3. Pregătiri pentru reuniunea Consiliului European (19-20 decembrie 2013) (dezbatere)
Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission zur Vorbereitung der Tagung des Europäischen Rates (19./20. Dezember 2013) (2013/2626(RSP)).
Vytautas Leškevičius, President-in-Office of the Council. − Mr President, I am pleased to take part in this morning’s debate on next week’s meeting of the European Council. There is a heavy agenda, with a range of issues covering defence, economic and monetary union, and economic and social policy.
Let me start with defence. Next week’s debate on the common security and defence policy is particularly timely. It comes four years after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty and takes place against a background of some disillusion about the value of Europe. It presents us with an excellent opportunity to demonstrate the added value of Europe, or – to put it differently – to highlight the cost of non-Europe. And I know that this is of particular concern to this Parliament which, together with national parliaments, contributes to the December 2013 European Council debate.
Defence budgets are shrinking and our fragmented European defence industry is struggling to remain competitive. If Member States harmonised their requirements for military capabilities, they would be able to use their resources more efficiently. If they could decide on a shared approach on the use and maintenance of assets, they would benefit from much greater capacity than is available at the national level.
The example of air-to-air refuelling is particularly striking. No single Member State can afford on its own to maintain an adequate refuelling fleet. Through close cooperation among ourselves, but also with our partners, notably NATO, we can increase overall capacity, reduce costs and be more efficient.
This is equally true for the European defence industry. Our technological and industrial base is fragmented. If Europe wants to maintain strategic autonomy and ensure the security of supply, action is needed at European level. Furthermore, creating a more competitive and integrated European defence industry will also stimulate job creation, innovation and growth.
Heads of State or Government will of course also look at the broader political picture and set directions. How can the Union respond in a comprehensive manner to the rapid evolution of Europe’s strategic and geopolitical environment and address new security – notably energy, cyber and maritime – challenges? How can the Union assume its responsibilities as security provider for maintaining peace and security together with its key partners?
Next week’s European Council is likely to identify a number of priority actions built around three axes.
Firstly, to enhance the effectiveness, visibility and impact of our common security and defence policy. The Union’s ability to bring together, in a coherent manner, policies and tools ranging from diplomacy, security and defence to finance, trade, development and justice can still be improved.
Secondly, to enhance the development of defence capabilities. I have already mentioned that cooperation between Member States is crucial. Significant progress in delivering key capabilities can be achieved through pooling demand, harmonising requirements, coordinating defence planning and development of capabilities, and ensuring interoperability including with key partners organisations such as NATO.
Finally, to strengthen our defence industry. To achieve this, we must improve the synergies between civilian and military research and national and EU research. We can also reduce costs, harmonise demand and enhance interoperability by developing defence industrial standards and certification procedures, without duplicating already existing ones. This will also help promote greater access by SMEs, which are a key driver for growth, to these markets.
We are witnessing a gradual recovery in the economy, with a slow return to growth. But with unemployment figures soaring, we cannot be complacent. Further efforts are needed. It is therefore vital that Heads of State or Government put all their weight behind the efforts to consolidate this positive trend.
Next week the European Council will come back to the issue of economic and monetary union and will carry out an assessment of the economic situation in the Member States and the euro area on the basis of the 2014 Annual Growth Survey published by the Commission on 13 November 2013. Work will also continue on reinforcing economic policy coordination. Let me say a few words about this second point.
As you are well aware, over the past three years the EU economic governance framework has been substantially reinforced, with the active support of this Parliament. The European Semester process – which has just started for 2014 – brings together the different strands of economic governance into a coherent process. But there is a need to enhance the effectiveness of the coordination of the economic policies of the Member States and in the euro area by increasing Member States’ commitment and ownership when implementing the country-specific recommendations and the reforms towards competitiveness, growth and jobs that these entail.
For this reason the December European Council will focus its attention on these issues: contractual arrangements and associated solidarity mechanisms. Contractual arrangements and related solidarity mechanisms should facilitate and support the reform process. Our objective is to enhance ownership, effectiveness, democratic legitimacy and accountability. Contractual arrangements will be built on existing procedures and next week’s European Council is expected to decide on the principles which will underpin these arrangements.
Although economic reform is in the interests of Member States, the long-term gains are sometimes difficult to assess immediately. To overcome the short-term economic and political costs, contractual arrangements need to be combined with financial incentives – the so-called solidarity mechanisms. However, conditionality and monitoring based on observable milestones are essential when designing instruments for financial support. It is intended that the European Council will agree on the main features of both the contractual arrangements and solidarity mechanisms.
Let me conclude on this point with a few words on the social dimension of EMU and the completion of the banking union. On the social dimension of the EMU, the European Council is expected to confirm the decision on the use of the scoreboard of employment and social indicators in the Joint Employment Report. The objective is to include the scoreboard in the 2014 European Semester governance cycle. However, the analysis of social indicators should not dilute the aim of the Macroeconomic Imbalance Procedure as a detection, prevention and correction tool for macroeconomic imbalances, which is significant for the functioning of the EMU.
The European Council will also assess progress on completion of the banking union. This is a top priority, since it will help restore normal credit throughout the Union and prevent credit crises in the future. Following the adoption of the single supervisory mechanism, further work is needed on the completion of the architecture of the banking union. This includes the Bank Resolution and Deposit Guarantee Directives on which we are close to agreement.
The Lithuanian Presidency is working very hard to reach a general approach on a single resolution mechanism by the end of this year. You may know that this issue was discussed at yesterday’s Ecofin meeting. As I have already said, we are putting every effort into making it happen before the end of this year. I know that you share our assessment of the importance of this file and the need for us to reach agreement by the end of the end of the current legislative cycle, as well.
The European Council will also assess progress on the implementation of the Compact for Growth and Jobs agreed in June 2012, in particular in relation to Single Market Acts I and II, youth unemployment and the financing of the economy. These are of course issues which are key to delivering a return to prosperity and creating employment.
The European Council will also return to the issue of migration in the Mediterranean, following the tragic accident off the coast of Lampedusa. To avoid such disasters happening again, the European Council requested in October that the Commission-led Task Force identify priority actions for a more efficient use of European policies and tools in the short term.
It also decided to consider migration issues from a longer-term perspective next June, when it will discuss the area of freedom, security and justice. Next week’s European Council will take stock of the operational decisions identified following the work of the Task Force and the discussions by Justice Ministers last week.
I should add, by way of conclusion, that the European Council is also expected to look at enlargement issues – as is usual in December – and to welcome two Energy Council reports on progress to create the EU internal energy market and on developments since 2011 regarding strengthening the external dimension of EU energy policy. The reports will serve as a further impetus to continue our work in the energy sector, which is key to European competitiveness, growth and security of supply.
The December European Council will be a further step towards consolidating growth, creating jobs and improving competitiveness in Europe. We look forward to a constructive discussion and a meeting that will produce results which will show that Europe can make a difference.
Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Mr President, President Barroso would have liked to be here with you for this important debate, as he usually is prior to each European Council meeting, but he decided to take part in the memorial ceremony for Nelson Mandela, one of the greatest political figures of our time, and therefore I am honoured to be able to present to you the Commissionʼs assessment ahead of next weekʼs European Council.
Over the past twelve months, the Commissionʼs message to you has consistently been the following: enormous efforts in fiscal consolidation, in structural reforms, in financial marketsʼ stabilisation and, last but not least, in active solidarity have been made within the European Union. If we manage to sustain these efforts we will see that our crisis response will ultimately succeed.
As we meet today, we see that it is working already. We are starting to see the results. Economic indicators point towards a slow but significant upturn in both growth and confidence. The situation in all programme countries has improved and stabilised.
This is most visibly emphasised by Ireland’s graduation from its adjustment programme and it is hard to think of a stronger signal, first and foremost to the citizens of Ireland but also to citizens all over Europe, and then of course also to financial markets and international lenders. Ireland’s commitment and sustained efforts are paying off.
This is the right moment to pay tribute to the resilience and determination of the Irish people and their political leaders throughout this process. The Irish example shows that linking responsibility with effective European support and solidarity has proven to be the right answer. We should all see this as an encouragement for other countries under adjustment programmes. The Commission is confident that their hard work, which is ultimately our common hard work, will also pay off in the end.
Latvia adopting the euro as of next month is another indication of confidence in the euro as our single currency. In economic terms 2013 has been a turnaround year in this crisis.
The year 2013 has been a successful year for other reasons too. I am thinking of our joint achievements to agree and adopt the multiannual financial framework. I am thinking of our breakthrough in creating a single supervisory mechanism in the banking sector. We have taken new steps in reforming the European Unionʼs economic governance. I feel encouraged by the way in which the European Semester, and in particular the coordination of national budgets, is developing.
But we must be absolutely clear that we need to maintain our efforts. The recovery cannot be just for some. Unemployment and hardship remain part of a very harsh reality for many European families. So we cannot and will not leave the job half-finished. That will remain the Commissionʼs message to you and also to the European Council next week.
Now, at next week’s summit meeting, we need to take this forward. We have a chance to make 2014 a very successful year. We have to continue on our reform path as set out in the Commission Blueprint for a Deep and Genuine Economic and Monetary Union.
The economic governance framework that we have now fully implemented for the first year with the new tools of the two-pack is a massive improvement on what was in place before the crisis. But it needs to be completed. We should go even further to ensure the sustained stability of the euro area for the coming years. We owe it to our citizens and we owe it to our countries and especially to those who have suffered so much to recover and remove the debris from the last crisis. We know we still have to go further to prevent the next one.
For this, we need to first of all complete the banking union by putting in place a single resolution mechanism and the Single Resolution Fund. The Commission appreciates the efforts made in this House to advance quickly in forming your views on our proposals. Now it is for the Member States to fully engage in the debate and to come to a general agreement this month.
Some progress was made in the Council last night, and I am confident that an agreement will still be reached before the European Council meeting. It is important that we can fully conclude on this crucial piece of legislation before the European Parliament elections.
Linked to this, following last night’s further discussions in the Council, there is good reason to hope that agreement on the two pending proposals on bank resolution and recovery and on deposit guarantee schemes can be achieved in the trialogues before the end of the year.
Completing the banking union must be our most immediate and most important objective. However, the work will not be finished with this. We need to underpin our model with an even more credible and coherent system for coordinating economic policies across Europe, coupled with effective solidarity. The European Council next week will therefore continue the reflections on contractual arrangements and associated solidarity mechanisms.
Contractual arrangements, together with solidarity mechanisms, can be an important tool to ensure that important structural reforms take place in an effective and timely way. These new arrangements would constitute one additional step in our governance to improve the follow-up of country-specific recommendations and they would include the possibility to provide financial incentives to support implementation of the reforms.
The Commission adopted a communication on those instruments earlier this year. But let me stress again that this is not a way for Brussels to make life difficult for Member States: quite the opposite! The disciplinary element is already deeply enshrined in the European Semester and in the Fiscal Treaty. Now it is a question of reinforcing the agreement aspect that allows more involvement by national political actors and stakeholders, and the process should be agreed from the bottom up.
We also need to discuss how to make the solidarity element more concrete, so as to provide the necessary help to finance these reforms – after all these reforms are in the common European interest. This is all about stronger commitment, ownership and implementation, to the benefit of the euro area and the EU as a whole.
The Commission hopes that the European Council can flesh out next week some basic principles on this issue, which would form the basis for further work to be taken forward during the first half of 2014. First and foremost, we need to be clear about firmly anchoring contractual arrangements and solidarity mechanisms in the existing framework of the European Semester.
We need to focus them on those policy areas with the most likely effects on competitiveness, employment and the functioning of the EMU. We need to agree on their scope and engage all euro-area countries, while leaving the mechanism voluntary for non-members.
Financing the solidarity support should come from all participating Member States, whether in the form of budgetary support, grants, loans or guarantees and it should reflect the ambition level of reforms and the shock-absorption capacity of the receiving country.
The second major item on the European Council agenda is the common security and defence policy. The need for a common approach to defence matters has never been so crucial. The Commission has been calling for progress for some time already, notably in this House in all of President Barrosoʼs State of the Union speeches.
With our communication of last July – ʻTowards a competitive and efficient European defence and security sectorʼ – the Commission has pushed this debate higher up the European agenda. We have set forth concrete proposals towards a more competitive and less fragmented European defence industry. We want to sustain and enhance Europe’s military capabilities and the European Union’s autonomous action.
We have to work towards a more cohesive European security and defence policy mainly for three reasons.
Firstly, because we need an effective and visible common security and defence policy as a tangible expression of our international commitments; we need to be able to back up our values and positions with effective security and civilian missions whenever and wherever necessary. Through EU battlegroups and speedy deployment of EU civilian missions, we can show that we are as good as our word.
We also need critical technological expertise and autonomy in key capability areas. New threats and challenges, such as cyber security and trafficking of human beings, make the link between our internal and external security dimensions closer than before.
Secondly, we need to go further in this area also because public budgets across Europe are under pressure. The only sensible way to match increasing ambition and decreasing resources is through more cooperation. Today, more than 75% of investment in defence equipment is still spent nationally.
We need to avoid duplication of programmes; it makes no sense that we need seven models of the same helicopters or sixteen types of frigates serving the same purpose, while the US has just one. We need to share assets and develop common standards or we will risk losing critical expertise and autonomy. Economies of scale and efficiency gains can and should further strengthen our defence capabilities.
Thirdly, also in this area we talk about economic growth and employment. The defence and security sector directly employs 400 000 people and indirectly generates another 960 000 jobs in Europe, with a turnover of EUR 96 billion in 2012 alone and EUR 23 billion of exports in 2011.
To maintain those jobs the need for innovation-driven competitiveness is huge. We want our companies to remain competitive on the world stage. We need to invest in a knowledge-based industrial network able to generate cutting-edge defence technologies, by exploiting the dual potential of research.
We also need Member States to fully implement the 2009 directives opening up defence procurement. We want and we have made proposals to promote greater access by SMEs to defence and security markets. We also intend to do more to develop standards in critical technology areas and to promote a common approach to certification, a key enabler of industrial competitiveness. We are putting emphasis on space and satellite communications, to propose new approaches benefiting the security and defence sector.
This is not a debate for Europe alone. Our common security and defence policy is developed in close cooperation with our partners, notably the United Nations, NATO, the OSCE, the African Union and strategic partner countries and organisations. We owe it to them to make our efforts as focused and as effective as possible because pooling our resources and know-how is the way to do it.
So with the discussion taking place within the European Council, the Commission hopes to generate real ambition and momentum for closer defence cooperation and synergies among Member States. We need a more integrated and competitive industrial base, in cooperation with the European Defence Agency as well.
This House has always been relentless in its support for a stronger, more united European Union, a Union fit to secure and improve the welfare of its citizens, and a Union ready to take up its rightful role in international politics as well.
Issues on which the Commission and Parliament have cooperated over the last months and years – each time raising the bar and adding to the momentum for European action – have recently made real progress.
On migration, for instance, the Commission expects that the European Council will endorse the need to move forward with the concrete actions which flow from the work of the Task Force for the Mediterranean.
The Lampedusa tragedy has made it painfully clear that we need to step up border control operations and enhance our capacity to detect boats in the Mediterranean. It has also underlined the limits of national policies to deal with a large and complex problem such as illegal migration flows, showing the need for more assistance to Member States with particular migration problems and real solidarity.
Let me recall that the Commission is setting aside financial support of up to EUR 50 million including emergency funding, and in support of Italy in particular EUR 30 million has been set aside, including for border surveillance operations under the Frontex mandate. The nature of the problems calls for such support, to the benefit of all of us.
In order to improve the fight against trafficking, smuggling and organised crime, practical cooperation and exchange of information must be reinforced with third countries too. Regional protection programmes can be made stronger, notably for Northern Africa. Our resettlement efforts can be a lot better and, together with Member States, we should explore how to open new or better legal channels to access Europe, for instance for seasonal workers, students or researchers.
Last but not least, we need to step up our cooperation with third countries. For instance, new dialogues on migration, mobility and security should be launched with a number of southern Mediterranean countries, notably with Egypt, Libya, Algeria and Lebanon.
The European Council will also take stock of the progress made in implementing the Compact for Growth and Jobs and the two sets of Single Market Act proposals. There is positive news to report but there are still some important proposals where we can and must make progress still during this term. Member States need to deliver on their commitments. Just to give one example which the European Council will address next week: taxation policy, in particular the fight against tax fraud and tax avoidance.
An Action Plan was adopted a year ago. The Commission has made the necessary proposals for an advanced and comprehensive system of automatic exchange of information between tax administrations, and for tighter corporate tax rules against aggressive tax planning. We are pursuing negotiations on stronger tax agreements with Switzerland, Andorra, Monaco, San Marino and Liechtenstein. The European Union is also a key player in shaping the OECD work on global standards. But yesterday, once again, the Ecofin Ministers failed – given the opposition of two Member States – to reach agreement on the Savings Directive.
I hope that together with you we can keep up the pressure to make progress in this area.
Finally, the European Council will hopefully agree on giving concrete impulses to improve companies’ access to finance – and SMEs in particular. We have already made headway. The European Investment Bank has significantly and successfully boosted its activities following the capital increase agreed last year. The EIB and the Commission have together explored further ways to develop risk-sharing instruments that can leverage resources from the EU budget with EIB support. At next week’s summit, the Commission will continue to push Member States in their ambition to use and improve such activities.
Let me conclude with a few remarks on the situation in Ukraine. I know you had a plenary debate on the Eastern Partnership yesterday afternoon. I believe this is a topic which cannot pass unmentioned also in our debate this morning.
Let me recall in clear and plain terms the position of the European Commission: European values and principles must be respected. This is particularly true for the Ukrainian authorities but it is true for everyone, of course. Especially after what happened last night, we have to reiterate that violence is never the answer. The solution must be found by political means, and this solution must be found through dialogue with the Ukrainian opposition and civil society.
President Barroso has already spoken twice with President Yanukovych on the phone after the Vilnius Summit, calling upon him to show restraint in the face of recent developments, not to use violent force against peaceful demonstrations and to respect the fundamental freedoms of Ukrainian citizens.
The High Representative/Vice-President of the Commission Cathy Ashton is in Kiev today, on the ground, in order to assist in finding political and peaceful solutions to the very tense situation that Ukraine is living through today.
The people of Ukraine have clearly demonstrated that they support Ukraine’s European choice. Our offer to Ukraine to sign the Association Agreement, including a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, remains on the table. But the necessary conditions outlined in the Council conclusions need to be met and the current political tensions need to have a peaceful solution. I welcome that this was also the very large consensus that emerged from your debate yesterday.
On all these things which I have just mentioned, the Commission and Parliament have worked hand in hand for the European common interest and will continue to do so.
Joseph Daul, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, d'abord sur l'Ukraine, nous sommes très attentifs à ce qui se passe. Je déplore que le gouvernement n'ait pas signé l'accord d'association. Ce refus a conduit le peuple ukrainien à se mobiliser massivement pour défendre une Ukraine libre et respectueuse des droits fondamentaux.
Je veux aussi dire aux citoyens ukrainiens que nous sommes à leurs côtés et que nous condamnons toute forme de violence contre eux. L'heure est grave. Cela peut exploser et j'appelle de mes vœux une mission de médiation européenne au plus haut niveau politique, tout comme pendant la révolution orange, pour trouver des solutions transparentes et démocratiques.
Les citoyens ukrainiens nous adressent un message. Ils nous disent qu'il faut une Europe forte. C'est d'ailleurs – et je le regrette; enfin, je ne le regrette pas, j'en suis plutôt content – là-bas qu'on voit le plus de drapeaux européens, ce qu'on voit de moins en moins dans nos différents pays.
L'Europe a besoin d'une forte ambition et en posant les bases d'une vraie union économique, nous avons été ambitieux. Il y a seulement cinq ans, les décisions que nous avons prises étaient impensables. Or, ces décisions furent bonnes. D'autre part, les États membres n'ont rien perdu de leur identité. Le six-pack et le semestre européen fonctionnent. Ce n'est pas parfait, mais, partout, en Europe, nous voyons quand même de petits signes de reprise et nous voyons aussi que nous sommes tous interconnectés. Il faut donc travailler encore plus ensemble, qu'on le veuille ou non. D'ailleurs, regardez les secteurs économiques. Qu'est-ce qu'ils font? Ils travaillent ensemble, et le secteur politique veut se remettre dans un petit coin dans chaque pays. C'est complètement absurde!
Les budgets nationaux ne sont pas extensibles à l'infini et toutes les politiques ne sont pas finançables. C'est le cas de la défense, par exemple, et, là, je rejoins M. Šefčovič. Je sais qu'il est souvent difficile de parler de ce dossier, mais certains États membres consacrent déjà moins des deux pour cent de leur PIB nécessaires à la défense.
Si l'Europe ne s'organise pas au niveau de la défense, nous n'existerons plus dans le nouvel ordre mondial. Nous avons été naïfs. La fin de la guerre froide y a été pour beaucoup. Le monde est en train de changer. Regardez ce qui se passe en Lybie, au Mali, au Kosovo, en Centrafrique. Voyez le massacre des pauvres gens, des citoyens, en Centrafrique. L'Europe a un rôle à y jouer et doit être présente. Ce sont des missions auxquelles l'Europe sera de plus en plus confrontée.
D'ailleurs, les États-Unis considèrent que les Balkans relèvent de notre responsabilité. Si nous ne l'assumons pas, ce n'est pas grave, les Russes le feront pour nous. Il suffit de voir ce qui se passe dans notre voisinage, en Ukraine, en Moldavie. De plus, certains de nos intérêts stratégiques peuvent être menacés par des puissances régionales. Nous devons être prêts – je l'ai dit souvent ici, dans cet hémicycle – non pas pour faire la guerre, mais pour le maintien de la paix. Et je reviens à la Centrafrique, quand vous voyez ces images à la télé... Mais nous n'y arriverons pas seuls et, au cours de la prochaine législature, nous devrons travailler au renforcement de notre politique commune de sécurité et de défense, si nous voulons exister dans le monde.
Si nous voulons protéger nos frontières, cela suppose de renforcer notre capacité de réponse aussi sur le plan militaire et avec des forces mixtes. L'Eurocorps constitue une avancée, mais je sais, ce n'est qu'un début. Les neuf États membres contribuent à notre sécurité commune, mais cela doit changer, ou alors nous acceptons l'ensemble de la misère du monde.
Je ne voudrais pas qu'on s'y méprenne, il convient également d'accroître les aides au développement pour développer ces pays chez eux. Mais pour ce faire – et je reprends l'exemple de la Centrafrique, parce que ces images m'ont choqué cette nuit, quand j'ai regardé la télé, ici –, dans le cas de la Centrafrique, il faut deux chose: il faut maintenant le maintien de l'ordre pour éviter les drames, et il faut une aide au développement digne de ce nom.
J'y reviendrai aussi – vous m'avez pris tout mon discours, Monsieur Šefčovič, ce matin –, l'équipement de nos forces armées doit aussi changer. Il faut mutualiser nos ressources de recherche et de développement. Nous n'avons pas les moyens de continuer à travailler comme nous travaillons. Nous avons – vous l'avez dit – différents types de matériels. Je ne suis pas un spécialiste des matériels, mais nous devons travailler avec l'OTAN pour que nous ayons, là aussi, une industrie de l'armement digne de ce nom qui puisse subsister en Europe. Sinon, ce n'est pas viable.
Nous avons des fleurons technologiques de la défense, il nous reste des fleurons. Il faut agir ensemble au niveau de l'Europe pour que nous puissions les garder et il faut le faire comme nous avons abordé la crise économique. Il nous faut le six-pack de la défense, puisque le six-pack, c'est à la mode, avec des engagements clairs et des objectifs sans tabou.
En parlant d'ambition, aussi, chers collègues, la question qui se pose aujourd'hui quand nous regardons cette évolution, qui est normale, puisqu'après les révolutions, il y a des évolutions, il nous faut aussi repenser – je l'ai déjà dit à certains collègues – le six-pack sur la justice, le fonctionnement des justices en Europe. Je sais, c'est un dossier difficile à aborder. Je ne veux pas dire qu'il faut défendre M. X ou M. Y, mais nous avons des fonctionnements de la justice qui n'ont pas été mis en place après l'entrée de beaucoup de pays, au niveau de l'Union européenne, qui n'ont pas été achevés jusqu'au bout. Nous devons et nous ne pouvons pas négliger cet engagement au niveau de l'Europe. Il nous faut réfléchir en ce moment quand on voit ce qui se passe dans certains de nos pays européens.
L'Europe est une communauté de valeurs, de responsabilités partagées. L'Europe doit se renforcer pour avoir sa place dans le nouvel ordre mondial et, à tous ceux qui veulent moins d'Europe, je dis: "il nous faudra demain plus d'Europe", parce que ceux qui disent qu'il faut moins d'Europe se trompent et le verront très rapidement. Nous devons défendre nos valeurs partagées et aller de l'avant. Nous devons le faire pour l'avenir et la souveraineté de notre continent.
Hannes Swoboda, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, I would also like to start with Ukraine. We appeal to all the forces in the country to restrain their activities and not to use violence. It is good that Mr Yanukovych met Cathy Ashton and former Presidents but it is not acceptable that, having met these people and talked about a round table, he then lets the police drag down the demonstrations. This is not acceptable for us and we will fight for the freedom of the people who are demonstrating in the country of Ukraine for European values, because that is what they are fighting for.
(Applause)
Turning to defence, it is absolutely correct that we need more European defence efforts. The USA is engaging increasingly in the Pacific region and less in Europe, so we have to shoulder our task. We cannot be the old forgotten continent. We have to fight together, against terrorism for example. Terrorism will stay in our neighbourhood for a long time. As the Commission Vice-President said, synergies and better cooperation in the defence sector can also help us to save money in our national budgets but at the same time increase our defence efforts. I must say very clearly that if nearly 6 000 jobs are now in danger with EADS, it is partly because the national governments do not cooperate and do not enforce and enhance European defence structures and European defence industries. That is scandalous. So we need more defence efforts, but of course we also need more social cohesion and economic development in order to have the support of European citizens.
With that I come to the economic situation. We have had marvellous news in recent days. The estimated annual growth rate had to be revised up from 2.8% to 3.6%. The unemployment rate fell from 7.3% to 7%, the lowest since November 2008. This is without doubt great news – only that these are the figures for the United States of America and not for Europe. In Europe it is not as rosy as the Commission and the Council described it today. We still have many difficulties and we have shown that another policy is possible with the independent annual growth surveys which we presented. But unfortunately there is no change in the policy of the Commission and of many of the Council. I must say, having been in southern countries in crisis, that the more Mr Rehn speaks and the more he gives interviews, the more anti-European feelings rise in these countries.
I do not want to interfere in the beauty contest between Mr Verhofstadt and Mr Rehn. That is their business. But we have to change the policies. From Mr Rehn’s department in the Commission come figures that cumulative loss of output is equal to 18% for Greece, and 9% for Spain and France. This is what the Commission experts say. What do Mr Rehn, the Commission and the Council say? That Spain will approach the average European unemployment rate in 2033. That is the reality. Do not only cite Ireland, but mention the others as well. How can we live with this social devastation in some of the countries, from Greece to Portugal, highlighted not by us or by political forces but by independent organisations like Caritas? How can the Commission support the Troika when in Greece they are saying that people should be thrown out of their houses if they cannot pay their rent or pay back their credit? And what was the answer from one of the Troika members to criticism of this position? He said: build shelters for the people who have to be thrown out of their houses. This is the reality in some of the countries like Greece and this reality is not acceptable for us.
There are a lot of better ideas. For example I do not know how the Commission would react to this proposal: if we now sanction the banks with a fine of EUR 1.7 billion, why not use that in the fight against unemployment? Rather than just put it in our pockets, use it for the fight against unemployment and raise the Youth Guarantee. That would be a better idea. We have much better ideas for common European policy than the contractual agreements the Commission Vice-President mentioned. With the banking union again, nationalism and intergovernmentalism come into play instead of having a common European economic and monetary policy.
Let me also look at the social aspects of the situation in Europe today. It was more than 40 years ago – it was exactly 40 years ago on 13 November – when the German Chancellor, Willy Brandt, spoke to the European Parliament. He appealed, 40 years ago, in a very visionary speech, for the creation of the social union. He pleaded for equality of social rights and economic growth. Yet still today we have to struggle with the Commission, and with a majority in the Council, to have that social union implemented and to have strong social criteria in the economic and monetary union of the European Union.
Instead of establishing a social union, some of the member countries – and I look, for example to the British Government, but not only the British Government – want to restrict freedom of movement within the European Union and to create new divisions so that you can only travel if you have a high income. But what are we doing to achieve higher income in the poor countries? Instead of having a common strategy to fight against poverty, we fight against citizens from our member countries. So today nationalism again triumphs over social concerns.
Instead of creating jobs for all and reducing the gaps between rich and poor with regard to income and wealth, we again draw these kinds of divisions between nationals and foreigners. Again we speak about foreigners when we mean our co-citizens inside the European Union. Member States again – Britain and others – demand more power and more rights for themselves but instead they should use the rights they have. If there is social benefit tourism and if there is abuse – and it is very small, the Commission showed that – legislate at a national level but do not destroy what we have reached at European Union level, namely the freedom of movement.
There are two concepts of the European Union. One is that it should be restricted to the common market for goods and services, maybe also for the common market in defence goods. But there is another vision of the European Union which includes the freedom of labour and the freedom of movement for everybody. There is another concept of the European Union which says we should fight against poverty and the rising income gap in the European Union. It is true that there is mistrust in the European Union, but the mistrust is here because economic and social problems are not being tackled by the European Union. If we had a stronger common economic policy and a common social union, the people would also enhance the freedom of movement and the freedom of labour. Let us not destroy the Europe we have. Let us change it, let us improve it, but let us create a social union as a basis for trust and confidence inside the European Union.
(Applause)
Guy Verhofstadt, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, first of all I want to thank all the colleagues – and especially Mr Swoboda – who are very interested in the democratic choice we have in the Liberal Group. Obviously it is because it is only in the Liberal Group that there is a democratic choice that everybody is interested in it!
Besides that I want start my intervention by paying tribute to the citizens of Ukraine. I do that because the hundreds of thousands of people in the streets of Kiev are in my opinion today the best answer we can give to the rising Eurosceptic sentiment in Europe today. Inside Europe, nationalists and populists try to explain to us that it is over with Europe, that there is no future for the European Union and yet you see, outside our Union, in the streets of Kiev, people who want to join Europe, want to join the European Union.
My hope is that this pro-European spirit will not only prevail in the streets of Kiev next week, but also in next week’s European Council. It will be necessary because it is not an ordinary European Council. We have in fact three decisive hurdles to overcome in this European Council, six months before our European elections.
The first is on European defence: it is exactly 60 years ago that the French National Assembly made in my opinion a huge mistake, in 1954 if you remember – I was just born one year before, so I do not remember myself – to reject the European Defence Community. Nevertheless we see that, if you carry out a poll in Europe, in all the Member States of the European Union public opinion is in favour of European defence – a majority in favour of European defence, even in the United Kingdom.
If there is one issue in the UK that they think we have to do together it is about European defence. I know, some were laughing ten years ago when in the aftermath of the Iraq war we organised with France and with Germany what they called afterwards the Chocolate Summit. The idea at that time was to build on European defence, based on the St Malo agreement between France and Great Britain. I can only hope that ten years later this idea can blossom again, because certainly in terms of austerity where all the Member States have enormous difficulties with their public finances, we do not have the luxury to do the same thing 28 times, and it is far better to cooperate in that matter.
The second decisive step we need in this European Council is the new economic governance architecture for the eurozone. Let me be very blunt about that, Commissioner. You have defended here the contractual arrangements, but this Parliament does not want this idea of contractual arrangements: the idea that between the Commission and a Member State we should make a contract in which a specific reform – pension reform or labour market reform – is imposed. This system of contractual arrangements will be the death of Europe if you continue with it. It would create resistance in every Member State were you to make such a contractual arrangement, because it would be seen as an intrusion from Europe in a specific national reform. We have said it already – Mr Brok, myself, Mr Gualtieri in the name of the Parliament – in the Sherpa meetings and you are simply continuing with the idea.
The Commission should defend another idea, the same idea as Parliament, the idea of convergence guidelines. There need to be convergence directives that are applicable to all 28 Member States of the Union, and to all the 17 Member States of the eurozone. Naturally, these convergence guidelines will have different consequences in these and other Member States with different reforms. Please stop this idea of contractual arrangements; it gives the impression that the European Union, and specifically the Commission, is in fact intervening and imposing a special national reform while it is still Member States who are responsible for that.
Finally, my third point is the banking union. Let me first of all say what I have repeated already many times here in the plenary: without this banking union there is no solution to this crisis. We shall see exactly the same as what happened in Japan: that is a long period of economic stagnation. We need a real banking union, not merely a banking union, not what I call a loose coordination of national resolution mechanisms. That will not work. We do not need an intergovernmental system, we need a Community system. What I have read in the press this morning about the outcome of the Ecofin meeting last night is again an intergovernmental system that this Parliament hopefully will never accept.
Secondly, it has to be a system paid for not by taxpayers but by the banks themselves because, if it is again a system like the one we had in the past, it will be the taxpayers again who foot the bill. Banks have to pay based on their risk profiles. I hope that in this Parliament we can all give full support to the Commission proposal that precisely corresponds to this. My conclusion: I hope that at next week’s Ecofin meeting and certainly, Commissioner, at next week’s European Council, the same European spirit can prevail as the European spirit we see today in Kiev on Maidan square.
(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))
Jean-Pierre Audy (PPE), question "carton bleu". – Cher collègue, vous avez cité les représentants du peuple français qui ont eu raison de ne pas confier la défense de la nation française à l'Europe car l'Europe, à l'époque, n'était pas prête.
Croyez-vous sincèrement que l'Union européenne, aujourd'hui, est en mesure d'assurer la défense des peuples? Croyez-vous que vous ferez la défense européenne sans les États, et notamment les grands États, qui sont en mesure d'avoir les meilleures armées du monde? Croyez-vous que l'Union européenne soit vraiment prête aujourd'hui?
Guy Verhofstadt (ALDE), réponse "carton bleu". – Monsieur Audy, je crois d'abord que la défense européenne est un impératif car c'est un domaine que les États n'arrivent plus à financer sous la forme actuelle. Telle est la réalité. La réalité est que les États européens consacrent 42 % des dépenses américaines à la défense, ce qui est beaucoup, parce que les dépenses américaines au niveau militaire sont énormes. 42 %! Presque la moitié. Mais nous sommes à peine capables d'effectuer 10 % des opérations que les Américains réalisent. Cela signifie, si vous faites un petit calcul, que l'Europe est quatre à cinq fois moins efficace au niveau militaire que les Américains. C'est donc clair, il faut continuer sur la base de Saint-Malo.
Saint-Malo, c'était un accord entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne en vue de lancer la communauté de défense. Ce que je propose, et ce qu'on a fait avec M. Chirac pendant ce sommet, il y a dix ans, c'est justement d'avancer sur ce point et d'en finir avec l'idée idiote qu'il faut faire vingt-trois fois la même chose dans le domaine de la défense de l'Europe.
Rebecca Harms, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Sehr geehrte Herren Präsidenten, sehr geehrte Kollegen! Ich bin froh, dass jetzt – zumindest nachdem bewaffnete Spezialeinheiten die Büros der Oppositionsparteien in Kiew geräumt und zum Teil zerstört haben – dieses Parlament geschlossen dafür eintritt, eine ganz starke Präsenz in Kiew zu organisieren. Letzte Woche war diese Entscheidung ja noch nicht möglich. Ich bedauere sehr, dass es diesen Willen, in Kiew als offizielle Delegation des Parlaments auf dem Maidan zu sein, nicht am Wochenende gab. Wir hätten vielleicht etwas verhindern können. Ich hoffe, dass sich das jetzt ändert und wir die Entschließung, die wir gestern verhandelt haben, heute gemeinsam verabschieden.
In Kiew zeigt sich ja eine große Schwäche der Europäischen Union, nämlich mit einer einheitlichen Politik tatsächlich zu agieren. Was die Ukraine angeht, zeigt sich im Moment immer wieder diese ganz große Schwäche, eine Russland-Politik aus einem Guss zu machen. Ich hoffe nicht, dass diejenigen, die Freiheit und Demokratie in der Ukraine wollen, jetzt für diese Unfähigkeit der Europäischen Union bezahlen müssen.
Zur Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik: Wir sind in der Gefahr, dass Pferd von hinten aufzuzäumen. Ich finde es wirklich richtig, dass mal überlegt wird, wie wir uns unsere gemeinsame Sicherheits- und Außenpolitik eigentlich vorstellen. Wo wollen wir stehen, in fünf, in zehn Jahren? Was lernen wir eigentlich aus militärischen Interventionen? Was lernen wir aus Atalanta? Was lernen wir vom französischen Einsatz in Mali oder aus der Flucht – auch europäischer Soldaten – aus Afghanistan? Was brauchen wir gemeinsam?
Wenn das an den Anfang dieser Debatte gestellt wird, dann hilft das wirklich für eine bessere, gemeinsamere Politik. Angesichts knapper Kassen in der Europäischen Union, angesichts der Situation, dass wir sehr, sehr wenig Geld für gemeinsame Sozialpolitik oder für den Kampf gegen Jugendarbeitslosigkeit in der Europäischen Union in unserem gefledderten Haushalt haben, jetzt die Idee, aus dem europäischen Haushalt Drohnen und anderes Equipment anzuschaffen – mein Gott, was ist denn hier eigentlich los? So kann man die Stimmung in der Europäischen Union bestimmt nicht umdrehen.
In Sachen Gerechtigkeit Bankenunion: Ich weiß nicht, wie oft wir jetzt schon darüber diskutiert haben. Ohne das Europäische Parlament und einige engagierte Kollegen wie z. B. unseren Sven Giegold oder Philippe Lamberts hätten wir nicht die erste Säule der Bankenunion, hätten wir überhaupt nicht die Bankenaufsicht. Und ob wir – was der Gerechtigkeit in Europa sehr dienen würde – diesen Abwicklungsfonds, gespeist von den Banken, bekommen, das steht für mich noch auf einem fast unbeschriebenen Blatt, weil doch schon wieder alles blockiert wird.
Meine Damen und Herren, Herr Verhofstadt hat die Anforderungen angesprochen, die wir brauchen, damit der Euro dauerhaft stabil wird, damit wir aus der Krise herauskommen. Wir müssen in einer gemeinsamen Fiskal- und Wirtschaftspolitik diese wichtigen Schritte tun.
Aber das, was Sie vorgestellt haben, Herr Šefčovič, ist das Gegenteil! Wer will, dass sich die Geschichte von Griechenland wiederholt – eines Landes, das am Anfang der Debatte bereit war, über Reformen zu diskutieren, in dem es eine Reformstimmung gab –, wer will, dass sich diese Geschichte wiederholt und dass aus Reformstimmung einfach nur noch Zukunftsangst wird, dass sich mehr und mehr Menschen nach rechts und in populistische Bewegungen flüchten, weil sie keine Hoffnung mehr auf Europa richten, der muss genau diese Kontrakte, diese Verträge forcieren, wie Sie sie jetzt vorschlagen. Das ist antieuropäisch, das ist undemokratisch und dafür wird es aus meiner Fraktion nie eine Zustimmung geben.
Martin Callanan, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, we have talked about economic policy many times in this Chamber so, this morning, I want to concentrate on defence policy because, when it comes to defence in Europe, the right approach in my view should be one of cooperation, capability and compatibility.
And that is the approach that Europe has developed for over 60 years under the NATO umbrella. NATO is a tried and tested alliance, and yet many here are seeking to undermine it with more EU bureaucracy through the CSDP. They seek to duplicate its roles in order to create an EU army through the back door. And yes, of course, we all recognise that NATO needs to modernise.
When it was first formed in 1949, its first Secretary-General said, and I quote, that its role was: ʻto keep the Russians out, to keep the Americans in and the Germans downʼ. The challenges of the 21st century are, of course, very different to those in 1949. However, NATOʼs strength, ultimately, is the transatlantic security relationship that it embodies. We still need in my view to keep the Americans in.
European and North American cooperation is as relevant today as it has ever been. Unfortunately under President Obama, the so-called Pacific President, the USA in my view is in danger of turning its strategic focus to its western coast. We are pushing them away and some may argue that the only solution therefore is to form a common European defence, but such a plan is flawed on many levels.
Firstly of course, European countries simply do not have the resources. NATO spends around USD 1 trillion on defence. Two thirds of that comes from the US. Of the remaining one third spent by EU states, 70% is spent by just four: the UK, France, Germany and Italy. There would not be a European defence because so few countries are actually doing the heavy lifting. And yet even if we add up our total EU-wide spending, it pales into insignificance in comparison to that of the US.
Secondly of course, European countries are not going to hand over command and control of their assets to an EU operational headquarters. Europeʼs biggest defence power is certainly not going to do so and it has already vetoed such an HQ. So we are left with a de facto intergovernmental arrangement where countries cooperate and pledge to defend each otherʼs interests, which sounds to me an awful lot like NATO.
Yet through this duplication of effort, we reduce the resources available for already overstretched military capability. These are resources we could spend on hardware and training rather than on playing with toy soldiers. But the most important consideration lies with our troops themselves. I am sure that everyone in this House has the utmost respect for their own countryʼs armed forces and I pay tribute to those from mine. The bravery and heroism of British troops is marvellous. These people fight for their flag, for their country and, from my country, for their Queen. Do we honestly believe that those same people would have the willingness to fight and possibly pay the ultimate sacrifice for the European flag? I think not.
European countries already have a long and valuable history of bilateral and multilateral cooperation and this should be continued. Of course we have to work together wherever possible. Strategic deficiencies will be overcome through this approach which is already embodied in NATOʼs smart defence initiative. In the recent Mali mission for example, UK transport planes were deployed to assist with lifting French assets alongside UK surveillance planes. But those kinds of bilateral cooperative measures do not need a new bureaucracy at EU level in order to implement them. They just need the willpower of the states concerned.
That will power has not always been forthcoming across all EU Member States; nothing illustrated this point more forcefully than the division caused by the Iraq war a decade ago. Regardless of the rights and wrongs of that conflict, it showed very vividly why national independence is critical to so many states.
In these challenging times we cannot afford to run two defence organisations in Brussels. We have one very successful one already. It has kept the peace for 60 years in Europe. It embodies the transatlantic security relationship and it still represents our best hope for security in the 21st century. Every step we take towards a European common defence, the USA takes one step away from NATO. In an age when rising economic powers are not always liberal democratic states, we must remain absolutely and resolutely united across the Atlantic.
The EU needs to learn the lessons of the euro crisis. We must stop rushing into creating the trappings of European statehood. Instead we should focus practically on what actually works, not on creating new bureaucracies just for the sake of it. NATO works. Let us stick with it and stop this vain attempt to create a European army through the back door. When it comes to defence in Europe, the right approach should be one of cooperation, capability and compatibility, as I said at the start.
Gabriele Zimmer, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Gestern hat die Organisation zum Verbot von Chemiewaffen den Friedensnobelpreis bekommen, und vor einem Jahr hat die Europäische Union den Nobelpreis bekommen. Warum nutzen wir den Gipfel, der nächste Woche stattfinden wird, nicht, um tatsächlich eine Vision zu verkünden, nämlich eine Vision, dass wir – die Europäische Union – die Union sind, die weltweit massiv dazu beitragen wird, das Arsenal an Waffen überhaupt abzubauen? Die Organisation zum Verbot von Chemiewaffen hat bereits 80 % der bestehenden Chemiewaffen weltweit abgebaut. Sie hat jetzt eine der schwierigsten Aufgaben überhaupt: in einem vom Bürgerkrieg geschüttelten Land während dieses Bürgerkriegs die Chemiewaffen abzubauen.
Und was machen wir? Wir organisieren einen Rüstungsgipfel! Wir organisieren – und da bitte ich darum, dass es auch so genommen wird, wie ich das sage – einen Gipfel der Rüstungslobbyisten! Das ist nicht die Aufgabe, vor der wir stehen, und ist nicht das, was die Menschen hier in der Europäischen Union von uns verlangen und von uns erwarten. Es ist, als ob wir in einer Parallelwelt leben würden. Wir haben eine Europäische Union, die von der Krise zerfressen ist, und was machen wir? Wir diskutieren darüber, ob wir die Gelder, die die Haushalte der Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union und der europäische Haushalt bieten können, nicht besser und effektiver nutzen können, um noch teurere Systeme, effektivere Systeme, unbeherrschbarere Systeme zu bauen! Letztendlich ist es doch kein Wunder, dass EADS ausgerechnet vor dem Gipfel jetzt damit ankommt und sagt: Wir müssen einsparen, weil ihr nicht genügend Geld zur Verfügung stellt, weil ihr euch als Mitgliedstaaten nicht besonders engagiert oder nicht entsprechend wirksam werdet. Das ist tatsächlich nicht nur das Pferd von hinten aufgezäumt, das ist die völlig falsche Richtung, in die dieses Pferd trabt. Es kann nicht sein, dass wir in dieser Weise agieren!
Man kann die Zahlen, auf die Sie sich ja berufen, auch völlig anders deuten. Jährlich werden 26 Milliarden Euro für Rüstung ausgegeben, mehr als das, was eigentlich für die nationalen Haushalte veranschlagt ist. Der Spiegel redet von 130 Milliarden Euro, die eingespart werden könnten. Man kann aber auch sagen, man kann völlig darauf verzichten.
Das hat doch alles nur dann Sinn in Ihrer Logik, wenn es so wäre, dass die Politiker der Rüstung sagen würden, was tatsächlich passiert. Es ist aber doch umgekehrt! In unserem Leben, in unserem politischen Alltag, ist es doch so, dass die Rüstungslobby den Politikern sagt, was zu tun ist. Schauen Sie sich doch EADS an: Die sind nicht in der Lage, innerhalb von einem Jahrzehnt den Satellitenfunk in Deutschland einzuführen, seit 30 Jahren geht die Auseinandersetzung um den Eurofighter! Was erwarten Sie denn eigentlich? Und das ist das, was ich nicht verstehe, warum wir hier so blauäugig tun und so tun, als wären wir diejenigen, die jetzt darüber bestimmen würden, dass wir ein effektiveres Verteidigungssystem aufbauen. Solange Rüstung im Spiel ist, wird es weder auf europäischer Ebene noch auf nationaler Ebene eine Möglichkeit geben, das Ganze wirklich nur auf die Verteidigungsbedürfnisse zurückzufahren und wirklich nur die Verteidigung der eigenen Bevölkerung zu sichern. Das ist ein Irrglaube, vor dem ich hier auch deutlich warnen möchte.
Ich möchte Sie noch mal darauf aufmerksam machen: Solange wir auch innerhalb der Europäischen Union nicht die Ungleichgewichte ernsthaft in Angriff nehmen, solange wir beispielsweise auch vom Rat aus nicht mehr Druck ausüben auf die Bundesrepublik Deutschland, damit sie das, was sie zu diesem Ungleichgewicht beiträgt, zurückfährt und das korrigiert, solange wir akzeptieren, dass die Gewinne, die Exportüberschüsse und die Exportgewinne der Bundesrepublik Deutschland die Schulden der anderen sind, werden wir ebenfalls nicht aus dieser Misere herauskommen.
Nigel Farage, on behalf of the EFD Group. – Mr President, I know it is seasonal to talk about the 12 days of Christmas, but I want to talk about the 21-day count down to the opening of the doors to 29 million poor people from Romania and Bulgaria. It does, I think, mark a pivotal moment in British politics. Very often in Britain, MEPs complain that they do not have a high enough profile with the public. I want to try and change that today because Brigadier Geoffrey Van Orden sitting behind me here, British Conservative, was the rapporteur, the sponsor for Bulgaria joining the European Union and for us having a total open door to all of those people.
