Stenograma dezbaterilor

Marţi, 22 octombrie 2013 - Strasbourg

17. Politica europeană de vecinătate, spre o consolidare a parteneriatului: poziţia PE referitoare la rapoartele intermediare de activitate pentru 2012 (dezbatere)

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Kommission zum Thema Europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik – Arbeiten in Richtung auf eine stärkere Partnerschaft: Standpunkt des EP zu den Fortschrittsberichten 2012 (2013/2621(RSP)).

  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, I welcome the European Parliament resolution on the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) package of 2013 and the fact that it reacts to all our individual country reports.

I share the thrust of the resolution, including the emphasis on the importance of implementation for the success of the policy, the overriding principle of democracy, rule of law and human rights, and the need to apply the principle of differentiation and ‘more-for-more’, taking into account the specificity of each of our partners, the progress made in their reform efforts and their different levels of ambition to engage with the European Union.

I note your wish to be fully associated in the implementation of the ENP and to be regularly informed about developments. I appreciate the cooperation and coordination we have on all areas of the ENP, and I am personally committed to its continuation. Strengthening the parliamentary dimensions of the ENP is a key priority, and I encourage this House to strengthen relations with our partners’ parliaments.

We are at an important – even critical – moment in the implementation of the ENP. Its success depends largely on the willingness and ability of each country to clearly define and assume the ownership of reforms. European Union policies can support but not replace this process. We also have to recognise that partners’ ability to stick to their reform commitments can be compromised by external forces. Let me specifically underline the impact the conflict in Syria has on Lebanon or Jordan. In such – but also in other – situations our partners need even stronger support from the European Union.

But in a spirit of mutual accountability, we have to acknowledge that the success of the ENP also depends on our own actions. In times of crisis, our policies may sometimes seem to be slow or not focused enough on short-term needs. We need to reflect on how to address this, and on how we can use all the instruments at the European Union’s disposal to respond to the challenges in our neighbourhood. We – the European Union institutions and our Member States – have to stick to our side of the bargain. We have to deliver on political engagement, improved access to our market, better mobility for people and strong and consistent support for reforms.

As regards the Eastern Partnership, achieving a significant package of deliverables at Vilnius will create the right conditions to maintain dynamism in the next phase. The major challenges ahead will be, first, implementation of the new agreements, making the process of political association and economic integration irreversible and unlocking the full potential of relationships with the European Union; and second, shaping our relations with all six partners on the basis of our values and principles.

Let me be clear that these decisions on Association Agreements are sovereign decisions of those countries. Let me also be clear that they are not about passing sovereignty to Brussels. On the contrary, they are about strengthening their sovereignty by empowering these countries and using the Association Agreement as a vehicle for introducing European values.

Many of our southern neighbours are at a crucial phase in their struggle for democracy. Conflicts and fragile security situations are threatening achievements already made and hindering reforms. But now is not the time to disengage. As recent events in the Mediterranean Sea have demonstrated, we have an interest in strengthening dialogue and cooperation. And we must continue with the implementation of our offer of more intense people-to-people contacts, easier mobility and gradual economic integration.

The focus should not be limited to supporting individual partners. Regional dialogue and cooperation in the Mediterranean region remains as important as ever. It is important for building trust and contributing to finding a solution to the region’s protracted conflicts, and it is important for building concrete projects and concrete solidarity among the people. This is why I am encouraged about the recent Ministerial conference on the role of women in the context of the Union for the Mediterranean, and about the other ministerial meetings that will soon take place, notably on energy and transport. And I am also encouraged that the Maghreb Foreign Ministers have shown interest in strengthening their own cooperation and integration, building on our European experience.

In the Mediterranean as in our Eastern Neighbourhood, stronger multilateral cooperation among the partners should be part and parcel of the overall transformation and modernisation process promoted by the ENP. Together with genuine differentiation among our neighbours, it is key to building the area of peace and prosperity that will fulfil citizens’ aspirations for a dignified life.

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. ROBERTA ANGELILLI
Vicepresidente

  Jacek Saryusz-Wolski, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, three years before the Eastern Partnership as such was created in this House, the idea was launched to have a multilateral parliamentary dimension for our individual eastern neighbours. This led to the creation of Euronest.

My report is an assessment of the state of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) project; it is an assessment, both positive and critical, on EU performance and on our eastern partners. It is also an assessment carried out on a country-by-country basis.

Our vote on the report tomorrow will be the expression of Parliament’s position on the EaP before the forthcoming Vilnius Summit. It is therefore important to send a strong message that we are taking decisions which will impart great leverage for the future of the Eastern Partnership, because today the picture is very mixed and blurred.

We are facing a two-speed – if not multi-speed – integration perspective. In reality the train towards Vilnius is starting to move, but some cars have already left the platform, some have detached themselves at the last minute and some are, at best, unsure as to which direction they want to travel in, or whether they want to go the other way.

The European Parliament will persist in its expectation that necessary and clearly-formulated conditions must be fulfilled before Association Agreements (AA) can be finalised and can enter into force. Those who might sign an AA will have to implement it in a committed way. Those who might initial it need to follow the reform path before signing is possible.

The outstanding problems are the rule of law and the state of democracy, including electoral systems and judiciary systems and selective justice, and all of these are receiving Parliament’s full attention. Our systems and political values cannot be aligned without solving these problems.

We as a Parliament also express strong opposition to Russia’s pressure aimed at deterring those countries from associating with the Union. But this pressure, paradoxically, has borne a new dynamic. The EU should show support and solidarity to its partner countries. We need an incentive-based, differentiated approach based on a more-for-more and less-for-less principle.

Ukraine will be decisive for the shape of the Eastern Partnership because of the President and because of the size and importance of the country. We as a Parliament say in this report that we conditionally support the signing in Vilnius. We conditionally support the provisional application afterwards, and we express our intention to ratify as soon as possible within the mandate of this Parliament.

The fate of the Association Agreement – the first one to be signed – is now in the hands of the President of Ukraine, who must deliver on commitments that will pave the way for – we hope – the successful continuation of the association process and the Eastern Partnership as such in future.

  Pier Antonio Panzeri, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la proposta di risoluzione che, insieme all'onorevole Saryusz-Wolski abbiamo presentato, è un punto equilibrato e pone le basi per un lavoro comune tra Parlamento europeo e Commissione europea – che ci auguriamo sia realizzato concretamente – e soprattutto cerca di indicare gli ambiti nei quali innovare la politica europea di vicinato, superando limiti ed errori del passato.

Che vi sia la necessità di un'inversione di tendenza è imposto dai fatti e dai grandi cambiamenti e problemi che stanno coinvolgendo tanti paesi sia nella dimensione orientale sia, soprattutto, in quella meridionale. Abbiamo scelto come linee fondamentali della politica di vicinato quelle di costruire e consolidare democrazie sane per seguire una crescita economica sostenibile, definire e allargare la sfera dei diritti e gestire i legami transfrontalieri.

Queste linee fondamentali devono essere perseguite sempre con forza e determinazione. Ciò significa un impegno vero da parte dei governi a favore di elezioni libere ed eque ovunque, della libertà di associazione, di espressione e di riunione, nonché una stampa e mezzi d'informazione liberi, di uno Stato di diritto amministrato da una magistratura indipendente e dal diritto a un giusto processo e, infine, dagli sforzi volti a contrastare la corruzione. In sostanza, la necessità in tanti paesi di raggiungere l'obiettivo di riforme democratiche.

Signor Commissario, per realizzare tutto ciò è necessario rafforzare l'applicazione del principio "maggiori progressi, maggiori aiuti" e promuoverlo attraverso una concorrenza e una cooperazione positiva tra i paesi partner.

È necessario inoltre incoraggiare i cittadini a promuovere i valori universali su cui si fonda la stessa Unione europea. Particolarmente poi per la dimensione meridionale, come Lei ricordava, occorre favorire e accompagnare un processo d'integrazione regionale perché può rappresentare un'opportunità essenziale per creare le condizioni di sviluppo e crescita di questi paesi.

Infine, adottare una nuova politica della mobilità, anche con una nuova politica dei visti che governi, da un lato, l'immigrazione regolare rispondendo così anche ai problemi che mostra di avere l'Europa nel suo trend demografico e, dall'altro, favorisca un tipo di mobilità circolare che aiuti tanti ragazzi e tante ragazze a studiare e apprendere professionalmente nei nostri paesi per poi tornare nei loro rispettivi paesi per contribuire ai processi di sviluppo e modernizzazione.

Insomma, va inaugurata una più incisiva politica europea di vicinato, che tenga insieme dimensione orientale e meridionale, evitando contrapposizioni che tanti danni hanno creato nel passato e dedicando adesso una congrua linea di bilancio, capace di rispondere alle aspettative e ai bisogni esistenti.

Per questo occorre un po' di coraggio in più, una giusta ambizione e la consapevolezza che una rinnovata politica di vicinato può davvero contribuire a un credibile salto di qualità dell'azione politica di dialogo e di cooperazione dell'Unione europea.

  Anneli Jäätteenmäki, ALDE-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, Vilnan huippukokouksen edellä EU:n itäisen kumppanuuden nykytila herättää enemmän kysymyksiä kuin vastauksia. Varmaa on vain se, että jokainen kumppanimaa joutuu määrittämään ja haluaa itse määrittää kunnianhimonsa tason ja tavoitteensa.

Kumppanimaiden intressit EU-kumppanuuden suhteen eivät ole yhtenäiset vaan vahvasti eriytyneitä, mikä on ymmärrettävää. Jokaisella maalla on oma historiansa, kulttuurinsa sekä maantieteelliset ja poliittiset realiteettinsa. EU:n pitää kohdella jokaista kumppanimaata omana tapauksenaan, mutta EU:n standardit eivät voi vaihdella eri maiden kohdalla. Kohtelun tulee olla tasapuolista, ja EU:n – kuten myös Euroopan parlamentin – on vältettävä kaksinaismoralismia.

Itäinen kumppanuus ei ole prosessi itsensä prosessin takia, vaan EU:n ja sen kumppanimaiden on osattava yhdessä asettaa tavoitteet, joihin sitten yhdessä sitoudutaan ja jotka toteutetaan. Sitoutumisen pitää olla molemminpuolista, ja sitoutumisesta pitää palkita ja laiminlyönnistä taas ei.

