Ausführliche Sitzungsberichte

Mittwoch, 15. Januar 2014 - Straßburg

18. Fortschrittsbericht 2013 über Serbien - Prozess der europäischen Integration des Kosovos (Aussprache)

  Elnök. − A következő pont közös vita – Balkán/eredményjelentések:

– a Tanács és a Bizottság nyilatkozata a 2013. évi, Szerbiáról szóló eredményjelentésről (2013/2880(RSP)) és

– a Tanács és a Bizottság nyilatkozata Koszovó európai integrációs folyamatáról (2013/2881(RSP)).

  Dimitrios Kourkoulas, President-in-Office of the Council. − Mr President, it is very appropriate that we have this opportunity to discuss the positive developments in both Serbia and Kosovo in 2013. I should like, however, to begin by saying a few words more generally about the enlargement agenda for this semester.

The country which holds the Presidency – Greece – has always been a strong advocate of EU enlargement. Our intention over the coming months is to promote the improvement of the interconnection between the EU and enlargement countries in key sectors, an idea presented by the Commission in 2013 in the enlargement package. The aim is to contribute to the European integration of enlargement countries in concrete terms and to have a positive impact on the lives of their citizens.

I am aware of the strong support which this Parliament has traditionally given to enlargement, and I very much appreciate the active engagement and constructive contribution of Members to both enlargement policy as a whole and more specifically to the enlargement perspective of the Western Balkans. Our overall enlargement policy, to which I know this Parliament is fully committed, has been instrumental in these developments. I would like in particular to thank the rapporteurs Ulrike Lunacek and Jelko Kacin for their valuable contribution in highlighting both the successes and the challenges which remain for Serbia and Kosovo.

No one can doubt that Serbia and Kosovo have both demonstrated a continuing commitment to sustained progress in normalising their relations. Through a process of dialogue and negotiation, they have been able to deliver results which would have appeared impossible just a few years ago. I would particularly like to commend both Prime Ministers, Mr Thaçi and Mr Dačić, for their efforts and commitment to this process. I would also like to express our gratitude to High Representative Catherine Ashton for her facilitation efforts, as well as to Commissioner Füle.

We very much welcome the decision to open accession negotiations with Serbia. Both this and the ongoing negotiations on the Stabilisation and Association Agreement with Kosovo are clear evidence of the extent to which both parties are fully engaged in the process of normalising relations.

In April 2013 a first agreement on principles governing the normalisation of relations was achieved. This was followed in May by an implementation plan. Another milestone was successfully reached in November/December last year when local elections were organised in Kosovo, including in the northern municipalities. The efficient work on the ground has meant that many old structures have been dismantled and integration into Kosovo structures is well underway. Both parties have also delivered on the domestic EU agenda.

In a number of areas Serbia has continued to prepare for the next important phase of its relations with the EU. The reform agenda – particularly the area of the rule of law – gained momentum throughout 2013, and some progress was made towards establishing a functioning market economy. Furthermore, Serbia has continued to align its legislation with EU legislation and has made a positive contribution to regional cooperation. The Stabilisation and Association Agreement with Serbia came into force on 1 September 2013, and the first stabilisation mechanism council took place in October.

It is important that Serbia makes further progress in the area of the rule of law, notably judicial reform and the fight against corruption and organised crime, public administration reform and the independence of key institutions. Further work is also needed on media freedom and the quality of the business environment. Particular attention also needs to be paid to the rights and inclusion of vulnerable groups, particularly the Roma, as well as to the effective implementation of legislation on the protection of minorities, the non-discriminatory treatment of national minorities throughout Serbia, and tackling discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity.

Kosovo has also delivered on important policy reforms, and the broad political consensus on Kosovo’s European perspective has been instrumental in sustaining the momentum of the approximation process. Kosovo now needs to focus on implementing the reforms in order to meet the obligations under the proposed SAA. As part of the preparations for the general elections this year, the Council has invited Kosovo to reform its legal framework on elections, building on European international practices. Kosovo also has to pay particular attention to tackling organised crime and corruption, continuing the judicial and public administration reform, ensuring the protection of fundamental rights and the rights of persons belonging to minorities, and addressing trade issues.

Increased efforts are also needed in the area of economic reform. Kosovo has made some progress towards establishing a functioning market economy. Significant reform and investment is now needed to enable it to cope in the long term with competitive pressure and market forces.

It is clear that the results achieved in the dialogue process must be pursued and implemented by both parties with commitment and determination. I have little doubt that further issues will arise which will need to be addressed and that difficult questions will need to be solved.

It is crucial to the smooth conduct of the process ahead that implementation continues and that both parties remain fully engaged in the process of normalising their relations. Both should be able to continue on their respective European paths. Neither should seek to block the other in this endeavour. Both should be able to exercise fully their rights and fulfil their responsibilities. We stand ready to assist both of them as far as possible in continuing on this positive path.

  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, one hundred years ago a spark in the Balkans ignited a war that engulfed Europe in chaos and devastation. Ever since then, our collective memory has too often associated the Balkans with unrest and conflict.

By contrast, in recent months the news from the Balkans has been about renewed dialogue, increased intra-regional trade and the building of bridges. It is Serbia’s and Kosovo’s European aspirations that played a central role in their desire to engage in the normalisation of their relations. The ‘First agreement of principles governing normalisation’ has improved relations between Serbia and Kosovo and has already led to a number of important, positive developments on the ground, particularly in the north of Kosovo. A key milestone was passed last autumn with the holding of local elections for the first time throughout Kosovo.

I therefore concur with both rapporteurs and commend the two Prime Ministers for their remarkable efforts towards normalisation in the past year. We look forward to these efforts continuing with equal determination in 2014 and also to the continuing engagement of the High Representative and Vice-President, Cathy Ashton, without which such progress could hardly have been achieved.

I definitely share the rapporteurs’ conclusions that Serbia and Kosovo fully deserve to take the next step forward on their respective paths to the European Union. Following the decisions of the Council last June on Serbia and Kosovo, I was particularly pleased when the Council last month adopted the negotiating framework for Serbia and allowed for the first Intergovernmental Conference, which will take place on 21 January.

The European Union has shown that it can inspire others to follow its own model of reconciliation among its peoples. I am confident that Serbia and Kosovo can inspire further positive change in those parts of the Western Balkans where progress is lagging behind.

On Serbia, let me thank the rapporteur, Mr Jelko Kacin, for his report, which is well in line with the findings of our 16 October progress report. The European Parliament will adopt this resolution at a most appropriate moment, just days before a new phase begins in the relations between the European Union and Serbia, with the first Intergovernmental Conference taking place, as I said, on 21 January.

On Kosovo, I am pleased to inform you that its European perspective is taking shape. I welcome the draft resolution on the European integration process and I would like to thank the rapporteur, Ms Ulrike Lunacek, for her report. As confirmed in our Progress Report of 16 October, Kosovo needs to continue its reforms so that it can meet its obligations under the Stabilisation and Association Agreement. The negotiations on the Stabilisation and Association Agreement are going very well.

In December the Council acknowledged our intention to conclude the negotiations in the course of 2014. We are committed to continue to work very closely with Kosovo, the Member States and Parliament to ensure that the negotiations will be as efficient and productive as possible. It is also fundamentally important for Kosovo to address priorities in the rule of law through the Structured Dialogue and to continue its good cooperation with the European Union Rule of Law Mission (EULEX).

Since they started their integration process with us, both Serbia and Kosovo have advanced significantly in their internal reform process. Their agreement reached in April is a landmark for the whole region. It is essential that both Serbia and Kosovo continue the dialogue and continue tackling new challenges and the reform process of their societies. It is important that, alongside them, we maintain the positive momentum of the last year.

  Jelko Kacin, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, in less than one weekʼs time, Serbia will embark on a historic journey which should bring the largest country in the Western Balkans into the fold of the EU. The first EU-Serbia Intergovernmental Conference will take place on 21 January. It marks a symbolic opening of the accession talks with Serbia.

Serbia has ceased to maintain a hostile stance on the Kosovo issue, with Prime Minister Dačić stretching out a hand to his Kosovo counterpart Hashim Thaçi. By signing the April Agreement, Serbia opened the way for a full normalisation of relations with Kosovo. There is much more to be done, but the first step was crucial and by far the most difficult. Further progress with regard to this issue will be closely followed through Chapter 35 of the accession talks.

I would like to take this opportunity to thank High Representative Catherine Ashton for all the work she has done to make sure Serbia and Kosovo come to an agreement. She has played a crucial role. Special thanks to Commissioner Füle as well, who kept up the pace of the integration process against all odds.

The Serbian Government has shown a proactive attitude in the fight against systemic corruption in the country. My report cautiously welcomes these first steps in the effort to establish a genuine rule of law in the country. I want to reiterate that this is not about Serbiaʼs formal membership of the EU. It is all about the journey towards Brussels and the effective implementation of EU-related reforms.

This will be at times a long, difficult and challenging process. I urge the Serbian political elite to forge a strong consensus on the strategic issues related to the accession process and to reach out to civil society, whose contributions to the reform process and to its transparency are essential.

The reform of the judiciary, which will be the topic of Chapter 23, remains the core issue. In order to ensure smooth negotiations on this chapter, Serbia will need to establish a track record on high-profile corruption cases. It needs to demonstrate that all of Miloševićʼs secret service crimes have been cleared and resolved. The political background to the assassination of Prime Minster Zoran Djindjić must be resolved once and for all, as Serbia cannot afford to have this shadow hanging over the credibility and stability of its institutions. Other state-sponsored crimes also need to be solved.

Serbia has an underestimated human and economic potential which will at last be encouraged to develop. After decades of isolation, Serbia has abandoned the self-defeating approach to challenges it has faced in the past. Serbiaʼs success in the accession process will encourage its neighbouring countries to step up their reform efforts in their turn.

Serbia is taking up a transformative role: turning from a regional maverick into a leader in integration. I am certain that the EU will not be complete until the last country in the Western Balkans joins the Union. I hope that by the end of the next term of this Parliament we will be much closer to this goal.

  Ulrike Lunacek, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, it is almost six years since the Republic of Kosovo declared independence and started on its path towards the European Union. Kosovo has come a long way considering the aftermath of war, killings, refugees, people living abroad and returning when independence came about, and the need for state-building. I often say that the other ex-Yugoslav states have built on what was already there from Yugoslavia – an administration – but that by comparison, Kosovo had to start anew. We have to take that into account.

Nevertheless there is a need for more impetus in order to improve things. But we all know that it is a long and winding road for Kosovo on its way towards the European Union, with lots of internal obstacles but also external hurdles, and there are still more to come. But the last year has been one of great progress. This has been said by you, Commissioner, and by the Presidency, by Jelko Kacin. The 19 April Agreement was one of historic relevance, not just for Kosovo and Serbia but for the Balkans and for all of us Europeans, and I think even worldwide. I would like to thank Vice-President/High Representative Ashton, but also you, Commissioner Füle, and of course the two Prime Ministers for what they have started to do.

The fact that Kosovo has been able to start negotiating a Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) with the European Union is the first real step towards accession, and that should not be underestimated; nor should other issues that the agreement carries with it, which might seem minor – such as the fact that Kosovans in the future will be able to use a telephone code of their own for mobile phones and not the Slovenian or Monaco ones. These are things which help the lives of people in the country.