So well done, Brigadier, I want all the British people to know who you are and what your achievements are and of course what free movement means – it means free health care; it means free education; it means free access to the benefit system; it means an open door to the criminal gangs and the modern day Fagins who will of course benefit from the fact that London is the most successful and wealthy international city in Europe. Already the situation is so bad that 92% of ATM crime in London last year was committed by Romanians. I am not scapegoating in any way and I know that a lot of people that come from Bulgaria and Romania will be very decent people who want to work hard and want to better their lives, but free movement does not work in the European Union now that we have countries that are poor. For a man that comes from Bucharest and works in London and gets child benefit for the two children back home: that child benefit is worth more than he can actually earn doing a menial job in Bucharest and that is the reason why the numbers that come to Britain will indeed be absolutely enormous.
I have said for some time, and now the British people agree, enough is enough. 80% of the British people do not want those borders to come down in 21 days’ time. It is unfair. It is unfair on working people. It is leading to lower wages. It is leading to higher youth unemployment and it is leading to divided communities. But of course it does not end here, because our Prime Minister, Mr Cameron, with the full support of Labour and the Lib Dems, now wants to extend this principle of open borders, as he says himself, from the Atlantic to the Urals. So it means countries like Kazakhstan, indeed the Ukraine, joining the European Union. I see that Tony Blair is now helping Albania join the European Union. Well good luck to them with that. We even want to extend it to Turkey joining the European Union. Our message is that a turkey is just for Christmas; it is not for political union; we do not want open borders.
And, Mr Cameron, do not, next week at the summit, surrender in any way to deeper European military integration. Many in this room would have bombed Syria had Europe had that capability. Thank God it did not. On open doors, on European armies, the voters will have their say next May, and I think there is going to be a radical change. I think there is going to be an earthquake in British politics next May.
(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))
Andrew Henry William Brons (NI), blue-card question. – Mr Farage, you claim – or you imply – that you are against immigration. On 4 May 2010, on the Daily Politics show, you said that Britain should issue 250 000 work permits each year. Just now, you referred to Romanians being responsible for ATM crime in London. In fact, you could be more specific. They were Romanian citizens of Roma origin.
Nigel Farage (EFD), blue-card answer. – Mr Brons, thank you for the question. Can I make something clear to you? UKIP is not against immigration. We welcome immigration. We want immigration; but we want an immigration system based, as the Australian one is, on saying we want people who have got skills to bring to our country.
We do not want people who have got life-threatening diseases. We do not want people who have got criminal records – though of course in Australia, in the old days, that was a prerequisite – and we want to make our own decisions on who comes to Britain. We are not discriminatory, we are not scapegoating, we just want to control our own borders and live in our own democracy and we cannot do that as members of this European Union.
Elmar Brok (PPE). - Herr Präsident, Herr Ratspräsident, Herr Kommissar, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ein Wort zur Ukraine: Wenn ich sehe, was heute Nacht wieder passiert ist, dass auch die Initiativen von Frau Ashton und den Amerikanern nichts genutzt haben, muss ich fast sagen: Der Eiserne Vorhang geht wieder herunter.
Hier wird durch russischen Druck einem Volk die Freiheit, die Entscheidungsfreiheit geraubt. Und ich glaube, dass wir in unserer Entschließung sehr deutlich machen müssen, dass dies nicht akzeptabel ist. Aber ich stimme mit Frau Harms überein: Das hat auch damit zu tun, dass wir keine wirkliche gemeinsame Russland-Politik haben.
Die Fragen, die im Europäischen Rat anstehen, die Fragen der gemeinsamen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik, sind von großer Bedeutung. Wir sind für die NATO. Wir sind der Auffassung, dass die NATO komplementär ist, dass wir die NATO für kollektive Sicherheit brauchen. Aber wir müssen auch eigene Fähigkeiten entwickeln und nutzen. Wenn es keine europäische Rüstungsindustrie gibt, können wir nur woanders kaufen und sind nicht unabhängig. Nicht nur der industriepolitische Ansatz ist hier wichtig.
Wenn wir nicht strukturelle Kooperation, eine Koalition der Willigen haben, werden wir nicht genügend Handlungsfähigkeit bekommen. Die knappen Haushalte zeigen, dass wir zunehmend Armeen haben, die nur aus Bürokratien, aber nicht mehr aus Handlungsfähigkeiten bestehen. Hier Arbeitsteilung durchzuführen, Dinge zusammenzuführen, ist doch von entscheidender Bedeutung.
Wir können nicht darauf warten, dass die Amerikaner in der europäischen Nachbarschaft das über die NATO insgesamt steuern. Wir wollen auch nicht als einzelne Mitgliedsstaaten Vasallen sein. Ich habe den Eindruck, britische Politik wird zum Dackel amerikanischer Politik und ist nicht mehr von Selbständigkeit geprägt. Hier müssen wir eigene europäische Fähigkeiten entwickeln, um auf dieser Ebene die Leistungsfähigkeiten zu bringen. Wir wollen nicht nur global payer sein, wir möchten Global Player sein, und dafür müssen wir die notwendigen Voraussetzungen schaffen.
Meine Damen und Herren, in der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion brauchen wir Gemeinschaftspolitik. Seit das Europäische Parlament tätig ist, haben wir mit der Gesetzgebung für einen besseren Wirtschafts-, Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt, durch einen besseren Sixpack und Twopack und all diese Möglichkeiten höhere Leistungsfähigkeit erreicht – durch das Europäische Parlament!
Deswegen müssen diese Möglichkeiten der Reformprogramme in den Mitgliedstaaten durch ein aufgebautes Europäisches Semester dadurch gestärkt werden, dass das Europäische Parlament die guidelines im Mitentscheidungsverfahren mitentscheidet, um die Schwerpunkte zu setzen. Die nationalen Parlamente müssen das Recht haben, die nationalen Programme, die möglicherweise durch einen Gemeinschaftshaushalt gefördert werden, zu entwickeln und zu entscheiden. Weil es hier um nationale Themen geht, muss hier die ownership der nationalen Parlamente deutlich miteinbezogen werden.
Ich glaube, dass das von großer Bedeutung ist. Aber nur so können wir wirklich Wettbewerbsfähigkeit – in Sozialpolitik eingebunden – durchführen, und das auf der Grundlage der Gemeinschaftspolitik.
Ein letzter Satz, Herr Präsident. Was ich von Herrn Farage – nicht mehr zum Euro, jetzt zur Migration – gehört habe, ist billigster Populismus auf Kosten anderer Menschen. Billigster Populismus!
(Beifall)
Die Europäische Union hat alle Instrumente, um Menschen, die keinen Arbeitsplatz haben, die keinen Krankenversicherungsschutz haben, die keine Selbständigkeit haben, nicht in ein Land hineinzulassen. Man braucht ihnen keine social benefits zu geben. Wenden Sie Europäisches Recht an in Großbritannien, dann haben Sie nicht das Problem, das Sie hier in einer populistischen Weise darstellen!
(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte “ gemäß Artikel 149 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)
PRESIDE: MIGUEL ANGEL MARTÍNEZ MARTÍNEZ Vicepresidente
William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD), blue-card question. – Mr Brok, you used the phrase that was translated as ‘the European Union developing capabilities’ several times. Does this mean that you want to see a European army, a European navy, a European airforce?
Elmar Brok (PPE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Sehr geehrter Kollege! Dazu gibt es ja gar nicht die rechtlichen Voraussetzungen, selbst wenn ich es wollte. Was das Programm ist, ist die Umsetzung des Vertrags von Lissabon, um europäische Fähigkeiten in Arbeitsteilung zu erreichen. Beispielsweise können wir keine europäische Armee haben – allein aus deutscher Sicht heraus, weil es den Parlamentsvorbehalt meines eigenen nationalen Parlaments gibt. Aus diesem Grund ist das eine Angstmache, die mit der Realität europäischer Politik nichts zu tun hat. Aus diesem Grunde geht es hier um eine Arbeitsteilung, um Geld zu sparen und mehr Leistungsfähigkeit zusammenzubringen.
Auch Sie in Großbritannien sind nicht mehr in der Lage, eine vernünftige Armee allein zu finanzieren. Aber wenn wir hier Arbeitsteilung durchführen, sind wir als Europäer gemeinsam und damit auch Großbritannien besser. Europa heißt pooling und sharing, wie es in diesem Programm der Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik heißt. Durch Zusammenführung unserer Fähigkeiten Souveränität für unsere neuen Völker zurückzugewinnen, die sie allein nicht mehr gewährleisten können. Dieses Projekt verstehen Sie nicht mehr, Sie werden lieber zum Kleinstaat im globalen Kontext, als über Europa noch eine Rolle zu spielen.
Roberto Gualtieri (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, intanto vorrei dire che questo Parlamento vigilerà attentamente se negli accordi di questa notte sull'SRM il metodo comunitario è pienamente rispettato.
Poi, gli accordi contrattuali sembrano essere l'unico risultato di un esercizio che puntava nientemeno che a tracciare la road map per un'Unione fiscale ed economica. Ci sembra un po' poco e ci sembra che un vero accordo sui principi fondamentali di questo nuovo strumento non sia in vista.
Un coordinamento rafforzato delle politiche economiche può avvenire solo sulla base di incentivi, ma gli Stati membri non sono in grado di definire natura, entità e origine del meccanismo di solidarietà e così, con la consueta strategia dei due tempi, si vuole un accordo sui contratti oggi, mentre sul meccanismo di solidarietà si dice che si vedrà domani. Ma quale valore aggiunto porti un contratto politicamente vincolante – come è scritto – senza incentivi è davvero poco chiaro.
Ma è l'intera logica contrattuale che non risulta convincente. Una logica di tipo bilaterale, la logica dei compiti a casa, che rischia di essere forte con i deboli e debole con i forti. E c'è poi la completa assenza della dimensione sociale di questo esercizio e si insiste su politiche dell'offerta quando la crisi è in primo luogo una crisi di domanda.
Infine, si pretende di decidere all'unanimità su contenuti che dovranno essere oggetto di codecisione. Una posizione critica e scettica è dunque inevitabile. Noi siamo pronti a svolgere il nostro ruolo istituzionale, ma se i principi indicati nella risoluzione che approveremo non saranno adeguatamente tenuti in considerazione, gli accordi contrattuali – se mai otterranno il via libera dal Consiglio europeo – avranno una vita molto dura in questo Parlamento.
Graham Watson (ALDE). - Mr President, this House should welcome the belated commitment of the European Council to craft a common security and defence policy. That policy should build on the good work of the Council’s Political and Security Committee. Its success will be founded less on the bricks and mortar of a military HQ than on the building blocks and cement of a shared purpose. A credible and effective policy will be anchored in the building of a technological and industrial base, using Horizon 2020 funds. It will use the tools of finance, trade, development aid and justice. It will reshape NATO by rebalancing the transatlantic alliance through a trade and investment partnership. A maritime security strategy, a cyber-defence policy and a satellite system must be priorities. As for drones, let us ask first how much they really enhance the security of the USA.
The European Council should not relegate energy policy to the status of a footnote. The switch from fossil fuels to clean energy is essential for security against the impact of climate change and for independence from Russia.
The Council would be wise not to follow Mr Swoboda’s advice. Mr Swoboda attacked Commissioner Rehn for his policy aimed at balancing Europe’s books. Would the Socialist policy be to further burden our Member States with debt service payments, to condemn our children to the debts of their parents, to apply to Europe the policies of Gordon Brown and Zapatero and Hollande? Mr Swoboda, in that case Liberals relish the forthcoming election campaign.
Tarja Cronberg (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, financial constraints are drastically reducing defence spending. Obviously this has a negative impact on our defence capabilities. However, this negative impact hits us much more because of the very poor coordination and cooperation between us Europeans.
Our group strongly believes that our security at home depends on the state of common European – I repeat, common European – defence. We therefore would like to call on Member States to pledge themselves to robust European defence capabilities. We urge them to overcome the fragmentation, the duplication and the overcapacity. We urge them to make European industries more effective and creative through greater coordination.
We need a European Semester for defence issues. We need greater coordination at industry level through harmonisation of standards and certification of defence equipment. What we do not need is research, development, procurement and export of armed, fully automatic and autonomous drones that are apt to kill without human involvement. We need to include unarmed and armed drones in arms control regimes such as the EU common position and the EU dual-use export regimes and a global arms trade treaty.
We call on the upcoming Council on defence to strengthen implementation of the defence package, as proposed by the Commission communication. The EU Member States need to significantly deepen their cooperation and coordination on those aspects of defence which are relevant for an effective CSDP.
Geoffrey Van Orden (ECR). - Mr President, next week’s European Council has long been trailered in Brussels as a ‘defence Council’ to take some great leap forward in common security and defence policy, and we have heard this morning already the usual sort of mantras at great length from the Council and the Commission, but as far as I can see the actual defence content next week, apart from a list of homework for the Commission, is going to be very modest. Whatever decisions there are, they were nodded through by education and sports ministers at their Council meeting on 25 November. My question to the Council and the Commission is: what important decision on defence is actually going to be taken by Heads of Government at the Council next week?
I believe in fact that on common security and defence policy the tide has now begun to turn – in capitals at least, although I think we still live in a sort of wonderland world in this Chamber. Among the European powers there is now no appetite for an ambitious EU military policy. The emphasis has shifted quite rightly to civil activities in terms of crisis prevention, humanitarian assistance and post-conflict reconstruction. Many of us have long campaigned for just such a shift so that the European Union might actually do something useful in terms of complementing, rather than trying to imitate, NATO’s military muscle. It has been a long haul to get to this position.
We have seen the European Union try to place its institutional footprint on an increasing range of defence-related activities, wastefully duplicating staff and structures already very well established at NATO. Few CSDP missions stand up to critical scrutiny. Most of them, as it happens, were civilian. As one top American general put it, ‘the EU installed the plumbing, but there isn’t any water’.
Νικόλαος Χουντής (GUE/NGL). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αναφερόμαστε στην επόμενη σύνοδο του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου σε μια περίοδο που οι ευρωπαϊκοί λαοί υποφέρουν από τις πολιτικές λιτότητας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, σε μία περίοδο που οι ευρωπαϊκές δημοκρατικές και κοινωνικές κατακτήσεις καταργούνται στο όνομα της ανταγωνιστικότητας και των κερδών. Κύριε Πρόεδρε, στο επόμενο συμβούλιο οι ηγέτες θα μιλήσουν για την οικονομική κατάσταση της Ένωσης, για την οικονομική κατάσταση της ΟΝΕ. Θα ακούσουμε πάλι –πήραμε μια γεύση– για την Τραπεζική Ένωση, για το ευρωπαϊκό εξάμηνο, για την οικονομική διακυβέρνηση. Δεν θα ακούσουμε όμως, γιατί θα αγνοηθεί για άλλη μια φορά, για τα καταστροφικά αποτελέσματα αυτών των πολιτικών. Δεν θα ακούσουμε παραδείγματος χάρη για το ενάμισι εκατομμύριο ανέργων στην Ελλάδα, δεν θα ακούσουμε ότι χιλιάδες νοικοκυριά σήμερα στην Ελλάδα δεν έχουν ηλεκτρικό ρεύμα, δεν θα ακούσουμε ότι στην Ελλάδα –μια χώρα που βρίσκεται κάτω από τη στενή εποπτεία όλων των θεσμών της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης– οι φτωχοί γίνονται φτωχότεροι και οι πλούσιοι πλουσιότεροι, ενώ θα συνεχιστούν οι εκβιασμοί για τους πλειστηριασμούς και τις καταθέσεις των ελληνικών νοικοκυριών.
Κύριε Πρόεδρε, μια τέτοια Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, ένα τέτοιο Συμβούλιο, τέτοιοι ηγέτες είναι αναντίστοιχοι των εξελίξεων, δεν ανταποκρίνονται στα συμφέροντα των Ευρωπαίων πολιτών. Εμείς ως Αριστερά θα αγωνιστούμε για ριζικές αλλαγές και ανατροπές, για να μπορούμε να μιλάμε για μια Ευρώπη της εργασίας, της αλληλεγγύης και της δημοκρατίας.
Rolandas Paksas (EFD). - Ne pirmą kartą Vadovų Tarybos darbotvarkėje įrašyti labai svarbūs ekonomikos augimo ir visuomenės užimtumo klausimai. Vėl bus kalbama apie ekonominę ir pinigų sąjungą, darbo vietų kūrimą. Kalbų lyg ir daug, tačiau jos laukiamų rezultatų neduoda. Turime sąžiningai pripažinti, kad esminio persilaužimo ekonomikos srityje per šiuo metus Bendrijai taip ir nepavyko pasiekti. Augimas yra pernelyg menkas, o pastangos jį skatinti nebuvo pagrįstos jokiomis mokesčių reformomis, išlygomis smulkioms ir vidutinėms įmonėms.
Darbo vietų kūrimo programa valstybėse narėse veikia tik tiek, kiek buvo laisvų darbo vietų šiltuoju metų periodu, tačiau ši problema – tai net ne programa, o laikinas jos sprendimas, kurią sprendė gyvenimas, bet ne vyriausybės – šaltuoju metų laiku įgauna naują pagreitį. Jos neigiamas mastas bus matyti kitų metų vasarą, kai jaunimo nedarbas šoktels dar keletu procentų.
Nelaukiant to, siūlau keletą, mano manymu, efektyvių dalykų. Pirma, Europos Sąjungos finansinė parama ir esminės mokesčių lengvatos Europos Sąjungos šalyse verslui, priimančiam į darbą naujus asmenis iki 30 metų. Antra, valstybių narių remiamos paskolos ir subsidijos jaunimui įsigyti pirmąjį būstą. Trečia, jaunimo užimtumo iniciatyvų programoje numatytas 6 milijardų eurų finansavimas turi būti skiriamas iškart, o ne laukiama 2015 m. Ir būtina gerokai sparčiau mažinti darbo jėgos mokesčių naštą, o jaunų vaikus auginančių šeimų darbo pajamos turi būti apmokestinamos tik minimaliai.
Nicole Sinclaire (NI). - Mr President, well, here we are still in very great economic hardship across the continent, and what does the European Union decide to discuss at the top of the agenda for a Council meeting? Defence. I would argue that across Europe – not just the United Kingdom – defence is way down the list of people's concerns and of what they want to discuss. They want to discuss employment, they want to discuss how much it costs them to live, growing inflation, but that is not what you want to talk about. You want to talk defence.
We have heard the Commission here talking about competing with the USA. Why would you want to compete with the USA? We are 28 sovereign nations. There is no will, in the United Kingdom at least, to be one sovereign nation called the European Union. You have to have the consent of people, but you do not want that. You want to move forward in this one superstate.
We should not be competing with the USA. We should be working with the USA. Why do we want to reinvent the wheel? We have NATO and NATO is tried and tested. We need to reinvigorate NATO. That is what we need to do.
And employment? And the euro? You are congratulating yourself because Latvia is joining. You have had sticking plaster over sticking plaster on your euro single currency and the wound has congealed, and you are putting another one on with Latvia. But we all know what happens when you leave a plaster on. The wound becomes infected and when you finally have to remove that plaster, it is far more painful – and that is as good an analogy as I have for the euro. It will be a painful, slow decline and, when it finally rips apart, it will hurt and it will hurt the people of Europe. Stop this madness now.
Algirdas Saudargas (PPE). - Gruodžio 19–20 d. vyksiančiame Europos Vadovų Tarybos posėdyje bus priimami sprendimai dėl tolesnių bendros saugumo ir gynybos politikos gairių, svarstomi pasiūlymai dėl efektyvesnės ekonominės ir pinigų sąjungos ir didesnio ekonominės politikos koordinavimo, siekiant užtikrinti ilgalaikį Europos Sąjungos ekonominį ir finansinį stabilumą. Europos Sąjungos vadovai taip pat įvertins pažangą, padarytą įgyvendinant priemones, skirtas ekonomikos augimui skatinti ir užimtumui didinti. Tai neabejotinai Europos žmonių gerovei svarbūs klausimai.
Akivaizdu, jog Europos Sąjungos šalių vadovai diskutuos dėl bankų sąjungos kūrimo. Beje, tai yra vienas svarbiausių Lietuvos pirmininkavimo Europos Sąjungos Tarybai darbų. Kaip žinote, jau yra sutarta dėl pirmojo bankų sąjungos ramsčio – bendro bankų priežiūros mechanizmo, kuris užtikrins finansinių krizių prevenciją, todėl tikiuosi, jog vadovai sutars ir dėl antrojo – bankų pertvarkymo mechanizmo, kuris padės spręsti bankų nemokumo problemas, bendrųjų nuostatų. Tai reikš, jog bankams susidūrus su sunkumais, jų pertvarkymo kaštus priimtų patys bankai ir taip būtų apsaugoti Europos mokesčių mokėtojų pinigai. Taigi, sukurta bankų sąjunga leis išvengti galimų finansinių krizių ateityje, pagerins priežiūros kokybę ir atkurs pasitikėjimą Europos Sąjunga tarptautinėse finansų rinkose. Visa tai leis palengvinti skolinimąsi tiek verslui, tiek žmonėms.
Gerbiamas Pirmininke, Europos Vadovų Tarybos posėdyje taip pat bus aptariama pažanga energetikos srityje. Žinome, kad naujajame ES biudžete, kuriam mes praeitą sesiją pritarėme, yra numatyta finansavimo eilutė strateginiams energetinių jungčių projektams, o Europos Komisija yra patvirtinusi bendro intereso energetikos projektų sąrašą. Turint omenyje, kad šiuo metu Europos žmonės už energijos išteklius moka per brangiai, labai svarbu skirti didelį dėmesį tinkamam šių projektų įgyvendinimui, kad būtų užbaigta kurti Europos Sąjungos vidaus energijos rinka ir panaikintos egzistuojančios energetinės salos. Tai padidins Europos ekonomikos konkurencingumą ir užtikrins mažesnes kainas vartotojams.
Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D). - Señor Presidente, al comienzo de su intervención, el señor Swoboda ha ironizado sobre los datos comparados de crecimiento y empleo entre los Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea. Triste ironía, porque allí son robustos, son positivos, y aquí son o negativos o raquíticos. En realidad, en la Unión Europea hay más de diez países que tienen una tasa de desempleo tan elevada que no conseguirán bajarla del diez por ciento hasta dentro de un par de décadas.
Esto muestra que en 2008 y en 2012 ha habido, y el año que viene habrá, políticas más acertadas en otro continente, no en la Unión Europea. Muestra que la política exclusiva de austeridad no ha dado los resultados positivos que otras políticas están dando en otros lugares. Pero no solamente se trata de políticas. Se trata también de procesos de toma de decisiones. Allí se toman las decisiones de un día para otro cuando se alcanza un acuerdo político rápido. Es verdad que los Estados Unidos han vivido también el llamado «shutdown», es decir, que han estado paralizados durante un buen número de meses.
Pero volvamos a la Unión Europea. Todavía hoy se está discutiendo el mecanismo de resolución bancaria y no sabemos si se alcanzará un acuerdo en el próximo Consejo. Pero los datos muestran que el Fondo Único de Resolución no llegará hasta dentro de una década o hasta 2026. Con ese calendario, es difícil afrontar una unión bancaria realmente comprensible para el resto de las economías mundiales. Por tanto, necesitamos cambiar de políticas y necesitamos cambiar la manera de tomar decisiones en esas políticas.
Andrew Duff (ALDE). - Mr President, the European Council is set to agree a great catalogue of aspirations and intentions on security and defence, but what they could be doing – and ought to do – is taking a decision to deploy the European battlegroup in the Central African Republic to support French troops. I have been to see these battlegroups. They are an excellent example of military cooperation, pooling and sharing a trained network – state of the art, keen and, of course, clean, because they have never been deployed since 2005 when they were first created, subject first to a German and then to a British veto.
If history is to repeat itself, they will never be deployed. Next week we have a chance for a cluster of politically willing and militarily capable states to form a vanguard, to take the lead, to stop talking and start to take collective action to defend and promote the security interests of the European Union.
Jill Evans (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, if we are to make Europe work we must show it has a very clear future role, including internationally. The EU could be a real force for peace if we address all the threats that face people. An effective security policy has to be integrated with policies on poverty, the environment, energy, trade, food and water resources and so on.
We must refocus on building peace, and what better way to do that than to enhance not the military but civilian work – a civilian peace corps – to defuse tension, foster understanding and prevent conflict, working with the United Nations. Now is the time to invest, not in arms, but in people, especially young people, to create jobs, recover and rebuild and enable all the peoples, all the nations of Europe, like Wales, Flanders, Scotland and the Basque country, to play their full part in doing that.
Evžen Tošenovský (ECR). - Pane předsedající, pane komisaři, za jedno z nejdůležitějších témat nadcházejícího prosincového zasedání Evropské rady považuji posílení evropského obranného průmyslu. Nejenže v obranném průmyslu je zaměstnáno zhruba 400 000 lidí, ale zároveň měnící se bezpečnostní zaměření zvyšuje finanční i technologické nároky.
Změna bezpečnostních rizik a stále častější nutnost vojenských humanitárních zásahů, včetně eliminace narůstajících teroristických aktivit, vyžadují nové postupy a přinášejí nové požadavky na techniku. Z důvodu náročnosti akcí, často velmi vzdálených, je nutná účast více členských zemí s požadavky na přepravní prostředky a zajištění nezbytného podpůrného zázemí pro zasahující jednotky.
Proto je důležité zajistit nejen maximální kompatibilitu používané techniky, ale i optimální využití obranných schopností jednotlivých členských států při společných operacích.
Pro členské země při napjatých národních rozpočtech tak může být zajímavé i snížení nákladů na údržbu a provoz. Zároveň se tak vytváří možnost většího rozsahu dodávek pro vlastní obranný průmysl. Velkou roli mohou sehrávat dynamické malé a střední podniky, a snížit tak i závislost na nákupu specializovaných technologií mimo členské země Evropské unie. Je to zároveň i záruka obranyschopnosti do budoucna. Za zásadní však považuji neustálou, maximální koordinaci se stávajícími systémy NATO.
Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL). - Senhor Presidente, as reuniões do Conselho começam a parecer-se cada vez mais com reuniões de encontro de lobbies ou, pelo menos, onde os lobbies entram com mais força. As reuniões do Conselho respondem cada vez menos às necessidades dos povos europeus. Anos e anos a dar resposta aos lobbies do setor financeiro e, para dezembro, o que os governos se lembram é de acrescentar a esses os lobbies do armamento.
Portanto, quando temos pobreza, desemprego, problemas concretos e reais que as pessoas enfrentam na Europa, o que o Conselho se lembra, ou o que os governos se lembram, é que temos de investir mais em armamento, é que temos de tratar da política de defesa. Mas não se trata dos problemas reais dos cidadãos. Promete-se aos cidadãos a austeridade permanente, a pobreza, não terem casa, cortes na saúde, cortes na educação mas, no entanto, tem de se aumentar a despesa, em quê? No armamento.
Pois é, Senhor Presidente, parece-me que esta União Europeia caminha tragicamente para um futuro sem retorno, ou seja, o da destruição. Às agendas do Conselho Europeu começa só a faltar aquela fase célebre dos filmes do James Bond que diz: este projeto vai autodestruir-se em 5 segundos.
Νικόλαος Σαλαβράκος (EFD). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, βέβαια κάπως σταθεροποιείται η οικονομική κατάσταση στην Ευρώπη, και συμφωνώ σε αυτό, αλλά ανάπτυξη δεν βλέπουμε. Οι ευρωπαϊκές βιομηχανίες κλείνουν η μία μετά την άλλη και επενδύσεις δεν γίνονται στην Ευρώπη. Το ερώτημα είναι: Υπάρχουν στοχευμένες δράσεις στην Επιτροπή και το Συμβούλιο για την αντιμετώπιση του προβλήματος;
Μιλήσαμε για την Ουκρανία. Οι πολίτες εκεί αναζητούν την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Στην Ευρώπη αυξάνεται ο ευρωσκεπτικισμός. Μας προβληματίζει; Μιλάμε σήμερα για κοινή πολιτική άμυνα στην Ευρώπη και πολιτικές απασχόλησης. Την ίδια ώρα η Τρόικα στην Ελλάδα επιμένει στο κλείσιμο των πολεμικών βιομηχανιών και την απελευθέρωση των πλειστηριασμών πρώτης κατοικίας, γεγονός το οποίο δεν έχει κανένα άμεσο ουσιαστικό οικονομικό αποτέλεσμα· μόνον επιδότηση του ευρωσκεπτικισμού επιφέρει.
Ερώτημα: Προτίθεστε να παρέμβετε στην Τρόικα, ώστε να αποσυρθούν οι περίεργες αυτές αξιώσεις τους για την Ελλάδα;
Laurence J.A.J. Stassen (NI). - Voorzitter, de Europese Unie denkt bij zichzelf: laten we het midden in de crisis eens over iets anders hebben, namelijk over meer militaire samenwerking. De crisis mag de pret hier natuurlijk niet drukken en dus zijn er plannen voor EU-gevechtstroepen, een permanent operationeel hoofdkwartier, gemeenschappelijke financiering van operaties en zelfs plannen voor Europese drones. En natuurlijk het liefst allemaal betaald uit de EU-begroting.
Er dreigt een hoop belastinggeld tegenaan gegooid te worden om binnen de EU allerlei militaire instituties en bureaucratie op te richten. De Europese Unie wil maar al te graag de supermacht uithangen. Maar de burger heeft helemaal niets aan deze dure en onzinnige federale hobby's, want de drijfveer achter deze plannen is natuurlijk om een Europese federale staat te creëren die beschikt over een eigen leger.
Voorzitter, de Nederlandse krijgsmacht moet volledig in nationale handen blijven en waar wij samenwerken, doen wij dat bilateraal en in Navo-verband. Een EU-leger, dat nooit! Ik hoop dat de komende top over Europese militaire samenwerking uitmondt in één grote deceptie. Dat is de enige goede afloop én in het belang van Nederland. En speciaal aan de heer Brok zou ik willen zeggen: ondanks uw afkeer van de populistische partijen, the big turning point will be the elections next May and there will be a new wind in the European Parliament.
Giovanni La Via (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, signor Ministro, il prossimo Consiglio sarà l'occasione per i nostri capi di Stato e di governo di avviare riflessioni e considerazioni importanti in vista delle decisioni da assumere nei prossimi mesi per incrementare gli sforzi nella direzione del rilancio dell'economia europea.
Le difficoltà economiche affrontate dagli Stati membri impegnati in sforzi di consolidamento delle finanze pubbliche non devono far dimenticare che la via di uscita dalla crisi è la crescita e non l'austerità, crescita basata su riforme strutturali e su investimenti mirati. Non è più il tempo dell'austerità e del rigore, ma è il tempo di un deciso cambio di rotta verso una vera politica economica e monetaria in grado di far ripartire l'economia.
Mi riferisco, ad esempio, alla necessità di un rinnovato ruolo della Banca centrale europea sulla scorta e con i poteri della Federal Reserve americana, alla possibilità di consentire agli Stati membri di investire nello sviluppo del proprio territorio e di poter scorporare le risorse investite dal calcolo e il rapporto deficit/PIL.
In materia di politica di difesa, credo sia arrivato il momento di abbandonare retaggi personalistici e di mettere a fattore comune le esperienze e le tecnologie di ciascuno Stato membro, dotando l'Unione di un'azione coordinata, spendendo meno, ma spendendo in maniera più efficace e fissando sin da adesso una road map con priorità e scadenze ben definite per una cooperazione di difesa coordinata e veramente comune.
Vorrei infine sottolineare, da siciliano e italiano, il successo dell'iniziativa che ha dato vita a seguito dei tragici eventi di Lampedusa alla task force per il Mediterraneo, volta al rafforzamento e coordinamento dei pattugliamenti nazionali ed europei sulle rotte dei flussi migratori. Grazie a questa iniziativa infatti il tema dell'immigrazione non sarà più considerato un'emergenza degli Stati di primo ingresso, ma un fenomeno strutturale che riguarda la porta di ingresso dell'intera Europa.
Ciò che avviene oggi in Ucraina credo debba essere un monito per tutti; da fuori si vuole entrare, mentre invece noi che stiamo dentro ancora non abbiamo deciso di cambiare rotta per un'Europa diversa e per avere più Europa per uscire dalla crisi.
Μαρία-Ελένη Κοππά (S&D). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, έχουν περάσει δέκα χρόνια από το 2003, όταν αποφασίστηκε η ευρωπαϊκή στρατηγική ασφάλειας, και πέντε χρόνια από τη συζήτηση για την εφαρμογή της. Για τον λόγο αυτό η συζήτηση για την άμυνα στο Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο του Δεκεμβρίου είχε καλλιεργήσει πολλές φιλοδοξίες. Με μεγάλη πλειοψηφία στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο στείλαμε στην προηγούμενη ολομέλεια ένα ισχυρό μήνυμα: ότι πρέπει να προχωρήσουμε και στον τομέα της άμυνας και της ασφάλειας, ότι η κοινή πολιτική άμυνας και ασφάλειας είναι συστατικό στοιχείο της διαδικασίας της ευρωπαϊκής ολοκλήρωσης, ότι, εάν δεν προχωρήσουμε, η Ένωση δεν θα μπορέσει να διαδραματίσει τον ρόλο της ως διεθνής δρών και πάροχος ασφάλειας και θα παραμείνει μόνο μια μεγάλη αγορά.
Τονίσαμε ότι η οικονομική κρίση οδήγησε σε αναγκαίες περικοπές και στον αμυντικό προϋπολογισμό των κρατών μελών, υποχρεώνοντάς μας να κάνουμε περισσότερα με λιγότερους πόρους, και ότι η λύση είναι συντονισμός, συνεργασία και οικοδόμηση εμπιστοσύνης μεταξύ των εταίρων. Είπαμε ότι η κοινή πολιτική άμυνας και ασφάλειας πρέπει να γίνει ορατή, ότι δεν μπορεί να είναι αντικείμενο συζήτησης σε επίπεδο ελίτ αλλά ότι χρειάζεται τη συμμετοχή και στήριξη των πολιτών. Προτείναμε συγκεκριμένα μέτρα: εφαρμογή των προβλέψεων της Συνθήκης της Λισαβόνας για μόνιμη διαρθρωμένη συνεργασία, για το start up fund ή το άρθρο 44 για εντολή σε ομάδα κρατών μελών να αναλαμβάνουν συγκεκριμένες αποστολές. Ζητήσαμε τη θεσμοθέτηση Συμβουλίου Υπουργών Άμυνας, τακτικές συζητήσεις σε επίπεδο Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου, οδικό χάρτη για τα επόμενα βήματα.
Δυστυχώς, από ό,τι έχουμε δει έως τώρα τίποτα από όλα αυτά δεν θα συμβεί. Πέρα από την υιοθέτηση των πέντε πιλοτικών προγραμμάτων, πέρα από την υπόσχεση για επανεκτίμηση της κατάστασης τον Ιούνιο του 2015, τίποτα συγκεκριμένο. Γενικόλογες αναφορές και αναμάσημα γνωστών συνθημάτων για τη σημασία της άμυνας. Η έλλειψη πολιτικής βούλησης, η ατολμία, οι εθνικοί εγωισμοί φαίνεται ότι επικρατούν για άλλη μια φορά και οδηγούν το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο στον κατώτερο δυνατό παρανομαστή.
Είναι κρίμα! Και εδώ η λύση είναι περισσότερη και όχι λιγότερη Ευρώπη αλλά τα κράτη μέλη δειλά αναβάλλουν για το μέλλον αναγκαίες αποφάσεις, μεγάλες αποφάσεις. Επαναλαμβάνω, είναι κρίμα!
Charles Goerens (ALDE). - Monsieur le Président, pour le dire très clairement, nous sommes encore à des années-lumière d'une armée européenne. Ma génération, en tout cas, n'assistera plus à la naissance d'une armée de l'Union européenne.
Pour que cette idée se réalise, de nombreux obstacles de toute nature vont devoir être éliminés. Ces obstacles sont de nature unitaire, économique et technologique, tout le monde en convient. La segmentation dans la production d'équipements militaires reste une source de confusion et de gaspillage inacceptable, particulièrement en cette période de vaches maigres budgétaires. Il en résulte la duplication et l'augmentation des coûts de production de l'armement dues à l'incapacité de la mise en commun des moyens de recherche et d'innovation. Bref, nous nous privons des avantages des économies d'échelle dans ce domaine.
Le problème est bien connu depuis la nuit des temps. Soyons réalistes pour les raisons évoquées à l'instant. Nous voyons l'armée européenne, une industrie européenne de l'armement restructurée, privilégiant la mise en commun de nos moyens respectifs, tout au plus poindre à l'horizon. Pour ce qui est de l'horizon en question, De Gaulle l'avait défini de façon originale, en nous rappelant que l'horizon est une ligne qui recule au fur et à mesure que l'on avance.
Nous allons donc devoir nous contenter de réaliser des objectifs plus modestes. L'acquisition par deux ou plusieurs États membres d'équipements figurant dans le catalogue des capacités, des programmes d'entraînement impliquant des unités de plusieurs États membres sont, certes, des pas importants dans la bonne direction en vue d'améliorer l'interopérabilité de nos forces armées. Mais le problème est avant tout politique. Il ne sert à rien de montrer du doigt l'insuffisance de moyens et de capacités si, à la base, les désaccords entre États membres apparaissent dès que le problème d'une intervention se pose.
Dans le cas du Mali, par exemple, l'Union européenne a réussi à démontrer qu'elle n'avait même pas la volonté politique d'engager les moyens dont elle dispose d'ores et déjà.
Bas Eickhout (Verts/ALE). - Voorzitter, op de komende top staat het Europees defensiebeleid, of eigenlijk meer de Europese defensie-industrie, centraal.
Maar ook economische samenwerking en het verder uitbouwen van de Economische Unie staan op de agenda. In dit opzicht worden er wederom fundamentele stappen gezet, net zoals gisterenavond door de ministers van Financiën richting een intergouvernementeel georganiseerd resolutiefonds, naar het voorbeeld van het intergouvernementeel geregeld noodfonds.
Voor volgende week staan bilaterale overeenkomsten tussen lidstaten en de Europese Commissie op de agenda. Telkens weer lijkt de Europese Top blind te zijn voor democratische controle op de Europese Commissie. De Europese Commissie krijgt steeds meer macht en de politieke controle komt steeds meer bij de Europese Commissie te liggen. Wanneer gaan wij er nu echt eens voor zorgen dat de Europese Commissie democratisch gecontroleerd wordt?
Tot slot: een sociaal Europa. Er staan twee magere paragraafjes over een sociaal Europa in de conclusies. Heeft Europa volgens de regeringsleiders een sociale toekomst of niet?
Martina Anderson (GUE/NGL). - Mr President, my message to the people of other programme countries is simple: when you are told how successful the Irish programme has been, do not believe it because it is a case of not letting the truth stand in the way of a good story.
Mass unemployment and immigration, increased poverty and the devastation of communities and public services are the legacy of the Troika, all facilitated by a government which enthusiastically embraces the cuts proposed by the Commission and willingly continues the failed policy of austerity.
Not content with devastating the economy of Ireland and other programme countries, the European Council is turning its attention to destruction on a far more ambitious scale. The noises coming from this Chamber about increased military spending and strengthening of the EU military capacity are truly frightening. I hope that wiser heads will prevail and that the European Council avoids a headlong rush into even further militarisation of the EU.
Hans-Peter Martin (NI). - Herr Präsident! Ich versuche es einmal ganz leise, weil dann vielleicht zugehört wird. Das sind doch keine dummen Reden, wenn gesagt wird, dass wir vor einer Richtungswahl stehen. Es ist doch nicht falsch, wenn es heißt, dass wir Gefahr laufen, dass das nächste Parlament von einer extremen Rechtsaußen-Fraktion vor sich hergetrieben wird. Da müssten doch jetzt bei allen Verantwortlichen in der Europäischen Union die Alarmglocken klingeln! Da muss man sich doch fragen: Ist es sinnvoll, in einem solchen Zusammenhang, gerade jetzt das Rüstungsthema so in den Vordergrund zu schieben und die sozialen Fragen so zurückzuziehen?
Seid ihr denn komplett – Punkt, Punkt, Punkt –, fragen sich unheimlich viele Wählerinnen und Wähler. Wähler in dreistelliger Millionenzahl in Europa, werter Rat, werte Kommission, werte Kolleginnen und Kollegen, sind verunsichert. Und wenn wir weiterhin so – Punkt, Punkt, Punkt – agieren, werden wir ein ganz schreckliches Erwachen am 26. Mai erleben. Noch ist es aber nicht zu spät.
Jean-Pierre Audy (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, Monsieur le Président en exercice du Conseil, mes premiers mots seront pour regretter l'absence du président du Conseil européen. J'ai fait la proposition, Monsieur le Président, qu'il soit invité. Je ne sais pas s'il n'a pas été invité ou s'il refuse de venir. Nous n'avons plus de relations avec les chefs d'État ou de gouvernement. Voilà que le Conseil européen se réunit et nous n'avons pas de débat avec eux. Ce n'est pas que je conteste la compétence du Conseil "Affaires générales", mais je regrette qu'il ne soit pas présent.
La politique industrielle de défense est un secteur qui a des caractéristiques particulières, des durées importantes de développement des produits, des obligations de maintien en service des systèmes sur plusieurs décennies et une forte caractéristique de la commande publique. Nous devons avoir une politique industrielle européenne de défense. Je remercie la Commission de son excellente communication. Nous – le Parlement européen – avons proposé la création d'un statut d'opérateurs économiques de défense en Europe, à qui seraient réservés les financements, pour nous assurer que l'emploi soit sur le continent, que la prise de décision de ces entreprises et la production soient sur le continent européen, et que nous puissions y développer des normes industrielles de défense, la certification et être autonomes. Nous avons eu raison de développer Galileo – quand on voit l'espionnage américain – et d'envoyer nos trente satellites. Nous devons faire pareil pour la défense et je salue l'action du président de notre sous-commission, Arnaud Danjean, sur tout ce qui est fait en matière de défense.
Je me demande, d'ailleurs, si nous ne devrions pas avoir une coopération interparlementaire plus accentuée avec les parlements nationaux sur la Défense. Nous devons absolument associer nos parlementaires nationaux et donner un rôle accru à l'Agence européenne de défense.
Je termine sur le semestre européen. J'ai bien entendu la proposition de tableau de bord sur le social, mais il faut aller bien plus loin que cela. Comment n'arrivons-nous pas à mettre en œuvre davantage de convergence sociale sur les minimas sociaux? L'accord politique sur les minimas sociaux qu'il y a eu en Allemagne est une bonne nouvelle. Il faut qu'il y ait contagion à l'ensemble de la Mitteleuropa pour que tous les anciens pays communistes, en fait, aillent vers des minimas sociaux et que nous ayons la volonté politique de les inclure dans la chaîne des prix de revient.
Elisa Ferreira (S&D). - Senhor Presidente, o Conselho de dezembro tem de dar passos decisivos na conclusão da União Bancária, porque está em curso a constituição efetiva da supervisão única dos bancos dos países participantes e a esta supervisão única só pode seguir-se uma estrutura de resolução europeia única com regras uniformes para a imputação de perdas aos credores dos bancos e com o recurso ao fundo comum de resolução financiado por todos os bancos, em função do risco que introduzem no sistema.
Claro que haverá que ter em conta os interesses nacionais, é preciso aplicar o princípio da proporcionalidade, mas o sistema tem de ser único. Mas é um período difícil para pedir aos cidadãos que confiem mais na Europa e há lições a retirar da crise. A primeira é que o método intergovernamental não funciona, ele não funcionou na resolução do problema da dívida soberana, não pode funcionar nos contractor arrangements de que falou o Conselho e, no caso da União Bancária, seria intolerável se fossem os diferentes pesos políticos dos Estados a definir os destinos dos bancos, os conflitos de interesse neste caso seriam óbvios.
A segunda lição é que têm de ser os bancos a financiar a sua resolução poupando os contribuintes. Tal implica a constituição de um fundo robusto único e o recurso a uma linha de crédito para que este fundo se torne operacional desde a sua constituição.
Por último, recordemos que falta a terceira perna do projeto: os cidadãos não compreendem que uma União Bancária Europeia com uma supervisão única, uma resolução única não tenha uma garantia única e comum para os depósitos. Foi a garantia dos depósitos que a América, os Estados Unidos da América escolheram para organizarem o retorno da confiança dos cidadãos após a grande depressão. Criaram para isso a Federal Deposit Insurance Company, o nome explica para que é que ela serve, a FDIC. E as competências desta instituição acabaram de ser reforçadas para responder à crise de 2008.
O Parlamento está pronto para a negociação com o Conselho, é importante que o Conselho garanta que esta União Bancária não vai ser mais um passo a agravar os desequilíbrios económicos e de poder político no interior da zona euro, agravando também a desilusão dos cidadãos.
Andrew Henry William Brons (NI). - Mr President, yes, the Commission wants to see more single market competition for defence procurement on the ground that fragmented markets create red tape and duplication of defence programmes. It is not fragmentation that leads to red tape; it is the EU requirement that defence contracts should be put out to tender.
Britain could, of course ironically, use the Lisbon Treaty to avoid tendering on the ground of protecting its national interest, as Poland has done to its great credit. The Commission will tackle what it calls market distortions, which will probably take away the rights of Member States to protect their national interest in this area. Defence is too important to the national interest to allow free market competition.
Whilst another European war is, we all hope, unthinkable, our world interests might diverge; the UK cannot be dependent for equipment procurement on states opposed, say, to our protecting the Falklands from Argentinian aggression.
Jacek Protasiewicz (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Najbliższy szczyt europejski zajmie się niewątpliwie bardzo ważnymi sprawami. Do nich należy na pewno usprawnienie funkcjonowania europejskiej unii monetarnej czy kwestie związane ze wspólną polityką obronną. Jednak w obliczu tego, co dzieje się dzisiaj w Kijowie, nie tylko dzisiaj, od kilku tygodni, a zwłaszcza ostatniej nocy, nie ulega dla mnie wątpliwości, że najbliższa Rada Europejska powinna również zająć się sytuacją w tym kraju i relacjami pomiędzy Unią Europejską a Ukrainą.
Decyzja o odmowie podpisania umowy stowarzyszeniowej, jaka zapadła niemal w ostatniej chwili przed szczytem wileńskim, była zaskakująca, ale to co dzieje się tej nocy, dzisiejszego poranka, czyli interwencja milicji przeciwko protestującym pokojowo demonstrantom i to w momencie, gdy w Kijowie przebywa wysoka przedstawiciel Unii Europejskiej ds. polityki międzynarodowej i bezpieczeństwa, jest po prostu zdumiewające, więcej jest kompletnie niezrozumiałe, a w każdym razie dla mnie niewytłumaczalne. Dlatego ważne jest, ażeby zarówno dzisiaj z naszego Parlamentu, tu ze Strasburga, jak i w przyszłym tygodniu z Brukseli popłynęły do tych ludzi, którzy gromadzą się w setkach tysięcy na Majdanie, słowa solidarności z nimi, słowa, które potwierdzą, że rozumiemy ich aspiracje, podzielamy ich marzenia i nie dopuścimy do tego, ażeby przemoc w kraju, który aspiruje do stowarzyszenia z Unią Europejską, była sposobem rozwiązywania konfliktów społecznych. Dlatego zaproponuję do rezolucji dotyczącej najbliższego szczytu europejskiego poprawkę ustną, ażeby wezwać Radę Europejską również do zajęcia się kwestią ukraińską podczas przyszłotygodniowego posiedzenia.
Mojca Kleva Kekuš (S&D). - Maja letos smo v podobni sestavi tukaj razpravljali o urgentnosti boja proti davčnim goljufijam in proti utajam davkov. Dotaknili smo se tudi pomembne teme davčnih oaz. Parlament je predlagal okoli 30 zelo konkretnih ukrepov tako za Komisijo kot države članice.
Nekaj dni za tem je Svet sprejel zaključke vezane na tisoč milijard evrov veliko evropsko davčno luknjo. Po petih letih blokade direktive o prihrankih, ki jo je omenil tudi gospod komisar, s strani Avstrije in Luksemburga, smo takrat slišali, da je Svet za končni datum sprejetja te direktive in tako prekinitve davčne tajnosti in izmenjave bančnih podatkov postavil ravno konec letošnjega leta.