Venäjä jatkaa vahvana toimijana, ja Euraasian tulliliitto on joillekin itäisille kumppanimaille luonteva vaihtoehto. Tätäkin vaihtoehtoa EU:n pitää kunnioittaa, mikäli kumppanimaa siihen päätyy. Ja yhteistyö Venäjän kanssa ei sulje pois yhteistyötä EU:n kanssa.

Peräänkuulutan EU:lle johdonmukaista politiikkaa, politiikkaa, jossa myös ihmisoikeuksilla ja oikeusvaltioperiaatteella on hyvin keskeinen asema, EU:n arvot tulevat tietysti ilmi EU:n keskusteluissa ja päätöksenteossa.

  Werner Schulz, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, meine Damen und Herren! Die Europäische Union ist und bleibt eine Wirtschafts- und Wertegemeinschaft, und alle Staaten, die bisher der EU beigetreten sind oder partnerschaftlich kooperieren, haben dies mit Gewinn für ihre demokratische Entwicklung und den Lebensstandard ihres Landes nachhaltig erlebt.

Unter dem Eindruck des Arabischen Frühlings und den Protesten gegen autokratische Tendenzen im Osten Europas hat sich die EU-Nachbarschaftspolitik stärker auf die Demokratieentwicklung und Förderung der Zivilgesellschaft konzentriert, wissen wir doch, dass die Zivilgesellschaft keine Grenzen kennt und bei der Vermittlung von Werten, der Lösung schwieriger Konflikte und letztlich dem friedlichen Zusammenleben von Völkern eine wichtige Rolle spielt.

Deswegen ist es entscheidend, dass der oft gepriesene Ansatz des more for more mit aller Konsequenz angewendet wird. Obwohl wir mit der Ukraine in dieser Beziehung schon sehr weit gekommen sind und ein fertiges Assoziierungsabkommen vorliegt, herrscht nach wie vor selektive Justiz. Das zeigt der Fall Julia Timoschenko. Es ist der Lackmustest, ob die Führung des Landes wirklich zu den Normen des Rechtsstaates steht. Präsident Janukowitsch hat alle Optionen auf dem Tisch, er braucht nicht das Parlament, wie jetzt angekündigt, das Gnadengesuch der Emissäre Cox und Kwasniewski liegt vor. Der Präsident kann genauso wie im Fall des inhaftierten Innenministers Luzenko verfahren.

Die EU darf sich nicht auf weitere Spielchen einlassen. Präsident Janukowitsch muss alle Vorbedingungen für die Unterzeichnung des Abkommens vor dem Gipfel in Vilnius erfüllen. Wie sehr die fragile Zivilgesellschaft in den östlichen Nachbarstaaten auf die Hilfe und die Unterstützung der EU angewiesen ist, zeigt der unverblümte Druck, den Russland auf diese souveränen Staaten ausübt. Offenbar hat sich Präsident Putin mit der angestrebten Eurasischen Union die Reintegration der früheren Sowjetrepubliken vorgenommen, um seinen Phantomschmerz über die Auflösung der Sowjetunion zu lindern.

Inzwischen artet das in einen aggressiven Handelskrieg aus, den die EU im Rahmen der WTO in der vorliegenden Regelverletzung schleunigst unterbinden sollte. Russland muss lernen, dass die Zeit der imperialen Großmachtpolitik vorbei ist und sich die Beziehungen nur noch partnerschaftlich gestalten lassen.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, the latest European Neighbourhood Policy report is largely to be welcomed, although each year it becomes more apparent how difficult it is to harmonise a strategy for such different countries, particularly with the combination of both the Southern and Eastern Partnership.

Ten years ago, I was rapporteur in this Parliament when the five countries of the East had a certain cohesion, but now even there we see the effects of competing interests and new Russian pressure, particularly when it comes to Armenia and, potentially, Moldova. So we need to focus on saving the big fish, namely Ukraine and Georgia. We naturally welcome President Yanukovych’s moves to sign the DCFTA and Association Agreement in Vilnius next month, together with the real efforts he has shown to resolve the thorny issue of Yulia Tymoshenko’s incarceration under selective justice by letting her seek medical treatment in Germany.

As for Armenia, a country dear to my heart, we naturally regret its move to join the Eurasian Customs Union with Russia, but we can still cooperate with that country on a whole range of issues, from visa liberalisation to culture and tourism outside the formal DCFTA mechanisms. Indeed, we must redouble our efforts to build relationships and cooperation with all the countries of the Southern and Eastern Partnerships, irrespective of Vilnius. Lastly, on the question of Armenia, which I am visiting shortly, I hope that they will be present at a high level of their own government at Vilnius, even if the DCFTA and Association Agreement is sadly no longer on the table.

  Willy Meyer, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señora Presidenta, señor Comisario, seguimos teniendo un problema de credibilidad. Por muchas declaraciones que usted haga en relación con imbricar, con relacionar directamente nuestra política de vecindad con los derechos humanos, la práctica es desoladora.

Me voy a referir a una parte del sur del Mediterráneo. Ya no voy a hablar de la Primavera Árabe, de la que ya hemos hablado y hemos criticado hasta qué punto fuimos ajenos al dolor que se estaba produciendo porque mantuvimos intactos los acuerdos de asociación.

Me voy a referir a Israel y a Marruecos. Tenemos acuerdos de asociación. En el caso de Marruecos, un estatuto avanzado. El Enviado especial de las Naciones Unidas, Christopher Ross, ha estado recientemente en la zona ocupada del Sáhara Occidental, los días 18, 19 y 20, en El Aaiún y en Smara. La gente ocupada ha salido a defender su derecho legítimo a la autodeterminación, para exigir un referéndum. Ha sido reprimida. Cientos de heridos, detenidos, entre ellos un dirigente de derechos humanos, Brahim Dahane, y yo estoy seguro de que no va a pasar nada, a pesar del enunciado que dice que hay condicionar los acuerdos de vecindad a los derechos humanos.

Un derecho fundamental: el derecho a la descolonización. Se trata del último territorio de África pendiente de descolonización, respecto del que los europeos tenemos mucho que decir, por el dolor que causamos en el continente africano. Y, sin embargo, ni siquiera se exige que se cumpla el derecho de autodeterminación.

Bien, yo soy muy escéptico, ¿qué quiere que le diga?

  Νικόλαος Σαλαβράκος, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας EFD. – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, όπως φαίνεται, το μέλλον μας επιφυλάσσει ακόμη μεγαλύτερες προκλήσεις σε μία διευρυμένη περιφέρεια που εκτείνεται, από το υπογάστριο της Ρωσίας μέχρι το αφρικανικό υπογάστριο της Μεσογείου, σε 17 χώρες. Το χαμηλό βιοτικό επίπεδο στο μεγαλύτερο μέρος των χωρών αυτών, οι τοπικοί εθνικισμοί και οι εξαρτήσεις από παλαιές συμμαχίες, η ημιτελής ‘αραβική άνοιξη’ και τα φαινόμενα που αυτή έχει γεννήσει, η παρατεταμένη κρίση στη Συρία, τα πρόσφατα ευρήματα υδρογονανθράκων στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο, το Παλαιστινιακό που έχει μπει σε μία νέα φάση και το πρόβλημα της μετακίνησης πληθυσμών – έτσι θα το πω – κυρίως όμως η ανεργία, η οποία εκτείνεται και στην περιοχή της Ευρώπης και στις περιοχές αυτές, είναι μόνο ορισμένες από τις παραμέτρους που θα καθορίσουν και θα ανακαθορίσουν τις εξελίξεις εφέτος. Σε πολλές από τις γειτονικές χώρες, η μεν Ευρώπη δεν έχει την αίγλη και την επιρροή που είχε κάποτε, οι δε Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες δεν έχουν απεμπολήσει το ειδικό τους ενδιαφέρον, το ίδιο δε συμβαίνει με τη Ρωσία.

Η σύνοδος του Βίλνιους δεν πρέπει να πάει χαμένη. Είναι μία ευκαιρία για να προχωρήσουν οι εμπορικές σχέσεις και η οικονομική ολοκλήρωση με τις χώρες της Ανατολικής Εταιρικής Διάστασης που δέχονται ισχυρές πιέσεις από τη Ρωσία και είναι μία ευκαιρία για να διασφαλίσουμε μία καλή σχέση με τις χώρες αυτές.

  Димитър Стоянов (NI). - Г-н Танък каза, че е много жалко, че Армения е отишла в митническия съюз заедно с Русия и това действително е така. Но задаваме ли си въпроса защо се получи така? Че Армения е една страна, която вече цяло десетилетие е под блокада от своите съседи – блокирана е от Турция, блокирана е от Азербайджан, блокирана е от Грузия. И колко пъти това е било казано тук в тази зала ясно и е бил приеман документ по този въпрос? Освен себе си, много малко други хора съм чувал да изтъкват този много сериозен проблем. И съвсем естествено, след като ние не подадохме ръка на Армения, тя отиде там, където вижда по-добре защитени своите интереси. По същия начин стои въпросът с Украйна. Докато ние представяме някакви смешни и нереални изисквания и условия към тази страна, тя естествено ще дърпа към Русия, с която има религиозни, културологични, исторически връзки, които продължават много по-назад във времето, отколкото тези в западна посока. Просто искам да ви кажа, че не мога да разбера докога ще се отнасяме към страни от Африка и от Азия по-добре, отколкото с тези, които са ни най-близки, европейски, християнски държави. Ако продължава този двоен стандарт, естествено те ще бягат от нас.

  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra (PPE). - Señora Presidenta, señor Comisario, Señorías, tras felicitar a los ponentes me gustaría recordar que los objetivos de la política europea de vecindad tienen que traducirse en mayores cotas de democracia, de progreso y de estabilidad en los países de nuestro entorno más próximo.

Esta mañana hemos celebrado el debate presupuestario y hemos constatado con preocupación la reducción de las cantidades asignadas en el presupuesto del año 2014 a la política de vecindad, y ello en un momento en el que vamos a celebrar la Cumbre de Vilna. Señor Comisario, me gustaría recalcarle que todos los grupos políticos de este Parlamento, y, por supuesto, el mío, desean que esta Cumbre sea un éxito y me gustaría saber, en lo que se refiere a la firma del Acuerdo de Asociación con Ucrania, si en estos momentos, después de la declaración del Presidente de este país, se han podido realizar progresos.

