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Pirmadienis, 2013 m. spalio 21 d. - Strasbūras Atnaujinta informacija
1. Sesijos atnaujinimas
 2. Ankstesnio posėdžio protokolų tvirtinimas (žr. protokolą)
 3. Prašymas ginti Parlamento nario imunitetą (žr.protokolą)
 4. Prašymas taikyti skubos tvarką (žr. protokola)
 5. Pagal įprastą teisėkūros procedūrą priimtų teisės aktų pasirašymas (žr. protokola)
 6. Veiksmai, kurių imtasi dėl prašymo ginti Parlamento nario imunitetą
 7. Pateikti dokumentai (žr.protokolą)
 8. Klausimai, į kuriuos atsakoma žodžiu (gauti klausimai) (žr. protokola)
 9. Peticijos (žr. protokolą)
 10. Darbų programa
 11. Klimato kaitos konferencija (diskusijos)
 12. Tarptautinių prekybos taisyklių taikymas ir jų vykdymo užtikrinimas (diskusijos)
 13. ES prekybos politika Rytų partnerystės šalių atžvilgiu (diskusijos)
 14. Prekyba narkotinių ir psichotropinių medžiagų pirmtakais (prekursoriais) tarp Bendrijos ir trečiųjų šalių (diskusijos)
 15. Vienos minutės kalbos svarbiais politiniais klausimais
 16. Lytinė ir reprodukcinė sveikata ir teisės (trumpas pristatymas)
 17. Žmogaus teisės Sahelio regione (trumpas pristatymas)
 18. Vietos valdžios institucijos ir pilietinė visuomenė (trumpas pristatymas)
 19. Švietimo persvarstymas (trumpas pristatymas)
 20. ES pasirengimo narystei fondai: teismų sistemos ir kova su korupcija (trumpas pristatymas)
 21. Kito posėdžio darbotvarkė (žr. protokola)
 22. Posėdžio pabaiga


  

VORSITZ: MARTIN SCHULZ
Präsident

(Die Sitzung wird um 17.10 Uhr eröffnet.)

 
1. Sesijos atnaujinimas
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas
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  Der Präsident. − Ich erkläre die am Donnerstag, dem 10. Oktober 2013, unterbrochene Sitzungsperiode für wieder aufgenommen.

 
  
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  Iñaki Irazabalbeitia Fernández (Verts/ALE). - Señor Presidente, yo creo que este Parlamento tiene que congratularse por la sentencia que el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos ha dictado hoy en el caso Inés del Río. La declaración de ilegalidad de la llamada «doctrina Parot» ayudará a eliminar uno de los obstáculos del proceso de paz del País Vasco ―último conflicto armado de Europa occidental― y, además, supone el reconocimiento de los derechos de las personas presas. Europa ha dado un paso hacia la paz con la decisión del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos.

 

2. Ankstesnio posėdžio protokolų tvirtinimas (žr. protokolą)

3. Prašymas ginti Parlamento nario imunitetą (žr.protokolą)

4. Prašymas taikyti skubos tvarką (žr. protokola)
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas

5. Pagal įprastą teisėkūros procedūrą priimtų teisės aktų pasirašymas (žr. protokola)
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas
 

*****

 
  
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  Agustín Díaz de Mera García Consuegra (PPE). - Señor Presidente, gracias por su tolerancia.

Me quiero referir brevemente a las víctimas de las consecuencias de la sentencia del Tribunal de Derechos Humanos de Estrasburgo. Es inequívocamente claro, señor Presidente, que los derechos humanos tienen que proteger más a las víctimas que a los asesinos. Y por eso, señor Presidente, rechazo —que es aquí donde se puede rechazar políticamente— el fondo y la forma de esa sentencia.

 

6. Veiksmai, kurių imtasi dėl prašymo ginti Parlamento nario imunitetą

7. Pateikti dokumentai (žr.protokolą)

8. Klausimai, į kuriuos atsakoma žodžiu (gauti klausimai) (žr. protokola)

9. Peticijos (žr. protokolą)

10. Darbų programa
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas
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  Der Präsident. − Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren! Ich darf Sie um einen Moment Aufmerksamkeit bitten. Ich muss Sie um eine eventuelle Änderung der Tagesordnung bitten. Ich mache das gleich zu Beginn unserer Arbeitswoche. Ich muss Ihnen Folgendes mitteilen:

Der Präsident der Europäischen Kommission, Herr Barroso, hat mich heute Morgen, um 7.30 Uhr, informiert über die Tatsache, dass er befürchtet, dass die Kommission der Europäischen Union Mitte November nicht mehr zahlungsfähig ist, wenn Nachtragshaushalte, die zurzeit nicht verabschiedet sind, nicht verabschiedet werden. Ohne weitere Bewertung dieser Aussage und auch ohne dass ich das im Einzelnen analysieren kann, muss ich Ihnen trotzdem mitteilen, dass ich diese Mitteilung durch den Kommissionspräsidenten erhalten habe und dass ich sie ernst nehmen muss, was ich auch tue.

Es handelt sich um die Bitte des Kommissionspräsidenten, die er diesem Hinweis auf eventuelle Zahlungsunfähigkeit hinzugefügt hat, dass wir den Nachtragshaushalt, durch den die Mindereinnahmen aus den Zolleinnahmen der Europäischen Union kompensiert werden sollen, in einem Dringlichkeitsverfahren verabschieden sollen. Es handelt sich dabei um eine Summe von 2,7 Milliarden Euro, die zum Bereich der Eigenmittel der Europäischen Union gehören. Im Haushaltsvoranschlag wurde ein höherer Betrag angesetzt als tatsächlich eingenommen wurde. Deshalb fehlen 2,7 Milliarden.

Das Europäische Parlament war, wie Sie wissen, bereit, diese Änderungshaushalte bereits anzunehmen. Der Rat hat das Parlament gebeten, das nicht zu tun, sondern die Änderungshaushalte über 3,9 Milliarden, über 2,7 Milliarden wegen der fehlenden Zolleinnahmen und 0,4 Milliarden aus Umschichtungen für Flutopfer in einem Paket zu verabschieden. Nunmehr hat der Rat seine Meinung geändert und möchte das nicht in einem Paket verabschieden, sondern die 2,7 Milliarden des Nachtragshaushalts Nr. 6 vorziehen und in einem Dringlichkeitsverfahren hier verabschieden. Anderenfalls, so Kommissionspräsident Barroso, könne er nicht ausschließen, dass die Kommission Mitte November ihre Zahlungsverpflichtungen nicht mehr erfüllen kann.

Ich muss Sie deshalb um Folgendes bitten: Ich empfehle Ihnen einen Beschluss zu Beginn dieser Plenarwoche. Zunächst einmal habe ich Herrn Lamassoure, den Vorsitzenden des Haushaltsausschusses, gebeten, eine Dringlichkeitssitzung des Haushaltsausschusses für morgen einzuberufen. Auf dieser Dringlichkeitssitzung kann der Sachverhalt durch unseren zuständigen Ausschuss geprüft werden. Gleichzeitig kann es sein, dass der vom Rat gewünschte Nachtragshaushalt bis dahin auch hier eintrifft. Wir haben nämlich heute feststellen müssen, dass er bis jetzt vom Rat noch gar nicht angenommen worden ist. Ich gehe aber davon aus, dass das geschehen könnte. Ich bin nicht in den Untiefen des Rates zuhause, aber ich könnte mir vorstellen, dass sie das noch schaffen, den anzunehmen. Wenn er denn hier eingetroffen ist, könnte der Haushaltsausschuss ihn prüfen. Und ich würde Ihnen vorschlagen, heute zu beschließen, dass in dem Fall, dass der Haushaltsausschuss morgen über einen Nachtragshaushalt verfügt und ihn billigt, wir dann am Donnerstagmorgen beschließen könnten, diesen Punkt auf die Tagesordnung des Plenums zu setzen. Das wäre meine Bitte, die ich an Sie habe.

Ich wiederhole noch einmal: Eine Sondersitzung des Haushaltsausschusses morgen Abend. In dieser Sondersitzung kann, für den Fall, dass der Entwurf des Rates bis dato hier ist, der Haushaltsausschuss darüber beraten, ihn gegebenenfalls annehmen, und an das Plenum überweisen. Dann könnte das Plenum entweder am Mittwoch oder besser wahrscheinlich am Donnerstag darüber abstimmen. Da wir jederzeit die Möglichkeit haben, die Tagesordnung bei Beginn der Beratungen zu ergänzen, würde ich Ihnen empfehlen, dann am Donnerstagmorgen diesen Punkt zur Abstimmung auf die Tagesordnung zu setzen.

Ich muss Sie bedauerlicherweise jetzt damit konfrontieren und wäre Ihnen dankbar, wenn Sie mir Ihre Positionen dazu nennen könnten.

 
  
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  Joseph Daul, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président, j'ai appris la nouvelle cet après-midi – non pas à 7 heures du matin – et je me pose simplement deux questions. D'abord, le Conseil nous demande de faire un paquet global, et maintenant, voilà que nous faisons un paquet séparé. Mais dans ce cas, que deviennent les 3,9 milliards? Moi, je demande un contrôle rigoureux au niveau du budget. Il ne faut pas que ceci nous mette demain en position non pas de force, mais de faiblesse pour négocier les 3,9 milliards. Ce n'est pas normal! La semaine dernière, lorsque nous avons rencontré tous les chefs en commission des budgets, il n'y avait pas de problèmes, ni même samedi. Et puis aujourd'hui, on nous annonce que nous serons en cessation de paiement le 15 novembre. J'ai franchement du mal à comprendre...Moi en tant que chef d'entreprise, j'aurais licencié les personnes responsables!

 
  
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  Enrique Guerrero Salom, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor Presidente, no sé si deberíamos despedir a los responsables de esta cuestión, pero lo cierto es que nos llega por sorpresa aunque, para ellos no debe ser una sorpresa. Enterarse en un fin de semana de que pueden entrar en suspensión de pagos no es un tema menor.

De todas formas creo que, como tantas veces, este Parlamento va a asumir una posición de responsabilidad, a pesar de que no tenemos todavía los textos concretos, a pesar de que no estamos seguros de que sea imprescindible aprobarlo en este Pleno, a pesar, incluso, de que no confiemos suficientemente en que las razones que nos están dando sean las razones reales y en que no haya ninguna trampa en el procedimiento.

Pero, considerando todo eso, creo que la propuesta del Presidente es correcta y que debemos propiciar que, si la Comisión de Presupuestos comprueba que en los textos las propuestas son suficientemente claras y no afectan a la suma de 3 900 millones y que es imprescindible aprobarlo en este Pleno, este punto se incluya en el orden del día y se debata y apruebe el próximo jueves.

 
  
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  Guy Verhofstadt, au nom du groupe ALDE. – Monsieur le Président, s'il y a une cessation de paiement ou un risque de cessation de paiement au sein de l'Union européenne, il faut clairement dire qui en est à l'origine et qui est responsable de cet état de fait. Ce n'est pas le Parlement, c'est le Conseil, qui n'est pas capable de déposer les différents budgets rectificatifs. Parce que c'est cela qu'on attend. On attend l'approbation par le Conseil de ces trois budgets rectificatifs au moins.

Mon deuxième point va dans le même sens que mon collègue Joseph Daul. Qui nous dit que si nous approuvons les 2,7 milliards, qui sont liés aux ressources propres – il s'agit d'une diminution des ressources propres qui implique une augmentation de la contribution au niveau national – qui nous dit que le Conseil sera encore prêt à approuver les deux autres budgets rectificatifs?

Pour moi, il n'est pas question de discuter, jeudi, de ces 2,7 milliards sans avoir l'assurance que le Conseil approuvera aussi les 3,6 et les 0,4, c'est-à-dire les deux autres budgets rectificatifs.

En résumé, si le Conseil nous a demandé de faire un paquet global, je suis d'accord. On va tout globaliser.

 
  
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  Rebecca Harms, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Als der historische Kompromiss zum Haushalt und zum MFF vor einiger Zeit zwischen Rat und Parlament geschlossen worden ist, waren wir ja nicht der Meinung, dass man das so machen sollte. Es wird allerdings nicht besser, wenn sich das Europäische Parlament jetzt schon wieder von den großen Kulissenschiebern in eine Position der Schwäche schieben lässt, wie Joseph Daul das hervorragend geschildert hat.

Deswegen bin ich der Meinung, dass es nicht richtig ist, die Tagesordnung zu ändern, bevor wir etwas vorliegen haben, und dass wir allenfalls unterstützend vorgehen sollten. Das heißt, wir haben jeden Morgen die Möglichkeit zu entscheiden, ob wir die Tagesordnung ändern, und können das dann auch tun. Aber diese Art der Kulissenschieberei und der Schwarze-Peter-Schieberei ist völlig unakzeptabel, weil die Situation, dass wir nicht über genügend Geld verfügen, nicht von uns zu verantworten ist.

 
  
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  Gabriele Zimmer, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Seitdem wir über den MFR und über die Budgets vom vergangenen Jahr, von diesem Jahr und für 2014 reden, ist die begleitende Frage der Zahlungsunfähigkeit der Europäischen Union immer ein Druckmittel gewesen, und es war immer eine Wand, die vor uns hergeschoben worden ist. Wir erleben jetzt wieder, dass wir unter Druck gesetzt werden sollen, und dass das Parlament in der Öffentlichkeit als verantwortlich dargestellt werden soll, wenn die Europäische Union ihre Pflichtaufgaben nicht erfüllt. Ich denke, das kann nicht sein. Ich bestehe auch im Namen meiner Fraktion darauf, dass wir klar und deutlich einfordern, dass es für die 2,7 Milliarden eine konkrete Beschlussvorlage geben muss. Das muss schriftlich eingereicht sein. Der Haushaltsausschuss muss in der Lage sein, das zu prüfen. Wir müssen das in den Fraktionen prüfen können, und dann kann man am Donnerstag entscheiden, ob wir es auf die Tagesordnung setzen.

Ich möchte auch betonen, dass die Frage mit den 3,9 Milliarden Euro für uns eine essenzielle Frage ist. Dies ist mehrfach betont worden. Und ich lehne es gleichzeitig ab – und sage das auch hier noch einmal deutlich –, dass die Zahlung der 3,9 Milliarden für den Nachtragshaushalt gleichgesetzt wird mit der Konditionalität der Zustimmung zum MFR.

 
  
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  Francesco Enrico Speroni, a nome del gruppo EFD. – Signor Presidente, questa notizia abbastanza sconvolgente dovrebbe rallegrare tutti quelli che vogliono gli Stati Uniti d'Europa a somiglianza degli Stati Uniti d'America, perché come gli Stati Uniti d'America anche noi adesso ci avviamo verso la cessazione dei pagamenti pubblici. Di chi sia la responsabilità è inutile discutere: questo dimostra che forse un passo indietro o magari più passi indietro sarebbero opportuni.

In ogni caso, ritengo che se questo punto debba essere messo all'ordine del giorno, non lo debba essere messo per una semplice votazione, bensì ci dovrebbe essere anche una discussione non solo in commissione, ma anche in Aula.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Meine Damen und Herren! Ich muss Sie noch einmal auf Folgendes aufmerksam machen. Ich habe gar keine andere Gelegenheit gehabt, als Sie jetzt darüber zu informieren. Bitte versetzen Sie sich in meine Lage: Mich informiert heute Morgen ja nicht irgendwer, sondern der Kommissionspräsident, darüber, dass er laut seinen Dienststellen, die ihn informiert haben, Mitte November kein Geld mehr hat und er mich um ein beschleunigtes Verfahren bittet. Ich kann Ihnen diese Bitte hier nicht vorenthalten, deshalb habe ich das hier vorgetragen. Insofern bin ich über die eine oder andere Äußerung hier ein bisschen erstaunt. Ich tue ja nur meine Pflicht, sonst überhaupt nichts. Es ist mir bedauerlicherweise verboten, von diesem Sessel aus meine Kommentierung darüber abzugeben. Ich glaube aber, die ist hinreichend bekannt.

Das, was wir hier haben, Herr Speroni, ist das Resultat ihrer ach so heiß geliebten nationalen Regierungen. Es ist ja nicht das Europäische Parlament, das diese Vorgehensweise verfolgt. Wir sind in dieser Situation, weil die Mitgliedstaaten ihren Verpflichtungen sichtlich nicht nachkommen.

Und Frau Zimmer, jetzt sage ich Ihnen noch etwas, ich habe das hier wiederholt gesagt: Der Artikel 323 des Vertrags ist eindeutig. Die Organe insgesamt sind verpflichtet, der EU die Mittel zur Verfügung zu stellen, die wir für die Erfüllung der Aufgaben brauchen. Wenn diese Mittel nicht zur Verfügung gestellt sind, können wir keinen Haushalt in Kraft setzen. Und irgendwann wird dieser Punkt erreicht sein, wo wir das nicht mehr tun können, weil wir rechtlich verpflichtet sind, das nicht zu tun. Ich sage das noch einmal in aller Klarheit. Ich bekomme dafür auch immer viel Zustimmung, nur wenn dann der Moment kommt, ist erstaunlicherweise eine große Mehrheit in diesem Haus der Meinung, man müsse doch zahlen.

Also würde ich schon darum bitten, dass wir relativ kohärent sind. Mein Vorschlag an Sie ist Folgender: Ich habe Herrn Lamassoure gebeten, eine Sondersitzung des Haushaltsausschusses einzuberufen, der prüft, ob dieser Nachtragshaushalt da ist. Wenn er dann da ist, kann er bewertet werden, und wenn er verabschiedet werden kann, dann ist es an Ihnen, dem Plenum, zu entscheiden, ob Sie das Mittwoch oder Donnerstag auf die Tagesordnung setzen.

Es gibt zwei Möglichkeiten, wir können es heute für Donnerstag beschließen. Mein Vorschlag an Sie ist, es nicht zu tun, sondern die Sitzung des Haushaltsausschusses abzuwarten, und dann zu entscheiden, ob das abschließend hier entschieden werden kann oder nicht. Das kann man am Mittwoch, aber auch am Donnerstag machen. Ich möchte Sie nur bitten, dass Sie es dann auch tun, dass Sie die Entscheidung dann auch am Mittwoch oder Donnerstag treffen, ob Sie darüber abstimmen wollen oder nicht. Ich werde den jeweils amtierenden Vizepräsidenten bitten, den Punkt am Mittwoch, gegebenenfalls am Donnerstagmorgen zu Beginn hier aufzurufen, und dann entscheiden Sie, ob Sie darüber abstimmen wollen oder nicht.

Herr Daul, noch ein Hinweis auf die 3,9 Milliarden. Bei den 3,9 Milliarden gibt es überhaupt kein Diskutieren. Es ist völlig klar, dass ohne diesen Nachtragshaushalt – 3,9 Milliarden –, der Haushalt 2014 nicht in Kraft gesetzt werden kann. Das ist eine Beschlussfassung dieses Hauses, an die auch ich gebunden bin.

 
  
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  Joseph Daul (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, la question que je me pose, c'est de savoir si le Conseil vous a demandé quelque chose.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Also: Der Herr Kommissionspräsident hat mich darüber informiert, dass der Rat heute diesen Nachtragshaushalt Nr. 6 beschließen will. Bis zum jetzigen Zeitpunkt habe ich vom Rat nichts erhalten.

 
  
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  Daniel Cohn-Bendit (Verts/ALE). - Monsieur le Président, j'ajouterai une question à celle de Joseph: est-ce que vous pourriez dire au Conseil que s'il ne vient pas avec les 3,9 milliards, nous ne ferons rien. Nous pouvons le leur dire tout de suite: c'est important, parce qu'il y a quelque chose de bizarre dans cette histoire. Monsieur le Président, vous n'allez pas me dire que la Commission a découvert vendredi après-midi qu'elle n'avait plus d'argent! Vous n'allez pas me dire que le Conseil ne sait pas quelle est la situation. Je crois qu'il y a quelqu'un qui se fout de notre gueule dans cette histoire!

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Herr Cohn-Bendit, bei mir rennen Sie offene Türen ein. Ich werde das aber weitergeben. Sie erinnern sich sicher daran, dass das nicht das erste Mal ist, dass ich verpflichtet bin, Sie über solche Vorgänge zu informieren.

Ich halte fest: Sie sind einverstanden, dass wir Herrn Lamassoure bitten, diese Sitzung für morgen Abend einzuberufen, und im Lichte der Ergebnisse dieser Sitzung werde ich jeweils Mittwoch und Donnerstag zu Beginn des Plenums mit der Frage an Sie herantreten, ob über den Punkt abgestimmt werden soll.

Der endgültige Entwurf der Tagesordnung dieser Tagung, wie er in der Konferenz der Präsidenten in ihrer Sitzung von Donnerstag, dem 10. Oktober 2013, gemäß Artikel 137 der Geschäftsordnung festgelegt wurde, ist verteilt worden. Zu diesem Entwurf wurden folgende Änderungen beantragt.

 
  
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  Bernd Posselt (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Zu den Kurzpräsentationen heute Abend: Es wurde selten ein Bericht in der Öffentlichkeit so kontrovers diskutiert, wie der in meinen Augen skandalöse Bericht Estrela. Aber wir haben keine Gelegenheit, darüber zu diskutieren, weil es ein Diskussionsverbot der Konferenz der Präsidenten gibt. Und bitte, man kann verschiedene Meinungen haben, das ist demokratisch, aber man sollte sie auch in einer Debatte austragen können. Wenn man keine Zeit für einen Bericht hat, sollte man ihn lieber absetzen, aber diskutieren muss man über kontroverse Berichte schon noch dürfen in diesem Haus. Alles andere ist undemokratisch!

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Herr Posselt! Es gibt keine Diskussionsverbote, die die Konferenz der Präsidenten verhängen könnte. Das ist ganz unmöglich, und das weise ich auch zurück. Die Konferenz der Präsidenten hält sich an die Geschäftsordnung. Es handelt sich beim Bericht von Frau Estrela um einen Initiativbericht, der im Rahmen einer Kurzdarstellung hier – wie viele andere Initiativberichte dieser Art auch – vorgestellt wird. Das hat die Konferenz der Präsidenten beschlossen, sonst nichts.

Dienstag:

Die Berichte der Herren Böge und La Via über die Inanspruchnahme des Flexibilitätsinstruments für 2013 und den Nachtragshaushalt Nr. 7 wurden im Haushaltsausschuss nicht angenommen. Sie sind deshalb von der Tagesordnung abgesetzt.

Montag, Mittwoch und Donnerstag:

Keine Änderungen.

(Der Arbeitsplan ist somit angenommen.)(1)

 
  
  

PRESIDE: MIGUEL ÁNGEL MARTÍNEZ MARTÍNEZ
Vicepresidente

 
  

(1)Sonstige Änderungen des Arbeitsplans: siehe Protokoll


11. Klimato kaitos konferencija (diskusijos)
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas
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  El Presidente. − El punto siguiente en el orden del día es el debate de la pregunta oral a la Comisión sobre la conferencia sobre el cambio climático en Varsovia (COP 19), de Matthias Groote, Karl-Heinz Florenz, Dan Jørgensen, Corinne Lepage, Bas Eickhout y Sabine Wils, en nombre de la Comisión de Medio Ambiente, Salud Pública y Seguridad Alimentaria (O-000096/20132013/2666(RSP) – B7-0518/2013).

 
  
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  Carl Schlyter, author. − Mr President, the climate negotiations which are looming are crucial. We need success now. They are in our territory – in Poland – and they have a responsibility – as we all do – to make them successful. That includes using the long experience the Polish have...

(Interruption by the President)

So we have a specific role here in preparing the terrain for the Paris 2015 meeting. This can only be successful if the meeting, which was coordinated and called for by Ban Ki-moon and is scheduled to take place in September next year, is fully prepared. We cannot go to either of those meetings empty-handed.

Therefore, it is very important that all parties actually carry out their pledges and that these are full of content and meaning. Then Europe can show the way, by having pledges that will make others believe in our climate policies and that will make others find solutions to their own climate policies and our policies, and that will show the way forward. Only then will we be listened to; only then will the Polish Presidency have a chance to find common ground. Our current reduction targets are not consistent with the 2˚ target.

The question calls for ambitious 2030 targets for greenhouse gas emissions, energy efficiency and renewables. We have to do all three. One very efficient policy that we can all successfully implement is phasing out the global carbon subsidies which exist, and we have the Pittsburgh G20 agreement to get rid of all those inefficient subsidies.

Let us start here at home, and let us start now. This would be an effective crisis policy, since wasting money in inefficient technology is ludicrous. This will also spur innovation that could actually help us to implement the new green technology, and it will create the jobs we desperately need. This is not creating new problems but solving old ones.

One of the most important things here is also the instruction to ‘mind the gap’. Anyone who has been on the London underground has heard a voice saying ‘Mind the gap’. It is warning us about a few centimetres – or inches, as some would say – when we get onto the train. But as regards this trip to save the world and the climate, not even an Olympic gold-medallist in the long jump could jump the gap between what we need to do and current policies.

It is not only in Europe, it is all over the world, and we have a responsibility to show the way and lead the way. We should be world champions in minding, fixing and solving the gap. But we also need to be helpful to our neighbours who are less fortunate. There is a Swedish cartoon for children called Bamse. He is a strong bear who says that if you are strong, you must be kind. Let us be kind to our neighbours. Let us be kind to all the people who have not been fortunate enough to have enough resources. Let us not allow our crisis to stop what we have promised for so many years.

It is a shame that we have 0.29 % in ODA instead of 0.7 %. That needs to be fixed. Otherwise we will not have the alliance with developing countries that we need to make future meetings a success.

We also have an internal problem. We – the Members of the European Parliament – see ourselves as being able to help make Warsaw a success. We would also like to make sure that we have access to the EU coordinator meetings so that we can be involved in all the issues that we need to fix. We wish the Polish good luck. We need to provide them with the instruments they need to have that luck. We cannot let the ETS become an ever-larger failure. We need to fix it and make sure it works. We need to get over the backloading dilemma. We also need to pass ambitious CO2 emissions requirements for cars and LCVs and to make sure they are implemented. These are necessary steps for us to come with credible baggage to Warsaw.

 
  
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  Connie Hedegaard, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, firstly I would like to offer my thanks to Parliament for the draft resolution on the Warsaw COP. I think we also heard many of the points of view reflected there from Mr Schlyter. You all know that this is a very challenging process. You also all know how important it is that Europe can play its leadership role there.

We must also have very active climate diplomacy. I have just got back this weekend from the African Environment Ministers meeting, having had the chance to touch base with representatives from some 55 African countries. A month ago I participated in the Pacific Island Forum with 15 Heads of State representing our Pacific island friends, and during the opening week at the UN General Assembly we convened our friends from Durban, where more than 30 progressive countries’ representatives from these 100 countries met.

This is just to say that we are still working very hard on trying to make the rest of the world move in the direction in which we want them to move on these challenging issues.

We are now actively preparing for the Warsaw Conference, to make sure that it delivers yet another step forwards. But I also have to say that I think the Warsaw Conference is a very challenging thing. Why? Because it is not such a sexy conference, where you can say that there will be a huge number of firm decisions taken when we leave Warsaw. It is a step towards the Paris 2015 Conference. That is of course a bit more difficult to explain, but it does not mean that this is not an important COP. It is extremely important that we agree the necessary steps towards the 2015 Agreement and can decide on a timeline – exactly who has to do what and where in order for the world to get the Paris Agreement that we want.

How can we have tangible progress in the discussions on enhancing pre-2020 ambitions – and what about implementation of past decisions, including on adaptation and climate financing? These are among the key items on the Warsaw agenda.

As regards the 2015 Agreement, time is short. We only have two more years ahead of us in which to complete the work and agree on a robust, ambitious and legally-binding agreement, with all on board, in Paris in 2015, as was mandated back in 2011 in Durban. I have already heard, at international conferences, some big parties saying we cannot necessarily be ready for Paris 2015. We heard that at a conference back in July. Europe very much went against that point of view.

2015 is four years after Durban; it is six years after Copenhagen, and nobody should be able to say that they cannot be ready for Paris. We must be ready, and therefore it is very important to agree, in Warsaw, on the process of how to get there.

But I also have to say that it is not enough to conclude an agreement; we also need to agree on numbers. It cannot just be an empty agreement, where we have a perfect architecture and legal form and so on; it must also involve numbers. It is the level of ambition and action that really counts. This means that all parties need to swiftly start doing their homework and urgently prepare the proposals to be tabled. We suggest that should happen as early as next year. The same clear signal also emanates from the Council conclusions adopted last week.

Our approach – asking for early proposals for commitments, together with transparent information and an assessment of the ambition level and equity pre-2015 – is clearly gaining ground with our partners. I just mentioned what was said in July, but in New York during the UN opening week in September, many more countries moved more into the European way of thinking, saying, ‘yes, we know we have to do our homework, we have to get our numbers ready’, and I think Mr Ban Ki-moon has also been very clear that that is what he hopes parties will have ready when they attend the leaders’ summit next year.

What is also a key ask for Europe is that this has to be an agreement for all. We understand that the top-down approach alone did not produce enough buy-in from parties, but it is also clear that the bottom-up approach alone will not give enough ambition. That is also why we have said that when we have all the pledges there, we need some kind of assessment phase to see whether all these combined efforts will actually make it likely that the world will stay below the two degrees that world leaders pledged in Copenhagen in 2009.

That is why 2014, in our strategy, must be the year of ambition, and this is also why we in the Commission presented the Green Paper on the 2030 target, which Mr Schlyter referred to. That is why President Barroso said in his State of the Union speech that before the end of this year – it might be early January, but within the next three months – we will present what we think should be the targets for 2030, and the Heads of State should come back to this discussion in March so that Europe will be ready.

There is not much time left, so I will just say that we think pre-2020 is important. I agree that the phasing-out of fossil fuel subsidies is just one example, and HFCs could be another. How to cooperate more globally on renewables and efficiency would be other examples. There are plenty of things that can be discussed by Ministers in Warsaw under this pre-2020 headline.

Finally on climate finance, we should not be mistaken in Europe. We can be proud that we delivered on the fast-start finance for 2010 to 2012, but now we are in 2013 and soon it will be 2014. From the Commission side we have urged our Member States to do their homework here so that we can have a credible pathway towards the financial pledges that were given in Copenhagen for 2020.

A very last word, on adaptation. We should not be mistaken; this is incredibly important to many of our friends in the developing world and in the most vulnerable countries, so it is very important that we also push for this adaptation agenda, including on loss and damage. That will feature prominently in Warsaw, since agreement on an institutional arrangement is expected at this COP. Warsaw must dig into the difficult discussions. We must start it and we must leave Warsaw with a very clear agreement among all that 2015, the Paris Agreement, is not just an agreement, but that it is an agreement that is ambitious enough actually to make the world stay below the two degrees.

 
  
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  Karl-Heinz Florenz, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin! Heute wird ein wilder Wettlauf um Prozentzahlen hier stattfinden, und ich persönlich werde mich an 2020-Zahlen nicht beteiligen, weil wir die schon beschlossen haben. Ich glaube, dass es in Warschau viel mehr um eine generelle neue Phase geht. Wir haben Kyoto abgeschlossen. Das System Kyoto ist gestorben, und wir haben jetzt nach Durban ein neues Verfahren, das kann man Paris 2015 nennen, und da geht es darum: Welche neue Art der Verhandlungen und der Strategien haben wir überhaupt? Ich bin da nicht so ganz sicher.

Bis jetzt hatten wir eine zweigeteilte Welt, die Entwicklungsländer und die entwickelten Länder, mit dem Ergebnis, dass die Chinesen die Entwicklungsländer waren und sie gesagt haben, wir machen nichts, und wir brauchen auch nichts. Und dann kamen die Amerikaner und haben gesagt: Ja, wenn die Chinesen nicht mitmachen, dann machen wir auch nicht mit. Also, dieses Sandkastenspiel, das hört jetzt endlich auf, jetzt müssen wir anfangen, Strukturen zu entwickeln, wie wir denn die einzelnen Punkte nun wirklich besprechen.

Ich wüsste gern, wie das mit den Finanzierungen weitergehen soll: Hundert Milliarden sind eine Menge Geld. Ich würde gern sehen, woher das Geld kommt, im Moment sehe ich das noch nicht. Ich würde ganz gern wissen, welche Kriterien für ein weltweites System angewendet werden, um Absenkungspotenziale zu erreichen. Sind das starre Ziele, wie wir das beim EHS gemacht haben, und jetzt eigentlich merken, dass uns diese Ziele in wirtschaftlich schwachen Zeiten sehr wehtun, oder sind das flexible Wege?

Ich würde ganz gern wissen, wie das eigentlich mit den Komitees geht. Zum Beispiel die Anpassungskomitees: Die Frage der Anpassung ist eine wichtige Frage. Die Frage der technischen Komitees: Wer sitzt da drin, wer garantiert, dass es einen technischen Transfer gibt, jedoch gleichzeitig der Schutz des geistigen Eigentums bewahrt wird. Das bereitet mir Sorgen.

In dieses neue Paris-Papier müssen Sanktionen aufgenommen werden. Wir haben zu oft erlebt – ich bin jetzt über 20 Jahre dabei –, dass manche Länder sich anstrengen bis zum Umfallen, und andere Länder gar nichts gemacht haben, auch in Europa. Ich kann mich in meinem Wahlkreis nicht mehr sehen lassen, wenn wir nicht irgendein Sanktionsinstrument haben.

 
  
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  Kriton Arsenis, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, the first COP meeting in which I took part was the Copenhagen meeting, and it was a moment of hope for everyone that we would reach an international agreement.

It became a moment of hope because another ‘procedural’ meeting took place in Bali before that. It was a procedural meeting that brought about the Bali Road Map, which allowed us to hope for a decision in Copenhagen in 2009.

So for me, Warsaw is the new Bali. Warsaw is the meeting which is not procedural. We have to come out of Warsaw with a clear roadmap – a timetable, as the Commissioner said. We have to know when we will really start committing, because we cannot do the same as we did in Copenhagen and only start committing in Paris. We need to decide in Warsaw that in the next three, five, six, seven months we are going to have commitments and the first discussion on specific commitments. Otherwise we will not make it again.

So Warsaw is going to be crucial, and if Warsaw does not set the timeline, hope for Paris is going to be very limited. So we have to do it.

 
  
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  Corinne Lepage, au nom du groupe ALDE. – Monsieur le Président, Madame le Commissaire, dans le rapport ou la partie de rapport qu'ils ont révélée le 27 septembre, les experts du GIEC ont, une fois de plus, attiré notre attention sur l'immense responsabilité qui était la nôtre.

