shows how important this European perspective is and how much potential there is in this enlargement as a transformation instrument.

So we need to help Bosnia and Herzegovina, which remains the only country outside in the cold and still within the Dayton framework while the rest are moving within the EU framework.

Now the third element. Sometimes we tend to refer to Sejdić-Finci as actually being the only obstacle to the application to join the European Union. This is not the case. Sejdić-Finci is actually the reason why we do not still have implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement, because on the very second day after this agreement entered into force, we would have to start infringement proceedings.

Bosnia and Herzegovina is not living up to its international commitments, and we need to make this clearer and clearer. This brings me to your report, your motion for a resolution and also the amendment to it.

I am not going to get into the debate on whether one or two specific proposals are the right ones. But do I agree that the time has come to sound the alarm for Bosnia and Herzegovina? Yes, the time has come. And while I have heard many of you referring to this amendment and saying you would not support it, I have not heard any alternatives from you. I have not heard any proposals on how to allow Bosnia and Herzegovina to live up to its international commitments.

There are going to be parliamentary elections next year. What are we going to do then? What if we have another parliamentary election in Bosnia and Herzegovina without it delivering on the decision and the verdict of the European Court of Human Rights? What are we going to do then? Are we going to ring the alarm bell then? The time has come now, not to threaten, but to make two things very clear: you need to tackle the verdict of the European Court. You need to align your constitution with that decision because otherwise, not only will you not be able to apply to join the European Union, you will be in breach of your international commitment, and this has consequences, including on the provisional application of the SAA interim agreement.

The second clear message from us is that we are here to help because we are your partners. We have already shown how serious we are in helping you to cross that bridge. OK, if this has not been enough, we from our side will double our efforts, but we need that common vision on your part, because in the end it will be you delivering on the expectations of your citizens.


  Lucinda Creighton, President-in-Office of the Council. − Mr President, thank you for what I think has been, certainly a bleak debate in the sense of our collective sense of disappointment, but also I think, a very constructive and helpful debate, at least from the point of view of the Council, and, I am sure, likewise for the Commission.

I just want to restate that the EU is absolutely unequivocally committed to the European perspective of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and I think we have to step back a little bit and recall the fact that any European country is entitled to join the European Union once it fulfils the criteria. So it is not a question of any current Member State of the EU determining whether or not another country can join, or is European, or whether we should enlarge the European Union. It is a fact that we are committed. We are particularly committed to the European perspective for the countries of the Western Balkans: not just because of our commitments under the Thessaloniki declaration – which, by the way, we will mark with a special Presidency conference in Dublin this Friday, which the Commissioner and others will attend – but also, as Commissioner Füle has pointed out, because of our commitments, and not just our commitments, but our responsibility as partners arising out of the Dayton Agreement. I think we really have to reflect on the fact that, as an international actor, and as European neighbours and partners, we have a responsibility to all the countries of the Western Balkans, and particularly to a country like Bosnia and Herzegovina, which has been so divided and which still has so much of a challenge and so many obstacles to overcome in order to bring its people together and ultimately to be reunited as part of the European family.

The EU, as I said in my introductory remarks, will continue to assist the country. We will strengthen our presence on the ground, and that is a clearly-stated commitment. But I agree with many Members, including the rapporteur Ms Pack, and Ms Bozkurt and Mr Kukan and many others, who have said that responsibility for progress with Bosnia and Herzegovina lies with its leaders and its own institutions. That is always the case. I think the EU can be a helpful, constructive and engaged partner. But we cannot substitute for the actions that are required by the political leadership in that country.

Reforms are crucial, and these are reforms – contrary to the suggestion in one intervention – which are very firmly based on our system of values, values deriving from respect for democracy, human rights, minorities and the rule of law. They are the values upon which the European Union is based, and it is right and proper that we work with, and encourage, our partners, our fellow Europeans (albeit outside the European Union) to aspire to implementing those values in their domestic situation, for the good of their citizens. I make no apologies, and I do not believe that too many people in this Chamber will make apologies for insisting on the pursuit of those common and shared values. Key EU-related reforms are essential, not just because we are calling for them, but because they are genuinely in the interest of the country and its citizens.