Danes ugotavljam, da na dnevnem redu Sveta, ki se bo zgodil naslednji teden, o davkih ni ne duha ne sluha. Zdi se, da predstavniki držav članic še vedno radi podajajo velike obljube na pomembnih svetovnih sestankih, kot je na primer G20. A ko je potrebno dejansko evropsko zakonodajo sprejeti in prevzeti v nacionalno zakonodajo, se stvari nikamor ne premaknejo.
Spoštovani. Davčna luknja, ki je velika kot vsi evropski zdravstveni sistemi skupaj, spodjeda v bistvu zaupanje v naše davčne sisteme in odžira prepotrebni denar za javne investicije. Dejstvo je, da bi morali problematiko davčnih goljufij in izogibanja plačila davkov nujno pripeljati v proces evropskega semestra, kar je tudi gospod komisar omenil in se z njim strinjam.
Zastaviti je potrebno konkretne cilje, tako na evropski kot na nacionalni ravni, in preko evropskega semestra doseči, da bodo države članice davčno vrzel dejansko postavile na politični dnevni red in začele izvajati konkretne ukrepe.
Marine Le Pen (NI). - Monsieur le Président, la directive sur le détachement des travailleurs est le symbole du cynisme et de la folie de votre Union européenne.
Nous sommes, aujourd'hui, confrontés à l'organisation du dumping social intra-européen. Mais c'était votre objectif, double, d'ailleurs: la baisse des salaires et l'effondrement du système de protection sociale des pays les plus avancés en la matière.
Nous vivons socialement un nivellement par le bas et les gesticulations électoralistes des ministres du travail n'y changeront rien. Tout le monde a crié: "Victoire! Ils ont réussi à se mettre d'accord pour lutter contre la fraude". La belle affaire! Nous pensions que la lutte contre la fraude, c'était fait depuis déjà bien longtemps. Mais cela ne remet pas en cause le fond de la directive, qui est ravageur et qui entraîne toujours plus de chômage, plus de concurrence sur le même territoire entre les entreprises et une concurrence agressive de certains pays qui profitent du système pour attaquer leurs concurrents européens.
Croyez-vous sincèrement que les électeurs vont accepter qu'une préférence étrangère soit instituée dans mon pays au détriment des Français et au bénéfice d'autres travailleurs européens?
Je vais vous dire une chose, pour conclure, les choses sont maintenant claires: votre Europe, c'est la guerre! C'est la guerre économique et c'est la guerre sociale!
(L'oratrice accepte de répondre à une question "carton bleu" (article 149, paragraphe 8, du règlement))
Liisa Jaakonsaari (S&D), sinisen kortin kysymys. – Arvoisa puhemies, jäsen Le Pen on ymmärtänyt lähetettyjen työntekijöiden direktiivin totaalisen väärin. Direktiivin idea on maksaa samasta työstä samassa maassa sama palkka. Miten Te voitte kääntää tuon asian aivan päälaelleen?
Marine Le Pen (NI), réponse "carton bleu". – Madame, prenez-vous les entreprises françaises et, accessoirement, les électeurs français, peut-être, pour des imbéciles? Eux ont vu les conséquences de cette directive: même salaire – oui, bien sûr – mais des charges sociales du pays d'origine. Et la conséquence de cette directive, Madame, c'est 40 000 emplois perdus. 40 000 emplois perdus dans le bâtiment!
(Protestations)
Madame, si vous avez quelque chose à dire, vous levez le petit carton bleu que vous avez sur votre bureau, d'accord? Merci!
Ce sont 40 000 emplois perdus par le bâtiment. Évidemment, cela instaure une préférence étrangère puisque les entreprises sont aujourd'hui obligées, pour pouvoir être compétitives, de faire appel à des travailleurs dont les charges sociales sont minimales dans certains pays européens par rapport à ceux qui garantissent une protection supplémentaire, c'est-à-dire la France.
Luis de Grandes Pascual (PPE). - Señor Presidente, los grandes esfuerzos y los sacrificios para garantizar la sostenibilidad de nuestras cuentas públicas y las reformas estructurales emprendidas en los dos últimos años están dando sus frutos. Sin embargo, la recuperación de la crisis todavía es extremamente frágil y persisten retos y preocupaciones.
A nuestro juicio, para salir de la crisis son necesarias, al menos, cinco cuestiones: una consolidación fiscal diferenciada, más flexible y que favorezca el crecimiento; reformas estructurales que nos hagan competitivos y nos permitan crecer y crear empleo; seguir avanzando en la integración europea y adoptar más reformas a escala europea ―en este sentido es vital avanzar con rapidez en la unión bancaria y en el desarrollo del mercado interior y a este respecto hay que decir, en contra de algunas cosas que se han manifestado aquí, que nos parece que los preacuerdos son absolutamente esperanzadores; abordar con decisión la situación del empleo, especialmente de los jóvenes, y que los fondos para la garantía juvenil estén disponibles ya; y resolver los problemas de crédito y liquidez que afectan a las pequeñas y medianas empresas.
De este Consejo Europeo debe salir un acuerdo fundamental para la consolidación de la recuperación de la crisis, la unión bancaria. Urge, Señorías, cerrar un acuerdo sobre un fondo único de resolución y una autoridad única, que podría ser el Consejo o la Comisión.
Celebro, Señorías, que el Consejo Europeo vaya a abordar en profundidad un debate sobre el futuro de la política europea de seguridad y defensa. La Unión no tendrá una política exterior completa hasta que no haya desarrollado plenamente capacidades operacionales en materia de defensa.
Es preciso un liderazgo fuerte, generoso, de los Estados miembros a fin de poder poner en común nuestras capacidades en favor de objetivos compartidos y viables, evitando así duplicidades y carencias. Es preciso, además, Señorías, mejorar en la complementariedad de las acciones civiles y militares de la Unión, a fin de ganar en capacidad de reacción, eficiencia, eficacia y visibilidad, dotando así a la Unión Europea de credibilidad como proveedor de seguridad y estabilidad regional y global.
Pervenche Berès (S&D). - Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Vice-président de la Commission, vous l'avez entendu, ce Parlement ne veut pas de ces contrats. La réalité, c'est que les contrats que vous voulez mettre en place sont des espèces de troïka soft pour imposer des réformes structurelles contre l'équation et la cohésion de certains États membres, d'autant plus que vous nous dites que, peut-être – le Conseil nous dit que peut-être –, un jour, viendront des mesures d'incitation. Nous n'y croyons pas. Nous voulons les deux ensemble.
Sur la résolution bancaire, je m'inquiète des conclusions du Conseil ECOFIN. Ce Parlement européen le sait. En matière de solidarité financière, nous avons besoin de la méthode communautaire. Avec le mécanisme européen de stabilité, vous avez voulu une solution totalement intergouvernementale. Ce n'est pas la voie que nous voulons. Ce n'est pas la voie qui a permis à ce Parlement européen d'arracher le premier pilier de l'union bancaire avec le système de supervision unique.
Monsieur le représentant du Conseil, écoutez-moi et entendez que, sur la dimension sociale, le compte n'y est pas. Est-ce que le représentant du Conseil peut m'écouter? Do you mind listening to me? Thank you!
Sur la dimension sociale, le compte n'y est pas. Vous avez reçu un mandat de vos prédécesseurs dans des précédents Conseils européens pour que la question de la dimension sociale soit traitée. Vous avez demandé à la Commission de mettre sur la table une communication. Cette communication est là. Elle vous dit qu'il faut d'abord mettre en place des indicateurs. Nous vous disons que les indicateurs, vous n'en avez qu'à peine besoin. Il faut les introduire dans la procédure, mais il faut s'en servir, car ce que vont vous dire ces indicateurs, c'est ce que dit Eurostat: 125 millions de personnes sont aujourd'hui menacées de pauvreté et d'exclusion sociale, soit un quart de la population de l'Union européenne. Il est temps d'agir!
Enfin, sur la dimension fiscale, je veux soutenir ma collègue Kleva Kekuš. Nous attendons, dans ce domaine, des résultats, et j'espère que l'évolution au Luxembourg nous permettra enfin d'aborder sérieusement la question de la révision de la directive sur la fiscalité de l'épargne car, sinon, ce sont mille milliards d'euros qui manquent au budget des États membres pour pouvoir réduire à la fois leur déficit public et leur dette.
Ildikó Gáll-Pelcz (PPE). - Valóban vannak az Európai Unió gazdaságát illetően biztató jelek. Azt is mondhatnám, hogy jelentős elmozdulást is láthatunk. Azonban ez semmiféleképpen nem jelentheti azt, tisztelt biztos úr, hogy elbízhatja magát a Bizottság, sőt meggyőződésem, hogy éppen ez a helyzet alkalmas arra, hogy értékeljük, hogy az eddigi eredmények az Önök válságkezelő munkájának az eredményei-e, vagy elismerik azt, hogy legalább olyan fontosak a tagállami törekvések, a tagállami önálló munkák, amelyek a szubszidiaritás sérülése nélkül történtek. Úgy gondolom, hogy ennek is itt lenne az ideje.
Ami az ET csúcsot illeti, valóban három nagyon fontos téma van a csúcs napirendjén, azonban nulladik pontként – egyetértek az előttem szólókkal– célszerű, nagyon fontos, hogy Ukrajnát is megemlítsük, szolidaritást vállalva azokkal a tüntetőkkel, akik éppen az Európához, Európai Unióhoz szeretnének tartozni, a mi értékeinket szeretnék magukénak vallani.
Ami a csúcsnak a védelmi típusú napirendjét illeti, azt gondolom, hogy a mi hatáskörünk addig ér, ameddig a novemberi plenáris ülésen a témához kapcsolódó jelentés megengedi. Abban megfogalmaztuk, hogy a belső piac széttöredezettségét, az átlapolásokat, a szétdaraboltságot mindenféleképpen szüntessük meg, és növeljük a hatékonyságot. Túl sok pénzt fordítunk az Európai Unió belső piacán a biztonság és védelem területére ahhoz, hogy ettől el tudnánk tekinteni. Azonban figyelni kell arra is, és szeretném felhívni a Bizottság és a Tanács figyelmét erre is, hogy nehogy bürokratikus túlzásokba essünk e területen.
Ami a GMO-ra vonatkozik, csak megerősíteni tudom azokat a törekvéseket. Tekintsük újra, vizsgáljuk meg az európai szemeszter keretében tett eddigi erőfeszítéseket. Tanuljon a Bizottság abból, hogy az országspecifikus ajánlások tekintetében tett megfogalmazások mintegy 10%-a megy teljesülésbe. Olyan célokat fogalmazzunk meg, amelyek sokkal summásabbak, célratörőbbek, növeljük a tagállamokkal való együttműködést is, és ebbe én be szeretném emelni a nemzeti parlamentekkel történő együttműködést is.
Udo Bullmann (S&D). - Herr Präsident, werte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wenn wir uns heute fragen, welches Organ die wirtschaftliche Erholung der Europäischen Union am meisten blockiert, dann hat dieses Organ einen Namen. Es heißt Europäischer Rat. Das ist der Ort, wo keine klare Politik definiert wird, wo keine Schlussfolgerungen gezogen werden aus den eigenen Fehlern, wo ständig neue Begriffe erfunden werden für eine Pseudopolitik, ohne dass geklärt wird, wer wirklich die politische Verantwortung für die entsprechenden Maßnahmen trägt.
Sie sind doch Fans dieser neuen Vertragspartnerschaften; auch die Kommission hat sich diesbezüglich erklärt. Beantworten Sie einfach klar folgende Fragen: Wer verhandelt dort was mit wem? Von welchem Geld werden die finanziellen Anreize bezahlt? Wer macht die Programme? Wo ist die parlamentarische Kontrolle für eine solche Politik?
Das, was Sie hier ins Haus stellen, führt ausschließlich dazu, dass Sie eine neue Troika-Politik organisieren, eine neue Troika-Politik, eine gescheiterte Politik vollführen, ohne dass Sie die Schlussfolgerungen aus der völlig unbalancierten, marktradikalen, aber unsozialen Troika-Strategie gezogen haben. Sie glauben doch nicht im Ernst, dass Sie die Musik bestellen, dass die Kommission dazu nickt und dass dieses Haus anschließend die Veranstaltung aus dem europäischen Haushalt finanziert. Das wird nicht aufgehen. Das Europäische Parlament wird eine andere Politik von Ihnen einfordern.
(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 149 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)
Rebecca Harms (Verts/ALE), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Ich teile diese Kritik des Kollegen Bullmann zu hundert Prozent.
Angela Merkel hatte diese Idee beim letzten Gipfel beim Abendessen angekündigt. Ich würde jetzt gerne wissen, wie die Sozialdemokraten, die Koalitionsgespräche mit Frau Merkel geführt haben, diese Position, die Udo hier vertritt, in der Zusammenarbeit mit Angela Merkel durchsetzen wollen,
Udo Bullmann (S&D), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Mit Vergnügen möchte ich die Frage beantworten, die die Kollegin Harms stellt.
Rebecca, was glaubst du, warum ich mich so gut mit dem Thema auskenne? Weil ich Gelegenheit hatte, mich so intensiv mit ihm zu beschäftigen. Wir Sozialdemokraten sind der Auffassung, dass diese Politik in die demokratische Kontrolle des Europäischen Parlaments gehört. Das haben wir vor den Verhandlungen gesagt, das haben wir in den Verhandlungen gesagt, das haben wir nach den Verhandlungen gesagt.
Die Kommission muss uns die Frage beantworten, warum sie beispielsweise nicht Manns genug ist zu sagen, dass wir das im Europäischen Semester leisten können. Wir sind nicht der Auffassung, dass man eine undemokratische Politik laufen lassen kann. Im Prozess aller Beteiligten werden wir mit denen, die Verantwortung tragen, darüber streiten, wie demokratische Kontrolle organisiert werden kann. Das ist meine Position, das ist die Position der SPD-Gruppe, und die ist allgemein als sozial-demokratische Position bekannt.
Paulo Rangel (PPE). - Senhor Presidente, gostaria de chamar a atenção o seguinte: eu acho que é fundamental nesta altura que a Europa tenha uma política de defesa e de segurança comum efetiva, que tenha realmente essa política, mas isso não é fácil, como nós vimos na crise síria, como vimos, por exemplo, na crise líbia, onde os países europeus estão bastante divididos e apresentaram até posições diferentes na comunidade internacional e portanto eu considero que é importante nós reforçarmos este núcleo.
Para isso, penso que nós poderíamos iniciar o processo de coesão de uma política de defesa com certas áreas paramilitares ou que estão ao lado da indústria da defesa. Por exemplo, não se compreende que não haja uma fortíssima unidade de proteção civil para as catástrofes naturais, como os incêndios, as inundações, os tremores de terra, na qual poderia haver uma unidade já paramilitar, e não se compreende que as fronteiras externas da União, temos o caso do Mediterrâneo agora muito claro, não tenham já uma força militar europeia para as defender. São duas áreas muito específicas nas quais nós podíamos ensaiar um conceito europeu de defesa.
Eu acho que é extremamente importante que isto também seja feito sempre em coordenação com os nossos parceiros norte-americanos. Não é por acaso que eles incitam a Europa a investir mais na defesa, é porque têm obviamente também hoje outras preocupações no espaço global. Mas nós deveríamos aproveitar justamente esse incentivo a um maior reforço financeiro da Europa nas questões da defesa para criarmos uma verdadeira política europeia de defesa e para fazermos também, isso é verdade, um aproveitamento das infraestruturas que já estão instaladas nomeadamente da capacidade militar inglesa e da capacidade militar francesa, na qual por exemplo, no caso da intervenção do Mali, ou agora na República Centro-Africana, nós devíamos estar de alguma maneira a financiar também esse esforço para que não sejam apenas esses dois países a contribuir para esse efeito.
É justamente com este tipo de pequenos passos que eu penso que nós podermos criar uma verdadeira comunidade de defesa europeia.
Glenis Willmott (S&D). - Mr President, I was really pleased to see economic and social policy included in the upcoming Council summit. I hoped that, for once, Europe’s leaders might be willing to sit down and discuss those measures we can take to protect and improve people’s social and working rights. But what a wasted opportunity to deal with some of the real problems around the Posted Workers Directive.
In recent years the loopholes within the directive have been widened even further by extremely unhelpful court rulings, allowing unscrupulous employers to take advantage by exploiting posted workers and undercutting domestic standards.
This week was a perfect opportunity to show people that we are serious about stopping social dumping and making freedom of movement fair for all. Instead we have an agreement that simply fails to fix the problems. Articles 9 and 12 of the Council Agreement bring less legal certainty and completely fail to deal with the issues of the subcontracting chain, instead, using vague terms like ‘justified’ and ‘proportionate’.
So please excuse me if I sound cynical and pessimistic about the discussions at the upcoming summit. The encouraging words we are likely to get this week on jobs, growth and taxation may sound positive, but the Council needs to act decisively on posted workers. It is actions that count, not rhetoric.
Μαριέττα Γιαννάκου (PPE). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, είναι γεγονός ότι η ατζέντα αυτού του Συμβουλίου έχει εξαιρετικό ενδιαφέρον. Πέρα από την Οικονομική και Νομισματική Ένωση, την οικονομική και κοινωνική πολιτική, αυτό που παρουσιάζει ιδιαίτερο ενδιαφέρον είναι το ζήτημα της άμυνας και ασφάλειας. Δέκα χρόνια μετά τις πρώτες κινήσεις, σήμερα η ατζέντα περιλαμβάνει: πρώτον, το στοιχείο της αξιολόγησης για το ποια είναι πραγματικά η επιτυχία και η απήχηση της μέχρι σήμερα κοινής αμυντικής πολιτικής και πολιτικής ασφάλειας, δεύτερον, πώς αναπτύσσονται οι αμυντικές ικανότητες και, τρίτον, τι γίνεται με τις αμυντικές βιομηχανίες. Όσο αφορά στην αξιολόγηση, υπάρχει ήδη ένα κείμενο της Ύπατης Εκπροσώπου, το οποίο έχει πολύ ενδιαφέρον, αλλά και μια σειρά εκθέσεων του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου. Τα κείμενα αυτά δείχνουν τη σωστή κατεύθυνση, και το Συμβούλιο οφείλει να τα χρησιμοποιήσει. Ακόμη και αν βρισκόμαστε σε εποχή δημοσιονομικής κρίσης, μπορούμε κάλλιστα με λιγότερα χρήματα να έχουμε καλύτερα αποτελέσματα, αν συνεργαστούμε όπως πρέπει, αν λειτουργήσουν σωστά τα «ΕU battle groups», αν λειτουργήσει σωστά το πρόγραμμα ΑΤΗΕΝΑ, αν στην αμυντική βιομηχανία ενισχύσουμε πραγματικά την ευρωπαϊκή βιομηχανία, και όχι μόνο τις μεγάλες επιχειρήσεις αλλά και τις μικρές επιχειρήσεις που βρίσκονται σε διάφορες χώρες και μπορούν να συμβάλλουν στην παραγωγή οπλικών συστημάτων.
Στην ερώτηση εάν σε μια εποχή κρίσης, με τόση ανεργία, εμείς θέλουμε να ασχοληθούμε με την αμυντική πολιτική η απάντηση είναι: Ναι, γιατί αυτό σημαίνει ότι μπαίνουμε στην καρδιά της ύπαρξης μιας πιο ενιαίας Ευρώπης· είναι μείζον πολιτικό θέμα και από την άλλη πλευρά μπορούμε κάλλιστα μέσα από τα δημοσιονομικά μέτρα να ικανοποιήσουμε τις ευρωπαϊκές απαιτήσεις, να δώσουμε περισσότερη ασφάλεια στον Ευρωπαίο πολίτη και περισσότερη αυτοπεποίθηση, κύριε Πρόεδρε, σε σχέση με το τι είναι και τι αισθάνεται πως είναι η Ευρώπη.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). - Señor Presidente, un Consejo Europeo es siempre una reunión política del máximo nivel y el debate en su seno tiene que serlo también. Aquí se ha hablado de la reflexión que se va a concentrar en la política de seguridad y defensa común para incrementar la eficacia, la capacidad de defensa, la potenciación del sector industrial y el refuerzo de la Agencia Europea de Defensa.
Pero es preocupante que la razón sea económica. Los recortes, los recortes presupuestarios, que obligan a optimizar los esfuerzos defensivos en los Estados miembros, porque la razón debería ser política: la creencia en un proyecto compartido. Y exactamente lo mismo hay que decir de los avances que se esperan desde hace demasiado tiempo en la unión bancaria.
No basta con el mecanismo europeo de supervisión ni con la garantía de depósitos. Hay que reforzar los poderes de la Comisión en la gestión de este nuevo sistema de unión bancaria pero también el control democrático que este Parlamento debe ejercer. Esto lo digo porque las elecciones europeas están ya muy cerca, y es imposible perderlas de vista un segundo.
En el año 2014 se va a dirimir una auténtica disyuntiva entre los europeístas y el crecimiento —que ya indican numerosas encuestas— de las actitudes antieuropeas o directamente eurófobas. Por tanto, hay que tener muy claro que las próximas elecciones europeas significan una última oportunidad para relanzar el proyecto europeo, lo que significa que tenemos que revisar la política económica que ha obligado a estos recortes, la política económica que ha conducido a la Unión Europea a la peor hora de su historia, e impulsar de una vez el crecimiento, la agenda social y la generación de empleo.
(El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la «tarjeta azul» (artículo 149, apartado 8, del Reglamento))
Karin Kadenbach (S&D), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Lieber Kollege López Aguilar! Im Rahmen des Sozialinvestitionspakets wurde von der Kommission ja heuer im Februar das Thema „investing in health“ präsentiert. Wenn wir uns jetzt die Zahlen in den Mitgliedstaaten anschauen, gehen überall die Investitionen in die Gesundheit, in die Gesundheitsvorsorge zurück. Glaubst du nicht auch, dass es im Rahmen der Rüstung, im Rahmen der Verteidigung sinnvoll wäre, die Europäerinnen und Europäer zu rüsten gegen Krankheiten, sie zu verteidigen gegen Viren und Bakterien? Das können wir aber nur mit einem gestärkten, sinnvollen Gesundheitssystem. Glaubst du nicht auch, dass diese Investitionen in die Arbeitskraft und in die Gesundheit der Europäerinnen und Europäer auch eine Investition in die Wirtschaft Europas wäre? Die litauische Präsidentschaft hat sich eigentlich dazu verpflichtet, hier Maßnahmen zu setzen.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D), respuesta de «tarjeta azul». – Ya lo creo. La respuesta es sí.
Pero la respuesta exige también decir con claridad que no es posible hacer más con menos, que no es verdad que recortando de todas las partidas y también, consiguientemente, obligando a los Estados miembros a recortar el Estado social se puedan proteger mejor el bienestar y los derechos sociales, incluidos el derecho a la salud y el acceso a una sanidad pública de calidad en los Estados miembros.
Y esto es aplicable también, por supuesto, al esfuerzo de aproximación que se está haciendo en la política europea de seguridad y defensa, porque viene impulsado por una lógica economicista. Los recortes obligan a poner en común capacidades de defensa, pero la inspiración no debería ser esa, sino la creencia en un proyecto europeo común y compartido.
Gunnar Hökmark (PPE). - Mr President, first of all regarding growth and jobs: I think it is important to underline the fact that those Member States who have applied a policy of spending have got themselves deeper into the crisis while those who have used a policy of reforms are either out of the crisis or slowly coming out of it. I think it is important for the European Council to remember that.
Second, when we discuss the openness of the European Union and the freedom to move and the freedom to work everywhere: we should not see that as a threat. That is the strength of the European Union; a political strength, but also some of our fundamental values that we need to safeguard.
Third, discussing the most fundamental important values of democracy, stability and peace in Europe, I think it is worthwhile to underline that just now, in one of the European capitals, hundreds of thousands of people are demonstrating for the European Union. It is important to remember and to respect, because they see the promises of stability, rule of law, freedom, democracy and transparent societies: they are demonstrating for that. It is a formative time and we need to respond to that.
They are not demonstrating against anything other than those who are trying to impose other forces, other hidden powers. Parliamentary decisions had already been reached that Ukraine should enter a closer agreement with the European Union, but we all know that other decisions have been taken in the dark. We need to support those people and that is also the most important way of safeguarding European peace and security. If we cannot respond to that, we need to further discuss how to best develop the European Union.
Edit Herczog (S&D). - Elnök úr! Az Európai Unió egy békeprojekt, és az is kell hogy maradjon! Békés megoldást, nyitottságot, reményt kell mutatnunk az ukrán népnek. Ugyanakkor tudomásul kell venni, hogy tartósan van egy demokratikus deficit nyugati és egy gazdasági deficit keleti irányba. Ilyen körülmények között kell haladást elérnünk. A védelmi piac, a bankunió, a közös gazdasági kormányzás annak felismerése, hogy a válságra a több Európa a válasz. Miközben a kormányfők több Európáról tárgyalnak Brüsszelben, otthon nagyon gyakran szuverenitásba csomagolt nemzeti politikával átkötött politikát gyakorolnak. Egyértelműnek kell lenni a kormányfőknek. Egységes Európa, befogadás és haladás, vagy a Farage úr által ajánlott bezárkózás, kirekesztés és hanyatlás. Azt kérem a kormányfőktől, legyenek következetesek, azt mondják otthon a lakosságnak, amiben Brüsszelben meg fognak állapodni.
Gay Mitchell (PPE). - Mr President, I have already put on the record some of my thoughts on recovery and growth, but I would like to say a few words today about two issues: common defence policy and common defence, coming as I do from a militarily neutral country.
First of all, can I say that I find it a little bit hard to take a lecture from a Sinn Féin MEP on the use of military resources, because we have had to spend a lot of money on military resources in Ireland – paid for by the taxpayer – counteracting military resources used by Sinn Féin-sponsored organisations – also paid for by the taxpayer, but not withdrawn through the tax system but withdrawn at the point of a gun from banks and the likes.
Secondly, the mayhem and mass destruction and falsehood that followed is the legacy of that organisation and they now want to re-write the history.
Thirdly, the Irish economy is being turned around, despite having the Sinn Féin monkey of doom and gloom on our back constantly, and I think we need to pay credit to the Irish Government and people for the efforts they have made to turn around that economy.
Now, in relation to common defence policy, could I say that it seems to me that in times of austerity, if there were better coordination between the 28 Member States, rather than 28 separate defence budgets on their own, we could actually save money and use that money to assist those who most need it in our economy?
And on the issue of common defence, I think there does need to be solidarity. That solidarity needs to go both ways, but there are concerns about sovereignty and I think the way to deal with this is to say that for those neutral and non-aligned countries that want to sign up for a common EU defence, the Article 5-type commitment of NATO or the WEU, which happens also to be Article 5, will not be automatic. It will be a protocol. It will give those countries the option to opt in or opt out and in that way we would have the prospect of bringing about the best solidarity and common defence, which is a two-way thing.
Let us be very clear about this. Some of our neutral Member States have not provided for the defence of their countries and it is exacerbated by the current austerity ‘measures’, because defence spending has been cut. So we need to use the money we are spending much more effectively. That is what we are meant to do: defend the interests of our citizens and provide security. Let us have this debate in a civilised way.
Ana Gomes (S&D). - Mr President, look at Lampedusa and look at the spiralling insecurity in Libya, to see the EU in deep political crisis; not just unable to get its act together but its Member States actually acting in rivalry, putting Europe’s security at risk and failing to uphold even the humanitarian obligation to save lives in danger at sea. Energy, cyber and maritime threats, including organised crime and terrorism threats, are not being adequately addressed by the Council, which despite the rhetoric is not investing in the industrial and technological base necessary to build an autonomous and common security and defence policy – just the opposite.
Look at my country, Portugal, dismantling the strategic Viana do Castelo shipyards. Look at the strategic energy production and distribution sectors, put by the tracker privatisation programme under the control of the Chinese Communist Party. Defence, security and national budgets are being blindly cut in total dis-coordination. Fake offsets are rife in corrupt defence procurement contracts. Crucial military capacities are being destroyed.
Look at Mali, look at the Central African Republic. France had to move in fast and alone. Do you want more glaring evidence that the EU Council and the Commission are failing the CSDP, are failing Europe’s security?
Frank Engel (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, chère Ana, il n'y a pas que la sécurité de l'Europe qui est mise à mal par ce Conseil européen, il se pourrait très bien que ce soit le droit européen, lui-même, qui soit mis à mal par ce même Conseil européen.
Mais commençons par le début. Un mot sur l'union bancaire.
Que personne ne croie, quand même, que cette union bancaire mettra, à elle seule, un terme à la crise et à la stupide politique de l'austérité avec laquelle nous continuons de flageller, notamment, le sud de notre continent.
Donc, de grâce, finissons-en, mais faisons en sorte de procéder par la suite à la conception de politiques qui pourraient valoir la peine et qui ont à faire avec la solidarité européenne. Parce que, là, Monsieur le Président, je constate quand même des déviations de membres du Conseil européen que je commence à considérer comme étant scandaleusement problématiques.
Je vois un premier ministre britannique publier des articles où, en falsification brutale de l'état de la loi européenne, il fait comme s'il y avait un tourisme européen des systèmes de sécurité sociale totalement incontrôlé. Alors que, en fin de compte, il ne s'agit que de la possibilité pour les Européens de traverser les frontières nationales pour travailler et pour ensuite bénéficier d'un certain nombre de garanties de solidarité.
Apparemment, M. le premier ministre du Royaume-Uni n'est pas le seul à considérer cela parce qu'il prétend avoir des amis qui voudraient, avec lui, limiter la liberté de mouvement au sein de l'Union européenne.
Monsieur le Président, je trouve cela lamentable, lamentablissime, et je voudrais que le Conseil européen, qui n'est déjà pas connu pour être l'institution la plus efficace, ni la plus européenne dont nous disposons, soit au moins capable de rappeler à l'ordre ceux de ses membres qui, pour des raisons purement populistes et électorales, ne rechignent même plus devant la remise en question des acquis les plus fondamentaux de la construction européenne.
Tunne Kelam (PPE). - Mr President, one can say that the next major crisis in Europe will, in all likelihood, be a security and defence crisis. Our neighbourhood has become more unstable and unpredictable in all directions. Terrorist attacks are likely to increase and spread. There are new threats of cyber-conflicts, partially sponsored by states.
However, the biggest threat is the inadequacy of the EU to react efficiently to these threats. Defence budgets have become the first victims of austerity. I am worried that the EU as a whole has not been able to react to this dilemma between increased threats and depleted defence capabilities. Pooling and sharing is welcome but cannot be an adequate answer to our security.
I think the Councilʼs first task is to turn the tide of complacency and short-sightedness. Our first job is to regain public support for the renewed defence efforts. In fact our citizens value their security above all other things, but it cannot be provided for free.
Russia poses a major challenge to EU objectives. It continues to modernise its army and spends more than 4% of its GDP on military purposes. We cannot deal efficiently with the present Russian regime, which is engaged in economic and political warfare against eastern partners, which has invaded Georgia and whose military doctrine justifies armed invasion of its neighbours.
If we lack a credible defence capacity, if the EU does not take responsibility, the Kremlin will feel free to advance its own objectives in Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, and also in the Baltic States.
Othmar Karas (PPE). - Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Zum Ersten zur europäischen Sicherheitsarchitektur: Vor einem Jahr hat die Europäische Union den Friedensnobelpreis erhalten. Dieser hat uns deutlich gemacht, dass das Friedensprojekt Europa erfolgreich ist. Wir haben die Zusammenarbeit, die Rücksichtnahme aufeinander, das Verständnis füreinander, das Miteinander-Probleme-Lösen zum Konzept erklärt.
Vor wem verteidigen wir uns eigentlich noch? Vor uns selbst? Wir sind jetzt dabei, dafür Sorge zu tragen, die Verteidigungsanstrengungen, die Kräfte zu bündeln, damit wir unsere Aufgaben außerhalb Europas und innerhalb Europas gemeinsam lösen können.
Die Studie des Europäischen Parlaments über die Kosten des Nicht-Europas zeigt, dass eine Bündelung der Kräfte auf diesem Gebiet zu einem Einsparungspotenzial von 130 Mrd. EUR maximal, 26 Mrd. EUR minimal führen kann und das zu einer erhöhten Effizienz führt. Ich fordere die Staats- und Regierungschefs auf, diese Effizienzsteigerung der Kostensenkung durchzuführen und den nächsten Schritt zu setzen.
Der zweite Punkt: Die Währungsunion benötigt eine Wirtschafts- und Sozialunion nicht mit bilateralen Verträgen, sondern auf dem Boden des Gemeinschaftsrechts, demokratisch legitimiert durch das Europäische Parlament, demokratisch kontrolliert durch das Europäische Parlament. Die Bankenunion ist eine Voraussetzung dafür, dass die Bankenaufsicht erfolgreich tätig werden kann. Beschließen Sie die Bankenunion vor der Wahl zum Europäischen Parlament! Dann setzen wir ein deutliches Zeichen, dass wir es mit der Antwort auf die Krise ernst meinen.
Intervenciones con arreglo al procedimiento de solicitud incidental de uso de la palabra («catch the eye»)
Mairead McGuinness (PPE). - Mr President, I thank the Commission and the Council for their statements in this debate.
Commissioner, you mentioned Ireland and I thank you for acknowledging the resilience and the determination of the Irish people. It is a very significant week in Ireland. We will exit the bail-out programme. It has been a very tough three years but I do want to put on record that, despite some earlier comments by colleagues in this Chamber, Ireland is a positive news story.
Let me tell you some of the good news. Growth has recovered. The economy is regaining competitiveness. Exports are at an all-time high. We are creating jobs and confidence has improved. Interest rates on our government bonds are now at affordable levels.
There are some for whom economic recovery is not a good news story because they will gain politically from economic failure and that is a terrible thing to have to say in this Chamber.
Let me praise the Irish people but also say, we need continued EU support…
(The President cut off the speaker)
Ioan Mircea Paşcu (S&D). - Mr President, the long awaited EU summit on defence is approaching fast. There are two major reasons why everybody’s expectations of it are so high.
First, defence has not been addressed since 2008, and second, it is defence which is bearing the brunt of fund-cutting during the current crisis. A combination of deluding ourselves that we have achieved near or never-ending security and the fear of losing the public vote have brought us to this point.
Consequently, it is difficult for our forces to find volunteers for their ranks. The industry is losing qualified workforce. Our inventories are rapidly becoming obsolete. Our technological edge is vanishing and the centrality of Europe’s role in the newly emerging world is gradually being eroded. To avoid passing the point of no return, we need to stop slashing defence budgets and give defence proper attention through a robust follow-up process decided at the upcoming Council.
Νικος Χρυσόγελος (Verts/ALE). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, γι’ αυτά που μιλάμε θα αναφέρω μερικά παραδείγματα:
Για το ευρωπαϊκό εξάμηνο δεν μπορεί να βλέπουμε μόνο τους μακροοικονομικούς δείκτες αλλά πρέπει να συνδέουμε τους δείκτες αυτούς και με κοινωνικούς δείκτες. Παράδειγμα, η επίτευξη δημοσιονομικής εξυγίανσης δεν πρέπει να πλήττει την κοινωνική συνοχή. Στην Ελλάδα έχουμε πάνω από 28% ανεργία, και μάλιστα 60-64% ανεργία μεταξύ των νέων. Ακόμα και εάν πετυχαίναμε δημοσιονομική εξυγίανση, θα ήταν σε βάρος της συνοχής της κοινωνίας, αλλά ούτε δημοσιονομική εξυγίανση πετυχαίνουμε. Η πολιτική λιτότητας τι είχε σαν αποτέλεσμα; Να καταστρέψει την παραγωγική βάση και την κοινωνική συνοχή, αλλά δεν μείωσε το χρέος. Η πρόσφατη έκθεση του ΟΟΣΑ λέει ότι ό,τι πετύχαμε με το κούρεμα και άλλα μέτρα για τη μείωση του χρέους εξουδετερώθηκε με την αύξηση του χρέους κατά ίσο ποσοστό· δηλαδή μειώθηκε το χρέος κατά 38,5% με το κούρεμα και λόγω της ύφεσης αυξήθηκε πάλι κατά 38,5%, δηλαδή δεν πετύχαμε τίποτα...
(Ο πρόεδρος διακόπτει τον ομιλητή)
Paul Murphy (GUE/NGL). - Mr President, George Orwell gave the following definition of doublethink in 1984: ʻto tell deliberate lies while genuinely believing in them, to forget any facts that have become inconvenientʼ. There is no better description of the Commissionʼs tale of the Irish success story.
Let us look, for example, at the so-called return of sovereignty. The inconvenient facts there are all of the locks that will still exist on the neo-liberal straightjacket that constrains the people in Ireland and across Europe. We will have post-programme monitoring from the IMF; we will have post-programme surveillance from the Commission; we will have the excessive deficit procedure, the six-pack, the two-pack, the Fiscal Treaty.
Now you want more contracts for austerity. What is being created is permanent Troika for all across Europe. James Connollyʼs writings on the struggle against British imperialism could equally apply today: ʻIf you remove the English army tomorrow and hoist the green flag over Dublin Castle, unless you set about the organisation of the...ʼ
(The President cut off the speaker)
Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Kreowanie i prowadzenie wspólnej polityki zagranicznej, bezpieczeństwa i obronności to wyjątkowo trudne zadanie, wymaga bowiem pogodzenia interesów nie tylko politycznych, ale także gospodarczych wielu krajów członkowskich, a interesy handlowe przeważają nad wartościami. Większość mówców nawiązywała do Ukrainy. A co mamy? Deklaracje, propozycje unijne są mało wyraziste i mało konkretne, a stanowiska wielu krajów członkowskich są milczące, bądź wypowiadane bardzo cicho, aby nie naruszyć swoich interesów z Rosją. Wspólna polityka bezpieczeństwa i obronności Unii Europejskiej ma swój charakter wynikający z wartości, które są podstawą naszego funkcjonowania. Chcę tu wskazać na znaczenie pomocy, jaką niesie Unia w sytuacjach naruszenia bezpieczeństwa, zagrożenia życia ludności na skutek walk, wojen, które wybuchają w różnych ...
(Przewodniczący odebrał mówcy głos)
Tonino Picula (S&D). - Gospodine predsjedniče, Manfred Worner je rekao kako je sigurnost kisik za demokraciju. No, poput kisika, i sigurnost često doživljavamo zdravo za gotovo. Budući da je jedan od glavnih ciljeva Europske unije promicanje mira i podupiranje demokracije na međunarodnoj sceni, želim izraziti podršku daljnjem razvitku europskog sigurnosnog i obrambenog sektora. Međunarodnu regionalnu sigurnost ugrožavaju izazovi poput ekstremizma, širenje oružja za masovno uništenje te globalne i regionalne mreže organiziranog kriminala.
Ali sigurnost danas ima sve izraženije socijalne, gospodarske, energetske i ekološke aspekte. Nestabilnost južnog i istočnog susjedstva Europske unije je zabrinjavajuća te iz tog razloga trebamo partnerski raditi na jačanju sigurnosne suradnje u Europi i našem susjedstvu. Hrvatska je tom cilju doprinosila i prije formalnog pristupanja Uniji te aktivno sudjeluje u mirovnim misijama stavljajući pritom naglasak na obuku i mentoriranje. Današnji globalni kontekst odražava potrebu za daljnjim razvojem strategije europske obrane. Zato bih želio pozdraviti sljedeći sastanak Europskog vijeća u prosincu, posvećen sigurnosti i obrani.
Seán Kelly (PPE). - Mr President, I think we are approaching this summit in a much better place than at any time that I have been here over the last four and a half years. Because, contrary to the prophets of doom, professor know-it-all economists, the euro has not collapsed and the European Union has not fallen apart.
Instead we see the euro being secure and a return to growth, and that is something that is very welcome, and my own country is being seen as an example of success in that regard, thanks to the help we got from the European Union and others.
But I would say one thing. Our debt is peaking at 124% of GDP, which is over twice what is recommended in the fiscal compact treaty and for that reason I think the application of retroactive measures in relation to our debt is very important. It was promised at the summit of 2012. If that is given to us, then we will not need a second bail-out and Ireland will continue to grow and be an example of success at European level.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D) - Medzi hlavné témy nadchádzajúceho samitu patrí hospodárska menová Únia a hospodárska menová politika. Je nevyhnutné hospodársku a menovú Úniu neustále prehlbovať, čo však vyžaduje nielen intenzívnejší a udržateľný hospodársky rast, ale najmä zamestnanosť a sociálnu súdržnosť. Naša najdôležitejšia priorita teda musí byť podpora zamestnanosti a sociálneho zabezpečenia.
Kolegyne a kolegovia, potrebujeme systémové opatrenia a nielen krátkodobé riešenia. Tie vedú v konečnom dôsledku iba k negatívnym dopadom na zamestnanosť už aj tak ľudí ťažko skúšaných krízou. Musíme preto cielene investovať a posilniť financovanie hospodárstva, musíme prijímať prorastové opatrenia a posilňovať sociálne investície; vytvoriť aj účinný systém sociálneho zabezpečenia.
Je treba zabrániť narastajúcim sociálnym nepokojom, ktoré sú dôsledkom neefektívnych a nefungujúcich opatrení. Občania EÚ si zaslúžia vysokú mieru sociálneho zabezpečenia...
(predsedajúci rečníčku prerušil)
Joseph Cuschieri (S&D). - Jeħtieġ li l-Istati Membri jieħdu l-inizjattiva u b’sens ta’ solidarjeta’ jagħtu sehemhom biex il-kwistjoni tal-immigrazzjoni irregolari fil-Mediterran tirrisolvi ruħha.
L-Unjoni Ewropea għandu jkollha mekkaniżmu li jorbot lil kulħadd biex jagħti sehmu kif inhu xieraq.
Huwa meħtieġ li l-laqgħa tal-Kunsill Ewropew tal-ġimgħa d-dieħla taqbel fuq miżuri operattivi li jwasslu għall-qsim obbligatorju tal-piż bejn l-Istati Membri.
Il-miżuri identifikati mit-Task Force għall-Mediterran għandhom jissarrfu f’azzjonijiet konkreti li għandhom jiġu implimentati b’mod effiċjenti u effettiv. Għandu jkun hemm timelines biex dawn il-miżuri jiġu implimentati.
Ir-responsabilita’ disproporzjonata li Malta kellha terfa' f’din il-problema tidentifika b’mod ċar li hemm bżonn ta’ tiġdid u tibdil tas-Sistema Ewropea Komuni tal-Asil, reviżjoni fis-sistema Dublin u l-ħtieġa ta’ aktar ħidma biex jintlaħqu l-oġġettivi tal-Programm ta’ Stokkolma.
Għandha wkoll tikber iktar il-kooperazzjoni ma’ pajjiżi barra mill-Unjoni Ewropea skont l-Approċċ Globali għall-Migrazzjoni u l-Mobilità (GAMM). Din il-ħidma fuq medda ta’ żmien...
(Fin de las intervenciones con arreglo al procedimiento de solicitud incidental de uso de la palabra («catch the eye»))
Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Mr President, honourable Members, thank you very much for this debate. I will just try to react very briefly to the topics which have been most frequently raised by Members: the situation in Ukraine, defence, contractual arrangements and the single resolution mechanism.
First I would like to thank you all for your very clear statement on Ukraine. I think it is very important to show that we are with the Ukrainian people. We support their right to the European path and I would like to thank you for your very clear demonstration of solidarity. I agree with parliamentary group leaders who highlighted the fact that the pictures from Kiev from the Maidan square remind us all of the importance of the freedoms and values we have got so used to in the European Union that we just take them for granted.
But as we have already seen this morning, it is very important to defend them. Sometimes it is very strange that we have to defend them here in the European Parliament, but this is, I would say, the ongoing battle against those who want to limit the freedom of movement, freedom of labour – the key features of the European Union because they make our Union so great. They are freedoms which are extremely appreciated by our citizens and I think it is our clear duty to work on this together and to fight for this freedom both, in the Commission and in the European Parliament.
On defence, I think it is very important to recall to some Members that the common security and defence policy development is already provided for in the Lisbon Treaty, and it is quite clear that we need progress here to be able to deploy European Union security and civilian missions. We already have dozens of them abroad and the further development of our capabilities would help us to assume even better our global responsibility, which is of course something that is expected of the European Union.
We need better coordination to tackle new threats like cyber-security, like the trafficking of human beings. We need it for economies of scale and of course to avoid duplication.
Several of the speakers also highlighted the very important economic impact of the defence industry on the European economy, and therefore I think it is really up to the European Union to invest effort and energy in the development of better cooperation and coordination in this area. In my opening remarks I think I made it very clear that the European Union wants to proceed in close cooperation with NATO and with other international partners like the UN and OSCE. But if everything is as great as was suggested by some of the speakers, in that case why do we still have problems with duplication in aircraft, in ships, in frigates, in different kinds of armament? Why do we still have very closed procurement procedures? Why do we have fragmented markets in defence products?
I think that we have to tackle all these issues to benefit from economies of scale and from pooling resources to really produce better products and really to pool resources which are very scarce. So I think this topic at the European Council deserves a lot of attention and I hope that we will really achieve tangible and much needed progress.
On contractual arrangements, I think that here we need to continue the debate on this issue, because I think the Commission’s approach to the contractual arrangement was not fully understood and we should engage with the European Parliament to explain it more in the future. Because I think we have all agreed, and I have seen it in very big support from the European Parliament for six-pack and two-pack measures, that what we need is to improve economic governance. We have seen how the European Semester has been evolving and how we are trying to improve it every year. With these contractual arrangements, we want to add the element of motivation, the element of financial support for reforms which are sometimes very difficult, which are costly, which of course are not easy to implement.
Of course we want to respect fully the democratic scrutiny rights of the European Parliament and of the national parliaments, because the proposals for these contractual arrangements should come from the Member States themselves. They should propose what they want to do, if they want to come into the reform, and of course we need to look for the ways we can help finance these reforms in the future.
Of course these arrangements would have to fully respect all new elements we have added to the social dimension of the EMU, and convergence is one of the key factors in economic governance and in application of the European Semester.
Lastly, on the banking union, I think that here we are at an absolutely crucial stage. There will be two trialogues today on the deposit scheme guarantees and on the Bank Resolution and Recovery Directive, and of course we hope for progress because we really believe that we need to complete these two very important negotiations before the parliamentary recess so that we can really start the new legislature with the banking union already in place.
As some of you already mentioned, the discussion on the single resolution mechanism is very difficult. As you know, the Commission is advocating Article 114 as the right legal basis for all issues including the fund, but the negotiations are very difficult and, as you know, the negotiations between the Finance Ministers in the Ecofin formation will continue next week and we will work very hard for the final compromise and for the important role of the European Parliament in this process.
But at the same time I think we also have to acknowledge that this is a process of putting the system together which would take years, and now I think we have to overcome this very important hurdle. We have to trigger the mechanism, we have to start it, because this would be a very important signal to the financial markets, it would be a very important signal to our businesses, to our citizens that we have finally closed all the gaps and we have got our banking system under proper control and on safe ground. This, I hope, will help us to restart financing the economy, which is one of the key problems that explains why our growth is not picking up in a more robust way, which of course all of us would very much prefer.
Vytautas Leškevičius, President-in-Office of the Council. − Mr President, I am grateful to all those who have participated in this debate. I have heard a range of views expressed, and I will of course ensure that these are relayed back to the Council, and to the European Council and its President.
Many of you mentioned Ukraine and I am very grateful for this. As Minister Linkevičius said very early this morning, last night the Ukrainian authorities demonstrated that they seem to be taking a non-European path. The oppressive police action shows a clear disrespect for freedom of speech and freedom of assembly. These are at the core of our European values. We are all the more grateful to the High Representative that she is seeking a political solution with a direct engagement in Kiev. As President Barroso stated recently, in these difficult hours we cannot leave the Ukrainian people on their own. I would like to thank this House for its support and welcome the fact that a resolution on this matter is be put to the vote tomorrow.