Je partage tout à fait ce que vient de dire notre collègue Kriton Arsenis. Depuis Copenhague, nous avons fait, malgré les efforts, beaucoup de sur-place. Il est temps de passer, effectivement, à des propositions qui soient des réelles propositions concrètes pour préparer le sommet de Paris, car nous ne pouvons pas nous permettre un nouvel échec après celui de Copenhague.

Nous devons donc impérativement parvenir à une feuille de route précise et à un calendrier des engagements de réduction de toutes les parties d'ici à 2015, soit en 2014. Il est également nécessaire d'arriver, comme cela vient d'être proposé, à un brouillon de texte de négociation pour 2015 ainsi qu'à une structure pour le nouveau protocole. Si nous n'arrivons pas à avoir une espèce de cadre global à Varsovie cette année, cela veut dire que nous rendons très difficile un succès à Paris en 2015.

Je soutiens également la proposition qu'a faite M. Florenz, à savoir que nous allions vers des sanctions. Nous avons maintenant assez d'engagements qui ne sont jamais concrétisés, cette absence de concrétisation ne faisant jamais l'objet d'aucune sanction.

Par ailleurs, nous devons être ambitieux. Je demande en effet – c'est une demande personnelle, ce n'est pas une demande de mon groupe – que nous soyons très ambitieux dans nos demandes, avec un engagement de 50 % de réduction des émissions d'ici 2030. Cela signifie maintenir le niveau d'ambition qui a été le nôtre jusqu'à maintenant, et je dirais que c'est non seulement une nécessité pour le climat, mais aussi une nécessité pour l'économie.

Je rappellerai que notre facture énergétique s'élève à 400 milliards d'euros par an et qu'il est donc temps de sortir de la dépendance du CO2. Je dirai aussi que les grandes industries qui seront celles du XXIe siècle sont précisément celles qui répondent aux exigences de la transition énergétique. Nous devons donc, nous, Européens, qui avons été les pionniers dans ce domaine, rester aussi des leaders industriels dans tous ces secteurs, dans lesquels, aujourd'hui, les pays du sud tentent de devenir des leaders mondiaux.

Je souhaiterais aussi rappeler que nous avons prévu, comme M. Florenz l'a dit, un fonds de 100 milliards et qu'il serait peut-être temps de dire comment on va le remplir, car à force, année après année, de se référer à des financements innovants – formule qui ne veut strictement rien dire et qui cache le fait que nous ne savons pas comment faire –, il serait peut-être temps de s'attaquer à ce sujet.

Enfin, je voudrais dire ici mon inquiétude de voir parmi les sponsors de la COP 19 des entreprises qui sont manifestement opposées à une réforme du système européen d'échange de quotas d'émission et à des politiques climatiques ambitieuses.

Je suis également inquiète de voir qu'en parallèle à la COP 19, le ministère polonais de l'énergie prévoit de lancer, avec l'association mondiale du charbon, un communiqué de Varsovie qui, sous couvert de promotion du charbon propre, ne ressemble à rien d'autre qu'à un appel à maintenir en place les énergies fossiles dans notre mix énergétique. Je pense que nous devrons être extrêmement vigilants.

 
  
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  Bas Eickhout, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, I would like to thank everybody for the resolution that is now on the table.

What I would like to stress is that 2015 is very close. We are just two years away from the moment when a new climate deal should be agreed upon, and this time it should not fail, as it did in 2009 in Copenhagen – sorry, Mrs Hedegaard, that was not meant personally. We cannot afford another failure.

I also think that my colleagues on the right have to realise that they should be reading the IPCC reports a bit more carefully. If you look at the cumulative emissions, the IPCC clearly states that, if you want to meet the 2˚ Celsius target, cumulative emissions can only reach one trillion tonnes of carbon. We are already over half way there and, if we just follow the baseline, in three decades we will have reached one trillion tonnes of carbon. Then we will be passing the 2˚ limit.

That is where we are at the moment, and that is also why we need ambitious targets on the table now. Usually it is Parliament that takes the first step, because we know that in September of next year, Ban Ki-moon will call all world leaders to come forward with their pledges. So in March, the leaders of the EU will come together and perhaps think of some targets. This is also the moment when Parliament should be pushing our own leaders in the EU to come forward with ambitious targets.

That is also part of this resolution now, because we need the targets now in order to make sure the EU leaders come forward in March. Then later on we, as Europe, can play the leading role in the Ban Ki-moon summit in September – because if we do not do so, who is going to take the first step? Are we waiting for each other? Are we serious enough about climate?

Then there is also some debate on pre-2020. Regarding the problems we are discussing on ETS, the main problem is that we have already met the 2020 target. There is no ambition in the current EU climate target, so this needs to be raised as well. Otherwise we can discuss any ETS reform, but it will not achieve anything.

To conclude: regarding the Polish Presidency, who unfortunately cannot be here. We are rather concerned about the Polish Presidency. They are organising a world coal day at the same time. But also, if you look at the sponsors, you will see that one of them is BMW. Last week we saw with CO2 and cars what it means to have BMW sponsoring Germany, or at least CDU Merkel. Therefore, what we expect – and please, Poland, surprise us – is an ambitious timeline and, especially, an ambitious plea from the EU Presidency next year in order to move forward to the Ban Ki-moon summit and to have a good result in 2015.

 
  
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  João Ferreira, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – A União Europeia tem responsabilidades próprias nos impasses e bloqueios registados nas negociações internacionais. Reivindica liderança nos esforços de combate às alterações climáticas mas persiste, ela própria, em metas de redução de emissões abaixo das recomendadas pelo IPCC.

Mas, mais do que estabelecer metas, é necessária uma definição realista dos meios para as alcançar. Irónica e tristemente é a profunda crise económica em que estamos mergulhados quem mais vai fazendo por conter as emissões de gases de efeito de estufa.

Centrada nos instrumentos de mercado que já mostraram o seu fracasso, a sua ineficácia, a sua perversidade, a União Europeia insiste em recusar enfrentar a necessidade de diversificação dos instrumentos utilizados para alcançar objetivos de redução. O clima, para muitos, ainda é mais um bom pretexto para lucrativas oportunidades de negócio do que o motivo de preocupação séria e genuína sobre o futuro do planeta em que habitamos. Importa aqui assinalar a incoerência de políticas, por exemplo, de liberalização e desregulação do comércio internacional, que aumentam significativamente as emissões de gases de efeito de estufa inerentes à satisfação de necessidades humanas.

E, já agora, importa também aqui lembrar os milhões que, desde 2009, com grande alarido mediático, se anunciaram para a mitigação e adaptação às alterações climáticas. Que é feito deste dinheiro? Que é feito do financiamento dito de arranque rápido e do que se lhe devia seguir?

 
  
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  Tadeusz Cymański, w imieniu grupy EFD. – Panie Przewodniczący! Chciałbym zaprotestować przeciwko atakom na ministra polskiego rządu. Jest on gospodarzem tego szczytu. Jest to uczciwy, szlachetny człowiek, który tym się różni od krytyków, że jest realistą. To jest szczyt światowy, a nie europejski. Najważniejsze jest to, z jakimi planami i założeniami przyjadą delegacje Chin, Indii i Stanów Zjednoczonych, i z czym wyjadą z Warszawy.

Polityka oderwana od globalnej sytuacji jest polityką naiwną. Nie ma żadnej sprzeczności między działaniami Polski czy innych krajów a tym, co robi Unia Europejska, natomiast jest różnica w ocenie sytuacji. Już dzisiaj wiele zakładów produkcyjnych jest wyprowadzanych poza teren Unii Europejskiej właśnie z powodu bardzo restrykcyjnej polityki. Ambitne cele – tak, ale cele realne, cele, które będą do osiągnięcia. Przy innym założeniu niestety ten szczyt klimatyczny skończy się kolejny raz klapą. A przecież gra toczy się o ogromną stawkę. Dlatego zgadzam się z panią komisarz, że bez aktywnej, może nawet agresywnej dyplomacji klimatycznej, bez uzgodnień na szczeblu ONZ i wielkiej polityki nasza polityka będzie bardzo oderwana. My emitujemy aż 11% emisji CO2, ale jest to tylko 11%, a stawką jest planeta. Nie możemy tracić miejsc pracy i konkurencyjności w sytuacji, kiedy potężni emitenci-truciciele tak naprawdę w tym procesie nie uczestniczą.

Dlatego mój apel dotyczy tego, żeby wzmocnić siły i postawić cele realne, a w Paryżu rzeczywiście osiągnąć sukces mały, ale jednak sukces, bo czas płynie.

 
  
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  Richard Seeber (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Ich möchte vorausschicken, dass wir von der EVP uns klar zum Klimaschutz bekennen. Wir verhandeln jetzt hier über diese Entschließung zu COP19. Wir haben also bereits 18 Konferenzen hinter uns. Wir sollten eigentlich aus den Erfahrungen etwas lernen. Diese Klimakonferenzen haben eine besondere Dynamik und sie behandeln ein Thema, das für die ganze Menschheit eine besondere Bedeutung hat.

Wir haben als Europäische Union zwar Teilbereiche von diesen internationalen Verhandlungen – denken wir an das Montreal-Protokoll – erfolgreich abgeschlossen. Hier reden wir wirklich von einer ganz besonderen Dimension. Trotzdem sollten wir mit Wörtern wie „Erfolg“ und „kein Erfolg“, die sehr gerne den einzelnen Klimakonferenzen gegeben werden, sehr vorsichtig sein. Zentral ist, dass auch wir als Europa unsere historische Rolle übernehmen und mit gutem Beispiel vorangehen. Das ist ganz klar.

Allerdings müssen wir langsam unseren Denkansatz, was als Erfolg und was nicht als Erfolg einzustufen ist, überdenken. Wenn wir uns die großen Konkurrenten weltweit, wie die USA und China, ansehen, dann sehen wir, dass dort sehr große Erfolge bei der CO2-Einsparung erzielt werden, ohne dass ein solches Klimaabkommen besteht. Darum ist es auch sinnvoll, einmal darüber nachzudenken, wie wir unsere europäische Wirtschaft auf diesen Pfad bringen können: möglichst hohe Energieeffizienz, möglichst viel erneuerbare Energien und möglichst viel CO2-Einsparung. Dementsprechend sollte man dann auch bewerten, wie wir 2015 zu einem Rahmen kommen, der für alle Teile interessant und dem 2-Grad-Ziel verpflichtet ist. Das ist die zentrale Aufgabe, die wir uns hier auch stellen müssen.

Bas, wenn Du sagst, wir erreichen unser Ziel ja bereits mit dem EHS, ist das ja super. Wo ist dann das Problem? Die Kosten für die Unternehmen in die Höhe zu treiben, ist aber der falsche Ansatz. Tatsache ist, dass die USA jetzt 200 Mio. Tonnen eingespart haben, ohne ein Klimaabkommen zu haben.

Innovative Ansätze, auch bei diesen Klimakonferenzen, sind zentral, um auch hier zu einem Erfolg zu kommen. Hierzu trägt diese Entschließung auch einen Teil bei. Nur zu sagen, wir gehen jetzt nicht auf 30 %, das ist schon ein Misserfolg, das greift eindeutig zu kurz.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 149 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

 
  
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  Bas Eickhout (Verts/ALE), blue-card question. – Mr Seeber, you say: ‘What’s the problem?’ I have to ask the question: do you not agree that the current total lack of investment in innovation in Europe for low-carbon strategies is a problem? At this stage, coal-fired power plants are thriving but gas-fired power plants are not, because of the very low CO2 price. Is that not a problem?

In other words, do you not think that, just looking at the 2020 target, having no investment now is the biggest problem? We have to address ETS now – otherwise, do we just stop at 2020?

 
  
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  Richard Seeber (PPE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Herr Präsident! Ich glaube, dass wir mit dem EHS und mit dem CO2-Preis diese Investitionen, die Du oder auch ich haben wollen, nicht bekommen. Weil, wenn Du mit Spezialisten redest, sagen die, wir brauchen 50, 60, 70 Euro pro Tonne. Das ist nicht realistisch. Ich glaube, mit den drei Zielen, die wir jetzt haben, und wie wir sie hoffentlich auch in Zukunft haben werden, bekommen wir diese Ziele, also sprich höhere Energieeffizienz und auch viel mehr erneuerbare Energien. Ich bin fest davon überzeugt, dass wir diese Veränderungen im Energiesystem vorantreiben müssen. Nur mit einem ETS, mit einem riesigen CO2-Preis, wird man das nicht bekommen, weil es zu einseitig ist. Das ist das Problem.

 
  
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  Marita Ulvskog (S&D). - Herr talman! Jag vill gärna instämma i det andra talare har sagt, nämligen att mötet i Warszawa kommer att vara väldigt viktigt.

Så länge vi hela tiden jagar irån ett underläge efter att nå de mål vi har satt upp så är varje klimatmöte kolossalt viktigt. Det är en kamp med klockan, en kamp med tiden.

Jag tycker att vi ska ha stora, positiva förväntningar på vad som ska ske i Warszawa. Att åka dit och bara se på listan över lobbyister som vi befarar ska störa ordningen är inte rätt inställning. Jag utgår från att Warszawa kommer att överraska oss. Det måste vara vår hållning.

Sen kan man tyckta att det finns många dystra nyheter när det gäller klimatutsläppen. Vi fick en rapport från FN:s klimatpanel som också visar att utvecklingen fortfarande går åt fel håll. Vi måste göra mer. Samtidigt får vi också besked om att den gröna fonden faktiskt ändå är på väg att realiseras, den som ska innebära att vi kan göra investeringar i de fattiga delarna av världen.

En blandning av optimism och hårda argument tror jag att vi ska ha med oss. Vi måste göra om en massa saker. Klimatutsläppshandeln t.ex., den måste fungera bättre. Vi måste använda klimatfrågan som ett konkurrensmedel. Vi kan inte konkurrera med andra delar av världen om vi inte blir bättre på klimatuthållighet. Det ska vara i centrum, tycker jag.

 
  
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  Yannick Jadot (Verts/ALE). - Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, le dernier rapport du GIEC confirme à quel point le risque, le drame potentiel des changements climatiques est avéré et combien notre responsabilité est engagée. Nous avions, il ya quelques mois, un rapport de la Banque mondiale qui parlait de cataclysme. Il y a un seul rapport de la Banque mondiale, depuis le début de son histoire, qui parle d'impact cataclysmique en parlant d'un phénomène humain lié à notre rôle, à notre responsabilité, à notre comportement, à nos modes de production et de consommation: c'est le rapport sur le climat.

Par conséquent, Varsovie ne peut pas être simplement une étape sur la route vers Paris, pour justifier simplement du processus de négociation des Nations unies. Certes, le processus de négociation des Nations unies n'est pas un processus simple, mais ce qu'il faut contester ici, ce n'est pas ce processus de négociation, c'est évidemment le manque d'ambition des chefs d'État et de gouvernement qui, depuis des années, ne font pas assez en matière de changement climatique.

On le voit en Europe: malheureusement, les chefs d'État et de gouvernement ne sont pas, loin s'en faut, sur la ligne de la commission de l'environnement. Est-ce qu'ils pensent réellement qu'avec le charbon, le gaz de schiste et le nucléaire, comme on le voit avec les derniers contrats en Grande-Bretagne, nous allons sortir de la crise économique, nous allons sortir de la crise climatique?

Combien de rapports nous disent à quel point la lutte contre les changements climatiques peut nous apporter des millions d'emplois, moderniser notre économie, nous sortir de la dépendance énergétique? Et la moitié de ce Parlement, qui veut se cacher en permanence les yeux devant les drames de Lampedusa, que fera-t-elle quand ce seront des millions de réfugiés climatiques qui tenteront de venir en Europe, parce que la montée des eaux, parce que les chocs météorologiques, parce que la baisse de la productivité agricole feront qu'ils seront des millions, des dizaines et des centaines de millions sur la planète.

À l'heure où les Européens doutent de l'Europe, je crois donc que l'idée de sortir du carbone est un bon projet pour l'Europe. Nous avons fait l'Europe sur la paix entre nous, faisons maintenant l'Europe sur la paix avec la planète et montrons à quel point nous avons une histoire à raconter sur le climat, sur le pouvoir d'achat, sur des réductions de notre consommation d'énergie, comment nous pouvons changer la vie de millions d'Européens autour de la lutte contre le changement climatique, et tous les bénéfices que cela peut nous apporter.

(L’orateur accepte de répondre à une question «carton bleu» (article 149, paragraphe 8, du règlement))

 
  
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  John Stuart Agnew (EFD), blue-card question. – Sir, you say that the British think that shale gas will help them. Well, I can tell you that it will.

But why should we trust the computer models that say the weather is going to get hotter and hotter years into the future, when those same computer models let us down so badly with local weather forecasts? Three years ago we were told it was going to be a warm, mild, wet winter, and it was one of the coldest we have ever experienced. If those computer models cannot get it right six or eight weeks ahead, how are they going to get it right hundreds of years ahead?

 
  
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  Yannick Jadot (Verts/ALE), Réponse "carton bleu". – Merci. C'est toujours intéressant de voir que, quelle que soit l'unanimité ou le consensus de l'ensemble de la communauté scientifique internationale, finalement, les discussions que vous avez au pub chez vous ont l'air beaucoup plus importantes. Quatre-vingt-quinze pour cent des scientifiques affirment que le réchauffement climatique est d'origine humaine et que ses conséquences peuvent être absolument considérables. Donc, face à un tel niveau de menace, la responsabilité de responsables politiques comme vous et moi, Monsieur, c'est de prendre les mesures qui nous permettent d'éviter la catastrophe, pas simplement d'attendre en se disant que nos enfants et nos petits-enfants vivront mal, mais que finalement ce n'est plus de notre responsabilité.

 
  
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  Mikael Gustafsson (GUE/NGL). - Herr talman! Trots kollegans där uppe brist på acceptans av vetenskapen så visar IPCC:s nya rapport att klimatförändringarna verkligen är ytterligare ett resultat av mänsklig aktivitet. Vår framgångshistoria här i Nord är resultatet av gigantiska utsläpp och en religiös tro på ständig ekonomisk tillväxt. Den rika världen har därför en historisk skuld gentemot Syd.

Majoriteten av världens fattiga kvinnor är från Syd och de kommer att drabbas extra hårt av det här. Enligt FN utförs ungefär 50–80 % av jordbruket i utvecklingsländer av kvinnor, i Afrika är siffran 90 %. Ökad torka resulterar i förlorade skördar, vilket ger förlorade inkomster och därmed minskar kvinnors makt i familjen och i samhället. Det finns en rad liknande exempel. Klimatförändringarna ger alltså förödande konsekvenser i länder där kvinnors makt redan nu är liten.

Klimatförändringar sker inte över en natt, det är en lång process, men de drabbar miljontals kvinnor och män redan idag. I Warszawa måste EU därför lyfta och erkänna att vi har en historisk skuld, vi i väst att det alltid ska finnas ett jämställdhetsperspektiv med i förhandlingarna och att klimatanpassning är en nödvändig åtgärd. Det vore otroligt befriande om EU också slutade behandla tillväxt som en religion.

 
  
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  Jolanta Emilia Hibner (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Rezolucja jest bardzo ważnym dokumentem, musi pokazać, z czym chcemy wyjść do wszystkich partnerów, tych największych emitentów, tych partnerów, którzy są dotychczas dla nas najtrudniejsi. Są to Stany Zjednoczone, Chiny, cała Ameryka Południowa, Indie. Co chcemy im zaproponować? W tej chwili naszą propozycją jest, że kładziemy na stół zmniejszenie emisji o 30% do 2020 roku i 50% do 2030 roku. Chciałam się dowiedzieć, czy ktoś już rozmawiał, czy mamy jakiekolwiek informacje, że te kraje przyjmą nasze propozycje. Chcemy o tym dyskutować i powinniśmy przygotować taki materiał, który będzie przyjęty i zaakceptowany przez wszystkich, a nie wybiórczo przez część kontynentu. Moim zdaniem w tej chwili doprowadzenie do tego, że zaczniemy mówić o wprowadzeniu specjalnych podatków, kiedy jest kryzys, jest to wypchnięcie całego przemysłu europejskiego z Europy. Czy my się nad tym zastanawiamy, czy my tego chcemy? Koledzy mówią, że będzie wiele miejsc pracy, bo się zrobi nowe rozdanie i zapisanie ustaleń wiążących na 30% będzie panaceum na wszystko.

Proszę państwa, nie wierzmy w to, bo gdyby tak było, to już by się realizowało, już mielibyśmy efekty, a nie mamy żadnych efektów. Dla mnie globalne porozumienie jest najważniejsze. Jeżeli będziemy mieli mniej, a korzystniej, to będzie dla wszystkich dobrodziejstwem.

 
  
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  Jo Leinen (S&D). - Herr Präsident! In direkter Antwort auf die Frage von Kollegin Hibner: Natürlich gibt es gute Beispiele in der EU. Man braucht doch nur nach Dänemark zu schauen, nach Österreich oder auch nach Deutschland. Dort, wo wirklich der Klimaschutz vorangetrieben wird, sind neue Industrien entstanden, sind neue Technologien entstanden, sind viele Arbeitsplätze entstanden. Ich weiß zwar auch, dass das nicht jedes Land in demselben Tempo machen kann, aber die Bilanz ist doch eindeutig: Wir gewinnen mit dem Klimaschutz, und wir verlieren nichts.

Zur Warschau-Konferenz möchte ich Folgendes sagen: Ich habe an mehreren COPs teilgenommen. Die Erwartungen werden offensichtlich immer geringer. So geringe wie in Warschau habe ich aber noch selten gesehen.

Herr Kollege Seeber, wenn Sie als Koordinator der größten Fraktion hier sagen, die EVP bekennt sich nach wie vor zum Klimaschutz, dann frage ich mich, warum Sie das hier sagen müssen. Gibt es denn in Ihrer Fraktion Zweifel daran, dass der Klimaschutz wichtig ist oder dass wir weiter gehen müssen, als wir mit dem Paket bisher gegangen sind? Offensichtlich gibt es auch hier im Parlament Zweifel daran, dass wir den nächsten Schritt machen müssen. Das ist nicht gut.

Frau Kommissarin, wir werden natürlich neben der Finanzierung auch gefragt, was denn dieses reiche Europa bei der Minderung macht. Wir haben jetzt schon 20 % CO2 reduziert. Wir brauchen auch für 2020 noch ein ehrgeizigeres Ziel, sonst werden wir in Paris nicht bestehen.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 149 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

 
  
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  Romana Jordan (PPE), vprašanje, postavljeno z dvigom modrega kartončka. – (začetek govora ni slišen) ... jaz pa mislim, da moramo biti malo bolj samokritični.

Cilj podnebne politike je, da zmanjšamo izpuste toplogrednih plinov in v Evropi imamo žal dejstvo, da če gledamo našo celotno družbo, kolikor porabi, izpuste še vedno večamo.

Torej mislim, da moramo biti bolj samokritični, in gospoda Leinena bi vprašala, ali pozna to dejstvo in kako meni, da bi morali ukrepati, da bi dejansko začeli zniževati izpuste, ne samo na strani produkcije, ampak v celoti, kot družba.

 
  
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  Jo Leinen (S&D), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Frau Kollegin, wir müssen nicht nur selbstkritisch sein, wir können auch selbstbewusst sein. Europa hat alles, was es braucht, um beim Klimaschutz voranzugehen. Wir haben die Forschung, wir haben die Produktionsfirmen, wir haben gute Produkte und Dienstleistungen. Wir brauchen nur die Rahmenbedingungen, damit sich das auch wirklich am Markt durchschlägt. Und da gibt es noch Defizite. Wir haben noch eine Reihe von Instrumenten nicht genutzt, die wir nutzen müssen, damit die Marktkräfte auch wirklich das machen, was wir wollen, nämlich mehr Ressourcen- und Energieeffizienz.

 
  
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  Bogusław Sonik (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Idea globalnego porozumienia wszystkich stron powinna być zgodna z zasadą sprawiedliwości oraz wspólnej, ale zróżnicowanej, odpowiedzialności za emisję dwutlenku węgla. Zobowiązania te powinny być ambitne, wyznaczać wiążące cele, ale nie mogą być oderwane od rzeczywistości – możliwości realizacji przez sygnatariuszy. Porozumienie będzie dawało wymierny i odczuwalny efekt środowiskowy tylko wtedy, jeśli będzie współdzielone oraz wykonalne, a nie tylko deklaratywne.

Pomimo spadku emisji w Europie i Stanach Zjednoczonych Międzynarodowa Agencja Energetyczna odnotowała przecież w swoim sprawozdaniu z 2012 roku wzrost emisji CO2 na świecie. Dlatego uważam, że ostatnie stanowisko i konkluzje przyjęte na posiedzeniu Rady idą w dobrym kierunku, są przykładem zdroworozsądkowego kompromisu i wspólnotowej odpowiedzi na wyzwanie, jakim jest polityka klimatyczna.

Zaostrzanie celów redukcyjnych bez osiągnięcia globalnego porozumienia jest nieuzasadnione i bezpodstawne. Unia Europejska, jako jeden z liderów, powinna położyć nacisk głównie na kwestie efektywności energetycznej, bezpieczeństwa energetycznego, konkurencyjności czy rozwiązań na rzecz odwrócenia tendencji w zakresie cen i kosztów energii, które stają się również światowym problemem. Równie ważne jest nawiązanie dialogu z przemysłem i globalnymi aktorami. Ma to kluczowe znaczenie dla osiągnięcia satysfakcjonującego porozumienia. Dlatego sprzeciwiam się podejrzeniom dotyczącym polskiej prezydencji – jakie słyszałem w wystąpieniu pani Lepage i pana Eickhouta – o rodzaj korupcji politycznej, związek z koncernami. To jest kluczowe dla znalezienia rozwiązania. Koncerny również odpowiadają za politykę klimatyczną.

 
  
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  Andrés Perelló Rodríguez (S&D). - Señor Presidente, el último informe del Grupo Intergubernamental de Expertos sobre el Cambio Climático es demoledor. Somos los responsables de la destrucción del planeta ―lo sabemos― y, como gobiernos y responsables de instituciones del mundo, no hacemos lo necesario para evitar esa destrucción. Somos los responsables. Sobran pretextos y faltan compromisos, y, en este momento, abundan los pretextos.

La Cumbre de Varsovia ha de ser crucial para avanzar en la Plataforma de Durban y preparar las conclusiones de ese acuerdo jurídicamente vinculante que necesitamos. No podemos poner la excusa de la crisis y la industria. A la industria la está estrangulando la codicia de algunos banqueros y de algunas élites financieras, no la Comisaria, ni la normativa europea.

Tenemos que ser muy claros con eso. Este Parlamento ha de ser ambicioso y no puede renunciar ni al 30 % ni a liderar esa lucha contra el cambio climático que tanto ha conseguido, dentro de lo poco que se ha conseguido, pero tanto ha logrado marcando una pauta y tirando del resto del mundo. Sería una vergüenza que, en un momento en que la Cumbre se celebra en un país miembro, nosotros fuéramos incapaces, por querer renunciar a ese objetivo del 30 %, de alcanzar un acuerdo y presentar una posición común y ambiciosa de este Parlamento.

 
  
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  Romana Jordan (PPE). - Imam občutek, da se tokratna pogajanja izmed vseh doslej pričakuje v najbolj mirnem tonu. Odmevalo ni niti 5. poročilo medvladnega panela, torej IPCC-ja, čeprav so svarila znanstvenikov zelo zaskrbljujoča.

Moje osebno mnenje o tem poročilu je jasno. Politika nima niti znanja in ne izkušenj, da bi presojala pravilnost teh opozoril. Mi imamo odgovornost, da ukrepamo.

Na mednarodnih pogajanjih moramo najti skupen jezik s preostalim svetom, zato ne podpiram poskusov, da se resolucija zlorabi za opredelitve o notranjih politikah. Takega odvečnega besedila je v letošnji resoluciji mnogo. Trdim, da ne bo prav nič pripomoglo k rezultatu mednarodnih pogajanj, lahko jih celo oteži.

Znotraj Evropske unije pa bo povzročilo razkol, to pa je stanje, ki si ga ne bi smeli dovoliti. Zato se sprašujem, čemu so namenjeni provokativni, kvazi eko-predlogi. Zniževanju izpustov prav gotovo ne.

Če hočemo govoriti v Evropski uniji enoten jezik, moramo biti realisti, moramo se med sabo spoštovati in tako, kot je pred mano povedal kolega Leinen, moramo pustiti tržnim silam, da bolj delujejo. Zato na tem mestu jasno povem: neživljenjske dele resolucije in tiste, ki poskušajo prejudicirati nekatere notranjepolitične odločitve, moramo zavrniti.

Če se to ne bo zgodilo, bom glasovala proti resoluciji, pa čeprav sem zagovornica ekološko osveščenega ravnanja in prav zato, ker se že vrsto let zavzemam za dobro in učinkovito podnebno politiko.

 
  
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  Judith A. Merkies (S&D). - Overtuig ons, commissaris, dat er daadwerkelijk ambitie voor Warschau is, want als je zelf ambitie hebt – u heeft dat zelf al vier jaar laten zien – als wij zélf ambitie hebben, dan zullen de anderen met ons meegaan.

Vandaag hield commissaris Potočnik een toespraak, waarin hij nieuwe Commissievoorstellen met betrekking tot schaliegas aankondigde en zijn collega Oettinger gaf meermaals aan dat hij een plek ziet weggelegd voor schaliegas in de energiemix. Het blijkt maar weer dat wij niet erg ambitieus zijn in onze omslag naar echte duurzame energie en daarom vraag ik ook met nadruk dit geluid op de komende klimaatconferentie consistent uit te dragen.

De voortekenen voor die conferentie zijn inderdaad niet goed; er hangen te veel foute sponsors rond en er zijn te veel factoren die remmend zijn. Kan het dan alleen maar meevallen? Dat spel hebben wij al vier jaar gezien, de ambities worden dan steeds minder en elke keer meten wij de vooruitgang af aan het voorgaande jaar, terwijl wij zeggen: ja, maar ten opzichte van vorig jaar valt het allemaal best wel mee!

Nee, wij moeten kijken naar onze échte ambitie, de ambitie die wij ook hadden bij Cop 15 en die moeten wij vasthouden voor het volgend jaar. Volgend jaar échte ambitie graag!

 
  
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  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE). - As alterações climáticas são um desafio à escala global, cujos efeitos podem ser minimizados, mitigados, mas são incontornáveis e trarão mudanças demográficas, novas doenças, problemas para os agricultores, graves dificuldades para as entidades de proteção civil. Tal significa que todos os Estados, e à escala global, todos os níveis de governação e cada cidadão, são convocados para este combate.

Espero compromissos alargados, uma atuação partilhada e coordenada e metas vinculativas à escala global acompanhadas de um regime sancionatório. Espero que a Conferência de Varsóvia não seja mais uma conferência, mas antes um momento-chave para um acordo global.

A União Europeia tem de dar o exemplo e continuar a ter um papel relevante, um papel ambicioso, credível e de liderança. Para tal, a União Europeia deve, também ela, assumir os seus compromissos já adotados e, em resoluções, assumir também os objetivos neste domínio, nomeadamente os objetivos que constam da estratégia Europa 2020.

Para além disso, a crise atual não pode ser uma desculpa para que se esqueça, para que se diminuam as preocupações ambientais, bem pelo contrário, é uma política ambiental como a que União Europeia tem defendido, que estimula a inovação e o investimento em bens e serviços ambientais, que pode gerar postos de trabalho e também oportunidades de exportação.

 
  
  

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΑΝΝΥ ΠΟΔΗΜΑΤΑ
Αντιπρόεδρος

 
  
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  Edite Estrela (S&D). - As alterações climáticas são uma ameaça real para as pessoas e para o planeta. A próxima Conferência é, por isso, crucial para se conseguir um acordo global vinculativo em 2015. Não pode haver mais adiamentos. É a nossa sobrevivência que está em causa.

Eu participei na COP 11 em 2005, em Montreal, no Canadá. Já vamos na COP 19 e, desde então, os progressos são muito reduzidos. Este ano, cabe a um Estado-Membro, à Polónia, acolher e presidir aos trabalhos e é importante que, simbolicamente também, a UE mantenha a ambição e a liderança e reafirme a necessidade de um acordo internacional.

Quero recordar que as mulheres e as crianças são mais suscetíveis aos impactes das alterações climáticas, tais como a escassez de água e de alimentos e catástrofes naturais. O combate às alterações climáticas é também uma questão de direitos humanos.

 
  
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  Mairead McGuinness (PPE). - Madam President, I listened to this debate because it is a very crucial one. And yet, if we were to look up at the citizens who are listening, their needs and their concerns might be more immediate – about jobs and about growth.

I think there has been a real failure by us in this Chamber and outside to communicate how real climate change is and how we need to tackle it. I heard one colleague mention a slogan: ‘ditching carbon’. I think if we went out to our elections next year with a poster saying ‘ditching carbon’, I do not think it would work. So there is a disconnect between the real work that we have got to do and the success of this conference, and what citizens are talking about.

Yes, on efficiency: I think that rings bells. People want – and know the importance of – saving energy. But could I challenge you on renewables, for example? In Ireland, plans for large-scale wind farming have raised huge concerns amongst citizens in those areas. So we are at risk in some of the renewable sectors of citizens not quite being on the same plane as perhaps the policy drivers are, and I think these are real issues which need to be addressed.

I would like to say to the Commissioner that I mentioned on one occasion the issue of agriculture and emissions and, Commissioner, I think we need to talk about this. How do we produce food in a way that is sustainable from a perspective of CO2 and greenhouse gas emissions?

We must and we will talk about it, but it something that we may need to compromise on. Agriculture and food are fundamental to our economies, so we may not be able to drive down emissions as much as we might wish in this regard without some good science and innovation.

 
  
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  President. − Mrs McGuinness, let me clarify that you spoke on behalf of Mr Vidal-Quadras, so you had one-and-a-half minutes.

Catch-the-eye procedure

 
  
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  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE). - 2015 está perto e a União Europeia deverá preparar a sua posição sobre o acordo global.

Gostaria de referir alguns princípios que considero fundamentais para o novo acordo internacional. Primeiro, o acordo não deve dividir o mundo em dois grupos de países, como faz o protocolo de Quioto, os países industrializados e os países em desenvolvimento. É necessário um sistema em que cada país contribua para o esforço comum, de acordo com as respetivas responsabilidades e capacidades. Segundo, devemos combinar as metas atribuídas às economias dos diferentes países com objetivos comuns e globais, a serem adotados por setores industriais específicos, sujeitos à fuga de carbono. Terceiro, o quadro deve ser mais flexível e deve acomodar uma maior gama de iniciativas, em particular, iniciativas ascendentes, por exemplo, relacionadas com as cidades e com a eficiência energética. Quarto, os mecanismos de mercado devem continuar a ser centrais ao acordo global e quinto, e por último, a cooperação em matéria de investigação científica e desenvolvimento tecnológico deve ser um objetivo crucial no próximo acordo.

