Index 
Debates
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Wednesday, 15 January 2014 - Strasbourg Revised edition
1. Opening of the sitting
 2. Documents received: see Minutes
 3. Delegated acts (Rule 87a): see Minutes
 4. Implementing measures (Rule 88): see Minutes
 5. Programme of activities of the Greek Presidency (debate)
 6. Change to the agenda
 7. Composition of Parliament: see Minutes
 8. Composition of committees and delegations: see Minutes
 9. Composition of political groups
 10. Voting time
  10.1. Powers and responsibilities of the standing committees (B7-0001/2014) (vote)
  10.2. Parliament's calendar of part-sessions – 2015 (vote)
  10.3. Repeal of Council Decision 2007/124/EC, Euratom (A7-0432/2013 - Juan Fernando López Aguilar) (vote)
  10.4. Renewal of the EU-Russia agreement on cooperation in science and technology (A7-0473/2013 - Amalia Sartori) (vote)
  10.5. Denominations and technical specifications of euro coins intended for circulation (A7-0479/2013 - Jean-Paul Gauzès) (vote)
  10.6. Future of EU-ASEAN relations (A7-0441/2013 - Reinhard Bütikofer) (vote)
  10.7. Tachographs and social legislation relating to road transport (A7-0471/2013 - Silvia-Adriana Ţicău) (vote)
  10.8. Award of concession contracts (A7-0030/2013 - Philippe Juvin) (vote)
  10.9. Public procurement (A7-0007/2013 - Marc Tarabella) (vote)
  10.10. Procurement by entities operating in the water, energy, transport and postal services sectors (A7-0034/2013 - Marc Tarabella) (vote)
  10.11. Access of goods and services to public procurement markets (A7-0454/2013 - Daniel Caspary) (vote)
  10.12. Honey (A7-0440/2013 - Julie Girling) (vote)
  10.13. Hercule III programme and protection of the European Union's financial interests (A7-0385/2012 - Monica Luisa Macovei) (vote)
  10.14. Statistics relating to trading of goods between Member States (A7-0457/2013 - Hans-Peter Martin) (vote)
  10.15. Combating wildlife crime (B7-0013/2014) (vote)
  10.16. Reindustrialising Europe to promote competitiveness and sustainability (A7-0464/2013 - Reinhard Bütikofer) (vote)
 11. Explanations of vote
  11.1. Powers and responsibilities of the standing committees (B7-0001/2014)
  11.2. Parliament's calendar of part-sessions – 2015
  11.3. Repeal of Council Decision 2007/124/EC, Euratom (A7-0432/2013 - Juan Fernando López Aguilar)
  11.4. Renewal of the EU-Russia agreement on cooperation in science and technology (A7-0473/2013 - Amalia Sartori)
  11.5. Denominations and technical specifications of euro coins intended for circulation (A7-0479/2013 - Jean-Paul Gauzès)
  11.6. Future of EU-ASEAN relations (A7-0441/2013 - Reinhard Bütikofer)
  11.7. Tachographs and social legislation relating to road transport (A7-0471/2013 - Silvia-Adriana Ţicău)
  11.8. Award of concession contracts (A7-0030/2013 - Philippe Juvin)
  11.9. Public procurement (A7-0007/2013 - Marc Tarabella)
  11.10. Procurement by entities operating in the water, energy, transport and postal services sectors (A7-0034/2013 - Marc Tarabella)
  11.11. Access of goods and services to public procurement markets (A7-0454/2013 - Daniel Caspary)
  11.12. Honey (A7-0440/2013 - Julie Girling)
  11.13. Hercule III programme and protection of the European Union's financial interests (A7-0385/2012 - Monica Luisa Macovei)
  11.14. Statistics relating to trading of goods between Member States (A7-0457/2013 - Hans-Peter Martin)
  11.15. Combating wildlife crime (B7-0013/2014)
 12. Corrections to votes and voting intentions : see Minutes
 13. Approval of the minutes of the previous sitting : see Minutes
 14. Welcome
 15. Respect for the fundamental right of free movement in the EU (debate)
 16. Future of the Safe Harbour Agreement in the light of the NSA affair (debate)
 17. EU citizenship for sale (debate)
 18. 2013 progress report on Serbia - European integration process of Kosovo (debate)
 19. 2012 progress report on Iceland and post-election perspectives (debate)
 20. Situation in South Sudan (debate)
 21. Modernisation of the EU-Mexico Free Trade Agreement - Modernisation of the EU-Chile Free Trade Agreement (debate)
 22. Agenda of the next sitting : see Minutes
 23. Closure of the sitting


  

VORSITZ: MARTIN SCHULZ
Präsident

 
1. Opening of the sitting
Video of the speeches
 

(Die Sitzung wird um 9.05 Uhr eröffnet.)

 

2. Documents received: see Minutes

3. Delegated acts (Rule 87a): see Minutes

4. Implementing measures (Rule 88): see Minutes

5. Programme of activities of the Greek Presidency (debate)
Video of the speeches
MPphoto
 

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission zu dem Tätigkeitsprogramm der griechischen Präsidentschaft (2013/2629(RSP)).

Dazu begrüße ich zunächst herzlich den amtierenden Vorsitzenden des Rates der Europäischen Union, Antonis Samaras, den Ministerpräsidenten der Republik Griechenland.

(Beifall)

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Αντώνης Σαμαράς, Ασκών την Προεδρία του Συμβουλίου. − Κυρίες και κύριοι, Μέλη του Ευρωκοινοβουλίου, ως παλαιός σας συνάδελφος, πέραν της τιμής που αισθάνομαι σήμερα, με συνοδεύει και η χαρά και η συγκίνηση που βρίσκομαι εδώ, μπροστά σας, με την ευκαιρία ανάληψης της πέμπτης Ελληνικής Προεδρίας.

Απευθύνομαι σήμερα σε σας, που ενσαρκώνετε την κοινή συνείδηση των Ευρωπαίων πολιτών και την κοινή βούληση των λαών μας, να προχωρήσουν στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ολοκλήρωση, Και σας απευθύνομαι ως Πρόεδρος του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου, του θεσμού που εκφράζει την κυρίαρχη θέληση των κρατών-μελών να προχωρήσει η Ενοποίηση της Ευρώπης.

θα ήθελα να αναφερθώ τιμητικά και στην Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή, στο όργανο που υλοποίησε και παρακολουθεί καθημερινά την Ευρωπαϊκή Ολοκλήρωση σε όλες τις πτυχές της και σε όλες τις λεπτομέρειές της.

Έχουμε λοιπόν, την συνείδηση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης που είστε εσείς. Έχουμε την κυρίαρχη βούληση και το βασικό σχεδιασμό της Ευρωπαϊκής Ολοκλήρωσης που είναι το Συμβούλιο. Και έχουμε το μηχανισμό υλοποίησης, που είναι η Επιτροπή. Την ψυχή, το μυαλό και το μυϊκό σύστημα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ιδέας.

Υπήρξαν ίσως στιγμές που οι τρείς αυτοί πυλώνες δεν βρέθηκαν σε απόλυτα αρμονία μεταξύ τους. Πράγματι.

Αλλά δεν θα είχαμε φτάσει εδώ που φτάσαμε, αν δεν είχαν βρει τον τρόπο να συνεργαστούν μεταξύ τους και να ισορροπήσουν ανάμεσά τους. Η συμπληρωματικότητα και η ισορροπία τους υπήρξε η μεγάλη κατάκτηση της Ευρώπης. Γι’ αυτό θα δουλέψουμε και αυτό θα ενισχύσουμε. Και αυτή είναι η πρώτη μου δέσμευση απέναντί σας.