Finally, on Ukraine, as I said during yesterday’s debate, it is also very important simply to be there, with them, showing that they have not been left alone. Some MEPs, notably Mr Swoboda and Ms Berès, made particular mention of a social dimension. Of course it is clear that growth alone cannot remedy the social situation in the EU, because growth needs to be rich in jobs. Hence the Member States are ready to address the challenges exposed by the crisis, through increased efforts to better balance economic and social objectives. There is broad agreement that the social dimension of the EMU has to be strengthened. A properly functioning EMU needs the Member States to work together to address, in a balanced and coordinated way, economic, employment and social imbalances which have implications for monetary union as a whole. A strong social dimension would ensure that priority is given to policies to lead the EU towards full employment. The social dimension should therefore be built around a renewed effort to deliver the relevant employment, education and social inclusion targets of Europe 2020.
Most Member States are in favour of the introduction of a scoreboard of key employment and social indicators within the framework of the European Semester and consider it a useful instrument. Such a scoreboard could provide a more focused analysis for reinforced multilateral surveillance of employment and social policies. Member States also support the proposals to improve the mechanisms for involving social partners in the coordination of policies at EU and national levels.
The Commissioner mentioned the Savings Directive. It is true that Ecofin did not reach a political agreement yesterday. I would like to stress that the Lithuanian Presidency has been doing everything possible for a Savings Directive to be adopted before the end of the year, as requested by the European Council. The file was on the agenda of Ecofin in November and December this year, but it has not been possible to reach agreement at this stage, due to reservations on the part of a couple of our Member States. But the report, which will be forwarded to the European Council, will present the outcome of the Ecofin discussion. It will then be for the European Council to decide what kind of signal it wishes to send to the Council on the follow-up to be given to this file.
Mr Van Orden and Ms Gomes made some concrete points on European defence. Let me say that this week’s European Council will be about achieving concrete deliverables. In the area of defence I could name just a few, such as the call to adopt the EU cyber defence policy framework in 2014 and to adopt a maritime security strategy in the same year. To enhance the development of capabilities, the European Council will encourage further development of remotely piloted aircraft systems in the 2020-2025 framework and more development of air-to-air refuelling capacity, the creation of a next-generation governmental satellite communication and the development of a road map, as well as projects to improve civil and military cooperation on the basis of the EU cyber-security strategy.
Some of you also mentioned the EU-NATO relationship. Let me stress that NATO is a key partner organisation for the EU and the European Council is expected to underline this. In its conclusions on CSDP the Council encouraged further implementation of practical steps for effective EU cooperation with NATO, while keeping the overall objectives of building a true organisation-to-organisation relationship. This also includes avoiding duplication and ensuring complementarity.
Next week’s meeting covers a range of different issues, but they are all of direct concern to our citizens. Common security and defence is about protecting our families and homes, and helping to ensure that we provide for a more stable and secure neighbourhood and world. Our continuing effort to strengthen economic and monetary union is about a different sort of security: security from economic uncertainty and security from the fear of long-term unemployment.
Banking union is also in the end about protecting our livelihoods from the threat of yet another financial crisis. We all depend on the strength and solidity of the banks whom we trust with our hard-won savings.
Finally, tackling migration in the Mediterranean is concerned with protecting those who risk great danger in the search for a better life. We owe it to them to ensure that the disaster we witnessed in October is never again repeated.
As we look forward to the European parliamentary elections next year, we can point to these and many other issues where Europe is indeed making a difference, and where results depend ultimately on cooperation and solidarity.
El Presidente. − Para cerrar el debate se han presentado 4 propuestas de resolución(1) de conformidad con el artículo 110, apartado 2 del Reglamento.
Se cierra el debate.
La votación tendrá lugar el jueves 12 de diciembre de 2013.
Declaraciones por escrito (artículo 149 del Reglamento)
Claudette Abela Baldacchino (S&D), bil-miktub. – Il-laqgħat tal-aħħar xhur tal-Parlament Ewropew kienu dominati minn diskussjonijiet dwar il-probelma tal-immigrazzjoni irregolari li qiegħda tolqot lil Malta u lill-Italja. Dan ġara għax ftit ġranet qabel iltqajna kien hemm żewġ traġedji qrib Malta u Lampedusa – traġedji li ħallew mijiet ta' vittmi, fosthom nisa u tfal – f'qiegħ il-baħar Mediterran. Dawk kollha li ħadu sehem fid-diskussjonijiet kienu kelma waħda: L-UE kellha terfa' responsabbilta' kollettiva biex tinstab soluzzjoni għal din il-problema. Saru diversi appelli lill-Kunsill Ewropew biex jieħu l-problema aktar bis-serjetà u mill-kliem jgħaddi għall-fatti. Ma nistax ngħid li dawn l-appelli waqgħu fuq widnejn torox għax grazzi ghall-inizjattivi tal-Gvern Malti u l-Prim Ministru Joseph Muscat, saru passi importanti 'l quddiem meta l-Kunsill qabel li jridu jittieħdu deċiżjonijiet operazzjonali fi żmien ftit ġimgħat. Huwa ta' sodisfazzjon li t-Task Force tal-Mediterran ressqet lill-Kummissjoni Ewropea numru ta' proposti biex tittieħed azzjoni konkreta. Id-dokument tat-Task Force jinkludi diversi punti importanti li għandhom iwasslu biex tal-anqas il-problema tittaffa. Insemmi biss il-proposta biex pajjizi terzi jingħataw għajnuna biex l-immigranti jaqsmu lejn l-Ewropa b'mezzi legali u mhux b'dgħajjes b'periklu għal ħajjithom. Jidher li mill-kliem bdejna ngħaddu għall-fatti. Minn diskorsi biss għaddejna għal impenji konkreti. Nittamaw li issa ngħaddu għal azzjoni konkreta bl-ewwel pass ikun it-twettiq tad-dokument tat-Task Force tal-Mediterran.
Ivo Belet (PPE), schriftelijk. – Er is nogal wat politieke opschudding over het feit dat Bulgaren en Roemenen op 1 januari a.s. vrije toegang krijgen tot de arbeidsmarkt, op gelijke voet met alle EU-burgers. Hierover worden veel halve waarheden en verzinsels verkondigd. Het is goed om eraan te herinneren dat het vrije verkeer binnen de EU niet onbeperkt is, concreet: EU-burgers moeten aantonen dat ze beschikbaar zijn voor de arbeidsmarkt en hun aanvraag voor sociale steun kan worden geweigerd, als blijkt dat ze er onrechtmatig beroep op doen. Sommige regeringen, met name in Londen, lijken deze handhavingsinstrumenten over het hoofd te zien en geven de indruk dat de opening van de arbeidsmarkt een bedreiging vormt.
Diezelfde regeringen verzetten zich in de Raad Sociale Zaken tegen de invoering van efficiënte controles en inspecties tegen onrechtmatig gebruik van de detacheringsrichtlijn. Daarom is het recente akkoord over de handhavingsrichtlijn zo belangrijk: het maakt duidelijk dat Europa wel degelijk een vuist kan maken tegen frauduleuze constructies van malafide ondernemingen. Het akkoord is een belangrijke stap naar eerlijke concurrentie en humane werkomstandigheden voor gedetacheerde werknemers. Met dergelijke concrete besluiten kunnen we de burgers ervan overtuigen dat Europese samenwerking een goede zaak is voor ons allemaal.
Ágnes Hankiss (PPE), írásban. – Védelempolitika az Európai Tanács napirendjén – Kis lépések politikája
A decemberi Európai Tanács napirendjén – 2008 óta először – biztonság- és védelempolitikai megfontolások is napirendre kerültek. A közelgő tanácsi vita apropóján újra aktuális a kérdés: képes-e az EU önálló, stratégiailag autonóm geo- és védelempolitikai szereplővé válni a nemzetközi színtéren? Indokolt, hogy Európa rendelkezzen önálló védelmi stratégiával és olyan hatékony biztonság- és védelempolitikával, amely, ha szükséges, önálló fellépést is lehetővé tesz a konfliktusok megoldása érdekében. Olyan átfogó uniós megközelítést kell kialakítani, amely minden (régi és új) rendelkezésre álló eszközt számbavesz a konfliktusmegelőzés és a válságkezelés érdekében. A 2003 óta érvényben lévő, 2008-ban aktualizált európai biztonsági stratégia felülvizsgálata is megkerülhetetlen feladat a változó biztonsági fenyegetésekkel és különösen az EU-val szomszédos országok biztonsági helyzetével összefüggésben. A polgári és katonai képességeket a jövő szükségleteihez kell igazítani. Ez indokolhatja a biztonság- és védelempolitikai fehér könyv kidolgozására tett javaslatot, mely – felmérve az egyes tagországok kapacitásait – a polgári és a katonai képességek összehangolásában is szerepet játszhat. Üdvözlendő, hogy a tanácsi ülés a legmagasabb politikai szintre emelte ezeket a kérdéseket, elősegítve ezzel az önálló európai védelempolitika koncepciójának a felülvizsgálatát. Tekintetbe véve azonban a tagállamok eltérő gazdasági és politikai érdekeit, a tanácsi ülésen megvitatandó elképzelések megvalósulását csupán apró, konkrét lépések vihetik előre.
Моника Панайотова (PPE), в писмена форма. – В момент, когато ЕС е на стратегически кръстопът, изборът на правилната посока за развитие на ОПСО е от ключово значение за военните му способности.
Европа е необходимо да развие пълния набор от собствени способности, ако иска да остане адекватна на своите стратегически интереси и да отговори навременно на новите геостратегически предизвикателства. Затова решенията на предстоящия Съвет, включително по отношение на индустрията и технологиите, ще имат дългосрочно отражение в бъдеще.
Военната индустрия и технологиите в ЕС са все още фрагментирани и с ниска конкурентноспособност на глобалния пазар на въоръженията. Същевременно, европейските отбранителни индустрии са не само важни за сигурността, чрез осигуряване на въоръжените сили с бойна техника и материални средства, но те са и източник за създаване на нови работни места, за иновации и икономически растеж.
Индустриалната база на ЕС следва да бъде конкурентна и иновативна. Изследванията и иновациите в сферата на отбраната са ключът към повишаване на конкурентноспособността на европейската отбранителна индустрия. Потенциално решение в тази посока е насърчаване развитието на технологиите с двойна употреба посредством новата програма за изследвания и иновации Хоризонт 2020.
Сътрудничеството и недублирането с НАТО ще мултиплицира ефекта. Държавите членки също следва да задълбочат сътрудничеството си във военно технологичното развитие на двустранна и многостранна основа.
Pavel Poc (S&D), písemně. – Poslední letošní summit Evropské rady se bude zabývat pilíři evropské integrace – společnou bezpečnostní politikou a hospodářskou a sociální politikou. Právě společná hospodářská a sociální politika je dlouhými lety krize nahlodána a vnímána v jednotlivých členských státech jako nedostatečná, a tudíž i selhávající. Členské státy by proto na tomto summitu Evropské rady měly klást důraz především na otázky hospodářské a sociální politiky: na podporu zaměstnanosti mladých lidí, na řešení hospodářských problémů, které jsou vždy na pozadí sociálních tenzí vytvářejících rizika pro bezpečnost. Právě vnitřní a sociální bezpečnost Evropy je ohrožena, ne její vnější bezpečnost. Proto realizace společné bezpečnostní politiky EU by neměla mít kompetitivní charakter se zbytkem světa, ale měla by se realisticky zaměřit především na harmonizaci a užší integraci těch oblastí bezpečnosti, které jednotlivé členské státy mají podobné a kde může dojít ke zvýšení efektivity a snížení nákladů. Za příklad nadějné praxe regionální spolupráce můžu uvést společný vzdušný prostor České republiky, Slovenska a Maďarska. Tento summit by měl posilovat především společnou sociální politiku, pomocí které můžeme efektivně snižovat ta bezpečnostní rizika, kterým musí čelit dnešní Evropa – vnitřní společenské napětí a sociální exkluze.
Csaba Sándor Tabajdi (S&D), írásban. – Az Európai Tanács idei utolsó ülésén az Európai Unió jövője szempontjából kiemelt fontosságú kérdések kerülnek napirendre. Az egész Unió érdekében áll, hogy az állam- és kormányfők végre megegyezésre jussanak a bankunióval és az egységes bankszanálási alappal kapcsolatban. A törékeny fellendülés ellenére az Európai Unió gazdasága továbbra is komoly problémákkal küzd. A bankunió jelenlegi állapotában képtelen ellátni feladatát, hiszen az Egységes Bankfelügyeleti Rendszer nemsokára megkezdi működését, azonban a bankszanálási alap továbbra sem áll az Unió rendelkezésére. Elképzelhető, hogy Szlovénia mentőcsomagra szorul, Portugália újabb hitelmegállapodás felé sodródik, míg Görögország képtelen csökkenteni államadósságát. Hazámban a gazdasági növekedés lassú és törékeny, a munkanélküliség pedig a régiós átlaghoz képest kiemelkedően magas. Felhívom a figyelmét mind az európai biztosoknak, mind pedig EP-képviselőtársaimnak, hogy mandátumunk még nem járt le! Jelen gazdasági és társadalmi helyzetben megengedhetetlen, hogy az európai polgárok érdekeit félretéve kizárólag a jövő évi kampányra koncentráljunk! Felszólítom tehát képviselőtársaimat, az európai biztosokat, valamint az állam- és kormányfőket, hogy ne halogassák a bankszanálási alap létrehozását! A kisbetétesek, az európai adófizetők védelme, valamint a biztonságos pénzügyi rendszer kialakítása mindannyiunk érdeke!
Dominique Vlasto (PPE), par écrit. – Après la crise de 2007, la mobilisation en urgence de fonds publics pour renflouer les banques européennes été très mal vécue par les citoyens, qui nous ont demandé, à juste titre, de mieux encadrer ces institutions financières. Aujourd’hui, je crois pouvoir dire que nous sommes en train de satisfaire ces revendications. Après avoir adopté de nouvelles exigences pour les banques en matière de fonds propres et d’endettement, et confié à la BCE le rôle de gendarme bancaire, nous sommes sur le point de créer un mécanisme de renflouement privé des banques en difficulté. À l’avenir, plutôt que de solliciter les contribuables, ce sont les dirigeants, actionnaires, créanciers des banques qui seront mobilisés. Si cela ne suffit pas, un fonds de résolution bancaire alimenté par des taxes sur les banques d’environ 50 ou 60 milliards d’euros interviendra pour aider à la restructuration. Le Mécanisme européen de stabilité (MES), conçu initialement pour aider les États qui connaissent des difficultés pour se financer, pourra éventuellement intervenir pour compléter le renflouement. Le contribuable ne pourra donc être sollicité qu’en dernier ressort.
Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. – Bei der kommenden Ratstagung geht es um die gemeinsame Sicherheits- und Außenpolitik, die Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion, Erweiterung und Energie. Aufgrund der nach wie vor anhaltenden Strukturkrise ist es durchaus neben den vertraglichen Gegebenheiten ratsam, sich Gedanken zur GASP zu machen. Jedes Land hat seine besonderen Stärken – im Sinne der vielfachen (Kosten-) Effizienz ergibt es durchaus Sinn, gerade jetzt solche Überlegungen anzustellen. Die wirtschaftliche Lage des Euro-Währungsgebiets zu analysieren, halte ich für unumgänglich, allerdings kann unmöglich daraus resultieren, unseren Bürgerinnen und Bürgern noch mehr finanzielle Bürden aufzuhalsen – wir haben schon mehr als genügend Leute, die sich bis zum Monatsende „durchkämpfen“. Geben wir ihnen zuerst Perspektiven und unzähligen von ihnen eine Arbeit! An dieser Stelle sei auch erwähnt, dass die jetzige EU eben aus wirtschaftlichen und finanziellen Gründen nicht fit ist, realistisch an weitere Erweiterungen zu denken.
(La sesión, suspendida a las 11.50 horas, se reanuda a las 12.20 horas)
PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. ROBERTA ANGELILLI Vicepresidente
Rebecca Harms (Verts/ALE). - Madam President, I would like to ask my colleagues to welcome, with me, a delegation from Euromaidan. They arrived this morning. Colleagues, they left Kiev yesterday evening and they are happy for all possible meetings with you. They are sitting in the public gallery right now. Please welcome those who are fighting peacefully and non-violently in the streets of Kiev.
(Loud applause)
Presidente. − Darò ancora qualche secondo per dare la possibilità a tutti i colleghi di sedersi, preparare la carta di voto.
4.1. Programul de schimb, asistență și formare profesională pentru protecția monedei euro împotriva falsificării (programul „Pericles 2020”) (A7-0423/2013 - Anthea McIntyre) (vot)
4.2. Modificarea Regulamentului (UE) nr. 99/2013 privind programul statistic european pentru perioada 2013-2017 (A7-0401/2013 - Pablo Zalba Bidegain) (vot)
4.3. Convenția Organizației Internaționale a Muncii privind munca decentă pentru personalul casnic (A7-0394/2013 - Inês Cristina Zuber) (vot)
4.4. Acordul UE-Armenia privind principiile generale de participare a Armeniei la programele Uniunii (A7-0406/2013 - Tomasz Piotr Poręba) (vot)
4.5. Acordul dintre UE și Franța privind aplicarea în comunitatea din Saint-Barthélemy a legislației Uniunii în materie de impozitare (A7-0404/2013 - Sławomir Nitras) (vot)
4.6. Modificare a Deciziei 2002/546/CE cu privire la perioada de aplicare a acesteia (A7-0431/2013 - Danuta Maria Hübner) (vot)
4.7. Coordonarea donatorilor din UE cu privire la ajutorul pentru dezvoltare (A7-0393/2013 - Gay Mitchell) (vot)
4.8. Numirea unui membru al Curții de Conturi (Phil Wynn Owen - UK) (A7-0438/2013 - Inés Ayala Sender) (vot)
4.9. Numirea unui membru al Curții de Conturi (Alex Brenninkmeijer - NL) (A7-0433/2013 - Inés Ayala Sender) (vot)
4.10. Numirea unui membru al Curții de Conturi (Henri Grethen - LU) (A7-0439/2013 - Inés Ayala Sender) (vot)
4.11. Numirea unui membru al Curții de Conturi (Nikolaos Milionis - EL) (A7-0436/2013 - Inés Ayala Sender) (vot)
4.12. Numirea unui membru al Curții de Conturi (Danièle Lamarque - FR) (A7-0437/2013 - Inés Ayala Sender) (vot)
4.13. Numirea președintelui Consiliului de supraveghere al Băncii Centrale Europene (A7-0452/2013 - Sharon Bowles) (vot)
Presidente. − Ora la nomina del Presidente del Consiglio di vigilanza della Banca centrale europea, Danièle Nouy, relazione Bowles, sempre a scrutinio segreto. È una donna, abbiamo fatto una grande battaglia, anche se non è nel board della BCE.
4.14. Norme şi proceduri comune pentru punerea în aplicare a instrumentelor Uniunii pentru acţiuni externe (A7-0447/2013 - Elmar Brok) (vot)
4.15. Instrumentul de stabilitate (A7-0451/2013 - Reinhard Bütikofer) (vot)
4.16. Instrumentul european de vecinătate (A7-0449/2013 - Eduard Kukan) (vot)
4.17. Instrumentul de asistență pentru preaderare (A7-0445/2013 - Libor Rouček) (vot)
4.18. Instrumentul de parteneriat pentru cooperarea cu ţările terţe (A7-0446/2013 - Antonio López-Istúriz White) (vot)
4.19. Instrumentul de finanţare pentru promovarea democrației și drepturilor omului la scară mondială (A7-0448/2013 - Alexander Graf Lambsdorff) (vot)
4.20. Instituirea unui instrument de finanţare a cooperării pentru dezvoltare (A7-0450/2013 - Thijs Berman) (vot)
- Al termine della votazione finale:
Androulla Vassiliou, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, the Commission welcomes Parliament’s approval of the financing instruments for the EU external action. These instruments will enable the EU to continue to be a global player and promote its interests and values. Democracy, peace, solidarity, stability and poverty reduction, as well as safeguarding global public goods, will be at the heart of external action for the next seven years. The instruments allow us to pursue cooperation with our external partners on four policy priorities: enlargement, neighbourhood, cooperation with strategic partners and development cooperation. On behalf of the Commission, I would like to thank all the rapporteurs, as well as those who preceded them, for their constructive contributions to the negotiations. We should be proud of what we have achieved together.
4.21. Fondul european de ajustare la globalizare 2014 – 2020 (A7-0005/2013 - Marian Harkin) (vot)
4.22. Schimbul automat de informații obligatoriu în domeniul fiscal (A7-0376/2013 - George Sabin Cutaş) (vot)
- Al termine della votazione finale:
George Sabin Cutaş, rapporteur. − Madam President, first of all I would like to explain that my group decided to abstain in the final vote because we think it is fair to give the Commission the green light to negotiate with the Council. Nevertheless, I find it regrettable that the PPE Group decided to water down the Commission proposal, which was drafted at the request of the majority of the Member States, in May.
4.23. Sistemul de înregistrare a transportatorilor de materiale radioactive (A7-0385/2013 - Béla Kovács) (vot)
4.24. Drepturile omului în lume 2012 şi politica UE în această privință (A7-0418/2013 - Eduard Kukan) (vot)
- Prima della votazione sull'emendamento 23:
Eduard Kukan, rapporteur. − Madam President, the amendment I am presenting reads as follows: ‘Recalls its resolutions of 25 November 2010 on the situation in Western Sahara, of 22 October 2013 on the situation of human rights in the Sahel region, and calls for a guarantee of human rights for the Saharawi people and stresses the need to address these rights in Western Sahara and in the Tindouf camps, including freedom of association, freedom of expression and the right to demonstrate, to be respected; demands the release of all Sahrawi political prisoners; demands the opening of the territory to independent observers, NGOs and the media; supports a fair and mutually acceptable political solution on Western Sahara, in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions, including those allowing self-determination;’. That is the amendment, and I would ask for the House’s kind support.
(L'emendamento orale è accolto)
- Prima della votazione sull'emendamento 3 riv:
Maria Eleni Koppa (S&D). - Madam President, we would like, on behalf of the Socialists and Democrats Group, to withdraw a part of our amendment, so it reads as follows: ‘Condemns unequivocally the military use of drones and the practice of targeted killings as a major violation of human rights, and reiterates the need for such activities to cease; calls for the EU to develop a common EU position on armed drones;’.
(L'emendamento orale non è accolto)
- Sull'emendamento 20:
Michael Cashman (S&D). - Madam President, I asked for a check on Amendment 20. I called for it but you did not hear me. From our point of view in the House there was a majority in favour so could you please check Amendment 20.
4.25. Raportul anual privind politica UE în domeniul concurenței (A7-0357/2013 - Ramon Tremosa i Balcells) (vot)
- Prima della votazione sulla lista di voto del gruppo PPE:
Andreas Schwab (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin! Ich möchte mich als Schattenberichterstatter meiner Fraktion zunächst einmal bei den Kollegen, insbesondere beim Kollegen Tremosa, für die hervorragende Zusammenarbeit beim Jahresbericht zur Wettbewerbspolitik bedanken. Es ist leider in der Abstimmungsliste meiner Fraktion ein kleiner Fehler entstanden. Bei der Abstimmung zu Ziffer 73, zum Änderungsantrag 5, möchte die Fraktion der EVP eine Enthaltung einfügen. Dies ist falsch eingetragen. Vielen Dank.
4.26. Producţia de lapte în zonele de munte, zonele defavorizate și regiunile ultraperiferice (A7-0383/2013 - Herbert Dorfmann) (vot)
4.27. Reziliența și reducerea riscului de dezastre în țările în curs de dezvoltare (A7-0375/2013 - Gay Mitchell) (vot)
- Prima della votazione:
Michael Cashman (S&D). - Madam President, I would not detain the House unless it was something of the utmost seriousness. Yesterday during the vote on the Estrela report I was recorded as voting in favour of the EPP amendment, despite the fact that I voted against. It has come to my attention that another Member had a similar experience. Therefore, could I ask the services to carry out a thorough investigation to reassure ourselves that our voting system is properly recording the votes of the Members?
(Applause)
Presidente. − Mi dicono che è stato già fatto, comunque bisogna inviare le comunicazioni ai servizi.
4.28. Femeile cu dizabilități (A7-0329/2013 - Angelika Werthmann) (vot)
- Prima della votazione:
Angelika Werthmann, Berichterstatterin. − Frau Präsidentin! In diesem Bericht geht es um Frauen mit Behinderung. Wie Sie sich alle vorstellen können, erfahren Frauen mit Behinderung sehr oft Mehrfachdiskriminierung. Es sind 80 Millionen Menschen in der Europäischen Union, die mit Behinderung leben, 46 Millionen davon sind Frauen und Mädchen. Das entspricht 16 % der gesamten weiblichen europäischen Bevölkerung. Ich bedaure es sehr, dass wir weder eine kurze Debatte noch eine kurze Präsentation hatten, und hoffe, dass der Bericht positiv abgestimmt wird.
4.29. Planul european de acţiune în domeniul comerţului cu amănuntul în beneficiul tuturor actorilor (A7-0374/2013 - Cornelis de Jong) (vot)
- Prima della votazione sul paragrafo 26 sulla lista di voto del gruppo S&D
Evelyne Gebhardt (S&D). - Frau Präsidentin! Es hat sich ein Fehler in unsere Abstimmungsliste eingeschlichen. Unsere Fraktion möchte gegen den zweiten Teil von Ziffer 26 stimmen. Also: minus, bitte!
5.1. Programul de schimb, asistență și formare profesională pentru protecția monedei euro împotriva falsificării (programul „Pericles 2020”) (A7-0423/2013 - Anthea McIntyre)
Dichiarazioni di voto scritte
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo este relatório pela importância que dedica a um tema da máxima importância como é a falsificação do euro. É importante antecipar consequências potencialmente danosas para a economia europeia e a estabilidade da própria moeda. Sem dúvida que o programa Pericles tem desempenhado, até à data, um papel importante neste processo. A proposta da Comissão não é a mais adequada e este relatório vem orientá-la para maximizar o dinheiro que lhe é afetado.
Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce rapport qui reconduit jusqu'en 2020 le programme Périclès. Il contribue à sensibiliser les citoyens de l'Union à renforcer la protection de l'euro. En raison de son importance en tant que monnaie de portée mondiale, l'euro nécessite une protection au niveau international, qui peut être assurée en mettant à disposition les fonds nécessaires à l'achat d'équipements qu'utiliseront par exemple les agences de pays européens et de pays tiers aux fins de leurs enquêtes sur le faux-monnayage touchant l'euro.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį siūlymą, kurio tikslas – laikotarpiui nuo 2014 m. sausio 1 d. iki 2020 m. gruodžio 31 d. nustatyti daugiametę veiksmų programą „Pericles 2020“, skirtą veiksmams, kuriais siekiama apsaugoti eurą nuo padirbinėjimo ir susijusio sukčiavimo, skatinti. 2011 m. gruodį EK priėmė du programų „Hercule III“ ir „Pericles 2020“ pasiūlymus. Programos, kurių biudžetas atitinkamai 110 mln. eurų ir 7,7 mln. eurų, bus įgyvendinamos septynerius metus. „Hercule III“ yra skirta kovai su sukčiavimu, korupcija ir bet kokia kita neteisėta veikla, kenkiančia ES finansiniams interesams. „Pericles 2020“ yra mainų, pagalbos ir mokymo programa, skirta euro banknotų ir monetų apsaugai Europoje ir visame pasaulyje užtikrinti. Pritariu, kad dėl siūlomų bendro finansavimo normų fondui kyla didelis finansinis spaudimas, taigi jas reikėtų atitinkamai sumažinti. 70 proc. yra tinkamesnė bendro finansavimo norma, o 80 proc. norma galėtų būti taikoma išskirtinėmis aplinkybėmis. Pritariu, kad nustatytomis stebėjimo, vertinimo ir valdymo priemonėmis turėtų būti užtikrinama, kad lėšos būtų kuo efektyviau panaudojamos. Įvairiais programos įgyvendinimo etapais Komisijos rengiamose konsultacijose daugiausia dėmesio turėtų būti skiriama abipusiam keitimuisi idėjomis, siekiant pasinaudoti patirtimi, susijusia su programos įgyvendinimu ateityje.
Fabrizio Bertot (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho votato a favore di questa relazione perché ritengo che si debba porre grande attenzione al problema della contraffazione dell'euro, soprattutto per i collegamenti con la criminalità organizzata.
La contraffazione su vasta scala può nuocere all'economia europea e alla stessa stabilità della valuta. L'euro non è, tuttavia, una valuta soggetta a frequenti falsificazioni. Ciò si deve in gran parte alla sua concezione, come pure alle strutture preposte, a livello nazionale e dell'Unione, alla sorveglianza e alla lotta anti contraffazione. In tale processo ha rivestito sinora un ruolo importante il programma Pericle. Questo programma ben consolidato ha svolto una funzione di rilievo divulgando le migliori prassi della lotta anticontraffazione ed ha così contribuito alla salvaguardia degli interessi finanziari dell'Unione.
Nella proposta della Commissione, tuttavia, alcuni settori continuano ad essere definiti in maniera eccessivamente vaga e la presente relazione mira pertanto a sviluppare tale proposta, consentendo al programma di ottimizzare l'impiego delle risorse ad esso destinate.
Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − La relazione McIntyre sul programma Pericle 2020 per la lotta alla contraffazione dell'euro è equilibrata e condivisibile, quindi l'ho sostenuta con il mio voto.
Erik Bánki (PPE), írásban. − Szavazatommal támogattam az euró pénzhamisítás elleni védelmét szolgáló csere-, segítségnyújtási és képzési programról (Periklész 2020 program) szóló jelentést. Az euró hamisítása súlyos büntetőjogi kérdés, és a hamisítás állampolgárok életére gyakorolt gazdasági és társadalmi következményeinek értékelésekor figyelembe kell venni a jelenség szervezett bűnözéssel való kapcsolatát. Az euró, többek között a Periklész 2020 programnak is köszönhetően, nem sorolható be a súlyos mértékben hamisított valuták közé. Mindez köszönhető kialakításának, illetve a nemzeti és uniós struktúráknak. A Periklész program már eddig is érdemben járult hozzá az Unió pénzügyi érdekinek védelméhez a csalás elleni küzdelemben.
Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea raportului deoarece protecția monedei euro împotriva falsificării trebuie susținută din punct de vedere financiar. Cea mai importantă componentă a acestui program va fi formarea profesională și pregătirea celor implicați în detectarea unor astfel de fraude. Statele care au înregistrat cele mai mari rate de falsificare ale monedei euro ar trebui să fie vizate în mod prioritar de alocările financiare din cadrul programului. Totodată, evaluările intermediare vor avea un rol deosebit întrucât vor putea furniza informații cu privire la eficiența acțiunilor desfășurate dar și despre măsurile suplimentare care ar putea fi adoptate.
Alain Cadec (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport McIntyre relatif à un programme d'action de coopération transnationale entre les Etats membres de l'Union pour faire face à la contrefaçon de l'euro. La stabilité monétaire de l'euro est fondamentale pour éviter toute perturbation de l'économie européenne. C'est pourquoi j'approuve les recommandations de ce rapport sollicitant un soutien financier aux services chargés de la détection et de la lutte contre le faux monnayage.
Carlos Coelho (PPE), por escrito. − O euro continua a ser um alvo privilegiado dos grupos de criminalidade organizada que se dedicam à falsificação de moeda, dentro e fora da Europa. A dimensão internacional da ameaça de falsificação do euro torna necessária uma coordenação supranacional para conseguir enfrentá-la de forma eficaz. O programa Pericles é, assim, um programa de ação que dá resposta à necessidade de continuar as ações de vigilância, intercâmbio, formação e assistência técnica necessárias para a proteção do euro contra a falsificação, proporcionando um quadro estável para o planeamento dos programas dos Estados-Membros. Este tem contribuído, desde a sua adoção em 2001, para manter um elevado nível de cooperação entre os Estados-Membros e com países terceiros, conduzindo a níveis reduzidos de falsificação do euro e à deteção regular de reprografias e oficinas de impressão ilegais, com a consequente detenção dos falsificadores. O novo programa irá abranger o período entre 2014 e 2020 e deverá ter um orçamento global superior a 7 milhões de euros. Tal como sucede com outros Programas, no contexto do quadro financeiro plurianual, o quadro regulamentar deste programa foi simplificado, foram reduzidos os encargos administrativos, foi facilitada a preparação de candidaturas pelas autoridades nacionais competentes, bem como a sua utilização nos países terceiros pertinentes.
Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − E’ triste dover spendere risorse (tempo, energie e soprattutto denaro) per combattere la contraffazione della moneta, però è allo stesso tempo opportuno. Tra le altre cose, qui si trova un vantaggio nella moneta unica: queste spese sono centralizzate e si sostengono una volta sola, invece che in ciascun Paese. Vigilare sulla quantità di moneta in circolazione è doveroso soprattutto in un periodo, come questo, di crisi, in cui gli sforzi della politica economica e della politica monetaria sono tutti destinati a far ripartire l’economia. Dunque non ci possiamo permettere di chiudere un occhio sull’ingresso, nei nostri portafogli, di monete contraffatte: ne va della credibilità della nostra moneta e del funzionamento degli sforzi in corso per alleviare la crisi del debito e permettere il rilancio dei consumi e dell’occupazione.
Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Dans le cadre de la préparation du Programme Périclès 2020, ce texte encourage la coopération entre Etats à l'intérieur et à l'extérieur de l'Union pour la sauvegarde de l'euro contre le faux-monnayage. Il insiste de manière pertinente sur la nécessité de concentrer cet effort sur les Etats membres et les pays tiers comprenant les plus fort taux de faux monnayage.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − O programa Pericles 2020 deverá vigorar por um período de sete anos e tem o objetivo de contribuir para a proteção e salvaguarda do euro contra a falsificação e a fraude associada, sobretudo através da constante difusão dos resultados das atividades apoiadas pelo programa. O aumento da cooperação transnacional em matéria de proteção contra a falsificação é uma das medidas previstas para os Estados-Membros ou os países com as mais altas taxas de falsificação do euro, apoiando e completando as ações dos Estados-Membros, que adotaram o euro como moeda única, e assistindo as autoridades nacionais competentes. O programa oferece apoio financeiro cofinanciado a medidas de intercâmbio e difusão de informações através de sessões de trabalho, reuniões, seminários, ações de formação, estágios e intercâmbio de pessoal das autoridades nacionais competentes, nomeadamente no que respeita a metodologias de controlo e de análise de impacto económico e financeiro da falsificação da moeda, bases de dados de sistemas de alerta rápido, métodos de investigação e assistência científica. Os destinatários são serviços competentes implicados na deteção e luta contra a falsificação de moeda, pessoal dos serviços de informação, representantes dos bancos nacionais, casas da moeda, bancos comerciais e outros intermediários financeiros, juristas especializados e membros da magistratura ligados a este domínio. Votámos favoravelmente.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne − Falšovanie eura má hospodárske aj sociálne dôsledky. Ide o závažnú trestnú činnosť. Naviac je zrejmá spojitosť tohto konania s organizovanou trestnou činnosťou. Falšovanie eura škodí európskemu hospodárstvu a ohrozuje stabilitu meny, čím ohrozuje finančné záujmy Európskej únie. Preto je dôležitý boj Európskej únie proti tomuto negatívnemu javu. Výmenný, pomocný a školiaci program na ochranu eura proti falšovaniu Pericles 2020 je v tomto smere výborným pomocníkom, a to aj v rámci šírenia najlepších postupov. Musíme ale zabezpečiť, aby boli vynaložené prostriedky skutočne účinne využité.
Elisabetta Gardini (PPE), per iscritto. − I meccanismi di monitoraggio, valutazione e gestione prospettati dal relatore dovrebbero assicurare una spesa efficace, sotto il profilo dei costi, delle risorse a disposizione. Nel contesto della sorveglianza e della lotta anti-contraffazione il Programma Pericle ha sicuramente rivestito un ruolo importante, salvaguardando gli interessi finanziari dell’UE. Occorre però maggiore chiarezza perché alcuni settori sono definiti in maniera vaga. Insomma serve più precisione nel quadro normativo per proteggere con efficacia la nostra moneta comune.
Michał Tomasz Kamiński (ECR), na piśmie. − Zagłosowałem za przyjęciem sprawozdania dotyczącego nowego programu mającego na celu ochronę euro przed fałszowaniem, ponieważ uważam, że jest to skuteczny sposób obrony przed negatywnym wpływem fałszowania waluty na rynki europejskie. Nowy program przyczyni się również do utrzymania euro na stabilnym poziomie. Aktualny system ochrony euro przed fałszowaniem został dobrze przygotowany, jednak dla zwiększenia poziomu bezpieczeństwa pewne szczegóły wymagają dopracowania.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. − La presente proposta di direttiva, relativa al c.d. "Pericle 2020", Programma di azione in materia di scambi, assistenza e formazione per la protezione dell'euro dalla contraffazione monetaria, rafforza il corrente quadro di lotta contro la contraffazione dell’euro. La proposta di direttiva introduce una pena minima di sei mesi di carcere per la produzione e distribuzione di monete contraffatte e, parallelamente, una pena massima di 8 anni per le persone fisiche nel caso di distribuzione di un valore minimo di 5000 euro.
Monica Luisa Macovei (PPE), in writing. − In the first half of 2013, EUR 317 000 in counterfeit euro was detected across the European Union. This represents an increase of 26 % in comparison to 2012 for the same period. Until now, the Pericles Programme has played an important role in avoiding large-scale counterfeiting which would entail damaging consequences for the EU economy and endanger the stability of the euro and ultimately the stability of all European currencies. With a budget of over EUR 7.3 million for the next seven years, Pericles 2020 will continue fostering transnational cooperation for the protection of the euro both within and outside the European Union. I welcome in particular the fact that the renewed Programme seeks the greater involvement of Eurojust and of the members of the judiciary working on the fight against euro counterfeiting in its future activities. In the same way as cigarette counterfeiting and smuggling, euro counterfeiting schemes are designed by and benefit organised crime networks at the expense of EU citizens. Together with Hercule III, Pericles 2020 will help disrupt the activities of organised crime networks and protect the licit economy.
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − A falsificação do euro é, evidentemente, um crime grave e a sua ligação à criminalidade organizada deve ser tida em conta no momento de avaliar as repercussões económicas e sociais da falsificação na vida dos cidadãos. A falsificação em larga escala implica consequências potencialmente danosas para a economia europeia e a estabilidade da própria moeda. Contudo, o euro não é uma moeda que seja alvo de práticas significativas de falsificação, o que se deve largamente à sua conceção e às estruturas existentes a nível nacional e comunitário que controlam e combatem à falsificação. O programa Pericles tem desempenhado, até à data, um papel importante neste processo. Este programa já bem cimentado tem exercido uma função preponderante no que se refere à divulgação das melhores práticas de combate à falsificação, contribuindo deste modo para a salvaguarda dos interesses financeiros da União.
Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado a favor de este informe debido a que propone un incremento en los sistemas de control sobre la falsificación y el fraude sobre la moneda del euro. El informe aprueba una propuesta que, pese a contener numerosas medidas que permitirán una importante mejora en el control de la falsificación y del fraude, adolece del importante problema de la escasez de recursos. El informe propone poco más de siete millones de euros para el programa, lo que, teniendo en cuenta a los 28 Estados miembros de la Unión, supone muy pocos recursos para desempeñar una función de control a nivel europeo. Sin embargo, las propuestas del programa pueden suponer una gran mejora para facilitar el control en colaboración con las autoridades de los Estados miembros. Por ello he votado a favor del presente informe.
Louis Michel (ALDE), par écrit. – La menace de la contrefaçon de l’euro a une dimension internationale. Notre monnaie demeure une cible de choix pour ceux qui pratiquent le faux-monnayage. Il est impératif que les États Membres collaborent entre eux afin de faire face à ce phénomène. C’est pourquoi je salue le rapport d’Anthea McIntyre qui établit un programme d’action en matière d’échanges, d’assistance et de formation pour la protection et la sauvegarde de l’euro contre le faux-monnayage. Cette coopération devrait accroître l’efficacité des opérations grâce au partage des meilleures pratiques, de normes communes et de formations spécialisées conjointes.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − The monitoring, evaluation and management mechanisms outlined should ensure that funds are spent in the most cost-effective way. In favour.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – La proposition détermine la dotation financière à octroyer pour les quatre années couvertes par le programme statistique européen 2013-2017. Le programme statistique européen vise fournir des informations statistiques en temps voulu pour soutenir l’élaboration, le suivi et l’évaluation des politiques de l’Union. Il s'agit de répondre aux besoins de la large gamme d’utilisateurs des statistiques européennes, notamment des décideurs, des chercheurs, des entreprises et des citoyens européens en général. Cependant on note que la qualité des statistiques européennes est bien moindre que celle des statistiques nationales, notamment françaises. D'autant que ce programme implique la transmission des données nationales sans analyse préalable, ce qui revient à préparer l'extinction de cette fonction dans les Etats au profit d'un organisme unique: volapuk. Je vote contre.
Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Das Programm Pericles 2020 ist ein Aktionsprogramm in den Bereichen Austausch, Unterstützung und Ausbildung zum Schutz des Euro gegen Geldfälschung sowohl in Europa als auch weltweit. Das Programm Pericles fördert die Zusammenarbeit zwischen nationalen, europäischen und internationalen Behörden, die gegen Euro-Fälschungen vorgehen. Die Fördermaßnahmen umfassen Maßnahmen zum Informationsaustausch (Seminare, Workshops, Begegnungen und Konferenzen), Praktika, Personalaustauschmaßnahmen sowie Maßnahmen zur technischen, wissenschaftlichen und operativen Unterstützung. Rund 500 Millionen Euro Schaden haben Geldfälscher seit der Einführung des Euro 2002 angerichtet, obwohl der Euro eine jener Währungen ist, die besonders selten gefälscht werden. Einen wichtigen Beitrag dazu hat das Programm Pericles geleistet. Ich habe für den Bericht gestimmt, da Geldfälschern keine Möglichkeiten geboten werden dürfen, Erfolge mit kriminellen Machenschaften zu haben. Die deutliche Anhebung der Strafen hat bestimmt bereits ihren Teil dazu beigetragen, nichtsdestotrotz muss die EU die enge Zusammenarbeit mit Nicht-EU-Staaten in dem Bereich der Geldfälschung weiter intensivieren.
Franz Obermayr (NI), schriftlich. − Geldfälschung ist stets ein Problem bei Währungen, wobei sie sich beim Euro zum Glück noch in Grenzen hält. Dies ist insbesondere dem Umstand zu verdanken, dass das Design recht sicher ist und die Strukturen zur Bekämpfung auf einzelstaatlicher Ebene mit Zusammenarbeit auf Unionsebene definiert sind. Die für das Bekämpfungsprogramm allerdings angesetzten Kofinanzierungssätze sind im Moment zu hoch angesetzt. Dies führt zu einem erheblichen Kostendruck auf den dafür zugeteilten EU-Fonds. Folglich wird vorgeschlagen, diese Finanzierungssätze zu senken und die Mitgliedsstaaten mehr in die finanzielle Verantwortung für den Schutz ihrer Währung zu nehmen (von 80 % reduziert auf 70 % durch den EU-Fonds). Da Staaten ein valides Eigeninteresse haben, ihre Währung sicher zu halten, erscheint dieser Vorschlag sinnvoll. Folglich habe ich für den Bericht gestimmt.
Younous Omarjee (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Périclès 2020 est un programme d’échange, d’assistance et de formation destiné à lutter contre la contrefaçon de l’euro. Il permettra notamment de protéger les pièces et billets de la contrefaçon en soutenant les Etats membres et les autorités européennes et nationales compétentes dans leurs efforts de coopération avec la Commission. Sont également concernés les pays tiers et les organisations internationales compétentes.
Ce programme doit ainsi permettre de soutenir activement la lutte contre cette forme particulière de criminalité organisée et je lui ai en conséquence apporté mon soutien.
Αντιγόνη Παπαδοπούλου (S&D), γραπτώς. – Το πρόγραμμα Pericles διαδραμάτισε σημαντικό ρόλο, γιατί σχεδιάστηκε και εφαρμόστηκε για την καταπολέμηση της παραχάραξης και της κιβδηλείας συμβάλλοντας στην προάσπιση των οικονομικών συμφερόντων της Ένωσης. Ψήφισα την παρούσα έκθεση, γιατί επιδιώκει να βελτιώσει το πρόγραμμα, ακόμη περισσότερο, με την καλύτερη δυνατή αξιοποίηση των περιορισμένων πόρων που διατίθενται για την εφαρμογή του. Ανάμεσα σ’ άλλα, μειώνονται τα προτεινόμενα ποσοστά συγχρηματοδότησης (άρθρο 10), ώστε να μην ασκείται σημαντική χρηματοοικονομική πίεση στο αρμόδιο ταμείο. Γίνεται προσπάθεια για βελτίωση των μηχανισμών παρακολούθησης, αξιολόγησης και διαχείρισης (άρθρο 12) και εισάγονται πράξεις κατ’ εξουσιοδότηση, σύμφωνα με τις εξουσίες που εκχωρούνται στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο στο πλαίσιο της Συνθήκης της Λισαβόνας.
Aldo Patriciello (PPE), in writing. − Counterfeiting of the euro is a severe crime and has a negative impact on the EU economy and the stability of the currency. To ensure effective actions will be taken to safeguard the euro against counterfeiting and related fraud, I decided to vote for the establishment of the Pericles 2020 Programme to protect the euro against counterfeiting.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − A falsificação do euro é, evidentemente, um crime grave e a sua ligação à criminalidade organizada deve ser tida em conta no momento de avaliar as repercussões económicas e sociais da falsificação na vida dos cidadãos. A falsificação em larga escala implica consequências potencialmente danosas para a economia europeia e a estabilidade da própria moeda. Contudo, o euro não é uma moeda que seja alvo de práticas significativas de falsificação, o que se deve largamente à sua conceção e às estruturas existentes a nível nacional e comunitário que controlam e combatem a falsificação. O programa Pericles tem desempenhado, até à data, um papel importante neste processo. Todavia, a atual proposta da Comissão para o novo programa de ação em matéria de intercâmbio, de assistência e de formação para a proteção do euro contra a falsificação (programa Pericles 2020) apresenta definições demasiado vagas relativamente a determinados domínios. Como tal, o presente relatório pretende desenvolver a proposta, ao orientar o programa para a maximização da utilização dos fundos que lhe são afetados. Por concordar com as soluções apresentadas, votei favoravelmente a presente proposta.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. Counterfeiting of the euro is, of course, a serious criminal matter and its relationship with organised crime should be taken into account when assessing the economic and social implications of counterfeiting on citizens’ lives. Large-scale counterfeiting has potentially damaging consequences for the European economy and the stability of the currency itself. However, the euro is not a heavily forged currency. This is largely due to its design and also to structures at national and Union level which monitor and combat counterfeiting. The Pericles Programme has, to date, played an important part in this process. This well established programme has performed a significant function by disseminating best practice in combating counterfeiting and thereby contributed to the safeguarding of the financial interests of the Union. The Commission proposal however, has left some areas too vaguely defined and this report therefore seeks to build on the proposal by targeting the programme to maximise the use of the funds allocated to it.
Νικόλαος Σαλαβράκος (EFD), γραπτώς. – Υπερψήφισα την έκθεση, καθώς η παραχάραξη του ευρώ συνιστά ασφαλώς σοβαρό ποινικό αδίκημα και θα πρέπει να λαμβάνεται υπόψη η σχέση του με το οργανωμένο έγκλημα κατά την εκτίμηση των οικονομικών και κοινωνικών επιπτώσεων της παραχάραξης στις ζωές των πολιτών. Η παραχάραξη ευρείας κλίμακας έχει καταστροφικές συνέπειες για την ευρωπαϊκή οικονομία και για τη σταθερότητα του νομίσματος αυτού καθεαυτού.