 
  
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  Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D). - Provocările cu care se confruntă întreaga planetă la capitolul schimbări climatice impun acorduri internaţionale din ce în ce mai solide şi mai puternice în ceea ce priveşte colaborarea între ţări pe diferite paliere, pentru că nicio ţară nu poate reuşi singură. În plus, aceste acorduri internaţionale trebuie să fie susţinute la nivel naţional de politici care să fie asumate de toţi partenerii publici şi privaţi.

Consider că este important ca toate ţările să colaboreze pentru stabilirea unor reguli clare privind destinaţia terenurilor, agricultura, biocarburanţii, zonele industriale sau de locuit şi schimbarea destinaţiei terenurilor, mai ales în cazul zonelor împădurite, care joacă un rol esenţial în procesul de reducere a emisiilor de carbon, dar şi de prevenire a inundaţiilor şi a alunecărilor de teren.

Este important, totodată, ca Uniunea Europeană şi statele membre să continue procesul de dezvoltare a resurselor durabile de bioenergie, dar fără să fie afectate zonele agricole. Sper ca aceste lucruri să se afle pe foaia de parcurs a Conferinţei de la Varşovia.

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica (PPE). – Gospođo predsjedavajuća, kao što čujemo radi se o budućnosti planete i svakako će konferencija u Varšavi biti priprema za konferenciju u Parizu. Međutim, imala sam slučajno iskustvo u ime Vijeća Europe sudjelovati na konferenciji u Kopenhagenu za koju znamo da nije donijela nikakav napredak. Zato moramo čvrsto kazati da svi akteri moraju ispuniti svoje obveze, prije svega šefovi vlada, koji trebaju biti na liniji Europske komisije, ali i svi lokalni i regionalni šefovi jer se ovdje radi o ljudskim pravima premda to možda u prvom trenutku ne izgleda tako. Dakle, politika energetike i politika klimatskih promjena mora biti komplementarna. Ukoliko to ne uskladimo nećemo puno postići. Potrebno je ulagati u inovacije, potrebno je promijeniti gospodarstvo, stvoriti gospodarski rast, ali nisam sigurna da će se promjene u energetskom sustavu donijeti ako imamo previsoku cijenu ugljičnog dioksida. Znači potreban je period prilagodbe, ali ukoliko taj sporazum iz Pariza 2015. godine ne bude pravno obvezujući, ne bude imao konkretne brojke, ne bude imao konkretne akcije – i slažem se sa svima do sada koji su rekli da mora imati sankcije – nećemo puno uspjeti. Stoga postavljam pitanje koji signal Europska unija šalje svijetu? Nekoć je u svemu prednjačila, bila je uzor, a što Europska unija radi danas?

 
  
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  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Frau Präsidentin! Die grundlegenden strategischen Ziele der EU-Klimapolitik sind durchaus anständig und weitestgehend auch aufrichtig. Die verwendete Taktik allerdings ist unzulänglich. Eine neue Klimastudie beweist, was wir schon seit Jahren weltweit sehen: Der Mensch handelt hauptsächlich auf Basis kurzfristiger Anreize, vage Aussichten zum Nutzen zukünftiger Generationen reichen leider als Motivation alleine nicht aus. Folglich müssen wir auch unsere Taktik neu ausrichten. Wir benötigen unmittelbare und kurzfristige Anreize, um Bürger und Unternehmen zum Umdenken zu bringen. Klimafreundliche Technologie sowie grundlegende finanzielle Anreize zu deren Entwicklung, Nutzung und Export sollten hier in diesem Zusammenhang mehr in den Vordergrund rücken. So kann der materielle Gewinn hier und jetzt auch wesentlich ein Katalysator des Klimawandels werden.

 
  
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  Andrej Plenković (PPE). – Gospođo predsjedavajuća, čini mi se da je konferencija u Varšavi jedan važan međukorak u raspravama koje vodimo uoči novog velikog dogovora u Parizu koji će biti globalni dogovor i to pravno obvezujući dogovor o klimatskim promjenama. Mislim da je i ovo izvješće, 5. izvješće međuvladinoga panela jedan veliki poticaj za pripremu ove rasprave budući da on jasno ukazuje koji su ključni aspekti koji su i izazovi za klimatske promjene u svijetu u ovom trenutku. Isto tako, Europska unija bila je i lider i uzor svim drugim globalnim akterima u ispunjavanju ambicioznih ciljeva u smanjenju stakleničkih plinova. Mislim da tu politiku moramo nastaviti, a pritom je važno da izbalansiramo i naš gospodarski razvoj i naša socijalna pitanja s onim što su glavne teme klimatskih promjena i zaštite okoliša u godinama koje su pred nama. Zato mi se čini da je za Varšavu dobro da zauzmemo zajednički stav i da malo modificiramo rezoluciju koja je trenutno na stolu.

 
  
 

(Τέλος παρεμβάσεων με τη διαδικασία catch-the-eye)

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE). - Madame la Présidente, excusez mon retard. Un mois avant cette grande conférence climatique de Varsovie, Madame le Commissaire, c'est maintenant l'heure de vérité aussi bien pour les décideurs politiques que pour tous les citoyens de cette terre. L'engagement a été pris par la planète entière de lutter contre le réchauffement climatique et de maintenir celui-ci en dessous de 2 degrés. Il faut maintenant passer aux actes, à la mise en œuvre de cet engagement, comme l'a très bien dit mon collègue Karl-Heinz Florenz.

On voit maintenant que la planète commence à bouger: l'Union européenne s'est dotée d'un marché européen du CO2 qui sert de plus en plus de modèle, que ce soit aux États-Unis ou même en Chine, avec quelque prémices. Il nous faut donc renforcer le système européen d'échanges de quotas d'émissions et le lier aux autres systèmes en développement. Grâce à ces mécanismes de marchés, nous lancerons une vraie dynamique mondiale de renforcement de la croissance verte. Par ailleurs, il est évident que les secteurs de l'aviation, du transport maritime ne peuvent rester à l'écart des efforts à réaliser.

L'Europe doit donc se rendre à Varsovie avec une feuille de route ambitieuse. Cependant, cette feuille de route doit aussi être réaliste et ne pas hésiter à poser les bonnes questions. Ainsi, l'Union européenne doit dire très clairement les choses suivantes: si la communauté internationale ne parvient pas à un accord international contraignant pour toutes les parties d'ici la réunion de Paris à la fin de l'année 2015, l'Union devra mettre en place un mécanisme d'inclusion carbone aux frontières; c'est-à-dire une taxe carbone aux frontières de l'Union européenne, pour taxer les produits provenant des pays qui ne font pas les efforts nécessaires. En effet, en cas d'échec des négociations internationales, l'Union européenne, en accord avec l'OMC, devra rétablir une concurrence équitable entre ceux qui veulent protéger la planète et ceux qui ne prennent pas en compte les conséquences du changement climatique.

Voilà le message, Madame le Commissaire, que doit lancer le Parlement européen, et plus généralement l'Union européenne: nous devons être ambitieux et réalistes.

 
  
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  La Présidente. - Merci. Mme Auconie figurait sur la liste des orateurs. Elle avait deux minutes à sa disposition.

 
  
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  Connie Hedegaard, Member of the Commission. − Madam President, I have felt today that there is very solid agreement on the overall EU strategy for Warsaw and Paris. That has been very good to see.

There will be a stepwise approach, with a timeline adopted in Warsaw and everybody having to do their homework prior to Paris rather than in Paris. Next year, 2014, must also be the year of ambition in Europe. We must get ready and put our own house in order. We will also have to assess all the different pledges from different countries in an open, transparent and unthreatening manner, to see if that combined will take us as far as want to go. If not, we must discuss what to do.

It has been positive to see this strong backing. I only have three small comments and a correction to make. Firstly, to Ms Jordan, I have to correct the misinformation that the EU’s emissions are increasing. That is not true. They are continuing to decrease. They are not growing. Ms McGuinness had some very relevant questions, and I very much share the view that we should not be all gloom and doom. We have to give people opportunities. One of these opportunities is in the area of jobs. In the Commission, we can see that one driver for jobs – during the crisis year and also when we analyse the potential up to 2020 – would be for Europe to address energy efficiency, as was mentioned, and also renewables. We can see that these two sectors – and this includes handling of waste and recycling – have real potential to contribute to net job creation by 2020.

Also, macro-economically speaking, in Europe – just to take one example – last year, in the crisis year of 2012, we spent almost EUR 1 billion per day paying the bill for imported oil. If we can bring down that kind of cost, I think that most people would be able to see that it would also benefit our overall macroeconomics. That is the kind of argument that we will try to make very visible in the preparatory work we are doing on 2030.

It is very important for Europe that all parties are part of a future agreement for the period after 2020. Mr Florenz asked what the strategy was. He mentioned Annex I and non-Annex I countries. In my world, we already fought over that in Durban, where it was very clearly decided that in 2015, when deciding on the post-2020 policies, all countries would have to commit according to their capabilities and all would have to be equally legally bound. That is a very important game-changer which I believe Europe wants, together with our good friends and the people we worked with in Durban. This is, of course, something that we still want the rest of the world to respect. This is not something new to be negotiated. It was already agreed in Durban.

Lastly, a question was asked about where the financing would come from. To be very clear on this, I think that we all face challenges here. The developed countries face challenges here. I think that the base for who should contribute to financing should also be broadened after 2020. I would make it very clear that there is no way that the USD 100 billion per year by 2020 could come only from public sources. We must also find innovative ways to use public money, leveraging more private investments in this kind of transformation that we need. In fact, on Thursday, a lot of donor countries will be meeting in Denmark to discuss with the World Bank, the OECD, the regional development banks and all their institutional investors what obstacles are currently standing in the way of seeing enough investment in low carbon transition, for instance in the developing world. I would just like to say that there is substantial work going on in this area, with a view to broadening the financial base. It cannot come only through public money. We should find intelligent ways to use public money in order to leverage more private investment.

 
  
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  President. − I have received one motion for a resolution(1) tabled in accordance with Rule 115(5) of the Rules of Procedure.

The debate is closed.

The vote will take place on Wednesday, 23 October 2013.

Written statements (Rule 149)

 
  
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  Erik Bánki (PPE), írásban Véleményem szerint a klímaváltozással szembeni küzdelem csak globális szinten lehet sikeres. Ha az Európai Unió egyoldalúan vállal ambiciózus kibocsátáscsökkentési célkitűzést úgy, hogy közben más fejlett országok és nagy kibocsátók nem tesznek hasonlóan ambiciózus vállalásokat, az több szempontból is hátrányos lehet a kontinens számára. Egyrészt, ezáltal nem jön létre átfogó és jogilag kötelező globális egyezmény, amelyben minden részes fél kötelezettséget vállal a saját képességeihez mérten. Másrészt, az egyenlőtlen helyzet miatt az EU jelentős versenyhátrányba kerülhet, ezzel is tovább növelve az európai energiaárakat. A 2009-es koppenhágai klímacsúcson az EU a fejlett országok közül egyedüliként tett ambiciózus vállalást, ami oda vezetett, hogy a Kiotói Jegyzőkönyv első kötelezettségvállalási időszakában egyedül vitte a vállán a terheket, ezzel is hátrányos helyzetbe hozva a tagállamait, és sajnos ez a helyzet a második kötelezettségvállalási időszakra is átöröklődött. Mindenképpen el kell kerülni tehát, hogy hasonló helyzet álljon elő az új globális megállapodás kialakításakor. Éppen ezért, magyar képviselőként támogatom, hogy az ENSZ Éghajlat-változási Keretegyezménye alatt az EU megfelelő vállalást tegyen, mind a 2020 előtti ambíciószint felülvizsgálata, mind a 2020 utáni célok tekintetében, de csak abban az esetben, ha minden fejlett ország és nagy kibocsátó hasonlóan ambiciózus vállalást tesz.

 
  
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  Krzysztof Lisek (PPE), na piśmie. Polska przygotowuje się do pełnionej już po raz drugi roli gospodarza konferencji klimatycznej. Na podstawie uzgodnionego w 1997 r. protokołu z Kioto, który zaczął obowiązywać od 2005 r., państwa, które do niego przystąpiły, podążą ku redukcji emisji gazów cieplarnianych. Jego obowiązywanie przedłużono do 2020 roku. Nowe porozumienie na skalę globalną musi mieć wpływ na wszystkie kraje, by całościowo redukować emisje dwutlenku węgla. Cele powinny być przede wszystkim wiążące dla wszystkich krajów i ambitne, ale w żadnym wypadku nie mogą być one oderwane od rzeczywistości. Jest to szczególnie istotne w dobie odczuwania tak dotkliwych skutków kryzysu finansowego. Unia Europejska, jako podmiot liczący się na światowej scenie, musi wykorzystać swój potencjał i promować bezpieczeństwo energetyczne, konkurencyjność i efektywność energetyczną.

 
  
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  Bogdan Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz (PPE), na piśmie. Polska przygotowuje się do pełnionej już po raz drugi roli gospodarza konferencji klimatycznej. Wynegocjowany w 1997 r. i obowiązujący od 2005 r. protokół z Kioto zobowiązuje państwa, które do niego przystąpiły, do redukcji emisji gazów cieplarnianych. Miał wygasnąć w ubiegłym roku, ale podczas zeszłorocznego szczytu klimatycznego w Katarze zdecydowano o jego przedłużeniu do 2020 roku. To nowe porozumienie globalne, jeżeli w ogóle ma być zawarte, musi być realną wartością dodaną. Wynegocjowane porozumienie światowe musi dotyczyć wszystkich państw i mobilizować wszystkie państwa do tego, by wspólnie zmniejszać emisję CO2. W obecnej sytuacji problemem jest to, że Unia Europejska ma zdecydowanie bardziej restrykcyjne podejście do polityki klimatycznej niż duże światowe gospodarki. Trzeba pamiętać, że niezwykle kosztowna polityka klimatyczna UE idzie pod prąd globalnych trendów. Przykładowo, na świecie produkuje się dziś ponad 6 mld ton węgla, z czego na kraje UE przypada zaledwie kilka procent. Tak naprawdę pytanie dzisiaj jest jedno – czy na szczycie w Warszawie uda nam się połączyć politykę europejską z polityką światową?

 
  

(1)See Minutes.


12. Tarptautinių prekybos taisyklių taikymas ir jų vykdymo užtikrinimas (diskusijos)
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas
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  Πρόεδρος. - Το επόμενο σημείο στην ημερήσια διάταξη είναι η συζήτηση επί της εκθέσεως του Niccolò Rinaldi, εξ ονόματος της Επιτροπή Διεθνούς Εμπορίου, επί της προτάσεως κανονισμού του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου και του Συμβουλίου σχετικά με την άσκηση των δικαιωμάτων της Ένωσης για την εφαρμογή και την επιβολή των διεθνών εμπορικών κανόνων

(COM(2012)0773 - C7-0415/2012 - 2012/0359(COD)) (A7-0308/2013)

 
  
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  Niccolò Rinaldi, relatore. − Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, l'Unione europea ha fatto una scelta di fondo, che sta perseguendo con molta determinazione da diversi anni, di integrarsi in un mercato aperto e globale, con una serie di accordi di libero scambio, un ruolo d'impulso ai negoziati – che vanno in realtà a rilento – per un quadro normativo a livello multilaterale all'interno dell'Organizzazione mondiale del commercio che sia ambizioso, oltre che una serie di accordi plurilaterali.

Tutto ciò va bene, ma naturalmente espone anche l'Unione europea a comportamenti che possono essere scorretti, in alcuni casi a vere e proprie guerre commerciali. Il termine "guerra commerciale" non ci deve spaventare: se oggi spesso non si fa più la guerra con le forze armate, la si fa invece attraverso comportamenti sleali, infrangendo le regole stabilite bilateralmente o multilateralmente. È quindi importante predisporre un quadro di forze di dissuasione, vale a dire di comportamenti di ritorsione, che l'Unione europea può applicare nel caso in cui alcuni nostri partner commerciali decidano di non rispettare i patti.

Questo è l'oggetto del regolamento oggi in discussione: organizzare una forza di dissuasione, augurandoci di non doverla utilizzare mai, ma renderla disponibile per un rapido uso laddove necessario. Già predisponendo con questo regolamento le nostre forze, eviteremo – attraverso la dissuasione – che altri non rispettino i patti che sono stati firmati.

La cosa più sorprendente però è che siamo arrivati a questo regolamento abbastanza tardi, dopo anni di confronto con il libero mercato in cui alcune istanze dell'Unione europea sono state a volte lasciate senza sufficiente difesa. Per l'Organizzazione mondiale del commercio la ritorsione è qualcosa da utilizzare come last resort – ultima spiaggia – dopo negoziati, trattative, dopo un dialogo costruttivo, ma può essere utilizzata.

E se oggi gli Stati Uniti d'America in poche settimane possono attuare misure per far valere i propri diritti nei confronti dei partner commerciali che hanno violato i patti, all'Unione europea occorrono da 15 a 31 mesi di tempo per mettere in atto le nostre repliche, le nostre risposte, le nostre ritorsioni. Da qui la necessità di un regolamento orizzontale che adotti un insieme organico di procedure in tempi rapidi.

Le misure le conosciamo: possono essere sospensione di concessioni tariffarie, introduzione di nuovi tassi e dazi doganali, limitazione ai quantitativi, sospensione di concessioni negli appalti pubblici. E possono essere anche misure miste, per cui possiamo applicare allo stesso prodotto su cui è stata commessa la scorrettezza dal nostro partner le misure di ritorsione all'interno dello stesso accordo, oppure possiamo applicarle allo stesso prodotto, ma nell'ambito di un accordo diverso in cui è comunque coinvolto il nostro partner, oppure anche in ambito di altri accordi.

Ricordiamo un precedente, che naturalmente non ha brillato per velocità di risposta dell'Unione europea: il conflitto sull'acciaio con gli Stati Uniti, dove la risposta europea è stata attraverso misure di ritorsione sulle arance, gli agrumi e l'abbigliamento.

Due sono le importanti innovazioni del Parlamento europeo in questo regolamento: l'applicazione anche al campo dei servizi, che sono un settore ormai in forte espansione commerciale, e la creazione di un dialogo strutturato denominato "enforcement dialogue" con la Commissione affinché il ruolo della Commissione sia efficace, rapido, ma anche sottoposto a quel controllo democratico che è prerogativa del Parlamento.

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. − Madam President, the proposed regulations represent an important step towards the further strengthening of the EU’s stance and its credibility in international trade relations. It does so in two ways. Firstly, it preserves the fundamental principle of international trade law that countries should take corrective or retaliatory measures only when authorised or entitled to do so by an international dispute settlement body.

Secondly, the proposal provides for a much-needed unified procedure to streamline the enforcement of unions’ rights under international trade agreements. This is extremely important. When third countries do not respect agreed trade rules and are condemned for this, the EU must be able to enforce its rights swiftly. Only then can we make sure that trade agreements work for the benefit of unions, businesses and workers.

When construing this proposal, we should design a system where speedy, effective and practical measures can be taken. In our proposal we have focused on areas where we have already gained experience and where we are sufficiently confident about the design and implementation of the envisaged measures.

It would be the Commission’s intention to continue reflections with a view to completing over time the coverage of the Regulation, as there are difficult and complex issues which need to be considered in full detail, including in the light of future experience with its practical application.

Madam President, we seem to agree on the need for the adoption of such an instrument and on the need to adopt it swiftly. In so doing, we should bear in mind the overall institutional balance provided for by the Treaties and the agreed rules concerning the exercise of implementing powers. We should also aim at providing for rules which apply uniformly in all Member States and which allow for a truly balanced pan-European solution. Enforcement is, of course, an important part of the Union’s exclusive common commercial policy, and I hope that the legislative process will be successfully concluded during this Commission’s term.

 
  
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  Franck Proust, au nom du groupe PPE. – Madame la Présidente, ce rapport est bien entendu, à mon sens, une avancée majeure dans la politique commerciale de l'Union européenne. Il signe, je l'espère, la fin d'une Europe naïve. Grâce à ce règlement, l'Union européenne devrait avoir les moyens de se défendre rapidement face aux États qui ne respectent pas leurs obligations commerciales. C'est un pas important, alors que nous devons à l'heure actuelle passer par la procédure de codécision pour prendre une mesure de rétorsion, lorsque nous y sommes autorisés. Un simple acte délégué suffira désormais.

C'est un pas important, car il montre à nos partenaires commerciaux que nous pouvons réagir, et vite. C'est finalement autant un instrument de rétorsion que de dissuasion.

Je voudrais, à ce titre, remercier le rapporteur pour l'excellent travail qu'il a accompli et pour avoir ainsi enrichi la proposition de la Commission. Enrichi par les secteurs couverts par la proposition, car désormais, non seulement les biens et les marchés publics peuvent faire l'objet de mesures de rétorsion, mais également les services. C'est une avancée importante car, en effet, face à un pays comme Singapour – dont le commerce repose essentiellement sur les services – sur quel autre secteur pourrions-nous prendre des mesures de rétorsion efficaces si nous n'avions pas intégré les services dans ce rapport? À ce titre, j'aimerais que la Commission européenne réfléchisse à l'opportunité d'étendre encore le champ du règlement aux droits de propriété intellectuelle lorqu'elle évaluera l'efficacité du texte.

Autre avancée qui me semble indispensable: l'information du Parlement européen. Dans notre quête de la transparence, il me paraît impensable que le Parlement ne soit pas correctement informé, à tous les stades de la procédure. Cela est d'autant plus important étant donné les conséquences politiques que peuvent avoir les mesures de rétorsion.

Je ne m'étendrai pas plus, sinon pour rappeler l'excellent équilibre que nous avons atteint en commission parlementaire. Pour cette raison, je ne souhaite pas que ce texte soit de nouveau amendé. Je pense que la proposition telle qu'amendée en commission parlementaire est un excellent mandat pour aller négocier en trilogue.

 
  
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  George Sabin Cutaş, în numele grupului S&D. – Odată cu intrarea în vigoare a Tratatului de la Lisabona, care atribuie Parlamentului European noi responsabilităţi în domeniul comerţului internaţional, deciziile relative la disputele comerciale ar fi trebuit luate prin intermediul procedurii de codecizie. Aceasta însă se dovedeşte lentă şi ineficientă.

De aceea, propunerea Comisiei este binevenită, iar, prin intermediul noului regulament, Uniunea Europeană va putea să reacţioneze prompt atunci când nu sunt respectate regulile comerciale.

Documentul are însă în vedere posibilitatea de a adopta măsuri de restaurare a avantajelor reciproce doar în domeniul bunurilor. Ce va face Uniunea Europeană atunci când un partener care comercializează aproape în exclusivitate servicii îi cauzează un prejudiciu?

Pentru a fi credibilă, Uniunea Europeană trebuie să dispună de mecanisme concrete pentru soluţionarea litigiilor, iar acestea nu pot exclude serviciile, care fac parte din setul de măsuri propuse de Organizaţia Mondială a Comerţului.

Totodată, Parlamentul European trebuie să rămână informat cu privire la cazurile care sunt în desfăşurare şi, în mod special, în ceea ce priveşte măsurile pe care le prevede Comisia şi impactul acestora asupra industriilor europene. De aceea am cerut, împreuna cu colegii din Comisia pentru comerţ internaţional, înfiinţarea unei platforme de dialog între Parlament şi Comisie pe această temă.

 
  
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  Andrew Henry William Brons (NI). - Madam President, the rapporteur protests in this document that there is no protectionist aim whatsoever, as though the word ‘protectionist’ might be one of those hate labels – like ‘racist’ – that are so popular with cosmopolitans. The rapporteur is using the word ‘protectionist’ in its strict economic sense, referring to tariff and non-tariff barriers to international trade. However, if he had been using it in a more general and everyday sense, his denial would be equally valid.

The EU is emphatically not trying to protect Europe’s interests, still less the interests of its Member States. The objective is to follow the World Trade Organisation’s globalist agenda. Retaliation would not be used to protect Europe’s economic interests but to enforce observance of the WTO’s globalist rules. The theory of international trade is that unrestricted trade makes the world as a whole richer. However, even if that were always the case, it would not follow that it made everybody or every country richer too.

The free movement of goods and services, capital and labour – which is of course what all globalists, including EU globalists, are driving for – can only work if prices and wages are on undifferentiated scales. If that happens, the developed world, including Europe, has everything to lose. The third world and emergent economies have everything to gain.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8)).

 
  
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  Jörg Leichtfried (S&D), blue-card question. – Mr Brons, I would like to ask you something. If I understood you correctly – and I am not absolutely sure whether I did – then I think that you said that you are not really happy with anything in the WTO system. Could you please tell me: what would be your alternative?

 
  
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  Andrew Henry William Brons (NI), blue-card answer. – The alternative would be that Member States reverted to being sovereign countries and were capable of controlling trade as they wished, but a second best would at least be that Europe looked after Europe’s interests and did not try to drive towards a global free trade area.

 
  
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  Vital Moreira (S&D). - Considero bem-vinda esta importante iniciativa da Comissão que só peca por tardia. De facto, três anos depois do Tratado de Lisboa, a União Europeia não dispõe ainda de um quadro legislativo horizontal sobre a tomada de medidas contra países terceiros para fazer cumprir os seus direitos ao abrigo dos acordos bilaterais e multilaterais do comércio internacional.

Ora, face ao crescente número de litígios comerciais e de outras situações que reclamam contra medidas da União, é crucial que possamos responder de forma célere e se disponha de um instrumento eficaz e credível, de modo a salvaguardar os interesses económicos da União.

Até agora, isso só podia ser feito por medidas legislativas ad hoc, caso a caso, o que antes do Tratado de Lisboa era feito pelo Conselho sob proposta da Comissão. Depois do Tratado de Lisboa, isso não é mais admissível, dada a demora do processo legislativo ordinário. É, portanto, bem-vinda esta medida de criar um quadro legislativo geral que permita depois à Comissão, mediante atos de execução, atuar quando for caso disso.

A simples existência deste regulamento é, em si mesmo, um fator de dissuasão e, por isso, ela vem colmatar uma grave lacuna da ordem jurídica da União.

Concluindo, o Parlamento deve aprovar um quadro comum claro e previsível para que a União possa fazer face, em tempo útil, às eventuais ações comerciais ilegais, assim como reforçar a capacidade da União.

 
  
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  Jörg Leichtfried (S&D). - Frau Präsidentin, geschätzte Kolleginnen und Kollegen, Herr Berichterstatter! Es war der Vertrag von Lissabon, der dazu geführt hat, dass die Handelspolitik der Europäischen Union demokratisch und parlamentarisiert wurde. Das Europäische Parlament kann erst seit dem Vertrag von Lissabon bei der Handelspolitik mitentscheiden, und das ist gut so. Es hat die Handelspolitik der Europäischen Union geändert, jetzt müssen wir dafür sorgen, dass sie nicht nur anders, sondern auch effizienter wird. Und der Bericht vom Kollegen Rinaldi ist meines Erachtens ein Schritt in die richtige Richtung. Wenn unsere Partner nicht fair zu uns sind, müssen wir reagieren können. Dann müssen wir effizient und schnell reagieren können, damit Europa die Interessen der europäischen Wirtschaft und am Ende die Interessen der Menschen in der Europäischen Union schützen kann. Mit diesem Bericht, Herr Kollege, denke ich, kann das erreicht werden, und ich glaube, wir sind auf dem richtigen Weg.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ zu beantworten (Artikel 149 Absatz 8 GO).)

 
  
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  Paul Rübig (PPE), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Herr Kollege Leichtfried! Wie sehen Sie die Chancen, in Indonesien für die WTO-Verhandlungen ein Agreement zu bekommen?

 
  
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  Jörg Leichtfried (S&D), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Herr Kollege Rübig! Ich würde das gerne beantworten, aber ich tue mich schwer damit. Indonesien wird wohl eine der letzten Chancen sein, einen Schritt weiter im multilateralen System gehen zu können. Wenn uns das in Indonesien nicht gelingt, wird der Weg wohl längere Zeit über bilaterale Abkommen führen müssen. Mir persönlich wäre aber ein multilaterales System am Ende viel lieber.

 
  
 

Παρεμβάσεις με τη διαδικασία catch-the-eye

 
  
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  Rareş-Lucian Niculescu (PPE). - Un scurt comentariu pe marginea acestui raport, pe care îl consider corect şi echilibrat:

Acum exact un an, în octombrie 2012, am avut o dezbatere în Parlament cu privire la aderarea Rusiei la Organizaţia Mondială a Comerţului. Alături de mulţi colegi, am salutat atunci încheierea negocierilor, în speranţa că Rusia va renunţa la măsurile ostile pe care le adoptă în domeniul comerţului agricol cu Uniunea Europeană.

Ce s-a întâmplat de atunci? La începutul anului, Rusia a anunţat că interzice importurile de carne refrigerată din Germania, apoi, în iulie 2013, Rusia a anunţat că nu mai importă cartofi sau material săditor din Uniunea Europeană. Exemplele ar putea continua, dar nu cred că avem atât timp în această seară.

Rusia trebuie să renunţe la invocarea abuzivă a unor motive sanitare pentru a bloca schimburile agricole. În aceste condiţii, trebuie să acordăm instituţiilor Uniunii mijloace eficiente pentru a garanta interesele noastre comerciale.

 
  
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  Sergio Gaetano Cofferati (S&D). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ritengo che la relazione dell'on. Rinaldi sia una buona relazione che va nella giusta direzione. È molto importante che il Parlamento approvi un'ipotesi di regolamento, tuttavia, signor Commissario, dobbiamo anche chiederci perché nel corso di questi ultimi anni sono aumentati i contenziosi commerciali.

Paradossalmente, mentre cresceva il numero di accordi stipulati e di trattati sottoscritti, il mancato rispetto di tali trattati e la violazione di alcuni punti importanti sono diventati quasi quotidiani. Occorre quindi forse fare un passo indietro e cercare di inserire già nei trattati sia gli incentivi al rispetto degli stessi sia le sanzioni, perché credo che, diversamente, potremmo trovarci di fronte alla situazione paradossale di avere, da un lato, un aumento di relazioni soprattutto commerciali che preludono a quelle politiche, e contemporaneamente, purtroppo, di avere anche un aumento incomprensibile dei conflitti e del mancato rispetto degli stessi contenuti dei trattati.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL). - Os efeitos negativos da liberalização e desregulação do comércio internacional impõem-se de tal forma à evidência que mesmo os arautos do livre comércio acabam por ter de reconhecer, pelo menos formalmente, a necessidade de algum nível de regulação, ínfimo que seja. Ou, usando a sua conhecida retórica belicista, ela mesma elucidativa quanto aos propósitos que serve, a necessidade de medidas ditas de retaliação defensiva.

Ora, o que a experiência nos demonstra é que, sob o pano de fundo da liberalização, não nos bastam instrumentos que, quando acionados, e se é que alguma vez o chegam a ser, já muito estrago foi feito. Precisamos, sim, de um comércio internacional regulado, orientado para a complementaridade e não para a competição entre produções, produtores e países. Uma competição em que todos perdem: trabalhadores, populações e o ambiente.

A atribuição à União Europeia de competência exclusiva no domínio da política comercial serviu, e serve apenas, como também nos mostra a experiência, para defender os interesses ditos ofensivos e defensivos das grandes potências europeias, interesses frequentemente diferentes, ou mesmo antagónicos com os de outros países, em especial, os Estados-Membros de economias mais débeis.

 
  
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  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Frau Präsidentin! Die Europäische Union kann von Handelsabkommen und der Mitgliedschaft in der WTO nur dann wirklich profitieren, wenn die Handelspartner sich auch an die vereinbarten Regeln halten. Es müsste ja möglich sein, auf illegale handelspolitische Maßnahmen rasch und effizient zu reagieren. Nur so können die Interessen der europäischen Unternehmer, der Arbeitnehmer und der Verbraucher wirksam geschützt werden. Der vorgeschlagene Rechtsrahmen erlaubt es der Kommission, Vollzugsmaßnahmen zu ergreifen, wenn die Interessen der Union auf dem Spiel stehen. Als ultima ratio muss es möglich sein, Handelssanktionen zu verhängen und das betreffende Land auch zur Rücknahme von illegalen Maßnahmen zu drängen, etwa die Einführung von Zöllen, die Erhöhung von Zöllen oder auch Ein- und Ausfuhrkontingente. Sobald es möglich ist, wirklich effiziente Maßnahmen zu setzen, werden die Drohungen von Seiten der EU auch glaubwürdiger und letztlich auch zielführender sein.

 
  
 

(Τέλος των παρεμβάσεων με τη διαδικασία catch-the-eye)

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. − Madam President, honourable Members, the Commission is encouraged by the overall supportive and cooperative approach to this proposed regulatory framework, which would enable the European Union to make a horizontal and swift response when applying and enforcing the international trade rules. Your proposals and your positions will therefore be duly conveyed to the relevant Commission services in order to finalise this legislative file as soon as possible.

I would just like to comment on two major proposals that came out of today’s debate and in the days and months beforehand. The first is the inclusion of services into the retaliation measures. We are aware of the importance of services and we have considered the possibility internally. However, at the moment we believe that the complexity of the service sector is such that inclusion would bring more problems than solutions and would carry us away from the main objective of the proposals. Therefore, we will keep studying the field and even the practicalities of extending the proposals to other areas. But this will be a proposal to be studied in the future.

The other proposal boils down to having a more thorough parliamentary involvement in the preparation and implementation of the measures under this regulation. We are willing to involve the European Parliament through standard channels, and we are aware of the importance to all stakeholders of the measures that will possibly be adopted under this regulation.

On the other hand, the proposal seeks to provide for a balanced mechanism that preserves the Treaties’ institutional balance, with the Commission as the executive body, subject to political control by the European Parliament and the Council. We are ready to work with you as regards our information and communication practices, while observing the legal and institutional boundaries.

 
  
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  Niccolò Rinaldi, relatore. − Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, naturalmente ringrazio tutti i relatori ombra che mi hanno accompagnato in questo lavoro e il segretariato. Signor Commissario, in seno alla commissione siamo stati molto compatti nell'elaborazione di questa relazione e credo che abbiamo anche dato un esempio di rapidità, visto che è stata discussa e approvata in tempi rapidi.