En lo que se refiere a la vecindad sur, yo creo que hemos realizado ejercicios exitosos, como las task forces de Túnez, de Egipto y de Jordania; en el caso de Egipto se ha malogrado por causas ajenas a la voluntad de la Unión Europea. Pero sería útil que pudiese presentar a esta Cámara una visión sobre las posibilidades que va a comportar la celebración de la Cumbre de Ginebra II en relación con el caso de Siria, la reciente visita de su colega, la señora Ashton, a Egipto y las perspectivas que presenta el proceso de reanudación de negociaciones de paz en Oriente Próximo.

Yo creo, señor Comisario, que no debemos perder la perspectiva y tenemos que proceder a hacer una evaluación y controles adecuados en lo que se refiere a la consecución de los objetivos que pretendemos con nuestra política de vecindad, para que los esfuerzos que la Unión Europea realiza, no solo económicos, no solo financieros, no solo comerciales, sino en todos los aspectos, se traduzcan —como decía al principio de mi intervención— en mayores cotas de democracia, en mayores cotas de estabilidad y en mayores cotas de progreso para los países de nuestro entorno más próximo.

  Marek Siwiec (S&D). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Dwa lata temu świat wyglądał dużo prościej, dużo łatwiej. Wydawało się, że polityka sąsiedztwa, ta skierowana na południe i ta skierowana na wschód, ma dobrą perspektywę. Przyszedł taki moment, że trzeba wspomnieć autorów tej polityki, zwłaszcza w wymiarze wschodnim: Polskę i Szwecję oraz ministrów spraw zagranicznych, którzy zdefiniowali tę politykę. Trzeba wspomnieć również tandem, który przez ostatnie dwa lata ją realizował: panią Ashton i pana komisarza Füllego. To była polityka spójna i konsekwentna. Dzisiaj mamy trzy umowy stowarzyszeniowe na stole, mamy szklankę w połowie pustą – albo w połowie pełną. Można się kłócić, czy to jest dużo, czy mało. Mamy też kryzys, dlatego że są kraje, które z tej polityki nie chcą korzystać, wycofują się z niej. Mamy nowego gracza, bo Rosja pokazała w pełni krasy swoje zęby i pokazała, że chodzi o geopolitykę, a nie o suwerenne wybory krajów i narodów. Dzisiaj z tej sali i jutro w czasie głosowania musi popłynąć prosty komunikat, że to trzeba podpisać, że to trzeba zrobić. Musimy tym ludziom dać nadzieję i wiarę, że to nie jest polityka, która wymusza cokolwiek, tylko że to jest oferta, dzięki której ludzie żyjący w tych krajach mogą zmienić swoje życie na lepsze, mogą mieć nadzieję, że będą żyć lepiej.

Trzeba to zrobić teraz, bo jeśli nie zrobimy tego teraz, to nie zrobimy tego pewnie przez bardzo wiele lat, i na pewno my nie będziemy już w tej grze brali udziału. Za 20 lat być może mój wnuk albo wnuczka zapyta mnie: Jak wam się to udało zrobić? Jak wam się udało zrobić, że Unia Europejska, ta wielka wspólnota wartości i nadziei, rozszerzyła się na Wschód? Ja bym chciał mieć dobrą odpowiedź, jak to się udało zrobić, ale mam też taki strach, że ta sama osoba, moja wnuczka albo mój wnuk, zapytają mnie: Dlaczego tego nie zrobiliście? Ja wtedy nie będę wiedział, co odpowiedzieć.

  Graham Watson (ALDE). - Madam President, as Parliament’s rapporteur for Moldova, my focus is on what Commissioner Füle called a summit which could deliver our shared priorities in Vilnius. Like our rapporteurs, Messrs Saryusz-Wolski and Panzeri, I hope for the signature of an Association Agreement with Ukraine and the initialling of similar agreements with Moldova and Georgia. The efforts and the determination of these three countries are noteworthy.

For Moldova, the negotiations for an agreement were finalised in June, and recently the country has overturned the gay propaganda ban, a move which distinguishes it from its eastern neighbour.

Georgia achieved a peaceful transition of power in parliamentary elections and prepares to elect a new president this month, which I hope will give an impetus to reform by ending the difficult period of cohabitation.

Ukraine has shown its willingness to meet our concerns through the mediation of Pat Cox and Aleksander Kwaśniewski. In so doing it has signalled its will to engage with the Union and the importance it places on Europe.

But neither our eastern neighbours nor we should rest on our laurels. We must continue the hard work towards the goals we share, and that is why Moldova must engage more actively in political reform and focus on anti-corruption efforts; why Georgia must continue the reforms of its judicial system and its work on minority rights; why the Union, and in particular the Commission, should work hard to finalise the legal texts so they can be signed as soon as possible; and why the Member States and Parliament must put the interests of the people first and not slip into party-political infighting.

Russia’s pressure on our eastern partners and now on one of our Member States must be resisted at all costs, for – as this process shows – President Putin is on the wrong side of history. Lithuania’s Presidency can score a success at this summit, and I hope that Commissioner Füle has kept a good diary so that he can publish an interesting memoir.

  Ulrike Lunacek (Verts/ALE). - Madam President, the European Neighbourhood Policy is a very good initiative and should get us moving and enjoying success. More for more, less for less. But what I am seeing in some countries is that this policy is in danger of failing, partly – but not solely – because some political party affiliations seem to count for more than reality. I am referring specifically to Georgia, and I would like to raise the issue here in this Parliament.

I have the impression that some Members – colleagues here from the European People’s Party – look at the divide in Georgia in terms of ‘our political allies are the friends, and the others are the bad ones’. Colleagues, things are not that simple. Please do not be blind to the problems that existed during the Saakashvili Government and also with people like ex-Minister of the Interior Merabishvili. I am also critical of him being in pre-trial detention now. However, there were problems when he was Minister of the Interior. It has become public that there were video recordings of opposition members – critics – that were used to blackmail people while he was Minister of the Interior. This has to be investigated. Do not turn a blind eye to people who are your political family and friends.

I think that, as the European Parliament, we have to be credible everywhere. We have to look at improving the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary. We have to investigate and look at violations of human rights and the abuse of public finances for party election objectives.

On the subject of elections, my last word is that we also have to look into how credible our short-term election observation missions are. Recently in Azerbaijan, the European Parliament’s short-term election observation mission said that everything was free, fair and transparent, whereas the long-term OSCE and ODIHR observers were very clear that that was not the case. We shall have to look into how our short-term observations work. I hope that the same thing will not happen in the elections and election observations taking place soon in the parliament in Georgia.

  Paweł Robert Kowal (ECR). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Każdy, kto przyjeżdża codziennie do Parlamentu Europejskiego, powinien sobie popatrzeć na ten budynek. Zrozumie, o co teraz chodzi. Chodzi o to, że my nie robimy nikomu łaski, nie dajemy umowy stowarzyszeniowej jako prezentu na święta, tylko chcemy skończyć budowę Europy, która nie jest jeszcze w całości gotowa, a wyraża to ten budynek.

Jakie mechanizmy powodują, że Europa się scala? Po pierwsze, zniesienie ruchu wizowego. Po drugie, wspólne prawo. Nie wysyłane pieniądze, nie środki pomocowe, tylko wspólne prawo. Jesteśmy dzisiaj w momencie, kiedy to wszystko ma szansę się dokonać na szczycie w Wilnie.

Obserwuję politykę wschodnią Unii Europejskiej od wielu lat. Cztery lub trzy lata temu byłem sceptykiem. Napisałem wiele tekstów, w których śmiałem się z partnerstwa wschodniego jako mało efektywnego. Dzisiaj mogę Państwu powiedzieć, że przez te lata naprawdę wiele się zmieniło. Dzięki politycznemu nastawieniu Štefana Fülego i jego ekipy Unia Europejska zyska powagę, jeśli dokona tego, co zaplanowane, czyli podpisze i przygotuje umowy stowarzyszeniowe z Gruzją, Mołdawią i Ukrainą, a ponadto nie zostawi pozostałych trzech państw samym sobie, bo na nie też przyjdzie czas.

Dzisiaj odsuńmy się trochę od tych doraźnych drobiazgów i popatrzmy na gmach Europy. Ona jest niedokończona i mamy szansę zrobić w ciągu 2 najbliższych miesięcy duży krok. To jest w naszych rękach, ale możemy to też popsuć.

  Helmut Scholz (GUE/NGL). - Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar Füle, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Als der Arabische Frühling der EU-Nachbarschaftspolitik vor Kurzem einen Spiegel vorhielt, wurde lange über ihre Neuausrichtung diskutiert. Viele sehen diese Aufgabe als erledigt an. Dass wir aber in der Substanz nicht viel weiter sind, ist an den Fortschrittsberichten zu erkennen. Sie analysieren nicht, sondern beschreiben lediglich gesellschaftliche Zustände in den Nachbarschaftsländern, und das aus einer Perspektive heraus, als wäre die Welt eine Variable, die es nur an unsere EU-Fixpunkte anzupassen gelte.

Am strategischen Ansatz, die Nachbarschaftspolitik zwischen klassischer Außenpolitik und Erweiterungspolitik anzusiedeln, die darauf zielen, per Regel-Export nationale Institutionen und politische Verfahren in den betreffenden Ländern zu verändern, und zwar ohne reale Option einer EU-Mitgliedschaft, hat sich nichts geändert.

Was steht heute zur Debatte? In Bezug auf die östliche Nachbarschaft wollte die Kommission zum geopolitischen Wurf ausholen. Genervt von den nicht auflösbaren Widersprüchlichkeiten und der Trägheit der Entwicklung in den Nachbarschaftsländern sollen in Vilnius die Karten im postsowjetischen Raum prinzipiell neu sortiert werden. Meine Fraktion sieht die gemeinsame Wurzel für die Probleme in der Nachbarschaftspolitik im geopolitischen Einsatz der Nachbarschaftspolitik und in den stagnierenden Beziehungen zur Russischen Föderation.

Vor dem Hintergrund der Legitimitätsprobleme, die die EU heute selbst hat, fordern wir, dass die Bevölkerungen in Referenden ihre Entscheidung frei treffen müssen. Würde die Kommission die Nachbarschaftspolitik nämlich gerade von den betroffenen Bürgerinnen und Bürgern her denken, und zwar im Süden und im Osten, wären wir schnell bei real machbaren Möglichkeiten ihrer konkreten Veränderung. Diese Politik wird in dem Maße Attraktivität entfalten, in dem sie sich auch an den Interessen der Partnerländer orientiert, von konkreten Entwicklungsbedingungen und -potenzialen ausgeht und auf deren Stärkung zielt.