Ωστόσο το ευρώ δεν έχει υποστεί ευρεία παραχάραξη. Τούτο οφείλεται σε μεγάλο βαθμό στον σχεδιασμό του καθώς και σε δομές σε εθνικό και ενωσιακό επίπεδο που ελέγχουν και καταπολεμούν την παραχάραξη για την κιβδηλεία. Το πρόγραμμα Pericles έχει έως τώρα διαδραματίσει σημαντικό ρόλο στη διαδικασία αυτή. Ωστόσο ορισμένοι τομείς δεν έχουν προσδιοριστεί με σαφήνεια και, για τον λόγο αυτό, στόχος της παρούσας έκθεσης είναι, με την ολοκλήρωση της πρότασης, να προσανατολίσει το πρόγραμμα στη μέγιστη αξιοποίηση των πόρων που έχουν διατεθεί για την εφαρμογή του.
Tokia Saïfi (PPE), par écrit. – L'Union et les États membres se sont fixé pour objectif d'établir les mesures nécessaires à l'usage de l'euro en tant que monnaie unique. En raison de son importance en tant que monnaie de portée mondiale, l'euro nécessite une protection au niveau international, qui peut être assurée en mettant à disposition les fonds nécessaires à l'achat d'équipements utilisés dans le cadre des enquêtes sur le faux-monnayage. Ces mesures étaient jusque là dispersées en plusieurs textes règlementaires. Suite à une analyse d'impact globale, la Commission européenne a décidé de réviser les textes de base de ce programme, afin de les rendre plus concrets et performants. J'ai souhaité soutenir cette réforme qui me semble nécessaire pour l'avenir.
Dubravka Šuica (PPE), napisan. − Iako Euro zbog svojeg dizajna i struktura koje se protiv toga bore nije pretjerano krivotvorena valuta, treba uložiti maksimalan napor kako bi se krivotvorenje smanjilo. Krivotvorenje velikih razmjera može izrazito nepovoljno utjecati na društvene i ekonomske implikacije života građana. Program Periklo se učinkovito bori protiv ove pojave no neke su odredbe nejasno određene i to je nešto što se uz efikasnije korištenje sredstava dodijeljenih ovom programu mora ispraviti. Članci 7 i 8 pokrivaju veliki broj ciljnih skupina i sredstva se ne smiju raspršivati, već umnožavati kad i koliko je god to moguće. Kada govorimo o članku 12, slažem se da konzultacije u raznim fazama koje provodi Komisija moraju imati tečnu i dvosmjernu razmjenu ideja kako bi se mogle naučiti lekcije za buduću borbu protiv krivotvorenja. Za kraj ističem kako EU i države članice moraju poticati na blisku suradnju kako bi se osnažila borba protiv krivotvorenja Eura.
Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – La contrefaçon de l'euro est un acte criminel grave et il importe de prendre en compte ses relations avec la criminalité organisée lorsqu'on s'emploie à évaluer les incidences économiques et sociales de la contrefaçon sur la vie des citoyens. Le faux-monnayage à grande échelle peut nuire à l'économie européenne et à la stabilité de la monnaie elle-même.
Toutefois, l'euro n'est pas contrefait dans de grandes proportions. Il en est protégé dans une large mesure par sa conception ainsi que par les structures chargées, sur les plans national et européen, de surveiller et de combattre la contrefaçon. Le programme Périclès a joué jusqu'à ce jour un rôle important dans cette action. Ce programme déjà ancien a rendu un appréciable service en diffusant les meilleures pratiques de lutte contre le faux-monnayage et contribué ainsi à la préservation des intérêts financiers de l'Union.
La proposition de la Commission demeurant toutefois trop vague sous certains aspects, le présent rapport a pour ambition de compléter le texte présenté en apportant des précisions destinées à optimiser l'utilisation des fonds affectés au programme. J'ai donc voté en faveur du texte
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. − O programa Pericles tem vindo a desenvolver um quadro de ações que tem em vista a proteção do euro contra a falsificação. Não obstante o sucesso da sua implementação, a base jurídica sob a qual se alicerça caducará no final de 2013. Deste modo, e aproveitando a ocasião de cessação de vigência do programa instituído pela Decisão 2001/924/CE do Conselho, a Comissão avançou com uma proposta que substitui o Programa Pericles, aperfeiçoando-o em certas disposições. Considero que a falsificação do euro tem repercussões económicas e sociais altíssimas e que todos os esforços para melhorar a proteção do euro contra a falsificação e a fraude associada devem ser apoiados pelo Parlamento e pelo Conselho. Este relatório dá continuidade às ações necessárias para a proteção do euro contra a falsificação, motivo pela qual votei favoravelmente a sua aprovação.
Ruža Tomašić (ECR), napisan. − Izvješće je u potpunosti sukladno sa načelom supsidijarnosti s aktivnostima koje se provode na nacionalnoj razini, te principom dodane vrijednosti Unije u smislu visoke razine suradnje među državama članicama i trećim zemljama. Podržavam svaku suradnju i razmjenu informacija između država članica i institucija Unije usmjerenu na borbu protiv krivotvorenja eura koja proizvodi bolji efekt od onog koji bi se postigao na nacionalnoj razini.
Također, s obzirom da značaj eura kao svjetske valute zahtjeva primjerenu razinu zaštite na međunarodnoj razini, pozdravljam odredbu koja potiče suradnju sa sudionicima iz trećih zemalja ako je njihova prisutnost važna za efikasniju zaštitu eura. Takva odredba postići ce oslobađanje sredstava za kupnju opreme namijenjene agencijama trećih zemalja koje se bave istraživanjem krivotvorenja eura. Naglašavam i segment izvješća koji ukazuje na uštedu u provedbi programa, zahvaljujući zajednički organiziranim aktivnostima i nabavi u usporedbi s mogućim pojedinačnim nacionalnim inicijativama. Izvješće držim pozitivnim u svakom segmentu, te sam stoga glasovala za.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru rezoluţia legislativă referitoare la propunerea de regulament privind înființarea unui program de schimb, asistență și formare profesională pentru protecția monedei euro împotriva falsificării (programul „Pericles 2020”).
Programul „Pericles 2020” încurajează activ și implică o intensificare a cooperării transnaționale pentru protecția monedei euro în interiorul și în afara Uniunii și cu partenerii comerciali ai Uniunii, acordând atenție și statelor membre sau țărilor terțe cu cele mai ridicate rate de falsificare a monedei euro. Pachetul financiar al programului este de 7 344 000 EUR (la prețurile actuale) și este deschis participării urmatoarelor grupuri: - personalul agențiilor angajate în detectarea și combaterea falsificării (în special forțele de poliție și administrațiile financiare, în funcție de atribuțiile specifice ale acestora la nivel național); - personalul serviciilor de informații; - reprezentanți ai băncilor centrale naționale, ai monetăriilor, ai băncilor comerciale și ai altor intermediari financiari (în special în ceea ce privește obligațiile instituțiilor financiare); -magistrați, avocați specializați și membri ai sistemului judiciar din acest domeniu; - camerele de comerț și industrie sau alte structuri comparabile, capabile să asigure accesul la întreprinderi mici și mijlocii, comercianți cu amănuntul și societățile de transport de numerar. Pentru punerea în aplicare a programului, Comisia adoptă programe anuale de lucru.
Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Le Programme d’action en matière d’échanges, d’assistance et de formation, pour la protection de l’euro et contre le faux monnayage arrive à son terme fin 2013 et doit être remplacé pour la période 2014-2020. Ce programme a apparemment joué un rôle important dans la lutte contre la contrefaçon en favorisant la coopération entre les autorités nationales, européennes et internationales. Il faut cependant noter que l’euro n’est pas contrefait dans de grandes proportions. J’ai voté pour ce rapport même si je regrette que l'on y propose à des entités privées, fussent-elles celles ayant une expertise dans ce domaine, de participer à ce programme. Le contrôle de la monnaie, même fausse, ne devrait pas être laissé au secteur privé.
Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. − Geldfälschung wirkt sich negativ auf die europäische Wirtschaft und die Stabilität der Währung selbst aus. Mit „Pericles“ wird ein wichtiger Beitrag geleistet um wirksam gegen Geldfälschung vorzugehen, indem man beispielsweise den Einsatz bereitgestellter Mittel maximiert. Pericles fortzuführen ist für die wirtschaftliche Stabilität Europas von Wichtigkeit.
Iva Zanicchi (PPE), per iscritto. − La contraffazione dell'euro costituisce indubbiamente un grave reato penale e il suo collegamento con la criminalità organizzata va tenuto in considerazione nel valutare le implicazioni economiche e sociali della contraffazione sulla vita dei cittadini.
L'euro, tuttavia, non è una valuta soggetta a frequenti falsificazioni e ciò è dovuto in gran parte alle strutture preposte, a livello nazionale e dell'Unione, alla sorveglianza e alla lotta anticontraffazione. In tale processo ha rivestito sinora un ruolo importante il programma Pericle, tramite il quale sono state divulgate le migliori prassi della lotta anticontraffazione.
La proposta di direttiva presentata dal collega McIntyre ha l'obiettivo di rafforzare il programma Pericle introducendo, ad esempio, una pena minima di sei mesi di prigione per la produzione e distribuzione di monete contraffatte e, parallelamente, una pena massima di 8 anni di prigione per le persone fisiche per la distribuzione di un valore minimo di 5 000 euro.
Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − O programa Pericles 2020 deverá vigorar por um período de sete anos e tem o objetivo expresso de contribuir para a proteção e salvaguarda do euro contra a falsificação e a fraude associada, sobretudo através da constante difusão dos resultados das atividades apoiadas pelo programa. O aumento da cooperação transnacional em matéria de proteção do euro no interior e exterior da União é uma das medidas previstas para os Estados-Membros ou para os países com as mais altas taxas de falsificação do euro, apoiando e completando as ações dos Estados-Membros que adotaram o euro como moeda única. O programa oferece apoio financeiro cofinanciado a medidas de intercâmbio e difusão de informações através de sessões de trabalho, reuniões, seminários, ações de formação, estágios e intercâmbio de pessoal das autoridades nacionais competentes, nomeadamente no que respeita a metodologias de controlo e de análise de impacto económico e financeiro da falsificação da moeda, bases de dados de sistemas de alerta rápido, métodos de investigação e assistência científica. Os destinatários são os serviços competentes implicados na deteção e luta contra a falsificação de moeda, o pessoal dos serviços de informação, os representantes dos bancos nacionais, casas da moeda, bancos comerciais e outros intermediários financeiros, juristas e membros da magistratura. Votámos a favor.
5.2. Modificarea Regulamentului (UE) nr. 99/2013 privind programul statistic european pentru perioada 2013-2017 (A7-0401/2013 - Pablo Zalba Bidegain)
Dichiarazioni di voto scritte
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo este relatório. Este relatório aceita a proposta da Comissão Europeia que de facto é adequada, pelo que propõe a sua aprovação em primeira leitura, nos termos em que foi redigida, caso não se verifiquem alterações por iniciativa da Comissão. Todas as políticas europeias, para que sejam pensadas e executadas da melhor forma possível, precisam de informação estatística e económica fiável sobre a situação económica, social e ambiental da UE e as distintas componentes no plano nacional, mas também ao nível regional, porque é a este nível, pelo caráter de proximidade que impõe, que se desenham as melhores soluções.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį siūlymą, kurio tikslas – nustatyti 2014–2020 m. programavimo laikotarpio (DFP) lėšomis finansuojamų ketverių 2013–2017 m. Europos statistikos programos metų finansinį paketą. Norint įgyvendinti įvairių sričių ES politiką, reikia palyginamos ir patikimos ES ekonominės, socialinės ir aplinkos padėties statistinės informacijos ir įvairių jos nacionalinių ir regioninių elementų. Statistika yra būtina, kad visuomenė geriau suprastų Europą, piliečiai galėtų dalyvauti demokratiniuose procesuose ir diskutuoti apie ES dabartį ir ateitį. 2013 m. sausio 15 d. priimtas Reglamentas dėl 2013–2017 m. Europos statistikos programos, kuriuo nustatoma bendroji 2013–2017 m. Europos statistikos plėtojimo, rengimo ir sklaidos sistema. Komisijos parengtame šio reglamento pasiūlyme numatytas 299,2 mln. EUR finansinis paketas penkeriems programos metams.
Regina Bastos (PPE), por escrito. − A produção e utilização de estatísticas fiáveis a nível europeu é fundamental para a consecução de políticas informadas e assertivas a favor do bem-estar dos seus cidadãos. Este regulamento legisla acerca desta matéria, uma vez que que informação acerca das componentes económicas, sociais, ambientais e das distintas componentes do funcionamento nacional e regional da UE são essenciais para a sua correta compreensão e para que políticos e cidadãos possam ter acesso transparente ao status quo da realidade europeia. A proposta da Comissão relativa a este regulamento previa uma dotação financeira de 299,2 milhões de euros para os cinco anos de vigência do programa, aceite pelo Conselho e pelo Parlamento Europeu. No entanto, o Parlamento Europeu sublinhou que as negociações atinentes às propostas legislativas relativas aos programas plurianuais seriam concluídas após alcançado um acordo sobre os respetivos enquadramentos financeiros para 2014-2020. Deste modo, este regulamento apresenta a dotação financeira para 2013 e convida a Comissão a apresentar uma proposta legislativa ao Parlamento Europeu e ao Conselho fixando a dotação financeira para o período 2014-2017, após adoção do Quadro Financeiro Plurianual 2014-2020. O Parlamento Europeu aprovou este texto, fazendo sua a proposta da Comissão Europeia, a qual recebe igualmente o meu apoio.
Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Non ho inteso sostenere con il mio voto la relazione Zalba Bidegain sulla modifica del regolamento (UE) n. 99/2013 relativo al programma statistico europeo 2013-2017, poiché ritengo eccessivo lo stanziamento di denaro pubblico richiesto dal testo.
Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea acestui raport deoarece este vorba despre o modificare firească, de ordin tehnic, a prezentului regulament. Așa cum am afirmat și cu alte ocazii, calitatea datelor statistice este esenţială în foarte multe aspecte ale activităţii noastre. Factorii decizionali, dar şi întreprinderile şi cetaţenii îşi gestionează deseori deciziile pe baza unor date concrete. Pachetul financiar al Uniunii pentru punerea în aplicare a programului statistic european în perioada 2013-2017 va avea, așadar, scopul de a oferi un cadru general pentru elaborarea, producerea și difuzarea de statistici europene de calitate superioară.
Alain Cadec (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport Zalba Bidegain approuvant l'attribution de 234, 8 millions d'euros pour le programme statistique européen pour la période 2014 - 2020. La production de statistiques européennes est essentielle à l'élaboration des politiques européennes. Pour que la mise en œuvre d'une politique soit pertinente, une perception globale et réaliste des enjeux sur lesquels l'Union est compétente est primordiale. Ainsi, en aval de la législation européenne, le programme statistique européen est un instrument clé au service des préoccupations quotidienne des citoyens.
Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. − A produção e utilização de estatísticas fiáveis a nível europeu são fundamentais para a consecução de políticas informadas e assertivas em favor do bem-estar dos seus cidadãos. Este regulamento legisla acerca desta matéria, uma vez que que informação acerca das componentes económicas, sociais, ambientais e das distintas componentes do funcionamento nacional e regional da UE são essenciais para a sua correta compreensão e para que políticos e cidadãos possam ter acesso transparente ao status quo da realidade europeia. A proposta da Comissão relativa a este regulamento previa uma dotação financeira de 299,2 milhões de euros para os cinco anos de vigência do programa, aceite pelo Conselho e pelo Parlamento Europeu. No entanto, o Parlamento Europeu sublinhou que as negociações atinentes às propostas legislativas relativas aos programas plurianuais seriam concluídas após alcançado um acordo sobre os respetivos enquadramentos financeiros para 2014-2020. Deste modo, este regulamento apresenta a dotação financeira para 2013 e convida a Comissão a apresentar uma proposta legislativa ao Parlamento Europeu e ao Conselho, fixando a dotação financeira para o período 2014-2017, após adoção do Quadro Financeiro Plurianual 2014-2020. O Parlamento Europeu aprovou este texto, fazendo sua a proposta da Comissão Europeia, a qual recebe igualmente o meu apoio.
Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Ce texte consiste à modifier le règlement relatif au programme statistique européen 2013-2017 en ce qui concerne la dotation financière du programme. Cette mesure permet d'aligner l'enveloppe financière accordée à ce programme, conformément à l'adoption du cadre financier pluriannuel pour la période 2014-2020. Je salue cet effort d'adaptation des programmes européens aux nouvelles contraintes budgétaires.
Jill Evans (Verts/ALE), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report. The economic crisis has revealed serious shortcomings in the European statistical system. It is my view that there has always been too little attention given to social and environmental indicators. Statistics are essential. For example, West Wales and the Valleys is one of the poorest regions in the EU, and it is EU data and statistics that have highlighted how serious the problem is and the need for urgent action by the Welsh Government.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − A produção e utilização de estatísticas fiáveis a nível europeu são fundamentais para a consecução de políticas informadas e assertivas a favor do bem-estar dos seus cidadãos. Este regulamento legisla acerca desta matéria, uma vez que que informação acerca das componentes económicas, sociais, ambientais e das distintas componentes do funcionamento nacional e regional da UE são essenciais para a sua correta compreensão e para que políticos e cidadãos possam ter acesso transparente ao status quo da realidade europeia. A proposta da Comissão relativa a este regulamento previa uma dotação financeira de 299,2 milhões de euros para os cinco anos de vigência do programa, aceite pelo Conselho e pelo Parlamento Europeu. No entanto, o Parlamento Europeu sublinhou que as negociações atinentes às propostas legislativas relativas aos programas plurianuais seriam concluídas após alcançado um acordo sobre os respetivos enquadramentos financeiros para 2014-2020. Deste modo, este Regulamento apresenta a dotação financeira para 2013, e convida a Comissão a apresentar uma proposta legislativa ao Parlamento Europeu e ao Conselho, fixando a dotação financeira para o período 2014-2017, após adoção do Quadro Financeiro Plurianual 2014-2020. O Parlamento Europeu aprovou este texto, fazendo sua a proposta da Comissão Europeia, a qual recebe igualmente o meu apoio.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Este relatório chama a atenção para uma revisão necessária do enquadramento legal das estatísticas europeias, de modo a ir ao encontro das necessidades e desafios criados com os últimos acontecimentos da economia global. Diz o relator que o principal objetivo desta atualização é reforçar a gestão do sistema europeu de estatística, de modo a salvaguardar a sua credibilidade e responder adequadamente à necessidade de obter mais dados no quadro da chamada governação económica. Para isso, reforça-se a ideia da salvaguarda da independência das estatísticas oficias nacionais, a coordenação entre o Eurostat e os gabinetes oficiais nacionais de estatística, o combate à manipulação estatística, etc. Embora concordemos que os dados estatísticos são importantes e devem estar ao serviço de um conhecimento da realidade, este relatório continua a refletir a intenção do programa estatístico europeu de produzir dados que poderão ser selecionados com os objetivos políticos na dita governação económica e quejandos. Além disso, as estatísticas europeias necessitariam sim de uma revisão, de molde a refletir mais fielmente a situação socioeconómica atual.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne − Ak chceme naše politiky na európskej úrovni vykonávať zodpovedne, potrebujeme kvalitné a spoľahlivé štatistické informácie o situácii v Únii a jej súčastiach. Empirické údaje a štatistiky na vysokokvalitnej úrovni sú nevyhnutné na meranie pokroku a pri procese hodnotenia efektívnosti našich politík a programov, najmä pri dosahovaní cieľov určených v Stratégii Európa 2020. Európsky štatistický program poskytuje legislatívny rámec na rozvoj, tvorbu a šírenie európskej štatistiky na obdobie rokov 2013 až 2017. Správe o návrhu nariadenia Európskeho parlamentu a Rady, ktorým sa mení nariadenie (EÚ) č. 99/2013 o európskom štatistickom programe na roky 2013 až 2017, teda treba venovať náležitú pozornosť.
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − Estatísticas fiáveis, comparáveis e eficazes são vitais para uma tomada de decisões baseada em dados concretos e para uma rigorosa aplicação das políticas da União Europeia. Neste sentido, apresentei o meu voto favorável à alteração do Regulamento (UE) n.º 99/2013.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente a presente proposta pelas seguintes razões. A produção e utilização de estatísticas fiáveis a nível europeu são fundamentais para a consecução de políticas informadas e assertivas em favor do bem-estar dos seus cidadãos. Este regulamento legisla acerca desta matéria, uma vez que que informação acerca das componentes económicas, sociais, ambientais e das distintas componentes do funcionamento nacional e regional da UE são essenciais para a sua correta compreensão e para que políticos e cidadãos possam ter acesso transparente ao status quo da realidade europeia. A proposta da Comissão relativa a este regulamento previa uma dotação financeira de 299,2 milhões de euros para os cinco anos de vigência do programa, aceite pelo Conselho e pelo Parlamento Europeu. No entanto, o Parlamento Europeu sublinhou que as negociações atinentes às propostas legislativas relativas aos programas plurianuais seriam concluídas após alcançado um acordo sobre os respetivos enquadramentos financeiros para 2014-2020. Deste modo, este Regulamento apresenta a dotação financeira para 2013 e convida a Comissão a apresentar uma proposta legislativa ao Parlamento Europeu e ao Conselho, fixando a dotação financeira para o período 2014-2017, após adoção do Quadro Financeiro Plurianual 2014-2020.
Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de la la proposition de règlement du Parlement européen et du Conseil modifiant le règlement (UE) n° 99/2013 relatif au programme statistique européen 2013-2017 et je salue le travail de mon collègue Zalba Bidegain.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. − As estatísticas europeias são vitais para que a Europa seja uma realidade compreendida pela opinião pública e para que haja participação democrática por parte dos cidadãos. A execução das políticas europeias requer informação estatística e económica fiável sobre a situação da União. Esta proposta de regulamento prevê o enquadramento financeiro para os quatro anos do Programa Estatístico Europeu 2013-2017, que estão abrangidos pelo Quadro Financeiro Plurianual 2014-2020. Foi proposta uma dotação financeira de 299,2 milhões de euros para os cinco anos de vigência do programa, a fim de proporcionar meios para o desenvolvimento, a produção e a difusão de estatísticas europeias no período em questão.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru rezoluţia legislativă referitoare la propunerea de regulament de modificare a Regulamentului (UE) nr. 99/2013 privind programul statistic european pentru perioada 2013-2017. Regulamentul nr. 99/2013 oferă cadrul și stabilește obiectivele și realizările pentru producerea, elaborarea și difuzarea de statistici europene în perioada 2013-2017. Acesta stabilește pachetul financiar numai pentru 2013, care este inclus în perioada de programare 2007-2013. Prin modificarea adoptată se stabilește pachetul financiar pentru punerea în aplicare a programului pentru 2013 de 57,3 milioane EUR care este inclusă în perioada de programare 2007-2013. Pentru 2014-2017 se stabilește suma de 234,8 milioane EUR care este inclusă în perioada de programare 2014-2020. Comisia va pune în aplicare sprijinul financiar din partea Uniunii în conformitate cu Regulamentul financiar și va adopta decizia privind creditele anuale respectând prerogativele Parlamentului European și ale Consiliului.
Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. − Der vorgelegte Bericht äußert sich zum Europäischen Statistikprogramm. Die Wichtigkeit von Statistiken wird unterstrichen, und der Berichterstatter weist darauf hin, dass akkurate und professionell erstellte Statistiken einen noch nie dagewesenen Stellenwert haben, da sie das politische Geschehen und die politischen Entscheidungen beeinflussen. Es wird auch darauf hingewiesen, dass die verfügbaren finanziellen Mittel sehr kosteneffektiv eigesetzt werden müssen. Deswegen sei der finanzielle Rahmen von 57,3 Millionen EURO durchaus angemessen, vor allem da es die Strategie Europa und deren öffentliche Wahrnehmung unterstützen soll. Somit kann der Bericht positiv gewertet werden.
Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Este relatório chama a atenção para uma revisão do enquadramento legal das estatísticas europeias justificada pela necessidade de ir ao encontro dos desafios criados com os últimos acontecimentos da economia global. Diz o relator que o principal objetivo desta atualização é reforçar a gestão do sistema europeu de estatística, de modo a salvaguardar a sua credibilidade e responder adequadamente à necessidade de obter mais dados no quadro da política de governação económica na União Europeia. Embora concordemos que os dados estatísticos são importantes e devem estar ao serviço de um conhecimento da realidade, este relatório continua a refletir a intenção do programa estatístico europeu produzir dados que poderão ser selecionados com objetivos políticos associados a quem dirige as instituições europeias e aos governos que as defendem. Não estamos de acordo com a utilização das estatísticas europeias com a definição de critérios que obedecem à medição dos indicadores estipulados na chamada consolidação orçamental, legitimando e apoiando políticas que servem para sancionar os Estados-Membros e destruir serviços públicos e direitos dos trabalhadores.
5.3. Convenția Organizației Internaționale a Muncii privind munca decentă pentru personalul casnic (A7-0394/2013 - Inês Cristina Zuber)
Biljana Borzan (S&D). - Gospođo predsjedavajuća, vjerojatno ne postoji nijedan posao koji je tako podcijenjen i tako shvaćen zdravo za gotovo kao briga o kućanstvu. Nažalost, većinu radnika u ovom poslu čine žene, koje su ugroženije na tržištu rada. U mom jeziku čak ni ne postoji naziv za ovo radno mjesto nego u ženskom rodu. Obavljanje posla u kući nosi izazove izrabljivačkog rada i rada na crno, s obzirom da se odvija u kući poslodavca.
Upravo zbog toga te radnike treba zaštititi, treba motivirati i poslodavce kako bi prijavljivali radnike, a ne držali ih na crno, a to se jedino može poreznim rasterećenjem. Znam da je porezna politika u domeni pojedinih država članica, ali smatram da je porezno rasterećenje jedino efikasno rješenje kako bi se poslodavci motivirali da ovim radnicima omoguće pristojan posao.
Claudette Abela Baldacchino (S&D). -
Il-konvenzjoni tal-Għaqda Dinjija tax-Xogħol li għandna quddiemna hija primarjament dwar xogħol diċenti. Allura huwa importanti ħafna li tgħodd ukoll għaż-żminijiet tal-lum. Propju wkoll din il-ġimgħa kellna l-kummenti tal-Kummissarju Vivienne Reding dwar il-fatt li naqset id-diskrepanza bejn is-salarji ta' ħaddiema femminili u ħaddiema maskili. Tismagħha tgħid din hija aħbar tajba, imma fil-verità mhi aħbar tajba xejn għax id-diskrepanza ma naqsitx grazzi għal żidiet fis-salarji ta' ħaddiema femminili, imma għax naqsu s-salarji tal-ħaddiema maskili. Aħna rridu mhux biss salarji indaqs, imma salarji diċenti jekk verament irridu Ewropa soċjali. Dan mhux awgurju tajjeb għal xogħol aktar diċenti. Anzi huwa prova li l-miżuri ta' awsterità li ttieħdu u għadhom qegħdin jittieħdu, qegħdin iwasslu għal aktar piżijiet fuq il-ħaddiema. Tajjeb li nirratifikaw iżda l-ħaddiema jistennew passi aktar konkreti li verament jagħtuhom xogħol u allura ħajja aktar diċenti. Anzi ħafna ħaddiema għadhom jistennew passi konkreti biex verament ikollhom Ewropa soċjali u dinjità.
Peter Jahr (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin! Es ist äußerst wichtig, dass wir diesen Bericht heute behandelt und abgestimmt haben.
Andererseits könnte man sagen, ist es auch ein Zeichen dafür, wie unvollständig und diskriminierend die Bedingungen bei sogenannten Hausangestellten sind. Es ist erstens außerordentlich wichtig, diese Arbeit erst mal als Arbeit zu definieren. Wir sollten uns da auch keiner Illusion hingegeben, man muss gleichzeitig sagen: Schwarzarbeit muss dann natürlich verboten werden. Auch die Nichteinhaltung von Gesetzen, muss dann entsprechend sanktioniert werden.
Und das Zweite ist: Wenn Arbeit gemacht wird, gehört natürlich ein ordentlich erträgliches Einkommen dazu. Dazu gehört auch, dass man entsprechende Sozialabgaben abführen darf.
Zum Dritten gehört natürlich auch dazu, dass das Ganze dann zum Schluss unbürokratisch stattfindet. Aber noch einmal meine Bemerkung: Schwarzarbeit bleibt Schwarzarbeit und gehört dann letztendlich auch verboten.
Daniël van der Stoep (NI). - Voorzitter, het is mij nog steeds niet duidelijk waarom we het hier in dit Parlement eigenlijk over huishoudelijk werk hebben. Het zij zo. Ik zou het graag willen hebben over het feit dat migranten die huishoudelijk werk willen gaan verrichten in het bezit moeten zijn van een geldig arbeidscontract of een andere vorm van bewijs, zodra zij de grens passeren.
Ik zou dit graag in een nog breder perspectief willen zien, namelijk dat elke migrant uit ongeacht welke EU-lidstaat die zich wil vestigen en wil komen werken in een gemiddeld Europees land, al vóórdat hij de grens passeert, een geldig arbeidscontract moet hebben. Dat is helaas nog een illusie voor de toekomst!
Jim Higgins (PPE). - Madam President, we know that there are 2.6 million domestic workers in the European Union, of whom 89% are women and half are migrants. Domestic work is one of the most unprotected and invisible forms of work, bearing in mind that it is isolated and individual by its nature. It is therefore often very difficult for domestic workers to obtain information about their rights, or to organise themselves in representative associations or unions which can enable them to move securely and to defend their labour and social rights.
In a number of EU countries, domestic workers are frequently employed in precarious conditions. They are without a contract, their wages are paid late, they are required to work extra hours without due payment, their rights to leave and rest periods and paid public holidays are ignored and their social security contributions are unpaid. These are very serious issues. We need to examine them in greater detail, and for that reason I fully support this report.
Daniel Hannan (ECR). - Madam President, another international bureaucracy is generating more self-justifying regulation. That is what they do: dogs bark, ducks quack and global technocracies justify their existence with new laws. What is really interesting about this ILO process, though, is that we are seeing at an early stage the way in which EU directives often have their genesis in global regulations. This is significant because we are always being told that our Member States need to be in the European Union in order to have influence. But in practical terms what you find is that, as in this case with the ILO, you have the EU being a single block and then Norway, Switzerland and so on having independent voices around that table.
We would have far more influence in practical terms on the resulting directives and regulations if we had not subcontracted out our negotiation to the European Commission. In the meantime, of course, the best thing we could do for workers around the world is to give them more jobs. The way of doing that is for governments to get out of the way; governments never expedited anything but by the alacrity with which they stepped aside.
Joseph Cuschieri, f'isem il-grupp S&D. – Ivvutajt favur il-proposta sabiex nawtorizzaw l-Istati Membri sabiex jirratifikaw dawn il-partijiet tal-Konvenzjoni Nru 189 tal-Organizzazzjoni Internazzjonali tax-Xogħol dwar xogħol diċenti li jaqgħu fil-kompetenza tal-Unjoni Ewropea. Skont figuri tal-Eurostat hemm 2,6 miljun ħaddiem domestiku fl-Unjoni Ewropea liema persentaġġ għoli minn dawn huma nisa. Ix-xogħol domestiku huwa wieħed mill-iktar xogħlijiet neqsin mill-protezzjoni. Il-Konvenzjoni 198 tal-ILO tintroduċi l-ħtieġa għall-protezzjoni għall-ħaddiema domestiċi. Dawn il-ħaddiema spiss isibu ruħhom f'sitwazzjonijiet vulnerabbli, u vittmi ta' diskriminazzjoni jew abbuż ieħor marbut mad-drittijiet tal-bniedem. F'numru ta' pajjiżi tal-Unjoni, ħaddiema domestiċi spiss jingħataw xogħol prekarju jew bla kuntratt. Jitħallsu tard, jaħdmu sigħat miżjuda, ma jingħatawx vacation leave jew ġranet ta' mistrieħ, jaħdmu fil-festi pubbliċi, u f'ċertu każijiet, saħansitra, ma jitħallsu xejn. Hemm bżonn li nieqfu. L-Unjoni Ewropea ma tistax tkompli tagħlaq għajnejha quddiem dan kollu. Jeħtieġ li dawn in-nies jingħataw attenzjoni u aħna jmissna nagħrfu sew il-valur tal-ħaddiema domestiċi u nagħtuhom il-garanziji u d-drittijiet. Sfortunatament, numru kbir ta' Stati Membri tal-Unjoni Ewropea, ma rratifikawx din il-Konvenzjoni 189 tal-ILO. Saħansitra anki l-pajjiżi li rratifikawha, għadhom ma ġabuhiex fis-seħħ. Dan mhuwiex aċċettabbli speċjalment fil-kuntest ta' kriżi ekonomika u tnaqqis ta' solidarjetà. B'dan ir-rapport il-Parlament Ewropew qed jitlob lill-Istati Membri kollha sabiex jirratifikaw din il-Konvenzjoni. Ċerti pajjiżi jeħtieġ ukoll illi jistabbilixxu kundizzjonijiet minimi bħall-età minima għall-ħaddiema. Il-pajjiżi kollha jeħtieġ li jistabbilixxu wkoll mekkaniżmu li jipprovdi salvagwardja għall-ħaddiema taħt it-18-il sena. Hemm bżonn li kull pajjiż jieħu azzjoni li twassal għal kundizzjonijiet xierqa għall-ħaddiema fejn għandha x'taqsam il-prevenzjoni tal-abbuż, il-vjolenza, u x-xogħol ta' tfal taħt l-età.
Dichiarazioni di voto scritte
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo este relatório que vai ao encontro do projeto de decisão do Conselho no sentido de pedir aos Estados-Membros que ratifiquem a Convenção n.º 189 sobre Trabalhadores Domésticos da Organização Internacional do Trabalho. Importa que, depois deste processo, tomem medidas para assegurar condições de trabalho decentes e com direitos sociais, prevenindo o abuso, a violência e o trabalho infantil no trabalho doméstico.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį siūlymą, kurio tikslas – užtikrinti deramas darbo sąlygas ir socialines teises bei užkirsti kelią piktnaudžiavimui, smurtui ir vaikų darbui namų ūkyje. ES yra 2,6 mln. namų ūkio darbuotojų, iš kurių 89 proc. yra moterys ir pusė jų – migrantės. Namų ūkio darbas, turint omenyje jo izoliuotą ir individualų pobūdį, yra viena iš labiausiai neapsaugotų ir nematomų darbo formų. Tarptautinės darbo organizacijos konvencija dėl deramo darbo namų ūkio darbuotojams buvo priimta 2011 m. Joje nustatoma, kad VN turi užtikrinti deramas darbo sąlygas ir socialines teises bei užkirsti kelią piktnaudžiavimui, smurtui ir vaikų darbui namų ūkyje. 2013 m. Komisija pateikė pasiūlymą, kuriuo VN įgaliojamos ratifikuoti konvenciją. Pritariu raginimams valstybėms narėms suteikti namų ūkio darbuotojas priemonių, kuriomis užtikrinama, kad būtų gerbiamos pagrindinės teisės darbe (asociacijų laisvė; visų rūšių priverstinio ar privalomojo darbo panaikinimas; veiksmingas vaikų darbo ir diskriminacijos darbe panaikinimas). Būtina užtikrinti deramas gyvenimo sąlygas, teisę būti rašytine sutartimi informuotiems apie darbo sąlygas, bent 24 valandų nepertraukiamą savaitinį poilsį, minimalaus darbo užmokesčio apsaugą bei namų ūkio darbuotojų teisę į saugią ir sveiką darbo aplinką.
Regina Bastos (PPE), por escrito. − Na União Europeia existem mais de 2,6 milhões de trabalhadores domésticos, sendo a grande maioria mulheres migrantes. As características específicas do trabalho doméstico tornam-no vulnerável e desprotegido, sendo que estes trabalhadores são muitas vezes vítimas de discriminações. A Convenção n.° 189 sobre trabalhadores domésticos da Organização Internacional do Trabalho define que os Estados que a ratificarem devem tomar medidas para assegurar condições de trabalho decentes e com direitos sociais para prevenir os abusos no trabalho doméstico. Tendo em conta que alguns aspetos desta Convenção são da competência da União Europeia, o Parlamento Europeu deu o seu parecer positivo para que os Estados-Membros ratifiquem o mais depressa possível esta Convenção. A Convenção da Organização Internacional do Trabalho apela nomeadamente à fixação de uma idade mínima para trabalhadores domésticos, à garantia de condições de vida e de trabalho decentes, a existência de um contrato de trabalho escrito transmitido ao trabalhador antes de este se deslocar para o país onde irá trabalhar e o direito a beneficiar do regime de salário mínimo caso exista no país de acolhimento. Pelas razões expostas, dei o meu apoio a este relatório.
Heinz K. Becker (PPE), schriftlich. − Das Übereinkommen der Internationalen Arbeitsorganisation über menschenwürdige Arbeit für Hausangestellte ist ein wichtiger Schritt zu einer Garantie von grundlegenden Prinzipien der Rechte von Hausangestellten sowie der Einhaltung ihrer Menschenrechte und gesetzlichen Rechte. Ich finde es entscheidend, dass das Europäische Parlament seinen Standpunkt hier klar unterstreicht!
Ivo Belet (PPE), schriftelijk. − Met deze resolutie geeft het Europees Parlement een belangrijk signaal in de strijd tegen de uitbuiting van werkkrachten in de Europese Unie. Onlangs stelde het Europees Parlement nog vast dat Europa vandaag ongeveer 880 000 moderne slaven telt. Om dit ontluisterende cijfer terug te dringen, moet de strijd voor menswaardige leef- en werkomstandigheden voor huispersoneel, een van de meest kwetsbare beroepen, uiteraard een prioriteit zijn.
Het IAO-Verdrag garandeert huispersoneel de fundamentele rechten die andere werknemers ook hebben en dwingt de ondertekenende landen om dwang- en kinderarbeid uit te bannen. Het is nu aan alle Europese lidstaten om het IAO-Verdrag zo snel mogelijk te ratificeren en op het terrein komaf te maken met de onaanvaardbare toestanden waarmee we vandaag ook in Europa nog geconfronteerd worden.
Jean-Luc Bennahmias (ALDE), par écrit. – Quelques cas de travailleurs domestiques devenus des "esclaves domestiques" ont fait l'actualité parce que leurs employeurs étaient des gens célèbres. Mais combien de cas ne sont jamais sous les feux de l'actualité? Notre vote d'aujourd'hui vise à autoriser les États membres de l'Union et donc aussi à leur demander de ratifier la convention n° 189 de l'OIT concernant un travail décent pour les travailleuses et travailleurs domestiques. Il s'agit d'assurer à ces travailleurs, qui sont particulièrement vulnérables, des conditions de travail décentes, assorties de droits sociaux et de lutter contre la violence et toutes sortes d'abus comme le travail des enfants. La convention est entrée en vigueur le 5 septembre dernier ; tous les États membres de l'Union devraient la ratifier sans tarder.
Fabrizio Bertot (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho votato a favore di questa convenzione insieme ai miei colleghi del PPE, perché l'obiettivo principale del documento è la valorizzazione dei lavoratori domestici cui vengono riconosciute svariate garanzie. Fra le altre, il diritto ad un luogo di lavoro sicuro e salubre, condizioni di vita dignitose, la parità di trattamento con gli altri lavoratori e l'assicurazione di un riposo settimanale di almeno 24 ore consecutive.
Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Non condivido le posizioni sostenute nella relazione Zuber che analizza la convenzione dell'Organizzazione internazionale del lavoro sul lavoro dignitoso per le lavoratrici e i lavoratori domestici.
Il testo si occupa esclusivamente della condizione dei lavoratori immigrati, al fine di assicurare misure ottimali di impiego specialmente per le cosiddette "badanti" extracomunitarie, mentre non viene fatto alcun riferimento alla necessità di tutelare i cittadini europei più indifesi, come gli anziani dalle manipolazioni e dagli abusi a cui sono troppo spesso esposti.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, nes labai svarbu atkreipti dėmesį į tai, kad namų ūkio darbas, turint omenyje jo izoliuotą ir individualų pobūdį, yra viena iš labiausiai neapsaugotų ir nematomų darbo formų. Dėl šių priežasčių namų ūkio darbuotojams labai dažnai sunku gauti informacijos apie savo teises ir susiburti į jiems atstovaujančias asociacijas arba sąjungas, kurios gali suteikti jiems galimybę užtikrinčiau ginti savo darbo ir socialines teises. Be to, namų ūkio darbuotojai dažnai dirba turėdami mažas garantijas, yra įdarbinami nesudarant sutarties, jiems vėluojama mokėti atlyginimą, iš jų reikalaujama dirbti papildomas valandas deramai už tai neatlyginant, nepaisoma jų teisių į poilsio laiką ir apmokamas švenčių dienas, taip pat nemokamos jų socialinio draudimo įmokos. Taigi, reikėtų paraginti valstybes nares ratifikuoti šią Tarptautinės darbo organizacijos konvenciją dėl deramo darbo namų ūkio darbuotojams (Konvencija Nr. 189), nes būtina, kad ją ratifikavusios valstybės narės imtųsi priemonių užtikrinti deramas darbo sąlygas ir socialines teises bei užkirsti kelią piktnaudžiavimui, smurtui ir vaikų darbui namų ūkyje.
Philippe Boulland (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce rapport car la Convention n° 189 de l'OIT impose la protection des travailleurs domestiques qui, s'agissant souvent de femmes et de migrantes, sont souvent exposées à la discrimination et sont victimes de différents types d'abus qui constituent des violations graves aux droits de l'homme. Dans plusieurs pays de l'Union, le travail domestique se caractérise par la précarité, par l'absence de contrat de travail, par les retards dans le paiement des salaires, par l'exigence de la réalisation d'heures supplémentaires sans compensation, par le non-respect du droit à des périodes de repos et de congé, par le non-paiement de jours fériés ou de vacances, par le non-paiement de montants dus à la sécurité sociale, entre autres. Il faut souligner que la Convention prévoit bien que sa ratification ne doit pas affecter les dispositions plus favorables applicables aux droits des travailleurs domestiques (article 19).
Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat pentru această recomandare deoarece cel puțin 53 de milioane de persoane, majoritatea femei și fete, sunt angajaţi ca lucrători casnici. Aceştia contribuie substanțial la economia mondială şi generează 7,5 la sută din salariile femeilor angajate la nivel global. Astfel de activităţi reprezintă una dintre formele de muncă prea puţin protejate, și deseori lipsite de transparenţă. Din cele 2,6 milioane de lucrători casnici din UE, 89 % sunt femei și 50 % migranți, deci categorii vulnerabile. Promovând standardele fundamentale de muncă, vom extinde drepturile de bază ale acestor lucrători şi vom face un pas înainte în demersurile privind combaterea traficului de persoane. Aşadar nu pot decât să mă bucur că, într-un timp foarte scurt se deschide calea ratificării convenţiei de către statelor membre. Nu în ultimul rând, îmi exprim speranţa că un număr considerabil de state ale lumii va urma aceeaşi cale.
Alain Cadec (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu l'adoption du rapport Zuber invitant les Etats membres de l'Union européenne à ratifier la Convention de l'Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) relatif au travail décent pour les travailleurs domestiques. Afin de lutter contre l'esclavage domestique, l'adoption de ce rapport instaure des garanties relatives aux droits fondamentaux de ces travailleurs, notamment le respect des droits de l'Homme et leurs droits juridiques, ainsi que le droit à la libre circulation.
Minodora Cliveti (S&D), în scris. − Statele care ratifică Convenția OIM nr. 189 privind munca decentă pentru personalul casnic trebuie să asigure condiții de muncă decente, cu drepturi sociale, și să prevină abuzurile, violența și munca copiilor la domiciliu.
Obiectivul principal al Convenției este acela de a recunoaște valoarea lucrătorilor casnici și de a oferi o serie de garanții, precum: definirea unui lucrător casnic ca persoană angajată în activități lucrative la domiciliu în cadrul unui raport de muncă; stabilirea unei vârste minime pentru lucrătorii casnici; tratament egal pentru lucrătorii casnici și lucrători în general, sub aspectul programului normal de lucru, recompensarea pentru orele suplimentare, perioadele de odihnă zilnice și săptămânale și concediul anual plătit și protecția prin asigurări sociale, cu respectarea maternității; acoperirea prin salariul minim pentru lucrătorii casnici, acolo unde există o astfel de acoperire și remunerația stabilită fără discriminare pe bază de sex etc.
Statele ar trebui să garanteze că lucrătorii casnici, care muncesc pentru mai mulți angajatori și care sunt, de obicei, plătiți cu ora sau cu ziua, beneficiază de aceeași protecție socială ca și ceilalți lucrători și că aceștia își achită contribuția la asigurările sociale. Este important să se garanteze că salariile lor sunt cel puțin echivalente cu salariile naționale minime stabilite de legislațiile naționale.
Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − La Convezione sui lavoratori domestici dell'Organizzazione internazionale del lavoro firmata nel 2011 ed entrata in vigore a settembre di quest'anno, introduce una serie di misure volte a garantire condizioni di lavoro dignitose prevenendo abusi, violenze e lavoro minorile nel quadro del lavoro domestico. Ho pertanto votato a favore di questa proposta di risoluzione che autorizza gli Stati membri dell'UE alla ratifica di questa importante convenzione.
Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Je me félicite du vote de ce texte qui vise la protection des droits de travailleurs domestiques. Il encourage l'encadrement d'un statut encore trop approximatif en offrant une série de garanties à ces travailleurs. Il s'agit notamment d'assortir les conditions de travail des travailleurs domestiques de droits sociaux, d'empêcher les abus, la violence et le travail des enfants dans le travail domestique.
Christine De Veyrac (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce texte qui vise à ratifier la Convention de l'Organisation Internationale du Travail relative à un travail décent pour les travailleuses et travailleurs domestiques. Cette proposition s'inscrit dans la stratégie de l'Union européenne d'éradiquer la traite des êtres humains. Ce texte fera obligation aux États signataires de prendre des mesures pour prévenir les actes de violences est l'assurance d'une prise en considération de cette problématique, ce que je ne peux qu'encourager.
Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D), în scris. − Consider necesară adoptarea de către statele semnatare a unor măsuri urmărind respectarea, promovarea și conștientizarea principiilor și drepturilor fundamentale în domeniul muncii (libertatea de asociere și sindicalizare, recunoașterea dreptului la negocieri colective, eliminarea tuturor formelor de muncă forțată sau obligatorie, abolirea efectivă a muncii copiilor și eliminarea discriminării în raport cu ocuparea forței de muncă).
Jill Evans (Verts/ALE), in writing. − The ILO Convention concerning decent work for domestic workers is a major step forward and a key success in protecting a very vulnerable group of workers. Domestic workers are hidden from public view and control. They are predominantly migrant, female and low-skilled and are at a very high risk of exploitation and even slave-like working condtions. This convention ensures that the most vulnerable are covered by core labour standards. I therefore voted in favour of this report in the interests of my constituents in Wales
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Esta recomendação no sentido da ratificação da Convenção sobre Trabalho Digno para os Trabalhadores Domésticos, de 2011, da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (Convenção n.º 189) é da maior importância. A maioria destes trabalhadores trabalha na informalidade. Os dados do Eurostat estimam que existam 2,6 milhões de trabalhadores domésticos na UE, 89 % dos quais mulheres e metade deles migrantes. O trabalho doméstico é um dos trabalhos mais desprotegidos e invisíveis, tendo em conta o carácter isolado e individual do mesmo. Assim, é muitas vezes difícil para os trabalhadores domésticos informarem-se acerca dos seus direitos, organizarem-se em associações e sindicatos representativos dos seus interesses e, desta forma, estarem mais protegidos na reivindicação dos seus direitos laborais e sociais. O trabalho doméstico caracteriza-se, de forma generalizada, pela precariedade, pela ausência de contrato de trabalho. Segundo a OIT, em muitos casos, os trabalhadores domésticos são vítimas de baixos salários, horários excessivamente longos, ausência de um dia de descanso semanal e, às vezes, abusos físicos, mentais e sexuais, ou restrições à sua liberdade de movimentos. Investigações da OIT mostram ainda que, a nível mundial, apenas 10 % de todos os trabalhadores domésticos estão abrangidos pela legislação geral do trabalho, na mesma medida do que os outros trabalhadores.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne − Z údajov štatistického úradu Eurostat je zrejmé, že v Európskej únii sa nachádza 2,6 milióna pracovníkov v domácnosti, z toho je 89 % žien a polovica migrantov. Práca v domácnosti je akousi neviditeľnou formou práce, pričom obyvatelia Únie, ktorí ju vykonávajú sú najmenej chránení. Pri tomto type práce sa veľmi často vyskytuje zneužívanie pracovníkov, ktorí často pracujú bez pracovnej zmluvy, bez preplácania nadčasov, bez nároku na dovolenku či dni voľna počas platených štátnych sviatkov. Navyše, táto forma práce vedie k určitej izolovanosti a ľudia, ktorí ju vykonávajú, nie sú dostatočne informovaní o svojich právach. V súčasnej dobe vysokej miery nezamestnanosti je tento jav ešte omnoho nebezpečnejší, pretože v záujme zachovania existencie sú ľudia nútení pristúpiť aj na zjavne nevýhodné podmienky. Zvýšená miera ochrany pracovníkov v domácnosti je teda nevyhnutná.