C'è la chiara percezione da parte anche dei consumatori che fanno parte del suo mandato, sicuramente da parte di una buona parte del mondo produttivo europeo, che la sfida con la globalizzazione la si fa ad armi impari e che a volte c'è addirittura un senso di abbandono rispetto a questa scelta, che noi confermiamo, di confrontarci con il libero mercato, ma che ha bisogno comunque di misure e di risposte efficaci. Qualcuno ha anche citato questi temi durante il dibattito.

L'inclusione dei servizi non può aspettare una prossima proposta che chissà quando arriverà e che avrà bisogno di altro tempo. Capisco le difficoltà della Commissione perché ci muoviamo su un terreno sicuramente difficile, ma la base giuridica sui servizi in sede di Organizzazione mondiale del commercio esiste già e i servizi fanno parte del nostro interscambio commerciale in misura crescente.

Così come non è facile disporre di misure di ritorsione nel campo degli appalti pubblici, che abbiamo incluso nel nostro regolamento, lo dobbiamo fare anche per quanto riguarda i servizi. Le chiedo quindi di trasmettere al Commissario questa nostra disponibilità e questa nostra condivisione, che è comune in seno alla commissione per il commercio internazionale, che bisogna dare un segnale ai nostri imprenditori e ai nostri consumatori che le misure di dissuasione rispetto a comportamenti scorretti sono predisposte nel manifatturiero, negli appalti e nei servizi.

Del resto, la globalizzazione porta sicuramente stabilità, pace, ma anche a costo di decisioni che a volte devono maturare con una determinazione che non sempre è stata dimostrata. Lo ribadisco: abbiamo avuto uno spirito molto consensuale rispetto a questa relazione in commissione, ma sono misure che non chiediamo soltanto noi deputati, c'è una grande parte della società europea che aspetta la predisposizione di questi strumenti di ritorsione nel modo più efficace possibile.

 
  
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  Πρόεδρος. - Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί την Τετάρτη 23 Οκτωβρίου 2013 στις 12.00 το μεσημέρι.

 

13. ES prekybos politika Rytų partnerystės šalių atžvilgiu (diskusijos)
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas
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  Πρόεδρος. - Το επόμενο σημείο στην ημερήσια διάταξη είναι η συζήτηση επί της ερώτησης με αίτημα προφορικής απάντησης προς την Επιτροπή σχετικά με την εμπορική πολιτική της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης έναντι των χωρών της Ανατολικής Εταιρικής Σχέσης ενόψει της συνόδου κορυφής στο Βίλνιους, του Vital Moreira και της Laima Liucija Andrikienė, εξ ονόματος της Επιτροπής Διεθνούς Εμπορίου (O-000092/2013 - B7-0508/2013) (2013/2776(RSP))

 
  
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  Laima Liucija Andrikienė, author. − Madam President, the Eastern Partnership Vilnius Summit represents a historic opportunity not to be missed for the Union.

The EU may sign an Association Agreement, including a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), with Ukraine. Such an agreement may entail large economic and commercial benefits for this country and tie its laws and standards to our single market. To capitalise on these gains, Ukraine must do two things. Firstly, it must run the last mile in fulfilling the political requirements set by the EU, enabling the EU to prepare the implementation of the DCFTA together with our Ukrainian friends. Secondly, it must prepare the economic ground which would allow the DCFTA to bring the expected results, in particular with regard to the following.

Ukraine still needs to improve its business climate, fight corruption and work together with the EU on fixing the bilateral trade irritants. While I am supportive of the Ukrainian willingness to sign and implement the DCFTA, I worry that not all efforts are being made to actually turn the country towards a more business-friendly environment and towards resolving serious commercial issues, such as the recently-introduced car recycling fee, the delays in VAT reimbursements, etc.

Secondly, the demand by Ukraine to renegotiate its tariffs at the WTO over more than 300 tariff lines, just when it is about to sign and implement a DCFTA which would slash bilateral tariffs, also raises concerns.

Thirdly, Ukraine must broadly reform its economy, not only to prepare for implementing its commitments towards the EU, but also to improve its track record and convince the IMF that it can be a serious and committed recipient of international loans and repay its debts.

This raises concerns, and I know that Commissioner De Gucht went to Ukraine a fortnight ago and that he has regular contacts with the Ukrainian government. But can the Commission quote at least some signs of progress made by Ukraine towards meeting our expectations for the economic reforms?

So I ask the Commission: how can Europe and Ukraine effectively work on the future application of the DCFTA when so many bilateral trade irritants remain?

On Moldova and Georgia, I urge the Commission to find ways to shield these countries from Russian pressure: they must be allowed to prepare for the signature and the application of the DCFTAs in the coming years. There again, the case of Ukraine should serve as a lesson that the EU should not stand still and should be proactive.

I welcome the Commission proposal to increase our autonomous trade preferences to Moldova by removing EU quotas on their exports of wine. This gesture will go a long way towards countering Russian pressure by showing the people of Moldova that the EU can act swiftly and show solidarity.

On Georgia, I remain concerned that the implementation will be complicated by the Georgian Government’s lack of control over South Ossetia and Abkhazia. But we should note that, despite the world crisis and the conflicts, Georgia has remained an open trading partner which can boast a very good economic record in recent years. Encouraging it to continue on this path should be the key to sustaining the Vilnius momentum into 2014, until the Association Agreement encompassing a DCFTA is signed.

Finally, the upcoming summit is an opportunity to reassess our relations with Armenia and Azerbaijan, two countries which for different reasons are not on track towards signing a DCFTA.

I deeply regret Armenia’s decision to join the Customs Union, mostly for geopolitical reasons which have nothing to do with the long-term economic needs and interests of this country, which is already largely integrated with the Customs Union partners through the Commonwealth of Independent States. This course of events determines the necessity not to reduce to zero but to redefine and if possible keep improving our trade relations with Armenia. Surely the Armenian membership of a customs union does not facilitate such a task? But I look forward to hearing from the Commissioner on this issue.

As for Azerbaijan, the EU cannot consider negotiating a DCFTA because this country is not a WTO member. But the Commission should make good use of the opportunity to upgrade the trade-and-investment-related provisions of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement and should explore the value of sectoral agreements, for example in the field of trade in energy products. Let us not be dogmatic about the notion of association agreements. After Vilnius we should consider being innovative in proposing new forms of agreements with these two partners.

Finally, regarding Belarus, I look forward to hearing from the Commissioner on the status of Belarus’s WTO accession perspectives.

To conclude, I want this Vilnius Summit to be a success, but it can only be successful if we see it not as an end in itself but as the beginning of the next phase of the Eastern Partnership towards implementing economic integration with the EU and finally seeing things change on the ground for the benefit of the citizens in our Eastern Partner countries.

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. − Madam President, honourable Members, allow me to make one point very clear from the outset: the development of our trade relations with our Eastern Partners is not promoted to the detriment of any other country. These Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas, which are at the heart of our association agreements, will help bring down trade barriers and promote regulatory convergence. This is not to the detriment of economic operators in Russia or elsewhere. Indeed, Russia also stands to gain from the integration of its traditional trading partners into the wider European economy.

Our agreement with Ukraine will mutually open our markets for goods and services. It will be a catalyst for political, economic and social reforms and modernisation and will contribute to economic growth. The Commission clearly considers the artificial trade obstacles and cumbersome customs procedures recently adopted by Russia towards Ukraine as unacceptable. They constitute undue pressure of dubious WTO compatibility.

Given the current advanced stage of the process related to the Association Agreement, the best support we could bring would be by implementing it speedily once it is signed. The EU has repeatedly confirmed its firm commitment to the signing of the Association Agreement with Ukraine, possibly at the time of the Eastern Partnership Summit in November, provided there is determined action and tangible progress by Ukraine on the benchmarks set by the Foreign Affairs Council in December 2012. The Foreign Affairs Council debated this issue again today and reinforced the benchmarks.

In addition, the Commission has repeatedly called on Ukraine to do its utmost to solve current trade issues with the European Union. Our assistance to Ukraine has accompanied the preparation of the agreement and will contribute to the shared goal of its implementation. For example, EUR 40 million from the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument is specifically earmarked for institutional reforms linked to the implementation of new agreements with the EU, the so-called Comprehensive Institution Building programme.

As regards our agreements with Georgia and Moldova, the Commission will put all its efforts, including legal revision, into enabling their signature before the end of this Commission’s term. Once signed, we will propose that the agreements with Georgia and Moldova be provisionally applied. To help the implementation of these agreements, we also set transition periods for the approximation of legislation by the partner countries, coupled with technical and financial assistance to support capacity-building and infrastructure. Support for the implementation of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas will remain a core objective under the new European Neighbourhood Instrument.

As regards Armenia, we are in a difficult situation now. Joining the Customs Union with Russia is incompatible with the establishment of a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area with the European Union. In spite of this, we remain committed to continue deepening relations with Armenia, and we are pursuing our internal reflection and consultations with Armenia on the best practical way forward. However, it should be clear that enhanced cooperation will be possible only in areas which do not contravene Armenia’s new commitments resulting from its intended membership of the Customs Union. Now that it has made a choice between the Customs Union and the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area with the European Union, the onus is on Armenia itself to propose a new way forward with the European Union.

Finally, let me also say a word on Azerbaijan and Belarus. The EU is currently negotiating an association agreement with Azerbaijan. However, unlike Georgia or Moldova, Azerbaijan is not yet a member of the World Trade Organisation. Hence the trade chapter of the Association Agreement would be limited to an upgrade of the trade chapter of the existing Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, in order to ensure that fundamental WTO rules and principles apply in our bilateral trade relations. Contrary to the association agreements with Georgia, Moldova or Ukraine, this will not lead to the introduction of any preferential trade treatment, be it in the form of lower tariffs or otherwise, for Azerbaijan.

Belarus is not yet a member of the World Trade Organisation. Its accession process has just resumed after a long pause, and it will not be an easy one, since important economic reforms are still pending. Moreover, Belarus is in a customs union with Russia and another aspiring WTO Member, Kazakhstan. We will support this process, but it will require constructive cooperation by all the Members of the Customs Union.

The EU is working hard on developing its trade relations as part of an overall strategy towards its Eastern Partnership and neighbours. This is being done in a very complex political environment, which, as we have seen in the last few weeks, is rapidly evolving. But our objective is clear: solidly anchoring our eastern neighbours to the European Union, through shared political values and deep economic integration.

 
  
  

IN THE CHAIR: EDWARD McMILLAN-SCOTT
Vice-President

 
  
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  George Sabin Cutaş, în numele grupului S&D. – Summitul de la Vilnius trebuie să reprezinte un moment istoric pentru ţările membre ale Parteneriatului Estic, în efortul lor de apropiere de Uniunea Europeană. Este în primul rând interesul Uniunii Europene să aibă, în folosul propriei securităţi, o vecinătate stabilă politic şi economic. De aceea, sper ca la reuniunea din 28-29 noiembrie să fie semnat Acordul de asociere, care să includă o zonă de liber schimb aprofundată şi cuprinzătoare cu Ucraina şi să fie parafate acordurile cu Georgia şi Republica Moldova.

Avem datoria de a sprijini concret aceste state, în contextul presiunilor continue din partea Rusiei şi vreau doar să amintesc faptul că recentele declaraţii ale Preşedintelui Armeniei, conform cărora ţara sa se va alătura Uniunii Vamale formate din Rusia, Kazahstan şi Belarus, demonstrează eficienţa acestor presiuni.

După ce a fost supusă unui embargo asupra exporturilor de vin, Republica Moldova a fost ameninţată cu întreruperea aprovizionării cu energie în această iarnă. Cu atât mai curajoasă este decizia acesteia de a continua integrarea europeană, cu cât depinde energetic de Rusia.

Doresc să salut, în acest context, reacţia promptă şi eficientă a domnului Comisar Cioloş. Acesta a propus liberalizarea completă a importurilor de vin din Republica Moldova în Uniunea Europeană, înainte de intrarea în vigoare a Acordului de asociere. Am convingerea că Parlamentul European, prin intermediul Comisiei pentru comerţ internaţional, va aproba propunerea Comisiei Europene, dând astfel un semnal clar că susţine determinarea autorităţilor de la Chişinau de asociere europeană.

Nu în ultimul rând, pledez pentru abordarea individuală a ţărilor vizate, astfel încât să fie încurajate proporţional eforturile celor mai activi şi mai consecvenţi parteneri, cu un singur scop – integrarea europeană cât mai rapidă a acestora.

 
  
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  Метин Казак, от името на групата ALDE. – След разпада на Съветския съюз, събитията в страните от Източна Европа и Южен Кавказ засягат пряко Европейския съюз. Затова съм убеден, че имаме голям интерес да засилим връзките си с държавите от региона с оглед на ролята на Съюза като глобален политически и икономически играч. Макар пътят към сближаване с Европейския съюз да се е доказал като успешна стратегия, всяка една от страните в различна степен провежда политически и икономически реформи. Някои от лидерите в региона все още се изкушават да следват алтернативни модели на развитие, които не са съвместими с принципите на либералната демокрация. Затова смятам, че политиката на Европейския съюз към източните ѝ съседи трябва да бъде силна, активна и недвусмислена, предоставяйки конкретна, всеобхватна подкрепа за демократични и пазарно ориентирани реформи в тези държави и по този начин допринасяйки за политическата и икономическата стабилност на региона.

Конкретен израз на засилващото се влияние на Съюза върху страните от Източното партньорство ще бъдат решенията на предстоящата среща на върха във Вилнюс през ноември 2013 г., където се очаква да бъде подписано споразумението за асоцииране с Украйна, създаването на зона за всеобхватна и задълбочена свободна търговия с тази страна и инициализирането на споразуменията за асоцииране с Грузия и Молдова. При условие, че властите в Украйна постигнат осезаем напредък по политическите показатели, убеден съм, че срещата във Вилнюс би се превърнала в крайъгълен камък в отношенията на Европейския съюз с тази страна. Украйна трябва да направи всичко възможно и спешно да подобри влошения бизнес климат в страната. Но не трябва да забравяме, че споразумението за асоцииране няма да бъде подписано, ако не се намери ефективно решение на случая „Тимошенко“.

Либералите настояваме за работещ компромис по този случай. Ще бъде изключително погрешно да се възприеме, че в светлината на продължаващия натиск върху Украйна да се присъедини към Митническия съюз със страните от ОНД, приложен от страна на Русия, геополитическите интереси ще надделеят в процеса на вземане на решение, пренебрегвайки въпроса за избирателното правосъдие. Убеден съм, че ключов фактор в това отношение ще бъде предстоящото становище на Европейския парламент по бъдещото споразумение за асоцииране, което трябва да бъде представено преди края на настоящия законодателен мандат, което изглежда засега напълно възможно.

Призовавам Комисията да преразгледа съществено позицията си спрямо Армения в контекста на решението на тази страна да се присъедини към Митническия съюз, доминиран от Русия. Европейската комисия не трябва да окуражава с нищо либерализирането на търговско-икономически отношения, които са несъвместими с принципите на един Договор за асоцииране.

Що се отнася до Азербайджан, считам, че преговорите за непреференциално споразумение за търговия и инвестиции следва да се ускорят в подкрепа на членството на тази страна в Световната търговска организация.

 
  
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  Werner Schulz, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Herr Kommissar, Sie haben gerade noch einmal ausgeführt, dass die Europäische Union mit den Freihandelsabkommen die Handelsbarrieren zwischen der EU und den Staaten der östlichen Partnerschaft niederreißen möchte. Das ist auch bitter nötig, um diese Länder stärker an die Normen und Standards der EU heranzuführen. Aber wie reagiert Russland darauf? Russland versucht, mit Druck, mit Erpressung und mit der Eröffnung eines regelrechten Handelskrieges diese Staaten einzuschüchtern, damit sie sich nicht stärker mit der EU in Verbindung bringen. Das heißt, hier wird Druck ausgeübt, damit Präsident Putin sein ehrgeiziges Projekt einer Eurasischen Union – in gewisser Weise einer Wiederbelebung der Sowjetunion – durchführen kann. Den Staaten der Östlichen Partnerschaft wird allerdings gleichzeitig gezeigt, was sie zu erwarten haben, wenn sie in dieser Eurasischen Union drin sind.

Was können wir dagegen tun? Das ist ja die Frage. Wir haben die Möglichkeiten längst nicht ausgeschöpft, innerhalb der WTO gegen diese Maßnahmen Russlands zu protestieren und uns unsererseits deutlich dagegen zu verwahren. Gerade dagegen, was jetzt gegenüber Litauen stattfindet, das ist ja immerhin ein Mitgliedstaat der EU. Auf der anderen Seite sollten wir stärker über wirtschaftliche Kompensationsmaßnahmen nachdenken, das heißt bessere Absatzmöglichkeiten für die Produkte aus den östlichen Partnerstaaten, vorzeitige Senkung von Zöllen und Tarifen und dergleichen, auch finanzielle Unterstützung für Reformen. Wir haben die Modernisierungspartnerschaften, die sich bewährt haben. Aber auch politische Maßnahmen sind wichtig, etwa Beschleunigung beim visafreien Verkehr, damit sich die Menschen ein Bild machen können davon, was sie in der EU erwartet. Und natürlich müssen wir unsere Kommunikation verbessern und deutlich machen, welche Vorteile man hat, wenn man mit der EU zusammenarbeitet, und was einen erwartet, wenn man dem Druck Russlands nachgibt. Hier könnten wir einiges tun, um uns gegen dieses doch dreiste Vorgehen Russlands zu verwahren.

 
  
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  Marek Henryk Migalski, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Chciałbym nawiązać do tego, co powiedział pan Schulz. Rzeczywiście tak jest i musimy to sobie uświadomić, że bliska współpraca państw Partnerstwa Wschodniego z Unią Europejską leży zarówno w interesie tych państw, jak i w interesie Unii Europejskiej. Tym, kto na to krzywo patrzy, jest Rosja. Im bliżej będziemy współpracować z tymi państwami, tym większą mają one szansę na niezależność i, własną podmiotowość w stosunku do Rosji. Dodam jeszcze, że silna współpraca, zwłaszcza ekonomiczna, między państwami Partnerstwa Wschodniego a Unią Europejską leży również w interesie Rosji, demokratycznej i wolnej Rosji, która z takimi samodzielnymi, zasobnymi państwami będzie w stanie zbudować przyszłość i relacje oparte na partnerstwie, kooperacji i współpracy gospodarczej. Warto zatem do tego dążyć, bo to klasyczna sytuacja win-win –wygrywają wszystkie strony, zwłaszcza Unia Europejska, ale również państwa Partnerstwa Wschodniego.

Pamiętajmy o tym, żeby inwestować –to jedna z najlepszych możliwości, jakie mamy – i wydawajmy na to europejskie pieniądze, ponieważ to się zwróci i nam, i państwom Partnerstwa Wschodniego.

 
  
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  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar! Wir richten heute eine Reihe sehr konkreter und auf die Praxis bezogener Fragen an die Kommission. Das finde ich sehr richtig. Der eigentliche politische Hintergrund dieser Debatte ist jedoch das angespannte Verhältnis zwischen der Europäischen Union und Russland. Beide ringen um den Einfluss auf die Staaten und Ökonomien in ihrer Peripherie.

Meine Fraktion erkennt ausdrücklich das Recht souveräner Staaten an, ihre Handelspartner selbst zu wählen und Abkommen auszuhandeln. Wir kritisieren hingegen, wenn die Kommission den Wunsch des Rates nach Einflusserweiterung ungezügelt umsetzt, ohne sich mit den wirtschaftlichen Konsequenzen für die Menschen in den Ländern auseinanderzusetzen, die von diesem Konflikt letztlich betroffen sind.

Wir zwingen diese Länder, sich für den Westen oder für Russland zu entscheiden, indem die Kommission Handelsabkommen mit der EU und den russischen Ansatz der Zollunion für unvereinbar erklärt. Das Gleiche tut auch Putins Russland. Damit wird diesen Ökonomien die Chance genommen, von einer Rolle als Vermittler zwischen den Wirtschaftsräumen zu profitieren.

Bis zu 80 % – wir sprechen hier von Fakten – der ukrainischen Unternehmen sind heute vom Handel mit Russland abhängig. Für Georgien ist Russland der wichtigste Handelspartner, für Armenien ebenfalls. Moldawien wird den Verlust an Weinexporten nach Russland mittelfristig nicht ersetzen können.

Eine sofortige Anwendung der EU-Abkommen würde die Tür vor der russischen Nase zuschlagen. Bestehende Produktions- und Vertriebsketten würden durchschnitten, ohne dass unmittelbarer Ersatz angeboten werden könnte. Hat die Kommission entlassenen Arbeitern in der Ukraine oder in Georgien irgendeine Hilfestellung anzubieten? Das haben wir vor anderthalb Jahren bereits einmal diskutiert, und bis heute haben wir keine konkreten Fakten auf dem Tisch.

Es liegt nicht einmal ein Gesetzentwurf für Schutzklauseln vor, der EU und Partner vor Marktüberschwemmungen schützen könnte. Das macht aus meiner Sicht die geplante provisorische Anwendung des Ukraine-Abkommens schon formal unmöglich.

Wir müssen endlich eine Kohärenz von Außenpolitik, Nachbarschaftspolitik und Handelspolitik herstellen. Bringen wir endlich unser Verhältnis zu Russland zu einer friedlichen und für alle förderlichen Zusammenarbeit. Darin liegt letztlich der Schlüssel für die Entwicklung der Handels- und Wirtschaftsbeziehungen aller 50 Staaten in unserer gemeinsamen Region.

 
  
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  Jaroslav Paška, za skupinu EFD. – Stretnutie vrcholných predstaviteľov krajín Európskej únie na závere novembra vo Vilniuse bude iste vhodnou príležitosťou na aktualizovanie pozícií Únie v oblasti obchodnej politiky ku krajinám východného partnerstva.

Hlavnou témou iste budú kľúčové rozhodnutia o podpísaní pripravených dohôd s Ukrajinou. Ďalšie krajiny východného partnerstva Gruzínsko, Moldavsko, Arménsko, Azerbajdžan či Bielorusko však tiež prechádzajú svojím politickým vývojom, a preto bude pri tejto príležitosti správne vyhodnotenie ich pripravenosti na uzavretie dohôd o voľnom obchode, prípadne zvažovať alternatívne modely obchodnej spolupráce. V každom prípade na rokovanie vo Vilniuse stálo za to, zamyslieť sa aj nad tým, ako znížiť značné napätie medzi Ruskom a Úniou v súvislosti s narastajúcim obchodným aj politickým vplyvom Únie na bývalom ruskom teritóriu. Možno aspoň verbálna deklarácia napríklad o tom, že Únia považuje za prínosnú iniciatívu prípravy projektu predĺženia širokorozchodnej trate vedúcej z Ázie cez Ukrajinu smerom do Viedne, by Rusom naznačilo, že zmyslom výraznejšej spolupráce Únie s jeho bývalými satelitmi je dopracovať sa aj k čo najlepšej spolupráci s Ruskom. Malo by nám totiž záležať na dobrých konštruktívnych vzťahoch aj s Ruskou federáciou, ktorá je pre nás stále významným strategickým partnerom. No a možnosť využitia transkontinentálnej železnice v centre Európy až k Pacifiku môže byť zaujímavá aj pre mnohých našich exportérov.

Myslím si, vážený pán komisár Mimica, že by sme nemali v čomkoľvek ustupovať. Mali by sme však myslieť na to, že Rusom treba vyslať signály o tom, že si vieme predstaviť aj nové formy výhodnej, efektívnej spolupráce s nimi.

 
  
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  Ewald Stadler (NI). - Herr Präsident! Ich möchte dort anknüpfen, wo der Kollege Scholz aufgehört hat. Ich glaube, man sollte dieses Assoziierungsabkommen mit der Ukraine unterschreiben. Die Ukraine hat Fortschritte in der Korruptionsbekämpfung gemacht und hat auch Fortschritte im Bereich der Rechtstaatlichkeit gemacht. Auch der Fall Timoschenko wird gelöst werden. Das sollte man anerkennen, und man sollte daher dieses Assoziierungsabkommen im Rahmen des Gipfels in Vilnius unterfertigen.

Man kann nicht dauernd bejammern, dass der Einfluss Russlands auf diese Länder steigt, wenn man ihnen nicht entgegenkommt. Dann wird dieses Jammern zu nichts führen. Letztlich sollte man auch mit dieser Konfliktrhetorik, die auch hier in diesem Haus gegenüber Russland herrscht, aufhören. Wir müssen versuchen, in Russland stärker den Partner zu sehen, und nicht den Konflikt- und Konkurrenzteil auf dieser Welt. Daher bin ich also unbedingt dafür, dieses Assoziierungsabkommen mit der Ukraine abzuschließen.

Es ist auch ein warnendes Beispiel in Bezug auf Armenien. Wenn man die Verhältnisse zwischen der Europäischen Union und Armenien dauernd am Konfliktfall Berg-Karabach oder Republik Artsach festmacht und dabei übertriebene Rücksicht auf Aserbaidschan nimmt, dann darf man sich nicht wundern, wenn Armenien am Schluss in der eurasischen Zollunion landet. Das heißt also, wir müssen überlegen, ob unsere Politik gegenüber diesen Ländern und gegenüber Russland nicht zu überdenken wäre, und daher ist ein Abrüsten der Worte gegenüber Russland erforderlich und ein stärkeres Auf-diese-Länder-Zugehen, insbesondere im konkreten Fall auf die Ukraine und auf Armenien.

Letztlich erinnere ich bei Armenien immer wieder an die moralische Schuld Europas, und das zwei Jahre vor der hundertjährigen Wiederkehr des Genozids am armenischen Volk, dass Europa gerade gegenüber Armenien und den Armeniern in Nagosny Karabach eine historische und moralische Schuld aufzuarbeiten hat.

 
  
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  Krzysztof Lisek, w imieniu grupy PPE. – Panie Przewodniczący! Oczywiście nieco mnie Pan zaskoczył, wywołując szybciej do zabrania głosu, ale myślę, że dam radę.

Proszę Państwa, wiele słów, które sam chciałem powiedzieć. padło już wcześniej z ust kolegów. Politycy, szczególnie ci najważniejsi, bardzo lubią w świetle jupiterów podpisywać różne ważne porozumienia, ale trzeba przyznać, że to porozumienie, które – mam nadzieję – zostanie podpisane z Ukrainą a parafowane z Gruzją i Mołdową, jest dla tych państw, ale również dla Unii Europejskiej, porozumieniem o historycznym znaczeniu. To nie tylko polityczny znak, że państwa te dążą do integracji z Unią Europejską, ale również głęboka przemiana ekonomiczna. To powiązanie przyszłości gospodarek tych państw z rynkiem Unii Europejskiej. Jest to również oczywiście – i o tym też musimy tym krajom mówić – otwarcie rynku tamtych państw na towary z państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej. To również wielka przemiana struktury i systemu prawnego tych państw. Mam nadzieję, że do tego dojdzie, mam nadzieję, że państwa te podołają wyzwaniom i w przyszłości całkowicie zintegrują się z Unią Europejską.

Mam nadzieję, że Wilno nie będzie końcem, lecz początkiem wielkiego historycznego procesu.

 
  
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  Mojca Kleva Kekuš (S&D). - Sporazum o prosti trgovini bo odnose Evropske unije z vzhodnimi partnericami premaknil v nek nov začetek. Izvajanje sporazuma bo namreč prineslo velike koristi tako za Evropsko unijo kot za partnerske države.

Zelo dobro se strinjam z avtorico vprašanja, ki je opisala situacijo v Ukrajini, glede drugih držav bi pa res rada opozorila na nedopustno ravnanje, ki ga izvaja Rusija in želi s svojim političnim in gospodarskim pritiskom vplivati na ostale države, da ne podpišejo sporazuma z EU.

Zato je pomembno, da v tej dvorani, jaz mislim, da tako Evropski parlament kot Evropska komisija, pošljemo zelo jasen signal, da podpisovanje kakršnih koli sporazumov pod nobenim pogojem ne sme pomeniti, da nosijo kakršne koli negative posledice, izzivanje s strani druge države.

Partnerstvo med članicami Evropske unije in med vzhodnimi partnericami mora temeljiti predvsem na načelu zdrave demokracije, na prizadevanju za trajnostni gospodarski razvoj in na skrbi za dobre oziroma odlične čezmejne odnose, ki smo jih imeli že do sedaj.

Jaz osebno mislim, da je trgovinski sporazum res pomemben korak na tej proti naprej.

 
  
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  Nikola Vuljanić (GUE/NGL). – Gospodine predsjedniče, trgovinska politika je politika i ne može se razdvojiti od drugih politika, barem ne kod država i asocijacija koje se smatraju demokratskima i kojima su ljudska prava važna agenda. Europska unija to sasvim sigurno jeste i mora biti. U tom kontekstu čini mi se da treba sagledati događanja i situaciju u zemljama o kojima sad razgovaramo pa bih za primjer uzeo Ukrajinu i Armeniju. Ukrajina je postigla značajan, zamjetan napredak u području pravosuđa, u području izbornog zakona, izgleda da će se i slučaj Timošenko riješiti na nekakav recimo kompromisni način, barem prema riječima predsjednika ukrajinskog parlamenta, što naravno ne znači da zakon treba pisati za jednu osobu. Zakon treba biti sveobuhvatan. No s druge strane, ne treba zanemariti niti situaciju da ruske prijetnje postoje i prema Ukrajini i te prijetnje uključuju različite mjere koje mogu biti bolne za ukrajinsko gospodarstvo. Europska unija mora u toj situaciji znati gdje joj je mjesto i na koji način reagirati i na koji način uputiti poruku Rusiji da je to sve što se događa zapravo i u interesu Rusije.

Na drugoj strani, Armenija je pod pritiskom Rusije očito prihvatila članstvo u Euroazijskoj uniji. Vrata ni tim našim susjedima nikad ne treba zatvarati. Susjede ne birate, susjede dobivate i s njima treba živjeti i surađivati. No s druge strane, ugovor bez trgovačkog dijela, a trgovački dio ne može biti uključen, naravno, ne vidim kako bi mogao funkcionirati. U toj situaciji Komisija, čini mi se, mora zauzeti sasvim jasan stav.

 
  
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  Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, trgovinska politika Europske unije prema zemljama Istočnog partnerstva doista nadilazi samu trgovinsku ili ekonomsku dimenziju, ona ima jednu stratešku dimenziju i zbog toga doista moramo učiniti sve da krajem studenoga u Vilniusu dođe do uspjeha. Uspjeha koji, naravno, znači poštovati standarde koje smo postavili, znači poštovati vrijednosti za koje se zauzimamo, to ničim ne možemo, ne moramo i ne smijemo ugroziti. Uspjeh, međutim, u smislu jednog strateškog proboja u ovom trenutku znači doista i širenje gospodarskih sloboda, slobodne trgovine prema istoku. To je jedan krupan potez koji je i uzburkao duhove u Moskvi, koja je krenula s politikom pritiska prema zemljama Istočnog partnerstva, pa i prema samoj Litvi koja predsjedava Unijom. Europski parlament i Europska unija su pravilno reagirali protiv takve politike pritiska, ali isto tako se mora reći da Europska unija unatoč svim tim izazovima nije izgubila iz vida onaj strateški cilj koji želimo postići potpisivanjem odnosno parafiranjem sporazuma u Vilniusu, a taj strateški cilj je upravo širenje slobode, širenje prosperiteta i širenje, na kraju, sigurnosti u Europi, ne u suprotnosti prema Rusiji, nego otvoreni i za suradnju s Rusijom jednom politikom koja će zamijeniti staru logiku podjele i konfrontacije novom politikom dijaloga i suradnje.

 
  
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  Bogusław Liberadzki (S&D). - Panie Przewodniczący! Z dużą uwagą wysłuchałem wystąpienia pana komisarza. Muszę przyznać, że w jednym punkcie nie do końca się z panem zgadzam. Nie podzielam pańskich opinii o istotnych zaległościach Ukrainy w relacjach z Unią Europejską. Uważam, że musimy docenić wysiłek i dokonane już reformy gospodarcze i polityczne ostatnich lat. Nasze oczekiwania moim zdaniem w dużym stopniu zostały spełnione. Kiedy mówimy o polityce handlowej, powinniśmy pamiętać również o instrumencie technicznym umożliwiającym handel, czyli o rozwoju infrastruktury transportowej. Ukraina jest dla nas, Unii Europejskiej, swego rodzaju bramą do Rosji. Jest bramą transportową w korytarzach euroazjatyckich w ogóle.

Panie komisarzu, czy istnieją konkretne plany rozwoju i finansowania korytarzy transportowych, dokładniej mówiąc kolejowych, również z wykorzystaniem linii szerokotorowej od Katowic, a także infrastruktury drogowej? Sądzę, że to by bardzo pomogło obu stronom w procesie podejmowania decyzji o stowarzyszeniu między Unią a Ukrainą.

 
  
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  Traian Ungureanu (PPE). - Mr President, it is a fact that Russia is openly blackmailing our Eastern Partners. Let me recall the case of Moldova. Its wine exports have been banned from the Russian market since the beginning of September. I welcome the Commission’s initiative to fully liberalise the bilateral wine trade. I want to take this opportunity to express my confidence that we in this House will make all necessary efforts to ensure that the liberalisation of the wine trade comes into effect as soon as possible.

But this is only one way to react to the pressure being exerted by Russia ahead of Vilnius. We should not only react, but also act and have a clear vision on the post-Vilnius period. We should ensure that the Association Agreement, including the DCFTA, is signed and provisionally applied without delay. I call on the Commission to take all necessary steps.

I am equally concerned by the energy component of our relationship with Moldova. Recently the Russian authorities again told Moldovans that they might freeze this winter. How will the EU support Moldova in this regard?

 
  
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  Ismail Ertug (S&D). - Herr Präsident, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Auch ich unterstütze den Ansatz, den wir und die Europäische Union verfolgen, nämlich dieses Handelsabkommen mit der Ukraine zu unterzeichnen, weil ich der festen Überzeugung bin, dass die bilaterale Zusammenarbeit und die Beziehungen zwischen der EU und der Ukraine, z. B. in der Vergangenheit, immer eine Vorreiterrolle eingenommen haben. Aber auch ich möchte gerne noch einmal kurz auf die Rolle und auf das Gewicht Russlands in dieser Debatte eingehen.