Ως κάποιος που ήταν ως πριν λίγα χρόνια ένας από σας, γνωρίζω τις αγωνίες σας. Υπήρξαν και δικές μου αγωνίες. Γνωρίζω τις φιλοδοξίες σας. Υπήρξαν και δικές μου φιλοδοξίες. Το Ευρωκοινοβούλιο πρέπει να ενισχυθεί. Να είναι ικανό να ελέγχει τις αποφάσεις και να προβάλλει στην καρδιά των αποφάσεων τις ανάγκες και τα συμφέροντα του Ευρωπαίου πολίτη. Θέλουμε, όλοι, ένα ισχυρό και υπεύθυνο Ευρωκοινοβούλιο. Είμαστε υπερήφανοι που η επιρροή του αυξήθηκε. Η Ελλάδα ως χώρα το υποστήριξε αυτό εδώ και χρόνια. Και τώρα είμαστε βέβαιοι ότι τις αυξημένες δικαιοδοσίες του, θα τις χρησιμοποιήσει με τον καλύτερο τρόπο για να φέρει τα ιδανικά της Ενωμένης Ευρώπης πιο κοντά στους Ευρωπαίους πολίτες.

Σας μιλώ ακόμα σε μια στιγμή πολύ κρίσιμη. Η Ενωμένη Ευρώπη δοκιμάστηκε τα τελευταία χρόνια. Δοκιμάστηκε η συνοχή της, δοκιμάστηκε η αντοχή της, δοκιμάστηκε ακόμα ολόκληρο το οικοδόμημα του κοινού της νομίσματος. Και φάνηκαν σημαντικά «κατασκευαστικά ελλείμματα». Τώρα, όμως, η κρίση αυτή αρχίζει να ξεπερνιέται. Όχι από μόνη της. Όχι αυτόματα. Η κρίση ξεπερνιέται επειδή η Ευρώπη άρχισε να ξεπερνά τις αδυναμίες της, είδε τα σφάλματά της, και άρχισε να τα διορθώνει. Αποδείξαμε, λοιπόν, κατά τη διάρκεια της κρίσης και εξ αιτίας της, ότι η Ενωμένη Ευρώπη δουλεύει. Τις αλλαγές που δρομολογήσαμε τα δύο τελευταία χρόνια, πρέπει να τις ολοκληρώσουμε. Και να προχωρήσουμε ακόμα παραπέρα.

Η κρίση μας έδειξε ότι χρειαζόμαστε «περισσότερη Ευρώπη και καλύτερη Ευρώπη»! Αυτό κάνουμε. Και αυτή είναι η επόμενη δέσμευσή μου ενώπιόν σας: Στο επόμενο διάστημα να προχωρήσουμε ακόμα πιο αποφασιστικά, ακόμα πιο πέρα, ώστε στις ευρωεκλογές του επομένου Μαΐου, που συμπίπτουν με το τέλος της Ελληνικής Προεδρίας, η Ευρωπαίοι πολίτες να μην ψηφίσουν με την πικρή γεύση της κρίσης. Αλλά, με την αίσθηση, με την Ελπίδα, ότι η κρίση ξεπερνιέται και ότι η Ευρώπη βγαίνει ισχυρότερη και καλύτερη.

Κυρίες και κύριοι, αγαπητοί φίλοι, σας μιλάω τέλος, και ως Πρωθυπουργός της Ελλάδας, της χώρας που δοκιμάστηκε περισσότερο από αυτήν την κρίση. Δοκιμάστηκε η χώρα μου τα τελευταία χρόνια, όσο ίσως δεν έχει δοκιμαστεί ποτέ ξανά χώρα μέλος της Ένωσης. Δοκιμάστηκε λόγω δικών της λαθών που συνεχίζονταν για δεκαετίες. Δοκιμάστηκε ακόμα και λόγω κατασκευαστικών αδυναμιών του ίδιου του ενιαίου νομίσματος. Δοκιμάστηκε, τέλος, και από σφάλματα που έγιναν στη χάραξη του πρώτου προγράμματος, όπως το σφάλμα με τον «πολλαπλασιαστή» που υποτιμούσε την επίπτωση του πρώτου προγράμματος στην ύφεση που ακολούθησε. Και που αποδείχθηκε πολύ μεγαλύτερη.

Η Ελλάδα δοκιμάστηκε, αλλά άντεξε! Και τώρα αλλάζει ριζικά, ξεπερνά τα προβλήματά της και μπαίνει σε δρόμο εξυγίανσης και ανάκαμψης. Ξέρω ότι ειπώθηκαν και σε αυτή την αίθουσα πολλά – και θετικά και αρνητικά – γι’ αυτήν την περίοδο. Ένα μόνο ας κρατήσουμε εδώ: Η Ελλάδα τήρησε τις δεσμεύσεις και τίμησε την υπογραφή της. Μ’ άλλα λόγια: We delivered!

(Χειροκροτήματα)

Και θέλω να σας δώσω την προσωπική μου εμπειρία: Αποτυχία, φίλες και φίλοι, δεν είναι να πέφτεις κάτω. Αποτυχία είναι να μην ξανασηκώνεσαι! Και αν όταν πέσεις, ξανασηκωθείς με πείσμα, με πίστη και με ψηλά το κεφάλι, αυτό είναι ξεχωριστή επιτυχία. Και είμαι υπερήφανος που η πατρίδα μου, μέσα από τις αφάνταστα επώδυνες θυσίες του λαού μας, σήμερα είναι και πάλι στα πόδια της.

Γι’ αυτό θα σας πω δύο λόγια αμέσως: Το τελευταίο διάστημα, η Ελλάδα κατάφερε τη μεγαλύτερη δημοσιονομική διόρθωση που έχει γίνει ποτέ και μέσα στο πιο σύντομο διάστημα: Πέτυχε, μέσα σε τέσσερα χρόνια, μείωση του ελλείμματός της κατά 13% του σημερινού της ΑΕΠ! Αλλά για να το κάνει αυτό, υπέστη μείωση του ΑΕΠ της κατά 25%, τη μεγαλύτερη μείωση ΑΕΠ που έχει υπάρξει ποτέ διεθνώς από την Μεγάλη Ύφεση της δεκαετίας του 30! Σε έξη συνεχόμενα χρόνια ύφεσης, ο μέσος Έλληνας έχασε το 38% περίπου του βιοτικού του επιπέδου σε σύγκριση με το 2007. Η ανεργία από 7% ξεπέρασε το 27%. Και στους νέους κάτω των 25 ετών έφτασε στο 60%. Εύχομαι, πραγματικά, το δράμα αυτό να μην το περάσει ποτέ μια άλλη χώρα.

Όμως το πιο σημαντικό είναι ότι μέσα σε τέτοιες συνθήκες παρατεταμένης ύφεσης, η Ελλάδα ξεκίνησε ένα από τα πιο φιλόδοξα, ένα από τα πιο σαρωτικά προγράμματα μεταρρυθμίσεων και διαρθρωτικών αλλαγών που έχουν υπάρξει ποτέ. Στη διεθνή κατάταξη του ΟΟΣΑ, η Ελλάδα κατατάσσεται ήδη στην πρώτη θέση διεθνώς στην εφαρμογή διαρθρωτικών αλλαγών. Και τα αποτελέσματα φάνηκαν: Σύμφωνα με όλες τις έρευνες, η Ελλάδα ήδη ανέκτησε όλη τη χαμένη ανταγωνιστικότητά της από το 2002, ενώ μηδένισε και το έλλειμμα στο Εμπορικό της Ισοζύγιο. Το 2013, για πρώτη φορά, η Ελλάδα έβγαλε πρωτογενές πλεόνασμα στα δημοσιονομικά της. Για πρώτη φορά έβγαλε πλεόνασμα στο Ισοζύγιο Τρεχουσών συναλλαγών της εδώ και πολλά χρόνια. Ενώ για το 2014, προβλέπεται ότι για πρώτη φορά θα έχει ανάκαμψη, μετά από 6 χρόνια ύφεσης.