Sylvie Guillaume (S&D), par écrit. – Les travailleurs domestiques constituent une main d’œuvre importante mais en grande partie invisible en Europe. Essentiellement des femmes, dont beaucoup sont d’origine migrante, les travailleurs domestiques sont extrêmement vulnérables à l’exploitation de masse. En donnant son feu vert pour la ratification par les États membres de la Convention de l'Organisation internationale du travail de 2011 concernant le travail domestique, le Parlement contribue ainsi à l'action entreprise par l'Union européenne en faveur du travail décent pour tous, dont la protection et l'amélioration des conditions de travail des travailleurs sont des aspects importants. Il est en effet indispensable que l'Union européenne se dote des instruments existants qui peuvent contribuer à lutter efficacement contre l'exploitation des travailleurs domestiques et les abus à leur égard. La ratification des Conventions de l'OIT par les États membres en général et celle en particulier relative aux travailleurs domestiques permettront à l'UE d'améliorer l'efficacité, la coordination et la cohérence de la lutte contre la traite des êtres humains.
Jim Higgins (PPE), in writing. − I voted in favour of this resolution because it ensures that Parliament supports the ILO’s 2011 Convention, which acts as a further guarantee for the rights of domestic workers. It deserves our continued support.
Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Pritariau siūlymui, nes reikia užtikrinti deramas darbo sąlygas ir socialines teises bei užkirsti kelią piktnaudžiavimui, smurtui ir vaikų darbui namų ūkyje. Papildoma Tarptautinės darbo organizacijos konvencija dėl deramo darbo namų ūkio darbuotojams buvo priimta 2011 m. Joje nustatoma, kad valstybės narės turi užtikrinti deramas darbo sąlygas ir socialines teises bei užkirsti kelią piktnaudžiavimui, smurtui ir vaikų darbui namų ūkyje. 2013 m. Komisija pateikė pasiūlymą, kuriuo valstybės narės įgaliojamos ratifikuoti konvenciją. ES yra 2,6 mln. namų ūkio darbuotojų, iš kurių 89 proc. yra moterys ir pusė jų – migrantės. Namų ūkio darbas, turint omenyje jo izoliuotą ir individualų pobūdį, yra viena iš labiausiai neapsaugotų ir nematomų darbo formų. Manau, kad reikia suteikti namų ūkio darbuotojams priemonių, kuriomis užtikrinama, kad būtų gerbiamos pagrindinės teisės darbe (asociacijų laisvė; visų rūšių priverstinio ar privalomojo darbo panaikinimas; veiksmingas vaikų darbo ir diskriminacijos darbe panaikinimas); nustatyti minimalų namų ūkio darbuotojų amžių, kuris turi būti ne mažesnis nei apskritai darbuotojams nacionaliniuose įstatymuose nustatytas amžius; užtikrinti: deramas gyvenimo sąlygas; teisę būti rašytine sutartimi informuotiems apie darbo sąlygas; bent 24 valandų nepertraukiamą savaitinį poilsį; namų ūkio darbuotojų minimalaus darbo užmokesčio apsaugą bei namų ūkio darbuotojų teisę į saugią ir sveiką darbo aplinką.
Iñaki Irazabalbeitia Fernández (Verts/ALE), por escrito. − Los trabajadores domésticos, mujeres e inmigrantes en su gran mayoría, sufren la invisibilidad, lo que puede llevar a condiciones de trabajo degradantes con escasa paga y largas jornadas de trabajo. Este Convenio garantiza que los más vulnerables, las mujeres inmigrantes, puedan acogerse a las condiciones laborales estándar. Por ello he votado a favor.
Michał Tomasz Kamiński (ECR), na piśmie. − Zagłosowałem za przyjęciem zalecenia, ponieważ osoby zatrudnione w gospodarstwach domowych stanowią grupę, do której ze względu na izolowany charakter pracy trudno dotrzeć z informacją na temat ich praw pracowniczych. Przyjęcie Konwencji powinno przyczynić się do rozwiązania wielu problemów pracowników gospodarstw domowych i upowszechnienia wiedzy w kwestii posiadanych praw oraz polepszenia warunków ich pracy.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. − La convenzione n. 189 dell'OIL prevede l'obbligo alla tutela dei lavoratori domestici che, essendo in gran parte donne e donne immigrate, si trovano in situazione di grande vulnerabilità. Purtroppo esse sono spesso vittime di discriminazione e di abusi di diversa natura, che costituiscono gravi violazioni dei diritti umani da condannare con forza. La convenzione stabilisce che la ratifica non deve interessare le disposizioni più favorevoli applicabili ai diritti dei lavoratori domestici.
Bogusław Liberadzki (S&D), na piśmie. − Niniejsze sprawozdanie dotyczy wydania przez Parlament Europejski zgody na ratyfikację przez państwa członkowskie tych elementów Konwencji 189 Międzynarodowej Organizacji Pracy, które leżą w kompetencji Unii. Praca w gospodarstwie domowym jest jedną z najbardziej niewidocznych, a jednocześnie niechronionych form pracy. Stąd też przedmiotowa Konwencja Międzynarodowej Organizacji Pracy, wprowadzająca wymóg ochrony osób pracujących w gospodarstwie domowym, jest konwencją bardzo ważną. Najczęściej w domu pracują kobiety oraz emigranci, zazwyczaj jednocześnie będąc najbardziej narażonymi na różne formy dyskryminacji oraz nadużyć, w tym także poważnych pogwałceń praw człowieka. Istotnym elementem jest zdefiniowanie osoby pracującej w gospodarstwie domowym jako osoby wykonującej pracę w domu lub na rzecz domu, a jednocześnie zobowiązanie państw sygnatariuszy do ochrony podstawowych praw związanych z tradycyjnie rozumianym stosunkiem pracy. Zagłosowałem za przyjęciem tego ważnego sprawozdania.
Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), în scris. − Domnule președinte, stimați colegi, domeniul casnic este unul peste care s-a trecut cu vederea de prea mult timp, neglijând importanța lui la nivel economic, cât și social.
Majoritatea lucrătorilor casnici fac parte din grupuri vulnerabile precum fete, femei, emigranți, membri ai comunităților dezavantajate, precum și copii. Protejarea acestora este o provocare pentru autoritățile responsabile, mai ales atunci când vin dintr-o altă țară, fără a primi un contract de muncă înainte de a trece frontiera. Mai mult, abuzurile din domeniul casnic sunt frecvente și ușor de acoperit.
Trebuie să fim responsabili pentru cei care stau acasă sau în casele altora, altfel suntem acuzați pe bună dreptate de ipocrizie. Lipsa unei legislații care să protejeze lucrătorii casnici prin luarea de măsuri eficiente de inspectare a muncii, punerea în executare și sancționarea încălcării măsurilor adoptate este o rușine pentru o Uniune democrată, care se laudă cu apărarea drepturilor omului. În UE sunt peste 2,6 milioane de oameni care, fără un efort din partea noastră, vor rămâne supuși unor riscuri care de multe ori i-ar putea costa chiar viața. Vă mulțumesc!
Barbara Matera (PPE), per iscritto. − La convenzione n. 189 dell'OIL (Organizzazione Internazionale del Lavoro) prevede l'obbligo alla tutela dei lavoratori domestici, nella maggior parte dei casi donne, spesso in situazione di grande vulnerabilità e vittime di discriminazione. Il lavoro domestico è uno dei lavori meno tutelati e visibili. In considerazione di questa situazione, con il mio voto favorevole ho voluto evidenziare la necessità, come sostiene l’on. Zuber, di adottare misure volte a garantire condizioni di lavoro dignitose, diritti sociali e prevenzione agli abusi e alle violenze domestiche
Véronique Mathieu Houillon (PPE), par écrit. – J’ai voté en faveur du rapport afin que les États membres ratifient, dans l'intérêt de l'Union européenne, la Convention de l'Organisation internationale du travail de 2011 concernant un travail décent pour les travailleuses et travailleurs domestiques. La convention est entrée en vigueur en septembre 2013, elle fournit des garanties relatives aux principes fondamentaux concernant les droits des travailleurs domestiques, et le respect de leurs droits humains et juridiques.
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − Segundo o Eurostat, devem existir cerca 2,6 milhões de trabalhadores domésticos na UE, 89 % dos quais são mulheres e metade migrantes. O trabalho doméstico é um dos trabalhos mais desprotegidos e invisíveis, dessa forma, é difícil para os trabalhadores domésticos informarem-se acerca dos seus direitos, organizarem-se em associações e sindicatos representativos dos seus interesses e, assim, conseguirem proteger-se na defesa dos seus direitos laborais e sociais. A Convenção n.º 189 sobre Trabalhadores Domésticos da Organização Internacional do Trabalho, que foi adotada em 2011 e entrou em vigor a 5 de setembro, define que os Estados que a ratificam têm de tomar medidas para assegurar condições de trabalho decentes e com direitos sociais, prevenindo o abuso, a violência e o trabalho infantil no trabalho doméstico. A aprovação deste relatório é o primeiro passo para que os Estados-Membros possam subscrever esta convenção e assim defender os direitos laborais dos trabalhadores domésticos.
Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado a favor del presente informe debido a que supone la aprobación de la propuesta del Consejo de ratificar el Convenio 189 de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo sobre los trabajadores domésticos. Este convenio de la OIT supone una mejora en la consideración de los derechos laborales de los trabajadores domésticos, que en muchas ocasiones se encuentran en una situación de total desprotección, solos en sus contextos laborales a merced de sus patronos. Con la introducción de este Convenio se trata de que los Estados miembros impulsen legislación y realicen acciones que garanticen los derechos de los 2,6 millones de trabajadores domésticos que se calcula existen en Europa. Por tratar de mejorar y garantizar los derechos de los trabajadores domésticos he decidido votar a favor del presente informe.
Louis Michel (ALDE), par écrit. – Je salue le rapport sur le projet de décision du conseil autorisant les États membres à ratifier, dans l'intérêt de l'UE, la convention de l'OIT de 2011 concernant un travail décent pour les travailleuses et travailleurs domestiques (Convention n° 189). Cette convention permet d'améliorer la situation de ces personnes, de valoriser leur travail et de reconnaitre l'importance qu'elles ont dans l'économie nationale. Davantage légiférer sur ce type de travail, souvent informel, permettrait de lutter contre le travail forcé, le travail des enfants, la discrimination, etc. Ces travailleurs et travailleuses auront l'occasion de s'informer des conditions de travail, généralement ignorées car il n'y pas souvent de contrat écrit entre l'employeur et le travailleur. Cette convention devrait surtout permettre d’améliorer la situation des femmes migrantes, particulièrement exposées.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − Domestic work is one of the most unprotected and invisible forms of work. ILO Convention 189 introduces the requirement to protect domestic workers, who often, as women and migrants, find themselves in extremely vulnerable situations, becoming victims of discrimination and many forms of abuse involving severe violations of their human rights. In favour.
Radvilė Morkūnaitė-Mikulėnienė (PPE), raštu. − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją, kuria raginama prisijungti prie Tarptautinės darbo organizacijos konvencijos dėl deramo darbo namų ūkio darbuotojams (Konvencija Nr. 189), o ją ratifikavusios valstybės narės turi imtis priemonių užtikrinti deramas darbo sąlygas ir socialines teises bei užkirsti kelią piktnaudžiavimui, smurtui ir vaikų darbui namų ūkyje. Manau, kad darbo sąlygų gerinimas darbuotojams yra neatsiejamas nuo ES suteikiamų laisvių asmenų ir darbuotojų judumo srityje.
Tiziano Motti (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho sostenuto questa relazione. La convenzione n. 189 del 2011 prevede per gli Stati che la ratificano l'obbligo di adottare misure volte a garantire condizioni di lavoro dignitose e diritti sociali, prevenendo abusi, violenza e lavoro minorile nel quadro del lavoro domestico. La Commissione europea ha presentato, il 21 marzo 2013, una proposta di decisione del Consiglio che autorizza gli Stati membri a ratificare la convenzione. Tale autorizzazione è necessaria posto che la convenzione riguarda aspetti di competenza dell'UE. Con la presente relazione chiediamo che il Parlamento europeo permetta l'avanzamento del processo. Va evidenziato che diversi paesi, in particolare i paesi dai quali originano i flussi migratori, hanno già ratificato la convenzione: Bolivia (4/2013), Maurizio (9/2012), Nicaragua (1/2013), Paraguay (5/2013), Filippine (9/2012), Sud Africa (6/2013), Uruguay (6/12). Anche alcuni paesi dell'UE hanno già adottato misure necessarie alla ratifica della convenzione, tra cui l'Italia e altri due paesi intendono farlo a breve: Germania e Belgio. In America latina, paesi come Repubblica dominicana, Colombia, Argentina e Costa Rica hanno già manifestato la volontà di firmare il testo. È quindi un segnale positivo e sostenendolo abbiamo oggi dato un segno di civiltà verso quei lavoratori e lavoratrici spesso sottoposti a protezioni lavorative inesistenti.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – La résolution qui nous est proposée défend l'instauration d'une convention pour les travailleurs domestiques. Ce texte donne des outils juridiques et des définitions pour les Etats et se réfère aux grands standards sur les droits au niveau international.Il fixe notamment des obligations sur la mise en place de mécanismes judiciaires et de contrôle. Même si l'abrogation des politiques d'austérité serait nécessaire pour respecter de façon cohérente les principes de défense des droits des travailleurs définis dans la présente Convention, je soutiens ces avancées et je vote pour.
Franz Obermayr (NI), schriftlich. − Das Übereinkommen der Internationalen Arbeitsorganisation befasst sich mit den Rechten und den menschenwürdigen Arbeitsbedingungen für Hausangestellte. Ihre Wertschätzung ist das Hauptziel des Übereinkommens. Dabei wird klar dargelegt, dass sie einen wichtigen Teil der Wirtschaft darstellen, ihre Arbeit bisher rechtlich unterbewertet war, und zudem wird eine klare Definition dieser Tätigkeiten mitgeliefert. Ihnen sollen grundlegende Arbeitsrechte wie zum Beispiel Vereinigungsfreiheit, Recht auf Tarifverhandlungen, Recht auf die Vereinigung in einer Gewerkschaft, Abschaffung aller Arten von Pflichtarbeit oder obligater Kinderarbeit sowie ein Recht auf Privatsphäre, das Recht auf Bildung für Personen unter 18 Jahren etc. zugestanden werden. Da dies explizit dem Gleichheitsgrundsatz unserer Grundrechte Genüge tut, war eine Regelung hier überfällig. Folglich habe ich selbstverständlich für diesen Bericht gestimmt.
Antigoni Papadopoulou (S&D), in writing. − According to Eurostat data, there are 2.6 million domestic workers in the EU, 89% of them are women and 50% of them migrants. These domestic workers often find themselves in extremely vulnerable situations. They become victims of discrimination, exploitation, underpayment, violation of their human rights, without effective protection against abusive practices. As an S&D shadow rapporteur, I therefore believe that the EP should give its consent to the Council decision to authorise Member States to ratify ILO Convention No 189, which aims to guarantee basic working rights of domestic workers namely by (1) establishing a minimum age for domestic work and safeguards for workers under age 18, (2) ensuring fair terms and decent conditions of employment and (3) developing a specific complaints mechanism to guarantee their equal treatment. A vote in favour today clearly shows the EP’s support and that we as Parliamentarians care about protecting decent work and setting minimum labour protection levels for all people without any discrimination.
Aldo Patriciello (PPE), in writing. − In many Member States of the European Union, domestic workers often work without a contract, are required to work extra hours and on public holidays without due payment of their wages and with social security contributions unpaid. According to Eurostat data, there are 2.6 million domestic workers in the EU, of whom 89 % are women and half are migrants. Domestic workers are among the most unprotected workers, often uninformed of their rights and under-represented in labour associations or unions which can enable them to defend their labour and social rights. Taking actions to guarantee decent conditions for domestic workers in Europe is of great importance, therefore I voted for the proposal.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − A Convenção n.º 189 sobre Trabalhadores Domésticos da Organização Internacional do Trabalho foi adotada em 2011 e entrou em vigor a 5 de Setembro. Esta convenção define que os Estados que a ratificam têm de tomar medidas para assegurar condições de trabalho decentes e com direitos sociais, prevenindo o abuso, a violência e o trabalho infantil no trabalho doméstico. A Comissão Europeia apresentou, em 21 de Março de 2013, uma proposta de decisão do Conselho que autoriza os Estados-Membros a ratificar a Convenção (COM (2013)0152), autorização essa que é necessária, uma vez que a Convenção contém aspetos que são da competência da UE. Com o relatório em apreço, pretende-se dar o contributo do Parlamento para o avanço do processo. Votei favoravelmente o presente relatório por concordar com a ratificação da Convenção pelos Estados-Membros.
Evelyn Regner (S&D), schriftlich. − Hausangestellte („Domestic Workers“) gehören zu einer der am wenigsten geschützten Berufsgruppen überhaupt. Die Probleme reichen von Schwarzarbeit, ausbeuterischen Arbeitsbedingungen bis hin zu Kinderarbeit und Gewaltanwendung. Hauptbetroffene sind meist Frauen, insbesondere Migrantinnen. Die IAO-Konvention 189 stellt einen wichtigen Eckpfeiler für die Verbesserung der Arbeitsbedingungen der Hausangestellten dar. Sie verpflichtet die IAO-Mitgliedstaaten dazu, grundlegende ArbeitnehmerInnen-Rechte für Hausangestellte zu garantieren. Darüber hinaus sollen gezielt Maßnahmen gegen Gewalt und Kinderarbeit ergriffen werden. Ich habe daher selbstverständlich für den Bericht von Frau Zuber gestimmt. Menschenrechte und ArbeitnehmerInnen-Rechte müssen für alle gleichermaßen gelten.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. According to Eurostat data, there are 2.6 million domestic workers in the EU, of whom 89% are women and half are migrants. Domestic work is one of the most unprotected and invisible forms of work, bearing in mind its isolated and individual nature. It is therefore often very difficult for domestic workers to obtain information about their rights or to organise themselves in representative associations or unions which can enable them to more securely defend their labour and social rights. In a number of EU countries, domestic workers are frequently employed in precarious conditions, without a contract, their wages are paid late, they are required to work extra hours without due payment, their rights to leave and rest periods and paid public holidays are ignored and their social security contributions go unpaid. ILO Convention 189 introduces the requirement to protect domestic workers, who often, as women and migrants, find themselves in extremely vulnerable situations, becoming victims of discrimination and many forms of abuse involving severe violations of their human rights.
Sergio Paolo Francesco Silvestris (PPE), per iscritto. − L'obiettivo principale nell’ambito del lavoro domestico è la valorizzazione dei lavoratori domestici in quanto rivestono un ruolo importante per l’economia. C’è la necessità di definire e regolamentare il lavoratore domestico in quanto è uno dei lavori meno tutelati e visibili, in considerazione della situazione di "isolamento" di coloro che lo svolgono. È necessaria la definizione di lavoratore domestico come ogni persona che svolge un lavoro domestico nell’ambito di una relazione di lavoro, avendo riconosciuto i principi e i diritti fondamentali nel lavoro, con parità di trattamento rispetto alle altre classi. La convenzione fa riferimento alla tutela dei lavoratori immigrati e introduce la necessità di un contratto o di una proposta del datore di lavoro prima dell'arrivo del lavoratore nel Paese di destinazione. E’ doveroso garantire che tali lavoratori non abbiano un livello di tutela sociale e del lavoro inferiore rispetto agli altri lavoratori e in particolare che i datori di lavoro effettuino i versamenti dovuti per i contributi previdenziali. Inoltre, è importante garantire che le retribuzioni minime siano corrispondenti ai salari minimi stabiliti dalla normativa nazionale. Per tale motivazione ho espresso parere favorevole.
Monika Smolková (S&D), písomne − Vzhľadom na to, že v EÚ pracuje v súčasnosti 2,6 milióna ľudí a práca v domácnosti predstavuje jednu z najmenej chránených a neviditeľných foriem práce, podporila som návrh uznesenia, aby členské štáty ratifikovali Dohovor Medzinárodnej organizácie práce o dôstojných pracovných podmienkach pre pracovníkov v domácnosti.
Práca v domácnosti musí mať obvyklý pracovný čas, odmenu za prípadné nadčasy, musí byť dodržané obdobie denného a týždenného odpočinku, platenej ročnej dovolenky a predovšetkým musí byť sociálne a zdravotne zabezpečená. Pracovníci v domácnosti musia mať zdravé a bezpečné pracovné prostredie. V mnohých krajinách sú pracovníci v domácnosti zamestnávaní bez zmluvných podmienok a dochádza aj k zneužívaniu detí na prácu v domácnosti. Preto je nevyhnutné, aby členské štáty ratifikovali Dohovor Medzinárodnej organizácie práce čo najskôr.
Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour of this proposal as I support the rights of domestic workers and recognise the need to put measures in place to prevent discrimination, violence and child labour.
Dubravka Šuica (PPE), napisan. − Glasovala sam za preporuku o nacrtu Odluke Vijeća kojom se države članice ovlašćuju da u interesu Europske unije ratificiraju Konvenciju Međunarodne organizacije rada o dostojnom radu za radnike zaposlene u kućanstvima iz 2011. Prema podacima EUROSTAT-a danas je u EU 2,6 milijuna radnika zaposlenih u kućanstvima od kojih su 89% žene i imigranti.
Stanje na burzi rada u Hrvatskoj pokazuje nerazmjerno veći broj žena od muškaraca, a razlike u plaćama muškaraca i žena za isto radno mjesto su evidentne, stoga smatram potrebnim dodatno smanjiti porezno opterećenje ženama, a posebno majkama. U velikom broju zemalja članica EU-a kao i u Hrvatskoj radnici u kućanstvima zaposleni su na kratko vrijeme i bez ugovora o radu te zarađuju znatno manja od prosjeka. Ovaj put sam stavila poseban naglasak na neravnopravan položaj žena na tržištu rada što se pokazalo i u trenutnoj financijskoj krizi s kojom se suočavaju zemlje članice EU-a, a važno je naglasiti da su ljudi zaposleni u kućanstvima najčešće žene ili imigranti. Ovdje se radi se o najranjivijim društvenim skupinama koje su nerijetko žrtve zlostavljanje uključujući i teška kršenja ljudskih prava, a prijedlog kolelegice Ines Cristine Zuber regulira sva ta važna pitanja te sam ga zato podržala.
Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – J'ai voté pour cette convention qui a pour principal objectif de valoriser les travailleurs domestiques en fixant notamment les garanties suivantes: la reconnaissance de la contribution significative des travailleurs domestiques à l'économie mondiale; la reconnaissance du fait que le travail domestique est sous-évalué et invisible et qu'il est effectué principalement par des femmes et des jeunes filles, dont beaucoup sont des migrantes ou appartiennent à des communautés défavorisées et se retrouvent donc en situation de grande vulnérabilité; l'expression "travailleur domestique" désigne toute personne exécutant un travail domestique dans le cadre d'une relation de travail.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. − A Convenção sobre Trabalho Digno para os Trabalhadores Domésticos, de 2011, da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (Convenção n.º 189) foi adotada em 2011 e entrou em vigor em setembro de 2013. O seu principal objetivo é o de garantir uma série de princípios e direitos dos trabalhadores domésticos. Assim, a Convenção n.º 189 da OIT obriga à proteção dos trabalhadores domésticos que, sendo muitas vezes mulheres e mulheres migrantes, se encontram em situações de grande vulnerabilidade, sendo, frequentemente, vítimas de discriminação e de diversos tipos de abusos que configuram atentados graves contra os direitos humanos. Pelos motivos expostos, votei, assim, a favor do documento.
Ruža Tomašić (ECR), napisan. − Ovo izvješće odgovor je na prijedlog Europske komisije koji je autoriziralo Vijeće , a koji države članice EU-a poziva da ratificiraju konvenciju Međunarodne organizacije rada koja regulira pitanje prava na dostojni rad radnika zaposlenih u kućanstvima.
Kao članica odbora za zapošljavanje i socijalna pitanja, pozdravljam borbu za unapređenje prava radnika zaposlenih u kućanstvima i garancije koje se radnicima u ovom segmentu nude kroz konvenciju. Međutim, smatram da pitanje koje konvencija regulira mora ostati u isključivoj nadležnosti država članica EU-a, jer je to pitanje unutarnjeg uređenja tržišta rada. Do današnjeg dana navedenu konvenciju nije u potpunosti ratificirala niti jedna država članica EU-a, a samo su dvije članice (Italija i Njemačka) u procesu praktičnog provođenja konvencije u praksi. Budući da se odluka o ratifikaciji donosi isključivo na nivou država članica Unije, glasovala sam protiv jer držim da preporuka Vijeća potkopava princip supsidijarnosti i neopravdano zadire u kompetencije država članica Unije.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru rezoluţia legislativă referitoare la proiectul de decizie a Consiliului care autorizează ratificarea de către statele membre, în interesul Uniunii Europene, a Convenției din 2011 a Organizației Internaționale a Muncii privind munca decentă pentru personalul casnic (Convenția nr. 189). Majoritatea normelor din cadrul Convenţiei nr. 189 din 2011 a Organizaţiei Internaţionale a Muncii (OIM) privind munca decentă pentru personalul casnic sunt acoperite, într-o mare măsură, de acquis-ul Uniunii în domeniile politicii sociale, combaterii discriminării, cooperării judiciare în materie penală precum şi azilului şi imigraţiei. Dispoziţiile Convenţiei privind protecţia personalului casnic migrant afectează în mod potenţial libera circulaţie a lucrătorilor – un domeniu care intră în sfera de competenţe exclusive a Uniunii. De aceea Consiliul trebuie să autorizeze statele membre care au obligaţii în temeiul dreptului Uniunii privind cerinţele minime în domeniul condiţiilor de muncă să ratifice convenţia în interesul Uniunii.
Derek Vaughan (S&D), in writing. − As a Labour MEP, I believe in protecting the rights of the workforce throughout the EU. This is why I have voted in favour of the International Labour Organisation Convention concerning decent work for domestic workers. I fully support the establishment of a minimum age for domestic work, as well as safeguards for workers under the age of 18. I am pleased to see proposals which will help combat abuse and violence at work, as well as ensuring that fair terms and decent conditions of employment are met. I hope that this convention is a step towards a more fair and safe employment culture within the European Union.
Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce rapport présenté par Ines Zuber, députée portugaise de mon groupe, la GUE/NGL. Ce rapport appelle les États membres à ratifier une Convention de l'Organisation internationale du travail de 2011 concernant le travail décent pour les travailleuses et travailleurs domestiques. Cette convention souligne l'urgente nécessité de reconnaitre à ces personnes les mêmes droits, protections et couvertures sociales que tout autre employé. Il est intolérable qu'aujourd’hui encore, des salarié(e)s soient laissé(e)s sans recours face à des abus de leurs employeurs. Je me réjouis que ce rapport ait été adopté car il est plus que grand temps que les États membres s'emparent de cette question qui concerne les groupes de population parmi les plus vulnérables. En effet, sont principalement concernées des femmes et notamment des migrantes, souvent sans papiers, qui travaillent dans des conditions d'isolement, rendant l’action collective quasiment impossible. Reste à espérer que cet appel sera entendu par les États membres. Malheureusement rien n’est moins sûr car un tel texte n'a aucune valeur contraignante pour les États membres.
Josef Weidenholzer (S&D), schriftlich. − Hausangestellte sind eine der am schlechtesten geschützten, aber auch am wenigsten sichtbaren Berufsgruppen. Die besondere Schutzbedürftigkeit dieser Arbeiterinnen und Arbeiter, bei denen es sich oftmals um Frauen mit Migrationshintergrund oder aber auch Kinder handelt, erfordert verstärkte öffentliche Aufmerksamkeit. Das Übereinkommen über menschenwürdige Arbeit für Hausangestellte der Internationalen Arbeitsorganisation, dem eine breite globale Diskussion vorausgegangen war, ist ein ganz wesentlicher Schritt in die Richtung eines fairen Umgangs mit dieser Personengruppe.Viele Staaten – vor allem handelt es sich um Herkunftsländer – haben das Übereinkommen bereits unterzeichnet. Mit der heutigen Abstimmung hat das Europäische Parlament den Weg für die Ratifizierung durch die Mitgliedstaaten geebnet. Es ist wichtig, dieses Übereinkommen im Sinne einer wirksamen Bekämpfung von Kinderarbeit und zum Schutz der Hausangestellten insgesamt schnellstmöglich zu unterzeichnen.
Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. − Die Berichterstatterin setzt sich mit dieser Empfehlung für sehr schwache Gesellschaftsteilnehmer ein, und der Arbeiterschutz von hauswirtschaftlichen ArbeitnehmerInnen setzt an einer wichtigen Stelle an. Da sehr oft Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund betroffen sind, ist es besonders wichtig, verständliche und angemessene Informationen zur Verfügung zu stellen. Auch der Menschenhandel und der Missbrauch von hauswirtschaftlichen ArbeitnehmerInnen soll unterbunden werden, und der Bericht ist daher durchaus positiv zu bewerten und zu unterstützen.
Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − A Convenção expressa como objetivo principal a valorização dos trabalhadores domésticos, estabelecendo, entre outras garantias: o reconhecimento da importância dos trabalhadores domésticos para a economia, a adoção de medidas pelos Estados signatários, que respeitem, promovam e apliquem os princípios e direitos fundamentais do trabalho (liberdade de associação, liberdade sindical e reconhecimento efetivo do direito à negociação coletiva, eliminação de todas as formas de trabalho forçado ou obrigatório, abolição efetiva do trabalho infantil), a garantia de que os trabalhadores domésticos são informados sobre as suas condições de trabalho de forma adequada e compreensível e, sempre que possível, através de contrato escrito. Temos algumas preocupações: sabemos que existe tráfico de seres humanos e, nomeadamente, tráfico de mulheres, não só de países terceiros para a UE, mas também entre países da UE. Assim, consideramos que os Estados devem conferir especial atenção à fiscalização dos contratos efetuados nos seus países, nomeadamente pelas agências de emprego privadas que contratam pessoas de outros países para trabalhar como trabalhadores domésticos. É fundamental trazer este debate para o espaço público, visibilizar, valorizar e dignificar o importante trabalho destes trabalhadores. Votámos a favor deste relatório da nossa autoria que está de acordo com a autorização do Conselho aos Estados-Membros para ratificarem a Convenção.
Anna Záborská (PPE), písomne − Vážený pán predseda, som veľmi rada, že Rada a Parlament dospeli k zhode v otázke dôstojných pracovných podmienok pre pracovníkov v domácnosti. Ide totiž o významný krok smerom k oceneniu neplatenej práce žien a matiek pri starostlivosti o domácnosť, deti a členov rodiny. Ďalším krokom by malo byť odstránenie diskriminácie týchto žien. Pracovník v domácnosti má podľa dohovoru nárok na 24-hodinový neprerušovaný odpočinok a odmenu aspoň vo výške minimálnej mzdy. To je napríklad na Slovensku viac ako minimálna výška materskej alebo výška rodičovského príspevku. Práca je však porovnateľná, len odpočinku je menej. Vyzývam preto Radu aj Komisiu, aby odstránili túto nerovnosť a skončili tak diskrimináciu matiek a rodín, ktoré sa starajú o malé deti. Ďakujem.
5.4. Acordul UE-Armenia privind principiile generale de participare a Armeniei la programele Uniunii (A7-0406/2013 - Tomasz Piotr Poręba)
Dichiarazioni di voto scritte
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo este relatório, porque é do interesse de ambas as partes, a UE e a Arménia, colaborarem de forma mais permanente e profícua. Os países da Política Europeia de Vizinhança (PEV) devem participar em determinados programas e agências da União, no sentido de promover as reformas, a modernização e a transição na vizinhança. Em particular, a Arménia tem participado ativamente na PEV desde 2004 e na Parceria Oriental desde o seu lançamento, em 2009. Assim, entendo que a conclusão deste Protocolo permitirá a abertura gradual de determinados programas da União à Arménia ou um reforço da participação deste país nesses programas, o que oferecerá uma oportunidade para promover novas ligações culturais, educativas, ambientais, técnicas e científicas, melhorará os contactos interpessoais e a cooperação setorial e reforçará as relações políticas através da Parceria Oriental e da conclusão do Acordo de Associação.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį siūlymą, kurio tikslas – sudaryti protokolą, kuriuo bus sukurtos sąlygos Armėnijai laipsniškai prisijungti prie tam tikrų Sąjungos programų arba sustiprinti savo dalyvavimą jose. Armėnijos Respublikos ir Europos Bendrijų partnerystės ir bendradarbiavimo susitarimas įsigaliojo 1999 m. Armėnija aktyviai dalyvavo Europos kaimynystės politikoje nuo 2004 m. ir Rytų partnerystėje nuo 2009 m. – jos įgyvendinimo pradžios. Šiuo siūlymu pateikiamas bendrasis susitarimas dėl Armėnijos dalyvavimo Sąjungos programose bendrųjų principų. Šiuo susitarimu bus sudarytos sąlygos Armėnijai laipsniškai prisijungti prie tam tikrų Sąjungos programų arba sustiprinti savo dalyvavimą jose, taip pat sudaryta galimybė toliau skatinti ryšius kultūros, švietimo, aplinkosaugos, techninėje ir mokslinėje srityse, stiprinti žmonių tarpusavio santykius ir sektorių bendradarbiavimą bei stiprinti politiką ir santykius pasitelkus Rytų partnerystę.
Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Ho trovato la relazione Poręba sull'accordo UE-Armenia poco equilibrata in molti suoi passaggi, per questo motivo mi sono espressa con un voto di astensione.
Philippe Boulland (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce rapport car la conclusion du protocole posera les jalons de l'ouverture progressive de certains programmes de l'Union à l'Arménie ou du renforcement de la participation du pays à ceux-ci, ce qui permettra non seulement de resserrer les liens dans le domaine de la culture, de l'éducation, de l'environnement, des techniques et des sciences, d'intensifier les contacts interpersonnels et la coopération sectorielle, mais aussi de consolider les relations politiques à la faveur du partenariat oriental et de l'accord d'association.
Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea recomandării deoarece, deși Armenia a decis de curând să nu mai parafeze Acordul de Asociere cu UE și practic să facă un pas înapoi de la drumul european, consider că participarea sa în anumite programe comunitare poate continua. Uniunea Europeană nu a condiționat niciodată sprijinul financiar de orientarea strategică a unei țări. De aceea cred că pot fi identificate domenii de interes comun, în care Armenia și Uniunea Europeană pot continua să colaboreze. Este vorba despre întărirea capacității administrative, buna funcționare a sistemului judiciar, tranziția către o economie „verde”, etc.
Minodora Cliveti (S&D), în scris. − Acordul de parteneriat și cooperare dintre Republica Armenia și Comunitățile Europene a intrat în vigoare la 1 iulie 1999. Armenia a participat activ la Politica europeană de vecinătate din 2004 și la Parteneriatul estic de la lansarea acestuia în 2009. Prezentul proiect de recomandare abordează aspectul participării Republicii Armenia la programele Uniunii în urma solicitării exprese a acesteia din aprilie 2012. Protocolul conține un acord-cadru privind principiile generale de participare a Armeniei la programele Uniunii și include dispoziții standard ce fac parte din astfel de protocoale pentru țările PEV. Prin urmare, participarea la fiecare program presupune redactarea unui Memorandum de înțelegere (MoU), ce urmează a fi semnat de către ambele părți. În plus, participarea țărilor PEV privește numai acele programe ale Uniunii ale căror statut și obiective permit o astfel de participare. Încheierea protocolului va permite deschiderea treptată sau participarea consolidată a Armeniei la anumite programe ale Uniunii, oferind o oportunitate de promovare în continuare a legăturilor culturale, educaționale, de mediu, tehnice și științifice, intensificând contactele interumane și cooperarea sectorială, pe lângă consolidarea relațiilor politice prin Parteneriatul estic și prin încheierea acordului de asociere.
Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − Dopo oltre vent’anni dalla dissoluzione dell’URSS, la situazione del Caucaso meridionale rimane molto problematica. L'Europa ha un interesse diretto al mantenimento della stabilità politica in questa zona, dati gli importanti flussi commerciali e la rilevanza internazionale della regione per gli approvvigionamenti energetici. Per questo motivo, ho espresso il mio voto a favore di questa proposta di risoluzione volta ad approfondire le relazioni fra l'UE e la Repubblica di Armenia, consentendo a quest'ultima di partecipare ad alcuni programmi specifici dell'Unione. Il mio auspicio è che questa nuova apertura dell'Unione verso Yeravan, possa gettare un ponte per favorire il progressivo rafforzamento dei principi di democrazia, Stato di diritto e universalità e indivisibilità dei diritti dell'uomo nella regione caucasica.
Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D), în scris. − Consider că protocolul conține un acord-cadru privind principiile generale de participare a Armeniei la programele Uniunii Europene.
Jill Evans (Verts/ALE), in writing. − With our history of internationalism, Wales has always taken a keen interest in developing links with countries across the globe. I voted in favour of this report which will permit the gradual opening of or reinforced participation in certain EU programmes for Armenia. This will offer an opportunity to promote further cultural, educational, environmental, technical and scientific links, enhancing people-to-people contacts and sectoral cooperation, in addition to strengthening political relations through the Eastern Partnership and the conclusion of the Association Agreement.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Este relatório refere-se à participação da República da Arménia nos programas da União, após o seu pedido expresso em abril de 2012. O Protocolo compreende um Acordo-Quadro sobre os princípios gerais que regem a participação da Arménia em programas da União Europeia. Inclui as disposições que o tipo de protocolos com países da Política Europeia de Vizinhança habitualmente contém. Como tal, a participação em cada um dos programas requer a elaboração de um Memorando de Entendimento que deve ser assinado por ambas as partes. A conclusão do Protocolo permitirá a abertura gradual de determinados programas da União Europeia à Arménia ou um reforço da participação deste país nesses programas. Não obstante as nossas conhecidas reservas quanto a estes memorandos, esperamos que, deste processo, resulte uma afirmação soberana das legítimas opções da Arménia, e que estas sejam de acordo com as necessidades e aspirações do seu povo. Temos, todavia, as maiores dúvidas.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne − Susedská politika patrí medzi najvýznamnejšie politiky Únie. Zachovanie a prehlbovanie dobrých vzťahov medzi Európskou úniou a tretími krajinami je viac ako dôležité. Arménsko je aktívny účastník susedskej politiky Európskej únie od roku 2004. Dohoda o partnerstve a spolupráci Únie s Arménskom je platná ešte od roku 1999. Arménska republika vyslovila svoju žiadosť zúčastňovať sa na programoch Únie, ako aj v jej agentúrach v apríli roku 2012. Je to dobrá príležitosť na upevňovanie vzájomných stykov, či už kultúrnych, vzdelávacích, technických, vedeckých alebo environmentálnych. Navyše to môže prispieť ku zlepšeniu medziľudských kontaktov, politických vzťahov a sektorovej spolupráce.
Elisabetta Gardini (PPE), per iscritto. − Ci sono tutte le condizioni perché la Repubblica d’Armenia partecipi attivamente ai programmi dell’Unione Europea. In questo particolare momento esistono i presupposti perché la richiesta avanzata dall’Armenia si trasformi in una proficua e attiva collaborazione nei settori culturale, educativo, ambientale, tecnico e scientifico. Siamo sulla strada giusta che ci porterà a consolidare le relazioni politiche attraverso il partenariato orientale e la conclusione dell'accordo di associazione.
Michał Tomasz Kamiński (ECR), na piśmie. − Zagłosowałem za przyjęciem zalecenia, ponieważ mimo rezygnacji Armenii z podpisania umowy stowarzyszeniowej z UE na rzecz Unii Celnej z Rosją, Białorusią i Kazachstanem pochwalam aktywny udział Armenii w Partnerstwie Wschodnim oraz innych programach związanych z europejska polityką sąsiedztwa. Przyjęcie umowy przyczyni się do dalszego rozwoju i zacieśniania wzajemnych stosunków w wielu dziedzinach.
Ryszard Antoni Legutko (ECR), na piśmie. − Armenia jest krajem, który aktywnie uczestniczył w programach europejskiej polityki sąsiedztwa od 2004 r. i w Partnerstwie Wschodnim od jego powstania w 2009 roku. W tym czasie ormiańskim władzom udało się między innymi zainicjować szereg reform politycznych i strukturalnych, wzmocnić rolę społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, zreformować prawo wyborcze. W 2013 roku pod silnym naciskiem ze strony Rosji prezydent Armenii podjął decyzję o przystąpieniu do Unii Celnej w sferze gospodarczej, deklarując jednocześnie chęć dalszego zbliżania do UE w sferach takich, jak walka z korupcją, wzmacnianie praworządności i dobrych rządów. Umożliwienie Armenii współudziału w programach takich jak „Horizon 2020” lub „Erasmus” z pewnością przyczyni się do pogłębienia współpracy z UE w tych dziedzinach.
Véronique Mathieu Houillon (PPE), par écrit. – J’ai voté en faveur de l’accord-cadre UE-Arménie afin de permettre à l’Arménie de participer aux travaux des agences communautaires et à des programmes communautaires déterminés, ouverts à la participation d’États tiers, afin promouvoir les réformes, la modernisation et la transition dans cet État. Cet accord permettra à l’UE de renforcer ses liens avec l’Arménie dans les domaines de la culture, de l’éducation, de l’environnement, des techniques et des sciences.
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − O Acordo de Parceria e Cooperação entre a República da Arménia e as Comunidades Europeias entrou em vigor em 1 de julho de 1999. Além disso, a Arménia tem participado ativamente na Política Europeia de Vizinhança desde 2004 e na Parceria Oriental desde o seu lançamento, em 2009. O presente Protocolo compreende um Acordo-Quadro sobre os princípios gerais que regem a participação da Arménia em programas da União e inclui as disposições que este tipo de protocolos com países DA PEV habitualmente contém. A conclusão do Protocolo permitirá a abertura gradual de determinados programas da União à Arménia ou um reforço da participação deste país nesses programas, o que oferecerá uma oportunidade para promover novas ligações culturais, educativas, ambientais, técnicas e científicas, melhorará os contactos interpessoais e a cooperação.
Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado a favor del presente informe debido a que permite la participación de Armenia en los programas de la Unión Europea. El informe apuesta por reforzar la participación de Armenia en los programas comunitarios que suponen una colaboración en los ámbitos educativos, ambientales, culturales, etc., para permitir la cooperación con la UE de persona a persona. De esta forma no se ponen los intereses económicos y comerciales por delante, sino que se trata de reforzar una colaboración a nivel político y ciudadano entre los países europeos y Armenia. Este es un tipo de colaboración internacional que refuerza los lazos culturales entre los pueblos y es una estrategia clave para el conocimiento mutuo. Por ello he votado a favor del presente informe.
Louis Michel (ALDE), par écrit. – Je salue le rapport concernant la participation de la République d'Arménie aux programmes de l'Union. Celui-ci s'inscrit dans la nouvelle stratégie européenne à l'égard de ses pays voisins qui vise à renforcer la participation des pays partenaires aux programmes proposés. La conclusion de ce protocole permettra de poser les fondements pour une plus grande participation de l'Arménie aux programmes de l'Union.
Elle aura notamment pour conséquence de consolider les liens dans le domaine de la culture, de l'éducation, de l'environnement, des techniques et des sciences, d'intensifier les contacts interpersonnels et la coopération sectorielle, mais aussi de consolider les relations politiques à la faveur du partenariat oriental et de l'accord d'association. En raison de l'intérêt stratégique, l'Union doit entretenir des relations plus intenses avec ses pays voisins. C'est pour cela que j'ai apporté mon soutien à ce rapport.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − Request expressed in April 2012, based on the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the Republic of Armenia and the European Communities. The Protocol contains a framework agreement on the general principles for the participation of Armenia in Union programmes and includes the standard provisions contained in such protocols for European neighbourhood policy (ENP) countries. Therefore participation in each programme requires the drafting of a memorandum of understanding to be signed by both parties. Furthermore the participation of ENP countries concerns only those Union programmes whose statutes and objectives permit such participation. Armenia should contribute financially to the special programmes it participates in. I voted in favour.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Ce partenariat va permettre à l’Arménie de participer à des programmes de l’UE en matière de coopération culturelle, environnementale et autres. Ces propositions ne sont pas mauvaises en soi, mais, ce protocole s’insère dans la politique européenne de voisinage dont l’objectif premier est de préparer les économies des États voisins à la mise en place de zones de libre-échange approfondi et complet (ZLEAC), au détriment de ces derniers. La République d’Arménie a d’ailleurs refusé de signer cet accord de libre-échange lors du sommet de Vilnius en novembre dernier. L’Union européenne joue au chien de garde du FMI et des conditions économiques néolibérales. Ce protocole ne peut être décontextualisé de la politique dans laquelle il s’insère, je vote contre.
Antigoni Papadopoulou (S&D), in writing. − The Protocol contains a Framework Agreement on the general principles for participation of Armenia in EU programmes. It is based on the EU-Armenia Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) which regulates the relations between Armenia and the EU since 1999. The principal aims of the PCA are to: to provide EU-Armenia cooperation by developing political relations; to establish respect for democratic principles, the rule of law, human rights and the transition to a market economy; and finally to regulate trade relations between the sides as well as the legal, social, economic, financial, scientific, civil and cultural relationship and partnership. In addition to the above, this protocol will create a legal basis for the Armenian institutions to benefit from closer contacts with their EU counterparts, offering an opportunity to promote further cultural, educational, environmental, technical and scientific links. At the same time it will ensure Armenia’s financial contribution to the specific programmes it participates in.
Aldo Patriciello (PPE), in writing. − The Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the Republic of Armenia and the European Communities has encouraged cooperation between Armenia and the European Union. The Protocol seeks to establish a framework agreement on the general principles for the participation of Armenia in Union programmes, allowing the European Union to promote further cultural, educational, environmental, technical and scientific links, as well as strengthening economic and political relations through the Eastern Partnership and the conclusion of the Association Agreement. Therefore, I voted in favour of it.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − O Acordo de Parceria e Cooperação entre a República da Arménia e as Comunidades Europeias entrou em vigor em 1 de julho de 1999. Além disso, a Arménia tem participado ativamente na Política Europeia de Vizinhança desde 2004 e na Parceria Oriental desde o seu lançamento, em 2009. A conclusão do presente protocolo permitirá a abertura gradual de determinados programas da União à Arménia ou um reforço da participação deste país nesses programas, o que oferecerá uma oportunidade para promover novas ligações culturais, educativas, ambientais, técnicas e científicas, melhorará os contactos interpessoais e a cooperação setorial e reforçará as relações políticas através da Parceria Oriental e da conclusão do Acordo de Associação. Em face do exposto, por concordar com os objetivos, votei favoravelmente a presente proposta.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. The Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the Republic of Armenia and the European Communities entered into force on 1 July 1999.Armenia has participated actively in the European neighbourhood policy since 2004 and in the Eastern Partnership since its launch in 2009. The intention to further facilitate partner countries’ participation in Union programmes was stressed in the Joint Communication by the Commission and the High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on ‘A new response to a challenging Neighbourhood’. The Declaration of Warsaw Summit of the Eastern Partnership that took place on 29-30 September 2011, highlights once more the interest of the Partner countries and the EU in facilitating the participation of the Partners in Union programmes and agencies and welcomes the increased sectoral cooperation. The conclusion of the Protocol will permit the gradual opening of or reinforced participation in certain Union programmes for Armenia, offering an opportunity to promote further cultural, educational, environmental, technical and scientific links, enhancing people-to-people contacts and sectoral cooperation, in addition to the strengthening of the political and relations through the Eastern Partnership and the conclusion of the Association Agreement.