Es ist wiederholt erwähnt worden, dass Russland natürlich von seiner Seite her versucht, sofern es möglich ist, die eigenen Interessen zu vertreten. Wir wissen, dass Weißrussland, Georgien und auch die Ukraine genau auf dieser Transitroute der Energieleitungen sitzen, und da ist es natürlich durchaus legitim, dass Russland hier versucht, seine Interessen zu vertreten.

Aber ich möchte noch auf einen anderen Punkt eingehen, der heute noch nicht angesprochen wurde. Herr Kommissar, es gab 2007 eine Schwarzmeersynergieinitiative, die Russland und auch die Türkei beinhaltet. Gibt es letztendlich von Seiten der Europäischen Kommission eine Überlegung, dass man auch diesen Weg beschreiten kann, denn der hätte letztendlich durchaus auch positive Auswirkungen, weil nämlich Vertrauen geschaffen worden ist im Zuge dieser Initiative. Gibt es hierzu eine Initiative von Seiten der Europäischen Kommission?

 
  
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  Vytautas Landsbergis (PPE). - Mr President, the Union’s programme of European partnership means, first of all, the promotion of European values in our European neighbourhood. Secondly, it means giving preference to European cooperation with neighbours as partners, as well as mutual rapprochement between six, five or four partner states themselves and with the EU, with a view to encouraging peace-building processes where true reconciliation remains necessary and peace is still endangered. The Caucuses is one example.

If the EU is able to convey this message effectively, that would give great meaning to our existence and to our European mission in the contemporary world. We consider the task as a goodwill effort and a chance to build a better world. Unfortunately, there is a stage at which, once it is reached, opposing values and goals prevail. You speak about the promotion of European values in the East of Europe. To hell with your values! We are in favour of Eurasian, post-dictatorial values. Our style and our order must prevail.

You speak about rapprochement and peace-building which would lead to increased peace and cooperation. To hell! That is your damned colonialism! We others prefer tension, confrontation and conflict, which are beneficial for our policies of manipulation and governance – direct or indirect. Those two stances – the Union’s and the Kremlin’s – are hardly compatible, to say the least.

Therefore, we should not debate as if we were in a competition for some objects of interest. No, ladies and gentlemen – and comrades in the Kremlin – they are not objects to be taken either by the East or the West. They are nation states with the freedom of choice. That should be stated in a very calm and consistent manner. Only in this way may we insist on Russia choosing to prefer partnership with the EU, since hostile confrontations with all and sundry lead eventually to nothing but misery.

 
  
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  Corina Creţu (S&D). - În legătură cu Parteneriatul estic, iniţiativă a Uniunii Europene care se adresează unor ţări desprinse din fosta Uniune Sovietică, găsesc şi eu că este nefirească nemulţumirea Rusiei faţă de semnarea unor acorduri economice între Uniunea Europeană şi ţări ca Ucraina, Moldova sau Georgia. Reamintesc embargoul Moscovei impus importurilor de vinuri din Republica Moldova, dar şi alte presiuni politice, şantajul energetic, comercial şi militar exercitat în ultimele luni asupra Republicii Moldova. Este regretabil că Rusia, membră a Consiliului Europei şi a OSCE, consideră încă un act de ostilitate la adresa sa aspiraţia europeană a unor state ex-sovietice. Este dreptul suveran al oricărui stat de a-şi defini opţiunile de politică externă.

Felicit preşedinţia lituaniană pentru impulsionarea procesului de asociere şi solicit Comisiei şi Consiliului să susţină în continuare reformele şi consolidarea progreselor democratice în ţările Parteneriatului estic. Este în interesul nostru ca aceste ţări să beneficieze de oportunităţile accesului la pieţele Uniunii, pentru a se dezvolta şi a oferi cetăţenilor o viaţă decentă.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). - Summitul de la Vilnius se anunţă ca un moment istoric. Aşteptăm cu toţii semnarea Acordului de asociere şi a Zonei de liber schimb aprofundate și cuprinzătoare cu Ucraina şi, respectiv, parafarea acesteia cu Moldova şi Georgia.

Iată de ce suntem îngrijoraţi de semnalele care vin de la Kiev. Preşedintele Yanukovici trebuie să se ţină de cuvânt şi să ofere o soluţie în cazul Timoşenko. Aici nu e vorba despre o persoană, ci despre un simbol – un simbol al unei justiţii libere, necontrolate de puterea politică.

Semnalele din Georgia sunt şi ele îngrijorătoare, din aceeaşi perspectivă a unei justiţii partizane, pentru că acolo au fost arestaţi, cum se ştie, într-o justiţie dezechilibrată politic, mai mulţi foşti lideri politici. Tot în Georgia asistăm la presiuni politice exercitate asupra mass-mediei.

În acest context, Moldova se evidenţiază ca elevul cel mai bun şi, de aceea, considerăm că, potrivit logicii „mai mult pentru mai mult”, ar trebui să recompensăm Chişinăul. Pentru a consolida evoluţiile pozitive de aici, este însă esenţial ca Acordul de asociere şi al Zonei de liber schimb să fie funcţional cât mai repede, şi anume înaintea încheierii mandatului actualei Comisii.

Închei spunând că sperăm să primim din partea tuturor partenerilor noştri din Est veşti bune, pentru ca summitul de la Vilnius să fie cu adevărat unul istoric.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye procedure

 
  
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  Andrej Plenković (PPE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, trgovinska politika Europske unije prema zemljama istočnog partnerstva važan je dio ukupnog političkog i sigurnosnog i gospodarskog odnosa prema Armeniji, Azerbajdžanu, Gruziji, Bjelorusiji, Ukrajini i Moldovi i mislim da je za nas sasvim važno da samit u Vilniusu koji je izuzetno bitan Litvi kao predsjedavajućoj Vijeća u ovom trenutku, u što sam se i sam uvjerio prigodom našega nedavnog posjeta odbora za proračun Vilniusu, bude uspješan. Međutim, on može biti uspješan tako da ne dopustimo da nam zemlje iz našeg najbližeg susjedstva na određeni način otklize iz fokusa prema Bruxellesu, prema onome što će proširiti i demokratske vrijednosti i ojačati pravnu državu, a i u krajnjoj liniji biti korisno za trgovinske odnose tih zemalja s Europskom unijom. S toga mi se čini da je posebno bitno riješiti pitanje Ukrajine i to na način da Ukrajina ispuni nekoliko političkih preduvjeta za sklapanje sporazuma o pridruživanju, a čini mi se da će svojim sadržajem sveobuhvatni i cjeloviti ugovori o slobodnoj trgovini znatno ojačati trgovinske trendove koji trenutno nisu tako značajni u ukupnoj masi trgovine Europske Unije prema trećim zemljama i tu mi se čini da postoji veliki prostor da naše istočno susjedstvo stvarno postane politički prioritet Bruxellesa.

 
  
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  Sergio Gaetano Cofferati (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, quella di Vilnius è un'occasione importantissima – come il signor Commissario sa bene – non bisogna perderla.

È una delle rare occasioni nelle quali un intervento riguardante il commercio, e dunque indirettamente le attività economiche e produttive, ha un effetto rilevantissimo sulla politica.

Dobbiamo aiutare questi paesi a recuperare un'autonomia che non hanno avuto in precedenza. È evidente che da parte della Russia ci saranno resistenze, tentativi di intromissione e condizionamenti di varia natura, però l'Unione europea deve avere il coraggio di portare fino in fondo i negoziati che si sono avviati e soprattutto di mettere in campo una disponibilità ad alcune soluzioni, compromessi o mediazioni – comunque li si voglia chiamare – che consentano di arrivare rapidamente a instaurare un rapporto con questi paesi, perché dalla loro collocazione futura dipenderà molto della vita della nostra Unione.

Credo sia stato un processo storicamente straordinario quello che ha portato a una disgregazione di quello che veniva considerato un impero. Ora dobbiamo dare a tutti la possibilità di avere una collocazione autonoma e indipendente anche attraverso gli strumenti di cui disponiamo.

 
  
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  Paweł Zalewski (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Dzisiejsza debata jest niezwykle istotna dlatego, że jest wyrazem solidarności Parlamentu Europejskiego z krajami, które znajdują się pod olbrzymim naciskiem ze strony Kremla, ze strony Federacji Rosyjskiej. Bardzo ważne jest, aby Parlament Europejski zademonstrował, iż z jednej strony bardzo popiera proces stowarzyszenia – tutaj mówimy głównie o Ukrainie, ale przecież mamy w pamięci i to, co się wydarzyło z Armenią – ale z drugiej strony także w bardzo konkretny sposób przeciwstawia się dążeniom Rosji do zablokowania integracji europejskiej krajów Partnerstwa Wschodniego. Te działania rosyjskie: blokada handlowa wobec Ukrainy, a także groźby i blokada części towarów wobec Litwy – to jest krok wymierzony nie tylko w te państwa, ale przede wszystkim w Unię Europejską. Musimy być solidarni, musimy również pokazać partnerom na Kremlu, że dysponujemy istotnymi środkami.

Mam nadzieję, że Komisja nie zawaha się w tej sprawie, podobnie jak bardzo popierała do tej pory podpisanie i wynegocjowanie układów stowarzyszeniowych i układów o wolnym handlu.

 
  
 

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, honourable Members, I am really pleased by the comprehensive debate provoked by this Oral Question. This only reiterates and reinforces the long-standing interest and the contribution which MEPs have been devoting to this issue of strengthening the Eastern Partnership as a political, economic and social concept of the European Union.

Therefore, we very much appreciate the fact that the processes of signing or initialling the Association Agreement, together with the free trade part of this agreement, with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, are advancing. These are the dynamics of the process: meeting the political criteria and trade benchmarks will enable, we hope, speedy progress towards the signing of this Agreement.

For the European Commission, the Eastern Partnership is not only about trade or economic policy; it is a wider and interlinked concept of political and democratic values that the European Union would like to have across the borders of the enlargement and Eastern Partnership policies. Therefore, we are committed to deepening the Eastern Partnership and its development and to stabilising the role that it would bring to the overall European area.

In terms of Russia’s attempts to influence negatively the processes of trade and also the political rapprochement of the countries of the Eastern Partnership, the response or the position of the Commission and the European Union is that we have reiterated on many occasions that Russia must respect the sovereign decisions of states, and we have made it clear that threats from Russia linked to the possible signing of agreements with the EU are unacceptable. We shall continue along these lines.

On some concrete questions – specifically on Moldova’s trade, or banning the wine and spirit trade to Russia – the European Union’s response to this situation is immediate full liberalisation of imports of wine for Moldova, and this will be done under the autonomous trade preferences; on the one hand the European Union’s autonomous trade preferences, which will be granted to Moldova, accompanied by the process in the World Trade Organisation on waiving the tariff rate quotas.

So our overall approach is that we will not only continue to offer and pursue trade-related benefits and preferences for these countries, but we will also seriously take on board all the proposals and views, tabled during this debate, which will assist us in future policy-making in areas other than trade: policy-making in the energy sector partnership and in a transport sector partnership, and other measures which could strengthen the European Eastern Partnership framework.

 
  
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  President. − The debate is closed.

Written statements (Rule 149)

 
  
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  Lena Kolarska-Bobińska (PPE), in writing. – The issue of close cooperation with our neighbouring countries has come a long way since the development of the European neighbourhood policy (ENP) and the Eastern Partnership. We are now at the point where we are seeing the partnership strengthen in such vital areas as democratic reforms and the rule of law. We have seen reassuring progress in the field of visa-free travel. However, there is still one major obstacle to a successful partnership: trade. The Eastern Partnership markets, especially Ukraine, are the closest markets to our own. But they do not seem to be a priority for our Member States and the Commission. In light of the continued pressure by Russia on the eastern European countries to join their common market project, which has only grown stronger ahead of the Vilnius Summit, the Commission must redouble its efforts to bring the Partnership countries into our European market. The ENP and the Eastern Partnership should not be perceived as a consolation prize for the countries aspiring to access the EU, but rather as an opportunity for cooperation on the road to a closer union. If we can build our trade relationship, the rest will follow.

 
  
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  Monica Luisa Macovei (PPE), în scris. – Parafarea Acordului de Liber Schimb Aprofundat şi Cuprinzător la summitul de la Vilnius din noiembrie confirmă parcursul european ireversibil al Republicii Moldova. În ciuda presiunilor Federației Ruse, Republica Moldova este în continuare fruntașa în materie de reforme din grupul de țări din Parteneriatul Estic.

Conform principiului „mai mult pentru mai mult”, cer Comisiei Europene să facă toate eforturile pentru a răsplăti progresul Republicii Moldova cu acțiuni concrete. În primul rând, Comisia Europeană trebuie să accelereze pregătirea documentelor din Acordul de Liber Schimb Aprofundat şi Cuprinzător pentru semnare înainte de toamna anului 2014. Fiecare lună în plus în care semnarea ALSAC este amânată este un prilej pentru Federația Rusă de a șantaja Republica Moldova cu oprirea exporturilor de gaze, sau, mai grav, reactivarea conflictului din regiunea transnistreană. În al doilea rând, Comisia Europeană trebuie să răspundă presiunilor economice ale Federației Ruse prin crearea de oportunități pentru dezvoltarea comerțului cu Republica Moldova. Un prim pas a fost făcut cu eliminarea cotelor pentru exportul de vinuri; același lucru se poate face și pentru exporturile de fructe și legume din Republica Moldova către Uniunea Europeană.

 

14. Prekyba narkotinių ir psichotropinių medžiagų pirmtakais (prekursoriais) tarp Bendrijos ir trečiųjų šalių (diskusijos)
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas
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  President. − The next item is the report by Franck Proust, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Council Regulation (EC) No 111/2005 laying down rules for the monitoring of trade between the Community and third countries in drug precursors (COM(2012)0521 – C7-0316/2012 – 2012/0250(COD)) (A7-0167/2013).

 
  
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  Franck Proust, rapporteur. − Monsieur le Président, je suis en effet heureux de pouvoir vous présenter aujourd'hui ce rapport sur la surveillance du commerce des précurseurs de drogues entre l'Union européenne et les pays tiers.

Nous avons effectivement la chance d'avoir pu trouver rapidement un accord avec le Conseil et la Commission. Le résultat de cet accord de trilogue me paraît, pour ma part, excellent. Les précurseurs de drogues sont des substances licites qui peuvent être utilisées pour synthétiser des drogues. Par exemple, le vinaigre est utilisé pour la fabrication de l'héroïne.

Pour lutter contre les narcotrafiquants, il est important de pouvoir surveiller le commerce des précurseurs. Moins les précurseurs sont faciles à détourner du marché licite, moins on trouve de drogues de synthèse. Toute la difficulté est donc de trouver un équilibre dans la surveillance de ces substances sans pour autant entraver le marché. Le règlement actuellement en vigueur présente des lacunes et c'est la raison qui a conduit la Commission européenne à en proposer une révision. En effet, nous nous sommes rendu compte que les médicaments qui contiennent des précurseurs de drogues ne font pas l'objet d'un contrôle particulier et peuvent donc facilement être détournés.

C'est le cas notamment des médicaments contre le rhume, qui contiennent de l'éphédrine et de la pseudo-éphédrine. Ces deux substances sont des précurseurs de drogues surveillés car ils sont indispensables à la fabrication de méthamphétamines. Les narcotrafiquants ont détournés les médicaments qui, eux, n'étaient pas surveillés.

Plutôt que de créer un système particulier pour les médicaments contre le rhume, nous avons préféré créer une nouvelle catégorie de substances surveillées. On les appelle les substances classifiées. Cela signifie, en d'autres termes, qu'il suffira d'un acte délégué pour inscrire sur cette liste un nouveau médicament dont on se rend compte qu'il est détourné pour synthétiser des substances illicites. Cela permet de réagir rapidement contre les nouvelles tendances des narcotrafiquants, sans entraver pour autant le commerce des médicaments. En effet, seuls ceux dont la substance précurseur est facilement extractible du médicament pourront être inscrits parmi les substances classifiées.

Or, à l'heure actuelle, seuls les médicaments contenant de l'éphédrine et de la pseudo-éphédrine remplissent ce critère. À ceux qui disent qu'il ne faut pas entraver le commerce des médicaments, car cela est vital pour les populations sous-développées, je souhaite dire que, pour le moment, le seul médicament visé par des contrôles est un médicament de confort puisqu'il traite exclusivement le rhume.

De plus, les substances qui seront inscrites dans cette nouvelle catégorie, dont les médicaments contenant de l'éphédrine et de la pseudo-éphédrine, ne seront soumises qu'à une obligation de notification préalable à l'exportation, formalité très peu contraignante et d'un coût dérisoire. D'après l'étude d'impact, ce coût s'élève à environ quinze euros. À terme, il est tout à fait envisageable d'inscrire dans cette catégorie très souple d'autres médicaments si le besoin s'en fait sentir.

Par ailleurs, la révision de ce règlement étant également l'occasion d'adapter la comitologie au traité de Lisbonne, nous avons estimé que des actes d'exécution, selon la procédure d'examen, étaient les plus appropriés, mais je tiens à rappeler que cela ne doit pas constituer un précédent dans les négociations entre le Conseil et le Parlement européen, notamment sur d'autres sujets.

Pour terminer, je tiens à souligner l'excellent travail de coopération entre les différents groupes politiques et je souhaiterais, pour cela, remercier les rapporteurs fictifs de la confiance qu'ils m'ont accordée tout au long de ce processus législatif. Je tiens également à remercier le Conseil et la Commission pour la qualité de nos échanges.

Je vous remercie, bien entendu, de votre attention et attend vos remarques éventuelles.

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, I would like first to thank the Committee on International Trade and, in particular, the rapporteur, Mr Proust, for the intensive work and constructive approach during the negotiation process.

Doing our utmost to prevent the manufacture of illicit drugs is, simply, our moral duty. In that regard, efforts made by the EU authorities and industry in controlling the external trade in certain legal substances used for the manufacturing of illicit drugs are already quite significant. But these efforts must now be extended to new substances that drug manufacturers are using in order to replace precursors which the existing legislation already controls. This is why I consider the amendment to the regulation on the international trade in drug precursors as a major step forward in our fight against the illicit manufacture of drugs.

Firstly, the regulation will respond to the United Nations’ call for better monitoring of international trade in medicines containing ephedrine or pseudoephedrine. This will help to prevent their use in producing the illicit drug methamphetamine while maintaining fair access to medicines.

Secondly, the new regulation will provide the Union with fast-reaction mechanisms to address trafficking trends in new chemicals used as drug precursors. It enables the relevant EU authorities to seize shipments of those chemicals if they have sufficient evidence that they are intended for the production of illicit drugs. Furthermore, it foresees the possibility of incorporating newly-identified substances firstly into voluntary monitoring by the industry and, where necessary, into the list of substances formally controlled by the customs authorities.

This is a major contribution to international efforts against the diversion of drug precursors and therefore a great achievement in the fight against the manufacturing of illicit drugs.

 
  
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  Josefa Andrés Barea, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor Presidente, señor Comisario, este informe es una aportación a la lucha contra el tráfico de drogas, como se ha dicho hasta el momento. Hasta la fecha, los medicamentos que contenían efedrina y pseudoefedrina estaban excluidos de los controles. Estos medicamentos de uso común —como se ha dicho aquí— para resfriados y para alergias, utilizados por todos, podían ser manipulados y de ellos podían extraerse los denominados precursores de drogas, estupefacientes.

Con este Reglamento se controla el tráfico de estas sustancias a través de las aduanas. Hay que hacerlo fácil y accesible, simplificado, sin costes. El ponente tuvo una muy buena idea, que es simplificar el informe añadiendo una nueva categoría, y esto supone una apertura hacia el futuro ante nuevas sustancias que pudieran aparecer.

La verdad es que este pequeño informe favorece la lucha contra las drogas. Esperemos que las reuniones que tengan lugar en el marco de la codecisión no entorpezcan su desarrollo y permitan aplicar cuanto antes esta nueva normativa, que supone una aportación importante en la lucha contra las drogas.

 
  
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  Metin Kazak, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, illegal trade practices in drug precursors must never be underestimated. They damage the health and ruin the lives of individuals. The costs to society are enormous. Tackling drug trafficking is a challenge both worldwide and at the local community level, because it is a complex problem that requires integrated solutions, a new codecision procedure and coordinated delivery of services involving education, health, social care and economic policy.

It is clear that we need to stem the flow of dangerous medicinal products containing substances that can be used for manufacturing drugs, as it is becoming increasingly evident that traffickers are using those licit channels as a source and are smuggling large quantities of chemicals for the illicit manufacture of drugs. The Liberals are concerned that, despite the efforts made by the Commission, trafficking in substances used as precursors in the manufacture of narcotic drugs continues to be a problem that the EU must deal with as a matter of priority.

Addressing these medicinal products where law enforcement and regulatory capacity is limited requires not only the political will and recognition that precursors control is a shared responsibility, but also a long-term commitment to eliminating or significantly reducing the diversion of precursors. Given the rapidly changing methods employed by organised criminal groups to divert such substances from licit trade channels, the EU should start acting as of today, before the drug makers find another way.

Therefore, current ways of dealing with this problem – such as adding medicinal products to the regulation – are not a forward-looking approach. The Commission should also include these products in the definitions of scheduled substances. By doing so, the EU will gain a more vigilant approach towards those that can be used as dangerous drug precursors.

I also would like to emphasise the importance of further strengthening existing European cooperation mechanisms for the control of substances used in illicit drug manufacture. In this respect, a European database for registered operators holding a licence of registration for the legal trade in drug precursors and medicinal products should be regularly updated, and the information provided should be used by the Commission and by the Member States’ competent authorities for the purpose of preventing the diversion of those products onto the illegal market.

As a result of this, information provided in a timely manner on the identification of any new substances replacing precursors commonly used in the manufacture of illicit drugs and on the manufacture of such new substances will help the EU to counter the diversion of, and trafficking in, such substances.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić, u ime kluba ECR. – Gospodine predsjedniče, sintetiziranje droga iz prekursora kojima se legalno trguje otežalo je borbu europskog društva protiv droge. Dok su kriminalcima supstance potrebne za njihovo djelovanje postale dostupnije nego ikada. U potpunosti se slažem da moramo promptno djelovati i stvoriti učinkoviti sustav nadzora nad trgovinom prekursorima za droge te olakšati razmjenu podataka među državama članicama. Smatram, kako sva naša nastojanja moraju biti usmjerena ka tome da budemo korak ispred kriminalaca, a dok taj ideal ne ostvarimo svakako podržavam izvjestitelja u težnji da budemo barem ukorak s trgovcima drogom kroz brže i lakše dodavanje njihovih novih lijekova na listu prekursora.

No osjećam potrebnim istaknuti kako ni ovaj bolji prijedlog regulacije neće biti dovoljan bez kvalitetne suradnje policija i pravosudnih organa država članica i kandidatkinja. Za Hrvatsku je to posebno važno zbog uskih veza kriminalnih struktura bivših jugoslavenskih republika koje datiraju iz vremena prije rata kad državne granice nisu postojale kao barijera. Danas te granice postoje i moraju služiti svrsi kao temelj budućih dobrosusjedskih odnosa, ali i nepremostiva prepreka za švercere drogom i ostale kriminalce. Kako bismo to postigli moramo Hrvatskoj osigurati svu logističku i financijsku pomoć i u što kraćem roku ju pripremiti za pristupanje zoni Schengena.

Hrvatska zbog svog položaja i oblika predstavlja prvu liniju obrane od šverca drogom koja preko Turske i Balkana dolazi u zapadnu Europu, pa stoga ne bismo smjeli dopustiti da baš ona bude najslabija utvrda u Europskoj uniji

 
  
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  Zbigniew Ziobro, w imieniu grupy EFD. – Panie Przewodniczący! W ramach Komisji JURI przygotowywałem opinię do porozumienia handlowego między Unią Europejską a Federacją Rosyjską; opinia ta dotyczyła prekursorów narkotyków. Z jednej strony mamy do czynienia ze zorganizowanymi grupami przestępczymi i gwałtownie rosnącym rynkiem narkotyków syntetycznych w Europie, czego nie możemy lekceważyć. Z drugiej strony musimy widzieć przedsiębiorców, którzy siłą rzeczy będą zobowiązani do dodatkowych kontroli oraz ochrony danych osobowych. Niemniej w kolizji tych dwóch wartości musimy postawić na bezpieczeństwo, na skuteczną walkę z przestępczością narkotykową, dlatego potrzebujemy pogłębionej współpracy międzynarodowej przy jednoczesnej ścisłej kontroli i dłuższym okresie przechowywania danych handlowych. Istotne wydaje się również lepsze prześwietlanie historii firm biorących udział w handlu prekursorami. Doświadczenie pokazuje, że osoby skazanie za przemyt prekursorów wracały do poprzednich praktyk po odbyciu wcześniej wydanych wyroków. Musimy być tutaj konsekwentni i konieczna jest dobra współpraca międzynarodowa.

 
  
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  James Nicholson (ECR). - Mr President, an online search for information on ‘legal highs’ or drug precursors yields extremely worrying results. The first result would send me to a website to purchase legal highs, as would the second and the third. The fourth, however, is a tragic news report of a 22-year-old man from Northern Ireland who lost his life after taking a legal high. This situation cannot continue. Unfortunately, many people assume that, if a substance is openly on sale, there are limited risks. However, families and people across Europe last year would certainly disagree, as would the national poisons services of the national health authorities.

Member States are struggling to adopt legislation to outlaw these substances and are constantly one step behind. When substances are banned, it is not long before new dangerous substances take their place. While there is no doubt that there are legitimate industrial uses for drug precursors, it is essential that we have extremely robust monitoring of such trade. There is too much risk. Unfortunately, the illegal drug market is hyper-responsive, flexible and innovative. We need to have legislation that enables us, similarly, to be reactive. I believe this report takes us further in that direction.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye procedure

 
  
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  Mairead McGuinness (PPE). - Mr President, I wish to thank the rapporteur and the Commission. This report goes to show – and all of us in this House probably use some of these products – that the criminals involved in the drug trade will use anything they can, in any way they can, to manufacture drugs. They are using legal medicines for illegal purposes. The report therefore makes a great deal of sense. The idea of having a new schedule also makes sense, so that the Commission can upgrade the list with new substances as they come along.

Already in Member States there are restrictions on these two products – ephedrine and pseudoephedrine – so that they cannot be bought over the counter and used in measures that would cause health problems. But we are talking here about cases where large quantities are diverted for illegal purposes. This initiative will allow Member States to take action and seize products in an effective way. So let us put this in place immediately and let us ensure that it delivers results.

 
  
 

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, I would like to thank you for the views expressed during this debate. These views confirm the convergence and the very similar – or even identical – approach that we have on the importance, need and impact of the proposed regulation.

There were some good examples and proposals that would actually provide for an even stricter and better regulation, especially the proposal that I heard here – and we also heard it from the Council – to include medicinal products containing ephedrine or pseudoephedrine in the definition of scheduled substances.

The Commission would approach this issue favourably. My only comment today is that we need to find a wording that needs to be aligned in order to avoid any confusion during implementation. In any case you will soon vote on the amendment to the regulation on the monitoring of trade between the European Union and third countries in drug precursors.

With this new regulation, the EU will continue to set the gold standard at international level in the control of drug precursors. It will make a major contribution to next year’s review of the United Nations plan of action on drugs. Once approved, it will be for the Member States’ authorities to implement the regulation’s new features. The Commission will support this process and monitor the regulation’s effectiveness in tackling new trends in the diversion of drug precursors.

I look forward to a positive vote in this House.

 
  
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  Franck Proust, rapporteur. − Monsieur le Président, puisqu'apparemment ce rapport fait plus ou moins le consensus, je voudrais très brièvement remercier l'ensemble de mes collègues qui ont contribué à ce débat, comme je le disais tout à l'heure, ainsi que la Commission.

Je pense qu'effectivement, nous avons tous compris l'enjeu derrière ce rapport, qui était de lutter avec efficacité mais surtout avec réactivité contre ces précurseurs de drogues, car nous avons, face à nous, des narcotrafiquants qui sont des gens dangereux. Je souhaite donc que ce rapport, lorsqu'il va passer au vote, fasse la plus grande unanimité possible. En tout cas, merci pour la contribution de toutes et tous.

 
  
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  President. − The debate is closed.

The vote will take place on Wednesday, 23 October 2013.

 

15. Vienos minutės kalbos svarbiais politiniais klausimais
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas
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  President. − The next item is the one-minute speeches on matters of political importance (Rule 150).

 
  
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  Zoltán Bagó (PPE). - Tisztelt Képviselőtársaim! 2013 az európai polgárok éve, 2014-ben pedig kezdetét veszik az első nagy világégés centenáriuma alkalmából esedékes megemlékezések. E két esemény aktualitásához kötve kívánok partnereket találni, akik úgy ítélik meg, hogy időszerű volna a csatatereken maradt vagy megrokkant katonákra való emlékezés napját kijelölni. Mindezek nyomán felhívással fordulok az európai civil szervezetekhez, képviselőtársaimhoz, magánszemélyekhez és az Európai Unió valamennyi intézményéhez, hogy közösen léptessük érvénybe a harctereken elesett katonák emléknapját világszerte. Ennek kezdődátumának – az egyéves előkészítés után széles konszenzusra alapozott – 2014. november 11-ét javaslom.

Bízom abban, hogy száz év távlatában, az ezen időpontra eső megemlékezések nem sértik a hajdani győztesek és vesztesek, vagy vallási felekezetek, vagy egyes nemzetek érzéseit. A kezdeményezés nem kíván konkurálni az egyes nemzetek hagyományai alapján esedékes hősök napja, vagy hasonló elnevezésű rendezvényekkel, vagy az ilyen tartalommal bíró megemlékezésekkel. Kérem, hogy támogassák ezt az ötletet!

 
  
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  Sandra Petrović Jakovina (S&D). – Gospodine predsjedniče, u posljednje vrijeme diljem Europe, a i izvan nje, gledamo manifeste diskriminacije. Od ksenofobije, govora mržnje do ostalih oblika diskriminacije po rasnoj i nacionalnoj osnovi. Budući da se radi o kršenju općih načela Europske unije smatram da je potrebna snažna osuda takvih događaja upravo ovdje u Europskom parlamentu.

Većina država članica propisima detaljno regulira pitanja promicanja raznolikosti i zabrane diskriminacije. Primjerice u Hrvatskoj se ubojstvo iz mržnje smatra posebno teškim oblikom kaznenog djela, inkriminira se govor mržnje, a prava nacionalnih manjina detaljno su razrađena od zastupljenosti u predstavničkim tijelima do slobodnog korištenja jezika i pisma, i to nije samo mrtvo slovo na papiru. Iako je Hrvatska mlada demokracija u kratkom vremenu profilirala se kao država koja ima visoke demokratske standarde i danas po ovom pitanju može stati uz bok pionirima demokracije.

Bilo bi licemjerno imati zakone a ne provoditi ih i bilo bi također licemjerno mirno gledati diskriminaciju a ne osuditi ju. Pošaljimo poruku da je Europa dom svakoga tko se u njoj želi tako osjećati i da se za to želimo aktivno boriti.

 
  
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  Vojtěch Mynář (S&D). - Vážený pane předsedající, jednou z priorit strategie Evropa 2020 je o čtvrtinu snížit počet Evropanů, kteří žijí pod hranicí chudoby.

S ohledem na tento cíl naše frakce Pokrokové aliance socialistů a demokratů v probíhajících jednáních o víceletém finančním rámci prosazuje, aby bylo 25 % všech prostředků politiky soudržnosti vyčleněno pro Evropský sociální fond. Boj s chudobou a z ní plynoucím sociálním vyloučením totiž nelze vyhrát bez efektivních investic do politiky zaměstnanosti, vzdělávání a samozřejmě bydlení.

Právě na těchto třech pilířích stojí projekt „Sociální inkluze“, jehož pilotní fáze druhým rokem probíhá v mém domovském městě Ostravě. Pomocí systému „něco za něco“ projekt pracuje s rodinou jako celkem, motivuje současně děti i rodiče a dává jim šanci na nový život. Naše zkušenost má potenciál stát se evropským příkladem dobré praxe a vytvořit základ pro širší mezinárodní spolupráci při řešení této problematiky prostřednictvím sdílení zkušeností s partnery v zahraničí. Společně jsme o tomto informovali příslušného komisaře.

Doposud byly veškeré výdaje na projekt financovány z rozpočtu města, toto nastavení je však do budoucna neudržitelné. Jednoznačně přidaná evropská hodnota by si jistě zasloužila finanční podporu ze strany Evropské unie...

(Předseda odebral řečníkovi slovo.)

 
  
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  Marek Henryk Migalski (ECR). - Panie Przewodniczący! Dzisiaj w Europejskim Trybunale Praw Człowieka, oddalonym dosłownie o kilometr stąd, zapadł hańbiący, niedobry wyrok w sprawie, którą rodziny ofiar oficerów pomordowanych w Katyniu wytoczyły Federacji Rosyjskiej za przewlekłość śledztwa. Okazało się, że po siedemdziesięciu kilku latach rodziny ofiar, ale też ofiary, nie są w stanie dobić się sprawiedliwości, prawdziwego wyroku skazującego tych, którzy są odpowiedzialni za śmierć wielu tysięcy polskich oficerów w czasie drugiej wojny światowej, tak aby ofiary otrzymały należną rekompensatę, zarówno moralną, jak i w innym wymiarze. To bardzo zły sygnał, że w środku Europy, w budynku oddalonym od nas zaledwie o kilometr, Polacy nie potrafią dobić się sprawiedliwości. Trzeba będzie użyć innych sił, innych środków, również za pośrednictwem tej Izby, aby ci, którzy wołają od wielu dziesiątek lat o sprawiedliwość, tej sprawiedliwości się doczekali.

 
  
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  Κυριάκος Τριανταφυλλίδης (GUE/NGL). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, απολογούμαι για το λάθος που έκανα προηγουμένως. Στον απόηχο των καθημερινών τραγικών περιστατικών με την απώλεια ζωών εκατοντάδων μεταναστών στη Μεσόγειο, επανέρχομαι στην εισήγηση-απαίτηση για την άμεση ανάγκη δημιουργίας ενός μηχανισμού αυτόματης μετεγκατάστασης μεταναστών. Ένας τέτοιος μηχανισμός θα μπορούσε να αποτελέσει μία, έστω προσωρινή, λύση στο πρόβλημα συσσώρευσης μεγάλου αριθμού μεταναστών σε χώρες υποδοχής που δεν έχουν τη δυνατότητα να τους παράσχουν τα απαραίτητα για μια ανθρώπινη διαβίωση.