I would like to congratulate the citizens and the administration of Kosovo on one other major area of progress in this past year. The way in which the first and second rounds of local elections was conducted in the enclave south of Ibar – after the disappointment and anger of the 2010 national elections – provided proof for Kosovan citizens that each vote counts and that it is possible to change things in a democratic way and with elections.

Nevertheless, the violence that took place in the north is very much regretted and condemned by this Parliament in my report. More seriously, the fact that the new mayor of North Mitrovica has refused to be inaugurated under Kosovan law is something that we regret very much and criticise, because the north of Kosovo is part of the territory of Kosovo and has to be ruled under Kosovan law under Pristina – which is why I am going to table an oral amendment tomorrow, and I hope everyone will follow me on that. We ask that this process of new mayoral elections in north Mitrovica will not hamper the progress of the process that started so well last year.

There are lots of internal obstacles. Kosovo has to reform intellectual law. The fight against corruption and organised crime, especially at high level, has to continue, and I very much regret the fact that the Kosovan authorities tried to revoke the mandate of EULEX (the European Union Rule of Law Mission) in the middle of this year. I hope there will be an agreement now, because Kosovo’s judiciary still needs support from the outside on corruption, organised crime and war crimes. That is why I am now coming to problems that we have with Member States.

Those Member States that support EULEX do not second enough judges and prosecutors of a suitably high level. Then there is the lack of recognition by five Member States. This is an area where I wish that this report were binding and that they would have to recognise Kosovo, because the current situation hinders the progress of Kosovo and makes the people of Kosovo think that they are second-class citizens.

The future of Kosovo is in the European Union. It is a European country, and I hope that with our report here we will help the progress of Kosovo towards the European Union.

  György Schöpflin, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, let me commend Mr Kacin’s report. It is very good and cooperation with the shadows has been excellent. I think we can also all agree with what Mr Kacin said: this has been a key year in Serbia. It is a major achievement. Serbia deserves due praise for this, and above all for the breakthrough in relations with Kosovo.

The historic significance of the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue is hard to overestimate; coming to terms with the loss of territory is very hard to bear for any country. At the same time we should not allow ourselves to be mesmerised by the Kosovo issue, emotionally crucial though it is. There are several other problems on the agenda.

First, there is the Serbian Constitution, which still regards Kosovo as an organic part of its territory. Clearly this will have to change, sooner or later. Serbia should address the centralising mindset that plays such a strong role in policy-making. The slow encroachment by the centre on the autonomy of the province of Vojvodina, and indeed of local government, is evidently pointing in the wrong direction and runs counter to subsidiarity and effective governance.

Then there is the deep level problem of corruption. It is a commonplace that corruption flourishes where the private sector meets the state unless there is a strong, independent administration of the law. With the best will in world it would be difficult to assert that the Serbian legal system is in this category. Sadly, the opposite appears to be true.

These issues are interconnected. The very praiseworthy efforts by the government to root out corruption have involved centralisation and political action, which is excellent. But in the longer term a balance will have to be struck between the anti-corruption drive, the relative weakness of the legal administration and over-centralisation. Finally, the most serious issue facing the Serbian authorities is that of the economy, which is in a very poor state. The many years of misgovernment in the past have generated grave distortions to market activity. In this area action is extremely urgent.

IN THE CHAIR: EDWARD McMILLAN-SCOTT
Vice-President

  Libor Rouček, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, 2013 was a very good year for the Western Balkans. Croatia is in the Union. Huge progress was made in relations between Belgrade and Pristina, which is reflected in today’s report. So we can see progress in most of the countries in the Western Balkans.

Now I would like to turn to the Greek Presidency. As has been mentioned, Greece has always been in favour of enlargement. I would like to urge the Greek Presidency – the Greek Government – to do its utmost to move forward as far as the main issue with Skopje is concerned. Please try to ensure that this issue is solved, so that we can also see Skopje moving on the same path as Belgrade and Croatia. In other words, so that FYROM – the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia – can also start negotiations.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, the development of the Western Balkans has been so rapid that it is occasionally worth reminding ourselves just how far this region has come. Just 15 years ago the region was being torn apart by brutal civil wars which saw thousands of people killed or displaced, but now Croatia and Slovenia are in the European Union and we are talking about the accession of Serbia and Montenegro to the EU as a serious and realistic prospect, thus testifying to the superlative efforts of both the governments and populations of those countries, as well as to European and regional partners, in their efforts to promote economic development and integration.

Despite the immensely positive outlook in Serbia and Montenegro in particular, it is important for us not to get carried away by being over-optimistic. An examination of the progress reports reveals a mixed bag. While, as Parliament’s rapporteur, I congratulate Montenegro’s steady progress into the European Union club – and it is indeed now even negotiating chapters – the chronic and systemic problems of statehood and intercommunal relations in Bosnia-Herzegovina, for example, remind us of the many years of hard work that remain in this still fragile region.

Kosovo does give grounds for some optimism, with real progress made in the social and political arenas but, as November’s electoral violence in Mitrovica demonstrated, Baroness Ashton’s Belgrade-Priština agreement, though it is rightly to be congratulated, must embody the start of a process and not the end of one.

Certainly one country which deserves continued congratulations is Macedonia, although, as ever, the progress report reflects the deep frustrations about the entirely unnecessary paralysis forced upon this country’s European ambitions. Macedonia has come so far and does not deserve to be left behind. The so-called name issue is unsustainable and unfair, and I appeal to all sides to renew the momentum for ending the saga once and for all.

In all the Western Balkan countries we call for similar things, such as stronger targeting of corruption and fighting organised crime, deeper engagement with civil society, and broader rights for minorities and women and the LGBT communities. While these countries continue to progress and reform, we must do all that we can to help realise their citizens’ justifiable European aspirations.

  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας GUE/NGL. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, το αποκαλούμενο μοντέλο επιτυχίας των δυτικών Βαλκανίων έχει αποδειχθεί στην πράξη ότι στην πραγματικότητα συνιστά μια ακόμη αποτυχία της διεθνούς κοινότητας να επηρεάσει θετικά, να προσφέρει πραγματικές προοπτικές ανάπτυξης και προόδου.

Πως μπορούμε σήμερα να πιστέψουμε πως με πολιτικές λιτότητας, ανάλογες αυτών οι οποίες απέτυχαν σε χώρες με λιγότερα πολιτικά προβλήματα και μεγαλύτερη κοινωνική σταθερότητα, που δεν πλήγηκαν από καταστροφικές συγκρούσεις στο πολύ πρόσφατο παρελθόν τους, μπορούν να προσφέρουν στους πολίτες των χωρών των δυτικών Βαλκανίων, χωρίς να οξυνθεί περαιτέρω η ήδη μεγάλη ανεργία, η ανέχεια, να μεγεθυνθούν οι ταξικές ανισότητες και η κοινωνική αποσταθεροποίηση, γιατί αυτά είναι που πετυχαίνονται μέσα από τις ιδιωτικοποιήσεις, αυτά μέσα και από την υποδούλωση της παιδείας στις ανάγκες και στους ανταγωνισμούς της αγοράς και του ιδιωτικού συμφέροντος.

Επιπρόσθετα, δεν μπορώ παρά να σχολιάσω τον δόλιο τρόπο με τον οποίο χρησιμοποιούνται οι πρόσφατες συμφωνίες Πρίστινας -Βελιγραδίου, προκειμένου να πειστεί η διεθνής κοινότητα ότι συνιστούν αναγνώριση τάχατε του Κοσσόβου από τη Σερβία, ενώ άπτονται ξεκάθαρα ζητημάτων εξομάλυνσης και βελτίωσης της καθημερινότητας, καθώς και το γεγονός ότι η ενταξιακή πορεία της Σερβίας χρησιμοποιείται προκλητικά ως μέσον για την αναγνώριση του Κοσσόβου.

Σε μια πραγματικά προοδευτική Ευρώπη, ο σεβασμός του διεθνούς δικαίου και δη της κυριαρχίας και της εδαφικής ακεραιότητας των κρατών, θα έπρεπε να είναι αδιαπραγμάτευτος. Και επειδή στην πράξη αυτά που διακηρύσσονται δεν τηρούνται, εμείς δεν μπορούμε να στηρίξουμε τις δύο εκθέσεις για τη Σερβία και την ευρωπαϊκή ολοκλήρωση του Κοσσόβου.

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de EFD-Fractie. – Voorzitter, met alle respect voor de rapporteur, een tweetal grote risico's voor Servië wordt niet benoemd in de resolutie.

Het eerste risico is de dreiging van grootscheepse sociale onrust in Servië, trouwens in de hele regio. Daarvoor waarschuwde de Wereldbank al in 2012 in geval voedselprijzen en werkloosheid zouden blijven stijgen.

Gegeven de Servische economische afhankelijkheid van de EU, alsmede de nadelige effecten van de Europese financiële en economische crises op Belgrado, zou ik graag van de commissaris vernemen op welke wijze Brussel zijn verantwoordelijkheid voor de toenemende verarming van de Servische bevolking wenst te nemen. Die vormt een ernstig probleem.

Het tweede risico voor Servië ligt in de problematische politieke assertiviteit van zijn vicepremier Aleksandar Vučić. Onderkent de commissaris dit gevaar voor de wankele structuur van de democratie in Servië? Machtsconcentratie in de handen van slechts één man, nota bene een vroegere steunpilaar van het Milošević-regime, mag Brussel niet veronachtzamen omwille van diens Kosovo-concessies.

Commissaris, indien mogelijk zou ik graag ook een schriftelijke reactie in een later stadium op deze vragen van u ontvangen.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI). - Herr Präsident! Serbien ist nicht nur ein nach kulturellen, historischen und geografischen Maßstäben europäisches Land, es hat auch enorme Anstrengungen unternommen, um die EU-Kriterien zu erfüllen.

Die Krisenstimmung in der Union und die Sorge vor weiteren repressiven Forderungen im Zusammenhang mit der Kosovo-Frage und die nach wie vor starken wirtschaftlichen Verflechtungen mit Russland im Energie-, Stahl- und anderen Bereichen bewirken aber, dass sich die Begeisterung der Serben für einen EU-Beitritt in Grenzen hält. Das sollten wir nicht übersehen. Umso wichtiger ist es, dass Brüssel gegenüber Belgrad mehr Fairness an den Tag legt.

Bis dato hat sich die EU ja als Schutzpatronin der Kosovo-Albaner aufgespielt und viele der legitimen serbischen Interessen bewusst ignoriert. Dass sich die europäische Wertegemeinschaft bei der Schändung serbischer Klöster und anderer Kulturgüter im Kosovo in Schweigen gehüllt hat, ist meines Erachtens schlichtweg ein Skandal.

Die EU sollte sich also lieber von der Illusion eines multiethnischen Kosovo verabschieden und sich ernsthaft überlegen, ob nicht auch das Selbstbestimmungsrecht für die Serben im Kosovo gelten sollte.

  Bernd Posselt (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Zunächst einmal müssen wir – die Kollegin Lunacek hat es in hervorragender Weise mit uns Schattenberichterstattern erarbeitet – den europäischen Weg der Republik Kosovo weiter vorantreiben. Hierzu gehört der rasche Abschluss des Stabilisierungs- und Assoziierungsabkommens, die rasche Mitgliedschaft des Kosovo im Europarat, die auch eine wichtige Bedingung ist, und vor allem die Anerkennung des Kosovo durch die fünf Mitgliedstaaten der EU, die dies noch nicht getan haben. Serbien hat sich dankenswerterweise bewegt, aber warum bleiben diese fünf Staaten starr? Sie sollten sich mindestens so sehr bewegen wie Serbien und sollten sich hier auch einem Anerkennungsprozess nicht länger verschließen, wenn Serbien zumindest Nachbarschaft und Pragmatismus pflegt.