Kay Swinburne (ECR), in writing. − I support the conclusion of this Protocol, which will facilitate the participation of Armenia in certain Union programmes. I hope that this agreement will serve to strengthen the links that have already been developed via the Eastern Partnership and European neighbourhood policy.
Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – La République d'Arménie contribue financièrement aux programmes déterminés auxquels elle participe. Les engagements financiers varient d'un programme à l'autre et sont déterminés par le protocole d'accord. La conclusion du protocole posera les jalons de l'ouverture progressive de certains programmes de l'Union à l'Arménie ou du renforcement de la participation du pays à ceux-ci, ce qui permettra non seulement de resserrer les liens dans le domaine de la culture, de l'éducation, de l'environnement, des techniques et des sciences, d'intensifier les contacts interpersonnels et la coopération sectorielle, mais aussi de consolider les relations politiques à la faveur du partenariat oriental et de l'accord d'association Je me prononce donc en faveur du texte
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. − O interesse por parte da República da Arménia em participar em programas da União foi manifestado em abril de 2012. O Protocolo ao Acordo de Parceria e Cooperação entre as Comunidades Europeias e a República da Arménia, aqui em questão, compreende um Acordo-Quadro sobre os princípios gerais da participação da Arménia nestes programas. Para participar, é requerido um Memorando de Entendimento e a Arménia deverá contribuir financeiramente para os programas em que vier a participar, estando estes encargos patentes no Memorando, que é posteriormente assinado por ambas as partes. É uma oportunidade para se estabelecerem novas ligações culturais, educativas, ambientais e científicas, bem como para melhorar os contactos interpessoais e cooperação entre a União e a República da Arménia.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru proiectul de decizie privind încheierea unui protocol la Acordul de parteneriat și cooperare între UE și Republica Armenia, referitor la un acord-cadru între UE și Republica Armenia privind principiile generale de participare a Republicii Armenia la programele Uniunii. Acordul de parteneriat și cooperare dintre Republica Armenia și UE a intrat în vigoare in 1999. Armenia a participat activ la Politica europeană de vecinătate din 2004 și la Parteneriatul estic de la lansarea acestuia în 2009. Protocolul conține un acord-cadru privind principiile generale de participare a Armeniei la programele Uniunii. Participarea la fiecare program presupune redactarea unui Memorandum de înțelegere (MoU), ce urmează a fi semnat de către ambele părți. Participarea Armeniei privește numai acele programe ale Uniunii ale căror statut și obiective permit o astfel de participare. Armenia contribuie financiar la programele specifice la care participă. Implicațiile financiare diferă în funcție de program și sunt specificate în MoU. Încheierea protocolului va permite deschiderea treptată sau participarea consolidată a Armeniei la anumite programe ale Uniunii, oferind o oportunitate de promovare în continuare a legăturilor culturale, educaționale, tehnice și științifice, intensificând contactele interumane și cooperarea sectorială, pe lângă consolidarea relațiilor politice prin Parteneriatul estic și prin încheierea acordului de asociere.
Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Les relations entre l'UE et l’Arménie s’approfondissent continuellement depuis 2007. La session plénière d'octobre dernier du Parlement européen en a été un exemple. Ont été votés simultanément un accord de réadmission comme toujours inacceptable d'un point de vue migratoire et un accord de libéralisation des visas allant lui dans le bon sens mais assez hypothétique. Le rapport adopté le 11 décembre 2013 concerne, lui, la participation de l'Arménie à la politique de voisinage (PEV) et en conséquence a bénéficié de certains programmes de l'UE. Les négociations avec l'Arménie sont en cours depuis avril 2012. J’ai voté pour cet accord car il permettra à l'Arménie de bénéficier de l'aide de l’UE notamment en matière culturelle, éducative, environnementale et scientifique, Malheureusement, la mise en place de cette coopération se fait en parallèle avec des négociations pour l’établissement d’une zone de libre-échange approfondi et complet (ALECA) entre l'UE et l'Arménie.
Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Este relatório refere-se à participação da República da Arménia nos programas da União, após o seu pedido expresso em Abril de 2012. O Protocolo compreende um Acordo-Quadro sobre os princípios gerais que regem a participação da Arménia em programas da UE e inclui as disposições que o tipo de protocolos com países PEV habitualmente contêm. Como tal, a participação em cada um dos programas requer a elaboração de um Memorando de Entendimento que deve ser assinado por ambas as partes. A conclusão do Protocolo permitirá a abertura gradual de determinados programas da União Europeia à Arménia ou um reforço da participação deste país nesses programas. Consideramos que não devem ser colocadas condicionantes políticas e económicas para a celebração destes acordos.
5.5. Acordul dintre UE și Franța privind aplicarea în comunitatea din Saint-Barthélemy a legislației Uniunii în materie de impozitare (A7-0404/2013 - Sławomir Nitras)
Dichiarazioni di voto scritte
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo, porque o relatório aprova a celebração do acordo que visa melhorar a relação entre a UE e a República Francesa, no que se refere à coletividade de São Bartolomeu, no domínio da tributação da poupança e da cooperação administrativa no domínio da fiscalidade.
Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – Saint-Barthélemy ayant cessé au 1er Janvier 2012 d'être une région ultrapériphérique de l'Union en accédant au statut de pays et territoire d'outre-mer, la France s'était engagée à conclure les accords nécessaires pour que les intérêts de l'Union soient préservés. L'objectif de cet accord est donc que continue à s'appliquer la législation de l'Union sur la fiscalité et l'épargne à Saint-Barthélemy malgré son changement de statut, accord que j'ai soutenu.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį siūlymą, kurio tikslas – pasirašyti ES ir Prancūzijos susitarimą, kuriuo numatoma Sen Bartelemi bendrijai taikyti Sąjungos teisės aktus, susijusius su apmokestinimu. Nuo 2012 m. sausio 1 d. Sen Bartelemi teritorinė bendrija nebėra Sąjungos atokiausias regionas – jai suteiktas užjūrio šalies ir teritorijos statusas. Prancūzija įsipareigojo sudaryti susitarimus, kurių reikia, kad Sąjungos interesai būtų apsaugoti įvykus šiam pokyčiui. Tuo tikslu Komisija įgaliojama derėtis dėl sąlygų. Numatomas Prancūzijos Respublikos, veikiančios Sen Bartelemi vardu, ir Europos Sąjungos susitarimas, kuriuo numatoma toje teritorijoje taikyti Sąjungos teisės aktus, susijusius su taupymo pajamų apmokestinimu ir administraciniu finansinės srities bendradarbiavimu.
Regina Bastos (PPE), por escrito. − A coletividade territorial de São Bartolomeu faz parte integrante da República Francesa, mas deixou de fazer parte da União Europeia a partir de 1 de janeiro de 2012, data em que deixou de ser uma região ultraperiférica da União Europeia, tornando-se um território ultramarino. Tendo em conta a alteração de estatuto desta ilha e a fim de continuar a proteger os interesses da União, nomeadamente na luta contra a fraude e a evasão fiscais transfronteiriças, foi considerado necessário assegurar que as disposições constantes da legislação da União Europeia sobre a cooperação administrativa no domínio da fiscalidade, bem como sobre a tributação dos rendimentos da poupança sob a forma de pagamentos de juros, continuariam a aplicar-se à coletividade de São Bartolomeu. Iniciaram-se em 2012 negociações com vista a um acordo entre França e a UE, de modo a garantir o supramencionado. O Parlamento Europeu pronuncia-se agora a favor das condições do mesmo acordo, considerando fundamental e no interesse dos cidadãos europeus que as condições destas diretivas sejam aplicadas neste território, tal como no restante território francês. Pelo exposto, votei favoravelmente.
Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Ho appoggiato con il mio voto la relazione Nitras sull'accordo UE-Francia in merito all'applicazione della legislazione dell'Unione sulla tassazione con riguardo alla collettività di Saint-Barthélemy.
Ritengo fondamentale per la tutela degli interessi dell'Unione nella lotta alla frode e all'evasione transfrontaliera che si continuino ad applicare in questo territorio le norme relative alla cooperazione amministrativa nel settore fiscale e alla tassazione dei redditi da risparmio.
Philippe Boulland (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce rapport car depuis le 29 octobre 2010, la collectivité territoriale de l'île Saint-Barthélemy a cessé d'être une région ultrapériphérique de l'Union, et a accédé au statut de pays et territoire d'outre-mer, à compter du 1er janvier 2012. La décision 2010/718/UE précise que la France s'est engagée à conclure les accords nécessaires pour que les intérêts de l'Union soient préservés à l'occasion de cette évolution. Afin de progresser dans cette voie la Commission européenne, en 2011, a autorisé la France à en négocier les termes. L'autorisation vise plus précisément un accord entre la République française, au nom de Saint-Barthélemy, et l'Union européenne prévoyant l'application, en ce qui concerne ce territoire, de la législation de l'Union relative à la fiscalité de l'épargne et à la coopération administrative dans le domaine fiscal.
Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea acestui raport deoarece consider că este necesar ca interesele Uniunii să fie păstrate în urma evoluției recente a Insulei Saint-Barthélemy: trecerea de la statutul de regiune ultraperiferică a Uniunii, la cel de de țară și teritoriu de peste mări începând cu 1 ianuarie 2012. Aplicarea legislației Uniunii privind impozitarea veniturilor din economii și cooperarea administrativă în domeniul fiscal în comunitatea din Saint-Barthélemy este, așadar, necesară în acest sens. Nu în ultimul rând, vorbim despre mecanisme specifice destinate în special măsurilor privind combaterea fraudei și a evaziunii fiscale, probleme care ocupă un rol central pe agenda europeană.
Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. − A coletividade territorial de São Bartolomeu faz parte integrante da República Francesa, mas deixou de fazer parte da União Europeia a partir de 1 de janeiro de 2012, data em deixou de ser uma região ultraperiférica da União Europeia, tornando-se um território ultramarino. Tendo em conta a alteração de estatuto desta ilha face à UE e a fim de continuar a proteger os interesses da União, nomeadamente na luta contra a fraude e a evasão fiscais transfronteiriças, foi considerado necessário assegurar que as disposições constantes da legislação da União Europeia sobre a cooperação administrativa no domínio da fiscalidade, bem como sobre a tributação dos rendimentos da poupança sob a forma de pagamentos de juros, continuariam a aplicar-se à coletividade de São Bartolomeu. Assim sendo, iniciaram-se em 2012 negociações com vista a um acordo entre França e a UE, de modo a garantir o supramencionado. O Parlamento Europeu pronuncia-se agora a favor das condições do mesmo acordo, considerando fundamental e no interesse dos cidadãos europeus que as condições destas diretivas sejam aplicadas neste território, tal como no restante território francês. Voto favoravelmente ao presente texto.
Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − L’approvazione di questa proposta è fondamentalmente un atto automatico di questo Parlamento. L’obbligo deriva dalla decisione, già presa nel 2010, di cambiare status a Saint Barthélemy (da regione ultraperiferica e territorio d’oltremare), e l’applicazione della conseguente legislazione fiscale va di pari passo con quella decisione. Non ho dunque avuto difficoltà a votare a favore di questo provvedimento.
Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Compte tenu du changement de statut de la collectivité de Saint-Barthélemy, il parait légitime que les règles soient imposées de façon uniforme sur le territoire en métropole comme en outre-mer. Il est important en cette période de porter une attention particulière aux questions de fiscalité. Ce texte permet notamment d'appliquer à Saint-Barthélemy les mêmes règles de coopération administrative en matière fiscale et de taxation de l'épargne que la France métropolitaine.
Christine De Veyrac (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce texte qui favorise la transparence en matière de coopération financière entre Saint Barthélémy et l'Union européenne. Saint Barthélémy a pu disposer d'une situation fiscale relativement avantageuse, or à l'heure où l'Union européenne tend à promouvoir la transparence fiscale, le particularisme de cette île devenait source de conflits. Aujourd'hui, l'Union européenne s'est dotée d'un arsenal législatif précis. Dès lors, différents mécanismes fiscaux ont vu le jour comme en matière de règlement des différends et l'objectif est que les régimes applicables à Saint-Barthélemy soient équivalents à ceux qui s'appliquent en France métropolitaine. Ainsi, je me félicite des efforts faits en matière de transparence fiscale, qui tendent à clarifier cette situation.
José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. − A coletividade territorial de São Bartolomeu faz parte integrante da República Francesa, mas deixou de fazer parte da União Europeia em 1 de janeiro de 2012, data em deixou de ser uma região ultraperiférica da União Europeia, tornando-se um território ultramarino. Tendo em conta a alteração de estatuto desta ilha face à UE e a fim de continuar a proteger os interesses da União, nomeadamente na luta contra a fraude e a evasão fiscais transfronteiriças, foi considerado necessário assegurar que as disposições constantes da legislação da União Europeia sobre a cooperação administrativa no domínio da fiscalidade, bem como sobre a tributação dos rendimentos da poupança sob a forma de pagamentos de juros, continuariam a aplicar-se à coletividade de São Bartolomeu. Assim sendo, iniciaram-se em 2012 negociações com vista a um acordo entre França e a UE, de modo a garantir o supramencionado. O Parlamento Europeu pronuncia-se agora a favor das condições do mesmo acordo, considerando fundamental e no interesse dos cidadãos europeus que as condições destas diretivas sejam aplicadas neste território, tal como no restante território francês. Voto favoravelmente ao presente texto.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − A ilha de São Bartolomeu deixou de ser uma região ultraperiférica ao aceder ao estatuto de país e território ultramarino, deixando de fazer parte da União Europeia. Para que os interesses da UE fossem preservados em face da referida alteração, a França tem de celebrar os acordos necessários, em nome de São Bartolomeu, com a União Europeia, nomeadamente para a legislação da UE relativa à tributação da poupança e à cooperação administrativa no domínio da fiscalidade. Para este efeito, convém ter em conta a evolução legislativa nestes domínios, para que os regimes aplicáveis a São Bartolomeu sejam idênticos aos aplicáveis na França continental. O acordo prevê que a Comissão Europeia tem, no que se refere à coletividade de São Bartolomeu, as mesmas obrigações do que as previstas pelas Diretivas 2011/16/UE e 2003/48/CE, bem como pelos outros instrumentos legais conexos adotados pelo Conselho, que têm por objetivo facilitar a cooperação administrativa entre as autoridades competentes dos Estados-Membros, enquanto a República Francesa e os outros Estados-Membros aplicam as diretivas e as medidas que tenham adotado para as transpor. São decisões voluntárias e soberanas da República Francesa que cabe respeitar.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne − Územné spoločenstvo ostrova Svätý Bartolomej prestalo byť na základe rozhodnutia Európskej rady 2010/718/EÚ najodľahlejším regiónom Únie a od 1. januára 2012 získalo štatút zámorskej krajiny a územia. V predmetnom rozhodnutí Európskej rady je ustanovené, že Francúzska republika sa zaviazala uzavrieť dohody potrebné na ochranu záujmov Únie pri tejto zmene. V záujme urýchlenia postupu povolila Rada svojim rozhodnutím Európskej komisii dohodnúť podmienky týchto dohôd. Toto povolenie sa teda týka dohody medzi Francúzskou republikou, ktorá zastupuje spoločenstvo Svätý Bartolomej na jednej strane, a Európskou úniou, na strane druhej, ktorou sa stanovuje uplatňovanie právnych predpisov Únie v súvislosti so zdaňovaním úspor a administratívnej spolupráce v daňovej oblasti na tomto území.
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − Por força da Decisão 2010/718/UE do Conselho Europeu de 29 de outubro de 2010, a coletividade territorial da ilha de São Bartolomeu deixou de ser uma região ultraperiférica da União, ao aceder ao estatuto de país e território ultramarino a partir de 1 de janeiro de 2012. Essa decisão precisa que a França se comprometeu a celebrar os acordos necessários para que os interesses da União fossem preservados quando a referida alteração se concretizar. A autorização visa concretamente um acordo entre a República Francesa, em nome de São Bartolomeu, e a União Europeia que prevê a aplicação, relativamente a esse território, da legislação da União relativa à tributação da poupança e à cooperação administrativa no domínio da fiscalidade.
Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − No he votado a favor del presente informe porque se trata de un informe de carácter técnico que pretende adaptar el régimen fiscal de San Bartolomé a su nuevo estatus de territorio de ultramar. San Bartolomé cambió su estatus de región ultraperiférica a región de ultramar en octubre de 2010 y este informe ratifica el tratado entre la UE-Francia para adaptar su régimen fiscal y afianzar la cooperación en el área de la imposición a los ahorros, así como en el ámbito de la administración pública al citado nuevo estatus de las islas. El informe no ha supuesto problema alguno para ninguno de los Estados miembros de la Unión y se ha realizado la negociación a través de la Comisión Europea.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − The Commission proposal welcomes and aims to conclude an agreement providing for the application to Saint-Barthélemy of the mechanisms laid down in Council Directive 77/799/EEC, Council Directive 2011/16/EU on administrative cooperation in the field of taxation, and in Council Directive 2003/48/EC on taxation of savings income. I voted in favour.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – L’île de Saint-Barthélemy est un territoire français au statut très particulier. Depuis le 1er janvier 2012, elle n’est plus considérée comme une région ultrapériphérique de l’UE mais comme un pays et territoire d’outre-mer. A ce titre, si l’île est encore une collectivité territoriale française, elle ne fait en réalité plus partie de l’Union européenne. Pourtant, l’objet de l’accord passé entre l’Union et la France est ici de faire appliquer sur l’île la législation européenne sur la fiscalité de l’épargne et la coopération des administrations fiscales. C’est un objectif louable. Cette maigre harmonisation européenne de la fiscalité de l’épargne y restera cependant lettre morte faute d’action du gouvernement français pour remettre en cause le statut de paradis fiscal de Saint-Barthélemy. Au demeurant l’UE est aussi mal placée pour donner des leçons de lutte contre la fraude fiscale puisqu’elle accepte en son sein des États paradis fiscaux notoires comme le Luxembourg. Je vote contre cet accord qui consacre l’hypocrisie commune de Hollande et de l’UE face aux paradis fiscaux.
Aldo Patriciello (PPE), in writing. − Saint-Barthélemy ceased to be an outermost region of the Union and gained the status of overseas country or territory on 1 January 2012. The conclusions on the impact on legislation of the change of status are justified and I voted to approve it.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − Voto favoravelmente a presente proposta pelas seguintes razões. A coletividade territorial de São Bartolomeu faz parte integrante da República Francesa, mas deixou de fazer parte da União Europeia em 1 de janeiro de 2012, data em deixou de ser uma região ultraperiférica da União Europeia, tornando-se um território ultramarino. Tendo em conta a alteração de estatuto desta ilha face à UE e a fim de continuar a proteger os interesses da União, nomeadamente na luta contra a fraude e a evasão fiscais transfronteiriças, foi considerado necessário assegurar que as disposições constantes da legislação da União Europeia sobre a cooperação administrativa no domínio da fiscalidade, bem como sobre a tributação dos rendimentos da poupança sob a forma de pagamentos de juros, continuariam a aplicar-se à coletividade de São Bartolomeu. Assim sendo, iniciaram-se em 2012 negociações com vista a um acordo entre França e a UE, de modo a garantir o supramencionado. O Parlamento Europeu pronuncia-se agora a favor das condições do mesmo acordo, considerando fundamental e no interesse dos cidadãos europeus que as condições destas diretivas sejam aplicadas neste território, tal como no restante território francês.
Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de la proposition de décision du Conseil relative à la conclusion de l'accord entre l'Union européenne et la République française visant à l'application, en ce qui concerne la collectivité de Saint-Barthélemy, de la législation de l'Union sur la fiscalité de l'épargne et la coopération administrative dans le domaine de la fiscalité et je valide le texte de mon collègue Nitras.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. − A partir de 1 de janeiro de 2012, a coletividade territorial da ilha de São Bartolomeu deixou de ser uma região ultraperiférica da União, pois acedeu ao estatuto de país e território ultramarino. Este relatório apresenta um acordo entre a República Francesa, em nome de São Bartolomeu, e a União Europeia, que prevê a aplicação da legislação da UE, relativa à tributação da poupança e à cooperação administrativa no domínio da fiscalidade, ao território em questão.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Având în vedere Acordul dintre Uniunea Europeană și Republica Franceză care vizează aplicarea, în ceea ce privește comunitatea din Saint-Barthélemy, a legislației Uniunii privind impozitarea veniturilor din economii și cooperarea administrativă în domeniul fiscal, am votat pentru rezoluţia legislativă referitoare la propunerea de decizie a Consiliului privind încheierea Acordului dintre Uniunea Europeană și Republica Franceză care vizează aplicarea, în ceea ce privește comunitatea din Saint-Barthélemy, a legislației Uniunii privind impozitarea veniturilor din economii și cooperarea administrativă în domeniul fiscal.
Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), in writing. − I voted in favour of the report as it stands for the application of the European Union legislation in all territories that ‘belong’ to Europe. The agreement between the European Union and the French Republic concerning the application of Union legislation on the taxation of savings and administrative cooperation in the field of taxation to the collectivity of Saint-Barthélemy stands for the steps that France has undertaken in order to clarify the status of the ‘territorial issue’ of the region of Saint-Barthélemy so that the interests of the Union are preserved and the legislation is ‘the same’ and will be applied for ‘everybody’.
Iva Zanicchi (PPE), per iscritto. − Con il voto odierno il Parlamento europeo ha approvato la conclusione dell'accordo tra l'Unione europea e la Repubblica francese che prevede l'applicazione, con riguardo alla collettività dell'isola caraibica di Sainth-Barthelemy, della legislazione dell'Unione sulla tassazione del risparmio e sulla cooperazione amministrativa nel settore della fiscalità.
Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − A ilha de São Bartolomeu deixou de ser uma região ultraperiférica da União ao aceder ao estatuto de país e território ultramarino em 1 de janeiro de 2012, deixando de fazer parte da União Europeia. Para que os interesses da UE sejam preservados quando a referida alteração se concretize, a França tem de celebrar os acordos necessários, em nome de São Bartolomeu, com a União Europeia, nomeadamente para a legislação da União relativa à tributação da poupança e à cooperação administrativa no domínio da fiscalidade. Para este efeito, convém ter em conta a evolução legislativa nestes domínios, para que os regimes aplicáveis a São Bartolomeu sejam idênticos aos aplicáveis na França continental. O acordo prevê que a Comissão Europeia tem, no que se refere à coletividade de São Bartolomeu, as mesmas obrigações do que as previstas pelas Diretivas 2011/16/UE e 2003/48/CE, bem como pelos outros instrumentos legais conexos adotados pelo Conselho, que têm por objetivo facilitar a cooperação administrativa entre as autoridades competentes dos Estados-Membros.
5.6. Modificare a Deciziei 2002/546/CE cu privire la perioada de aplicare a acesteia (A7-0431/2013 - Danuta Maria Hübner)
Dichiarazioni di voto scritte
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Voto favoravelmente esta proposta que aceita os termos em que a Comissão apresenta o novo período de aplicação da autorização para que a Espanha aplique isenções ou reduções do imposto a determinados produtos fabricados localmente nas ilhas Canárias. As novas orientações relativas aos auxílios regionais para o período de 2014-2020, adotadas pela Comissão em 2013, entrarão em vigor em 1 de julho de 2014. Nesse sentido, justifica-se a prorrogação do período de aplicação desta decisão, a que o relatório se refere, por um período de seis meses, de modo que a data de expiração coincida com a data de entrada em vigor das orientações, propondo-se que a decisão seja alterada em conformidade.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį siūlymą, kurio tikslas – pratęsti Ispanijai suteiktą teisę tam tikriems Kanarų salose gaminamiems produktams netaikyti mokesčių arba juos sumažinti. Tarybos sprendimu 2002/546/EB Ispanijai suteikta teisė iki 2011 m. gruodžio 31 d. tam tikriems Kanarų salose gaminamiems produktams netaikyti mokesčių arba juos sumažinti, siekiant sutvirtinti vietos pramonę, kad ji taptų konkurencingesnė. 2009 m. pasaulio ekonomikos krizė, dėl kurios įtakos sumažėjo kelionių, padarė daug žalos Kanarų salų ekonomikai, o nedarbo lygis, 2001–2007 m. svyravęs apie 10,4–12 proc., 2009 m. pasiekė 26,2 proc. Ispanijos valdžios institucijos paprašė šių specialių taisyklių taikymą atnaujinti 2014–2020 m. Siekiama sprendimo taikymo laikotarpį pratęsti šešiems mėnesiams. Kadangi šia priemone siekiama toliau skatinti ekonominę veiklą ir stabilizuoti užimtumą šiame atokiausiame regione ir kadangi sprendimo taikymo pratęsimas siūlomas ribotam laikotarpiui, pritariu šiam pasiūlymui.
Fabrizio Bertot (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho votato a favore di questa proposta insieme ai miei colleghi del PPE, autorizzando così la Spagna all'applicazione, fino al giugno 2014, di esenzioni o riduzioni delle imposte per un elenco di prodotti, fabbricati localmente nelle Isole Canarie, previa illustrazione delle ragioni per l'adozione delle misure specifiche, progettate al fine di potenziare l'industria locale rendendola maggiormente competitiva.
Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − La relazione Hübner che richiede la modifica dei termini previsti nella decisione 2002/546/CE, con una proroga di 6 mesi dei termini in essa contenuti, non presenta criticità, per questo motivo l'ho sostenuta con il mio voto.
Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea raportului deoarece prelungirea duratei de aplicare a Deciziei 2002/546/CE era necesară în contextul economic nefavorabil din Insulele Canare. Activitățile turistice s-au diminuat constant în ultimii ani în Insulele Canare, fapt ce a condus la o creștere semnificativă a șomajului. Prelungirea perioadei de aplicare a Deciziei 2002/546/CE va oferi autorităților spaniole posibilitatea de a stimula economia în regiune și de a combate șomajul foarte ridicat. Astfel, prin scutirea sau reducerea unor taxe aplicate produselor fabricate în Insulele Canare poate fi stimulat antreprenoriatul în zonă.
Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho votato a favore di questa proposta di risoluzione volta ad accordare alle Isole Canarie una proroga del regime fiscale di favore in essere per alcuni beni prodotti in loco: uno stimolo all'attività economica di questa regione ultraperiferica dell'Europa, duramente colpita dalla crisi.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − A economia das ilhas Canárias tem sido afetada pela crise económica mundial, com impacto na redução das viagens, culminando na subida da taxa de desemprego, situada entre 10,4 e 12 %, no período de 2001-2007, para mais de 26 % em 2009. A Decisão 2002/546/CE do Conselho, adotada com base no artigo 349.º do TFUE, autoriza a Espanha a aplicar, até final de 2011, isenções ou reduções do imposto a determinados produtos fabricados localmente nas ilhas Canárias, medidas concebidas com a intenção de reforçar a indústria local. A Espanha solicitou a prorrogação do período de aplicação à Comissão Europeia, face à dimensão das dificuldades que afetam as ilhas Canárias. Sendo que há acordo relativamente à renovação destas regras especiais para o período de 2014-2020, que entrarão em vigor em 1 de julho de 2014, a Comissão considera que se justifica prorrogar o período de aplicação da Decisão por um período de seis meses, de modo que a data de expiração coincida com a data de entrada em vigor das novas orientações. Assim, permite-se continuar a desenvolver a economia e a assegurar emprego mais estável nesta região ultraperiférica. Votámos favoravelmente. E reiteramos que as demais regiões ultraperiféricas, nomeadamente os Açores e a Madeira, não devem ser negativamente discriminados.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne − Španielsko požiadalo o opätovné obnovenie uplatňovania daňových výnimiek alebo daňových obmedzení, ktoré by sa mali uplatňovať na zoznam výrobkov produkovaných miestne na Kanárskych ostrovoch. Tieto výnimky mu boli povolené na základe rozhodnutia Rady 2002/546/ES z 20. júna 2002.
Španielsko požiadalo v roku 2010 o predĺženie obdobia uplatňovania rozhodnutia o dva roky, aby sa dátum uplynutia jeho účinnosti zhodoval s dátumom skončenia účinnosti usmernení pre národnú regionálnu pomoc na roky 2007 – 2013. Rozhodnutím Rady 895/2011 sa teda predĺžilo obdobie uplatňovania rozhodnutia 2002/546/ES do 31. decembra 2013. V súčasnosti Španielsko požiadalo o druhé obnovenie týchto opatrení. Keďže nové usmernenia pre regionálnu pomoc na obdobie rokov 2014 – 2020 nadobudnú účinnosť 1. júla 2014, Komisia považuje za opodstatnené predĺženie uplatňovania rozhodnutia 2002/546/ES ES zmeneného rozhodnutím 895/2011/EÚ o šesť mesiacov, s cieľom zabezpečiť, aby sa dátum skončenia účinnosti zhodoval s dátum nadobudnutia účinnosti usmernení.
Elisabetta Gardini (PPE), per iscritto. − Così come è stata presa in considerazione la richiesta avanzata dal Governo spagnolo per le Canarie spero che la Commissione consideri con la stessa attenzione, per il futuro, le istanze presentate da altri territori ugualmente in difficoltà. Accolgo con favore ogni azione che favorisca la crescita industriale di un territorio. La crisi ha messo in ginocchio troppe regioni europee. La capacità di ascoltare le esigenze di una popolazione in difficoltà dimostrata dalla Commissione in questa occasione è un segnale da accogliere positivamente.
Michał Tomasz Kamiński (ECR), na piśmie. − Zagłosowałem za przyjęciem sprawozdania, aby wspomóc wewnętrzny sektor przemysłowy w Hiszpanii, a tym samym walkę z kryzysem gospodarczym zapoczątkowanym w 2009 r. oraz rosnącym na Wyspach Kanaryjskich bezrobociem (do 2009 r. stopień bezrobocia wynosił 10,4-12%, a w roku 2009 – 26,2%).
Véronique Mathieu Houillon (PPE), par écrit. – J’ai voté en faveur du rapport afin d’autoriser l’Espagne à exonérer les îles Canaries d’une taxe applicable à certains produits fabriqués localement. Le but de cette prolongation est de soutenir l’activité économique dans cette région ultrapériphérique.
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − As disposições do Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da União Europeia que se aplicam às regiões ultraperiféricas da UE, de que fazem parte as Ilhas Canárias, não autorizam, em princípio, nenhuma diferença entre a tributação dos produtos locais e a tributação dos produtos provenientes de Espanha ou doutros Estados-Membros. O artigo 349.º do TFUE prevê, no entanto, a possibilidade de introduzir medidas específicas a favor destas regiões, devido à existência de desvantagens permanentes que têm incidência na situação económica e social das regiões ultraperiféricas. Ora, a crise económica mundial de 2009, pelo seu impacto na redução das viagens, teve consequências severas para a economia das ilhas Canárias, com o desemprego a subir de uma taxa situada entre 10,4 % e 12 % no período de 2001-2007 para 26,2 % em 2009, motivo pelo qual apresentei o meu voto confirmativo ao relatório sobre a proposta de decisão do Conselho que altera a Decisão 2002/546/CE no que se refere ao seu período de aplicação.
Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado a favor del presente informe porque trata de ofrecer una respuesta a la crisis económica que está golpeando profundamente a las Islas Canarias. La crisis financiera ha provocado una importantísima destrucción de empleo en Canarias y este informe trata de extender por un periodo de dos años el régimen fiscal especial de dichas islas para combatir el desempleo. El régimen fiscal de Canarias para la producción de ciertos bienes locales contiene una serie de exenciones en impuestos para paliar su especial situación. Este régimen fiscal de las Islas, recogido en la citada decisión, caducaría el año próximo, en uno de los peores momentos de la crisis económica, provocando un desastre en el tejido productivo de las islas. Por ello he decidido votar a favor del presente informe.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − Spain submitted a request to the Commission to extend the period of application of Decision 2002/546/EC for two years, so that its expiry date coincides with the expiry of the Guidelines on National Regional Aid for 2007-2013. In favour.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – La décision 2 du Conseil du 20 juin 2002 autorise l'Espagne à prévoir, jusqu'au 31 décembre 2011, des exonérations ou des réductions de l'impôt «Arbitrio sobre Importaciones y Entregas de Mercancías en las Islas Canarias» (AIEM) applicable à certains produits fabriqués localement dans les îles Canaries. Le Conseil a déjà prolongé sa durée d'application jusqu’au 31 décembre 2013. Le rapport qui nous est présenté propose d'étendre son application jusqu'au 1er juillet 2014, date d'entrée en en vigueur. Cette décision permettra de soutenir la diversification de l'économie des iles Canaries et de réduire sa dépendance au tourisme. Je vote pour.
Franz Obermayr (NI), schriftlich. − Der Bericht behandelte eine Verlängerung hinsichtlich der Geltungsdauer der Entscheidung 2002/546/EG und somit das Fortführen einer gänzlichen oder zumindest teilweisen Befreiung von Steuern auf Erzeugnisse, die auf den Kanarischen Inseln hergestellt werden. Da die weltweite Wirtschaftskrise sich auch auf den Tourismus und somit letztlich auch auf die Wirtschaft der Kanarischen Inseln ausgewirkt hat und in Folge mehr als ein Viertel der Bevölkerung arbeitssuchend war, konnte ich mich, auch um die bereits schwer belastete spanische Wirtschaft nicht weiter zu belasten, nur für eine erweiterte Geltungsdauer der oben genannten Entscheidung aussprechen.
Aldo Patriciello (PPE), in writing. − The economic crisis has greatly affected the Canary Islands, significantly reducing income and increasing unemployment. The Spanish authorities have requested the renewal of special rules granting exemptions from or reductions in taxes on products produced locally in the Canary Islands for the period 2014-2020. I am convinced that the application is justified and voted in favour of it.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − A Decisão 2002/546/CE do Conselho, de 20 de junho de 2002, adotada com base no artigo 299.º, n.º 2, do Tratado CE (atual artigo 349.º do TFUE), autoriza a Espanha a aplicar, até 31 de dezembro de 2011, isenções ou reduções do imposto a determinados produtos fabricados localmente nas ilhas Canárias, expondo as razões que levaram à adoção das medidas específicas, concebidas com a intenção de reforçar a indústria local, melhorando a sua competitividade. O prazo foi posteriormente prorrogado até 31 de dezembro de 2013. Considerando que as novas orientações relativas aos auxílios regionais para o período de 2014-2020, adotadas pela Comissão em 2013, entrarão em vigor em 1 de julho de 2014, a Comissão considera que se justifica prorrogar o período de aplicação por um período de seis meses, de modo que a data de expiração coincida com a data de entrada em vigor das novas orientações. Em face do exposto, votei favoravelmente o presente relatório.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. As the new regional aid guidelines for the period 2014-2020 as adopted by the Commission in 2013 will enter into force on 1 July 2014, the Commission considers it is justified to extend the period of application of Decision 2002/546/EC, as amended by Decision 895/2011/EU, for six months, so that its expiry date coincides with the date of entry into force of the Guidelines, proposing that decision to be amended accordingly. Given that the intention of this measure is to continue stimulating economic activity and stabilising employment in this outermost region, and that the extension is proposed for a limited period of time, the Chair proposes that this proposal be adopted without amendment, in accordance with Rule 46 of the Rules of Procedure as was already the case in the framework of the legislative procedure that led to the approval by Parliament of the Commission proposal for the above-mentioned Council Decision 895/2011 of 19 December 2011.
Nikolaos Salavrakos (EFD), in writing. − I voted in favour of this proposal, given that this measure is aimed at continuing to stimulate economic activity and stabilise employment in this outermost region, and that the extension is proposed for a limited period of time.
Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – Compte tenu du fait que cette mesure vise à poursuivre la stimulation de l'activité économique et à stabiliser l'emploi dans cette région ultrapériphérique et étant donné que la prolongation n'est proposée que pour une durée limitée, je suis pour que cette proposition soit adoptée sans modification, conformément à l'article 46 du règlement, comme ce fut déjà le cas dans le cadre de la procédure législative qui a abouti à l'approbation, par le Parlement, de la proposition de la Commission relative à la décision 895/2011 du Conseil du 19 décembre 2011.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. − A Decisão 2002/546/CE do Conselho, de 20 de junho de 2002(1), adotada com base no artigo 299.º, n.º 2, do Tratado CE (atual artigo 349.º do TFUE), autoriza a Espanha a aplicar, até 31 de dezembro de 2011, isenções ou reduções do imposto a determinados produtos fabricados localmente nas ilhas Canárias, expondo as razões que levaram à adoção das medidas específicas, concebidas com a intenção de reforçar a indústria local e melhorar a sua competitividade. Sou favorável à prorrogação dos auxílios regionais por um período de seis meses, de modo que a data de expiração coincida com a data de entrada em vigor das orientações, propondo-se que a decisão seja alterada em conformidade.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru rezoluţia legislativă referitoare la propunerea de decizie a Consiliului de modificare a Deciziei 2002/546/CE cu privire la perioada de aplicare a acesteia. Decizia 2002/546/CE a Consiliului din 20 iunie 2002, adoptată în temeiul articolului 299 alineatul (2) din Tratatul CE, autorizează Spania să aplice, până la 31 decembrie 2011, scutiri sau reduceri ale taxei „Arbitrio sobre Importaciones y Entregas de Mercancías en las Islas Canarias” (denumită în continuare „AIEM”) pentru anumite produse fabricate local în Insulele Canare. La 16 noiembrie 2010, Spania a prezentat Comisiei o cerere de prelungire cu doi ani a perioadei de aplicare a Deciziei 2002/546/CE, astfel încât data expirării sale să coincidă cu cea a Orientărilor privind ajutoarele de stat regionale pentru perioada 2007-2013. Decizia 895/2011/UE a Consiliului din 19 decembrie 2011 a modificat Decizia 2002/546/CE, prelungind perioada sa de aplicare până la 31 decembrie 2013. În data de 28 iunie 2013, Comisia a adoptat noi orientări privind ajutoarele regionale pentru perioada 2014-2020. Având în vedere faptul că aceste orientări intră în vigoare de la 1 iulie 2014, se justifică prelungirea cu șase luni a perioadei de aplicare a Deciziei 2002/546/CE, astfel cum a fost modificată prin Decizia 895/2011/UE, pentru ca data expirării sale să coincidă cu data intrării în vigoare a orientărilor.
Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. − Im Angesicht der derzeitigen Wirtschaftslage Spaniens ist dem Bericht und somit der Verlängerung des Zeitraums unbedingt zuzustimmen. Durch diese Maßnahme kann nicht nur die Wirtschaftstätigkeit angeregt, sondern auch die Beschäftigung auf den Kanarischen Inseln stabilisiert werden. Somit wäre eine Entscheidung gegen diesen Bericht auch eine Entscheidung gegen die Unterstützung der Wirtschaftlichkeit dieses Landes.
Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − A economia das ilhas Canárias tem sido afetada pela crise económica mundial, com impacto na redução das viagens, culminando na subida da taxa de desemprego, situada entre 10,4 e 12 %, no período de 2001-2007, para mais de 26 % em 2009. A Decisão 2002/546/CE do Conselho, adotada com base no artigo 349.º do TFUE, autoriza a Espanha a aplicar, até final de 2011, isenções ou reduções do imposto a determinados produtos fabricados localmente nas ilhas Canárias, medidas concebidas com a intenção de reforçar a indústria local. Votámos favoravelmente. E reiteramos que as demais regiões ultraperiféricas, nomeadamente os Açores e a Madeira, não devem ser negativamente discriminados.
5.7. Coordonarea donatorilor din UE cu privire la ajutorul pentru dezvoltare (A7-0393/2013 - Gay Mitchell)
Dichiarazioni di voto scritte
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo o relatório que propõe melhorias na ajuda ao desenvolvimento por parte do Parlamento Europeu. Como solicitado no relatório, importa que a UE e os Estados-Membros honrem os seus compromissos ao abrigo da Declaração de Paris, do Programa de Ação de Acra e da Parceria Global de Busan em matéria de Cooperação Eficaz para o Desenvolvimento. Para que todos estes objetivos sejam executados da melhor forma, entendo que é necessária sobretudo vontade política e eliminação de burocracia.
Pino Arlacchi (S&D), in writing. − I support this resolution because it stresses the need for the EU and its Member States to honour their commitments to fulfil the ‘aid effectiveness agendaʼ. The Treaties give the EU the legal basis to strengthen the coherence and the effectiveness of the EUʼs external action and the only obstacles to this are lack of political will and bureaucracy. It is vital that more effective coordination is achieved by the EU and its Member States through joint programming, including domestic division of labour in order to avoid overlapping of actions and high transaction costs. Moreover there is a clear need to undertake a careful analysis of each recipient countryʼs specific needs, while ensuring that projects financed are embedded in the local economy and benefit those most in need.
Fabrizio Bertot (PPE), per iscritto. − Il PPE ha votato a favore del rapporto Mitchell, che propone svariate iniziative legislative per implementare un migliore meccanismo di coordinamento delle donazioni all'interno dell'Unione europea.
Tra le misure indicate anche la necessità di evitare i cosiddetti doppioni, ovvero sovrapposizioni e frammentazioni degli aiuti forniti dai vari Stati membri per ridurre i costi e il carico amministrativo per i singoli Stati promuovendo un approccio di stampo comunitario.
La relazione chiede alla Commissione la presentazione di una proposta al più tardi nel primo semestre del 2016 per regolamentare gli aspetti legati al coordinamento degli aiuti allo sviluppo e implementare una road map di azioni preparatorie per agevolare l'entrata in vigore di tali aspetti.
Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Ho trovato la relazione Mitchell un testo poco chiaro in molti suoi passaggi per questo ho deciso di non sostenerlo con il mio voto.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, kadangi Europos Sąjungos paramos teikėjų koordinavimas turėtų padėti įgyvendinti tikslą užbaigti bet kokį oficialųjį ir neoficialųjį geografiniu požiūriu susietos pagalbos teikimą ir pakeisti Paramos teikimo veiksmingumo darbotvarkę Vystymosi veiksmingumo darbotvarke. Tokios Europos Sąjungos iniciatyvos pagerinti paramos teikėjų koordinavimą yra savanoriško ir neprivalomo pobūdžio, tačiau labai svarbios veiksmingai ES vystymosi politikai. Taigi, tam yra reikalingas geresnis koordinavimas su tarptautine bendruomene ir dar svarbiau su vietos veikėjais, ypač su vietos valdžios institucijomis, nacionaliniais parlamentais, pilietine visuomene ir nevyriausybinėmis organizacijomis. Tik sutelkus paramą teikiančių šalių išteklius, daugiašalės vystymosi organizacijos turi galimybę padidinti pagalbos veiksmingumą ir pasiekti didžiausią efektyvumą. Be to, reikia pažymi, kad tarptautinių organizacijų suteikti ištekliai taip pat padeda paramos teikėjams keistis informacija apie vystymosi srities veiklą, dėl to atsiranda didesnis skaidrumas ir atskaitomybė. Taip pat svarbu remti šių šalių pajėgumų didinimą, kad jos galėtų tobulinti įgūdžius, kaupti praktinę patirtį ir steigti institucijas, kurių reikia siekiant veiksmingai valdyti savo vystymąsi.
Philippe Boulland (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce rapport car il rappelle que l'Union européenne et ses États membres doivent respecter les engagements qu'ils ont pris dans le cadre de la déclaration de Paris, du programme d'action d'Accra et du partenariat mondial de Busan pour une coopération efficace au service du développement, les principaux obstacles à cette fin étant le manque de volonté politique, la bureaucratie et les coûts de transaction élevés.
Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. − Am votat în favoarea raportului pentru că sunt și eu de acord că ajutorul pentru dezvoltare pe care îl acordă Uniunea ar trebui să fie coordonat mai bine. Nu este normal ca în perioadă de criză să ne dublăm eforturile, iar astfel foarte mulți bani să fie risipiți inutil. Pe de altă parte consider că asistența trebuie să pună mai mult accent pe finanțarea educației și sănătății în țările în curs de dezvoltare. Cred că în aceste domenii coordonarea ar fi esențială și ar duce la rezultate concrete. De asemenea, ar trebui folosite mai mult legăturile tradiționale pe care unele state membre le au cu țările în curs de dezvoltare. Iar ajutorul ar trebui coordonat de acei membri ai UE care au o rețea de distribuție și contacte mai dezvoltate în statele beneficiare.
Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − Appartenere all’Unione Europea significa anche realizzare delle economie di scala derivanti dalla maggiore efficienza che un miglior coordinamento delle politiche esterne permette. Nel caso degli aiuti allo sviluppo, per quanto valga la massima evangelica “Non sappia la mano destra ciò che fa la sinistra”, bisogna anche dire che stiamo stringendo la cinghia un po’ tutti e non possiamo permettere di buttare via risorse nella gestione di tali aiuti. E’ dunque opportuno lavorare meglio insieme su ciò che si fa, perché le risorse destinate a questo scopo vadano a vantaggio di chi ne ha davvero bisogno e non si perdano per strada. Per questo ho votato a favore di questa proposta.
Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Ce texte encourage la mise en œuvre de mécanismes renforcés de coordination des donateurs au sein de l'Union. Avec ces mesures, 800 millions d'euros pourraient être économisés, sur les coûts de transaction si l'Union européenne et ses États membres concentraient leurs efforts en matière d'aide. Plus encore, ce texte réaffirme l'importance de développer l'esprit d'entreprise dans ces pays en tenant compte de leurs différents niveaux de développement.
Edite Estrela (S&D), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente o relatório relativo à Coordenação dos dadores da UE no domínio da ajuda ao desenvolvimento, por defender a necessidade de um novo instrumento para a coordenação da ajuda ao desenvolvimento, sob a forma de um regulamento, que permita reforçar a eficácia e eficiência das contribuições dos Estados-Membros.
Jill Evans (Verts/ALE), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report. It is vital that we strengthen current mechanisms and practices in order to ensure better, more effective coordination of development aid between Member States, to ensure that aid reaches those who need it. I welcome the fact that the report calls for a new binding coordination; this is because the current non-binding voluntary approach has led to limited results. My constituents in Wales contact me very often concerned about what aid is being provided to countries in need.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − Este é um relatório de iniciativa com proposta legislativa. O relatório insta a Comissão a apresentar uma proposta legislativa de um instrumento de coordenação dos doadores de ajuda ao desenvolvimento, para promover a complementaridade entre a União Europeia e os seus Estados-Membros e para melhorar a eficácia da coordenação dos doadores UE. O objetivo do regulamento deverá ser de codificar e reforçar os mecanismos e as práticas que assegurem uma melhor complementaridade e uma coordenação eficaz da ajuda ao desenvolvimento, e o seu âmbito de aplicação deverá dar uma resposta adequada à questão do aumento da eficácia e da eficiência da ajuda ao desenvolvimento prestada pela UE. O relator considera que esta é a forma adequada de haver uma gestão equilibrada da ajuda e de evitar a concentração geográfica (evitar a concentração de ajuda nos chamados países favoritos e os órfãos de ajuda). São objetivos pertinentes e aparentemente justificados, mas que o relator não hesita em embrulhar nas orientações do costume: comércio livre, da economia de mercado e do empreendedorismo para que os próprios países em desenvolvimento consigam lutar contra a pobreza. Não o aceitamos.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne − Rozvojová pomoc Európskej únie by mala byť koordinovanejšia. Ak by sme našu pomoc sústredili na menej krajín a menej činností, znížili by sme transakčné náklady a ročne dokázali ušetriť až 800 miliónov eur. Lepšia koordinácia v oblasti prideľovania prostriedkov krajinám by zabezpečila ročné úspory až vo výške 8,4 miliardy eur. Existujúce mechanizmy preto treba dôsledne preskúmať a pokúsiť sa zlepšiť koordináciu Únie ako celku. To nám pomôže dosiahnuť v rámci rozvojovej pomoci lepšie výsledky a lepšiu efektívnosť nákladov. Na dosiahnutie týchto cieľov je však nevyhnutné vytvoriť účinný koordinačný mechanizmus.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. − Un coordinamento più efficiente dei donatori UE in relazione agli aiuti allo sviluppo è auspicabile. Considerando che, in linee generali, il costo di un coordinamento assente o comunque poco efficace è stato stimato in termini ingenti, e considerato che, qualora si provvedesse ad un suo miglioramento, potrebbe portare a risparmiare fino ad 800 milioni di euro, si comprende appieno la portata di un intervento in tal senso. Dando seguito alla dichiarazione di Parigi e al programma d’azione Accra è possibile raggiungere un livello di coordinamento efficace e in grado di dare un contributo concreto agli Stati coinvolti.