The point has been well made that this is not an overnight process, and we have nothing to fear. It is ten years at this stage since Croatia embarked on its journey towards EU accession, and thankfully, Croatia will formally join us on 1 July. The other countries of the region are making progress, most notably – and we debated it here in this Chamber just a couple of weeks ago – Serbia and Kosovo. I think the work of the High Representative and Commissioner Füle and many members of this Parliament has to be complimented for the dedication and the persistence that led to that agreement. There is still a long way to go for all the other countries of the Western Balkans, but we are determined to make progress and to deliver on the commitment that we have made to our fellow Europeans.

I mentioned that we will have a conference in Dublin marking the Thessaloniki Declaration this week. I think it is a good opportunity for us as Europeans to reflect. Yesterday in one of the debates that we engaged in here in plenary we talked about the fact that we can always aspire to Utopia and to ideal circumstances. But I think that, in the case of enlargement – particularly with the Western Balkans – we have to remember where we have come from. We have to remember the bloodshed, the war, the tragedy that occurred on our own doorstep a very short time ago, and how much progress has been made in the region generally. That progress, whether it is Croatia or Montenegro or the other countries which are, slowly but surely, making their way on the path to EU integration, will – and can, I am certain – inspire similar progress in Bosnia. Yes we are frustrated, yes we want to see leadership, but I am absolutely convinced that we can and will deliver on that.

I want to thank Parliament for your engagement on this. I think the work – the sometimes silent work – of rapporteurs, of people who genuinely engage with individuals, with civil society, with political parties, at government level, is hugely valuable and continually reinforces the message of the need to reform and the great rewards that are available for citizens and for the country as a whole.

On Ms Pack’s proposed amendment to suspend Bosnia and Herzegovina’s membership of the Council of Europe in connection with the ECHR, we do not have a Council position on this, so I suppose I can simply speak personally. I very much understand where you are coming from. I fully agree that there have to be consequences, but, on the other hand, I think the Court of Human Rights has to be the point of recourse for citizens to have their rights vindicated. I have a concern that it may perhaps be a counter-productive measure as regards its outcome, but I am certainly willing to hear more from Parliament on that.

I want to thank Parliament again, and to reflect and remind ourselves of how important it is for all of the EU institutions to work together and to continue with this constructive engagement. I think we know at this stage that the solution that has been offered to Bosnia and Herzegovina through the Dayton Agreement initially, and indeed even through our engagement at EU level on the path to European integration for the country, is not working. I think we have to listen to the genuine suggestion from a number of Members – Mr Rouček and Mr Posselt and others (the Commissioner, too, has just mentioned it) – about the genuine need for constitutional reform. I very strongly believe that we have to go down that road now.

There is a need for a new approach for Bosnia and Herzegovina. I think there is a consensus here in the Chamber, and we need to find a new path, one that respects all the communities – people of different backgrounds – and helps the country to break out of the political deadlock that we have seen for too long. So more work needs to be done by the Commission, the Council and Parliament, and I look forward to working closely with all of you to achieve that.


  Elnök. − 1 állásfoglalási indítvány juttattak el hozzám, melyeket az eljárási szabályzat 110. cikkének (2) bekezdésével összhangban nyújtottak be(1).

A vitát lezárom.

Szavazásra 2013. május 23-án, csütörtökön kerül sor.

Írásbeli nyilatkozatok (149. cikk)


  Kinga Göncz (S&D), írásban. 2013 a Nyugat-Balkán éve lehet Európában. Horvátország hat hét múlva csatlakozik az Európai Unióhoz. A Belgrád és Pristina közötti történelmi megállapodást követően minden reményünk megvan arra, hogy Szerbia lesz a következő ország a régióban, amely hamarosan csatlakozási tárgyalásokat kezdhet az uniós tagállamokkal. Koszovó a közeljövőben ugyancsak tárgyalóasztalhoz ülhet a 27, vagy immár 28 tagú Európai Unióval, hogy a társulási megállapodásig vezető feladatokról egyeztessen. Montenegró tavaly június óta tárgyal a huszonhetekkel a csatlakozásról.