  Слави Бинев (EFD). - Приветствам идеята за сътрудничество между Европейския съюз и други страни. Докладът е за политиката спрямо арабския свят, бившия източен блок и т.н. Уважаеми колеги, това е чудесно. Само че пропускаме дребна подробност – проблемите на всички тези страни, могат да се видят у една страна членка на Европейския съюз. Искаме да помагаме на тези страни, да си сътрудничим, да помогнем да излязат от тежката ситуация, в която се намират, но не се грижим за страните-членки на Европейския съюз, които не са в по-добра ситуация. В България не се състоя демократичен преход, управление след управление съсипват страната. Нямаме нито една независима от корупция и олигарси власт, включително съдебната. Държавните медии са под страшен натиск да работят в изгода на всяко управление. Европа не се е погрижила за проблемите в задния си двор, а се е забързала да помага на съседите и да ги поучава на демокрация. Това е лицемерно и силно дискредитира Съюза в очите на мислещия свят. Аз подкрепям междусъседското сътрудничество, но след като сме решили вътрешните си проблеми.

  Elmar Brok (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar! Unsere Sicherheit in Europa hängt davon ab, wie die Entwicklung in unserer südlichen und östlichen Nachbarschaft ist. Wenn wir eine südliche und östliche Nachbarschaft haben, in der Demokratie und Rechtstaatlichkeit wachsen, indem wirtschaftlicher Erfolg da ist und daraus geboren auch soziale, vernünftige Lebensbedingungen, dann ist das auch Sicherheitspolitik für uns. Was Herr Panzeri sagte, dass wir auch hier dafür sorgen sollten, dass es regionale Integrationskonzepte gibt, halte ich für einen wichtigen Ansatz.

Lassen Sie mich – speziell, weil Vilnius bevorsteht – einiges konkret zur östlichen Partnerschaftspolitik sagen. Dort bereiten wir Assoziierungsabkommen vor. Diese Länder haben eine europäische Perspektive. Und ich glaube, dass Moldawien auf diesem Weg sehr weit geschritten ist. Ich hoffe, dass dies in der Zukunft auch für Georgien gilt, denn ich glaube, auch mit Georgien kann man in Vilnius einen solchen Vertrag paraphieren. Ich hoffe nur, dass der georgische Ministerpräsident aufhört, EVP-Europaabgeordnete zu beleidigen.

Ich meine, dass dies aber auch für die Ukraine gilt, die einen Schritt weiter ist, wo die gute Chance besteht, dass ein Assoziierungsvertrag mit dem entsprechenden Handelsvertrag unterzeichnet wird. Wichtige Schritte im Bereich der Justizreform, der Wahlrechtsreform scheinen erreicht zu sein. Bei der selective justice sind noch einige Meter zu gehen, die Entscheidung liegt allein bei Präsident Janukowitsch. Ich hoffe, dass dieser letzte Schritt gegangen wird, und bin dankbar, dass dieses Haus und auch der Rat am Montag in diesen Fragen einheitliche Positionen eingenommen haben. Und ich hoffe, dass die Cox-Kwasniewski-Mission erfolgreich sein wird, sodass die Ukraine die Unterzeichnung bekommen kann.

Wir müssen klar sagen – das gilt allerdings beispielsweise auch gegenüber Armenien und Aserbaidschan und all den Ländern, die diese Entwicklung noch nicht haben –, dass wir mit ihnen auf einer anderen Ebene kooperieren, wo es noch nicht zu einem Assoziierungsabkommen kommen kann, weil es in unserem Interesse ist, aber auch unserem Verständnis von Demokratie entspricht, dass der Druck des großen Nachbars nicht akzeptabel ist. Diese Völker haben ihre freie Entscheidung, dort hinzugehen, wo sie wollen, und kein Nachbar kann dies entscheiden. Wohin diese Länder gehen, ist deren Entscheidung in deren Hauptstädten und nicht die Entscheidung, die in Moskau oder Brüssel getroffen wird. Wir wollen ihnen nur dabei helfen, die richtige Entscheidung für ihre Bürger zu treffen, dass sie bessere wirtschaftliche und soziale Bedingungen haben. Das können sie über Europa bekommen, dafür gibt es viele Beweise. Aber insbesondere Demokratie und Rechtstaatlichkeit sind es, was den Unterschied ausmacht.

  Libor Rouček (S&D). - Madam President, it is in our vital interest to have peace, stability (if possible), prosperity and cooperation in our neighbourhood. If we look to the East, we will see that the Association Agreements and the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements are the right tools to enable our neighbouring countries to make sustainable reforms and systemic transformation on the basis of values such as human rights, civil rights, the rule of law and a socially-oriented market economy.

In the past year, too, we have made great progress. We will demonstrate that progress in Vilnius at the Summit. Ukraine will sign the agreement, and two other countries will initiate. Some people say that we are expecting all six countries to do this. I think these expectations are not realistic, because I do not think anybody expects Belarus, for instance, to follow the same path as Moldova, Ukraine or Georgia.

But we are not giving up. We discussed Belarus a few weeks ago, and we are developing strategies on how to help the citizens, the young people and the NGOs. I also think we should develop similar types of – albeit different – strategies towards Armenia and Azerbaijan. It has been said that these countries are under tremendous pressure from their big eastern neighbour, and this is true. But once again, I think we should be thinking about concrete steps and specific assistance. How can we help these countries become, for instance, more independent in terms of energy? That means, as far as Moldova is concerned, that we should speed up the process of building the gas pipeline.

When we talk about trade, once again we should be looking for ways in which we can help those countries.

Finally, the people in our neighbourhood need a clear prospect of seeing visa liberalisation, a visa-free regime. So once again, let us work towards that goal.

  Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy (ALDE). - Ik zal mij als actief lid van Euronest richten op de landen van het oostelijk partnerschap. Want over vijf weken is de top in Vilnius, waar het de bedoeling is dat de Europese Unie belangrijke samenwerkingsverdragen tekent met Oekraïne, Georgië en Moldavië. En die verdragen moeten ervoor zorgen dat er een zone van welvaart en stabiliteit ontstaat aan de buitengrenzen van Europa. En dat is ten eerste voor die landen belangrijk, maar ook voor ons.

Maar, Voorzitter, de druk vanuit Moskou ligt als een schaduw over de top in Vilnius. Wij hebben gezien wat is gebeurd met Armenië en Moldavië. Die druk is onacceptabel en daar moet Europa zich eensgezind en hard tegen verzetten. Maar, Voorzitter, als ik één ding geleerd heb in Euronest, is het wel dat niets in de Kaukasus zwart wit is. Daartussen zitten heel veel tinten grijs. Het oostelijk partnerschap is daarom geen wedstrijd touwtrekken tussen Europa en Rusland met uiteindelijk één winnaar. Dat is een té simpel beeld en dat moeten wij zien te voorkomen.

Dat vraagt om enerzijds stevig te blijven inzetten op het partnerschap én om steun voor landen als Armenië en Moldavië. Maar ook om grote druk op het verbeteren van de fragiele kwaliteit van de rechtsstaat in die landen, want dat blijft een grote zorg. En, Voorzitter, tot slot, het vereist ook een zeer uitgekiende en vooral eensgezinde diplomatie ten opzichte van Rusland.

  Tarja Cronberg (Verts/ALE). - Madam President, I hope our debate on the European Neighbourhood will not slide into a very unconstructive dichotomy: primarily for Ukraine, of course, but also for the other neighbours. We want those countries to choose Europe, but we also have to bear in mind that the Europe we want them to choose is not based on dividing lines. We are not building an exclusive club here, and by bringing Ukraine and the others closer to the EU we should also see them as bridge-builders.

It is clear that there is a bargaining game going on between Brussels, Kiev and Moscow, and we want the commitment to democratic reform of Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia and other members to not be lost in this bargaining process. If we want to talk in terms of choices, there should be no other choice for the Eastern neighbours but moving resolutely towards the rule of law, freedom and democracy. However, such issues as trade, business and people-to-people contact should not be a matter of dichotomy.

  Mirosław Piotrowski (ECR). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Europejska polityka sąsiedztwa, a przede wszystkim jej wymiar wschodni, powinna należeć do priorytetów Unii Europejskiej. Głównym celem pomocy krajom objętym tą polityką jest nie tylko zbliżenie do europejskich standardów, ale – jak podkreślamy w dzisiejszej rezolucji – możliwość ubiegania się o członkostwo w Unii Europejskiej. Dobrze, że Parlament dostrzega szczególną aktywizację Rosji, zmierzającą do odciągnięcia wszystkich krajów Partnerstwa Wschodniego, czyli Armenii, Azerbejdżanu, Gruzji, Białorusi, Mołdawii i Ukrainy, od udziału w tym projekcie. Rosja używa do tego między innymi instrumentów finansowo-handlowych. Do utrzymania tych krajów w orbicie europejskich wpływów konieczne jest pilne zwiększenie nakładów na Partnerstwo Wschodnie. Dotychczas Unia przeznacza średnio kilkaset milionów euro rocznie na sześć państw objętych Partnerstwem Wschodnim. To bez wątpienia zbyt mało, aby przebić rosyjską ofertę. Jednocześnie jednak musimy kontrolować celowość spożytkowywania tychże kwot.

  Gunnar Hökmark (PPE). - Madam President, the Eastern Partnership is important for economic development, and for democracy and the rule of law in our neighbourhood. That is why the door is open and must remain open. That applies to Ukraine, which needs to take determined action regarding selective justice. That applies to Georgia, where I regret that the Prime Minister of Georgia has accused the opposition in the country of bribing Members of this Parliament, accusing them of illegal action. This is not the first time. The opposition is also threatened with legal action. That is not the way you defend the rule of law, and that is why we see the pre-trial detentions. I think it is our duty to react to that: to be open to Georgia but to be strict regarding how they apply the rule of law and democracy.

  Göran Färm (S&D). - Fru talman! EU:s grannskapspolitik är vårt viktigaste instrument för att stärka partnerskapet mellan oss och våra grannar, för att bygga och konsolidera sunda demokratier och för att sträva efter hållbar tillväxt.

Det gäller särskilt nu när våra partner i öst är under extremt tryck från Ryssland och våra partner i syd från en ännu instabil demokratisering. Grundpelaren är demokrati, mänskliga rättigheter och rättstatsprincipen.