Eines möchte ich ganz klar sagen: Auch Serbien muss natürlich Bedingungen erfüllen. Ich begrüße die Tatsache, dass mit Serbien verhandelt wird, aber wir müssen sehen, dass zum Beispiel im Preševo-Tal und anderswo eine katastrophale Minderheitenpolitik betrieben wird, dass serbische Polizei jetzt eine Schule im Preševo-Tal gestürmt hat, Schulkinder eingeschüchtert hat, Schulbücher beschlagnahmt hat, Lehrer verhaftet hat – das sind alles Dinge, die nicht zum Frieden in der Region beitragen.

Wir wollen Minderheitenrechte im Kosovo, wir wollen Minderheitenrechte in Serbien, aber auf demselben Level, und hier soll sich Serbien an der Verfassung des Kosovo orientieren.

Wir brauchen hier eine bilaterale Praxis, wo auf beiden Seiten der Grenze mit gleichen Maßstäben gemessen wird. Ich hoffe, dass der Beitrittsprozess beider Länder ungefähr zum gleichen Zeitpunkt abgeschlossen werden kann, auch wenn er unter sehr unterschiedlichen Bedingungen beginnt.

Eines möchte ich zur griechischen Ratspräsidentschaft abschließend ganz klar sagen: Auch das Umfeld muss stabilisiert werden. Deshalb bitte ich Griechenland, endlich die Blockade gegen Mazedonien wegzuräumen und der ganzen Region dadurch mehr Stabilität zu geben.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte‟ gemäß Artikel 149 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

  Γεώργιος Κουμουτσάκος (PPE), ερώτηση "γαλάζια κάρτα". – Κύριε Posselt επαναλάβατε για άλλη μία φορά τη θέση σας, ότι η Ελλάδα φράζει την ένταξη της πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβικής Δημοκρατίας της Μακεδονίας στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

Αντιπαρέρχομαι το γεγονός ότι αυτή είναι μια λανθασμένη άποψη, διότι η Ελλάδα επιθυμεί την ευρωπαϊκή προοπτική όλων των γειτόνων της, πράγμα το οποίο αποτελεί στρατηγική μας επιλογή, και σας ερωτώ, επειδή μας κατηγορείτε συχνά: ποια χώρα έδωσε τη συγκατάθεσή της για τη συμφωνία σύνδεσης Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης - Σκοπίων; Ποιο κράτος μέλος έδωσε τη σύμφωνη γνώμη του για την φιλελευθεροποίηση του καθεστώτος των θεωρήσεων στην χώρα αυτή; Ποιο κράτος μέλος έδωσε τη σύμφωνη γνώμη του για να χορηγηθεί καθεστώς υποψήφιας χώρας στην πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβική Δημοκρατία της Μακεδονίας;

Θέλω να μου απαντήσετε με ειλικρίνεια. Ποια ήταν αυτή η χώρα που εσείς κατηγορείτε ότι αποκλείει τα Σκόπια από την ένταξη, ποια ήταν λοιπόν η χώρα εκείνη, το κράτος μέλος που έδωσε όλες αυτές τις συγκαταθέσεις για την χώρα αυτή; Ήταν ή όχι η Ελλάδα;

  Bernd Posselt (PPE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Meine Antwort ist sehr klar: Ich freue mich, wenn Griechenland die europäische Integration des ganzen Raums und damit auch Mazedoniens vorantreibt. Das heißt, ich appelliere an die griechische Regierung und an den Rat, die Namensfrage noch im nächsten halben Jahr des griechischen Vorsitzes zu lösen und dafür zu sorgen, dass diese nicht länger die Entwicklung blockiert. Dann sind wir alle hochzufrieden. Ich warte mit Interesse auf die Antwort der Ratspräsidentschaft.

  Μαρία-Ελένη Κοππά (S&D). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η φετινή έκθεση για τη Σερβία είναι μια έκθεση στην οποία, για πρώτη φορά μετά από πολλά χρόνια, έχουμε επιτύχει μια παρά πολύ μεγάλη συναίνεση, και η οποία στέλνει ένα πάρα πολύ καθαρό και θετικό μήνυμα για την πορεία που έχει διανύσει η χώρα όλα αυτά τα χρόνια.

Κύριοι συνάδελφοι, είναι αδιαμφισβήτητο γεγονός ότι η διεύρυνση συνιστά την πλέον επιτυχημένη έκφραση της εξωτερικής πολιτικής της Ένωσης. Η Σερβία αποτελεί ένα καθαρό παράδειγμα του τι αποτελέσματα μπορεί να δώσει αυτή η πολιτική. Τα Βαλκάνια που αιματοκυλίστηκαν όχι μόνο το 1914 αλλά και πιο πρόσφατα, κατά τη δεκαετία του 1990, βρίσκονται σήμερα στο κατώφλι της Ένωσης. Είμαι λοιπόν πάρα πολύ ευτυχής διότι τα νέα είναι εξαιρετικά για την Σερβία και διότι, σε λίγες μέρες, στις 21 Ιανουαρίου, θα έχουμε την πρώτη διακυβερνητική διάσκεψη στις Βρυξέλλες.

Το Βελιγράδι, με την προσήλωσή του στην ευρωπαϊκή ολοκλήρωση, απέδειξε ότι μπορεί να ξεπεράσει τις συγκρούσεις του παρελθόντος και να προχωρήσει μπροστά. Απέδειξε, με την ιστορική συμφωνία των Βρυξελλών με το Κόσσοβο, ότι μπορεί να γίνει κινητήρια δύναμη για την εξομάλυνση των σχέσεων στην περιοχή. Πρέπει να συνεχίσουμε σε αυτόν τον δρόμο. Οι βαθιές αλλαγές που έχουν πραγματοποιηθεί σε αρκετούς τομείς θα συμβάλλουν στην ανάπτυξη της σερβικής οικονομίας και θα βοηθήσουν τη Σερβία να αναπτύξει μια πλήρως λειτουργική οικονομία της αγοράς.

Τα πιο βασικά βήματα έχουν ήδη γίνει. Σε άλλους τομείς όμως πρέπει να συνεχιστεί η μεταρρυθμιστική προσπάθεια. Μένει ακόμη να γίνουν σημαντικά βήματα ως προς την καταπολέμηση της διαφθοράς και του οργανωμένου εγκλήματος, καθώς και ως προς τα ζητήματα της δικαιοσύνης. Η αμεροληψία, η ποιότητα του δικαστικού σώματος, η απουσία πολιτικών παρεμβάσεων πρέπει να υλοποιηθούν άμεσα προκειμένου να εδραιωθεί μια ανεξάρτητη δικαιοσύνη.

Πιστεύω επίσης ότι πρέπει να δοθεί έμφαση στα ζητήματα των διακρίσεων, έναν τομέα στον οποίο συνεχίζουν να υπάρχουν ανοιχτά θέματα και επιθυμώ επίσης να τονίσω για μια ακόμη φορά ότι είναι ανάγκη να ενισχυθεί ο ρόλος των γυναικών σε όλες τις διαδικασίες λήψης απόφασης και να κατοχυρωθεί μια καλύτερη προστασία των δικαιωμάτων τους.

Χαιρετίζω επίσης τις δηλώσεις του Υπουργού Ευρωπαϊκών Υποθέσεων, κ. Branko Ružić, σύμφωνα με τις οποίες είναι στόχος της Σερβίας το άνοιγμα έξι κεφαλαίων εντός του 2014. Ελπίζω η Ελλάδα που έχει την Προεδρία της Ένωσης αυτό το εξάμηνο θα δουλέψει ενεργά για να προχωρήσει με ταχείς ρυθμούς η ενταξιακή διαδικασία, κάτι που τόνισε ήδη ο Υπουργός κ. Κούρκουλας.

Όλα τα κράτη των Βαλκανίων πρέπει να προσχωρήσουν στην Ένωση. Τα Βαλκάνια είναι μια περιοχή που δικαιούται να ανήκει στην Ένωση και εκεί πρέπει να ενταχθεί. Η αποστολή όλων μας εδώ θα έχει ολοκληρωθεί όταν όλες οι χώρες των δυτικών Βαλκανίων θα είναι κράτη μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.

  Annemie Neyts-Uyttebroeck (ALDE). - Mr President, I have given one minute of my speaking time to Mr Kacin, so I have not much left. I would just like to point out the fact that the absence of a solution to the main issue of what we call FYROM when one of the Member States is present, and the non-recognition of Kosovo by five Member States, are expressions, it seems to me, not so much of a lack of political will as a lack of courage and a lack of foresight, because one day we will need solutions for all of them.

It is all the more surprising and all the more positive that it has been possible to conclude agreements between Serbia and Kosovo, and I want to congratulate Baroness Ashton and Commissioner Füle for their contribution to achieving these solutions. I would like to say thank you to both our rapporteurs, who have done a great job.

  Marije Cornelissen (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, I am very happy that Serbia is taking its next step now, and I hope Serbian politicians will grasp this opportunity with both hands. Reform can be such fun; it can be so good for everyone in society if properly implemented. Serbia can take the opportunity to reform its judiciary, improving the life and rights of all involved: the judges, the prosecutors, the victims and the perpetrators.

Serbia can take the opportunity to improve its human rights, including everybody in society: LGBTI people, women, minorities and Roma people, thereby improving their economic growth, their employment prospects and their fight against poverty. It can even be good to keep visa-free travel, because eventually the only way to prevent ethnic minorities from asking for asylum is to give them a proper and good future within the country itself. Serbia might take the opportunity to improve social dialogue, fighting corruption, fighting cartels and ensuring business independence, so that it will be fun to create and operate a business within the country.

I do realise, however, that it is not only fun to reform. There are quite a lot of people – some with considerable power – who are profiting from the current status quo and do not want much reform. There will be resistance. I very much hope that the Serbian government will face this resistance head-on and will overcome it. The best way to do that is to gather support from those who want the reform and who really want Serbia to go into the future and into its European future.

  Mirosław Piotrowski (ECR). - W artykule 13 projektu rezolucji dotyczącej procesu integracji Kosowa z Unią Europejską Parlament Europejski zachęca pięć państw członkowskich, czyli sprawującą obecnie prezydencję w Unii Grecję, Cypr, okupowany w części przez kandydującą do Unii Turcję, a także Rumunię, Słowację oraz Hiszpanię do podjęcia działań w kierunku uznania Kosowa. Już sam ten apel świadczy o braku wspólnej polityki zagranicznej Unii Europejskiej.

W artykule 34 natomiast wyrażamy zaniepokojenie różnorodnymi praktykami dyskryminacyjnymi na obszarze Kosowa i domagamy się zagwarantowania równości zgodnie z Kartą praw podstawowych. Przypomnieć należy, że również tej Karty nie przyjęły wszystkie państwa członkowskie Unii, np. Polska i Wielka Brytania. Już samo zestawienie tych punktów świadczy o swoistej schizofrenii przekazu, co nie dodaje nam wiarygodności i powagi na arenie międzynarodowej, a szczególnie na Bałkanach Zachodnich.