Δεν έχουμε καμιά ψευδαίσθηση. Διανύσαμε μεγάλη απόσταση, αλλά έχουμε ακόμα πολύ δρόμο. Έχουμε να κάνουμε πολλά. Πετύχαμε, όμως, να σταθεροποιηθεί η χώρα, η οικονομία και η κοινωνία της. Και για να καταλάβατε το μέγεθος και τη σημασία όσων πετύχαμε, αρκεί να σας πω ότι σήμερα η Ελλάδα έχει το μεγαλύτερο διαρθρωτικό πρωτογενές πλεόνασμα (structural primary surplus) στην Ευρώπη και στην Ευρωζώνη. Τι σημαίνει «διαρθρωτικό πρωτογενές πλεόνασμα». Σημαίνει ότι, αν έπιανε το οικονομικό δυναμικό της (economic potential), η Ελλάδα, θα μπορούσε, όχι μόνο να καλύψει πλήρως τις τρέχουσες ανάγκες της – που ήδη τις καλύπτει – αλλά να καλύψει και τους τόκους τους δανεισμού της και να της μένει και περίσσευμα κάθε χρόνο, ώστε να μειώνει το χρέος της.

Και αυτό προσπαθούμε τώρα: να επιταχύνουμε την βιώσιμη ανάπτυξη από δω και στο εξής, ώστε να απαλλαγούμε από κάθε ανάγκη στήριξης. Και ώστε να μπορέσουμε να ολοκληρώσουμε επιτυχώς τις διαρθρωτικές αλλαγές. Γιατί οι μεταρρυθμίσεις γίνονται πολύ ευκολότερα σε συνθήκες ανάκαμψης και ανάπτυξης, παρά σε συνθήκες παρατεταμένης ύφεσης. Την οποία ευτυχώς ξεπερνάμε τώρα.

Όλα αυτά, τα πετύχαμε, ασφαλώς, χάρις στις πρωτοφανείς θυσίες και την ωριμότητα του Ελληνικού λαού. Αλλά τα επιτύχαμε επίσης, χάρις στη στήριξη των εταίρων μας. Και από αυτή τη θέση, θέλω να ευχαριστήσω τους λαούς της Ευρώπης για την αλληλεγγύη που επέδειξαν στην Ελλάδα. Θέλω ιδιαίτερα να ευχαριστήσω το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο. Επιθυμώ να ευχαριστήσω και τον Πρόεδρο Μπαρόζο με τον οποίο ήμασταν σε συνεχή επαφή στις πιο δύσκολες ώρες αυτού του εγχειρήματος. Και έτσι η Ελλάδα απέφυγε την άτακτη χρεοκοπία και πέτυχε τη μεγαλύτερη μείωση χρέους που έχει γίνει ποτέ, χωρίς να μεσολαβήσει χρεοκοπία. Αυτό είναι επίτευγμα της Ευρώπης, και κανείς ας μη το υποτιμήσει.

Έγιναν λάθη, πράγματι, στην πρώτη φάση του Προγράμματος στήριξης. Τα λάθη αυτά τα επισήμανα, από τη θέση της Αντιπολίτευσης τότε. Ήδη από τότε, όμως, δούλευα για να διορθωθούν τα σφάλματα εκείνα. Και ύστερα, ως κυβέρνηση, τα διορθώσαμε σε μεγάλο βαθμό. Και έτσι, ενώ το πρόγραμμα έδειχνε τα πρώτα χρόνια να μην επιτυγχάνει, τώρα οι βασικοί του στόχοι όχι απλώς επιτυγχάνονται, αλλά κάποιες φορές ξεπερνιούνται κιόλας. Όπως έγινε με το πρωτογενές πλεόνασμα που προγραμματιζόταν για το 2014 και το έχουμε ήδη επιτύχει από το 2013.

Κυρίες και κύριοι, αγαπητοί φίλοι, πριν ένα-ενάμιση χρόνο, η χώρα μου ήταν στα πρόθυρα της καταστροφής, και πολλοί πιθανολογούσαν - ενώ μερικοί το θεωρούσαν βέβαιο - ότι θα έβγαινε από το ευρώ. Κάποιοι ακόμα προεξοφλούσαν ότι αυτό θα οδηγούσε και στη διάλυση της ευρωζώνης. Κάποιοι έφταναν να διακηρύσσουν πως και η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση θα διαλυόταν! Διαψεύσαμε όλες τις Κασσάνδρες!

Σήμερα η εικόνα είναι εντελώς διαφορετική. Η Ελλάδα απέδειξε ότι η Ευρώπη δουλεύει. Ότι η Ευρώπη μπορεί. Ότι η Ένωσή μας είναι ισχυρή. Και αυτό το αποδεικνύουμε με τον πιο πειστικό τρόπο: ξεπερνώντας τις κρίσεις μας και βγαίνοντας ισχυρότεροι από αυτές.

Πριν ένα-ενάμιση χρόνο η Ελλάδα ήταν ο αδύνατος κρίκος της Ένωσης. Σήμερα η Ελλάδα αναλαμβάνει την Προεδρία της Ένωσης και πιστεύω ότι έτσι η Ελλάδα γίνεται το σύμβολο ότι η Ευρώπη αντέχει, ότι η Ευρώπη προχωράει, ότι η Ευρώπη δουλεύει, ότι η Ευρώπη μπορεί.

Αγαπητοί φίλοι, στα πλαίσια της Προεδρίας μας, η ατζέντα είναι πολύ συγκεκριμένη. Θα προχωρήσουμε πρωταρχικά όλα όσα έχουν ήδη ξεκινήσει. Και θα θέσουμε νέα ζητήματα στην Ευρωπαϊκή ατζέντα. Όλα αυτά συνοψίζονται σε τέσσερις μεγάλες προτεραιότητες:

Πρώτον, η τόνωση της ανάπτυξης και της απασχόλησης. Γιατί η παρατεταμένη ανεργία υπονομεύει τη συνοχή των κοινωνιών που θίγονται περισσότερο. Αλλά, απειλεί και τη συνοχή ολόκληρης της Ευρώπης! Γιατί όταν οι χώρες βρίσκονται σε στασιμότητα, έχουν την ψευδαίσθηση ότι ο καθένας μπορεί να σωθεί από μόνος του. Αυτό ακριβώς πρέπει να καταπολεμήσουμε. Όλοι μαζί μπορούμε να επιτύχουμε πολύ περισσότερα και πολύ πιο γρήγορα. Και αυτό το «όλοι μαζί» απαιτεί να βγούμε από τη λογική της παρατεταμένης στασιμότητας. Γιατί η ύφεση διαλύει, δεν ενώνει. Ακόμα, πρέπει να βρούμε την ισορροπία ανάμεσα στη σταθεροποίηση και τη βιώσιμη ανάπτυξη. Ανάμεσα στη δημοσιονομική σταθερότητα που χρειαζόμαστε και την ανάπτυξη που αποζητάμε. Μόνο έτσι μπορεί η Ευρώπη να παραμείνει και ανταγωνιστική οικονομία, αλλά και με εσωτερική συνοχή.