Här finns dock tyvärr vissa aspekter som vi ofta missar, och jag är glad för att utskottet i huvudsak har tagit till sig en del av mina ändringsförslag.

Jag tänker på jämställdhet mellan män och kvinnor. En noggrann genusanalys bör alltid ingå i framstegsbetänkandena. Samhällen där allas kapacitet tas tillvara – kvinnors och mäns – fungerar helt enkelt bättre.

Jag tänker på olösta konflikter. Resolutionen uppmanar bland annat Marocko, Polisario och Algeriet att fortsätta att sträva efter en rättvis och fredlig lösning på konflikten i Västsahara, en lösning som respekterar FN:s resolutioner, inte minst den om självbestämmanderätt.

Jag tänker på arbetstagares rättigheter och den viktiga roll arbetsmarknadsparter och andra organisationer kan spela. Här gläder det mig att resolutionen betonar det civila samhällets avgörande roll i övergångs- och reformprocesser.

Om EU ska kunna stärka samarbetet med det civila samhället i grannskapsländerna och stödja folkrörelser behöver vi också försvara våra olika finansieringsinstrument i budgeten.

  Norica Nicolai (ALDE). - Îi dau dreptate domnului Brok. Stabilitatea şi democraţia vecinătăţilor Uniunii Europene înseamnă securitatea Uniunii. Dacă privim cu luciditate, nu aş crede că suntem într-o deplină securitate în acest spaţiu european, cel puţin dacă privim flancul sud.

Stimaţi colegi, sper ca summitul de la Vilnius să fie un succes, pentru că nu ar fi un succes al politicii externe – şi aşa delicată, şi aşa discutabilă, şi aşa lipsită de viziune – a Uniunii Europene, ar fi un succes al Uniunii care ne va permite să ne consolidăm ca jucător global viabil.

Nu mi-aş dori însă să fie un succes a la Sankt Petersburg, pentru că acest lucru ar însemna o vulnerabilizare în plus a Uniunii Europene. Îmi doresc la Sankt Petersburg, îmi doresc Ucraina, îmi doresc Georgia, îmi doresc Moldova, care trebuie să vină mai aproape de Europa, îmi doresc pentru vecinătatea estică să garantăm şi nu doar să discutăm securitatea şi integritatea teritorială a partenerilor noştri din Parteneriatul estic. Îmi doresc fără îndoială ca nordul Africii, unde Uniunea pentru Mediterana este un eşec global al politicii noastre externe, să înceapă să fie viabilă.

Dacă vrem să fim jucători globali într-o lume în schimbare, va trebui să fim jucători globali, nu să ţinem lecţii, nu să ţinem seminarii, nu să ne comportăm ca o profesoară care cere altora ceea ce ea nu poate să asigure în interiorul ei.

  Adam Bielan (ECR). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Zbliża się szczyt Partnerstwa Wschodniego, którego najważniejszym punktem będzie z całą pewnością podpisanie układu stowarzyszeniowego z Ukrainą. Pomimo niesłychanie agresywnej w ostatnich tygodniach polityki Kremla mającej zniechęcić Kijów do współpracy z Brukselą, wyrażam głęboką nadzieję, że długoletnie negocjacje zostaną zwieńczone sukcesem. Pomyślny rezultat wileńskiego szczytu będzie kamieniem milowym w rozwoju partnerstwa w nadchodzących latach. Da jasny sygnał pozostałym krajom, takim jak Mołdawia czy Gruzja, jaką strategię należy realizować w dzisiejszej skomplikowanej sytuacji geopolitycznej. Kluczowym argumentem w naszych relacjach ze wschodem jest wsparcie finansowe, dzięki któremu kraje te mogą łatwiej dostosowywać instytucje i gospodarkę do europejskich standardów. Nieocenione byłoby także zwiększenie zaangażowania dyplomatycznego Wspólnoty, szczególnie wobec tak wyraźnej presji ze strony Rosji.

  György Schöpflin (PPE). - Madam President, Commissioner, it should be clear enough by now that the Eastern Partnership is a three-way contest. The actors are Russia, the EU and the six states involved. They all have different perspectives, interests and aims. Now, until we stop them taking the attractiveness of the EU for granted, we run the risk of finding ourselves in a ‘one-down’ position.

Russia does have advantages in the Eastern Partnership states: it can build on links with the Soviet past, notably the former nomenklatura, the KGB networks and, of course, the economic ties. What is in the EU’s favour is that none of the six wants to find itself fully back under Moscow’s thumb. They prefer to hold on to their sometimes precarious independence, but equally they do not really want to sign up to the EU’s complex of regulations either. So the stakes are real. Are these states to be tied to Russia, to the EU, or just float between the two? I believe there is a great deal of floating to come.

  Evgeni Kirilov (S&D). - Madam President, the Union needs to send a stronger message of openness towards those of our Eastern neighbours who wish to be closer to us. While the EU has always respected the desire of our partners to determine their degree of integration with the Union, we cannot afford to passively observe some provocative trends in our immediate neighbourhood. Recent developments have shown that the EU’s attractiveness can be questioned.

At the Vilnius Summit it is time for the Union to remain true to its commitments towards its partner countries, provided they meet the criteria. The EU’s policy towards our neighbours is a dynamic one. It is based on the EU’s values and norms and adapts to the needs and ambitions of its partner countries. The ‘more for more’ principle is the correct approach, as it enables those countries wanting to be closer to EU standards to do so.

In certain cases, by establishing direct links between specific cases and the future of the countries in question, we should be aware of the risk of neglecting the efforts of these countries towards transposing these agendas and of pushing them and their societies back. Strategic patience and consistency are therefore needed. Reality checks are needed.

The price which the Union might need to pay if this reform movement is lost could affect the whole European Neighbourhood Policy, as well as the Union’s image in the world. The EU’s commitments and programmes, such as the association agreements with its neighbours, are of mid- and long-term nature. The EU needs to provide benefits in the short term and to have a direct impact on the daily life of citizens, for example, by facilitating the visa procedures, or by engaging all the Eastern partners in more of the Union’s programmes at an accelerated rate.

Of course, more focus should be put on people-to-people contacts, as they are crucial for building stable societies, especially in conflict-riven regions and countries. The Vilnius Summit is a milestone, after which the promises and commitments need to be put into action. Let us do our share and show our partners the value of their efforts. Let me also commend you, Commissioner, for your continuous efforts in this respect.

  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). - Señora Presidenta, la vecindad sur tiene que seguir siendo una prioridad de la Unión Europea, en especial ahora, cuando estos países están viviendo los efectos de la Primavera Árabe. La situación en la vecindad sur es muy heterogénea. Desde la vía reformista, eficaz y estable de Marruecos hasta la intervención militar en Egipto o la guerra civil que vive Siria.

Ante esta diversidad de situaciones, en algunos casos trágicas o decepcionantes, la Unión Europea no puede desentenderse de esta vecindad. Desde la base y condición de los valores, principios e intereses que deben regir nuestra política exterior, la Unión debe seguir ayudando a estos países y a sus poblaciones política y económicamente. Con fondos suficientes, señor Comisario, con fondos suficientes.

Nos ligan con nuestros vecinos no solo la geografía sino también muchos y diversos lazos de intereses. Y debemos contemplar con estos países un futuro compartido de paz, libertad y prosperidad.

Por último, quisiera expresar mi satisfacción por que mañana se celebre en España una reunión del llamado «Diálogo 5+5» de los Ministros de Asuntos Exteriores de los países mediterráneos occidentales, orientada hacia la cooperación económica.

  Emer Costello (S&D). - Madam President, I wish to focus my remarks on the European Neighbourhood Policy in relation to the Middle East peace process.

I welcome very much the resumption of talks between the Israelis and the Palestinians and sincerely hope that they will succeed. The EU has a central role to play here.

I agree with the resolution’s observation that Israel’s continued policy of expanding the settlements – which are illegal under international law – continues to completely undermine the two-state solution and will render impossible the creation of a viable contiguous Palestinian state. That is why the EU guidelines on the eligibility for EU grants, which specifically exclude Israeli entities in Palestinian territories, must be implemented in full. The EU should not give in to pressure to dilute these guidelines.

In relation to the Palestinian prisoners, Parliament has already voted on a resolution calling for a fact-finding mission to Israel to determine the condition of Palestinian detainees, and I hope this will take place before the end of the year. I welcome the fact that the report also highlights the rights of minorities within Israel, especially the Arab-Israeli and Bedouin communities, and I hope the Israeli authorities take note of the contents of this report and work towards addressing these concerns.

  Krzysztof Lisek (PPE). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Są tacy, którzy mówią, że osiągnęliśmy połowiczny sukces. Z sześciu państw trzy kontynuują rozmowy. Mam nadzieję, że w przypadku Ukrainy zakończą się one podpisaniem umowy stowarzyszeniowej, a w przypadku Mołdowy i Gruzji – jej parafowaniem. Oczywiście jest pewnym problemem, że nie udało się z Armenią, ponieważ prezydent tego kraju podjął inną strategiczną decyzję. Nie udało się też z Azerbejdżanem, który na razie nie wie, jaką decyzję podjąć. W przypadku Białorusi to dość oczywiste, bo wiadomo, że system polityczny tego kraju nie pozwala na podjęcie decyzji, o której byśmy myśleli.

Te trzy kraje do sukces. Trzy kraje, pełne entuzjazmu, z wielkim poparciem dla inicjatywy i pomysłu głębokiej współpracy z Unią Europejską.

Jeszcze jedna rzecz na koniec. Myślę, że w odniesnieniu do Gruzji czy Mołdowy warto powiedzieć w tym momencie z tego miejsca głośno do mieszkańców oderwanych regionów, Naddniestrza, Abchazji czy Osetii Południowej, że to jest również dla nich wielka szansa i żeby pomyśleli o tym, jak wiele może przynieść ich regionom głęboka współpraca z Unią Europejską.

  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Gospođo predsjednice, čestitam izvjestitelju koji sigurno može biti zadovoljan što su demantirana neka očekivanja kako će se tokom 2013. u istočnoj i jugoistočnoj Europi nadprosječno događati napetosti. Međutim, čini se da se ta loša predviđanja ne ostvaruju, dapače.