  Νικόλαος Σαλαβράκος (EFD). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, θεωρώ ότι οι χώρες των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων και η ένταξή τους στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση συγκαταλέγονται στις προτεραιότητές μας, εφόσον βεβαίως δεν μεταφέρουν τα εσωτερικά τους προβλήματα στην Ένωση. Δεν συμμερίζομαι λοιπόν την αδημονία με την οποία οι συνήθεις «νονοί» της FYROM ομίλησαν εκτός θέματος.

Η Σερβία έχει δείξει προσήλωση στην ευρωπαϊκή πορεία της και έχει επιτελέσει μεγάλη πρόοδο στην επίτευξη των κριτηρίων. Είναι απαραίτητο να συνεχιστεί και να ενθαρρυνθεί ο διάλογος μεταξύ Βελιγραδίου και Πρίστινας, ο οποίος είναι ιστορικής σημασίας. Ήδη έχουν εγκριθεί σημαντικά σχέδια δράσης σε τομείς όπως είναι η ανεξαρτησία της δικαιοσύνης και η καταπολέμηση της διαφθοράς και των διακρίσεων. Ωστόσο, όπως επισημαίνεται και από την Επιτροπή, χρειάζεται να γίνουν περαιτέρω ενέργειες προς την κατεύθυνση της εναρμόνισης με το ευρωπαϊκό κεκτημένο και της εξυγίανσης των οικονομικών. Η κρατική παρέμβαση στην οικονομία πρέπει να περιοριστεί προς όφελος της ανάπτυξης και της ανταγωνιστικότητας του ιδιωτικού τομέα. Πιστεύω ότι η Σερβία μπορεί. Εκτιμώ ότι έχει τη δυνατότητα για γρήγορη πρόοδο στο πλαίσιο της ενταξιακής της πορείας και θεωρώ ότι χρειαζόμαστε μία σταθερή Σερβία προς όφελος της σταθερότητας όλης της περιοχής.

  Krisztina Morvai (NI). - Nemzeti önrendelkezést, valódi területi autonómiát – hasonlóan Dél-Tirolhoz – emberi jogokat, így a nyelvhasználat jogát, a diszkriminációmentes és bántalmazásmentes élethez való jogot. Ezeket kívánják és követelik a délvidéki vagy vajdasági magyarok. Az az őshonos közösség, amely több mint ezer éve ugyanott él – a jelenlegi Szerbia területén, a trianoni gyalázatos békediktátum miatt – de akiknek igazságkövetelését a csatlakozási folyamatban elhallgatja mind a szerb állam, mind a magyar állam, mind a legnagyobb magyar párt, az úgynevezett VMSZ. Ezért köszönöm, hogy Füle biztos úr ma egy egyórás beszélgetés keretében fogadta az elhallgattatott délvidéki magyarok üzenetét.

Azét a tíz civil szervezetét, emberi jogi szervezetét, négy kisebb pártét, vezető értelmiségiekét, akik eddig nem vehettek részt a szerb csatlakozási folyamatban, de remélem mostantól – Füle biztos úr segítségével is – nemcsak elszenvedői, hanem alakítói is lehetnek az őket érintő döntéseknek. Kérem és követelem a nevükben azt is, hogy Magyarország vétózza meg a szerb csatlakozást mindaddig, amíg vége nem lesz a tömeges jogsértéseknek a délvidéki magyarsággal szemben.

  Elmar Brok (PPE). - Herr Präsident, Herr Ratspräsident, Herr Kommissar! Ich glaube, es ist eine gute Nachricht, dass Beitrittsverhandlungen mit Serbien beginnen und die Verhandlungen über ein Assoziierungsabkommen mit dem Kosovo. Ich danke dem Herrn Kommissar und der Hohen Vertreterin, dass sie Brücken gebaut haben, die dies möglich machen. Im Jahr, in dem vor 100 Jahren der Erste Weltkrieg begann, müssen wir sehen, dass der Balkan immer auch ein Platz der Zerrissenheit war – zum Schaden der Völker dort mit Implikationen für ganz Europa. Und Europa kann hier ein Modell bilden, wenn man eine gemeinsame Rechtsgemeinschaft hat, indem man nach den gemeinsamen Regeln lebt, indem Korruption beseitigt wird, indem wirtschaftliche Entwicklung entsteht, indem man Marktreife entwickelt. Dies alles kann dazu beitragen, dass Brücken geschaffen werden und die Vergangenheit ein Stück vergessen wird.

Ich glaube, das ist von ungeheuer großer Bedeutung, deswegen müssen wir unser Wort von Thessaloniki halten, dass die Tür zur Mitgliedschaft für diese Länder offen ist. Ich glaube auch, dass, wenn man in Europa lebt, dies dann bedeutet, dass die alten Konflikte – auch die Minderheitenkonflikte, die gerade im Zusammenhang mit Ungarn angesprochen wurden – an Bedeutung verlieren, weil man, egal auf welcher Seite der Grenze man lebt, in derselben Rechtsgemeinschaft lebt, und dass dies der entscheidende Punkt ist.

Diese Länder müssen natürlich noch viel leisten an inneren Reformen, gerade was Demokratie, Rechtstaatlichkeit, die Bekämpfung der Korruption angeht. Beide Staaten müssen bereit sein, etwa die Probleme im Nordkosovo zu lösen, damit die Spannungen, die nach den Kommunalwahlen dort auftauchten, auch in den Griff bekommen werden. Aber ich glaube, dass dies ein wichtiger Gewinn ist, dass die ursprüngliche Idee Europas, Grenzen überflüssig zu machen, dass jeder so leben kann, als wäre es eine gemeinsame Rechtsgemeinschaft, den inneren Frieden stiftet und uns allen weiterhelfen wird.

Herr Kommissar, ich wünsche Ihnen viel Glück bei den Verhandlungen!

  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, possiamo certamente dire che siamo in una fase nuova del processo di stabilizzazione dei Balcani occidentali e non vi è dubbio che sia utile sottolineare l'apprezzamento per la determinazione e l'impegno mostrato dai governi serbo e kosovaro per il raggiungimento dello storico accordo e per la sua progressiva attuazione.

Il dialogo, facilitato dall'Unione europea, ha raggiunto risultati senza precedenti e potrebbe diventare in futuro un modello per l'intera regione. Siamo ad un punto di svolta fondamentale nel processo di stabilizzazione e bisogna lavorare perché questo processo sia irreversibile, sia per Belgrado sia per Pristina, poiché è necessaria una costruttiva collaborazione tra i due paesi per la positiva prosecuzione dei rispettivi processi di integrazione. In questo quadro, pur sottolineando i progressi avvenuti in Kosovo, è necessario che le riforme vadano avanti con maggiore accelerazione nei diversi settori: penso alle riforme economico-sociali, alla riorganizzazione del sistema giudiziario, alla lotta alla corruzione e alla criminalità, e penso ai problemi ancora aperti nel nord del Kosovo.

Per tutto questo, la nostra presenza in Kosovo come Unione europea, anche attraverso Eulex, deve servire ad impegnarsi con maggiore forza per incoraggiare le autorità a realizzare questo percorso di riforme, come indicato dall'onorevole Lunacek. Del resto, più le autorità kosovare saranno determinate nel raggiungere questi obiettivi, più sarà facilitato il processo di integrazione. Tutti i ventotto paesi dell'Unione europea hanno riconosciuto l'importanza dei progressi compiuti da Belgrado e, per quanto concerne il Kosovo, anche quei paesi che non hanno ancora riconosciuto il paese, pur insistendo affinché vengano rispettate tutte le posizioni degli Stati membri, accettano il principio del parallelismo dei due processi di avvicinamento all'Unione europea di Serbia e Kosovo. È quindi il momento, caro Commissario, di dare una svolta decisiva e cogliere davvero le opportunità che la fase politica attuale offre a tutti i soggetti coinvolti.

  Norica Nicolai (ALDE). - Domnule președinte, și eu cred că vocația europeană a statelor din Balcanii de Vest este una conturată și progresele și stabilitatea zonei o demonstrează. Cred însă, în mod deosebit, în vocația europeană a două state, Serbia și Macedonia. Cred că aceste două state trebuie să acceadă cât mai curând în Uniunea Europeană și cred, de asemenea, că Președinția greacă va marca un mare succes, dând posibilitatea Macedoniei să înceapă parcursul european. Ar fi cel mai mare succes pe care o președinție l-ar avea și cred că Grecia nu poate rata un asemenea eveniment.

Aș avea un răspuns de dat în legătură cu recunoașterea de către cinci state a statului Kosovo, printre care și propria mea țară. Nu credem în viabilitatea acestui stat și, dacă am ascultat în seara asta intervenții care vorbesc despre minoritățile naționale pe teritoriul altor state, dați-mi voie să mă tem că astfel de intervenții vor fi din ce în ce mai prezente într-o Europă care se pregătește de alegeri și într-o Europă în care un anumit tip de discurs revanșard, care nu ține cont de echilibrul etnic în anumite spații, poate lua un contur din ce în ce mai agresiv. Sunt două motivații care ne-au făcut doar să salutăm progresele Kosovo, dar să nu recunoaștem această țară.

  Lajos Bokros (ECR). - Mr President, it is indispensable that all EU Member States finally recognise the independence and sovereignty of Kosovo. If the five countries recognise their true national interests, it will be easy to walk the missing mile.

Dear Slovak friends, if you do not recognise Kosovo for fear of alleged Hungarian separatism, you fall into a trap, because the real reference point is Slovak sovereignty. Do you deny the right of your own people to self-determination, which is now supported by all respectable Hungarians?

Dear Romanian friends, do you consider the union of Transylvania with Romania illegitimate? No Hungarian person in his right mind would do that. No need to fear Hungarian separatism.

Do not undermine your own position by denying Kosovars self-determination. If Slovakia and Romania recognised the independence of Kosovo, Serbia would have no choice but to follow them. Will Serbs delegitimise the incorporation of Vojvodina into Serbia after World War One by refusing to acknowledge the sovereignty of Kosovo, with its 90 % Albanian population? Serbia and Kosovo, we need both of you in the European Union.

  Lorenzo Fontana (EFD). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, devo dire che da parte nostra c'è sempre un po' di perplessità quando si parla dell'allargamento e, anche in questo caso, non possiamo sottrarci a questo punto di vista, nel senso che, soprattutto per quanto riguarda il Kosovo, crediamo che le problematiche di questo paese siano numerose e siano anche molto difficili da risolvere nel giro di pochi anni. Pensiamo, ad esempio, alla corruzione, che è sicuramente una delle questioni principali; ma poi pensiamo anche al tasso di disoccupazione e ai tassi economici che ha il Kosovo. Io ho una preoccupazione, perché nel momento in cui dovessimo liberalizzare questo paese la paura è che magari ci sia un grosso afflusso di immigrati, come per esempio l'Italia, che già hanno un tasso di disoccupazione molto elevato.

Poi c'è una cosa che mi dispiace più di tutte le altre, ovvero tutti quei fondi che noi diamo a questi paesi in preadesione. Ma con la situazione critica delle nostre economie interne, perché abbiamo dovuto dare negli ultimi sette anni seicentotrentacinque milioni di euro al Kosovo? È qualcosa che i nostri cittadini fanno fatica a comprendere. Guardo anche il dato della Serbia: un miliardo trecentottantacinque milioni di euro negli ultimi sette anni. Sono cose che se io vado a dire al mio elettorato, probabilmente non ci crede neppure, ed è una cosa che purtroppo avviene e chiedo che venga rivista.