-Μακροχρόνια η Ανάπτυξη δεν είναι αντίπαλος προς τη δημοσιονομική πειθαρχία. Το ένα είναι προϋπόθεση του άλλου.

-Μακροχρόνια η Ανταγωνιστικότητα δεν είναι αντίπαλος προς την Κοινωνική Δικαιοσύνη. Το ένα δεν μπορεί να υπάρξει χωρίς το άλλο.

Το ακριβές πλαίσιο για την προώθηση της Ανάπτυξης, της Απασχόλησης, αλλά και της Συνοχής, αποτελείται από τα εξής:

- την ενδιάμεση αναθεώρηση της Στρατηγικής «Ευρώπη 2020», η οποία θα εκκινήσει το πρώτο τρίμηνο του 2014,

- το «Σύμφωνο για την Ανάπτυξη και την Απασχόληση» που υιοθετήσαμε στο Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο του Ιουνίου 2012,

- την εμβάθυνση της Ενιαίας Αγοράς

- το νέο Πολυετές Δημοσιονομικό Πλαίσιο και

- το συντονισμό των οικονομικών πολιτικών στο πλαίσιο του «Ευρωπαϊκού Εξαμήνου», στην οποία ο ρόλος του Ευρωκοινοβουλίου, αλλά και των Εθνικών Κοινοβουλίων, ορθότατα διευρύνεται.

Πρωταρχικής σημασίας για την Ελληνική Προεδρία είναι η προώθηση της χρηματοδότησης της πραγματικής οικονομίας, με έμφαση στις Μικρομεσαίες Επιχειρήσεις. Η κοινή πρωτοβουλία Επιτροπής-Ευρωπαϊκής Τράπεζας Επενδύσεων, με συγκεκριμένες εναλλακτικές για τη χρηματοδότηση των μικρομεσαίων ευρωπαϊκών επιχειρήσεων, έχει την πλήρη στήριξη της Ελληνικής Προεδρίας. Θα βοηθήσουμε με κάθε δυνατό τρόπο στην επιτυχία αυτής της πρωτοβουλίας, με στόχο τη βελτίωση των ρυθμών ανάπτυξης και τα έργα εντάσεως εργασίας, σε τομείς όπως οι μεταφορές, η ενέργεια, η ναυτιλία και ο τουρισμός. Οι παρεμβάσεις μέσω των επενδύσεων είναι απολύτως αναγκαίες, προκειμένου να αποφευχθεί ο κίνδυνος μιας "jobless recovery", μιας ανάκαμψης χωρίς νέες θέσεις εργασίας. Οι χρηματοδοτικές πρωτοβουλίες καταπολέμησης της ανεργίας, όπως η «Εγγύηση για τη Νεολαία», αποτελούν σημαντικότατο, αλλά όχι επαρκές μέσο για την αποτροπή αυτού του κινδύνου.

Την ίδια στιγμή πρέπει να συνεχιστεί η συζήτηση για τη μακροπρόθεσμη χρηματοδότηση της ευρωπαϊκής οικονομίας. Συζήτηση που ξεκίνησε τον Μάρτιο του 2013 με την «Πράσινη Βίβλο» της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής.

Ακόμα, η Ελληνική Προεδρία θα προωθήσει τους στόχους του «Συμφώνου για την Ανάπτυξη και την Απασχόληση», όπως και την ολοκλήρωση της Ενιαίας Αγοράς, την καταπολέμηση της φοροδιαφυγής και της φορολογικής απάτης, την πρόοδο της Καινοτομίας, τη βελτίωση του ρυθμιστικού πλαισίου στην Ένωση και την ενίσχυση του Εξωτερικού Εμπορίου.

Δεύτερον, η στήριξη του κοινού μας νομίσματος, αλλά και η ενίσχυση της εμπιστοσύνης στην ευρωπαϊκή οικονομία. Αυτό σημαίνει εμβάθυνση της ΟΝΕ, με κύριο άμεσο βήμα την ολοκλήρωση της Τραπεζικής Ένωσης. Θα εργαστούμε εντατικά μαζί σας, στο πλαίσιο του τριλόγου, προκειμένου να φθάσουμε στην υιοθέτηση του Ενιαίου Μηχανισμού Εξυγίανσης (SRM), κάτι που θα σπάσει το φαύλο κύκλο μεταξύ τραπεζικού και δημοσίου χρέους, χωρίς να υπάρξουν εκπτώσεις στον ενιαίο και ευρωπαϊκό χαρακτήρα του μηχανισμού. Και έτσι θα θωρακιστεί αποτελεσματικά το ευρωπαϊκό χρηματοπιστωτικό σύστημα. Ήδη, χθες, έχω την χαρά να σας πω ότι είχαμε μια πρώτη επιτυχία: λίγες ώρες νωρίτερα, υπήρξε καταρχήν πολιτική συμφωνία (political agreement in principle), τόσο στον κανονισμό όσο και στην οδηγία για την πολύ σημαντική αγορά χρηματοπιστωτικών μέσων, τη MifiD-ΙΙ.

Φυσικά, δεν πρέπει να ξεχνάμε και την κοινωνική διάσταση της ΟΝΕ. Δεν πρέπει να ξεχνάμε ότι ένα στέρεο τραπεζικό σύστημα δεν αφορά μόνο του «τραπεζίτες», αφορά τους καταθέτες, αφορά τους επενδυτές, αφορά την εξασφάλιση της ρευστότητας που χρειάζεται κάθε οικονομία. Αλλά, και την εμπιστοσύνη που είναι απαραίτητη για να υπάρχει ρευστότητα.

Τελικά, αφορά άμεσα και την ανταγωνιστικότητα και την απασχόληση. Αυτά όλα δεν είναι διαφορετικά, ούτε ανταγωνιστικά μεταξύ τους. Είναι διαφορετικές όψεις αυτού που λέμε «περισσότερη και καλύτερη Ευρώπη». Ευρώπη της σταθερότητας, την εμπιστοσύνης και της Ανάπτυξης.

Τρίτον, η απάντηση που οφείλουμε να δώσουμε στο μεταναστευτικό πρόβλημα, η τραγική διάσταση του οποίου αναδεικνύεται σχεδόν καθημερινά στα θαλάσσια και χερσαία σύνορα της Ευρώπης. Εδώ χρειάζεται συνολική διαχείριση αυτού του καθαρά ευρωπαϊκού προβλήματος. Μπορεί να θίγει περισσότερο κάποιους από μας: τις χώρες που βρίσκονται στα γεωγραφικά όρια της Ένωσης. Αλλά αφορά όλους μας.

Οι αρχές που θα πρέπει να διέπουν την προσέγγισή μας αυτή είναι η αλληλεγγύη μεταξύ εταίρων, η συνυπευθυνότητα για την προστασία των κοινών ευρωπαϊκών συνόρων, η αναλογικότητα στην κατανομή των βαρών και – βεβαίως - η εμπλοκή τρίτων χωρών, από τις οποίες προέρχονται ή από τις οποίες περνούν τα μεταναστευτικά ρεύματα για να φτάσουν σε μας. Διότι το φαινόμενο πρέπει να αντιμετωπιστεί αποτελεσματικά στην πηγή του. Και αυτό περιλαμβάνει και μέτρα επαναπατρισμού των παράνομων μεταναστών, εκείνων που δεν προέρχονται από εμπόλεμες περιοχές και δεν δικαιούνται άσυλο. Όμως, εδώ έχουμε και ένα επί πλέον ανθρωπιστικό καθήκον. Να χτυπήσουμε εκείνα τα εγκληματικά κυκλώματα που διακινούν, και αυτό είναι το πιο τραγικό αυτής της υπόθεσης, ανθρώπους από διάφορες περιοχές του κόσμου προς την Ευρώπη σαν να είναι αντικείμενα.