Nakon raspada Jugoslavije na političkoj karti Europe pojavilo se oko 4.000 km novih državnih granica, ali danas se prostor jugoistoka Europe postupno integrira u najvažniji politički projekt u cjelokupnoj europskoj povijesti. Stabilizaciju, suradnju, a zatim u dugoročnoj perspektivi pridruživanje treba poželjeti istočnim susjedima Europske unije.

Jasno je kako u Europskoj Uniji nema više pritisaka iznutra za proširenjem kao do 2004. i 2007. Sada je puno snažniji pritisak izvana na Europsku uniju. Ekonomski, tj. migratorni preko Mediterana, pogotovo nakon pada diktatorskih režima u sjevernoj Africi. Ali postoje pozitivni politički pritisci sa zapadnog Balkana, baš kao i negativni iż Rusije, što treba otklanjati uvjerljivim političkim i ekonomskim instrumentima.

Sada je posve vidljivo da Europska unija neće ponavljati dvojbena iskustva koja je stekla tokom više ciklusa proširenja, ali Unija mora ostati zajednica otvorena za nove članice, partnere i inicijative. Povijest Unije je povijest njezinog širenja. Uspjeh Europskog projekta ovisi o tome hoće li u budućnosti Unija biti uspješan medij demokratskih promjena na istoku, jugu, jugoistoku Europe, kao što je bila na zapadu Europe tijekom posljednjih 60 godina.

  Андрей Ковачев (PPE). - Политиката ни към страните от източното партньорство е пред огромно предизвикателство. От една страна, в Москва са по-живи от всякога рефлексите от Студената война. На Източното партньорство се гледа като на заплаха и се използват всички възможни инструменти да бъде саботирано. От друга страна, страните от Източното партньорство имат сериозен дефицит с демокрацията. Как да постъпи Европейския съюз?

Смятам, че на срещата във Вилнюс трябва да подпишем споразумението за асоцииране и свободна търговия с Украйна, като разбира се бъдат изпълнени поставените условия от Съвета. Украйна трябва да продължи по пътя на реформите. Това трябва да направят също Грузия и Молдова.

Бъдещо стратегическо партньорство с Азербайджан е във взаимен интерес, но то не трябва да заобикаля темите като демокрацията и правата на човека.

За Армения вратите на Европейския съюз трябва да останат отворени. Въпреки сложната геополитическа ситуация, трябва да намерим нова правна рамка за сътрудничество с Армения, която да стъпва на договореното по време на преговорите за асоцииране. В никакъв случай не трябва да утежняваме в тази ситуация положението на Армения.

Европейският съюз трябва да може да предложи на своите партньори не само асоцииране и търговия, но и гаранции за тяхната сигурност. Остава обаче открит въпроса какво правим с нашето сътрудничество с Русия? Как може да продължим с тази страна и как може да убедим Русия, че Европейския съюз не е враг на Русия и Източното партньорство също не е в неин ущърб?

  Pino Arlacchi (S&D). - Madam President, Commissioner Füle, I am a strong believer in the European Neighbourhood Policy. This policy is the future of the European project and should continue to be characterised by the European spirit at its best, by which I mean tolerance, dialogue and leading by example. We should never see this policy degraded into a patronising and neocolonising endeavour.

We are not carrying out an exercise of hostility and competition with Russia. We are not playing a repetition of the Great Game of two centuries ago, because Russia is also part of Europe and is not a threat to us. Likewise, we should not be perceived as a threat to them. Our inspirers and fathers are not Mackinder and Dzerzhinsky, but Schuman and Spinelli.

  Tokia Saïfi (PPE). - Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, l'année prochaine marquera les dix ans de la politique de voisinage: l'heure du bilan – globalement positif – et, je le souhaite, l'heure de la réorientation de cette politique vers plus de pragmatisme.

Un exemple: comment répondre à l'objectif d'intégration régionale alors que certains pays du sud disposent d'un plan d'action et pas d'autres? Plus de pragmatisme signifie ici plus d'écoute et une meilleure prise en compte des besoins formulés par les bénéficiaires eux-mêmes lorsqu'ils travaillent à leur plan d'action.

Pourquoi? Parce que c'est le meilleur moyen d'en garantir la mise en œuvre la plus rapide et la plus complète possible. Pragmatisme aussi face aux différences de situation entre nos voisinages à l'est et au sud. Si les pressions à l'est sont souvent commerciales et externes, les tensions au sud sont politiques et économiques et ont des implications internes et externes. Face à cette complexité et à l'instabilité de la région, il me semble tout à fait impératif, Monsieur le Commissaire, de faire une véritable priorité aujourd'hui, comme demain, de notre voisinage sud.

  Boris Zala (S&D). - Madam President, I believe that the multilateral structures of the ENP ought to be consolidated and developed more strategically. Given the centrality of effective multilateralism in the Union’s foreign policy, the Commission and the EEAS should consider the possibility of using the ENP’s multilateral track as a framework for organising political relations in the wider Europe. The Commission and the EEAS must explore opportunities for an institutional link between the ENP and the neighbourhood policies of key regional players such as Turkey, or EU strategic partners such as the USA.

  Eduard Kukan (PPE). - Ako volení zástupcovia Únie sme povinní ovplyvňovať susedskú politiku a presadzovať v nej hodnoty, ktoré sú základom európskej politiky. Únia musí v nej zohrávať aktívnejšiu úlohu. Podporujem preto jej väčšiu angažovanosť: politickú, spoločenskú a finančnú. Náš Parlament by mal byť súčasťou tejto politiky a bezprostredne pozitívne vplývať na jej celkové smerovanie. Ide hlavne o podporu demokratického vývoja, ochranu ľudských práv a základných slobôd, ale tiež presadzovanie záujmov Únie a jej občanov. Teší ma, že správa, o ktorej dnes rokujeme, poukazuje tiež na niektoré špecifické otázky dôležité pre Slovensko, ako napríklad otázky energetiky a energetickej bezpečnosti. Tieto témy sú relevantné nielen pre nás Slovákov, ale tiež z pohľadu Únie, ako aj z pohľadu našich partnerov v susedstve.

  Andrzej Grzyb (PPE). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Jacek Saryusz-Wolski i Pier Antonio Panzeri przygotowali bardzo dobre sprawozdanie. To dobra podstawa dla przyszłości polityki sąsiedztwa. Chciałbym jednak zauważyć, że po pierwsze mamy do czynienia ze swoistym zniecierpliwieniem i znużeniem, jeżeli chodzi o politykę sąsiedztwa. Po drugie, Partnerstwo Wschodnie ma zmienną dynamikę – od rezygnacji, przez niezdecydowanie, aż po akceptację, czego przykładem jest chociażby Mołdowa. Ale to jest również czasami efekt naszych wcześniejszych zaniedbań, sprzed hasła „więcej za więcej”. Po trzecie, partnerstwo południowe z kolei znajduje się jeszcze w turbulencjach arabskiej wiosny i pozostaje w cieniu humanitarnej katastrofy w Syrii. Uważam, że należy zachęcić do przełamania trudności. Apeluję zatem, abyśmy bardziej uwierzyli w obywateli państw Partnerstwa Wschodniego. Kolega Hökmark mówił: „zostawmy otwarte drzwi”. Niezależnie od umowy o stowarzyszeniu musimy pracować nad ułatwieniami wizowymi, ponieważ są one niezbędne, w szczególności dla młodych ludzi. Po czwarte, nie możemy akceptować selektywnej sprawiedliwości i nacisków politycznych, aby utrzymać strefę politycznych wpływów.

Na koniec chciałbym zaznaczyć, że wierzę, iż mimo trudności, szczyt w Wilnie może być sukcesem. Mamy nowe instrumenty, takie jak Europejski Fundusz na rzecz Demokracji. Życzę tego sukcesu Państwu, sobie i całej Unii.

  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE). - Viltis, kad Vilniuje su Ukraina pasirašysime Asociacijos susitarimą, yra gyva. Liko padaryti labai nedaug – Ukrainos prezidentas turi visus įgaliojimus sprendimui, kuris nepaliktų jokių kliūčių susitarimo pasirašymui. Julijai Tymošenko turi būti leista išvykti gydytis į užsienį. Tai būtų teisinga ir humaniška. Tai yra Asociacijos susitarimo pasirašymo sąlyga. Gruzijoje artimiausią sekmadienį vyks prezidento rinkimai. Mes laukiame, kad ir šios šalies lyderiai pademonstruos gerą valią ir priims sprendimus, kurie anuliuotų bet kokius priekaištus Gruzijai dėl selektyvaus teisingumo. Europos Sąjunga iš savo pusės padarė daug, tačiau mes negalime padaryti sprendimų už Ukrainos ar Gruzijos lyderius. Tai jų misija ir atsakomybė, kuri gali tapti istorine pergale, o neatlikus darbų, nepadarius laukiamų sprendimų – istorine klaida.

  Jean Roatta (PPE). - Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, le bon fonctionnement de la démocratie, le respect des droits de l'homme et l'état de droit sont les piliers fondamentaux du partenariat entre l'Union européenne et ses voisins.

Je m'attarderai, Monsieur le Commissaire, sur le partenariat méridional. Le partenariat méridional a pour but de rapprocher les deux rives de la Méditerranée en vue de créer un espace de paix, de démocratie, de sécurité et de prospérité pour les huit cent millions d'habitants.

Sécurité et stabilité, voilà les maîtres mots des relations de bon voisinage. Il faut fournir aux partenaires de l'Union un cadre multilatéral efficace, qui leur permette de surmonter les difficultés démocratiques, et promouvoir l'intégration régionale. Je déplore, Monsieur le Commissaire, que certains de nos collègues prennent en otage le Royaume du Maroc et que l'on retrouve encore des amendements sur le Sahara occidental et sur le futur accord de pêche entre le Maroc et l'Union européenne. J'espère que nous aurons demain une issue favorable à ce rapport et que ces amendements seront rejetés.