  Eduard Kukan (PPE) - Chcel by som sa najskôr poďakovať pánovi komisárovi Fülemu, ale aj obidvom spravodajcom za ich pozitívny prínos k otázke rozširovania Európskej únie, pretože príklad Srbska a Kosova ukazuje, že táto politika pokračuje a prináša výsledky.

Pokrok, ktorý Srbsko dosiahlo v minulom roku, je pozoruhodný. Oceňujem odhodlanie a kroky súčasnej vlády vo vzťahu k reformám. Chcem len poznamenať, že my očakávame reformy naozajstné, bez kľučkovania, bez chytráčenia, a že očakávame ich úplnú implementáciu.

S tým však súvisí aj väčšia zodpovednosť. Zodpovednosť k záväzkom voči európskym partnerom, k hodnotám EÚ, ako aj voči vlastným občanom. Rokovania, ktoré očakávajú Srbsko, budú dlhé a namáhavé. Verím však, že srbská vláda pretaví dôveru, ktorú dostala od európskych partnerov aj od svojich voličov, do úspešného začatia prístupových rokovaní až do ich úspešného zakončenia.

Pokiaľ ide o Kosovo, vlaňajšia dohoda medzi Prištinou a Belehradom je historickou udalosťou. Posun vo vzájomných vzťahoch však musí pokračovať, Únia by to mala sledovať a kontrolovať plnenie. Začatie rokovaní o stabilizačnej a asociačnej dohode, dobre zvládnuté lokálne voľby a pokrok v niektorých reformách sú signálmi toho, že Kosovo taktiež napreduje.

Zo strany Únie by sme sa mali snažiť o čo najširšiu podporu účasti Kosova v regionálnych a medzinárodných organizáciách, lebo to dodá viac zodpovednosti politickým lídrom, aj na domáce dianie, a mali by sme urobiť pokrok v otázke liberalizácie vízovej povinnosti, pretože Kosovo zostáva izolovanou krajinou na Balkáne a to nie je dobré ani pre nich, ani pre nás.

  Ana Gomes (S&D). - Senhor Presidente, a normalização entre Sérvia e Kosovo é crucial para as perspetivas de integração dos dois países na União Europeia. Depois do acordo de abril, facilitado pela Alta Representante Cathy Ashton, a realidade no terreno começou a mudar. No entanto, persistem, como provaram as eleições de novembro, persistem interpretações diversas sobre o compromisso de abril.

O governo sérvio tem de pôr travão ao patrocínio político de uma associação de municípios sérvios no norte do Kosovo, depois de ter feito campanha pelo partido sérvio nas eleições de novembro. A União Europeia tem de fazer valer o compromisso de abril na abertura das negociações com vista à adesão da Sérvia.

É importante manter a progressão paralela para Sérvia e Kosovo. Por isso, o Conselho deve viabilizar a assinatura de um acordo de estabilização e associação com Pristina. Mas, para isso, é preciso ultrapassarmos os obstáculos na própria União Europeia. É preciso reconhecer a realidade no terreno, persuadir os cinco Estados-Membros da União que ainda não reconheceram a independência do Kosovo a que o façam, espantando os seus próprios fantasmas.

  Ivo Vajgl (ALDE). - Ta generacija srbskih in kosovarskih politikov je gotovo zaslužna za to, da se danes lahko sproščeno pogovarjamo o trendih na zahodnem Balkanu.

Stvari bi bile še boljše, če bi članice Evropske unije, tiste, ki še niso priznale Kosova, to čim prej storile, in se preprosto sprejele neke realnosti sveta in sprememb v njem.

Mislim, da je tudi za grško predsedstvo, o katerem ne dvomim, da bo odlično, priložnost, da v tem času naveže dejansko produktiven in dobronameren kontakt s sosednjo Makedonijo in da poskuša v tem času odpreti Makedoniji pot v evro-atlantske integracije.

Rekel sem evro-atlantske namenoma, ker vem za zgodbo seveda s članstvom Makedonije v Natu.

Balkan je celota in nikar ne smemo pozabiti Bosne in Hercegovine in jo pustiti, da zaostaja.

  Ruža Tomašić (ECR). - Gospodine predsjedavajući, neosporno je da Hrvatska i Srbija moraju blisko surađivati, naročito u sferi sigurnosti i borbe protiv organiziranog kriminala u čemu velik izazov predstavlja dobra povezanost kriminalnih skupina iz dviju država. Napredak Srbije prema EU Hrvatskoj je važan i zbog slobodne trgovinske razmjene te kao garant stabilnosti za hrvatske poduzetnike koji su dosad u Srbiju uložili 670 milijuna eura. No za Hrvatsku samo napredak u odnosima između Srbije i Kosova ne može biti jamstvo promjene srpske politike. Bilateralni odnosi s državom kojoj je na čelu četnički vojvoda i koja rehabilitira četnički pokret, odbija priznati svoju ulogu u prošlom ratu i ne priznaje postojanje logora na svom teritoriju, krije karte minskih polja, odbija dati podatke o nestalima i nije do kraja vratila opljačkano kulturno blago ne mogu biti označeni dobrima na temelju simboličnih gesta visokih državnih dužnosnika iza kojih ne stoji nikakav sadržaj. U svojoj sam zemlji povela javnu raspravu, a zaključak je bio gotovo jednoglasan – srpska politika nije se promijenila.

(Govornica se složila da odgovori na pitanje podizanjem plave kartice na osnovi članka 149. stavka 8. Poslovnika.)

Commissioner, I would like your written answer as to whether, during your negotiations, you tried, or will try, to help Serbia come to terms with its past.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))

  Davor Ivo Stier (PPE), Question “carton bleu”. – Gospodine predsjedniče, gospođo Tomašić, spomenuli ste s jedne strane da je Hrvatskoj u interesu napredak Srbije prema Europskoj uniji zbog naših gospodarskih interesa, s druge strane ste spomenuli kako se srbijanska politika nije promijenila, da je ostala u biti agresorska kao što je to bilo '90-ih. U tom smislu želio bih vas pitati da li onda podržavate odluku da se otvore pristupni pregovori sa Srbijom sada u siječnju ili bi vi blokirali europski put Srbije u ovom trenutku?

  Ruža Tomašić (ECR), odgovor na pitanje postavljeno podizanjem plave kartice – Hvala lijepa kolega, ja nemam ništa protiv otvorenja pregovora, da se pregovara, ali želim isto tako da Srbija napravi ono što treba na putu u Europsku uniju. Vi jako dobro znate da je Hrvatska morala potpisivati i ono što je trebalo i što nije trebalo da što prije uđe u Europsku uniju. Pa zašto bismo mi sami bili žrtveni jarac, pogotovo ako nismo krivi ni za što?

  Krzysztof Lisek (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Bałkany to obszar, w którym dochodziło do dramatycznych wydarzeń i w dalekiej historii, i w tej bliższej, kilkanaście lat temu. Wtedy niestety jako Unia Europejska nie zdaliśmy egzaminu. Tym bardziej jesteśmy odpowiedzialni za to, co dzieje się na Bałkanach Zachodnich w dniu dzisiejszym. Dlatego bardzo chciałem podziękować za zaangażowanie zarówno pani wysokiej przedstawiciel baronessie Ashton jak i panu komisarzowi Füle. To jest dobra robota, którą Komisja Europejska i wysoka przedstawiciel tam wykonuje.

Jeżeli chodzi o Serbię, to jestem również zwolennikiem rozszerzenia Unii Europejskiej na Serbię. Myślę, że nie możemy mówić dzisiaj o żadnych datach, ale to jest proces, do którego powinniśmy doprowadzić. Należy wyrazić uznanie również dla ostatnich wysiłków Serbii, zwłaszcza w zakresie dialogu z Kosowem. Jeżeli chodzi o Kosowo, to jest oczywiście wiele do zrobienia. Wiemy, że jest to niezwykle biedny kraj, któremu musimy pomóc. Ale od Kosowa powinniśmy też wymagać, powinniśmy wymagać dalszych reform sądownictwa, walki z korupcją i również z przestępczością zorganizowaną, również opieki nad mniejszością, w tym mniejszością serbską.

  Boris Zala (S&D) - Vítam pokrok v rokovaní medzi Srbskom a Kosovom. Slovenská republika neuznáva samostatnosť Kosova práve preto, že nie je výsledkom dohody Belehradu a Prištiny. Vznikanie nových štátov násilnou cestou je neprijateľný precedens pre Európsku úniu, ale Európska únia musí sama urobiť politické rozhodnutia, aby sa nikde v Európe podobný proces nemohol zopakovať.

To je výzva aktuálna, pretože separatistické hnutia sú v Európskej únii stále živšie. Odsúvanie tohto problému len na úroveň členských štátov na jednej strane a OSN na druhej strane nie je správnym riešením. Európska únia musí odmietnuť nelegitímne a nelegálne postupy separácie území, menšín a etnických skupín. Len dohoda môže byť vstupenkou do EÚ. Môžem uistiť nielen poslanca Posselta alebo Bokrosa, ale všetkých, že ten moment, keď sa Belehrad a Priština dohodnú, Slovenská republika bude dohodu akceptovať.

  Paweł Zalewski (PPE). - Dobrze, że w Kosowie obserwujemy pozytywne sygnały. Były nimi ostatnio wybory. Musimy jednak pamiętać o ciągłej odpowiedzialności Unii Europejskiej za sytuację w tym kraju. Dotyczy to przede wszystkim stosunków między Albańczykami kosowskimi a Serbami. Dobrze, że ostatnio złagodzeniu uległy konflikty między tymi grupami narodowymi, ciągle jednak występują napięcia. Dlatego wciąż musimy domagać się zapewnienia fizycznego bezpieczeństwa dla Serbów kosowskich. Powinniśmy także domagać się odbudowy wielu bezcennych zabytków sakralnych. Od 1999 r. Albańczycy kosowscy zniszczyli ich ponad 150, w tym zabytkowe seminarium w Prizrenie, kościół w Deviču, klasztor Świętych Archaniołów, kościoły w Djakovicy czy Uroševaczu. Kwestią wiarygodności Unii Europejskiej jest wyjaśnienie do końca sprawy handlu organami Serbów torturowanych i mordowanych w trakcie wojny domowej.

  Roberto Gualtieri (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, gli accordi di aprile, gli sviluppi degli ultimi mesi e delle ultime settimane dimostrano che, quando vuole, l'Unione europea può fare una vera e propria, una grande politica estera e di vicinato. Il buon risultato delle elezioni amministrative ha dato solidità e concretezza al percorso avviato con l'accordo di aprile.

Elezioni libere e democratiche si sono svolte per la prima volta in tutto il territorio del Kosovo nel quadro della legge di quel paese. La positiva volontà di cooperazione di tutti gli attori ha permesso di raggiungere questo risultato e ha consentito di superare gli ostacoli, ostacoli a tutt'oggi presenti, come dimostra anche la vicenda di Nord Mitrovica, della mancata volontà di prestare giuramento e di insediarsi del sindaco eletto. Ma anche in questo caso mi sembra che si vada verso una soluzione positiva, verso nuove elezioni che consentiranno quindi la formazione, finalmente, dell'associazione delle municipalità serbe del Nord del Kosovo.

Questo dimostra che il processo va seguito e accompagnato ma anche che, quando vuole, l'Unione europea può ottenere – e otterrà – dei risultati molto importanti nella stabilizzazione dei Balcani occidentali.