Τέλος, η Ελλάδα φιλοδοξεί να δώσει νέα πνοή στις Θαλάσσιες Πολιτικές της Ένωσης. Κράτη-μέλη και θεσμοί εργάζονται ήδη για την ενίσχυση και εφαρμογή τους. Χρειάζεται όμως, ο επαναπροσδιορισμός τους, η επανεξέτασή τους, ώστε να ανταποκριθούμε με τον καλύτερο δυνατό τρόπο, στις ανάγκες και των πολιτών, αλλά και στις προκλήσεις του μέλλοντος.

Οι άξονες στους οποίους θα κινηθούμε είναι δύο: ανάπτυξη, περιλαμβανομένου και του τομέα της ενέργειας, και ασφάλεια, στον οποίο περιλαμβάνονται ο καθορισμός και η διαχείριση των ευρωπαϊκών θαλάσσιων ζωνών. Διότι δεν πρέπει να ξεχνάμε ότι ο υποθαλάσσιος πλούτος που κρύβει η θάλασσα μπορεί να αποτελέσει, στο ορατό μέλλον, την απάντηση στα μεγάλα προβλήματα του ενεργειακού μας εφοδιασμού. Και σας θυμίζω εκείνο που από το 2004, όταν ήμουν ευρωβουλευτής, ακουγόταν παντού στις αίθουσές μας: επιτέλους η Ευρώπη να απαντήσει στο πρόβλημα της ενεργειακής ανασφάλειας, του “energy insecurity”.

Μια αναφορά θα κάνω και σε κάτι που είναι μονίμως κεντρικό θέμα της ευρωπαϊκής πολιτικής: στην Ευρωπαϊκή Διεύρυνση! Άλλωστε η Ελλάδα έχει να επιδείξει πλούσιο έργο ενίσχυσης της ευρωπαϊκής πορείας των χωρών της Διεύρυνσης και ιδιαίτερα των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων. Και εδώ μας ενδιαφέρει να είμαστε πρακτικοί και αποτελεσματικοί.

Η ενταξιακή πορεία των χωρών της περιοχής αυτής, έχει αποκτήσει, κατά τα τελευταία δύο έτη, μια σαφή δυναμική χάρη στην προσχώρηση της Κροατίας, την έναρξη ενταξιακών διαπραγματεύσεων με το Μαυροβούνιο και την απόδοση καθεστώτος υποψήφιας χώρας στη Σερβία. Οι εξελίξεις αυτές φωτογραφίζουν ότι η διεύρυνση προχωράει και μάλιστα σε μια περίοδο κατ’ εξοχήν μεταβατική για την Ένωση.

Η Ελληνική Προεδρία, λοιπόν, θα προσεγγίσει τη Διεύρυνση δυναμικά και κατά περίπτωση, με στόχο την προώθηση της ενταξιακής διαδικασίας καθεμιάς από τις ενδιαφερόμενες χώρες, αναλόγως των επιδόσεων και των ιδιαιτεροτήτων τους. Υπενθυμίζω ότι οι βασικές αρχές και μηχανισμοί της «Ατζέντας της Θεσσαλονίκης» εξακολουθούν να διέπουν την πορεία της περιοχής προς την ευρωπαϊκή ολοκλήρωση.

Φίλες και φίλοι, στην ευρωπαϊκή ατζέντα των επομένων μηνών βρίσκεται ακόμα η ενίσχυση των σχέσεών μας με τους μεγάλους στρατηγικούς εταίρους της Ευρώπης, και στα δυτικά, πέραν του Ατλαντικού, και στα ανατολικά και στην Άπω Ανατολή. Εδώ, οι οικονομικές σχέσεις μας μαζί τους, πρέπει να πάρουν νέα ώθηση. Το απαιτεί, όχι μόνον η καταπολέμηση της ύφεσης, αλλά κυρίως η υποχρέωση της Ευρώπης να παίζει ρόλο πρωταγωνιστικό στις διεθνείς εξελίξεις συν-διαμορφώνοντας τις παγκόσμιες τάσεις.

Ακόμα, η επιρροή μας στον περίγυρό μας. Χρειαζόμαστε μια περιφέρεια σταθερότητας, ειρήνης και ανάπτυξης. Όπου θα ακτινοβολούμε τις αξίες και τις αρχές μας. Όπου θα προσφέρουμε τη βοήθειά μας σε αυτούς που την έχουν ανάγκη. Αλλά και θα απολαμβάνουμε, μαζί με τους γείτονές μας, τα αγαθά της σταθερότητας και της Ειρήνης.

Πάνω απ’ όλα λοιπόν χρειαζόμαστε δύο πράγματα:

Να δώσουμε αυτοπεποίθηση στον Ευρωπαίο πολίτη και υπερηφάνεια για την Ένωσή μας. Και να γίνουμε ο φάρος της σταθερότητας και της Ανάπτυξης, της Ανταγωνιστικότητας και της Δημοκρατίας, του Πολιτισμού και της Ευημερίας. Τελικά, αυτό αποζητά και όλος ο υπόλοιπος κόσμος από μας.

Αυτά τα δύο πράγματα, δεν θα τα κάνει ασφαλώς η Ελληνική Προεδρία στο επόμενο εξάμηνο. Οφείλουμε να τα κάνουμε όλοι μαζί, στα επόμενα χρόνια. Να τονώσουμε την υπερηφάνεια των Ευρωπαίων για την Ένωσή τους και να ενισχύσουμε την ακτινοβολία του Ευρωπαϊκού παραδείγματος διεθνώς.

Dear friends, allow me to conclude in English. As a political union, a single market and even an aid donor, Europe is a superpower with a global vision. Of course, sometimes we are all consumed in our everyday problems or disputes, thus losing both the big picture and our optimism.

Let us distinguish the essential from the trivial. Let us look back at our past and realise how far we have come. Deep in their hearts, the Europeans always wanted to come together, one way or another, but they often ended up in bloody wars among themselves. In recent decades we have undertaken the most ambitious endeavour in human history: to have so many and such different peoples converge, of their own free will, in freedom and democracy.

Two generations ago, the dream of a united Europe seemed unthinkable. One generation ago, this dream still seemed difficult and distant. Yet it has now been realised to a greater extent than anybody ever expected.

Next, let us look inside ourselves: small states and big states alike, we all know that in the contemporary world we can achieve much more, and achieve it much faster, if we are united. All of us together can unlock our economic depth and our geopolitical weight and can play the leading worldwide role Europe deserves. All of us together can better safeguard our security, protect our democracy, advance the prosperity of our peoples and project our cultural values to the rest of the world. Our Union is not a luxury. It is a vital necessity for all of us.

Lastly, let us look around us. We see turmoil emerging and major challenges appearing, almost everywhere. We can better respond to such challenges if we are united. We can better stand in the face of world turmoil if we grow even more united. To put it bluntly: united, we can export stability and security from Europe to the rest of the world. Separated, we will only import insecurity and destabilisation from the rest of the world into our own house.