Bosznia-Hercegovina azonban könnyen „lekésheti a pillanatot”, hiszen még a tagfelvételi kérelmét sem nyújtotta be, amit eredetileg a múlt évre tervezett. Az etnikai konfliktusok továbbra is gátolják a köztársaság intézményeinek normális működését, hiányzik az Európai Unióhoz való közeledéshez szükséges politikai konszenzus. Ha az ország egyes politikai erői csupán saját etnikai közösségük szempontjait tartják szem előtt, 2013 nem Bosznia és Hercegovina, hanem Horvátország, Szerbia és Koszovó éve lesz a Nyugat-Balkánon.

Július 1-je után a horvát-boszniai határ boszniai oldalán élők elveszítik azt a lehetőséget, hogy személyi igazolvánnyal lépjék át a határt. Kérjük a Tanácsot, hogy feladva elutasító álláspontját, döntsön kedvezően ennek a rezsimnek a fenntartásáról. Csatlakozása után a több Unión kívüli országgal határos Magyarország is alkalmazta ezt a rendszert, megkönnyítendő az emberek utazását, kapcsolattartását. Szívesen átadjuk az ezzel kapcsolatos tapasztalatainkat.


  Jaromír Kohlíček (GUE/NGL), písemně. Bosna a Hercegovina je země, která měla na Balkáně vždy zvláštní statut. Po rakousko-uherské anexi bylo v roce 1928 patrné, že je zde zvláštní struktura osídlení a že rozdíl mezi Srby, Chorvaty a muslimy není v jazyce, ale ve vyznávaném náboženství. Zdá se, že orgány EU toto dodnes nepochopily, a zpráva Doris Pack je zřejmým důkazem. V současné době je Bosna a Hercegovina typickou konfederací: na jedné straně Republika srbská, na druhé straně Federace Bosny a Hercegoviny. Postavení národnostních menšin je velmi delikátní a krvavý konflikt má dodnes své následky. Původně bylo venkovské obyvatelstvo na území Bosny a Hercegoviny v převážné většině pravoslavné s malou výjimkou katolické oblasti v nejzápadnějším výběžku země. Města byla muslimská. To samozřejmě při válečném konfliktu značně znepřehledňovalo situaci a znesnadňovalo administrativní rozdělení země. Protože toto rozdělení není statické a stoprocentní, nutně vedle sebe žijí v Bosně a Hercegovině lidé hovořící sice stejným jazykem, ale vyznávající jiné náboženství. V jiných částech Evropy by toto rozdělení bylo považováno za absurdní, ale zde účinkování tzv. evropských struktur rozdělení stále podporuje. Je třeba v dalším jednání akceptovat konfederativní charakter Bosny a Hercegoviny a vyhnout se některým ne zcela uváženým návrhům. I v budoucnu je nezbytné vyjednávat, nikoliv nařizovat.


  Franz Obermayr (NI), schriftlich. Bei aller Erweiterungsbegeisterung sollte auch der Blick auf die Realität nicht verloren gehen: Denn hohe Arbeitslosigkeit, Korruption, Probleme bei der Rechtsstaatlichkeit, somit dringend notwendige Reformen der Verfassung, der Justiz, der Mediengesetze usw. sind ja kein Geheimnis. So kann man nur hoffen, dass die 600 Millionen Euro, die seitens der EU seit 2008 geflossen sind, auch sinnvoll genützt werden. Entscheidend wird sein, ob die drei Volksgruppen bereit sind, die gegenseitige Blockadepolitik zu beenden, und zu einem gemeinsamen Staatsgefühl kommen! Wenig hilfreich ist daher der immer stärker werdende Einfluss radikaler Fundamentalisten aus Saudi-Arabien, der bereits in die EU überschwappt. Die Probleme sind auf dem Tisch, der Hohe Repräsentant und EU-Sonderbeauftragte, Herr Inzko, sollte auch endlich Fortschritte erzielen.


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