  Kinga Gál (PPE). - Elnök Úr! Gratulálni szeretnék a jelentéstevőnek a jó és tartalmas jelentéshez. Köszönöm, és lényegesnek tartom, hogy a vajdasági magyarság számára kulcskérdések is megnevezésre kerültek, és egyúttal kérem a Bizottságot, hogy ezeket a problémákat kövesse nyomon a tárgyalások folyamán, hogy az ügyek mihamarabb megnyugtatóan rendeződjenek – mint a nemzeti tanácsok kompetenciájának megőrzése, vagy a restitúciós, rehabilitációs törvények diszkriminációmentes alkalmazása. Üdvözlöm, hogy elindulnak a tárgyalások Szerbiával. Az Unió által támasztott követelmények elsősorban Szerbia egész lakosságának kell, hogy hasznára váljon – beleértve minden kisebbséget, a vajdasági magyar közösséget is.

A korábbi csatlakozási folyamatok bizonyították, hogy a nemzeti kisebbségeket érintő kérdések napirendre kell kerüljenek a csatlakozási folyamatok során. Mi több, megnyugtató megoldásokat kell találni ezen problémákra, az adott ország csatlakozásának pillanata előtt. Ezért tartom fontosnak, hogy ezeket az alapvető jogokat is érintő kérdéseket tartalmazó tárgyalási fejezet a csatlakozás utolsó pillanatáig nyitva maradjon.

  Tanja Fajon (S&D). - Evropski parlament prvič s tako enotnim glasom priznava velik napredek Srbije in Kosova.

Dogovor o normalizaciji odnosov je dokaz, da je Unija za obe državi pomembnejši cilj kot populistična in nacionalistična retorika.

Začetek pogajanj s Srbijo bo odprl novo poglavje, ki bo zahtevalo velike napore: vladavina prava, boj proti korupciji, varovanje človekovih pravic, svoboda medijev – tu bo delo najtežje.

Varovanje meja – državljani Srbije ne smejo kršiti pravil brezvizumskega potovanja. To bo preveč resno ogrozilo vse, ki danes uživajo ugodnosti brezvizumskega režima. Storiti pa moramo tudi vse, da v brezvizumski režim čim prej vstopi še Kosovo.

V Evropskem parlamentu stalno spodbujamo evropsko perspektivo zahodnega Balkana. Želim, da bi tudi grško predsedstvo širitvi deset let po vrhu v Solunu dalo nov zagon.

To bi bil uspeh za vse, za Evropo, ki bo le združena uspela.

  Othmar Karas (PPE). - Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Jeder von uns weiß, dass wir im Jahr 2014 auch dessen gedenken, dass vor 100 Jahren der Beginn des Ersten Weltkriegs war, dass wir den 75. Jahrestag des Beginns des Zweiten Weltkriegs haben. Wir haben auch den 25. Jahrestag des Falls des Eisernen Vorhangs. Das zeigt uns, dass wir die Folgen des Zweiten Weltkriegs mit dem Fall des Eisernen Vorhangs und dem Beitritt vieler Staaten, die früher in Diktatur lebten, zur Europäischen Union leichter überwinden konnten als die Folgen der Friedensverträge des Ersten Weltkriegs, weil es nach dem Fall des Eisernen Vorhangs zum Bürgerkrieg in Jugoslawien gekommen ist. Nationalismen, verschiedene Religionen und Kulturen, die keine Berücksichtigung fanden, sind aufeinandergeprallt, was eine Ursache des Ersten Weltkriegs war.

Wir können die Nationalismen, die Egoismen, die Frage der Minderheiten nur in der Integration in der Europäischen Union lösen. Darum ist das, was wir heute hier diskutieren, ein ganz positives Signal der Weiterentwicklung in der Einigung Europas: der Beginn der Beitrittsverhandlungen mit Serbien, die Unterstützung des Abkommens über die Normalisierung der Beziehungen zwischen Belgrad und Priština – zwei positive Signale, die wir begrüßen.

Wir müssen diesen Dialog fortsetzen, um zu zeigen, dass die Perspektive dieser Länder in der Europäischen Union ist und nur die Europäische Union die Folgen des Zweiten Weltkriegs und die nicht geklärten Folgen des Ersten Weltkriegs überwinden kann. Machen wir weiter!

  Kinga Göncz (S&D). - Szerbia néhány napon belül megkezdi a csatlakozási tárgyalásokat, Koszovó pedig a társulási megállapodás tavaszi lezárására készül. Az európai jövő látótávolságba került Belgrád és Pristina számára is. Ez nem kis részben az Európai Unió közvetítésével zajló párbeszéd eredménye. Most arra van szükség, hogy a tető alá hozott egyezségek ne maradjanak papíron, hanem valóban változást hozzanak a határ két oldalán élők életében. A tárgyaláskezdéssel Szerbia fokozott megfigyelés alá kerül, és első naptól fogva bizonyítania kell, hogy erőfeszítéseket tesz a demokratikus értékek és az alapvető jogok tiszteletben tartása, a független igazságszolgáltatás biztosítása terén, a korrupció és a szervezett bűnözés elleni harcban.

Belgrád érdeke, hogy fenntarthassa a vízummentességet, amelyet egy újabb szerb migrációs hullám könnyen veszélybe sodorhat. Fontos, hogy a vízummentesség ne kerüljön veszélybe, és nagyon fontos motiváló eszköz az uniós csatlakozási elkötelezettség fenntartásában.

  Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). - Gospodine predsjedniče, gospodine povjereniče, vi ste se prisjetili Prvog svjetskog rata, rata koji je započet na Balkanu, a završio je prvom američkom vojnom intervencijom u Europi. Ove se godine također obilježava 25. godišnjica famoznog govora Slobodana Miloševića u Gazimestanu, kada je javno artikuliran plan stvaranja Velike Srbije. Tadašnja Europska zajednica nije imala snage ni sposobnosti zaustaviti Miloševićevu agresiju na Sloveniju, Hrvatsku, BiH, Kosovo, pa je na kraju opet došlo do američke intervencije. Izvješća koja su danas pred nama govore da se puno toga promijenilo, da je Europa u međuvremenu naučila neke lekcije i da sada može preuzeti vodstvo u osiguranju mira i stabilnosti u svom jugoistočnom kutu. O tome svjedoči uspjeh europske vanjske politike u postizanju dogovora između Beograda i Prištine. Time je za Srbiju otvorena povijesna prilika, prilika za europeizaciju. Treba ovdje jasno reći da taj proces nije jednostavan. Da, Srbija će morati se suočiti sa svojom prošlošću, s Miloševićevom agresijom, morat će otvoriti arhive jugoslavenske tajne policije i vojske, riješiti pitanje nestalih, štititi manjine, morat će nastaviti s borbom protiv korupcije, provesti gospodarske reforme. To je zahtjevan proces, može dugo trajati, ali to je povijesna prilika za Srbiju jer Srbija pripada civilizaciji koja je izgrađena na judeo-kršćanskoj tradiciji i ako Srbija prođe kroz taj proces europeizacije, a vjerujem da to građani Srbije zaslužuju, onda joj je mjesto u Europskoj uniji. Takva europska Srbija je u interesu svih nas, u prvom redu samih građana Srbije, koji će moći zajedno s nama graditi Europu mira i slobode, Europu koja je zauvijek zamijenila nacionalističku logiku sukoba s novom politikom suradnje, solidarnosti i napretka.

  Маруся Любчева (S&D). - Г-н Председател, не познавам Първата световна война. За нея знам от историята. Но помня бомбардировките над Сърбия през 90-те години.

Днес Балканите, Западните Балкани се променят. И това е радостното. Всички, които живеем на тази територия, знаем какво означава това.

Поздравявам Сърбия за започването на преговорите за членство в Европейския съюз. Смятам, че това ще допринесе за помирението и регионалното сътрудничество в региона, за мира, стабилността и просперитета. Освен, че това е важно за Сърбия, то има положителен ефект върху всички останали страни в региона, върху скоростта на европейската интеграция на останалите страни.

Очаквам Сърбия да запази същата решителност към преговорите и продължаване на модернизацията на страната, която демонстрира напоследък. Като депутат от България очаквам особено внимание да бъде обърнато на етническите малцинства и регионалното развитие. Препоръките на Парламента са добре отразени в резолюцията и аз я подкрепям.

Преговорите за присъединяване, разбира се, ще протичат паралелно с нормализацията на отношенията с Косово и двата процеса със сигурност ще се допълват.

Със съжаление видях, че разширяването не е сред приоритетите на гръцкото председателство. Но призовавам гръцкото правителство, въпреки трудния за Европа момент и предизвикателствата, пред които всички европейски страни са изправени, да поднови усилията на Съюза за намиране на решение на всички нерешени въпроси и да ускори трансграничното сътрудничество в региона.

  President. − Sir Winston Churchill used to insist that the best speeches made one point.

  Csaba Sógor (PPE). - Nagy örömömre szolgál, hogy elkezdődhetnek a csatlakozási tárgyalások Szerbiával, és reményeink szerint néhány éven belül, a sikeres jogharmonizáció után újabb taggal bővülhet közösségünk. Az uniós tagságig vezető út azonban számos kihívást tartogat a szerb hatóságok és az Európai Bizottság számára is. Szeretném felhívni a tárgyalásokban közvetlenül érintett felek figyelmét a román és a bolgár csatlakozás tapasztalataira. Ma már világosan látszik, hogy ez a két ország nem készült fel maradéktalanul a csatlakozásra, ennek következményeit pedig azóta is érezzük. Románia igazságügyi rendszere 2007-óta uniós monitoring eljárás alatt van, a Bizottság jelentései pedig egyelőre nem is helyezték kilátásba a mechanizmus megszüntetését.

Ez volt az egyik ára az akkori csatlakozásnak. Ma azonban sokan úgy látják, ha a tárgyalásokon rendezték volna ezeket a problémákat, talán hamarabb megoldódnak és nincs szükség monitoringra sem – bár a csatlakozás egy-két évvel későbbre tolódott volna. Ezért szeretném kiemelni, hogy meglátásom szerint Szerbia lakóinak, szerbeknek, magyaroknak, romáknak, bosnyákoknak, horvátoknak és a többi kisebbségnek az az érdeke, hogy kimerítő, a problémákat őszintén felsorakoztató tárgyalásokat folytassanak, és a megnyugtató megoldások végrehajtása előtt ne kerüljön sor a csatlakozásra.

  Tonino Picula (S&D). - Gospodine predsjedniče, gospodine povjereniče, 2013. bila je značajna godina za dvije države o čijem napretku danas raspravljamo, ali i za kredibilitet vanjske politike Europske unije na Zapadnom Balkanu. Međusobni sporazum Beograda i Prištine označava važnu prekretnicu u njihovim međusobnim odnosima, ali odražava rastuću zrelost tih društava. Podržavam napredak u organiziranju lokalne samouprave na Kosovu, ali treba stimulirati veću izlaznost na lokalne izbore. Dodatna zaštita svih manjina u obje države ostaje njihova osobita obveza.

Što se tiče Srbije, otvorena pitanja sa susjednom Hrvatskom obuhvaćaju otkrivanje sudbina 1665 nestalih ljudi, rješavanje problema procesa sukcesije i izvršavanje preuzetih obveza o podjeli imovine bivše SFRJ, dogovor o podjeli zajedničkog arhiva, prilagodbu trgovinskih dijelova Sporazuma o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju, kao i veći angažman u rješavanju otvorenih graničnih pitanja.