No matter which way we look at it, no matter where we look for guidance or for inspiration – within ourselves or around us, back in our history or ahead of us in the future – what we need is more Europe and better Europe. The best response to the current crisis is again: more Europe and better Europe. And the rest of the world also expects from us more Europe and better Europe.

A united Europe is not just some administrative bodies, some institutions or the bureaucratic procedures and technically complicated regulations. Primarily, ‘Europe’ is us – all of us: everybody in this Chamber, all European citizens who voted for us and sent us here. All of us, debating and sometimes disagreeing; all of us working hard for Europe and enjoying the fruits of the Union.

Europe is the heavy historical heritage which we all, collectively, carry on our shoulders. Europe is the common cultural root and expression of our societies, the values of freedom and human dignity, social justice and compassion for all, progress and democracy across borders. Europe is the future of the generations to come; of our children and those that will come after them. It is precisely this common future that we are shaping today. And it is this future that unites us, perhaps more than anything else.

We are moving ahead step by step. Sometimes we make mistakes, pause, correct them and take it from there. But we have gone far enough; we have progressed more than any of the previous generations could imagine.

By overcoming our recent crisis, we are moving even more decisively. Remember the example of my country. Greece suffered, and is still suffering; but we are now standing on our feet – we are proud, we are holding our ground and are returning to normality, and by doing so we are proving to everyone that Europe works and that Europe can make it. By defending our destiny as a nation, we have also defended the future of Europe, every step of the way.

Dear friends, Europe started as a legend about a beautiful princess, seduced and kidnapped by an ancient Greek god, who fell in love with her and transformed himself into a white bull to approach her. Then this legend evolved into an epic story, full of glory as well as drama. And then, Europe evolved as the cradle of human history, the source of culture and civilisation across the continents.

Now it is transforming itself yet again: through inspiration and innovation, trial and error, successes and failures – as is always the case in history. Now Europe is being transformed, not just into a common institutional framework for all its countries, but into a common identity and a common conscience for all its peoples. So Europe does moves ahead. Not without problems, not without obstacles to jump over. But make no mistake: our united Europe moves ahead, to its destiny. And you, its elected representatives, are Europe’s heart and Europe’s soul.

(Applause)

 
  
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  José Manuel Barroso, President of the Commission. − Mr President, Prime Minister, honourable Members, first of all let me very sincerely congratulate you, Prime Minister, for your very inspiring words. Listening to you I thought that Europe not only owes much to ancient and classical Greece – without Greece, European civilisation would simply not exist as such – but that we are also going to owe a lot to modern Greece for the great example of courage, determination and commitment to our Europe that you personally, and the people of Greece, are setting these days.

It is, I believe, a fitting coincidence that we end this parliamentary term under the Presidency of Greece – a country that has been the focus of so much political energy and public attention during this mandate and that, in the end, has emboldened us to do all we can to fight both the root causes and the social consequences of the crisis.

Let us not forget that some people, not so long ago, were predicting that Greece would exit the euro and that Greece could even leave the European Union. In the more apocalyptic scenarios, some people were even predicting the implosion of the euro and, eventually, the disintegration of the European Union.

The fact that today the Prime Minister of Greece, with his strong European commitment and pride in the commitment of his country to Europe, is here standing among us, launching this new Presidency, proves that the prophets of doom were wrong. The resilience and determination of the Greek people are far, far greater than the scaremongers were ready to foresee.

Greece’s own experiences since the beginning of the crisis make it even more determined to make a success of this Presidency. The Commission and the Greek Presidency are united in not being distracted from the real agenda we have in front of us. We must stay focused on delivering concrete results for the growth and jobs which Europe’s citizens need.

Greece has embarked on a very painful, but necessary, adjustment process, and some impressive results are already appearing: a government deficit that has been cut from nearly 15 % in 2009 to an expected primary surplus in 2013; recovering competitiveness, as illustrated by the steadily-falling current account deficit; and a vast programme of structural and public sector reforms. We expect positive growth throughout this year in Greece. The courage of the Greek people in the face of great hardship is bearing fruit and, as you well know, Prime Minister, the European Commission has always stood by Greece and the Greek people. I thank you for your kind words recognising that. As you also know, when many others were expressing doubts and less commitment to Greece, this Parliament also always stood by Greece and supported Greece.

Honourable Members, as I already told Prime Minister Samaras in Athens, the Commission fully shares Greece’s priorities: supporting growth and jobs through the deepening of the single market and boosting external trade; deepening the Economic and Monetary Union and reinforcing the social dimension; improving the framework for human mobility and addressing the real problem of illegal migration; and promoting maritime issues. The list is long and the ambition is great, but based on the extensive experience of Greece – this is the fifth Presidency of the Council by Greece, and I at least have worked with three Presidencies – I believe that, with the strong determination of the Prime Minister and the government, it will be a success.

The focus of the Presidency, strongly shared by the Commission and the Greek Government, for the time left before the end of this legislative term is clear: we need to finish what we started and to deliver as much of our growth and jobs agenda as we possibly can.

Consistent and continued structural reform is the way to do this. Whereas only a year ago commentators – and not only commentators but some politicians too – were predicting that countries would exit the euro area, around the turn of the year we started to see programme countries exiting their respective support schemes. Ireland is now able to issue long-term debt at rates of only about 3 %, which is less than some other countries that did not need to ask for adjustment programmes and assistance.

Latvia, which – together with Greece – has implemented one of the toughest adjustment programmes, has not only joined the euro area but currently has the highest growth rate in the European Union. Spain is exiting its specific programme for banks and is once again showing its remarkable dynamism and attracting new investors. Portugal has seen positive growth since the second quarter of last year, and its unemployment rate and interest spreads are consistently going down.

So do not tell me that structural reform is unnecessary or unproductive: the facts show otherwise. We need structural reforms so that we can address the real problems of competitiveness in many of our countries if we do not want to be losers of globalisation.

Yet we never said that this was only about fiscal consolidation or structural reform. We have always said (the Commission has been saying it since at least since 2010) that we also need investment and to look at the social impact of the crisis. We need to keep up the investment measures necessary to make the reforms work to the benefit of jobs and growth. Our number one aim is to restore employment: this is the biggest drama of today’s Europe. We cannot say that we are out of the crisis while we keep these very high levels of unemployment; however, it is true that we have now exited a phase of the crisis where there were systemic threats to the euro area. This is why we need to resume investment in the economy. We still have a fragmented financial market where companies are paying interest rates not because of their intrinsic quality but because of the country in which they are located. This is an issue which I am sure deserves the attention of the European Central Bank. For terms of investment we need to use the European budget. For many of our countries and regions, the European budget is sometimes the only – if not the main – source of public investment. That is why we need to make the most of it.

The European Union budget is also an important tool for directing reforms and investments and leveraging loans for SMEs in close cooperation with the EIB, as the European Commission and the EIB have proposed. We need to ensure that the new Multiannual Financial Framework will deliver through the sectoral programmes, which will firm up the economic recovery.

Especially important is what the Member States can do through the Youth Guarantee Programme, now that they have adopted the Youth Guarantee. This programme was proposed by the Commission and is now agreed. The focus now is on implementation. This has to be activated as a matter of urgency so that we can reduce youth unemployment; we cannot lose a whole generation.

The Greek Presidency will also have other issues to discuss and in order to facilitate agreement in terms of the budget – for instance, on the own resources package and the start of the work of the inter-institutional high-level group on own resources created precisely between Parliament, the Council and the Commission.