  Paweł Zalewski (PPE). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Wszyscy czekamy dziś na podpisanie umowy stowarzyszeniowej między Unią Europejską a Ukrainą. Główną przeszkodą jest nierozwiązana kwestia pani Tymoszenko. Musimy uważać, aby nie popełnić błędu w politycznej kalkulacji. Prezydent Janukowicz nie może polegać na oczywistym założeniu, że projekt ma strategiczne znaczenie i że nie można czynić całego narodu ukraińskiego zakładnikiem losu jednej osoby. Może się bowiem okazać, że niezwolnienie pani Tymoszenko jest dobrym pretekstem dla tych, którzy nie chcą narażać się interesom Kremla. Z kolei Unia Europejska musi pamiętać, że logika stowarzyszeniowa w przypadku podpisania umowy z pewnością spowoduje zwolnienie pani premier. Z drugiej strony, brak podpisania umowy spowoduje, że prezydent Janukowicz nie będzie miał wystarczającej motywacji do wypuszczenia pani Tymoszenko z więzienia. W ostatnich tygodniach przed Wilnem musimy o tym pamiętać. Nie zaostrzajmy warunków, nie bądźmy więźniami własnej argumentacji, trzymajmy kciuki za misję panów Kwaśniewskiego i Coxa. Podpisanie umowy będzie korzystne zarówno dla Unii, jak i dla Ukrainy. I odwrotnie, niepodpisanie umowy będzie wielką stratą tak dla Unii, jak i dla Ukrainy.

  Joachim Zeller (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar! Die Europäische Union ist keine Festung. Wir sind von einer Vielzahl von Nachbarn im Osten und im Süden umgeben, deren Schicksal uns nicht gleichgültig sein kann, denn oftmals sind die Entwicklungen dort nicht ohne Rückwirkung auf die Länder der Europäischen Union. Nach dem Zerreißen des Eisernen Vorhangs und dem Zerfall der Sowjetunion sind im Osten Europas neun Staaten entstanden, und drei haben bereits den Weg in die Europäische Union gefunden – Litauen hat ja derzeit auch die Ratspräsidentschaft inne.

Bei den anderen sechs Staaten sieht es leider Gottes so aus, dass die großen Erwartungen und die Euphorie, die wir anfangs hatten, nun erst einmal einer großen Ernüchterung gewichen sind. Wenn man an die dortigen Machthaber appelliert, für Frieden, Freiheit, Demokratie, Bürgerrechte zu sorgen, dann ist das, als würde man den Fröschen aufgeben, den Teich trockenzulegen. Dennoch glaube ich, gibt es zu Verhandlungen– auf der Grundlage unserer Nachbarschaftspolitik und unserer Werte – keine Alternative, nicht wegen der Machthaber dort, sondern weil wir für die Menschen in diesen Ländern oftmals die Hoffnung sind für ein besseres Leben in Frieden, Freiheit und Demokratie, eingebunden in Europa.

  Filip Kaczmarek (PPE). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Chciałbym skoncentrować się na Białorusi. Projekt rezolucji dobrze opisuje trudności współpracy z Białorusią. Ubolewamy z powodu zastoju w kwestii praw człowieka, demokracji i więźniów politycznych oraz z powodu braku postępów w zakresie przestrzegania wartości i norm promowanych przez Unię Europejską. Domagamy się od Unii krytycznego zaangażowania. Nie jest to łatwe, ale warto próbować. Prezydencja litewska oraz szczyt w Wilnie są kolejnymi szansami na poprawę stosunków z Białorusią. Ale to, czy szanse te zostaną wykorzystane, zależy przede wszystkim od Białorusi. Delegacja Parlamentu Europejskiego ds. kontaktów z Białorusią dwukrotnie w tym roku próbowała zorganizować misję na Białoruś, niestety nie udało nam się porozumieć z władzami białoruskimi. Liczę, że Białoruś zdecyduje się jednak na prawdziwy dialog, bo tak jak w przypadku Ukrainy, byłoby to zarówno korzystne dla samej Białorusi, jak i dla Unii Europejskiej.

  Andrej Plenković (PPE). – Gospođo predsjednice, mislim da je uspješnost politike susjedstva Europske unije svojevrsni indikator atraktivnosti europskoga političkoga projekta i zato smatram da su naši kolege Panzeri i Saryusz-Wolski dobro detektirali ključne elemente stanja i u okviru istočnog partnerstva, ali i u okviru našeg južnog susjedstva.

Smatram da je izuzetno važno, povjereniče Füle, da i naši partneri dožive ova dva projekta kao zajedničko vlasništvo. Znam da nam je taj ownership puno pomogao u slučaju Hrvatske u kontekstu proširenja, jer će nam to biti bitno i za uspjeh sastanka na vrhu u Vilniusu, gdje je Ukrajina po meni ključ uspješnosti.

Zato mi je drago da postoji napredak nakon intenzivnog rada bivših predsjednika Coxa i Kwaśniewskog da se riješe preduvjeti za potpisivanje sporazuma o pridruživanju. 12 milijardi eura pomoći, 230 milijardi eura trgovine, 3,2 milijuna viza sa našim partnerima na jugu i na istoku dokaz su da upravo ova politika mora biti prioritet vanjske politike Europske unije i zato podržavam vaše napore, te se nadam da ćemo kad dođe vrijeme moći revitalizirati i Uniju za Mediteran na pravi način.

Interventi su richiesta – "catch the eye"

  Lena Kolarska-Bobińska (PPE). - Madam President, Mr Commissioner, I am really looking forward to the upcoming Vilnius Summit. It has the potential to become a milestone in our relations with the Eastern Partnership countries. This could be our European Union success – something we very much need at this point in our history. Without a doubt, Ukraine will meet the conditions of their association and free trade agreements, so now there is a need for political will on both sides.

Ukraine has been an honest member of the WTO since 2008 and will be an honest partner of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement. What is perhaps more important for the European Union is that this economic integration will, hopefully, lead to political integration. We need Ukraine and other countries of the Eastern Partnership to embrace European values, including the rule of law and democratic government. They cannot be allowed to slip away from those values as Russia has done and is doing nowadays. So thank you very much, Commissioner, for your efforts and for the work you have done. I look forward very much to the further successes of the European Union.

  Jaromír Kohlíček (GUE/NGL). - Paní předsedající, zpráva o evropské politice sousedství je vždy velmi zajímavým dokumentem. V tomto vydání je překvapivě zdůrazněn silný protiruský akcent.

Dovolím si soustředit svoji pozornost na část věnovanou Ukrajině. To jsou body 47 až 51. Evropská unie totiž na jedné straně propaguje strategické partnerství s Ruskou federací, na druhé straně se snaží zavádět taková opatření, která vylučují spolupráci v případě třetích zemí, ať už je to Bělorusko, Ukrajina nebo kavkazské republiky. Všude je zdůrazněno, že rozvíjení spolupráce těchto států s jinými partnery než Evropskou unií je nežádoucí a spolupráce s Ruskou federací je dokonce škodlivá.

Zvláště nevyvážený je požadavek, aby prezident Janukovič propustil Julii Tymošenkovou z vězení a zároveň aby byla prohloubena nezávislost justice. Tomu osobně nerozumím. Buď předpokládáme, že prezident svým pokynem moc soudní ovládá, nebo skutečně požadujeme nezávislost justice. Podpis smlouvy o přidružení Evropská unie – Ukrajina podporuji, pokud jde o vůli většiny ukrajinských voličů.

  Χαράλαμπος Αγγουράκης (GUE/NGL). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, έχω την εντύπωση ότι ορισμένοι σε αυτή την αίθουσα νομίζουν ότι οι άνθρωποι, είτε στις ανατολικές χώρες είτε στις χώρες του Νότου, δεν παρακολουθούν τα τεκταινόμενα και δεν ξέρουν τι συμβαίνει στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Το λέω αυτό διότι συζητούμε σήμερα σαν να μην έχει αρνηθεί η Ισλανδία να ενταχθεί στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και σαν να μην έχει βρει η Αρμενία άλλους δρόμους. Βεβαίως, η κατάσταση στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση είναι σήμερα τελείως διαφορετική από αυτή που επικρατούσε παλαιότερα. Η κρίση, η ανεργία και όλα αυτά τα προβλήματα γίνονται βεβαίως γνωστά. Γνωστή γίνεται επίσης η επιθετικότητα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Πρόκειται για την επιθετικότητα των ιμπεριαλιστικών δυνάμεων και των ανταγωνισμών που υπάρχουν στην περιοχή μας και αυτός είναι ο λόγος και για τα προβλήματα με τη Ρωσία, η οποία βεβαίως είναι μια ανερχόμενη καπιταλιστική δύναμη. Και εκεί υπάρχουν συγκρούσεις.

Από αυτή την άποψη, δεν συμφωνώ καθόλου με όσα είπε ο Επίτροπος Füle περί απώλειας ανεξαρτησίας των χωρών στις διαπραγματεύσεις με την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Από την αρχή η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση θέλει να επιβάλει τις αξίες της και τα συμφέροντά της στις χώρες αυτές. Ποτέ δεν μίλησε η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση για ισότιμες σχέσεις. Γιατί τότε να μην υπάρχουν ζητήματα απώλειας εθνικής ανεξαρτησίας; Τέλος, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πληρώνει επίσης τώρα την πολιτική του "περισσότερο για περισσότερο και λιγότερο για λιγότερο". Αυτή είναι μία πολιτική του διαίρει και βασίλευε και αυτά είναι τα αποτελέσματα που έχει σήμερα.

(Fine degli interventi su richiesta – "catch the eye")

  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. − Madam President, let me thank both the authors, Mr Saryusz-Wolski and Mr Panzeri, for an excellent job. This is the first time this House has attempted to reflect on our new way of reporting on the neighbourhood question. I think they have done it in quite a professional way and have shown the way for those who will follow next year. I will definitely share much of the praise I have heard in the debate for steering our neighbourhood policy with the High Representative/Vice-President of the Commission Catherine Ashton.

I do not say it very often but, as far as the neighbourhood is concerned, one thing needs to be clear in this House: we do not have an External Action Service policy and capacities on one side and the Commission’s policy and capacity on the other. We share the same people: the very same people behind me are the people who support Catherine Ashton. This is actually the strength of the European Union after Lisbon: the strength we try to capitalise on.

I shall make three points. The first is on funding. I welcome Parliament’s efforts to finalise negotiations with the Council on the new European Neighbourhood Instrument, and we need to complete the negotiations as soon as possible. We are already late in putting the new instrument in place. Even if we do have the 2014 budget approved, we cannot commit funds for new programmes in 2014 until the full legal and programming framework is formally adopted, and this may put at risk the continuity of our support and our ability to react to changing circumstances.

The Commission supports Parliament’s wish to have greater involvement in strategic decisions on the programming of financial assistance, allowing it to provide guidance on programming assistance under the ENI at an earlier stage and before the programming documents are finalised. This will improve coherence and consistency.