Na današnji dan 1998. dovršena je primjena Erdutskog sporazuma između Hrvatske i Srbije kojim je područje hrvatskog Podunavlja mirno reintegrirano uz posredovanje međunarodne zajednice i zadržavanja velikog dijela lokalnog srpskog stanovništva. Volio bih da i sporazum Kosova i Srbije također bude sličan putokaz njihove europske budućnosti.

  Надежда Нейнски (PPE). - Г-н Комисар, преди година едва ли някой предполагаше, че днес ще поздравяваме Сърбия относно започналите предприсъединителни преговори с Европейския съюз, както и Косово относно преговорите за Споразумение за стабилизиране и асоцииране. Тези събития са най-ясното доказателство за дългия път, изминат от двете страни, път, изпълнен с мирен диалог, компромиси и сътрудничество, път, който неминуемо ще ги доведе до пълноправно членство.

Но започването на преговори е първата стъпка към Европейския съюз. Сега лидерите на Сърбия и Косово трябва да докажат, че не само могат да запазят постигнатото, но и да го надградят чрез реформи в името на техните граждани и с цел гарантиране на добросъседски взаимоотношения. Европейският съюз ще ги подкрепя финансово чрез Инструмента за предприсъединителна помощ като доказателство за своята ангажираност с бъдещето им. Но единствено от тях зависи да реализират своята европейска мечта.

Пълноправното членство на Сърбия и Косово е важно не само за тях, но и за стабилността и просперитета на Балканите. То ще положи основите на икономическо сътрудничество, което ще направи всички държави от региона по-богати. Ще доведе до засилване на контактите между хората, което ще пребори национализма и омразата. Ще наложи политическо сътрудничество с цел решаване на общи проблеми. Така членството на Сърбия и Косово ще доведе до мир в регион, твърде дълго асоцииран с конфликти.

Като евродепутат от България, държава, която има интерес съседите й да са стабилни, а регионът, в който се намира, да бъде мирен, мога единствено да пожелая на Сърбия и Косово скорошно присъединяване.

Catch-the-eye procedure

  Dubravka Šuica (PPE). - Hvala Vam lijepa, gospodine predsjedavajući. Evo, već smo čuli, stabilna Srbija, kao i sve ostale zemlje jugoistočne Europe jamac su mira i stabilnosti u tom dijelu Europe. Gospodine Füle, želim Vam zahvaliti na naporima, kao i gospođi Ashton, jer bez vašeg napora ne bi bila ovakva dinamika i ne bismo bili vjerovali prije godinu, dvije dana da ćemo danas hvaliti i pozdravljati napredak Srbije.

Međutim, ne bi bilo korektno danas ovdje biti iz Hrvatske koja je 2013. ušla u Europsku uniju, a ne spomenuti jedan od, reći ću slobodno, uvjeta, a to je pronalazak, kao što je već kolega Picula rekao, 1665 osoba nestalih u Domovinskom ratu. To je činjenica koju treba ovdje spomenuti i ne samo spomenuti nego na njoj raditi. I akcentirat ću još jedan podatak, a to je otvaranje arhiva u Srbiji kako bi uklonili nasljeđe bivših komunističkih tajnih službi jer bi time bio otvoren put za razmjenu informacija i o nestalima i o svim informacijama koje su važne i za Srbiju na njenom putu u Europsku uniju.

  Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE). - Señor Presidente, señor Comisario, cuando hay voluntad política todo es posible.

Kosovo evoluciona positivamente porque las decisiones de la ciudadanía son Estado cuando se institucionalizan en democracia. Cinco Estados miembros —entre ellos, España— no lo reconocen. No aceptan para otros el mismo principio democrático que les dio origen.

Las claves de éxito de nuestra Unión como agente de paz y de progreso son el diálogo, la libertad y la democracia. Desde esta posición, necesitamos también mirar hacia dentro y proponer soluciones para un problema real. Porque en nuestra Unión hay cuestiones nacionales en Escocia, en Cataluña, en Flandes, en Euskadi y en otros lugares. Y este es también un problema europeo.

Afecta a la estructura de nuestras instituciones comunes y a derechos fundamentales de la ciudadanía europea, que quiere seguir siéndolo. En Europa ni se pueden impedir debates, ni se pueden imponer posiciones.

Y nos proponemos y ofrecemos desde el País Vasco, desde Euskadi, una de esas naciones sin Estado, para trabajar en una respuesta europea para estas tensiones, fundamental para una ampliación hacia dentro de la fortaleza de nuestra Unión. Acepte nuestra ayuda.

  Χαράλαμπος Αγγουράκης (GUE/NGL). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η διεύρυνση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης στα Δυτικά Βαλκάνια πέρασε από τον διαμελισμό της Γιουγκοσλαβίας και την επαναχάραξη των συνόρων με τον βρώμικο πόλεμο του ΝΑΤΟ, της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών το 1999. Πέρασε από την ειρήνη με το πιστόλι στον κρόταφο και τη δημιουργία του νατοϊκού προτεκτοράτου στο Κόσσοβο. Πέρασε από τις στρατιωτικές αστυνομικές επιχειρήσεις της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης στη Βοσνία και στο Κοσσυφοπέδιο. Πέρασε από την πρόσφατη συμφωνία Σερβίας-Κοσσόβου κάτω από τους ωμούς εκβιασμούς της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Ο ανταγωνισμός της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης με τις άλλες ιμπεριαλιστικές δυνάμεις στην περιοχή δυναμώνει.

Στους σχεδιασμούς αυτούς συμμετέχει η ελληνική αστική τάξη και η κυβέρνηση της Νέας Δημοκρατίας και ΠΑΣΟΚ. Επιδιώκουν διείσδυση των επιχειρηματικών ομίλων και έξοδο από την κρίση σε βάρος των λαών. Οι καπιταλιστικές μεταρρυθμίσεις με προοπτική την ένταξη, η απίστευτη φτώχεια και η εκμετάλλευση, η μαζική μετανάστευση διαψεύδουν την ευρωενωσιακή προπαγάνδα ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση εγγυάται την ειρήνη και την ευημερία των λαών. Συμφέρον των λαών είναι να δυναμώσουν την πάλη τους, για την αποδυνάμωση και τη διάλυση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, με τον εργαζόμενο λαό στην εξουσία και την οικοδόμηση μίας άλλης Ευρώπης με αμοιβαία επωφελείς σχέσεις και αλληλεγγύη των λαών.

  Andrej Plenković (PPE). - Hvala lijepa gospodine predsjedavajući. Povjereniče Füle, hvala na dobrom izvješću u listopadu. Očekujem da ćemo uz napredak Srbije i Kosova, jednih oko pregovora, drugih oko sporazuma o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju, vidjeti napredak Bosne i Hercegovine i jačanje položaja Hrvata kao konstitutivnog naroda u našoj susjednoj zemlji.

Danas je 22 godine kako su tadašnje zemlje Europske zajednice priznale Hrvatsku i Sloveniju. Slovenija i Hrvatska su tu i u ovom forumu Srbija, koja je bila razlogom rata i agresije na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije, idućeg tjedna započinje pregovore. To je dosta bitna i važna poruka ova protekla dva desetljeća. Srbija treba ići prema Europi, treba se reformirati, ispuniti kriterije, ali isto tako prema svojim susjedima mora riješiti pitanja prošlosti, i nestale i manjinska prava i arhive i preuzeti političku odgovornost za ono što se dogodilo u proteklim godina koje su iza nas.

  Nikola Vuljanić (GUE/NGL). - Hvala, gospođo predsjednice. Ovim zemljama treba odati priznanje na hrabrim koracima. Možda su ti koraci bili poduzeti pod određenim pritiskom, ali tome Unija i služi, da napravi pritisak kad treba. Pomoć će i dalje biti potrebna da se ne ponovi postdejtonski sindrom mira u zamrznutom stanju. Zato Srbija treba jamčiti da neće doći do koraka unatrag i oslanjanja na slavnu prošlost kao politički argument. To se događalo ponekad i bilo je svaki put katastrofalno.

S prošlošću treba raščistiti, treba otvoriti arhive tajnih službi, ali ne samo Srbija nego i druge zemlje bivše Jugoslavije, srediti odnose sa susjedima, posebice oko teritorija, nestalih osoba i imovine. Naravno, problemi pred ovim zemljama su ogromni. To se prvenstveno tiče borbe protiv korupcije i kriminala, ultranacionalizma koji nije umro, samo je zamro, borbe za nezavisno pravosuđe i tome slično. Ali sve se to može s vremenom napraviti uz pomoć Europske unije i u procesu pristupa Europskoj uniji. Naravno, prvi korak pomoći trebalo bi biti priznavanje Kosova od strane svih europskih zemalja.

  Jaroslav Paška (EFD) - Som presvedčený, že dnes je potrebné oceniť pokrok Srbska na ceste k integrácii do Európskej únie. Mimovládnou konferenciou na budúci týždeň otvoríme prakticky prístupové rokovania a Srbsko sa stane integračným lídrom v regióne.

Srbsko urobilo v uplynulom období veľmi veľa preto, aby preukázalo, že dokáže reformovať politický systém, transformovať hospodárstvo a zmodernizovať súdnictvo. Konštruktívny prístup srbskej vlády k susedom napomohol stabilizovať región a stáva sa vhodným príkladom pre susedské krajiny hľadajúce svoju politickú budúcnosť.

Všetci si, myslím, uvedomujeme, že pred Srbskom teraz stojí najnáročnejšia etapa transformácie krajiny a bude pritom potrebovať nielen naše výzvy a odporúčania, ale aj kvalifikované rady a možno niekedy aj trpezlivosť a pochopenie, aby vykonávané zmeny v štruktúre krajiny neboli len záležitosťou štátnej administratívy, ale aby ich za svoje prijali aj občania tejto krajiny.

  Anna Ibrisagic (PPE). - Herr talman! I ett par år har vi krävt att paragraf 359 av brottsbalken skulle tas bort och att lagen skulle anpassas till EU-standarder. Det resulterade i förra årets justitiereform, som visserligen tog bort paragrafen men introducerade en liknande paragraf som denna gång kallades 234. Samtidigt prekvalificerades mer än 97 procent av alla fall automatiskt till den nya paragrafen.

Efter upprepad kritik av dessa från både parlamentet och kommissionen har man i Serbien nu börjat använda ett nytt uttryck, nämligen "förtydligande av åtalet" eller definement of the indictment som det heter på engelska. Man kan tro att det jag räknat upp nu är detaljer, men ni vet, herr kommissionär, att det inte är detaljer. Det är det som Eduard Kukan kallade för trixande med reformerna och det kommer vi inte att acceptera. Vi kommer att följa upp detta noga för att se att reformerna är genomförda på det sätt som EU rekommenderade.

  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, Kosovon ja Serbian lähentyminen on ollut yksi korkea edustaja Ashtonin suurimmista saavutuksista, onnittelut siitä.

Vaikka meillä on nyt muodollinen normalisoitumissopimus, on meidän pidettävä huolta, että se pannaan asianmukaisesti täytäntöön ja että avoimeksi jääneistä kysymyksistä keskustellaan edelleen. Kuten mietinnössä mainitaan, harmittavaa on, että EU:n jäsenvaltioiden Kosovon tunnustamispolitiikalla on ollut negatiivinen vaikutus vakautus- ja assosisaatiosopimusneuvotteluihin.