Σε απάντηση στη μη ικανοποίηση ενός τέτοιου αιτήματος η αρμόδια Επίτροπος προέβαλε το επιχείρημα ότι τα κράτη μέλη αντιδρούν αρνητικά. Την ερχόμενη εβδομάδα, κύριε Πρόεδρε, συνέρχεται το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο για να μελετήσει τα προβλήματα που δημιουργούνται με τις ανεξέλεγκτες ροές μεταναστών λόγω της έκρυθμης κατάστασης στη Μέση Ανατολή. Να μια επίκαιρη ευκαιρία, η Επίτροπος να διεκδικήσει αλλαγή στάσης των κρατών μελών, αναφέροντας σε αυτά ότι μαζί με την παροχή κονδυλίων επιβάλλεται και η λήψη πρακτικών μέτρων, όπως είναι η υιοθέτηση μηχανισμού μετεγκατάστασης προσφύγων αιτούντων άσυλο και γενικά παράτυπων μεταναστών.

 
  
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  Слави Бинев (EFD). - Надеждите за демократична България се изпариха. Политическият монопол смени само имената в управлението, просто ГЕРБ и БСП са едно и също нещо. Хората са на улицата, а аз отново съм тук пред Вас. Грешките на управляващите не са плашещи, те са пагубни. Цензура в държавните медии, абсурден избирателен кодекс, несправедлива съдебна система, бедност – все същото. Съюзът около НФСБ присъства в държавните медии толкова, колкото е броят на мерките на правителството за справяне с бежанците – нула. Но проблемът е тук: официозът на европейските институции оряза мое интервю, избирайки само фрази удобни за внушенията, които искат да постигнат. Това не е европейският глас. Питам съдебната система, управляващите, СЕМ, Европейската комисия – тишина. А проблемите крещят. Днес не питам, а предупреждавам: ако Европа не се справи с проблемите на страните членки, не спре да се държи лицемерно, бягайки от проблемите, то тогава ще се изправи пред най-големия си страх – евроскептицизмът да вземе своя връх.

 
  
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  Martin Ehrenhauser (NI). - Herr Präsident! Wir arbeiten jetzt im Europäischen Parlament, auch gemeinsam mit Kommissar Šefčovič, an der Reform des Transparenzregisters. Das ist auch dringend notwendig. Denn so können wir endlich Licht in den dunklen Entscheidungsablauf der Europäischen Union bringen.

Lassen Sie mich einige kurze Anmerkungen dazu machen. Erstens: Es ist noch immer so, dass viele Unternehmen, die in Brüssel Lobbying betreiben, sich nicht in das Transparenzregister eintragen. Ein Grund hierfür ist sicherlich auch, dass wir nicht genügend Anreize setzen. Meine Frage ist daher: Wieso verbieten wir diesen Unternehmen nicht einfach, dass sie an diesen Expertengruppen in der EU-Kommission teilnehmen? Wieso dürfen diese Unternehmen weiterhin an den intergroups teilnehmen? Wieso ist es den Abgeordneten oder auch den Beamten in der Europäischen Kommission erlaubt, sich mit diesen Unternehmen auch weiterhin zu treffen?

Zweites Problem: Die law firms. Die law firms drängen irrsinnig stark in den Lobbyingmarkt ein. Hinter diesen law firms verstecken sich Unternehmen, um ihre Aktivitäten zu verschleiern. Diese law firms sollten wirklich gezwungen werden, ihre Aktivitäten und vor allem auch ihre Kunden offenzulegen, wenn die als Lobbying-Organisationen auch wirklich tätig sind.

 
  
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  Ρόδη Κράτσα-Τσαγκαροπούλου (PPE). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αυτό που επιθυμώ να θίξω είναι το θέμα της παιδικής φτώχειας. Τα στατιστικά στοιχεία είναι ανησυχητικά, δεδομένου ότι η παιδική φτώχεια στην Ευρώπη ανέρχεται σε περίπου 24%, αλλά και τα ποιοτικά στοιχεία είναι συγκλονιστικά. Είναι καθημερινές οι μαρτυρίες παιδιών που ζουν με συσσωρευμένες μειονεξίες, από την ανεργία των γονέων και την ανασφάλεια μέχρι την έλλειψη βασικών αγαθών, ενώ τα συμπτώματα υποσιτισμού παιδιών σε σχολεία στην Ελλάδα, την Ισπανία είναι ολοένα και περισσότερα.

Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχει πάρει πρωτοβουλίες βεβαίως και στο πρόσφατο Συμβούλιο Υπουργών Κοινωνικών Υποθέσεων και Απασχόλησης θεωρήθηκε ευρωπαϊκή προτεραιότητα η αντιμετώπιση της παιδικής φτώχειας. Μπροστά στις επείγουσες και αυξανόμενες ανάγκες, πρέπει ωστόσο να συντονίσουμε όλοι τις προσπάθειες μας και να αναζητήσουμε μεγαλύτερη αποτελεσματικότητα από τις πολιτικές που εφαρμόζονται. Έρχεται χειμώνας, έρχονται Χριστούγεννα και οι υλικές και οι ηθικές ανάγκες θα είναι ολοένα και μεγαλύτερες.

 
  
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  Carmen Romero López (S&D). - Señor Presidente, varios diputados al Parlamento Europeo de distintas zonas de España hemos presentado preguntas escritas a la Comisión sobre el aumento del IVA al 21 % en mi país para las prestaciones de servicios en las escuelas, en los comedores escolares, en las actividades extraescolares, lo que supone un brutal aumento para las familias.

La Directiva de 2006, en su artículo 132, es clara en cuanto a las exenciones del IVA. El Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea ha apoyado esta interpretación de la exención del IVA en la prestación de estos servicios. El Comisario Šemeta ha respondido a los diputados que ha preguntado al Gobierno español sobre este asunto y que está esperando la respuesta, pero el Ministro español Montoro ha dicho que lo retirará si se lo pide la Comisión.

La Comisión ha sido rápida y ha mandado una carta al Gobierno contra la decisión de Andalucía de hacer una ley contra los desahucios, pero ¿a qué espera ahora la Comisión para que el Ministro español retire ese IVA que priva a muchas familias de esos comedores que, ahora, en muchos casos, son el único sustento que tienen para sus hijos? Por favor, señor Comisario, comuníqueselo a los Comisarios competentes.

 
  
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  Graham Watson (ALDE). - Mr President, ten years ago this week, Mikhail Khodorkovsky was arrested and imprisoned. In those ten years he has gone from being Russia’s most successful businessman to being its most prominent political prisoner. He was jailed on politically-motivated charges because he financed an opposition party. But he worked for a vibrant civil society, he denounced corruption, and he nurtured democratic politics.

Today civil society is harassed and intimidated, corruption is rampant, and political parties are silenced. Today’s reality in Russia makes Mikhail Khodorkovsky’s vision more important than ever. Russia needs reform. It needs enlightenment. It needs a change of direction. It needs men and women like Mikhail Khodorkovsky to bring the country towards its true place in Europe. He should be released from prison immediately.

 
  
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  Νικος Χρυσόγελος (Verts/ALE). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, πάνω από τέσσερα εκατομμύρια πολίτες στην Ελλάδα, που μέχρι πριν λίγο καιρό είχαν την δουλειά τους, πλήρωναν τις ασφαλιστικές τους εισφορές, σήμερα αποκλείονται από το δημόσιο σύστημα υγείας. Λόγω του γεγονότος ότι δεν έχουν να πληρώσουν ασφαλιστικές εισφορές, έχασαν τη δουλειά τους, έκλεισε το μαγαζί τους, έκλεισε η επιχείρησή τους, παρόλο που μέχρι πρόσφατα ήταν συνεπείς στις υποχρεώσεις τους. Ο αποκλεισμός τους από το δημόσιο σύστημα υγείας είναι επιστροφή σε μία εποχή κοινωνικής βαρβαρότητας. Η Επιτροπή και η ελληνική Κυβέρνηση πρέπει να βρουν τρόπο ώστε όλοι οι πολίτες, ανεξαρτήτως αν είναι άνεργοι, αν έχουν σήμερα να πληρώσουν τις ασφαλιστικές εισφορές, να έχουν πρόσβαση στο δημόσιο σύστημα υγείας. Η ελληνική Κυβέρνηση έχει υπολογίσει ότι 200.000 πολίτες θα έχουν, με κάποια ευρωπαϊκή χρηματοδότηση, πρόσβαση για ορισμένες υπηρεσίες, αλλά θα παραμείνουν 3.800.000 άνθρωποι χωρίς πρόσβαση στο δημόσιο σύστημα υγείας. Αυτό είναι άσχημο, τόσο για την κοινωνική συνοχή, όσο και για τη δημόσια υγεία και την ευημερία των πολιτών.

 
  
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  Paul Murphy (GUE/NGL). - Mr President, last Tuesday, while attacking the old and sick, the Irish Government unleashed the latest phase of its attack on young people. Unemployment benefits have been slashed by almost a third for those aged between 22 and 25, and EUR 35 million has been cut from young people directly. This economic war is accompanied by an ideological war, a demonisation of those who are unemployed. Enda Kenny has denounced a non-existent welfare culture, and a Labour TD defended the cuts by saying that young people should not be permanently in front of flat screen TVs.

The message from the government, from Fine Gael and from Labour is very clear. To the unemployed – victims of the austerity policies and the system defended by the political establishment – it is saying: it is your fault that you are unemployed. It is your fault because you are lazy, because you do not have enough motivation, because you do not have enough training or enough education. This slander must be rejected. Young people have to mobilise to defend their rights and to declare: we are not leaving. We will not be forced into emigration and we demand investment in jobs, in education and in real training.

Young and old should come out to protest tomorrow at 13:00 in front of the Dail, where a protest meeting called by the Senior Citizens Parliament is to be held. Then on Wednesday people should join in the ‘Dail queue’ at 12:00 on Kildare Street to show this government what the attack means to you.

 
  
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  John Stuart Agnew (EFD). - Mr President, the subject of parallel trading in agricultural pesticides has become a paradise for lawyers.

On the one hand, we have large corporations doing everything they can to stop entrepreneurs legally taking advantage of parallel trading. This can extend to using interesting techniques to persuade the relevant authorities to harass and intimidate such entrepreneurs in an attempt to force them out of business.

A case in my constituency recently witnessed the health and safety executive raiding the premises of a parallel trader and confiscating the family photograph album of the managing director as evidence for wrongdoing. In their excitement, these raiders accidentally left their battle plan on the director’s desk. The document clearly implicated a large corporation.

On the other hand, we have those individuals who use parallel trading as a front to place counterfeit agrichemicals on the market. These may well be sub-standard, causing serious problems for the purchaser and the undermining of confidence in the product in general.

The 20-year patent limit is not working as intended. It is creating unintended consequences.

 
  
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  Ioan Enciu (S&D). - Atrag astăzi atenţia asupra faptului că România şi Bulgaria nu mai pot fi ţinute la marginea spaţiului Schengen, ca nişte ţări de mâna a doua. România şi Bulgaria au respectat regulile jocului. Acum este vremea ca arbitrii să aplice regulile. România şi Bulgaria trebuie scoase de urgenţă de pe agenda campaniilor electorale, în care politicieni cinici şi fără imaginaţie caută să câştige voturi, abordând o retorică xenofobă.

În iunie 2011 a fost recunoscut în Consiliul JAI faptul că România şi Bulgaria au îndeplinit toate criteriile acquis-ului Schengen. Mai mult, Consiliul a decretat ca acest lucru să se facă cât mai curând posibil şi nu mai târziu de septembrie 2011.

La Consiliul European din 2 martie 2012 s-a cerut în mod deschis ca acesta să ia o decizie favorabilă accesării României şi Bulgariei la spaţiul Schengen. Dacă România şi Bulgaria nu vor fi incluse de urgenţă în spaţiul Schengen, atunci noi toţi ne vom face vinovaţi de sabotarea arhitecturii Uniunii Europene şi de subminarea tratatelor europene.

 
  
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  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL). - Señor Presidente, en principio, iba a hacer una intervención sobre el racismo y la xenofobia, pero acontecimientos recientes en el Sáhara Occidental me obligan ―con la venia de la Presidencia― a plantear mi preocupación porque la visita del Enviado especial de las Naciones Unidas a los territorios ocupados del Sáhara Occidental, el señor Christopher Ross, está siendo objeto de una despiadada represión por parte de las fuerzas de ocupación marroquíes. Se han producido centenares de heridos en el pueblo saharaui, que ha querido manifestar, frente a la autoridad de las Naciones Unidas, su deseo de que, de una vez por todas, se le dé la posibilidad de ejercer el derecho a la autodeterminación.

Me parecen un escándalo estas detenciones en presencia del Enviado especial y yo creo que este Parlamento, las autoridades de la señora Ashton y la Comisión Europea deberían emitir una señal rápida e inequívoca para frenar esta represión del pueblo saharaui. Me parece insólito que la Unión Europea, que mantiene un Acuerdo de asociación de alto rango, no ejerza esa autoridad moral para frenar esta represión en los territorios ocupados.

 
  
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  Tadeusz Cymański (EFD). - Panie Przewodniczący! Niestety Slavi Binev miał rację mówiąc o problemach bułgarskiej demokracji. Oprócz cenzury istnieją inne problemy, zwracam uwagę na sposób przyznawania koncesji w Bułgarii. Protekcjonizm i preferowania dwóch grup, firm bułgarskich związanych ze strukturami oligarchicznymi lub rządowymi, albo przyznawanie koncesji innym firmom z poza Unii Europejskiej np. z Australii czy Kanady. Postępowanie takie uderza w kanon wolnego rynku, w konkurencję, jest to niezgodne z interesami Unii Europejskiej. Bułgaria posiada liczne bogactwa naturalne i sposób ich eksploatacji jest niezwykle ważny. Dlatego zwracam się z prośbą o zbadanie prawidłowości przyznawania koncesji zwłaszcza w dwóch przypadkach: koncesji na wydobycie złota w Czełopeczu i w Krumovgradzie przez kanadyjską firmę Dundee Precious Metals oraz koncesji na wydobycie rudy złota w okolicy Sofii przez firmę Elacite Med. W ramach tych działalności uległo zdewastowaniu 800 hektarów lasu, zniszczono siedliska dzikich zwierząt i ptaków, a życie i zdrowie ludzkie jest poważnie zagrożone i nie jest to pierwszy taki bardzo niepokojący sygnał.

 
  
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  Joseph Cuschieri (S&D). - Ġimagħtejn ilu, f'din l-istess Kamra u f'dan il-bini, kellna dibattitu kommoventi dwar it-traġedja serja kontinwa fil-Mediterran tal-immigranti irregolari kif ukoll ċerimonji emozzjonali biex infakkru l-vittmi ta' Lampedusa. Kellna diskors emozzjonanti mill-Kummissarju Cecilia Malmström. Dawn wara żjara tagħha u tal-President Barroso f'Lampedusa, fejn żaru serbut twil ta' twiebet bil-katavri ta' dawk li tilfu ħajjithom. Minn dan kollu għaddew ġimagħtejn. Nistaqsi: x'sar? Ir-risposta hija: assolutament xejn! Il-Mediterran kompla jsir ċimiterju tal-imsejkna innoċenti bi traġedja oħra qrib Lampedusa. Malta u l-Italja waħedhom għamlu ħilithom biex isalvaw kemm jista' jkun ħajjiet; u dan minkejja li reġgħu tħallew waħedhom.

Nistaqsi: fejn hu r-rispett lejn il-ħajja umana? Fejn hi s-solidarjetà li nitkellmu dwarha? Fejn hi l-Unjoni Ewropea quddiem din it-traġedja? Fejn huma l-Istati Membri? Sa issa smajna paroli biss, azzjoni konkreta xejn! Jekk l-Ewropa se tibqa' tkun passiva, aktar nies qed imutu u se jkomplu jmutu. Mingħajr aktar dewmien jeħtieġ ftehim u mekkaniżmu ġust ta' kondiviżjoni ġusta tal-piż. Ftehim li jkun jorbot lill-Istati Membri u lill-Unjoni Ewropea. Dan hu dak li għandu jsir u li nawgura li jkun ir-riżultat tas-samit Ewropew ta' din il-ġimgħa. Xejn inqas minn hekk. Żmien il-paroli spiċċa, qed nistennew azzjoni.

 
  
  

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

 
  
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  Martina Anderson (GUE/NGL). - Mr President, any impartial observer would agree that routine and systematic violations of human rights were both the causes and the consequences of the conflict in Ireland. Therefore, a robust bill of rights, containing permanent legal safeguards, is needed to act as insurance against a repeat of past wrongs, to halt the wrongs of the present, and to prevent new wrongs in the future. Such a bill would provide all citizens with a practical tool they can use to hold public authorities to account, to challenge and, ultimately, to end discrimination, inequality and social injustice.

This is not just a Sinn Féin demand. It was a solemn commitment entered into by parties in the Good Friday Agreement and the St Andrews Review. The British and Irish governments must now recognise that, by failing to honour the 15-year-old obligation to deliver a bill of rights, they are feeding societal tension and damaging the process of peace which the majority of people both desire and deserve.

 
  
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  Zbigniew Ziobro (EFD). - Panie Przewodniczący! Dzisiejszy dzień położył się cieniem na funkcjonowaniu i orzecznictwie Europejskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka w Strasburgu. To smutny dzień dla tego sądu i dla praw człowieka, których ma on strzec. Niestety okazało się, że sąd ten nie zdecydował się rozstrzygnąć zarzutów rodzin ofiar zbrodni katyńskiej w stosunku do Rosji, przez całe lata zwlekającej ze śledztwem, które miało na celu wyjaśnić zbrodnię, ludobójstwo dokonane na 22 tysiącach polskich oficerów i żołnierzy. Zostali oni pojmani przez wojska sowieckie w 1939 roku i na osobiste polecenie Stalina, Biura Politycznego Partii Komunistycznej, zamordowani w 1940 roku. To bardzo smutne, tym bardziej że znalazło się grono sędziów, którzy złożyli zdanie odrębne w tej sprawie. Zbrodnią, ludobójstwem, którego dopuściła się Rosja Sowiecka w Katyniu, powinien zajmować się już Trybunał w Norymberdze. Wtedy też polityka wzięła górę nad racjami sprawiedliwości i prawa. Dziś też okazuje się, że niestety polityka i wpływy Rosji są silniejsze niż prawo, sprawiedliwość i uczciwość.

 
  
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  Catherine Stihler (S&D). - Mr President, this year marks the 100th anniversary of the UK Carnegie Trust, which is based in Dunfermline in Scotland. Dunfermline was the birthplace of Andrew Carnegie, and it was there that the first Carnegie library was founded. Carnegie described libraries as ‘a cradle of democracy’. He believed that by empowering people through giving them free access to knowledge, he could transform lives, just as his life was transformed by having free access to a library in his youth.

Carnegie’s legacy can be found across the globe. If we want to future-proof libraries today, we have to take action across the European Union to ensure that libraries are not left behind in the new digital world in which we exist. That is why I have launched my campaign for open knowledge to ensure improved and fair access to e-books in public libraries. In Scotland, West Dunbartonshire Council is leading the way on the service it is providing not just in the UK, but across the EU. Dumbarton library is itself a Carnegie library. Please support open knowledge for fair and improved access to e-books in our public libraries.

 
  
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  Antonio Masip Hidalgo (S&D). - Señor Presidente, quiero llamar la atención sobre la brutal deslocalización de una empresa americana que, de Gijón, en mi circunscripción, se trasladaría a Rusia. Ya sé que el Vicepresidente Tajani, sin entrar en decisiones internas de la empresa, brega por que estas cosas no sucedan con la industria europea.

He visitado Tenneco-Monroe y —pueden creerme— es ejemplar, de una extraordinaria calidad. Los trabajadores y el equipo en general son magníficos y la productividad alta. No hay razones económicas. Es una trampa para ingenuos y un primer traslado a Polonia. No puede ser.

Los EE.UU. y Europa preparan un tratado de gran envergadura que antes de nacer no debe tener deslealtades entre socios, como la de Tenneco-Gijón. Tampoco en Polonia nadie debería amparar esta maniobra diabólica. Protejamos de verdad la industria europea.

 
  
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  Daciana Octavia Sârbu (S&D). - Gazele de şist sunt o temă importantă a Uniunii Europene, ce priveşte atât protecţia mediului, cât şi dezvoltarea economică şi facturile populaţiei. Am avut recent ocazia să participăm la îmbunătăţirea legislaţiei de mediu privind gazele de şist. Am reuşit să adoptăm obligativitatea studiilor de evaluare a impactului de mediu atât în cazul explorării, cât şi în cazul exploatării, astfel încât orice operaţiune să se desfăşoare în condiţii de maximă prudenţă şi siguranţă pentru mediu şi pentru oameni.

M-am numărat printre iniţiatorii amendamentelor ce au introdus această obligativitate strictă. În schimb, mulţi colegi de la PDL au votat împotriva acestora, adică au refuzat să susţină măsuri sporite de siguranţă şi protejare a mediului pentru proiectele de gaze de şist. Pe de altă parte, la Bucureşti, tot aceştia susţin cu ipocrizie cauza protestelor împotriva explorării şi exploatării, sperând probabil că nimeni nu va sesiza diferenţa dintre votul oficial de la Strasbourg şi discursul mincinos de acasă.

 
  
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  Илияна Малинова Йотова (S&D). - „Най-важната външна граница за Европа е сухопътната между България и Турция“ – това гласи специалното изявление на FRONTEX, направено преди дни в контекста на задълбочаващата се криза с бежанците, идващи от Сирия. Ситуацията изисква незабавно свикване на конференция на най-високо равнище с участието на всички европейски институции. Необходим е не само пълен анализ, но категорични мерки и ясни отговорности, включително и от всички държави членки. Темата трябва да бъде включена спешно на следващата среща на върха. Обичаме да говорим за солидарност, но тя не може да бъде задължителна само за България, Гърция, Малта и Кипър. Мрачната слава на Лампедуза ще последват и други европейски градове. Всеки път ли ще приемаме резолюции и достатъчни ли са те?

Увеличава се нелегалният трафик. Системата за ранно предупреждение очевидно не сработи. Изправени сме пред хуманитарна криза, засилва се ксенофобията. В България бежанците са вече около 7000. Очакват се още повече и то в навечерието на зимните месеци. Кризата не може да се реши нито с матраците, нито с одеялата, нито с подаянията.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D). - Vēl es pajautāju visiem, kas atrodas šajā zālē: kas ir 65 eiro? Latvijā tieši 65 eiro ir minimālā pensija. Savukārt iztikas minimums mēnesī ir 245 eiro. Izskatās, ka Latvijas premjerministrs skolā kavēja matemātikas stundas. Citādi viņš varētu zināt, ka 245 eiro un 65 eiro ir dažādi cipari. Vajag dot iespēju katram Latvijas ministram padzīvot par 65 eiro mēnesī un nofilmēt to ar videokameru. Esmu pārliecināts, ka iznāks laba komēdija. Latvijas kinematogrāfam būs iespēja saņemt „Oskara” balvu. Diemžēl Latvijas pensionāram nav smieklīgi. Daudzi reāli izdzīvo ar pensiju apmēram 65 eiro mēnesī. Tas notiek Eiropas Savienībā.

 
  
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  George Sabin Cutaş (S&D). - Cazul Leonardei, o tânără oprită de forţele de poliţie în timpul unei excursii şcolare pentru a fi repatriată către Kosovo, şochează în continuare opinia publică. În acelaşi timp, numeroşi romi, mulţi dintre ei cetăţeni europeni, se confruntă cu practici discriminatorii şi cu standarde duble.

Generaţiile care au asistat la ororile secolului trecut au sperat ca stigmatizarea pe baze etnice să nu se repete pe continentul nostru. Iată că astăzi, însă, anumiţi oameni politici, în goana lor după voturi, cer expulzarea şi pedepsirea populaţiei rome. Este oare nevoie să reamintim că orice cetăţean are dreptul, garantat prin tratat, de a circula oriunde dorește pe teritoriul Uniunii Europene? A devenit oare libera circulaţie un drept doar pentru aceia dintre noi care deţin statutul de cetăţean european de primă mână?

Ar trebui să ne întrebăm încotro se îndreaptă Europa. Sper că nu a uitat de valorile sale.

 
  
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  Маруся Любчева (S&D). - Обръщам внимание на един изключително важен за Европейския съюз въпрос, свързан с трансграничния пренос на зараза по животните. В съответствие с Директива 85 от 2003, при установяване на огнище на зараза заболелите и заразени животни се умъртвяват. Заедно с тях се умъртвяват и контактните животни. На животновъдите се изплаща компенсация, която не покрива размера на загубите.

В България, в югоизточен планов регион, подобни събития са често явление, поради граничния му характер и преминаване на заразени животни от Турция. На територията на община Малко Търново през последните две години са умъртвени стотици животни. Умъртвяването на животните и ниската компенсация практически водят до ликвидирането на животновъдството – основен поминък на населението. Българските власти изпълняват директивата – не прилагат ваксиниране, което е забранено в Европейския съюз. Считам, че е задължително да се проведе дискусия и консултация с Европейската комисия, да се изработи ясна съвместна стратегия за ограничаване на икономическите щети на животновъдите в района. Необходима е и подкрепа на Европейския съюз за подходящи превантивни мерки.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Damit ist dieser Punkt abgeschlossen.

 

16. Lytinė ir reprodukcinė sveikata ir teisės (trumpas pristatymas)
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas
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  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die kurze Darstellung des Berichts von Edite Estrela über sexuelle und reproduktive Gesundheit und Rechte (2013/2040(INI)) (A7-0306/2013).

 
  
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  Edite Estrela, relatora. − Senhor Presidente, começo por agradecer aos relatores-sombra, aos relatores dos pareceres e a algumas organizações não-governamentais pelo apoio que deram a este relatório.

Este é um assunto importante para as mulheres, para os jovens, para as famílias, para os cidadãos europeus e para os cidadãos dos países em desenvolvimento.

É um assunto importante para garantir a igualdade de acesso à saúde sexual e reprodutiva a todas as pessoas, sem exceção. A campanha que está a ser feita contra o conteúdo do meu relatório é a prova da importância do que está em causa.

O atual contexto tem sido aproveitado pelas forças mais conservadoras para pressionarem os respetivos governos a alterarem as leis mais progressistas. Também por isso é crucial que o Parlamento Europeu defenda os seus valores fundadores e considere os direitos sexuais e reprodutivos como direitos humanos.

Em nome dos direitos humanos, a IVG deve ser legal e segura. Nos países em que o aborto é criminalizado, muitas mulheres arriscam a vida recorrendo ao aborto clandestino, sobretudo as mulheres com menos recursos económicos, porque as outras, as mais abastadas, deslocam-se aos países onde o aborto é legal, ou seja, a proibição da IVG afeta principalmente as mulheres mais desfavorecidas, o que contribui para aumentar as desigualdades sociais.

Os que têm uma visão economicista da vida devem saber que o custo de realização de um aborto seguro corresponde a um décimo do custo do tratamento das consequências de um aborto inseguro.

A prática da objeção de consciência negou a muitas mulheres a possibilidade de acederem a serviços de saúde reprodutiva. Existem notícias, provenientes da Eslováquia, da Hungria, da Roménia, da Polónia, da Itália e da Irlanda, de que 70 % dos ginecologistas e 40 % dos anestesistas se declaram objetores de consciência.

Este tipo de dificuldades não respeita as normas médicas internacionais e põem em causa os direitos humanos. A educação sexual é obrigatória em alguns Estados-Membros, ainda que nem sempre tenha qualidade. As melhores práticas vêm dos países do Benelux, dos países nórdicos, da França e da Alemanha.

Está provado que a educação sexual contribui para reduzir a gravidez na adolescência, as doenças sexualmente transmissíveis e o recurso ao aborto.

A elevada taxa de gravidez na adolescência em alguns Estados-Membros é preocupante e demonstra que uma grande parte da juventude não possui os conhecimentos necessários para fazer escolhas responsáveis no domínio sexual.

Este relatório também trata da prevenção e do tratamento de doenças sexualmente transmissíveis e apresenta um conjunto de medidas que podem contribuir para a diminuição deste flagelo, incluindo nos países em desenvolvimento.

Em síntese, as mulheres, casais, as famílias devem ter a liberdade de decidir se, quando e quantos filhos querem ter. As mulheres têm direito a uma gravidez e a um parto seguros mas, se decidirem interromper a gravidez, o aborto deve ser feito igualmente em condições de segurança.

Aos que acham que estas propostas vão reduzir ainda mais a natalidade na Europa envelhecida, recordo que, nos países com legislação mais progressista, a taxa de natalidade tem aumentado. O que é preciso é acabar com a diferença salarial entre homens e mulheres e permitir a conciliação entre a vida familiar e a vida profissional.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye-Verfahren

 
  
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  Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, Europska unija je stvorena da bi promicala slobodu, a ne da bi je gušila. Zato smatram da ovaj prijedlog nije u europskom duhu. Ovaj prijedlog rezolucije sustavno osporava slobodu i pravo građana na prigovor savjesti. Pravo građana da kažu: „Ne, ne želim sudjelovati u pobačaju. Ne, ne želim sudjelovati u prekidu života jednog nerođenog djeteta.” Mi moramo ovdje stati na stranu onih najslabijih. Mi moramo ovdje stati na stranu na primjer primalje Jage Stojak iz kninske bolnice u Hrvatskoj koja je ljetos odbila sudjelovati u jednom pobačaju i zbog toga dobila otkaz. Jedino zahvaljujući Povelji o temeljnim europskim pravima, zahvaljujući radu nevladinih udruga gospođa Stojak je vraćena na posao, ali nakon teških muka.

Mi moramo stati na stranu tih žena koje se boje da ako ne sudjeluju u pobačaju će izgubiti posao. Zato moramo reći „da” slobodi, „da” pravu na prigovor savjesti i moramo reći „ne” ovoj rezoluciji.

 
  
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  Zita Gurmai (S&D). - Mr President, let me start by congratulating the rapporteur, Edite Estrela, on this very comprehensive and balanced approach towards sexual rights and reproductive health. This report is crucial to reaffirming the position of the EU in terms of non-discriminatory access to SRHR within and outside the European Union. Such access is fundamental to achieving women’s empowerment and sustainable development, as well as fighting against sexually-transmitted diseases. It therefore constitutes an integral part of human rights and health rights and should not be restricted on the basis of budgetary grounds.

Let me stress that this report does not go against the freedom of conscience or belief. On the contrary, it states that women have an inalienable right to choose and to freely decide for themselves and their bodies; that women and men should have easy and free access to sexual education, medical support, prevention, contraception, the morning-after pill and abortion; and that medical treatment and support should be affordable for all women and men whatever their ages, origins or social status. I hope that all Members will keep this in mind when voting tomorrow.

 
  
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  Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE). - Señor Presidente, la salud sexual y reproductiva es, simplemente, una cuestión de derechos fundamentales. En este asunto están comprometidos el derecho a la salud de todas las personas, el derecho a la libertad en asuntos básicos de la opción vital de las personas, como la identidad sexual, la igualdad, la educación y asuntos del calado de la protección de la infancia.

Por eso felicito la amplitud y el enfoque multidisciplinar que se han dado a este trabajo del Parlamento Europeo, su ambición y el intento de profundizar y apostar por unos valores que están entre los que dieron origen a la Unión como espacio de libertad y de respeto de los derechos fundamentales, una forma de convivencia en la que no tienen cabida prácticas como la mutilación genital y en el marco de la que personalmente apuesto por un modelo de intervención más activo contra el tráfico de personas, que posibilita negocios como la prostitución o la pornografía.

 
  
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  Ulrike Lunacek (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, I conscientiously object to allowing women to be hurt or killed because of lack of access to safe abortion, be it in Ireland (as just happened a couple of months ago) or in other parts of the world outside Europe, where this happens every day. I conscientiously object to that, and I would like to thank Mrs Estrela and all the other shadow rapporteurs for a very good report.

To all those who talk against sexual and reproductive health and rights, I would say: this is not something new. We talked about it in 1979, when the Convention against all kinds of discrimination against women became law. We talked about it in Cairo at the Population and Development Conference, a platform of action which says that women have the right to decide freely the number, spacing and time in their lives when they want to give birth to children. And in Beijing, sexual rights were decided and determined: it is about sexuality free from violence and discrimination. So I hope we will keep ...

(The Chair cut off the speaker).

 
  
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  Marek Henryk Migalski (ECR). - Panie Przewodniczący! Kiedy Polska przystępowała do Unii Europejskiej, zapewniano nas, że w sprawach aksjologii, wartości, m.in. takich, jak aborcja, będziemy mogli decydować tak, jak uważamy za stosowne, tak, jak jest to związane z naszą moralnością i religią. Pani rezolucja narusza prawo poszczególnych państw do decydowania o tym, jak kształtuje się ich kanon moralny, jak kształtuje się ich prawo, jak sobie radzą z problemem aborcji. Państwo odwróciliście relacje, państwo mówicie o prawach człowieka, czyli że prawo do aborcji jest prawem człowieka – a co z prawem tego dziecka, które jest zabijane? Państwo mówicie, że to nie jest człowiek, że to jest część ciała kobiecego. To nieprawda, to jest osobny podmiot, któremu należy się prawo do życia. To jest prawo człowieka. Nawet gdybyście państwo uznali, że rzeczywiście płód jest częścią ciała kobiecego, to czy uważacie, że można przyjść do lekarza i poprosić, żeby móc obciąć sobie zdrową rękę i zdrową nogę? Dostalibyście państwo na to pozwolenie? To jest naruszenie godności tego człowieka i to jest naruszenie godności...

(przewodniczący odebrał mówcy głos)

 
  
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  Mikael Gustafsson (GUE/NGL). - Herr talman! Jag ville först tacka fru Estrela för ett mycket, mycket bra betänkande. Betänkandet tar sin utgångspunkt i att det är kvinnan som alltid har rätt att bestämma över sin egen kropp. Om detta betänkande antas kommer det att sända en väldigt stark signal om att rätten till den egna kroppen är en grundprincip för EU-parlamentet.

Betänkandet tydliggör fyra bra saker: Dels rätten till den egna sexualiteten oberoende av sexuell läggning. För det andra kvinnans frihet att avgöra om hon ska eller inte ska göra abort. För det tredje vikten av tillgång till preventivmedel. För det fjärde att det måste finnas en sexualundervisning värd namnet.

I årtusenden har män försökt kontrollera kvinnors kroppar och kvinnors sexualitet, men vi lever faktiskt på 2000-talet och jag tycker att det nu verkligen är dags att ta bort den här kontrollen.