If I may add two other points. The second is about the benefits of cooperating with this Parliament. You were at the launch of the neighbourhood policy. You have always served as the mirror providing us with a reality check on the neighbourhood policy. Through Euronest and Euromed you have provided the value added to this partnership.

The thing I am emphasising in dealing with the partner countries is the need to find a consensus between the government and the political parties of the government and those in opposition: consensus on European issues and on European integration issues, and trying to keep those issues outside the political battle. The more inclusivity there is, the more reforms could be pursued and implemented.

I guess the same also applies to this House. The more consensus there is on the policy itself, on the region or the countries, the more effective the policy is. The more politics the partner feels – the more politics I am feeling in the relationship – the less effective this policy is.

The third and final point I would like to make is that this is not about our policy being imposed on our partners. From the very beginning, this policy not only reflected the Lisbon Treaty and the new opportunities provided in the external services – I mentioned some of them at the beginning – but it also reflected the dramatic changes in the southern neighbourhood. We also tried to bring this policy of ours closer to the people of our partner countries.

What I am trying to say is that this is the policy which we have tried to elaborate together with our partners. It is a policy we are trying to implement for the benefit of our partners and which we also, of course, greatly benefit from. It is a policy which can be successful only if it is based on the principle of respecting each other and the differentiation between the south and the east and among the countries of the south and the east. The policy can be successful if the basis for this is universally adhered-to values.

Yet it can also be successful if we show sensitivity in understanding the economic and social needs of our partners and if we deliver on them. The policy can be successful only if we continue to be interactive with our partners, delivering also on their ambitions and supporting those who are ready to be supported through embarking on a more ambitious path of reforms. It can be successful only if we strengthen the relationship of the European Union with the citizens of those partners through civil society. Only in this way can the transformative power of this Union really bring change to the neighbourhood.

Competition in our neighbourhood is bigger, but I think that our neighbourhood policy has shown that, despite the crisis and the difficulties we face, the soft power of the European Union has a lot to offer. The European Neighbourhood Policy is a policy of continuous engagement. Sometimes the results may disappoint, but there are compelling reasons for it to provide the framework for the European Union’s relations with its neighbours for the years to come, and I thank you very much for your support for this policy.

  Presidente. − Comunico di aver ricevuto una proposta di risoluzione⁽¹⁾ conformemente all'articolo 110, paragrafo 2, del regolamento.

La discussione è chiusa.

La votazione si svolgerà mercoledì 23 ottobre 2013.

Dichiarazioni scritte (articolo 149 del regolamento)

  Lívia Járóka (PPE), in writing. – For almost 10 years now, the European neighbourhood policy has promoted a range of useful initiatives in the 16 countries involved, mostly in the fields of economy and commerce. When outlining new directions and approaches to strengthening the partnership, more emphasis should be placed on promoting social development and reducing inequalities in the region, since these are prerequisites of successful economic integration and cohesion. This also requires stepping up action against social exclusion and promoting respect for the rights of national and ethnic minorities. There is a significant Roma population in Moldova and Ukraine, who face maybe even more social exclusion than their counterparts in the EU or in the accession countries. In many disadvantaged rural areas of these two countries, access to even the most basic public services is limited for Roma communities and the educational performance of Roma children lags far behind the national average. For that reason a continuous connection should be established between their inclusion efforts and the EU Roma inclusion process for changing experiences and practices. This spring a long-term Roma integration strategy was launched in Ukraine, the successful implementation of which could also be boosted by their involvement.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE), in writing. – European Eastern Neighbourhood is EU’s strategic interest as well as commitment. While Russia exercises heavy political and economic pressure on the EaNP states it is EU´s special opportunity and responsibility to stay committed in supporting the EaNP countries on their way towards rule of law. It is also in EU’s strategic interests to sign the association agreement with Ukraine, as majority of Ukrainians have decided to support European integration! The issue of politically motivated trials remains; however, the humanitarian solution concerning Yulia Tymoshenko seems to offer possible political solution. EU needs to engage itself actively in mediating a solution in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which will relieve Armenia and Azerbaidzhan from external dependency. Lastly, I am alarmed about EU’s continuing inactivity versus Georgia. Russia is pursuing borderisation of S-Ossetia, increasing the Russian military presence there, while EU observers are still being denied access to the break-away provinces. Just now the possibility to monitor what is happening there is crucial. The Russian failure during the last five years to honour its commitments can only be answered by a decisive EU reaction, making further progress of mutual relations conditional to Moscow’s credible change of its policies.

  Jaromír Kohlíček (GUE/NGL), písemně. – Návrh usnesení o evropské politice sousedství je kouzelný materiál, který vychází z mylného předpokladu, že ve státech Evropské unie jsou lidé spokojeni se stavem demokracie, že zde občanská společnost hraje významnou úlohu a že je zajištěna rovnost pohlaví. Zvláště ten poslední požadavek je velmi smělý, pokud si uvědomíme, že Evropský parlament se svojí většinou odmítl zabývat dne 22. 10. 2013 zprávou A7-0306/2013 o sexuálním a reprodukčním zdraví.

Pokud země, kterých se návrh usnesení týká, vezmou vážně tento krok většiny pléna, potom bych naprosto chápal, že alespoň některé z nich při příštím jednání vznesou vůči EU zcela legitimně některé z požadavků, které vůči nim uplatňuje diskutovaná zpráva, např. v bodě 7 „Hledisko rovnosti žen a mužů“. V části „Východní partnerství“ bych doporučoval některým zemím Evropské unie, aby si udělaly průzkum popularity vládních opatření ve svých zemích. Zejména opatření vlády Řecka nebo Polska by zřejmě byla důvodem k přerušení programů spolupráce na základě této zprávy. Na jedné straně zpráva kritizuje opatření Ruska, na druhé straně sama určitá nátlaková opatření vůči partnerským zemím obsahuje. Část zprávy týkající se jižního sousedství připomíná tanec mezi vejci. Chceme spolupráci, stabilitu, demokratizaci, ale nelíbí se nám výsledky svobodných voleb. Militantní islamisté se ze zprávy vytratili.

  Adrian Severin (NI), in writing. – Kremlin's 'open arms' strategy towards the EU-Russia common neighbourhood demonstrates that, unlike the EU and its conditionalities, Russia does understand the geo-strategic character of the game and is willing to play it. This could restore old division lines in Europe. Therefore, EU must urgently reorient its Eastern Neighbourhood approach and the Vilnius Summit must consecrate the beginning of this necessary change. This includes most importantly the signing of the Association Agreement with Ukraine without preliminary conditions. Likewise, the initialling of the agreements with Moldova and Georgia and the adoption of a declaration on the basis of a strategic partnership with Azerbaijan. Starting from the geo-strategic reality created by those deeds, the Summit could and should also offer Russia a new strategic partnership with the aim of creating a common space of security, justice, liberty and prosperity from Gibraltar to Bering. Thus, the Vilnius Summit will have long-term consequences testing the effectiveness of the EU Eastern Neighbourhood Policy. Missing this opportunity and especially the signing of the Association Agreement with Ukraine will discredit the EU as a relevant international player and will also put in jeopardy the promotion of the EU values and the security of its citizens.

  Oleg Valjalo (S&D) , napisan. - Poštovani g. predsjedavajući, želio bih najprije zahvaliti Europskoj komisiji, a onda posebno gospodinu Jaceku Saryusz-Wolskome i gospodinu Pieru Antoniju Panzeriju, na izvrsnom dosadašnjem radu i mnoštvu korisnih prijedloga koji nas usmjeravaju na osnaživanje naših odnosa sa zemljama Istočnoga partnerstva. Smatram da je naša dužnost i obveza da zemljama koje spomenutome Partnerstvu pripadaju i dalje nastavimo pružati maksimalnu podršku na putu pune demokratizacije, vladavine prava, te razvoja slobodnoga i otvorenoga građanskog društva kojemu puni cvat može biti omogućen samo u dinamičnom i zrelom demokratskom ozračju. U kontekstu susreta ('summita') sa zemljama Istočnoga partnerstva u Vilniusu krajem studenoga, želim posebno istaknuti da našim prijateljskim zemljama u istočnom susjedstvu moramo iskazati punu podršku na praktičan način, posebice zato što nam je svima sasvim jasno kakav je stav o ovim našim nastojanjima zauzela Rusija. Naša poruka Rusiji i cijelom svijetu treba biti jasna: Europska unija je uvijek za mir, ekonomski prosperitet i demokratski razvoj. Kako sam već ranije rekao, pomozimo zemljama Istočnoga partnerstva na praktičan način: olakšajmo trgovinu s njima, pomozimo im na putu energetske neovisnosti, liberalizirajmo vizni režim i omogućimo što slobodnije kretanje građanima ovih zemalja. To je ključ uspjeha. Budimo što je moguće više aktivno uključeni u njihov razvoj i napredak. Hvala.

  Josef Weidenholzer (S&D), schriftlich. – Die Nachbarschaftspolitik der Europäischen Union setzt sich eine Stabilisierung und Annäherung der angrenzenden Staaten zum Ziel. Sie soll die Ränder Europas aufwerten und trägt leider aber sehr oft marginalen Charakter. Auf jeden Fall was ihre finanzielle Ausstattung betrifft. Die Zustimmung zu einer höheren Mittelzuteilung wird häufig im Zusammenhang mit einem potentiellen Beitritt gesehen. Da dieser Prozess weitgehend abgeschlossen ist, scheint die Dynamik weitgehend erloschen zu sein. Zudem sind die Verhältnisse in den betroffenen Ländern – der Bogen reicht von Marokko bis Weißrussland – äußerst divergent und inhomogen. Ein kohärenter Politikansatz scheint daher schwierig, wenn nicht unmöglich. Das teilweise eruptive Auftreten von revolutionären Veränderungen, etwa im Zusammenhang mit dem arabischen Frühling, der Zusammenbruch eines Jahrhunderte bestehenden gesellschaftlichen Gefüges wie in Syrien, ein epochaler, alle Stabilisierungsbemühungen immer wieder verunmöglichend machender Nahostkonflikt oder die immer offener zu Tage tretenden Hegemonialinteressen Russlands, stellen kaum beherrschbare Variablen dar. Diese Schwierigkeiten sollten die EU allerdings nicht zu Inaktivität verleiten. Ganz im Gegenteil sollte gerade dies eine stärkere Forcierung der Nachbarschaftspolitik der Union bewirken.

(1) Vedasi processo verbale