Fuldstændigt Forhandlingsreferat

Mandag den 21. oktober 2013 - Strasbourg

17. Menneskerettighedssituationen i Sahel-regionen (kortfattet forelæggelse)

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die kurze Darstellung des Berichts von Charles Tannock über die Lage der Menschenrechte in der Sahelzone (2013/2020(INI)) (A7-0325/2013).

  Charles Tannock, rapporteur. − Mr President, (inaudible as microphone is switched off) ... of my Sahel report has not been easy, and I would like now to set the record straight on how this report came to exist in its current form. For a start, my position on the Western Sahara has been consistent over a number of years in terms of the right of the Saharawi people to determine their own future in a free and fair manner acceptable to both sides.

I take no views on what the final status of that territory should be, but when I first accepted the report, I understood that it was only to address the Sahel. Only subsequently did I learn that Western Sahara was always intended to form a part of the report and, indeed, was initially the sole subject of the report. After much wrangling and title changes, it was decided eventually that the title should only include the Sahel, but that the Western Sahara would formally be included in the report’s remit. This decision was ratified by the enlarged bureaux of both the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Subcommittee on Human Rights and in the Conference of Committee Chairs and the Conference of Presidents.

I suggest that, in the long run, this will prove to be no bad thing. Western Sahara is rarely appended to discussions on the Sahel, but in geopolitical security and indeed human rights terms, this may well prove to have been an error. As the UN Secretary-General said in April, the conflict must be addressed as part of a broader strategy for the Sahel. Instability in Western Sahara is bad for the Sahel and vice versa. As we often say in this Parliament, human rights and security are both symbiotic and inextricable. Reports have indicated to me that unrest in Western Sahara and in the Tindouf camps is growing. A return to violence in any form would be catastrophic.

Leaving Western Sahara aside for a moment, the most pressing part of the report deals – naturally – with the grave disaster witnessed over the past two years in Mali, which had previously seen relative peace and stability for a number of years. Although we can be cautiously optimistic now that the worst of the crisis is over, it is not yet finished, with several hundreds of thousands of refugees and IDPs still waiting to return home and the fragile peace being jeopardised by sporadic skirmishes and suicide bombings. The long process of reconciliation must also begin with Mali’s different communities. Certainly, Tuareg resentment over many decades must be addressed – not simply in Mali itself, but across the whole Sahel region.

The reconciliation will not work without justice where it is due. Mali must be seen as a prototype for the success of judicial institution-building and the rule of law. Too often in the Sahel region, war crimes and crimes against humanity have been met with institutional impunity. For this reason, the recent Senegalese indictment of former Chadian dictator Hissène Habré, and of course the ICC’s investigation into Malian war crimes, are to be greatly welcomed in this House.

Besides the immediate concerns in Mali and the need to combat impunity, I have tried in the report to emphasise the need for a coherent strategy across the whole Sahel region which combines an awareness of human rights with the imperative of boosting security, tackling Jihadi radicalisation, clamping down on the trafficking of people, arms and drugs – particularly with regard to the ‘trafficking superhighway’ which bisects the Sahel east-west and south-north – and, above all, improving the governance, accountability and legitimacy of state and regional institutions. This report makes a particular point of advocating the decentralisation of power and boosting the role of civil society.

Lastly, I have addressed the situation of women, children and minorities, including child labour, forced marriage, female genital mutilation and – especially in Mauritania – the controversial issue of slavery, although this is of course extremely contentious and vigorously disputed by the Mauritanian authorities.

In short, the overriding theme of the report must be for the EU to work with local actors to focus on security, stability and human rights in synthesis. The EU already has a trading mission in Mali from the CSDP and a capability-building mission in Niger, but human rights are markedly absent from the EU overall Sahel strategy. This is an area where we can do more to help, and I hope that this report makes some contributions in so doing. If, similarly, we can bring voices together on Western Sahara and possibly influence the situation there in some small way, I hope that the report can be considered a success.