Véronique Mathieu Houillon (PPE), par écrit. – J’ai voté en faveur du rapport sur la coordination des donateurs de l’UE sur l’aide au développement. Alors que l’aide au développement de l’UE se superpose aux programmes d’aide de chaque État membre, il me semble important de faire le point sur les différents dispositifs afin de les coordonner pour qu’ils soient plus efficaces et en réduire les coûts administratifs.
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − O Relatório relativo ao custo da não Europa demonstra que se poderia poupar, anualmente, até 800 milhões de euros através do corte dos custos com as transações, se a UE e os Estados-Membros concentrassem os seus esforços em matéria de ajuda em menos países e atividades, e que se poderia realizar uma poupança anual suplementar de 8,4 mil milhões de euros se as dotações por país fossem totalmente coordenadas e instituíssem a redução da pobreza como principal objetivo. Uma maior eficiência da aplicação da ajuda ao desenvolvimento resultará numa assistência mais eficaz no terreno. Uma coordenação mais eficaz da UE e dos Estados-Membros através, entre outras coisas, da programação conjunta, incluindo a distribuição das tarefas ao nível nacional, traria também uma maior racionalização na utilização dos vários programas de apoio que a UE disponibiliza.
Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − No he votado a favor del presente informe porque, pese a que introduce la necesidad de coordinar los recursos donados con las necesidades de la cooperación, lo hace con su cita sobre la importancia del libre comercio para el desarrollo. Considero necesario un sistema de coordinación entre donantes y proyectos de cooperación de forma que los donantes puedan apoyar aquellos proyectos más importantes y no solo aquellos de los que tengan un conocimiento inmediato. Sin embargo, el origen del "subdesarrollo" económico se encuentra en el libre comercio impulsado con la extensión de los imperios en la edad moderna, y decir lo contrario es faltar a la verdad y buscar el beneficio de las multinacionales que pueden controlar dicho comercio. Por ello no he podido votar a favor del presente informe.
Louis Michel (ALDE), par écrit. – L’Union européenne est le principal bailleur de fonds dans l’aide au développement (60 milliards d'euros par an). Rien ne justifie une diminution de l'aide; rien ne nous autorise à ne pas respecter nos engagements. Mais, nous le savons également, l'aide ne suffit plus. Il faut recourir à d'autres sources de financement, comme la taxe sur les transactions internationales ou encore plus de partenariats public/privé. Il faut soutenir les investissements étrangers et pour cela il faut que les pays partenaires améliorent leur gouvernance. Il faut en effet un "État juste" qui assure une redistribution équitable de la richesse créée, qui assure ses fonctions régaliennes. Le continent africain est un continent d'avenir, riche de ses ressources naturelles et du potentiel d'une jeunesse créatrice, volontariste et dynamique.
Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − A new instrument for coordinating development aid in the EU should be established in the form of a regulation to reduce aid fragmentation, increase aid effectiveness and efficiency, and save billions. I am in favour.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Cette résolution appelle l'Union européenne et ses États membres à améliorer l'efficacité de la coopération au service du développement. Il s'agit de lutter contre les obstacles empêchant l'utilisation efficace de ces fonds. Si le rapport, en bonne logique libérale, insiste sur les lenteurs bureaucratiques comme principal obstacle à l'efficacité de la coopération, la corruption et les corrupteurs européens sont passés sous silence. Et le rapport insiste sur «l'importance du libre-échange et de l'économie de marché». Or ce sont précisément la libéralisation et la marchandisation des économies du Sud impulsée par l'UE qui compromettent aujourd'hui leur développement. Je vote contre.
Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. − Die Entwicklungshilfe hat sich vonseiten der EU, u. a. durch viel zu hohe Kosten, unkoordinierte Ausgaben sowie immensen bürokratischen Aufwand, vor allem in den letzten Jahren als äußerst uneffektiv erwiesen. Ziel der Europäischen Entwicklungshilfe ist es, sich auf spezifische Länder zu konzentrieren und die Hilfsbemühungen auf konkrete Länder einzuschränken. Zudem dient eine besser Zusammenarbeit in Form eines koordinierten Auftretens der EU und ihrer Institutionen sowie vonseiten der Mitgliedsstaaten als äußerst begrüßenswert und würde zudem für eine finanzielle Entlastung sorgen. Aufgrund dieser Umstände habe ich für diesen Antrag gestimmt.
Antigoni Papadopoulou (S&D), in writing. − EU donor coordination on development aid must be more effective for in-country and cross-country division of labor between the EU and the Member States. Besides GDP, other important indicators such as in-country poverty, inequality and vulnerability must be taken into account in order to increase aid effectiveness and maximize efficiency. Most importantly, the EU must ensure that the commitments for effective aid and development are represented in all financial mechanisms which deal with development cooperation. With the economic crisis in Europe still pending it is appropriate to make efforts for: - Annual savings of about €8.4 billion which can be achieved through better coordination of country allocation and by solely targeting towards poverty reduction; - Annual savings of about €800 million that can be made by cutting transaction costs if aid efforts were concentrated on fewer activities and countries. I do believe that by reducing aid fragmentation, the effectiveness and efficiency of aid will be increased and billions can be saved. A new instrument in the form of a Regulation for coordinating development aid in the EU, should be established helping towards this direction. I voted in favor.
Aldo Patriciello (PPE), in writing. − The Cost of Non-Europe Report concluded that the European Union could save EUR 8.4 billion of annual spending on development aid if country allocation was completely coordinated and had poverty reduction as its only target. This highlights the importance of improving efficiency in the spending of development aid and better cooperation with the international community and local governments, citizens and NGOs. Therefore, I voted for the recommendations made to the Commission on this issue.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − Votei favoravelmente a presente proposta que contém recomendações à Comissão sobre a coordenação dos dadores da UE no domínio da ajuda ao desenvolvimento. Das propostas, destaco o apelo a uma coordenação mais eficaz da UE e dos Estados-Membros através, entre outras coisas, da programação conjunta, incluindo a distribuição das tarefas ao nível nacional, a fim de evitar a sobreposição de ações e os custos elevados de transação, bem como o apelo à realização de uma análise cuidada das necessidades específicas de cada país beneficiário, assegurando, simultaneamente, que os projetos financiados são incorporados na economia local, beneficiando aqueles que mais necessitam.
Tonino Picula (S&D), napisan. − Europska unija brine za one najslabije u svome društvu, no isto tako pokušava brinuti za one koji su u svijetu u najnepovoljnijem položaju. Iako je visina donacija koje pojedine zemlje članice daju u vrijeme krize pala, Unija je i dalje najveći svjetski donator, posebno za područje Afrike i dijelova Azije. Bitno je poticati razvoj kapaciteta tih država kako bi one same mogle upravljati daljnjim razvojem i u budućnosti biti ravnopravni partneri Europskoj uniji. Podupirem ovo izvješčće, posebno dio o važnosti uključenja netradicionalnih donatora, ulaganja privatnog sektora i filantropije. Uz njihovu asistenciju donatorstvo će i dalje biti pokretačka snaga manje razvijenih dijelova svijeta.
Andrej Plenković (PPE), napisan. − Podržao sam izvješće kolege Mitchella o koordiniranju donatora u Europskoj uniji za razvojnu pomoć jer smatram da je bolja koordinacija ključna za učinkovitu distribuciju razvojne pomoći. Učinkovitost razvojne pomoći EU-a ometa pretjerana fragmentiranost i dupliciranje u državama članicama, dok bi koordiniraniji pristup na razini EU-a smanjio administrativne prepreke i pripadajuće troškove.
Procjenjuje se da bi bolja koordinacija pomoći EU-a mogla donijeti i do 800 milijuna eura uštede samo smanjenjem financijskih troškova transakcija. Europska komisija predviđa da bi nove članice EU-a, pa tako i Hrvatska, mogle doseći razinu izdvajanja za razvojnu pomoć u iznosu od 0.33% BND-a do 2015. godine. U tom kontekstu, mislim kako Hrvatska treba nastaviti s fokusom na tri geografska područja: Jugoistočna Europa, Južni Mediteran i Afganistan. Posebnu pozornost, u pogledu razvojne pomoći, Hrvatska će i dalje nastaviti prema Bosni i Hercegovini.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. Recent estimations set out in the ‘Cost of Non-Europe Report’ show that as much as EUR 800 million could be saved annually from cutting transaction costs if the EU and its Member States concentrated their aid efforts on fewer countries and activities. A further EUR 8.4 billion of annual savings could be achieved if country allocation was completely coordinated and had poverty reduction as its only target. In a context where, overall, there has been limited progress towards reaching the UN goal of providing 0.7% of gross national income as official development assistance by 2015, more efficient coordination at EU level is a matter of the utmost importance.
Nikolaos Salavrakos (EFD), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report because it stresses that, given the constraints on national and EU budgets resulting from economic difficulties and due to growing political concern over demonstrating more effective development spending, improved donor coordination is imperative and the EU should play a key role in its promotion, and that the coordination should cover all major aspects of all development projects, including their planning, monitoring and evaluation.
Bart Staes (Verts/ALE), schriftelijk. − Dit initiatiefverslag doet aanbevelingen aan de Europese Commissie voor de donorcoördinatie met betrekking tot ontwikkelingshulp in de EU. Het doel van het verslag is de internationale afspraken op het vlak van doeltreffendheid van ontwikkelingshulp beter om te zetten en de bepalingen van het Verdrag van Lissabon op dit gebied toe te passen. De instrumenten voor samenwerking, zoals gezamenlijke programmering en werkverdeling, hebben slechts beperkt resultaten opgeleverd. Er is nog steeds (te) vaak fragmentatie, duplicatie en competitie tussen donoren. Tot nu toe waren de Europese initiatieven om de donorcoördinatie te verbeteren voornamelijk gebaseerd op vrijwilligheid.
De EU moet gebruik maken van het Verdrag van Lissabon om haar rol voor een betere coördinatie van ontwikkelingshulp te spelen. De EU moet veel meer zijn dan de negenentwintigste donor. Zij moet het voortouw nemen om via coördinatie de doeltreffendheid van de ontwikkelingshulp te verbeteren. Zeker nu de middelen voor ontwikkelingshulp in vele landen worden teruggeschroefd – jammergenoeg ook in België –, is het extra belangrijk dat ontwikkelingsgeld doeltreffend besteed wordt om armoede in ontwikkelingslanden te bestrijden. De beginselen waarop dit verslag zich baseert, zijn de beginselen die internationaal zijn afgesproken werden in Parijs, Accra en Busan rond de doeltreffendheid van ontwikkelingshulp. Ik stem dan ook vóór dit verslag.
Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. − I voted for this report as more regulation on the coordination of development aid will reduce aid fragmentation, increase aid effectiveness and efficiency, and save billions of euros.
Kay Swinburne (ECR), in writing. − I support efforts being made within this report to achieve more effective EU coordination on development aid. Whilst I am not fully convinced of the merits of another Regulation and would prefer to see tools that already exist in this area strengthened, I do welcome this effort to generate more effective and efficient EU development spending.
Dubravka Šuica (PPE), napisan. − Europska Unija svojim donacijama zasigurno ima veliku ulogu u kreiranju gospodarskog razvoja država koje nisu članice Unije. Smatram da bi se ta praksa trebala nastaviti jer je važno poduprijeti razvoj kapaciteta tih zemalja kako bi mogle izgraditi vještine, znanje i institucije potrebne za učinkovito upravljanje vlastitim razvojem. No slažem se da bi se koordiranjem donatora EU-a smanjili transakcijski troškovi za znatne iznose. Ističem i važnost da EU i države članice poštuju svoje obveze u okviru Akcijskog plana iz Accre i Globalnog partnerstva za učinkovitu razvojnu suradnju iz Busana. Ti međunarodni forumi su doprinijeli transformaciji tradicionalnog odnosa zemalja donora i zemalja primateljica pomoći u partnerski odnos.
Republika Hrvatska je mlada zemlja donatorica koja kroz razvojnu suradnju osnažuje bilateralne političke, gospodarske i kulturne odnose, posebno u zemljama regije. Hrvatska može ponuditi iskustva i znanja stečena u konfliktnoj i post-konfliktnoj demokratskoj tranziciji, a od ove godine i u procesu europskih integracija. Za tim je pokazan interes već nekoliko zemalja koje se suočavaju sa sličnim izazovima. Stoga pozdravljam svaki oblik suradnje i pomoći koja će doprinijeti globalnom razvoju.
Charles Tannock (ECR), in writing. − As a British MEP this is an issue that will have particular resonance for many of my constituents, as it has been the cause of much debate in the UK over the past few years. The UK in 2013 became one of only six countries to meet the target of contributing 0.7 % of its GDP to international development – a target originally set by the UN in the 1970s. The UK, with an aid budget of nearly GBP 10 billion, boasts the world’s second largest international development budget. This money contributes to both bilateral and multilateral projects, many of the latter at EU level. Since the coalition government came to power in 2010, the UK has sought to rationalise its budget, and has reviewed the list of recipient countries to reflect the needs and changes in the world’s present global situation. At a time of budget balancing, all areas of wastage need to be eradicated and I welcome the principles behind this report. Its proposal to adopt further regulation, however, seems unnecessary, not to mention potentially counter-productive. Instead, more needs to be done to increase and strengthen cooperation using existing tools and voluntary mechanisms.
Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – Tenons compte, entre autre, du fait que, d'après les récentes estimations indiquées dans le rapport sur le coût de la non-Europe susmentionné, 800 millions d'euros pourraient être économisés chaque année sur les coûts de transaction si l'Union européenne et ses États membres concentraient leurs efforts en matière d'aide sur moins de pays et d'activités et qu'une économie annuelle supplémentaire de 8,4 milliards d'euros pourrait être réalisée si l'allocation par pays était entièrement coordonnée et avait la réduction de la pauvreté comme seule priorité. Il faut, selon moi, exploiter pleinement les dispositions juridiques du traité FUE relatives au développement, qui invitent à favoriser la complémentarité entre l'Union et ses États membres en matière de coopération au développement, afin de renforcer l'efficacité de la coordination entre les donateurs de l'UE. Ce texte va dans ce sens.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. − Este relatório apresenta medidas que vêm reforçar os mecanismos e as práticas de coordenação na ajuda ao desenvolvimento por parte da União Europeia (UE). É necessário que estes sejam mais eficazes e que certos princípios sejam respeitados, tais como a apropriação – a União e Estados-Membros devem respeitar a liderança do país parceiro; a harmonização – devem ser aplicadas modalidades comuns ao nível nacional; bem como a previsibilidade dos fundos e transparência e cooperação mútua. Reconhece ainda que a eficácia destas ajudas está a ser prejudicada pela falta de coordenação entre Estados-Membros e UE. O relator recomenda assim que seja dado um incentivo ao desenvolvimento desta coordenação, como forma de reduzir custos administrativos e tarefas duplicadas, estimando-se que possam vir a ser poupados quase 800 milhões de euros. Por ser a favor de uma maior coordenação europeia a todos os níveis, votei a favor da aprovação deste relatório.
Britta Thomsen (S&D), skriftlig. − De danske socialdemokrater i Europa-Parlamentet (Dan Jørgensen, Christel Schaldemose, Britta Thomsen, Ole Christensen og Emilie Turunen) har stemt for betænkningen med henstillinger til Kommissionen om donorkoordination på EU-plan i forbindelse med udviklingsbistand (2013/2057(INI)), da vi mener, at betænkningen tager fat i et relevant spørgsmål i forbindelse med udviklingsbistanden, og fremsætter en række fornuftige løsningsforslag. Selv om der er dele af forslaget, vi ikke kan støtte (f.eks. punkt 8), og selv om vi ikke mener, at al koordination af udviklingsbistanden skal kontrolleres fra Bruxelles, mener vi, at betænkningen samlet set sender et rigtigt signal om at styrke koordinationen af den bistand der gives fra EU, for at opnå en bedre effekt af de midler, der bruges.
Ruža Tomašić (ECR), napisan. − S obzirom da je uravnoteženi razvoj Unije jedan od imperativa integracije, značaj ovog izvješća držim krucijalnim za opstojnost i uspješnost Unije kakva je zamišljena od svojih utemeljitelja. Posebno je dojmljiv onaj dio izvješća koji govori o „trošku neujedinjene Europe”, gdje se iznose zapanjujući podatci da bi se godišnje moglo uštedjeti i do 800 milijuna EUR rezanjem troškova transakcije pod uvjetom da donatori iz EU-a usredotoče svoju pomoć na manje zemalja i aktivnosti te da bi se godišnje također moglo uštedjeti i dodatnih 8.4 milijardi EUR kada bi raspodjela sredstava prema državama bila potpuno usklađena i usmjerena isključivo na smanjenje siromaštva, što bi u konačnici rezultiralo preoblikovanjem „plana za učinkovitost pomoći” u „plan za učinkovitost razvoja”.
Kao zastupnica iz Hrvatske, nove države članice s iznimno nepovoljnim ekonomskim pokazateljima, posebno pozdravljam prijedlog po kojemu bi Unija u ovome segmentu trebala težiti diferenciranom pristupu koji se bazira na višedimenzionalnim pokazateljima razvoja; pokazateljima koji se ne zaustavljaju na BDP-u, nego u obzir uzimaju siromaštvo, nejednakost i ugroženost u svakoj državi ponaosob. Stoga svesrdno pozdravljam poziv izvjestitelja da se na razini Unije, te također na razini država članica, uspostavi prijedlog za koordinirano djelovanje donatora za razvojnu pomoć, najkasnije do 31.12.2015.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Estimările recente prevăzute în Raportul privind costurile „non-Europei” arată că circa 800 de milioane de euro ar putea fi economisiți anual prin reducerea costurilor tranzacțiilor în cazul în care UE și statele sale membre și-ar concentra eforturile de ajutor pe mai puține țări și activități. Alte 8,4 miliarde de euro s-ar putea economisi anual dacă alocările de țară ar fi complet coordonate și s-ar pune accentul numai pe reducerea sărăciei. Avand în vedere acestea am votat pentru rezoluţia legislativă conținând recomandări adresate Comisiei privind coordonarea donatorilor din UE cu privire la ajutorul pentru dezvoltare. O acțiune coordonată a UE în ansamblul său, în special prin înființarea unui comitet format din reprezentanți ai Comisiei, ai Consiliului și ai Parlamentului European, are o valoare adăugată care, în ceea ce privește politicile și efectul de pârghie financiară, este mai mare decât suma acțiunilor individuale ale celor 28 de state membre ale sale și ale Comisiei.
Solicităm Comisiei să prezinte, de preferință până la 31 decembrie 2015 și, în orice caz, nu mai târziu de primul semestru al anului 2016, în temeiul articolelor 209 și 210 din TFUE, o propunere de act privind coordonarea donatorilor din UE cu privire la ajutorul pentru dezvoltare, ca urmare a adoptării și implementării unei foi de parcurs.
Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Les catastrophes sont à l'origine de pertes économiques considérables ainsi que de très lourdes pertes humaines. Selon les Nations unies, les catastrophes ont touché, ces vingt dernières années, 64 % de la population mondiale, causé 1,3 million de morts et fait 2 000 milliards de dollars de dégâts. Plus de 95 % du financement des actions humanitaires est destiné à répondre aux catastrophes et à leurs conséquences, et moins de 5 % à réduire leur probabilité. Il faudrait faire évoluer ces paradigmes. C'est ce que demande notamment ce rapport, en particulier via de meilleures analyses et gestion des risques en vue de réduire la vulnérabilité aux catastrophes qui passe aussi par une meilleure implication de la société dans son ensemble (autorités locales, organisations de la société civile et citoyens). Il reconnaît, en outre, que l'insécurité alimentaire et nutritionnelle est une des plus importantes causes de la vulnérabilité et par conséquent appelle à éliminer les pratiques telles que le dumping des produits agricoles et les réglementations commerciales déloyales. Tout cela est plein de bonnes intentions. Sans illusion sur la volonté de les mettre en œuvre, j'ai néanmoins voté pour.
Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − O relatório insta a Comissão a apresentar uma proposta legislativa de um instrumento de coordenação dos doadores de ajuda ao desenvolvimento, para promover a complementaridade entre a União Europeia e os seus Estados-Membros e para melhorar a eficácia da coordenação dos doadores UE. O objetivo do regulamento deverá ser de codificar e reforçar os mecanismos e as práticas que assegurem uma melhor complementaridade e uma coordenação eficaz da ajuda ao desenvolvimento, e o seu âmbito de aplicação deverá dar uma resposta adequada à questão do aumento da eficácia e da eficiência da ajuda ao desenvolvimento prestada pela UE. São objetivos pertinentes e aparentemente justificados. Se não forem misturados com objetivos de mercado livre, como o relator faz.
5.8. Numirea unui membru al Curții de Conturi (Phil Wynn Owen - UK) (A7-0438/2013 - Inés Ayala Sender)
Dichiarazioni di voto scritte
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo a nomeação deste novo membro para o Tribunal de Contas da União Europeia, na medida em que preencheu todos os requisitos curriculares e respondeu de forma clara e adequada às perguntas que lhe foram colocadas pelo questionário que foi feito no âmbito do processo de conhecimento do candidato.
Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – En application du Traité sur le fonctionnement de l'Union européenne (article 286), le Parlement européen est consulté lors de la nomination des membres de la Cour des comptes. Le Conseil nomme alors ces membres pour 6 ans sur la base des propositions faites par les États-membres. Le Parlement ainsi approuvé le choix du candidat britannique Phil Wynn Owen après examen de son curriculum vitae et des déclarations faites en réponse aux questions qui lui furent soumises. Ce fut également le sens de mon vote.
Philippe Boulland (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de cette nomination suite à l'avis favorable rendu après l'audition du 7 novembre 2013, par la Commission du Contrôle budgétaire.
Alain Cadec (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu la nomination de Phil Wynn en tant que membre de la Cour des Comptes. J'approuve la décision de la commission parlementaire en charge du contrôle budgétaire qui a estimé à une large majorité que ce candidat possède les qualifications nécessaires pour pouvoir apporter son expertise au contrôle des finances de l'Union.
Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho espresso il mio voto favorevole alla nomina di Phil Wynn Owen a membro della Corte dei conti, organismo che riveste un ruolo di fondamentale importanza all'interno della compagine istituzionale europea. Merita, quindi, di poter operare nel pieno delle sue potenzialità.
Tamás Deutsch (PPE), írásban. − Phil Wynn Owent az Egyesült Királyság kormánya jelölte az Európai Számvevőszék tagjának. Owen úr korábban vezető pozíciókat töltött be az Egyesült Királyság közigazgatásában.
Az angol jelöltet a Költségvetési Ellenőrző Bizottság 2013. november 7-én hallgatta meg, a meghallgatást követően a szakbizottsági képviselők titkos szavazással döntöttek az angol jelölt támogatásáról.
Az Európai Parlament plénuma 2013. december 11-én szavazott az Európai Számvevőszék tagjának jelölt Phil Wynn Owen jelöltségéről. A szavazáson az európai parlamenti képviselők többsége támogatta Owen úr taggá történő kinevezését. A plenáris szavazáson támogattam a jelöltet.
Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), în scris. − Domnule președinte, stimați colegi, susțin numirea lui Phil Wynn Owen ca membru al Curții de Conturi, deoarece consider că acesta are experiența necesară pentru a ocupa această funcție. Experiența profesională de peste 30 de ani în care a lucrat pentru guverne diferite ale Marii Britanii dovedește independența din punct de vedere politic, calitate esențială în desfășurarea viitoarelor atribuții. Vă mulțumesc!
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − O Tribunal de Contas é uma instituição fiscalizadora, que verifica a legalidade e regularidade das receitas e despesas da União Europeia, bem como a boa gestão financeira, exercendo as suas funções com total independência. Dentro deste espírito a nomeação das individualidades que o compõe tem se reger por critérios de competência e independência. Assim por iniciativa do Conselho foram indigitadas várias personalidades de variados países da UE para o Tribunal de Contas. O candidato apresentou o seu Curriculum Vitae, respondeu a um questionário escrito e foi ouvida na Comissão do Controlo Orçamental, tendo apresentado argumentos suficientes para justificarem a nomeação para o Tribunal de Contas para aí desempenhar as suas funções de forma competente e independente. Votei assim favoravelmente o nome de Phill Wynn Owen.
Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado en contra del presente informe debido a que propone a una persona para ocupar una posición en el Tribunal Europeo de Cuentas que carece de la más mínima experiencia profesional relativa al campo de la auditoría. Este nombramiento de una persona sin experiencia profesional en el campo pone en duda su pertinencia y profesionalidad como miembro de dicho tribunal, así como la garantía de su independencia de las fuerzas políticas europeas. Resulta indispensable, para poder garantizar su independencia, que el Tribunal Europeo de Cuentas disponga de miembros cualificados para la labor de un órgano tan importante como el citado. Por ello he decidido votar en contra.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Phil Wynn Owen est perçu, par les belles personnes de la bonne société européenne, comme un acteur engagé dans la lutte contre le changement climatique. En 2012, il faisait d’ailleurs partie des membres du jury d’un prix récompensant les initiatives positives en matière d’environnement : l’« International Green Award ». Ce prix récompense chaque année de grandes entreprises ayant un modèle de développement dit « durable ». En 2011, c’est par exemple la multi-nationale anti-sociale Unilever qui l’a remporté. Unilever écolo : ce n'est pas l'avis des coopérateurs du thé Eléphant qu'elle veut faire mourir. En réalité, Phil Wynn Owen, formé à Oxford, à la London Buisiness School et à Harvard, incarne à lui seul l’illusion qu’il peut y avoir un « capitalisme vert ». Je pense pour ma part que c’est le capitalisme qui est la cause du dérèglement climatique, et qu’il ne peut y avoir de solution à ce problème majeur de l’humanité qu’en changeant complètement de modèle économique, mais aussi social et politique. C’est ce que j’ai essayé de démontrer dans mon livre : La Règle verte. Hors de la planification écologique et de l’écosocialisme, point de salut pour notre planète et notre écosystème.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − Todos os dados apresentados e que fundamentaram a minha decisão indicam o respeito dos critérios estabelecidos no n.º 1 do artigo 286.º do Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da União Europeia pelo que votei favoravelmente o presente relatório relativo à nomeação de Phil Wynn Owen para o cargo de membro do Tribunal de Contas.
Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour of Phil Wynn Owen’s candidacy as I support his nomination to the European Court of Auditors.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru Decizia Parlamentului European de a emite un aviz favorabil privind propunerea Consiliului de numire a lui Phil Wynn Owen ca membru al Curții de Conturi. Domnul Phil Wynn Owen a fost audiat în cursul reuniunii din 7 noiembrie 2013 a Comisiei pentru control bugetar. De asemenea, Comisia pentru control bugetar a evaluat calificările candidatului propus, ținând seama în special de condițiile prevăzute la articolul 286 alineatul (1) din Tratatul privind funcționarea Uniunii Europene.
5.9. Numirea unui membru al Curții de Conturi (Alex Brenninkmeijer - NL) (A7-0433/2013 - Inés Ayala Sender)
Dichiarazioni di voto scritte
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo a nomeação deste novo membro para o Tribunal de Contas da União Europeia, na medida em que preencheu todos os requisitos curriculares e respondeu de forma clara e adequada às perguntas que lhe foram colocadas pelo questionário que foi feito no âmbito do processo de conhecimento do candidato.
Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – En application du Traité sur le fonctionnement de l'Union européenne (article 286), le Parlement européen est consulté lors de la nomination des membres de la Cour des comptes. Le Conseil nomme alors ces membres pour 6 ans sur la base des propositions faites par les États-membres. Le Parlement a ainsi donné un avis favorable concernant la nomination d'Alex Brenninkmeijer, qui fut médiateur national dans son pays, comme membre néerlandais de la Cour des comptes.
Philippe Boulland (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de cette nomination suite à l'avis favorable rendu après l'audition du 7 novembre 2013, par la Commission du Contrôle budgétaire.
Alain Cadec (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu la nomination d'Alex Brenninkmeijer en tant que membre de la Cour des Comptes. J'approuve la décision de la commission parlementaire en charge du contrôle budgétaire qui a estimé qu'il possède les qualifications requises pour pouvoir contrôler de manière efficace les finances de l'Union.
Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho espresso il mio voto favorevole alla nomina di Alex Brenninkmeijer a membro della Corte dei Conti, organismo che riveste un ruolo di fondamentale importanza all'interno della compagine istituzionale europea. Merita, quindi, di poter operare nel pieno delle sue potenzialità.
Tamás Deutsch (PPE), írásban. − Alex Brenninkmeijert Hollandia kormánya jelölte az Európai Számvevőszék tagjának. Brenninkmeijer úr korábban egyetemi professzor, majd 2005-től Hollandia ombudsmanja volt.
A holland jelöltet a Költségvetési Ellenőrző Bizottság 2013. november 7-én hallgatta meg, a meghallgatást követően a szakbizottsági képviselők titkos szavazással döntöttek a holland jelölt támogatásáról.
Az Európai Parlament plénuma 2013. december 11-én szavazott az Európai Számvevőszék tagjának jelölt Alex Brenninkmeijer jelöltségéről. A szavazáson az európai parlamenti képviselők többsége támogatta Brenninkmeijer úr taggá történő kinevezését. A plenáris szavazáson támogattam a jelöltet.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne − Na svojej schôdzi, ktorá sa konala dňa 7. novembra 2013, vypočul Výbor Európskeho parlamentu pre kontrolu rozpočtu kandidáta rady na vymenovanie do funkcie člena Dvora audítorov pána Alexa Brenninkmeijera a dospel k záveru, že pán Alex Brenninkmeijer spĺňa všetky požadované predpoklady na výkon funkcie člena Dvora audítorov, a to najmä v súlade s článkom 286 ods. 1 Zmluvy o fungovaní Európskej únie. Po náležitom zvážení veci je zrejmé, že pán Alex Brenninkmeijer je vhodným kandidátom.
Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), în scris. − Domnule președinte, stimați colegi, susțin numirea lui Alex Brenninkmeijer ca membru al Curții de Conturi, deoarece consider că experiența profesională a acestuia este potrivită pentru o astfel de poziție. În calitate de ombudsman național, acesta a primit din partea Parlamentului o opinie fără rezerve în ceea ce privește modul de gestionare al acestei instituții începând cu anul 2005 și până în prezent. Vă mulțumesc!
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − O Tribunal de Contas é uma instituição fiscalizadora, que verifica a legalidade e regularidade das receitas e despesas da União Europeia, bem como a boa gestão financeira, exercendo as suas funções com total independência. Dentro deste espírito a nomeação das individualidades que o compõe tem se reger por critérios de competência e independência. Assim por iniciativa do Conselho foram indigitadas várias personalidades de variados países da UE para o Tribunal de Contas. O candidato apresentou o seu Curriculum Vitae, respondeu a um questionário escrito e foi ouvida na Comissão do Controlo Orçamental, tendo apresentado argumentos suficientes para justificarem a nomeação para o Tribunal de Contas para aí desempenhar as suas funções de forma competente e independente. Votei assim favoravelmente o nome de Alex Brenninkmeijer.
Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado a favor del presente informe debido a que propone a una persona para ocupar una posición en el Tribunal de Cuentas Europeo que, aunque carece de experiencia específica en el campo de la auditoría, ha gozado de consenso en la Comisión de Control Presupuestario del Parlamento Europeo. Gracias al consenso político de los grupos del Parlamento en torno a esta figura, se puede garantizar que no bloquearán el funcionamiento de una institución tan necesaria para el control del gasto público en Europa. Con estas garantías he decidido votar a favor del presente informe pese a la falta de experiencia del miembro propuesto.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Il est difficile, en France, d’obtenir des informations fiables sur Monsieur Brenninkmeijer, ses travaux n’ayant peu ou pas été traduits en français. Néanmoins, mes recherches m’ont permis de trouver plusieurs éléments, et notamment qu’il s’est intéressé à des sujets comme la détention des étrangers, les décès en détention, les violences policières, la liberté de manifestation et l’endettement des ménages. Cet homme a par exemple démontré qu’une partie des situations d’endettement excessif aux Pays-Bas pourrait être évitée avec un système public moins bureaucratique et plus empathique. Dans le même temps, une partie des recommandations de Monsieur Brenninkmeijer s’inscrit dans une logique de réduction de la dépense publique, et donc potentiellement de réduction du service public. N’ayant pas accès aux travaux de cet homme dans une autre langue que le néerlandais, il m’est difficile de savoir dans quel sens il essaie d’infléchir les politiques publiques (réduction du service public ou efficacité de la dépense ?). Je m’abstiens.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − Todos os dados apresentados e que fundamentaram a minha decisão indicam o respeito dos critérios estabelecidos no n.º 1 do artigo 286.º do Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da União Europeia pelo que votei favoravelmente o presente relatório relativo à nomeação de Alex Brenninkmeijer para o cargo de membro do Tribunal de Contas.
Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour of Alex Brenninkmeijer’s candidacy as I support his nomination to the European Court of Auditors.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru decizia Parlamentului European din 11 decembrie 2013 referitoare la propunerea de numire a lui Alex Brenninkmeijer ca membru al Curții de Conturi prin care se emite un aviz favorabil privind propunerea Consiliului. Articolul 286 alineatul (1) din Tratatul privind funcționarea Uniunii Europene stabilește că membrii Curții de Conturi sunt aleși dintre personalitățile care fac parte ori au făcut parte, în statul lor, din instituțiile de control financiar extern sau care au o calificare deosebită pentru această funcție. Aceștia trebuie să prezinte toate garanțiile de independență. Domnul Alex Brenninkmeijer a fost audiat în cursul reuniunii din 7 noiembrie 2013 a Comisiei pentru control bugetar. De asemenea, Comisia pentru control bugetar a evaluat calificările candidatului propus, ținând seama în special de condițiile prevăzute la articolul 286 alineatul (1) din Tratatul privind funcționarea Uniunii Europene.
5.10. Numirea unui membru al Curții de Conturi (Henri Grethen - LU) (A7-0439/2013 - Inés Ayala Sender)
Dichiarazioni di voto scritte
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo a nomeação deste novo membro para o Tribunal de Contas da União Europeia, na medida em que preencheu todos os requisitos curriculares e respondeu de forma clara e adequada às perguntas que lhe foram colocadas pelo questionário que foi feito no âmbito do processo de conhecimento do candidato.
Philippe Boulland (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de cette nomination suite à l'avis favorable rendu après l'audition du 7 novembre 2013, par la Commission du Contrôle budgétaire.
Alain Cadec (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu la nomination d'Henri Grethen en tant que membre de la Cour des Comptes. J'approuve la décision de la commission parlementaire en charge du contrôle budgétaire qui a estimé à une large majorité que son expertise dans le domaine lui permettra d'exercer un contrôle strict sur les finances de l'Union.
Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho espresso il mio voto favorevole alla nomina di Henri Grethen a membro della Corte dei Conti, organismo che riveste un ruolo di fondamentale importanza all'interno della compagine istituzionale europea. Merita, quindi, di poter operare nel pieno delle sue potenzialità.
Tamás Deutsch (PPE), írásban. − Henri Grethent Luxemburg kormánya jelölte az Európai Számvevőszék tagjának. Grethen úr korábban is az Európai Számvevőszék luxemburgi tagja volt.
A luxemburgi jelöltet a Költségvetési Ellenőrző Bizottság 2013. november 7-én hallgatta meg, a meghallgatást követően a szakbizottsági képviselők titkos szavazással döntöttek a luxemburgi jelölt támogatásáról.
Az Európai Parlament plénuma 2013. december 11-én szavazott az Európai Számvevőszék tagjának jelölt Henri Grethen jelöltségéről. A szavazáson az európai parlamenti képviselők többsége támogatta Grethen úr taggá történő kinevezését. A plenáris szavazáson támogattam a jelöltet.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne − Po zvážení všetkých relevantných skutočností a po dôkladnom vypočutí kandidáta Rady na vymenovanie do funkcie člena Dvora audítorov pána Henriho Grethena na schôdzi Výboru Európskeho parlamentu pre kontrolu rozpočtu je možné konštatovať, že pán Henri Grethen spĺňa všetky predpoklady na výkon funkcie, a to najmä v súlade s článkom 286 ods. 1 Zmluvy o fungovaní Európskej únie.
Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), în scris. − Domnule președinte, stimați colegi, susțin numirea lui Henri Grethen ca membru al Curții de Conturi. Consider că, în perioada 2008 - 2013, domnul Grethen, ca membru al Curții de Conturi Europene, s-a ridicat la nivelul așteptărilor, fiind activ implicat în activitatea profesională, ocupând pe lângă funcția de membru al Curții de Conturi și funcțiile de membru al Grupului de audit II și ulterior al Camerei II. Vă mulțumesc.
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − O Tribunal de Contas é uma instituição fiscalizadora, que verifica a legalidade e regularidade das receitas e despesas da União Europeia, bem como a boa gestão financeira, exercendo as suas funções com total independência. Dentro deste espírito a nomeação das individualidades que o compõe tem se reger por critérios de competência e independência. Assim por iniciativa do Conselho foram indigitadas várias personalidades de variados países da UE para o Tribunal de Contas. O candidato apresentou o seu Curriculum Vitae, respondeu a um questionário escrito e foi ouvida na Comissão do Controlo Orçamental, tendo apresentado argumentos suficientes para justificarem a nomeação para o Tribunal de Contas para aí desempenhar as suas funções de forma competente e independente. Votei assim favoravelmente o nome de Henri Grethen.
Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado a favor del presente informe debido a que propone a una persona para ocupar una posición en el Tribunal de Cuentas Europeo que dispone de una consistente experiencia profesional relativa en el campo de la auditoría. Este nombramiento de una persona con una carrera profesional en el campo permite confiar en su pertinencia y profesionalidad como miembro de dicho tribunal, garantía de la independencia del mismo. Resulta indispensable, para poder garantizar su independencia, que el Tribunal de Cuentas Europeo disponga de miembros cualificados para la labor de un órgano tan importante como el citado. Por ello he decidido votar a favor del presente informe.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Henri Grethen est le représentant typique de la droite néolibérale la plus dure. Dans les années 1970-1980 est d’abord conseiller économique puis secrétaire général de la Confédération luxembourgeoise du commerce, un syndicat patronal. Il devient ensuite ministre de l’Economie et des Transports dans le gouvernement de… Jean-Claude Juncker, l’ancien président de l’Eurogroupe, qui a saigné les peuples pour sauver les banques. Interviewé récemment par un journal luxembourgeois, Monsieur Grethen a déclaré qu’il fallait «introduire davantage de sélectivité dans [le] système social [luxembourgeois]» ou encore qu’il fallait «veiller à ce que les fonds luxembourgeois ne soient pas pénalisés par une fiscalité trop importante». Cerise sur le gâteau, ce monsieur déclare qu’ «il est dans l’intérêt des citoyens de conserver une certaine compétition entre les pays». Ajoutons à cela que Monsieur Grethen a une tendance non dissimulée à la xénophobie. Cet homme est à mes yeux un austéricrate endurci. Je m’oppose avec la plus grande fermeté à sa nomination à la Cour des Comptes.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − Todos os dados apresentados e que fundamentaram a minha decisão indicam o respeito dos critérios estabelecidos no n.º 1 do artigo 286.º do Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da União Europeia pelo que votei favoravelmente o presente relatório relativo à nomeação de Henri Grethen para o cargo de membro do Tribunal de Contas.
Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour of Henri Grethen’s candidacy as I support his nomination to the European Court of Auditors.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru Decizia Parlamentului European de a emite un aviz favorabil privind propunerea Consiliului de numire a lui Henri Grethen ca membru al Curții de Conturi întrucât acesta îndeplinește condițiile prevăzute la articolul 286 alineatul (1) din Tratatul privind funcționarea Uniunii Europene. Parlamentul European a fost consultat de către Consiliu în temeiul articolul 286 alineatul (2) din Tratatul privind funcționarea Uniunii Europene care stabilește ca membrii Curții de Conturi se numesc pentru o perioadă șase ani de către Consiliu după consultarea Parlamentului European, în conformitate cu propunerile făcute de fiecare stat membru. Domnul Henri Grethen a fost audiat în cursul reuniunii din 7 noiembrie 2013 a Comisiei pentru control bugetar. De asemenea, Comisia pentru control bugetar a evaluat calificările candidatului propus, ținând seama în special de condițiile prevăzute la articolul 286 alineatul (1) din Tratatul privind funcționarea Uniunii Europene.
5.11. Numirea unui membru al Curții de Conturi (Nikolaos Milionis - EL) (A7-0436/2013 - Inés Ayala Sender)
Dichiarazioni di voto scritte
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo a nomeação deste novo membro para o Tribunal de Contas da União Europeia, na medida em que preencheu todos os requisitos curriculares e respondeu de forma clara e adequada às perguntas que lhe foram colocadas pelo questionário que foi feito no âmbito do processo de conhecimento do candidato.
Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – En application du Traité sur le fonctionnement de l'Union européenne (article 286), le Parlement européen est consulté lors de la nomination des membres de la Cour des comptes. Le Conseil nomme alors ces membres pour 6 ans sur la base des propositions faites par les États-membres. Nikolaos Milionis qui est jusqu'à ce jour conseiller-maître à la Cour des comptes grecque a reçu un l'avis favorable du Parlement, y compris le mien, pour une nomination à la Cour des comptes européenne.
Philippe Boulland (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de cette nomination suite à l'avis favorable rendu après l'audition du 7 novembre 2013, par la Commission du Contrôle budgétaire.
Alain Cadec (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu la nomination de Nikolaos Milionis en tant que membre de la Cour des Comptes. J'approuve la décision de la commission parlementaire en charge du contrôle budgétaire qui a estimé à une large majorité qu'il possède les qualifications nécessaires pour pouvoir apporter son expertise au contrôle des finances de l'Union.
Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho espresso il mio voto favorevole alla nomina di Nikolaos Milionis a membro della Corte dei Conti, organismo che riveste un ruolo di fondamentale importanza all'interno della compagine istituzionale europea. Merita, quindi, di poter operare nel pieno delle sue potenzialità.
Tamás Deutsch (PPE), írásban. − Nikolaos Milionist Görögország kormánya jelölte az Európai Számvevőszék tagjának. Nikolaos Milionis úr korábban attaséként dolgozott az Európai Számvevőszéknél, később egyetemi tanár volt, az Európai Számvevőszékről szóló számos publikáció szerzője.
A görög jelöltet a Költségvetési Ellenőrző Bizottság 2013. november 7-én hallgatta meg, a meghallgatást követően a szakbizottsági képviselők titkos szavazással döntöttek a görög jelölt támogatásáról.
Az Európai Parlament plénuma 2013. december 11-én szavazott az Európai Számvevőszék tagjának jelölt Nikolaos Milionis jelöltségéről. A szavazáson az európai parlamenti képviselők többsége támogatta Milionis úr taggá történő kinevezését. A plenáris szavazáson támogattam a jelöltet.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne − Výbor pre kontrolu rozpočtu na svojej schôdzi 7. novembra 2013 vypočul kandidáta Rady na člena Dvora audítorov. Posúdil jeho kvalifikáciu a vyjadril súhlas s návrhom Rady vymenovať Gréka Nikolaosa Milionisa za člena Dvora audítorov. Je potrebné, aby predseda Európskeho parlamentu postúpil toto rozhodnutie Rade a pre informáciu Dvoru audítorov, ako aj ostatným inštitúciám Európskej únie a kontrolným orgánom členských štátov.
Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), în scris. − Domnule președinte, stimați colegi, susțin numirea lui Nikolaos Milionis ca membru al Curții de Conturi, deoarece consider că timpul petrecut de domnul Milionis în cadrul Curții de Conturi elene va fi benefic Curții de Conturi Europene. În ceea ce privește utilizarea incorectă a fondurilor europene, acesta consideră că Uniunea trebuie să adopte o politică de toleranță zero, ceea ce este în beneficiul contribuabililor europeni. Vă mulțumesc!
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. − O Tribunal de Contas é uma instituição fiscalizadora, que verifica a legalidade e regularidade das receitas e despesas da União Europeia, bem como a boa gestão financeira, exercendo as suas funções com total independência. Dentro deste espírito a nomeação das individualidades que o compõe tem se reger por critérios de competência e independência. Assim por iniciativa do Conselho foram indigitadas várias personalidades de variados países da UE para o Tribunal de Contas. O candidato apresentou o seu Curriculum Vitae, respondeu a um questionário escrito e foi ouvida na Comissão do Controlo Orçamental, tendo apresentado argumentos suficientes para justificarem a nomeação para o Tribunal de Contas para aí desempenhar as suas funções de forma competente e independente. Votei assim favoravelmente o nome de Nikolaos Milionis.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Nikolaos Milionis est un grand fonctionnaire qui a effectué une partie de sa formation en France, à l’Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne, à l’Université Paris VIII et à l’ENA. Cela le signale positivement en matière de compétences. Il a réalisé l’intégralité de sa carrière à la Cour des Comptes grecque, institution qui s’est révélée incapable de démasquer les maquillages de comptes de l’Etat grec effectués avec l’aide de Goldman Sachs. Certes, Monsieur Milionis n’était pas nécessairement membre de la chambre chargé de relever ces erreurs, mais il était en tout cas membre actif d’une institution à l’évidence incapable d’accomplir efficacement l’une de ses missions principales : la certification des comptes publics. Monsieur Milionis a donc beau jeu de dire qu’un service public efficace évite d’abord la corruption. Je reste réservé quant à sa nomination à la Cour des Comptes européenne. Je m'abstiens pour encourager la présence de fonctionnaires bien formés dans cette institution.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. − Todos os dados apresentados e que fundamentaram a minha decisão indicam o respeito dos critérios estabelecidos no n.º 1 do artigo 286.º do Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da União Europeia pelo que votei favoravelmente o presente relatório relativo à nomeação de Nikolaos Milionis para o cargo de membro do Tribunal de Contas.
Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour of Nikolaos Milionis’ candidacy as I support his nomination to the European Court of Auditors.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru decizia Parlamentului European referitoare la propunerea de numire a lui Nikolaos Milionis ca membru al Curții de Conturi avand în vedere recomandările Comisiei pentru control bugetar care a evaluat calificările candidatului propus, ținând seama în special de condițiile prevăzute la articolul 286 alineatul (1) din Tratatul privind funcționarea Uniunii Europene. Domnul Nikolaos Milionis a fost audiat în cursul reuniunii din 7 noiembrie 2013 a Comisiei pentru control bugetar.
5.12. Numirea unui membru al Curții de Conturi (Danièle Lamarque - FR) (A7-0437/2013 - Inés Ayala Sender)
Dichiarazioni di voto scritte
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. − Aprovo a nomeação deste novo membro para o Tribunal de Contas da União Europeia, na medida em que preencheu todos os requisitos curriculares e respondeu de forma clara e adequada às perguntas que lhe foram colocadas pelo questionário que foi feito no âmbito do processo de conhecimento do candidato.
Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – En application du Traité sur le fonctionnement de l'Union européenne (article 286), le Parlement européen est consulté lors de la nomination des membres de la Cour des comptes. Le Conseil nomme alors ces membres pour 6 ans sur la base des propositions faites par les États-membres. Le Parlement, a accueilli favorablement la proposition de nomination de la candidate française Danièle Lamarque qui est actuellement conseillère maître à la Cour des comptes.