It will be important, and will take effort, to deliver a balanced and successful European Semester in the current context. The timing of the elections means that there will be very tight deadlines between the publication of the Country Specific Recommendations by the Commission and the European Council at the end of June. We will need to work together in a constructive spirit to make sure the process runs as smoothly and transparently as possible, as was, by the way, the case last year.

The Greek Presidency has rightly stressed the social dimension of economic governance, since no one knows better how important openness and legitimacy are to the eventual outcome of a process of profound reform. Our focus on immediate measures to fuel growth and jobs does not in any way detract from the necessity of continued reform of the underlying European framework and our common economic policies.

As I stressed yesterday in this House, completing the European Banking Union is not just one of our main deliverables but also our primary duty before the elections. Parliament and the Council now need to do everything they can to reach a final agreement on the Single Resolution Mechanism. Like you, the Commission would have strongly preferred a system fully based on the Community approach, and we have been defending this. As Parliament and the Commission, we should now work together to ensure that the intergovernmental dimension is kept to the absolute minimum of what is politically necessary, and we should be vigilant in ensuring that the outcome remains fully compatible with, and upholds the primacy of, European Union law. The European Commission will contribute actively to finding an agreement before the elections, as we believe this is indispensable not only for the Banking Union but also for deepening economic and monetary union.

We need to remain active on all fronts until the very last day and adopt as much of our legislative agenda as possible, especially proposals such as those remaining under the Single Market Acts I and II and the telecoms package, which should provide economic opportunities for years to come; accelerate the economic momentum of today with investments for growth under our new Multiannual Financial Framework; and stabilise our economic foundations through further adjustment and reforms in order to remedy the gaps and errors that have become apparent over the years. In fact, as the Prime Minister has said, there is good news: the important progress made in last night’s trilogue on the Markets in Financial Instruments Directive (MiFID) is another step towards greater transparency and discipline in financial markets and another advance towards completing the comprehensive programme of financial reforms launched in 2009.

At the same time, we need to continue working in areas that go beyond our efforts to remedy the economic crisis but are equally vital to demonstrate that the European Union is capable of delivering the results our citizens expect: on data protection, which is so important for upholding our values and the way we want our society to function; on the rule of law, where this spring the Commission will present a more robust mechanism to counter systemic threats that may arise in any one of our Member States; and also on climate and energy, where the Commission will come up with a concrete framework for the period up to 2030 and where we are determined to continue to take the lead globally. If you look at the new energy landscape emerging you will see that, for us to guarantee future growth and jobs, we will have to strike the delicate balance between sustainability, security of supply, and competitiveness. On these and other issues, the Commission intends to work together with you, as long and as hard as possible, in order to get things done.

With the date of what is possibly going to be a tense election coming closer each day, the political mindset in the months to come will often be unpredictable and political attitudes are in danger of becoming more extreme. We are seeing the rise of extremism from the extreme right and the extreme left. We must, however, make sure this campaign is an opportunity for more genuine debate about Europe, not a festival of unfounded reproaches against Europe.

One issue in particular is already in danger of being subject to all kinds of populist rhetoric rather than objective assessment: the free movement of people in general, and of workers in particular, in the European Union.

The free movement of people is a fundamental principle of Europe and of the treaties, and indeed one of the core elements that distinguish our Union. Free movement is an indispensable ingredient of European citizenship. It is one of the most popular fundamental freedoms with citizens across Europe: when you ask people all over Europe what is important about Europe, the first thing they say is precisely that: free movement. It is also an indispensable pillar of the single market. Without the free movement of people, it would not make sense to have a single market based only on the free movement of goods or capital. Free movement contributes to economic growth and European competitiveness.

Let us be clear about free movement. The European Commission as the guardian of the Treaties will uphold this principle: it is a historic achievement, an advancement of civilisation, a true acquis of freedom, democracy and the rule of law. It cannot come as a surprise to anybody that the principle of free movement exists and is applicable throughout the Union without discrimination, because we do not want a Europe of first-class and second-class citizens. Free movement is the result of decades of negotiations and agreements between the Member States and also this Parliament. It is in our law, and we should respect our common law.

However, contrary to impressions created recently in national debates, it is not a freedom without rules. Free movement is subject to European law, which has also been jointly decided by the Member States in the Council and by this Parliament. These rules offer guarantees to citizens, and they also offer possibilities to the Member States to deal with abuses. So, the Member States are not only entitled, but also have the duty, to act if there is any abuse of this fundamental freedom.

Of course, as is the case in our democracies with national rules under national law, the implementation of European Union law must be subject to appropriate procedures and, where necessary, to appropriate procedures of review and redress. This is why the Commission supports national, regional and local authorities in managing this principle correctly, in particular in order to fight abuses when and where they arise.

The Commission published a communication last November even before these latest polemics and outlined five initial actions: (1) fighting marriages of convenience; (2) applying social security rules correctly; (3) making more use of the European Social Fund to promote social inclusion and fight poverty; (4) bringing local authorities together to help them learn from one another; and (5) assisting officials in correctly applying the rules on free movement on the ground.

So let us work together in a constructive and objective fashion. Let us not use stereotypes and myths. Let us have a rational and reasonable debate. Let us not give in to scaremongering and obfuscation. Let us together preserve a precious good for the sake of all of us. It is good for Europe’s competitiveness, Europe’s markets, European citizens and all of us who enjoy freedom in Europe and have an open idea of Europe, and not a narrow chauvinistic idea of the protection of different countries.

2014 will see the first European elections since the entry into force of the Lisbon provisions, which have so fundamentally changed the European institutions, not least in terms of the power and prestige of this Parliament.

2014 will also be the year in which we commemorate the centenary of the First World War – a war which, as you know, started with events in Sarajevo. Yet, as the Prime Minister said, the countries of the Balkans now see precisely in Europe and the European Union their hope for consolidating peace and democracy. This is a message we should be attentive to.

From the European wars of the past 100 years to a European unification that has continued spectacularly with the enlargements of the last ten years, with all those memories in mind, I hope we will have a more profound European debate and that the European project will be more strongly defended than before. I hope mainly that mainstream political forces will sometimes be able to leave their comfort zones, and that they will no longer consider European unification to be given by implicit consent but will have the courage to explain rationally and with passion why we need a strong Europe more than ever.

Whereas in the past, young Europeans were killing each other in colossal wars, now – thanks to European integration – they will vote together to decide on their common future. What a difference! So let us make this vote for the European Parliament another important moment to reinforce a true European democracy. By the way, these are two Greek words: Europe and democracy – another thing we owe to our Greek ancestors.

Let us remember what is at stake, what the real foundations of European integration are, and what the dangers of disintegration could be. On that basis, let us work together to deliver the results that really matter with pragmatism; pragmatism, another Greek word. I believe that, with this commitment to democracy and this pragmatic approach, the Greek Presidency will help make our Europe stronger.

 
  
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  Joseph Daul, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Président de la Commission, cher Antonis Samaras, premier ministre de la Grèce, chers collègues, je voudrais d'abord, avant de commencer, avoir une pensée pour notre vice-président Papastamkos, qui se bat dans sa rééducation au début de cette année et qui vous salue. C'est donc un progrès énorme qu'il est en train de faire.

(Applaudissements)

Cher Premier ministre, je voudrais aussi rappeler ce matin les moments difficiles que nous avons passés avant que tu ne sois premier ministre et où j'étais parmi les seuls à défendre encore la Grèce et Antonis Samaras qui allait devenir son futur premier ministre, pour essayer d'éviter la faillite du pays. Ce sont des moments inoubliables et je suis très fier aujourd'hui que tu puisses être présent, aujourd'hui, avec un résultat.