Catch-the-eye-Verfahren

  Jean Roatta (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, dans mon intervention, je parlerai uniquement du Sahel puisque le rapport porte sur cette région du Sahel.

Les droits de l'homme dans la région du Sahel: vaste sujet, mes chers collègues. Le Sahel, c'est cinq pays, quatre-vingt millions d'habitants – dont plus de la moitié ont moins de dix-huit ans – des enfants, des femmes qui meurent de faim, des trafics en tout genre, le terreau du terrorisme, les droits de l'homme bafoués et l'esclavage. Je suis fier que le Parlement européen se soit saisi de ce sujet et que nous ayons pu contribuer, grâce au rapport, à proposer des solutions politiques, humanitaires, des solutions d'avenir dans cette zone de non-droit. Je félicite M. le rapporteur pour son travail, pour l'énergie qu'il a su mettre dans la rédaction de son rapport, ainsi que tous nos assistants.

Je reste convaincu qu'un essor économique, humain et social dans la région du Sahel est possible. Le Sahel est riche de ressources naturelles. Il n'est pas dépourvu de perspectives de développement économique, si les populations perçoivent les bénéfices des investissements des entreprises.

Le Sahel est à nos portes, Mesdames et Messieurs,

(Le Président retire la parole à l'orateur)

  Corina Creţu (S&D). - Doresc să îl felicit pe domnul Tannock pentru acest raport comprehensiv referitor la acest „no man’s land” apropiat de limita sudică a Uniunii Europene.

În Sahel instabilitatea politico-statală, conflictele transfrontaliere şi foametea au cronicizat o criză care avantajează grupările teroriste şi de crimă organizată. Permeabilitatea graniţelor şi impunitatea au transformat Sahelul în placă turnantă pentru traficul de fiinţe umane, droguri şi arme. Milioane de localnici suferă din cauza insecurităţii personale şi alimentare, mulţi din ei în tabere de refugiaţi. Tratamentele inumane, execuţiile sumare, răpirile şi violurile, înrolarea forţată a copiilor şi discriminarea femeilor sunt o constantă a vieţii cotidiene.

Susţin cererile adresate Comisiei de a-şi intensifica efortul deja consistent pentru evitarea unei catastrofe umanitare şi geopolitice, dar mai ales solicit includerea în strategia UE pentru Sahel a protejării femeilor şi promovării egalităţii de gen. Femeile sunt cele mai afectate de încălcarea brutală a drepturilor omului în Sahel.

  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL). - Senhor Presidente, este relatório espelha mais uma vez as contradições da União Europeia ao preocupar-se abundantemente, por um lado, com os terroristas jihadistas no Mali quando, simultaneamente, apoia os mesmos grupos de forma mais ou menos encapotada na Síria.

Espelha assim as contradições de duas medidas para duas situações parecidas, espelha as contradições quando se preocupa hoje com a desestabilização na Líbia, com o armamento que vem da Líbia, quando foi a própria União Europeia que atirou as bombas para cima do povo líbio e destruiu o seu país.

Finalmente, é evidente que o tema do Sara Ocidental é importante. No Sara Ocidental, há décadas que se vive uma situação dramática que tem de ser resolvida e, hoje, a União Europeia tem de ter uma posição firme no que diz respeito às relações que estabelece com Marrocos, no que se refere à sua posição relativamente ao Sara Ocidental.

  Gilles Pargneaux (S&D). - Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, Monsieur le Rapporteur, la thématique des droits de l'homme est l'un des combats majeurs du Parlement européen et de l'Union européenne dans son ensemble.

Je regrette cependant que, sous couvert de l'examen de la situation des droits de l'homme au Sahel, le Maroc soit, une nouvelle fois, montré du doigt par certains au sein de notre Parlement. Ainsi, près d'un tiers de ce rapport est aujourd'hui consacré au Sahara occidental.