 
  
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  Claudio Morganti (EFD). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in questa relazione sono contenute una serie di affermazioni incredibili e paradossali.

Ad esempio, è prevista una condanna al diritto dei medici ad opporsi all'aborto quali obiettori di coscienza, e ci si rammarica inoltre del fatto che questa pratica non venga consentita negli ospedali e nelle cliniche di stampo religioso. Mi sembrerebbe molto strano il contrario.

Il paragrafo 53 del testo ci invita poi a trasmettere un'opinione positiva delle persone lesbiche, gay, bisessuali e transgender. Mi chiedo cosa voglia dire. Siamo passati da una giusta lotta contro le discriminazioni a un'esaltazione di una condizione che non è normale in natura, e con questo intendo dire che la natura ha creato l'uomo e la donna per unirsi e procreare, consentendo così la continuazione della specie e della vita.

Provo orrore laddove leggo che si debba garantire l'accesso ai trattamenti per la fertilità e la procreazione medica assistita anche alle donne senza un partner e le lesbiche. È il trionfo dell'egoismo personale. L'uomo e il suo egoismo non possono stravolgere quello che Dio e la natura hanno creato.

(L'oratore accetta di rispondere a una domanda "cartellino blu" (articolo 149, paragrafo 8, del regolamento)).

 
  
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  Ulrike Lunacek (Verts/ALE), blue-card question. – Two things: firstly I would ask you to take back your comment defining lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people – lesbian people like me – as being abnormal. That should not be said in this Parliament. Secondly, I would like to ask you whether you have ever had sex without the aim of procreation.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Frau Kollegin Lunacek! In der englischen Sprache heißt „I ask“ nichts anderes als „ich bitte Sie“ und nicht „ich frage Sie“. Zweitens: Die Frage will ich vielleicht auch nicht unbedingt hier im Hohen Haus hören und die Antwort vielleicht auch nicht.

 
  
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  Claudio Morganti (EFD), Risposta a una domanda "cartellino blu". – Signor Presidente, è molto simpatica la collega quando mi chiede se faccio sesso con l'intenzione di procreare e non solo.

Il problema però è un altro. Dalle sue parole ho capito che probabilmente non conosce nemmeno bene il testo, perché ho citato il punto 53 dove si fa riferimento a un'opinione positiva delle persone lesbiche, gay e bisessuali, che io non capisco. Cosa vuol dire "opinione positiva" di queste persone? Vuol dire che su tutti gli altri, gli eterosessuali, non c'è un'opinione positiva? Siamo al paradosso, a una discriminazione verso tutte le persone. Lottiamo contro le discriminazioni e poi mi ritrovo davanti a un testo che si esprime in tutt'altro modo.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich bin auch für lebendige Debatten, aber Frage heißt Frage und Antwort heißt Antwort, und 30 Sekunden sind 30 Sekunden. Wir haben für das Catch-the-eye-Verfahren 5 Minuten vorgesehen. Wir haben dreimal so viele Nachfragen, ich habe mehr als 50 % zugelassen. Ich erteile jetzt als Letztem dem Herrn Kollegen Cashman das Wort, der möglicherweise der Frage, die Frau Kollegin Lunacek aufgeworfen hat, auch nicht nachgehen wird.

 
  
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  Michael Cashman (S&D). - Mr President, I would like to say, as a gay man standing here, that I feel absolutely positive about myself and other sexual minorities. I find staggering the number of men who have spoken tonight against the rights of women: the right of a woman to have full human rights and to decide what to do with her body, and the rights of young people, old people, men and women, to decide to explore their sexuality and to get information through education about such life-threatening chances. To deny a woman a right to abortion, as we saw in Ireland and as we see elsewhere, can take the lives of women every single day in every single country in this world.

Parliament should therefore be absolutely clear that we define sexual and reproductive health rights as fundamental to this Union, fundamental to our external policies, and fundamental to development. In the end, I respect religious belief, but not the right of you to impose your religion on others and thereby deny them their fundamental human rights.

 
  
 

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, I would first like to thank Mrs Estrela for her report before us today, which raises a number of key issues concerning women’s rights and sexual and reproductive health.

The report takes an integrated approach and makes clear that this topic is of both domestic and international concern. The Commission fully agrees with the objectives of eliminating all forms of inequality and discrimination, including those based on gender and sexual orientation, and of promoting equality between men and women.

The Commission also fully agrees that each and every individual has the right to access high quality health care. Discrimination in health takes many forms and is linked to decisions taken at every level of society. Despite many efforts, major problems remain in Europe, calling for continuing efforts to fight discrimination wherever it exists.

Four weeks ago, the Commission published a report on health inequalities in the EU. Some trends are encouraging. For example, infant mortality has declined across the EU. But there remain major differences across the EU. Maternal mortality, for example, is very low overall in the EU. But levels differ substantially between countries and are significantly higher for vulnerable groups.

Globally, maternal mortality has dropped by half over the last two decades, but the target is for a reduction by three-quarters. On the issue of abortion, I have to reiterate the Commission’s position that it does not promote abortion as a method of family planning. Nor does the Commission promote the legalisation of abortion, as the legal provision of abortion is the sovereign decision of each EU Member State and of each partner country benefiting from the EU’s development cooperation.

Addressing gender inequality and women’s needs and rights, including combating gender-based violence, is crucial to making progress on the health-related Millennium Development Goals. The Commission welcomes Parliament’s call on the Member States to sign and ratify the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence.

Health must be for all. Everybody should have access to good quality health care regardless of gender, age, race, sexual orientation, disease, social status, education or country of residence. Accurate and comprehensive information and knowledge are essential to ensure that policies and interventions are effective. The health programme will place strong emphasis on improving health knowledge. In relation to HIV, equal treatment and solidarity are key features of open societies. Any form of HIV-related discrimination and stigmatisation is unacceptable.

Finally, the Commission takes note of the wide range of recommendations to the Member States as regards sexual and reproductive rights and education in the areas of exclusive national competence. Let me assure you that all the Commission services involved will follow up your recommendations.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Die Aussprache ist geschlossen. Die Abstimmung findet am Dienstag, 22. Oktober 2013, um 11.30 Uhr statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149 GO)

 
  
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  Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. Le contexte politique et économique actuel menace la santé et les droits sexuels et reproductifs des Européens. La crise financière pousse certains pays de l’UE à réduire la qualité et la disponibilité de ces services. De plus, les positions très conservatrices et liberticides en matière de droits sexuels fleurissent en Europe. Partant de ce constat, le Parlement européen vote aujourd'hui le rapport sur les droits sexuels et reproductifs pour sensibiliser les différents Etats membres sur la récession inacceptable des droits de la femme. Les droits sexuels et reproductifs, tel que le droit à l'avortement, à l'éducation sexuelle, au planning familial, à la contraception, ou à la santé sexuelle devraient être des évidences. Dans certains pays, il n'en est rien et dans les autres, ce droit s'estompe peu à peu. Nous devions réagir car rien ne justifiera jamais que soient rabotés les droits des femmes.

 

17. Žmogaus teisės Sahelio regione (trumpas pristatymas)
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas
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  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die kurze Darstellung des Berichts von Charles Tannock über die Lage der Menschenrechte in der Sahelzone (2013/2020(INI)) (A7-0325/2013).

 
  
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  Charles Tannock, rapporteur. − Mr President, (inaudible as microphone is switched off) ... of my Sahel report has not been easy, and I would like now to set the record straight on how this report came to exist in its current form. For a start, my position on the Western Sahara has been consistent over a number of years in terms of the right of the Saharawi people to determine their own future in a free and fair manner acceptable to both sides.

I take no views on what the final status of that territory should be, but when I first accepted the report, I understood that it was only to address the Sahel. Only subsequently did I learn that Western Sahara was always intended to form a part of the report and, indeed, was initially the sole subject of the report. After much wrangling and title changes, it was decided eventually that the title should only include the Sahel, but that the Western Sahara would formally be included in the report’s remit. This decision was ratified by the enlarged bureaux of both the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Subcommittee on Human Rights and in the Conference of Committee Chairs and the Conference of Presidents.

I suggest that, in the long run, this will prove to be no bad thing. Western Sahara is rarely appended to discussions on the Sahel, but in geopolitical security and indeed human rights terms, this may well prove to have been an error. As the UN Secretary-General said in April, the conflict must be addressed as part of a broader strategy for the Sahel. Instability in Western Sahara is bad for the Sahel and vice versa. As we often say in this Parliament, human rights and security are both symbiotic and inextricable. Reports have indicated to me that unrest in Western Sahara and in the Tindouf camps is growing. A return to violence in any form would be catastrophic.

Leaving Western Sahara aside for a moment, the most pressing part of the report deals – naturally – with the grave disaster witnessed over the past two years in Mali, which had previously seen relative peace and stability for a number of years. Although we can be cautiously optimistic now that the worst of the crisis is over, it is not yet finished, with several hundreds of thousands of refugees and IDPs still waiting to return home and the fragile peace being jeopardised by sporadic skirmishes and suicide bombings. The long process of reconciliation must also begin with Mali’s different communities. Certainly, Tuareg resentment over many decades must be addressed – not simply in Mali itself, but across the whole Sahel region.

The reconciliation will not work without justice where it is due. Mali must be seen as a prototype for the success of judicial institution-building and the rule of law. Too often in the Sahel region, war crimes and crimes against humanity have been met with institutional impunity. For this reason, the recent Senegalese indictment of former Chadian dictator Hissène Habré, and of course the ICC’s investigation into Malian war crimes, are to be greatly welcomed in this House.

Besides the immediate concerns in Mali and the need to combat impunity, I have tried in the report to emphasise the need for a coherent strategy across the whole Sahel region which combines an awareness of human rights with the imperative of boosting security, tackling Jihadi radicalisation, clamping down on the trafficking of people, arms and drugs – particularly with regard to the ‘trafficking superhighway’ which bisects the Sahel east-west and south-north – and, above all, improving the governance, accountability and legitimacy of state and regional institutions. This report makes a particular point of advocating the decentralisation of power and boosting the role of civil society.

Lastly, I have addressed the situation of women, children and minorities, including child labour, forced marriage, female genital mutilation and – especially in Mauritania – the controversial issue of slavery, although this is of course extremely contentious and vigorously disputed by the Mauritanian authorities.

In short, the overriding theme of the report must be for the EU to work with local actors to focus on security, stability and human rights in synthesis. The EU already has a trading mission in Mali from the CSDP and a capability-building mission in Niger, but human rights are markedly absent from the EU overall Sahel strategy. This is an area where we can do more to help, and I hope that this report makes some contributions in so doing. If, similarly, we can bring voices together on Western Sahara and possibly influence the situation there in some small way, I hope that the report can be considered a success.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye-Verfahren

 
  
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  Jean Roatta (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, dans mon intervention, je parlerai uniquement du Sahel puisque le rapport porte sur cette région du Sahel.

Les droits de l'homme dans la région du Sahel: vaste sujet, mes chers collègues. Le Sahel, c'est cinq pays, quatre-vingt millions d'habitants – dont plus de la moitié ont moins de dix-huit ans – des enfants, des femmes qui meurent de faim, des trafics en tout genre, le terreau du terrorisme, les droits de l'homme bafoués et l'esclavage. Je suis fier que le Parlement européen se soit saisi de ce sujet et que nous ayons pu contribuer, grâce au rapport, à proposer des solutions politiques, humanitaires, des solutions d'avenir dans cette zone de non-droit. Je félicite M. le rapporteur pour son travail, pour l'énergie qu'il a su mettre dans la rédaction de son rapport, ainsi que tous nos assistants.

Je reste convaincu qu'un essor économique, humain et social dans la région du Sahel est possible. Le Sahel est riche de ressources naturelles. Il n'est pas dépourvu de perspectives de développement économique, si les populations perçoivent les bénéfices des investissements des entreprises.

Le Sahel est à nos portes, Mesdames et Messieurs,

(Le Président retire la parole à l'orateur)

 
  
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  Corina Creţu (S&D). - Doresc să îl felicit pe domnul Tannock pentru acest raport comprehensiv referitor la acest „no man’s land” apropiat de limita sudică a Uniunii Europene.

În Sahel instabilitatea politico-statală, conflictele transfrontaliere şi foametea au cronicizat o criză care avantajează grupările teroriste şi de crimă organizată. Permeabilitatea graniţelor şi impunitatea au transformat Sahelul în placă turnantă pentru traficul de fiinţe umane, droguri şi arme. Milioane de localnici suferă din cauza insecurităţii personale şi alimentare, mulţi din ei în tabere de refugiaţi. Tratamentele inumane, execuţiile sumare, răpirile şi violurile, înrolarea forţată a copiilor şi discriminarea femeilor sunt o constantă a vieţii cotidiene.

Susţin cererile adresate Comisiei de a-şi intensifica efortul deja consistent pentru evitarea unei catastrofe umanitare şi geopolitice, dar mai ales solicit includerea în strategia UE pentru Sahel a protejării femeilor şi promovării egalităţii de gen. Femeile sunt cele mai afectate de încălcarea brutală a drepturilor omului în Sahel.

 
  
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  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL). - Senhor Presidente, este relatório espelha mais uma vez as contradições da União Europeia ao preocupar-se abundantemente, por um lado, com os terroristas jihadistas no Mali quando, simultaneamente, apoia os mesmos grupos de forma mais ou menos encapotada na Síria.

Espelha assim as contradições de duas medidas para duas situações parecidas, espelha as contradições quando se preocupa hoje com a desestabilização na Líbia, com o armamento que vem da Líbia, quando foi a própria União Europeia que atirou as bombas para cima do povo líbio e destruiu o seu país.

Finalmente, é evidente que o tema do Sara Ocidental é importante. No Sara Ocidental, há décadas que se vive uma situação dramática que tem de ser resolvida e, hoje, a União Europeia tem de ter uma posição firme no que diz respeito às relações que estabelece com Marrocos, no que se refere à sua posição relativamente ao Sara Ocidental.

 
  
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  Gilles Pargneaux (S&D). - Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, Monsieur le Rapporteur, la thématique des droits de l'homme est l'un des combats majeurs du Parlement européen et de l'Union européenne dans son ensemble.

Je regrette cependant que, sous couvert de l'examen de la situation des droits de l'homme au Sahel, le Maroc soit, une nouvelle fois, montré du doigt par certains au sein de notre Parlement. Ainsi, près d'un tiers de ce rapport est aujourd'hui consacré au Sahara occidental.

N'oublions pas, chers collègues, que le Maroc est l'un des seuls pays à avoir mené une vraie politique de développement dans sa région sahélo-saharienne, à y avoir développé un État de droit respectable et fort, lesquels ont permis d'endiguer la montée du terrorisme dans cette région. L'ensemble de notre communauté internationale condamne la défaite de l'État de droit comme vecteur du terrorisme et, pourtant, certains députés européens ferment les yeux sur ce qu'a accompli le Royaume du Maroc.

Le texte adopté en commission des affaires étrangères est globalement positif et doit le rester. C'est pourquoi j'invite mes collègues députés à rejeter les amendements de plénière qui ont été déposés, notamment celui invitant au rejet du futur accord de pêche entre l'Union européenne et le Maroc.

Monsieur le Commissaire, je souhaite aussi que vous puissiez vous prononcer à ce sujet.

 
  
 

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, thank you, on behalf of Vice-President Ashton, for this opportunity to present the EU approach to the crisis and human rights situation in the Sahel region.

Firstly, let me pay tribute to Mr Tannock, the rapporteur of this very comprehensive and clear report, as well as to all the MEPs and committees involved in the drafting process. As is well documented in this report, the Sahel remains one of the poorest regions of the world and is particularly vulnerable to most of the problems – including corruption – that hamper state authority. People living there have become increasingly vulnerable to radicalisation and violent extremism. That threat extends to the EU itself. We are within a short distance of terrorist groups based in northern Mali and are directly impacted by the situation there. We cannot be indifferent.

This report confirms the worrying human rights situation in the region. Weak governance and its impact on state institutions have dramatically diminished the capacity of the countries to effectively deliver basic services, promote broad-based political participation and protect human rights.

It is clear that a renewed commitment to and effective implementation of the democratic governance and human rights standards subscribed to by the Sahel countries have the potential to strengthen the rule of law and advance human rights protection. Such a development would help to address the root causes of the crisis and contribute to ensuring sustainable peace in Mali, while preventing escalation in the neighbouring countries.

Only a comprehensive approach that truly makes full use of all the means at the EU’s disposal — ranging from crisis management to institution-building and development assistance — will help build a more stable and prosperous future for this region. The External Action Service and the Commission are currently preparing a new set of actions which will form part of the EU Sahel Strategy in 2013-2014.

I was particularly pleased to note that the EU’s key role in the Sahel region is rightly recognised in your report and that you reiterate your support for the lines of action in the EU Strategy. This strategy is built on the assumption that security is a prerequisite for socioeconomic growth. State building, coupled with good governance and regional coordination, is necessary to achieve this.

The strategy has proved a very useful tool for shaping a common EU position on the Sahel crisis and enhancing the level of our engagement in Mali, Mauritania and Niger. Under the 10th EDF alone, approximately EUR 1.5 billion were dedicated to development projects there, with a specific focus on security and the rule of law. Three important missions were launched in the wider region: EUCAP SAHEL Niger, EUTM Mali and EUBAM Libya. These three missions all undertake specific training on human rights and gender issues.

Today, our strategy continues to be the right framework for EU action at both individual and collective levels, and it will be important to extend its scope to Sahel countries neighbouring Mali, Mauritania and Niger.

We take note of your concern that our policies and action could do more to mainstream human rights, women’s and girls’ rights and the rights of minorities. As you are aware, Vice-President Ashton is personally committed to promoting these rights. In April this year, she organised a high-level meeting in Brussels to consult with women from the region and ensure that their voices were heard in the run up to key policy events such as the Heads of States Conference for the development of Mali in May.

As is rightly pointed out in the report, we also remain concerned about the implications of the Western Sahara conflict for security and cooperation in the region. We reaffirm our full support to the UN Secretary-General’s efforts to achieve a just, lasting and mutually-acceptable political solution which will provide for the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara. This would certainly contribute to stability and security in the region.

Finally, we encourage the parties to continue in their respective efforts to enhance the promotion and protection of human rights in Western Sahara and the Tindouf camps. I can assure you that all the legitimate concerns raised in your report will be duly taken into consideration.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Die Aussprache ist geschlossen. Die Abstimmung findet am Dienstag, 22. Oktober 2013, um 11.30 Uhr statt.

 

18. Vietos valdžios institucijos ir pilietinė visuomenė (trumpas pristatymas)
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas
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  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die kurze Darstellung des Berichts von Corina Creţu zu lokalen Behörden und zur Zivilgesellschaft: Europas Engagement zur Förderung einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung (2012/2288(INI)) (A7-0296/2013).

 
  
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  Corina Creţu, Raportoare. − Îmi face o deosebită plăcere să vă prezint astăzi rezultatul muncii noastre de peste un an de zile. Raportul porneşte de la rolul esenţial al autorităţilor locale şi al organizaţiilor societăţii civile şi subliniază importanţa acestora în toate etapele procesului de dezvoltare durabilă.

Autorităţile locale şi organizaţiile societăţii civile trebuie să rezoneze imediat la nevoile şi drepturile grupurilor sărace şi marginalizate din teritoriu şi, mai ales, să găsească soluţii inovatoare în beneficiul cetăţenilor. Este esenţială implicarea populaţiilor vizate, pentru a asigura că demersurile întreprinse în proiectele de dezvoltare contribuie la eradicarea sărăciei. De aceea, de pildă, am scos în evidenţă nevoia de colaborare cu organizaţiile pentru protejarea drepturilor femeii în pregătirea şi punerea în aplicare a unui dialog politic, în conformitate cu angajamentele Uniunii Europene privind egalitatea de gen.

Avem nevoie de o abordare a dezvoltării fundamentată pe respectarea drepturilor omului, incluzând drepturile economice şi sociale ale fiecărei persoane. În acest sens, raportul susţine promovarea unui mediu favorabil organizaţiilor societăţii civile şi autorităţilor locale la nivel naţional în ceea ce priveşte dispoziţiile politice şi normative, prin respectarea standardelor în materie de libertăţi, precum şi a iniţierii unor dialoguri multilaterale. Se impune ca aceste acţiuni să vizeze munca decentă, creşterea durabilă şi favorabilă incluziunii, cu redistribuirea veniturilor prin intermediul bugetului de stat.

Raportul încurajează de asemenea dialogul între administraţiile publice, autorităţile locale, organizaţiile societăţii civile, sectorul privat şi cetăţeni, bazat pe transparenţa fluxurilor de ajutor oficial şi privat, precum şi pe o abordare participativă în ceea ce priveşte evaluarea impactului acestor politici. Am susţinut în acest context eficientizarea sistemului de colectare a taxelor, pentru a asigura finanţarea sustenabilă a dezvoltării şi am evidenţiat rolul autorităţilor locale şi al organizaţiilor societăţii civile în combaterea corupţiei, inclusiv a evaziunii fiscale şi a fluxului financiar ilicit din ţările în curs de dezvoltare.

Reamintind importanţa contribuţiei actorilor locali în medierea conflictelor, am subliniat nevoia colaborării cu ţările partenere pentru elaborarea unor strategii naţionale de rezilienţă şi programe specifice menite să abordeze cauzele de bază ale vulnerabilităţii pe termen lung şi să sprijine consolidarea rolului comunităţilor din statele fragile prin activităţi de reducere a riscurilor.

Totodată am încurajat redefinirea orientărilor pentru delegaţiile Uniunii Europene cu privire la rolul organizaţiilor societăţii civile şi al autorităţilor locale în situaţii de criză şi fragilitate, recomandând o abordare bazată pe drepturile omului.

Ideea parteneriatului este un fundament al raportului, regăsindu-se atât în ceea ce priveşte cooperarea între instituţiile europene, autorităţile naţionale şi nivelul local, dar şi a acestora cu societatea civilă. Raportul pune de asemenea în valoarea utilitatea parteneriatelor între autorităţile locale şi organizaţiile societăţii civile din ţările în curs de dezvoltare şi omologii acestora din ţările europene, fructificând experienţa privind tranziţia din statele membre ale Uniunii, instrumente care s-au dovedit eficiente în consolidarea capacităţii autorităţilor locale în sectoare cheie, care contribuie la eradicarea sărăciei.

Am reiterat îngrijorarea Parlamentului European cu privire la propunerea Comisiei de a limita sprijinul financiar pentru furnizarea de servicii doar la organizaţiile societăţii civile din ţările cel mai puţin dezvoltate şi din statele fragile. Am încurajat în acest sens îmbunătăţirea ratei de participare a autorităţilor locale la toate programele din cadrul Instrumentului de cooperare pentru dezvoltare.

Abordarea teritorială a dezvoltării şi descentralizarea sunt factori importanţi pentru atingerea obiectivului de eradicare a sărăciei.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye-Verfahren

 
  
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  Ivana Maletić (PPE). – Gospodine predsjedavajući, zahvaljujem izvjestiteljici. Partnerstvo i donošenje odluka u suradnji s različitim zainteresiranim stranama u temeljima je europskih politika. Podržavam jače uključivanje civilnog društva u donošenju strateških dokumenata i definiranje prioriteta na razini lokalnih jedinica. Zajednički rad, ne samo s civilnim društvom, već i sa znanstvenim institucijama, poduzetnicima, socijalnim partnerima doprinosi donošenju kvalitetnijih odluka te izgradnji transparentnijeg i odgovornijeg društva. Posebno je važna nadzorna uloga civilnog društva nad provedbom definiranih politika i donesenih strateških dokumenata. Civilno društvo može vrlo uspješno upozoriti na nedosljednosti i tražiti veći stupanj odgovornosti za učinkovito korištenje javnih prihoda, a sve na dobro građana.

 
  
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  Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D). - Uniunea Europeană s-a implicat şi se implică puternic în sprijinirea autorităţilor locale din ţările partenere, pentru ca acestea să îşi consolideze guvernanţa şi să îşi îmbunătăţească rezultatele în materie de dezvoltare durabilă şi eradicare a sărăciei.

Un element de bază este şi rămâne schimbul de experienţă între autorităţile locale din Uniune şi cele din ţările partenere, rolul esenţial al societăţii civile din ţările partenere, precum şi derularea unor parteneriate strategice cu asociaţii şi reţele naţionale, regionale şi internaţionale ale autorităţilor locale.

Consider că este nevoie de asumarea unui angajament politic mai ferm din partea Uniunii, în vederea sprijinirii unui mediu favorabil pentru organizaţiile societăţii civile şi autorităţile locale şi pentru consolidarea capacităţii lor pentru integrarea acestor aspecte în politici şi în programe favorabile incluziunii şi eradicării sărăciei.

Nu în ultimul rând, vreau să o felicit pe raportoare pentru abordarea avută în cadrul acestui raport.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL). - Senhor Presidente, a política de cooperação para o desenvolvimento deve identificar nas autoridades locais e em múltiplas organizações sociais dos países em desenvolvimento estruturas a apoiar e a fortalecer.

Sindicatos, organizações com intervenção nas áreas da saúde, da educação, dos serviços públicos em geral, organizações para o desenvolvimento, entre outras, podem e devem ser apoiadas, reforçando laços de cooperação e de amizade entre povos, países e continentes.

Mas devem ser afastadas quaisquer tentativas de interferir na definição das prioridades dos países em desenvolvimento. A soberania dos países em desenvolvimento, as suas escolhas e opções políticas e económicas devem ser inteiramente respeitadas atendendo à sua situação e condições específicas.

Não é aceitável que, sob a capa de um apoio à dita sociedade civil, se promova a ingerência e se estimule a interferência com opções que só aos povos destes países cabe tomar.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE). - Mr President, it was the great Irish American politician Tip O’Neill who said that all politics is local, and that is absolutely correct. While policies may be made at national level, their application at local level is what really impacts on peoples’ lives. For that reason it is important that we are emphasising and discussing this issue tonight. I compliment the rapporteur on her recommendations.

In my country, our Minister has recently introduced the greatest reform of local government ever since the state was founded, abolishing some small town councils, amalgamating some county councils, etc, and reducing the number of elected politicians, but particularly, I think, trying to get more authority and focus at local level to deal with the major issues which the rapporteur pointed out, and especially to show people that taxes that are collected locally stay locally to deal with local problems. If people see that, they will have a much happier and better approach to government.

 
  
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  Piotr Borys (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Również chciałbym pogratulować sprawozdawczyni. To dobry moment, dlatego że w tym roku obchodzimy Europejski Rok Obywateli i sprawozdanie to idealnie wpisuje się w naszą dyskusję o roli obywatelstwa, ale także o roli władz lokalnych i regionalnych. Niezwykle istotne jest to, aby poprzez obywateli, poprzez organizacje pozarządowe, w których obywatele działają, lepiej kontrolować władze. To zawsze trudne, kiedy władza musi podzielić się również swoimi kompetencjami, ale najistotniejsze jest to, aby budzić przekonanie, że lepiej inwestować, oddając część swoich uprawnień właśnie np. organizacjom pozarządowym, które w większości wykonują zadania o wiele taniej i bliżej ludzi. Istotne jest również to, aby środki z przyszłych funduszy europejskich, takich jak np. Europejski Fundusz Społeczny, czy programu „Europa dla Obywateli”, „Młodzież w Działaniu”, inwestować właśnie wspierając organizacje pozarządowe, bo przecież ich praca trafia na rynek lokalny. Dlatego gratuluję sprawozdania i trzymajmy kciuki za wykonanie jego zaleceń.

 
  
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  Andrej Plenković (PPE). – Gospodine predsjedavajući, kao i drugi kolege čestitam našoj izvjestiteljici, kolegici Creţu, na zanimljivom izvješću o lokalnim vlastima i civilnom društvu u kontekstu razvojne politike Europske unije. Europska unija u kontekstu razvojne politike predstavlja globalnog lidera i zato mi je drago da ste u svojem izvješću naglasili upravo ulogu naših partnera iz nevladinog sektora kao i drugih nedržavnih aktera kojih ima još čitav niz, kao naših pomoćnih agenata u promicanju naših i milenijskih ciljeva zajedno s UN-om, ali i drugih ciljeva razvojne politike Europske unije.

Kada je riječ o lokalnim vlastima, čini mi se posebno bitnim, upravo zato što su one odgovorne i za regionalni razvoj, jer su one najbliže ljudima, jer su bitne za jačanje socijalne kohezije i upravo akteri na lokalnoj razini mogu nam najbolje transponirati one ideje koje imamo unutar Europske unije s našim partnerima na drugim kontinentima kako da ojačaju, rekao bih, strukture društva i na taj način pomognu i njihov razvoj i našu razvojnu politiku.

 
  
 

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, honourable Members, I would like to thank and congratulate Mrs Creţu for the report presented today, as it largely endorses the political vision that the Commission put forward in its two Communications – one being ‘The roots of democracy and sustainable development: Europe’s engagement with Civil Society in external relations’, which was adopted in September 2012, and the second being ‘Empowering local authorities in partner countries for enhanced governance and more effective development outcomes’, adopted in May 2013.

The Commission is committed to promoting a more ambitious partnership with civil society organisations and local authorities. It is with this ambition in mind that roadmaps of engagement with civil society organisations at country level have been proposed. Mrs Creţu’s report shows appreciation for this.

I also welcome the appreciation of this House for the establishment of the Policy Forum on Development, which in the future should become the regular space for exchange between civil society, local authorities and EU institutions.

The promotion of an enabling and conducive environment for both actors is our major policy priority. The report calls on the EU to mainstream it in all instruments. It is our intention to reflect this in the programming of future instruments and in the broader ongoing policy negotiations.

With respect to local authorities, the Council endorsed our Communication in July. An action plan is now being developed to define a coherent set of actions. Support to local authorities will be founded on the pillars of good governance and a territorial approach to development. I am glad to see that the report highlights the territorial approach as a key tool for development.

The report expresses concern about the proposal to limit financial support for direct service delivery only to civil society organisations working in least developed countries and fragile states. While we agree on the necessity to continue supporting social service delivery in the least-developed countries, low-income countries and fragile states, we put emphasis on the role and capacity of the state in middle-income countries to mobilise domestic resources for such purposes.

Finally, I welcome the acknowledgement of the staff working document on Development Education and Awareness Raising (DEAR) in Europe, taking note of the need to develop an overarching European DEAR Strategy.

I also take note of your call for an increase in the financial resources allocated to DEAR, which of course depend on ongoing negotiations. The Commission will seek to integrate the proposals and recommendations as far as possible and will regularly report to Parliament and the other EU institutions.

Once again, thank you for your active contribution to the debate.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Die Aussprache ist geschlossen. Die Abstimmung findet am Dienstag, 22. Oktober 2013, um 11.30 Uhr statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149 GO)

 
  
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  Filip Kaczmarek (PPE), na piśmie. – Władze lokalne i społeczeństwo obywatelskie mogą i powinny bardziej angażować się we współpracę rozwojową. Cieszę się, że Komisja Rozwoju zainicjowała to sprawozdanie. Za miesiąc organizuję w Poznaniu III Wielkopolskie Forum Współpracy Rozwojowej. Muszę przyznać, że nadal stosunkowo niewiele samorządów terytorialnych i lokalnych organizacji pozarządowych realizuje projekty rozwojowe. Jednocześnie potencjał do podejmowania takich działań jest duży. Niektóre z realizowanych już projektów budzą szacunek dzięki swej innowacyjności i skuteczności. Olbrzymim atutem udziału władz lokalnych i małych organizacji pozarządowych w działaniach rozwojowych jest ich zdolność do budowania oddolnego i autentycznego partnerstwa. Władze lokalne, które potrafią przezwyciężyć egoistyczny, zawężający paradygmat pracy wyłącznie na rzecz lokalnej społeczności, mogą zrobić wiele dobrego. Muszą jednak pokonać populistyczne przekonanie, że powinny koncentrować się tylko na sprawach lokalnych.

Argumentów przemawiających za szerszym spojrzeniem na rolę władz lokalnych jest sporo. Część z nich ma charakter moralnego imperatywu, ale są również argumenty bardzo pragmatyczne. Globalizacja dociera przecież na poziom lokalny. Problemy migracyjne, demograficzne, klimatyczne, energetyczne czy ekonomiczne coraz częściej wynikają z tego, co dzieje się bardzo daleko od naszego miejsca zamieszkania. Praca na rzecz zrównoważonego rozwoju w krajach rozwijających się ma zatem wpływ na jakość życia w różnych regionach krajów rozwiniętych. Dlatego warto zachęcać społeczności lokalne do większego zaangażowania w sprawy świata.

 

19. Švietimo persvarstymas (trumpas pristatymas)
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas
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  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die kurze Darstellung des Berichts von Katarína Neveďalová über das Thema „Neue Denkansätze für die Bildung“ (2013/2041(INI)) (A7-0314/2013).

 
  
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  Katarína Neveďalová, spravodajkyňa. − V prvom rade by som sa chcela poďakovať všetkým tieňovým spravodajcom z rôznych politických skupín za cenné príspevky a spoluprácu pri vypracovávaní špeciálnej správy o prehodnotení vzdelávania v našom výbore, koniec koncov niektorí z nich tu aj sedia. Mrzí ma trošku, že tu nie je naša komisárka, pani Vassiliou, ale pravdepodobne má inú prácu.