Vastuu on paljolti myös EU:n ja EULEX Kosovo -mission harteilla. Olen valitettavasti hieman pettynyt EULEX Kosovon tuloksiin viime vuosina. Se ei ole välttämättä EU:n syytä, mutta asiasta on voitava keskustella avoimesti. EULEX on epäonnistunut korruption kitkemisessä Kosovosta ja etenkin suuren profiilin tapausten selvittämisessä. Jäsenvaltioiden on oltava yhä valmiita luovuttamaan resurssejaan EULEXille.

Missio voisi olla siviilikriisihallinnan lippulaiva, onhan toimeenpanovaltaisia missioita hyvin vähän maailman historiassa. Nyt EULEXilla on aivan liian suuri kasauma tuomitsemattomia tapauksia ja henkilökuntaresurssit huononevat jatkuvasti.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, I am grateful to the honourable Members for their support for the process of accession negotiations between the European Union and Serbia. I will start with Serbia.

Your support represents strong evidence of the European Union’s commitment to Serbia’s European future, and in the negotiations I will continue paying particular attention to Serbia delivering on the continuing normalisation of its relations with Kosovo; to the rule of law, particularly reform of the judiciary and the fight against corruption and organised crime; to effective implementation of the legislation on the protection of minorities and on anti-discrimination; to Serbia’s contribution to regional cooperation and improved relations with its neighbours; and, last but not least, to the implementation of Serbia’s commitments under the Stabilisation and Association Agreement.

Thank you also for your continuing support for our work on Kosovo. It is essential that we maintain the positive momentum created by the April agreement, the start of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement negotiations and the successful local elections. Everything depends on delivery, and Kosovo needs to deliver on normalisation of its relations with Serbia; to continue its cooperation with the European Union Rule of Law Mission (EULEX) and its possible successor mission; to continue to work on the priorities indicated in our feasibility study of 2012, notably on electoral reform, the rule of law, the judiciary, public administration, human and fundamental rights and the protection of minorities; and to implement the reforms necessary for visa liberalisation.

However, the European Union also needs to deliver. Once the negotiations on the Stabilisation and Association Agreement are completed, we need a positive response from this House and our Member States. Agreement will be good for Kosovo, for the region and for the European Union. Equally, once Kosovo meets the visa liberalisation benchmarks, the visa regime needs to be lifted.

There have been a number of concrete suggestions in the debate and also a number of specific questions. Some I will respond to in written answers, as requested, but let me specifically tackle two of them here. The first is from Mr Belder on the preparation of candidate countries to be economically competitive – not two or five years after the country joins the European Union but at the time of joining the Union.

In our last progress report, the Commission suggested for the first time the creation of what I would call some kind of ‘light’ EU semester, helping the candidate countries – and later also aspirant countries – through specific EU policies, coordination and support, and helping them to tackle reform, restructuring of the economy, growth and employment starting from the early stages of the accession negotiations, rather than waiting for actual membership.

The second question, from Mr Tomašić, concerned a plea to help the countries of the Western Balkans in general, and Serbia specifically, to try to come to terms with the past. I will do so in my remaining time in office. That is now counted in months, but you have seen me during these last four years trying to deliver on policies to create conditions precisely for that. We have changed the accession negotiations in such a way that the focus is now on fundamentals, so the approach in chapters 23 and 24 will be concerned with establishing a properly-functioning democracy and creating the conditions for a thriving civil society and strong fundamental freedoms and rights. Those are the conditions under which our partners will try to come to terms with the past. And we have been trying to deliver on more: we have cooperated with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia; we are trying to create the conditions for our candidate countries and aspirant countries to cooperate regionally; and we have supported the Sarajevo Process and a number of other initiatives to create conditions precisely for this.

Allow me to make one final point. This is probably our last joint debate based on the progress reports on Serbia and Kosovo. Looking back to the beginning of our joint debates and looking at the results of your support, guidance and help – not only as an institution but also through the personal commitment of a number of you, some of whom I see still sitting here and following the discussions, and through your passionate commitment to enlargement in general and to specific countries in the Western Balkans – I want to thank you for that cooperation and for what we have achieved together under your leadership, particularly in the case of Serbia and Kosovo.

  Dimitrios Kourkoulas, President-in-Office of the Council. − Mr President, let me first of all express appreciation for the support of the European Parliament during the whole process of enlargement. I also thank, in particular, the two rapporteurs for the quality of their work.

The support of Parliament has been instrumental in maintaining EU citizens’ support for the ERASMUS policy. I think this was a very important contribution. The Council has regularly reaffirmed its unequivocal commitment to the European perspective of the Western Balkans, and in recent months we have indeed witnessed several important and positive events: the accession of Croatia; the decision to start accession negotiations with Serbia (the first governmental conference will take place on the 21st of this month); and progress in the negotiations with Montenegro.

This is good news: good news for the Western Balkans, for the European Union and for everybody – especially for my country, which has always been a strong supporter of the accession of all Western Balkan countries without exception. Concerning the question asked by Mr Posselt about the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: this is not on the agenda, but I would like just to say that the very recent conclusions of the Council in December reflect the position of the Council on all these matters.

In the particular case of Serbia and Kosovo, I am convinced that the normalisation of relations between them will have a hugely positive impact, not only for Serbia and Kosovo but also for the whole region. It should help serve as an example to neighbours that engagement and dialogue are key to settling long-standing disputes.

  President. − I have received one motion for a resolution⁽¹⁾ tabled in accordance with Rule 110(2) to wind up the debate on Serbia and one motion for a resolution4 to wind up the debate on Kosovo.

The debate is closed.

The vote will take place on Thursday, 16 January 2014.

Written statements (Rule 149)

  Marino Baldini (S&D), napisan. – Činjenica da dolazim iz Hrvatske, susjedne države, govori da sam i profesionalno i osobno upućen u važnost i potrebu integracije čitave regije u Europsku uniju. Iako je svaka od zemalja Zapadnog Balkana prošla kroz vlastitu bolnu tranziciju, određene kulturološke sličnosti kao i zajednička tradicija susjednih zemalja uvelike mogu poslužiti kao primjer u ubrzanju procesa pristupanja ukoliko se dobre prakse iz hrvatskog primjera prenesu i na druge zemlje u regiji. Područje Zapadnog Balkana je povijesno bilo mjesto konflikata, ali i susreta raznih kultura i vjerskih tradicija, stoga ulazak Srbije u EU za cijelo područje Zapadnog Balkana predstavlja korak ka dugotrajnijoj stabilnosti čitave regije. No uz to, važno je i napomenuti da za slojevite i strukturne društvene promjene treba vremena – stoga je važno da se reformama pristupi cjelovito kako bi Srbija kao nova članica EU bila stabilan i pouzdan partner kako u regiji tako i čitavoj EU.

  Iosif Matula (PPE), în scris. – Salut progresele înregistrate de Serbia pe calea integrării europene și eforturile sale de a se conforma criteriilor de la Copenhaga și condiționalității procesului de asociere. După demararea negocierilor de aderare, în 2013, Serbia trebuie să continue reformele în arii prioritare precum domnia legii, în special reforma în justiție și politica anti-corupție, independența instituțiilor statului, libertatea mass-media, politica anti-discriminare, protecția minorităților și mediul de afaceri. La fel de important este ca Serbia să-și mențină angajamentul față de cooperarea și reconcilierea regionale. Reformele acestea pot fi facilitate de asistența financiară de pre-aderare, cu țintă clară pe câteva sectoare vitale pentru funcționarea statului de drept și dezvoltarea sectorului privat. Încurajez Serbia să utilizeze integral acești bani, aducând exemplul țării mele, România, unde instrumentele de asistență financiară nerambursabilă PHARE, SAPARD, ISPA au pregătit terenul pentru aderarea la UE. Totodată, este important ca Serbia să recurgă la cooperarea trans-frontalieră pentru a profita de experiența europeană a autorităților locale și regionale din țările vecine. La nivel oficial, România și-a declarat sprijinul pentru aderarea Serbiei la UE, în condițiile în care s-au înregistrat progrese clare în ceea ce privește drepturile omului și protecția minorităților, criterii valabile și pentru celelalte state din regiune.

  Alajos Mészáros (PPE), írásban. – Csatlakozni kívánok azokhoz a kollégákhoz, akik sürgetik azt az 5 uniós tagállamot – Görögországot, Ciprust, Romániát, Szlovákiát és Spanyolországot –, amelyek nem ismerték még el Koszovót független államként, hogy azt tegyék meg minél korábban. A sürgető felhívást azért teszem, mivel úgy gondolom, nincs okuk ezeknek a tagállamoknak attól tartaniuk, hogy Koszovó esete példát szolgáltathat az EU-n belül. Az uniós tagállamok a Lisszaboni Szerződéssel mind elismerték a kisebbségek védelmét közös értékként. Az EU tagállamává csak olyan ország válhat a koppenhágai kritériumok alapján, amely tiszteletben tartja a kisebbségi jogokat. A Koszovót eddig el nem ismerő tagállamoknak tudatosítaniuk kell, hogy a területükön élő kisebbségek akkor válnak igazán együttműködő partnerré, ha jogaik megfelelő védelmet élveznek nyelvi, kulturális, oktatási és politikai téren. A nemzetközileg garantált kisebbségi és nyelvi jogok következetes biztosításával a tagállamok kisebbségi csoportjai otthon érezhetik magukat szülőföldjükön. A mi feladatunk, hogy ezt a fajta kisebbségi védelmet fejlesszük tovább az EU-n belül az európai kulturális sokféleség és a békés együttélés (valamint az uniós polgárok egyenlő jogainak biztosítása) érdekében.

  Iuliu Winkler (PPE) , írásban. – Üdvözlöm a Koszovó integrációs folyamatáról szóló jelentést és a kérdés legutóbbi megvitatása óta eltelt időszak pozitív fejleményeit. Különösen fontosnak tartom az albán-szerb megbékélési folyamat eddigi eredményeit és egyetértek azzal a véleménnyel, hogy a koszovói hatóságoknak további lépéseket kell tenniük a szerb kisebbség bevonására, társadalmi integrációjára, anyanyelvhasználatára, kétnyelvű oktatására és a szerbek részvételére a koszovói politikai életben. Megelégedéssel nyugtázom, hogy a jelentés Koszovó elismerésére ösztönzi azt az öt tagállamot, amelyek ezt még nem tették meg. A balkáni stabilizációs cél teljesítése érdekében magának az EU-nak is erőfeszítéseket kell tennie. Európa közelmúltjának történelme bebizonyította, hogy nem elegendő a csatlakozási kritériumok, és ezen belül a nemzeti kisebbségek védelmére vonatkozó feltételek teljesítése, hiszen a csatlakozást követően az EU-taggá vált ország már nem köteles érdemben foglalkozni a nemzeti kisebbségek helyzetével. A megfelelő megoldást az EU-s szintű nemzeti kisebbségekre vonatkozó jogi keret megalkotása jelentené, amely az EU egészében megnyugtatóan rendezi az etnikai kisebbségek helyzetét, növeli a régiók és államok stabilitását. Amíg nem jön létre európai kisebbségi norma, az EU-ban továbbra is kettős mérce érvényesül. Az ún. koppenhágai dilemmát fel kell oldani. A nemzeti kisebbségvédelem területén a tagállamoknak ugyanolyan politikai kritériumoknak kell megfelelniük, amelyeket az EU a tagjelöltektől már megkövetelt.

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