N'oublions pas, chers collègues, que le Maroc est l'un des seuls pays à avoir mené une vraie politique de développement dans sa région sahélo-saharienne, à y avoir développé un État de droit respectable et fort, lesquels ont permis d'endiguer la montée du terrorisme dans cette région. L'ensemble de notre communauté internationale condamne la défaite de l'État de droit comme vecteur du terrorisme et, pourtant, certains députés européens ferment les yeux sur ce qu'a accompli le Royaume du Maroc.

Le texte adopté en commission des affaires étrangères est globalement positif et doit le rester. C'est pourquoi j'invite mes collègues députés à rejeter les amendements de plénière qui ont été déposés, notamment celui invitant au rejet du futur accord de pêche entre l'Union européenne et le Maroc.

Monsieur le Commissaire, je souhaite aussi que vous puissiez vous prononcer à ce sujet.

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, thank you, on behalf of Vice-President Ashton, for this opportunity to present the EU approach to the crisis and human rights situation in the Sahel region.

Firstly, let me pay tribute to Mr Tannock, the rapporteur of this very comprehensive and clear report, as well as to all the MEPs and committees involved in the drafting process. As is well documented in this report, the Sahel remains one of the poorest regions of the world and is particularly vulnerable to most of the problems – including corruption – that hamper state authority. People living there have become increasingly vulnerable to radicalisation and violent extremism. That threat extends to the EU itself. We are within a short distance of terrorist groups based in northern Mali and are directly impacted by the situation there. We cannot be indifferent.

This report confirms the worrying human rights situation in the region. Weak governance and its impact on state institutions have dramatically diminished the capacity of the countries to effectively deliver basic services, promote broad-based political participation and protect human rights.

It is clear that a renewed commitment to and effective implementation of the democratic governance and human rights standards subscribed to by the Sahel countries have the potential to strengthen the rule of law and advance human rights protection. Such a development would help to address the root causes of the crisis and contribute to ensuring sustainable peace in Mali, while preventing escalation in the neighbouring countries.

Only a comprehensive approach that truly makes full use of all the means at the EU’s disposal — ranging from crisis management to institution-building and development assistance — will help build a more stable and prosperous future for this region. The External Action Service and the Commission are currently preparing a new set of actions which will form part of the EU Sahel Strategy in 2013-2014.

I was particularly pleased to note that the EU’s key role in the Sahel region is rightly recognised in your report and that you reiterate your support for the lines of action in the EU Strategy. This strategy is built on the assumption that security is a prerequisite for socioeconomic growth. State building, coupled with good governance and regional coordination, is necessary to achieve this.

The strategy has proved a very useful tool for shaping a common EU position on the Sahel crisis and enhancing the level of our engagement in Mali, Mauritania and Niger. Under the 10th EDF alone, approximately EUR 1.5 billion were dedicated to development projects there, with a specific focus on security and the rule of law. Three important missions were launched in the wider region: EUCAP SAHEL Niger, EUTM Mali and EUBAM Libya. These three missions all undertake specific training on human rights and gender issues.

Today, our strategy continues to be the right framework for EU action at both individual and collective levels, and it will be important to extend its scope to Sahel countries neighbouring Mali, Mauritania and Niger.

We take note of your concern that our policies and action could do more to mainstream human rights, women’s and girls’ rights and the rights of minorities. As you are aware, Vice-President Ashton is personally committed to promoting these rights. In April this year, she organised a high-level meeting in Brussels to consult with women from the region and ensure that their voices were heard in the run up to key policy events such as the Heads of States Conference for the development of Mali in May.

As is rightly pointed out in the report, we also remain concerned about the implications of the Western Sahara conflict for security and cooperation in the region. We reaffirm our full support to the UN Secretary-General’s efforts to achieve a just, lasting and mutually-acceptable political solution which will provide for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara. This would certainly contribute to stability and security in the region.

Finally, we encourage the parties to continue in their respective efforts to enhance the promotion and protection of human rights in Western Sahara and the Tindouf camps. I can assure you that all the legitimate concerns raised in your report will be duly taken into consideration.

  Der Präsident. − Die Aussprache ist geschlossen. Die Abstimmung findet am Dienstag, 22. Oktober 2013, um 11.30 Uhr statt.