Verím, že vďaka otvorenej diskusii o vzájomnej spolupráci sa nám podarilo pripraviť naozaj správu, ktorá reflektuje súčasné problémy v oblasti vzdelávania a bude slúžiť ako zdroj inšpirácie pre členské štáty a takisto vzdelávacie inštitúty celej Európskej Únie, a možno aj niekde mimo. Myslím si, že dnes si každý z nás uvedomuje, že situácia mladých ľudí v Európskej Únii je naozaj kritická, a hlavne keď hovoríme o nezamestnanosti. V konečnom dôsledku v júli 2013 sme zaznamenali nezamestnanosť až 23,4 %, čo je vlastne 5,5 milióna mladých ľudí, ale takisto máme veľký počet pracovných miest alebo pracovných miest, v ktorých by sa mohli vlastne títo mladí ľudia nejakým spôsobom uplatniť, ale nemajú zodpovedné vzdelávanie. Myslím si, že ale netreba stále iba hovoriť o tom, aký máme problém, ale treba prísť s konkrétnymi riešeniami. To je koniec koncov aj jedna z našich hlavných úloh, ktorú sme sa snažili v tejto správe reflektovať. Určite túto nezamestnanosť môžeme riešiť dvoma spôsobmi, a to prvý spôsob je ten okamžitý, garancie pre mladých ľudí, ktorú sme my v Európskom parlamente podporili. Ale takisto sa musíme zamyslieť nad dlhodobým riešením tohto problému, a to je práve podľa nášho názoru ako Výboru pre vzdelávanie v reforme vzdelávacieho systému v Európskej únii. Nezameriavali sme sa len na špecifickú úlohu vzdelávania, boj proti nezamestnanosti, ale takisto aj na úlohu vzdelávania ako takého pri príprave jednotlivcov na život, ktoré musí prebiehať súčasne s rozvojom osobných kompetencií a spoločenských postojov. Podporujeme Európsku komisiu v tvrdení, že je nesmierne dôležité identifikovať zručnosti, ktoré mladí ľudia potrebujú, a výzvy pre študentov a ľudí vstupujúcich na pracovný trh. Na druhej strane sme sa však v našej správe usilovali nájsť riešenie, vďaka ktorému jednotlivci zachovávajú nevyhnutnú osobnú a hospodársku nezávislosť. Každá ľudská bytosť má právo na prístup k vzdelaniu. Ak chceme, aby sa stalo toto realitou, musíme dlhodobo a udržateľne investovať do kvalitného vzdelávania. Popritom musíme využiť aj doplnkové nástroje na zvýšenie príležitostí pre osobný blahobyt a rozvoj, a tento aspekt musí byť na úrovni Únie, ako aj vnútroštátnych úrovniach v plnej miere uznaný. Pravé vzdelávacie systémy v krajinách, ktoré majú najnižšiu nezamestnanosť mládeže, považujeme za také vzorové, a to sú konkrétne napríklad krajiny ako Rakúsko a Nemecko, a mali by slúžiť ako príklad, že musíme mať rovnováhu medzi teoretickými znalosťami a takisto praktickými zručnosťami a skúsenosťami, ktoré ľudia počas vzdelávania získajú. Mladí ľudia v Európskej únii dnes vyjdú zo vzdelávacieho procesu, majú veľmi veľa teoretických znalostí, ale majú minimum skúseností, čo je pochopiteľné, ale takisto nemajú možno zručnosti, ktoré by potrebovali pre trh práce. Práve preto vyzdvihujeme už menované duálne systémy vzdelávania, vyzdvihujeme potrebu neformálneho, informálneho vzdelávania a ich uznávanie, takisto prínos dobrovoľníckej práce pre jednotlivca a spoločnosť. Práca v rámci mládežníckych organizácií a absolvovanie kvalitnej, odbornej stáže sú vlastne možnosti, ktoré rozvíjajú zručnosti jednotlivcov a uľahčujú takisto prechod študenta zo školskej lavice na pracovný trh. Vieme už dnes definovať, aké zručnosti – budú to zručnosti budúcnosti, vieme, že sú to jazyky, že sú to informačné, komunikačné technológie, že sú to zručnosti v oblasti zdravotníctva. Takisto poznáme zamestnania, ktoré budeme v budúcnosti potrebovať, a práve preto by sme mali na toto aj upriamiť naše vzdelávacie systémy v Európskej únii. Takisto je ale aj dôležité rozvíjať individuálne, osobné kompetencie, kritické myslenie, tímovú prácu, riešenie problémov, komunikáciu, sebadôveru atď. Sú to dôležité zručnosti, ktoré mladí ľudia môžu potrebovať pre pracovný, ale takisto aj pre súkromný život.

Môžem hovoriť ďalších 10 minút, ale čo je možno dôležité ešte spomenúť v tejto súvislosti, je určite veľmi dôležitý kontext celoživotného vzdelávania, vzdelávania dospelých, ktoré my veľmi podporujeme ako Výbor pre vzdelávanie, a takisto spolupráca so všetkými inštitúciami v oblasti vzdelávania, trhu práce, ale takisto aj neziskového sektora v Európskej únii.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye-Verfahren

 
  
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  Marie-Thérèse Sanchez-Schmid (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, à l'heure où les jeunes Européens cherchent un premier emploi, le bilan de leur insertion professionnelle est alarmant, et l'articulation entre jeunesse et marché du travail fragile et terriblement insuffisante.

Comment permettre à la nouvelle génération de s'épanouir dans un contexte économique difficile et exigeant en travaillant ensemble à la construction d'un système scolaire européen performant? Vingt-trois pour cent de chômeurs de moins de 25 ans et deux millions de postes vacants en Europe: cela montre bien que les différents modèles éducatifs nationaux ne prennent pas assez en compte les exigences, les besoins et l'évolution du monde professionnel.

Les codes ont été bouleversés, ces dernières années. Durant leur vie, les générations futures ne connaîtront plus un seul, mais plusieurs métiers. Mobilité, compétences linguistiques, cadre commun de certification, formation professionnelle, éducation tout au long de la vie, les priorités sont identifiées. Même si l'organisation des programmes éducatifs relève de la compétence des États, l'Europe a un rôle à jouer en leur donnant les outils nécessaires pour qu'ils puissent collaborer ensemble à un avenir commun.

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D). - Senhor Presidente, repensar a educação deve ser encarado como um passo fundamental para a educação dos jovens, fazendo a ligação com o mundo do trabalho e as políticas de emprego, investindo nas competências como caminho essencial para conseguirmos obter melhores resultados económicos e sociais.

O presente reclama que se olhe para a educação com outros horizontes e se assuma com convicção o seu papel determinante na construção de uma sociedade desenvolvida, justa e competitiva como ambicionamos.

Para isso, precisamos de colocá-la no topo das prioridades, de lhe conferir uma visão mais holística, mais ambiciosa e mais assertiva, que ultrapasse definitivamente a torrente de reformas educativas que têm sido feitas com ganhos pouco significativos.

É inadiável definirmos um pacto em torno da educação, desenvolver iniciativas educacionais com profundidade, que, para lá das pressões orçamentais, combatam os problemas de fundo que estão a hipotecar o futuro das nossas sociedades.

 
  
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  Malika Benarab-Attou (Verts/ALE). - Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, ce rapport est pour nous, parlementaires européens, l'occasion de rappeler aux États membres la place et les moyens donnés à l'éducation et à la formation en Europe. Il contient des propositions pertinentes concernant la participation des publics vulnérables au système éducatif. L'acquisition des langues étrangères, la formation des enseignants, mais également des adultes, lesquels restent le parent pauvre du secteur éducatif, avec un taux inférieur à 9 % en Europe.

Ce rapport est également pour nous l'occasion de rappeler l'importance d'une mise en œuvre effective de la garantie "Jeunesse", dont le succès dépend des financements qui lui seront alloués et qui devront être à la hauteur des besoins, ainsi que de la qualité des partenariats qui auront été noués avec le milieu de l'enseignement, les organismes de formation, les services publics de l'emploi et les associations de jeunes.

Je regrette toutefois que la rapporteure ait souhaité mettre l'accent sur l'importance des partenariats public/privé pour la redéfinition du contenu des enseignements. En effet, l'éducation est l'affaire de tous. Nous devrions plutôt encourager la coopération avec les associations, les enseignants, les professionnels et les ...

(Le Président retire la parole à l'orateur)

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR). - Gospodine predsjedavajući, problem nezaposlenosti postaje sve veće opterećenje na nivou Unije, a u nekolicini država članica, među kojima je i Hrvatska, potrebne su opsežne strukturne reforme kako bi se riješilo to goruće pitanje.

Neke od tih reformi vezane su upravo uz obrazovni sustav. Posebno ću naglasiti problem prilagodbe javnih obrazovnih ustanova stvarnim potrebama tržišta rada što dovodi do paradoksa da se javnim novcem proizvode prekobrojni visokokvalificirani kadrovi koje potom država mora uzdržavati jer nisu u mogućnosti pronaći posao u Hrvatskoj, ali ni ući u proces prekvalifikacije.

Iz tog razloga podržavam predloženo uvođenje partnerstva između obrazovnih ustanova i privatnog sektora, no još jednom ću istaknuti da mobilnost na kojoj se inzistira nije rješenje jer će time siromašnije države članice ostati bez stručnjaka i mladog stanovništva. Hrvatska bi tako postala park prirode na rubu Unije, što je nedopustivo.

Držim kako je najbolje rješenje poticanje reformi javnog obrazovnog sustava kako bi isti bio komplementaran s tržištem rada matične države, čime bismo nacionalne stručnjake zadržali u njihovoj domovini.

 
  
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  Zdravka Bušić (PPE). - Gospodine predsjedniče, u potpunosti podržavam ovo izvješće i smatram ga izuzetno važnim ne samo zato jer se u njemu detektiraju problemi s kojima se suočavaju mladi nego i zato što ovo izvješće predlaže konkretne mjere nacionalnim vladama i parlamentima za podizanje standarda mladih kako u obrazovanju tako i u zapošljavanju.

Kao zastupnica iz Hrvatske, a svjesna alarmantne činjenice da je u Hrvatskoj strahovito visok postotak nezaposlenih mladih, naročito pozdravljam napore koje je Odbor za kulturu i obrazovanje uložio u afirmiranju važnosti stažiranja kroz ovo izvješće.

Također pozdravljam da ovo izvješće naglašava važnost profesionalnog usmjeravanja, od iznimne je važnosti da strukturno obrazovanje i ulaganje u iste prilagodimo potrebama tržišta rada, naravno vodeći pri tome brigu na pravo izbora svakoga čovjeka. Ne smije se događati da ljudi s visokom stručnom spremom u koje i država ulaže jako puno godina ne mogu zasnovati radni odnos. Upravo zato treba poticati sustavnu komunikaciju između obrazovnih institucija s jedne i poslodavaca s druge strane.

Konačno, pozdravljam i poglavlja izvješća koja ističu potrebu poticanja istraživanja i znanosti. Investicija u znanost definitivno podrazumijeva gospodarski i svekoliki napredak.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Ich bedaure sehr, wir haben mehr als doppelt so viele Wortmeldungen, als wir Zeit zur Verfügung haben. Ich habe auf Ausgewogenheit geachtet, muss das Catch-the-eye-Verfahren aber jetzt abschließen. Vor allem konnte ich jenen nicht mehr das Wort erteilen, die bereits schon einmal im Catch-the-eye-Verfahren oder sonstwie auf der Rednerliste standen.

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, the Commission welcomes Parliament’s support in recognising the importance of equipping young people with the skills and knowledge they need for the 21st century through an education and training system that delivers learning that is relevant to the labour market. We share a common conviction: the fundamental importance of education and training to the future of Europe, which we see playing a vital role in the Europe 2020 strategy for growth and jobs and in Europe’s recovery.

‘Rethinking Education’ proposes reforms to deliver the right skills for employment, to promote more flexible, accessible and open learning, and to explore new approaches to funding and partnerships. It identifies a limited number of strategic priorities to be addressed by the Member States in order to modernise education and training, alongside new EU actions to leverage national efforts.

Rethinking Education is intended to help Member States to make informed and evidence-based policies, focusing on efficiency and targeting actions where impact is higher. We note with appreciation that the report prepared by Ms Neveďalová addresses the main challenges identified in the Commission communication, expressing strong support for the themes of combating youth unemployment, prioritising investment, the importance of basic and transversal skills, flexible learning pathways – including digital learning and work-based learning – and a positive focus on teachers.

Many of the EU-level actions outlined in Rethinking Education are already moving forward, such as the ‘European Alliance for Apprenticeships’; the recent communication on opening up education through new technologies; and the planned public consultation on the European Area for Skills and Qualifications.

It is important to stress that the new generation of EU funding for 2014-2020 will provide significant opportunities for education and training systems to address the priorities identified in Rethinking Education. The Erasmus+ programme, in particular, will deliver increased funding for the areas of education, training, youth and sport, with a very strong link to the Communication through its emphasis on supporting partnerships, the development of transversal skills and open educational resources.

It is crucial that education and training systems across the EU continue to make the most of all the opportunities available at EU level, such as the European Structural Investment Funds and Erasmus+, to modernise education and training systems and to support the social and economic well-being of learners.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Die Aussprache ist geschlossen. Die Abstimmung findet am Dienstag, 22. Oktober 2013, um 11.30 Uhr statt.

 
  
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  Katarína Neveďalová, rapporteur. − Mr President, I understand that there is a special catch-the-eye procedure. There are several colleagues in this Chamber who are working on the paper, and I would especially like to mention Mrs Hübner, who is the shadow rapporteur. She did not get the chance to speak. I just wanted to point that out.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich bitte da sehr um Nachsicht. Das Catch the eye-Verfahren ist dafür da, dass auch Kolleginnen und Kollegen ganz spontan zu Wort kommen und wir achten darauf – es gibt Kollegen, die melden sich in mehreren Debatten –, dass es sich möglichst ausgewogen zwischen den Nationalitäten, den Fraktionen, aber auch zwischen den einzelnen Kollegen verteilt.

Es gibt auch einige andere, die sich zu Wort gemeldet haben, der Kollege Kelly, der auch ein sehr fleißiger Kollege ist, der immer da ist, ihn habe ich jetzt auch nicht drannehmen können. Ich bitte sehr um Ihr Verständnis.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149 GO)

 
  
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  Kinga Göncz (S&D), írásban Az intelligens, erős és innovatív Európa létrehozása magasabb szintű ismereteket és készségeket követel. Olyan oktatási rendszerre van szükség, amely fejleszti a kreativitást, a kezdeményező- és vállalkozási készséget, elősegíti a transzverzális készségek elsajátítását, ezzel segítve a diákok problémamegoldását és rugalmasságát. A magasabb színvonalú oktatás nem lehet a kiválasztottak privilégiuma, mindenki számára hozzáférhetővé kell tenni. A leszakadást már a kezdetek kezdetén meg kell akadályozni, kiváló minőségű korai oktatási és fejlesztési programokat kell indítani, kivédve ezzel a diákok korai lemorzsolódását és biztosítva az iskolai sikerélményeket. A középiskolai évek alatt is testreszabott támogatást, mentorálást kell biztosítani a különböző oktatási és nevelési igényű diákok, és különösen a kiszolgáltatott társadalmi csoportok tagjai számára. A felsőfokú oktatásban részt vevő fiataloknak ösztöndíjakat és pályázati lehetőségeket, kedvező feltételű diákhiteleket kell nyújtani, valamint elő kell segíteni, hogy a hátrányos helyzetű diákok számára is hozzáférhető legyen az Erasmus program. A tanárokat fel kell készíteni arra, hogy fő célnak a készségek és szakismeretek elsajátítását tekintsék, testre szabott tanítási módszereket biztosítsanak a különböző tanulók számára, ismerjék meg az eltérő kultúrákat, és a tananyagot alakítsák a tanulók számára ismerős kommunikációs és tanulási szokásokhoz. Kérem az Európai Bizottságot, ellenőrizze, hogy e célok elérése érdekében a tagállamok megtették-e az oktatási rendszereik reformjára irányuló szükséges intézkedéseket.

 
  
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  Jan Kozłowski (PPE), na piśmie. – Według komunikatu Komisji w roku 2020 ponad jedna trzecia miejsc pracy w UE będzie wymagała wyższego wykształcenia. Jednakże, jak pokazuje obecna sytuacja młodzieży na rynku pracy, sam dyplom wyższej uczelni nie stanowi gwarancji zatrudnienia. Dlatego zgadzam się ze sprawozdawczynią, że Europa potrzebuje dogłębnych zmian dotyczących wszystkich rodzajów i poziomów edukacji. Systemy kształcenia powinny być bardziej elastyczne oraz skupiać się na rozwoju takich kluczowych umiejętności jak przedsiębiorczość, innowacyjność, kompetencje matematyczne, informatyczne i językowe. Niezbędne jest również partnerskie podejście i ścisła współpraca pomiędzy sektorem kształcenia a biznesem oraz służbami zatrudnienia.

Jestem przekonany, że dostosowanie systemów edukacji do oczekiwań pracodawców pozwoli młodym ludziom na zdobycie odpowiednich umiejętności oraz zwiększy ich szanse na trwałe zatrudnienie. Wykwalifikowani pracownicy powinni stanowić największy kapitał Europy i szansę na trwały wzrost gospodarczy oraz konkurencyjną pozycję na globalnym rynku.

 
  
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  Iosif Matula (PPE), în scris. – Criza economică generează dificultăți majore în statele membre, de la șomaj, la excluziune socială și sărăcie. Cu toate acestea, statisticile relevă că, în anumite sectoare, posturile vacante sunt greu de ocupat, neexistând personal calificat: în comunicații, tehnologia informației sau sectorul asistenței medicale. Este evident decalajul dintre calificările obținute și cerințele reale de pe piața muncii. Pe acest fond, reducerea bugetelor pentru educație vine să înrăutățească lucrurile și șansele de reușită în viață pentru un număr impresionant de tineri europeni. Consider că rolul învățământului trebuie să fie mai cuprinzător, dincolo de obiectivul de a transmite cunoștințe. E nevoie să îi pregătim pe tineri pentru viață, să îi ajutăm să devină cetățeni activi în societate. Reafirm în acest context necesitatea de a moderniza sistemele de educație din statele membre, concomitent cu promovarea mai eficientă a învățământului profesional și tehnic. Susțin dobândirea competențelor antreprenoriale, dar și metodele educaționale alternative: învățarea la locul de muncă, învățarea deschisă, precum și perspectiva unei educații gratuite de calitate pentru persoanele aflate în dificultate. În condițiile resurselor bugetare limitate, atrag atenția asupra posibilităților oferite de Fondul Social European și Fondul de coeziune pentru a sprijini investițiile în educație și formare, în aptitudini și învățare pe tot parcursul vieții.

 
  
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  Olga Sehnalová (S&D), písemně. – Podporuji zprávu Kataríny Neveďalové o přehodnocení vzdělávání, protože zohledňuje také mou výzvu, aby členské státy zabránily poklesu vynakládaných prostředků na podporu zaměstnanosti a vzdělávání mladých lidí. Jsem přesvědčena, že prioritně by za tímto účelem měly být využívány prostředky a nástroje systému záruk. Podpůrně by členské státy měly využívat rovněž prostředků a finančních nástrojů politiky soudržnosti, které by měly směřovat zejména k projektům na podporu zaměstnanosti a vzdělání mladých lidí. Vítám proto také důraz na partnerství, která využijí synergií finančních a lidských zdrojů a napomohou tomu, aby veřejné investice na zaměstnanost a vzdělávání mladých lidí v době úsporných opatření dále neklesaly.

 
  
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  Csaba Sándor Tabajdi (S&D), írásban Az EU történetének legmélyebb válságát éli, amelynek fő vesztesei az európai fiatalok. A gazdasági visszaesés hatására az EU versenyképessége drámai mértékben csökkent. Ennek legjobb fokmérője, hogy míg Japánban 1200, az USA-ban 350, addig a 28 tagú EU-ban csupán 30 szabadalom jut egymillió emberre. Ha a jövőben nem fektetünk nagyobb hangsúlyt az oktatásra, a kutatásra-fejlesztésre, a humánerőforrás-fejlesztésre, végérvényesen le fogunk szakadni a globális versenyben. Európa számára az egyetlen esély a megújulásra, a válságból való kilábalásra a minőségi oktatás, a versenyképes tudás, a kutatás-fejlesztés és több munkahely teremtése. Olyan Európát kell teremtenünk, ahol mindegy, hogy tanyáról, városból, panelházból vagy villából jön egy fiatal, esélyt kell kapjon a tanulásra, önmaga kiteljesítésére. Minden egyes európai fiatalnak lehetőséget kell kapnia arra, hogy képességeihez mérten tanulhasson, dolgozhasson, európai életszínvonalon élhessen. Teljes mértékben egyetértek Nevedalova képviselőtársammal, hogy az európai oktatási rendszert úgy kell átalakítanunk, hogy az a lehető legnagyobb mértékben tükrözze a munkaerő-piaci igényeket. Ha sikeres EU-t és sikeres Magyarországot kívánunk építeni, egyetlen tehetséges fiatalt sem veszíthetünk el. Meg kell teremtenünk annak lehetőségét, hogy minden fiatal többre vihesse, mint szülei, függetlenül attól, hogy milyen társadalmi közegbe született. Ezért kell Európa-szerte, de különösen az Unió szegényebb tagállamaiban tehetségmentő mozgalmakat, középiskolai és egyetemi tehetséggondozó kollégiumokat indítanunk.

 
  
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  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Repensar a educação, sim, mas não desta forma, a fim de legitimar a diminuição do investimento público neste setor, impondo os métodos online e outros semelhantes como norma e solução, e diminuindo, assim, a qualidade da educação. Não repensar a educação para sugerir o endividamento dos estudantes para pôr cobro ao endividamento escolar. Não repensar a educação para a submeter aos interesses do mercado, para que sejam os interesses privados a determinar os currículos e conteúdos escolares. Jamais repensar a educação para a colocar ao serviço do grande capital. Repensar, sim, a educação, para garantir o direito à formação integral do indivíduo, o direito à educação pública, gratuita e de qualidade, com um investimento público e coletivo de todos e para todos.

 

20. ES pasirengimo narystei fondai: teismų sistemos ir kova su korupcija (trumpas pristatymas)
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas
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  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die kurze Darstellung des Berichts von Monica Luisa Macovei über die Bewirtschaftung der Heranführungshilfen der Europäischen Union in den Bereichen Justizwesen und Korruptionsbekämpfung in den Bewerberländern und potenziellen Bewerberländern (2011/2033(INI)) (A7-0318/2013).

 
  
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  Monica Luisa Macovei, Raportoare. − În acest raport am analizat eficienţa folosirii fondurilor de preaderare în două domenii, reforma justiţiei şi lupta împotriva corupţiei, în state candidate şi potenţial candidate la Uniunea Europeană. Este vorba de Albania, Bosnia şi Herţegovina, Croaţia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Serbia şi Turcia.

Ne-am uitat la reformele în justiţie şi cele privind combaterea corupţiei, pentru că acestea alcătuiesc esenţa statului de drept, iar statul de drept este baza unei democraţii şi este condiţia esenţială pentru o economie de piaţă funcţională. Sistemul judiciar trebuie să fie complet independent, previzibil, eficient şi corect, pentru a garanta că oamenii şi comunitatea de afaceri au încredere în justiţie. Acolo unde justiţia nu merge, nimic nu merge.

Ţările candidate şi potenţial candidate la Uniune trebuie să facă mai multe lucruri. O să enumăr câteva dintre ele în ceea ce priveşte reforma justiţiei şi, mai ales, previzibilitatea justiţiei, foarte importantă pentru investitori şi mediul de afaceri:

- trebuie să asigure judecarea proceselor într-un timp scurt;

- trebuie să unifice jurisprudenţa, pentru că justiţia şi aplicarea legii nu sunt o loterie, în funcţie de judecătorul la care ajunge dosarul tău;

- trebuie să introducă o distribuţie aleatorie a cazurilor în toate instanţele de judecată, astfel încât să poată fi evitate aranjamentele;

- trebuie să publice toate deciziile judecătoreşti imediat după adoptare, şi nu după câţiva ani;

- trebuie să prezinte, în ceea ce priveşte lupta împotriva fraudei şi corupţiei, cazuri şi rezultate concrete ale anchetelor şi ale deciziilor judecătoreşti.

Ţările candidate şi potenţial candidate trebuie să demonstreze că sunt pregătite să îşi asume responsabilităţile acestui statut de membru al Uniunii. Asta înseamnă că reformele judiciare şi combaterea corupţiei trebuie să fie completate până la data aderării şi toate măsurile implementate. Sigur că dorim ca acestea să fie implementate în mod ireversibil. De aceea capitolele „justiţie” şi „anticorupţie” se deschid acum, primele, pentru că şi Uniunea Europeană a ajuns la concluzia că acestea sunt vitale şi sunt şi cele mai grele.

În prezent, regret că în cele mai multe din aceste ţări există o lipsă de voinţă politică majoritară pentru a pune în practică schimbări reale în combaterea corupţiei şi a crimei organizate şi pentru un sistem judiciar complet independent şi eficient.

De asemenea, regret că nivelul de asistenţă preaderare investit în reforma judiciară şi măsurile anticorupţie nu reflectă priorităţile stabilite chiar de Comisia Europeană. De exemplu, între 2007 şi 2012, 274 de milioane de euro au fost investite în reforma judiciară şi aproximativ 51 de milioane pentru lupta împotriva corupţiei în toate acele state. Dacă comparăm cu întregul buget de preaderare în toate domeniile, ele reprezintă numai 3,13% în ceea ce priveşte justiţia şi numai 0,52% în ceea ce priveşte anticorupţia. Evident că aceste sume nu sunt suficiente. De aceea cer modificări substanţiale în aceste sectoare în bugetul IPA II. Aceste investiţii vor influenţa în mod pozitiv şi celelalte sectoare şi, repet, şi competitivitatea şi piaţa economică.

Fiecare proiect de preaderare se bazează pe o fişă care prezintă obiective generale, specifice, activităţile concrete, durata, costurile şi indicatorii pe baza cărora se măsoară reuşita proiectelor. Indicatorii nu sunt întotdeauna clari şi de aceea cer Comisiei să continue să detalieze aceşti indicatori, pentru că altfel nu putem evalua în mod amănunţit eficienţa proiectelor.

Doar câteva cuvinte în final. Mă bucură angajamentul Comisiei de a participa la iniţiativa internaţională privind...

(Vorbitorul a fost întrerupt de Președinte)

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye-Verfahren

Der Präsident. – Vorhin habe ich gesagt, dass ich auswählen musste und auch auf Ausgewogenheit geachtet habe. Diesmal haben wir die Wortmeldungen nicht überschritten, und es ist auch national nicht ausgewogen. Jetzt haben unsere neuen Kollegen aus Kroatien ausschließlich das Wort und am Schluss nochmals Herr Kommissar Mimica.

 
  
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  Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). - Gospodine predsjedniče, ovo izvješće kolegice Macovei u svojim glavnim porukama slijedi novi pristup u politici proširenja, po kojemu se upravo poglavlja o pravosuđu prva otvaraju u pristupnim pregovorima. Mislim da, iako možda Hrvatska više ne pripada ovakvom načinu izvješćivanja, ali doista iskustva Hrvatske u ovom pogledu potvrđuju opravdanost takvog jednog novog pristupa zbog važnosti reforme pravosuđa.

Kolegica Macovei je u izvješću potvrdila također i niz drugih pitanja, od političkog kadroviranja u javnoj upravi i u javnim poduzećima do samih korjena organiziranog kriminala u zemljama jugoistočne Europe. Ona je to i povezala, odnosno uspostavila vezu između politike i kriminala još iz doba ratova, odnosno agresije Slobodana Miloševića protiv Slovenije, Hrvatske, BiH, Kosova, ali naravno tu je i veza između politike i kriminala koja seže dublje, još iz struktura iz bivšeg jugoslavenskog sustava. Zato je bitno da se ove zemlje suoče s tim i da doista reforma pravosuđa oživi u svim kandidatima, da mogu (govor prekinut).

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR). - Gospodine predsjedniče, (izvan mikrofona) Hrvatske pred koju su u procesu pristupanja stavljeni dosad najstroži zahtjevi, svjesna sam složenosti tog procesa, kako za vladu, državni aparat i građane država kandidatkinja koji reforme moraju prihvatiti i provesti, tako i za Uniju koja ih mora pokrenuti i nadgledati.

Unatoč impozantnom broju projekata koje je Unija pokrenula u državama kandidatkinjama i potencijalnim kandidatkinjama, smatram kako prečesto zaboravljamo političku volju kao glavnu zapreku ka implementaciji dogovorenih reformi. Stoga mi je posebno drago da izvjestiteljica prepoznaje ovaj problem i predlaže strožu i vjerodostojniju procjenu rezultata postignutih sredstvima Unije.

Dijelim zabrinutost zbog političkih imenovanja u upravne odbore poduzeća u Hrvatskoj. Smatram kako takva praksa nije samo protivna načelima Unije, već je iznimno štetna za građane Hrvatske iz čijih se đepova krpaju financijske rupe u javnim poduzećima nastale upravo lošim gospodarenjem od strane podobnih i nedovoljno sposobnih ekspozitura političkog establišmenta.

 
  
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  Andrej Plenković (PPE). - Gospodine predsjedavajući, hvala na uviđavnosti da ste tolerantni prema našem aktivizmu i moram priznati da je simpatično biti u Europskom parlamentu gdje nam je povjerenik iz Hrvatske i svi zastupnici koji su tu osim kolegice Macovei i Vas praktički su iz Hrvatske.

Važna tema, imam samo tri točke koje mi se čine bitnim, mislim da je dobro da je kolegica Macovei stavila u fokus za IPU II da se sredstva za reformu pravosuđa, za borbu protiv korupcije alociraju u većem iznosu. Iskustvo Hrvatske iz pristupnih pregovora govori da je snažan politički angažman na suzbijanju korupcije organiziranog kriminala bio ključan i za zatvaranje pregovora, ali i za promjenu mentaliteta u društvu. To je bilo ključno u našem kontekstu tranzicije.

Također smatram da je jako dobro da je Europska komisija naučila lekcije i da će u budućim pristupnim pregovorima poglavlja o pravosuđu biti otvorena na samom početku, a ne na kraju i to će dovesti do bolje pripremljenosti budućih članica Unije u članstvo.

 
  
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  Ivana Maletić (PPE). - Gospodine predsjedavajući, evo nakon mojih kolega, ono što bih htjela posebno istaknuti je da za sveobuhvatnu analizu i usporedbu među državama vezano uz ulaganje u ova dva važna područja reforme pravosudnog sustava i borbu protiv korupcije moramo uzeti u obzir sve izvore financiranja, što pokazuje primjer Republike Hrvatske jer smo mi osim sredstava IPE ulagali značajna sredstva iz državnog proračuna, a isto tako i iz drugih izvora financiranja za ova dva važna prioriteta.

Zbog toga pozdravljam promjene koje se događaju na razini IPA regulative, IPA II regulativa u biti polazi od sektorskog pristupa i pokušava pratiti kompletna ulaganja na razini pojedinog sektora, na razini pojedinog područja i to je ono što je ključno za kvalitetnu usporedbu, praćenje i analiza.

Izvještaj pozdravljam zato što potiče razvoj mjera kojima se poboljšava transparentnost, ulaganje i aktivnosti u državama kandidatkinjama i drugim korisnicima IPA sredstava.

 
  
 

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, the Commission thanks Parliament and, in particular, Mrs Macovei for the report on budgetary management of European Union pre-accession funds in the areas of judicial systems and the fight against corruption in the candidate and potential candidate countries. The Commission is grateful for the attention paid to financial assistance in the area of the rule of law in the enlargement countries and agrees with the importance attached to these areas.

This report sheds additional light on these key priorities in the accession process. The Commission would like to underline the very good cooperation with the rapporteur and the high quality of the report, which was adopted unanimously in the Committee on Budgetary Control.

As the report mentions, the launch of the ‘New Approach’, endorsed by the Council, sets a new negotiation framework for enlargement countries, focused on the rule of law, with the early opening of Chapter 23 on judiciary and fundamental rights and Chapter 24 on justice, freedom and security. These chapters are now among the first to be opened and the last to be closed, once a solid track record of reform implementation has been achieved. This approach is now being applied with Montenegro and will serve as guidance for future programming in the time frame 2014 to 2020.

The report also reflects the fact that reform in these areas has a real impact when there is genuine political will and implementation. Our support is therefore not only limited to pre-accession assistance, but is also addressed by our policies and country-specific approaches, such as structured political dialogues on the rule of law. In addition, our commitment is channelled through the EULEX Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo. As regards implementation, training is a core component of EU pre-accession assistance, and approximately one third of TAIEX (the Technical Assistance and Information Exchange instrument) covers these areas.

Let me conclude by repeating that the Commission has put the rule of law at the centre of its enlargement policy. In the last few years, we have witnessed considerable progress in these areas in many of the accession countries, while acknowledging that it remains an area where continuous attention is needed.

In this regard, the Commission’s proposal for the new IPA II regulation takes into account many of the lessons learnt in the course of implementing the IPA I regulation, notably in the areas addressed by the report, with the implementation of the sector approach, including consistent monitoring and reporting. Moreover, the proposal for IPA II foresees a long-term, strategic perspective which prioritises the rule of law.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet am Dienstag, 22.  Oktober 2013, um 11.30 Uhr statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149 GO)

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Σταυρακάκης (S&D), γραπτώς.– Η ύπαρξη ενός ισχυρού και ανεξάρτητου δικαστικού συστήματος αποτελεί έναν από τους πυλώνες του δημοκρατικού πολιτεύματος. Γι αυτό τον λόγο, η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή στο πλαίσιο της πολιτικής διεύρυνσης αντιμετωπίζει πλέον τις μεταρρυθμίσεις στους τομείς δικαιοσύνης και εσωτερικών υποθέσεων κατά τη διαδικασία ένταξης μέσω μιας νέας διαπραγματευτικής μεθοδολογίας, που περικλείει σαφές προτεραιότητες και κριτήρια στα ενταξιακά κεφάλαια Δικαιοσύνης και Θεμελιωδών Δικαιωμάτων και Δικαιοσύνης, Ελευθερίας και Ασφάλειας. Επίσης, η στήριξη που προσφέρει στους συγκεκριμένους τομείς, μέσω των πόρων του Μηχανισμού Προ-ενταξιακής Βοήθειας είναι ιδιαιτέρως σημαντική και γι αυτό τον λόγο εξάλλου κρίνεται απαραίτητη η χρηστή δημοσιονομική διαχείριση της. Ωστόσο, για να ενισχυθεί το κράτος δίκαιου και για να αντιμετωπιστούν πρακτικές διαφθοράς, το μερίδιο της συνολικής χρηματοδότησης δεν θα πρέπει να αποτελεί τo μόνο κριτήριο της αποτελεσματικότητας των προσπαθειών της ΕΕ. Για παράδειγμα, η συμβολή του μέσου TAIEX (τεχνική βοήθεια και ανταλλαγή πληροφοριών) της Ευρωπαϊκής Πολιτικής Γειτονίας είναι ουσιώδης για την υποστήριξη των νομοθετικών μεταρρυθμίσεων. Το συμπέρασμα στο οποίο οφείλουμε να καταλήξουμε είναι ότι Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή και υποψήφιες και δυνάμει υποψήφιες χώρες οφείλουν να εντείνουν τις προσπάθειές για την ενίσχυση των δικαστικών συστημάτων τους και για την καταπολέμηση της διαφθοράς.

 

21. Kito posėdžio darbotvarkė (žr. protokola)
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas

22. Posėdžio pabaiga
Kalbų vaizdo įrašas
 

(Die Sitzung wird um 22.45 Uhr geschlossen)

 
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