C'est vrai, tout n'est pas parfait. Mais par rapport aux moments difficiles que nous avons vécus dans mon bureau, il y a une très nette amélioration et la faillite n'a pas eu lieu. Nous avons fait mentir tous ces oiseaux de mauvais augure qui ont dit que l'Europe était foutue et qu'elle ne servait à rien. L'Europe de la solidarité existe, a existé à travers ce que nous avons fait ensemble dans nos bureaux au lieu de faire de grands discours. J'en suis très fier aujourd'hui.

Sur la base d'une telle expérience, je suis convaincu du succès de cette présidence, qui est une présidence difficile puisque nous entrons dans la campagne électorale, ne l'oublions pas, mais nous continuerons quand même à travailler jusqu'au mois d'avril.

Avec la crise, nous avons pu mesurer combien nous étions interconnectés. Nous avons vu que, là aussi, l'Europe a son rôle à jouer malgré ce que nous entendons tous les jours. Je crois que, dans ce domaine également, les partis démocratiques doivent continuer à œuvrer dans ce sens. C'est dommage de ne pas disposer d'une année de plus avant les élections mais, à la fin, nous verrons quand même que, là où les efforts sont faits, là où les bonnes décisions sont prises, nous allons dans le bons sens. Mais cela ne suffit pas. Je suis admiratif des efforts du peuple grec, que j'ai pu constater – quand j'étais dans le pays –, et j'y suis allé souvent ces derniers temps. Ces efforts et aussi le soutien, l'équilibre et la solidarité démontrés au niveau de la famille, du milieu familial, sont également des exemples dans les moments difficiles que nous avons pu vivre en Grèce.

Monsieur le Premier ministre, j'admire votre détermination, vous tenez le cap en gardant l'espoir. Les chiffres vous montrent que vous êtes sur la bonne voie. Votre pays a atteint l'équilibre primaire. Bravo! Mais cela ne suffit pas. Maintenant, il faut lancer une deuxième action. Cela vaut d'ailleurs pour toute l'Europe: au niveau du chômage des jeunes, au niveau des entreprises, nous avons maintenant le devoir de démontrer que, là aussi, nous sommes capables d'agir.

Je prends deux exemples, car j'aime prendre des exemples. Comme vous le savez, je suis agriculteur; nous sommes en train de changer le matériel. Que ce soit dans les PME ou au niveau de l'agriculture, nous négocions les prix avec les sociétés et, à la fin, nous avons pratiquement des taux zéro: des taux de 0,9 % après avoir négocié le matériel. Le paysan grec et la PME grecque sont confrontés à des taux de 10 %!

Sur ce point, mes amis, nous devons intervenir immédiatement au niveau de la Grèce. C'est par là que nous retrouverons des emplois ou tout au moins qu'on n'en supprimera pas plus. Voilà ce qu'il faut faire. C'est cela la solidarité, Monsieur Farage. La solidarité ou la faillite! C'est exactement cela et nous y arriverons! Nous y arriverons, nous avons des solutions. Nous travaillerons sur ce dossier pour que l'économie européenne soit également solidaire au niveau de l'emploi. Cela signifie que nous avons maintenant des opportunités et donc des emplois nouveaux.

L'assainissement des budgets publics impose que l'on ne dépense pas plus d'argent qu'on n'en gagne. Alors, mon cher Premier ministre, tu pourras faire des formations au niveau du Conseil pour montrer ce qu'il faut faire et surtout ce qu'il ne faut pas faire à de nombreux chefs d'État et de gouvernement encore, au niveau de l'Europe.

La solidarité européenne doit jouer, préserver l'emploi et cela passe par plus d'harmonisation sociale et fiscale au niveau européen. Sur ce point, je me suis entretenu longuement la dernière fois avec les syndicalistes grecs pendant deux heures. Je leur ai expliqué que c'est aussi à eux de continuer à travailler en vue de cette harmonisation fiscale et sociale très rapidement pour éviter les délocalisations. Je suis persuadé que, si nous avançons avec eux sur ce dossier, les délocalisations seront moindres et qu'il y aura moins de distorsions de concurrence. Je leur ai aussi proposé de s'inspirer des institutions européennes qui viennent, récemment, de faire passer l'âge de la retraite à 67 ans. C'est un phénomène qui existe, dont personne ne parle, mais je crois aussi qu'il faut le dire. Ce serait déjà un bon exemple si on pouvait l'appliquer dans l'ensemble de l'Europe.

Nous avons besoin de règles partout en Europe. Prenez la finance. Il ne faut plus perdre de temps et mettre en place l'union bancaire, mais il faut un bon accord. Vous connaissez ma détermination sur le six-pack, vous connaissez ma détermination sur le budget. Nous voulons un bon accord. Nous avons des propositions qui sont sur la table, cela ne suffit pas. Nous devons améliorer ces propositions et être plus justes. Nous pourrons alors avancer et je compte, mon cher Premier ministre, sur le bon sens du Conseil et sur le bon sens, bien sûr, du Parlement, pour obtenir cette amélioration. Nous trouverons une solution ensemble mais pas n'importe laquelle. Elle sera communautaire ou elle ne sera pas. Je vous le dis ici aujourd'hui, comme je l'ai fait pour le six-pack et comme je l'ai fait pour le budget. C'est très clair!

La Grèce connaît bien le sujet. Nous savons bien que les dettes des banques sont détenues par d'autres banques au niveau européen, qu'elles soient allemandes, britanniques ou autres, et que si le secteur bancaire s'était effondré en Grèce, l'effondrement des économies européennes aurait suivi, ce qui aurait été absurde. C'est pourquoi l'Europe doit agir. S'il y a bien un enseignement que le peuple grec peut rappeler, c'est que la solidarité européenne existe, que c'est seulement avec l'Europe que des solutions concrètes durables peuvent être trouvées pour l'emploi, pour les jeunes et pour les PME. C'est un moment très important, nous allons travailler ensemble et nous allons vous soutenir. Je sais que vous nous soutiendrez également.

(Applaudissements)

 
  
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  Hannes Swoboda, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, I will follow the good example of Mr Daul. Prime Minister, you do not have an easy job, neither in Greece nor here – although it is your own choice to be Prime Minister of Greece. I must say at the outset, however, that we believe in the Greek Presidency. I detest the many prejudices and suspicions about your country having the capacity to hold a Greek Presidency. You did it in the past, you will do it again and you will fully support this Presidency because it is an important one, not only for Greece but also for Europe.

I also want to say clearly – because there are other rumours and myths – that Greece has already carried out a lot of reforms. I have been to Greece quite often, and I know that you have done a lot of hard work and have effected many difficult reforms. Most importantly, as all of you in government know, this is not the end of the reform process but rather the beginning of it. You may not gain politically from it – neither you nor our friends from the PASOK party – but it is important to carry out the reforms, and we have to help.

You thanked us – the Commission, the Council and Parliament – but we have to do more. For example, as Deputy Prime Minister Venizelos has rightly asked, why does Greece have to pay back all its debts so quickly? Germany and Austria had nearly 100 years to pay back some of their debts. So, let us be honest and let us be helpful to Greece concerning its debt repayment.

Reform is necessary, yes, but some of the demands of the Troika are totally unacceptable, and the method is not acceptable. Mr Barroso, Mr President of the Commission, despite the fine words about social networks, employment, etc., many of the demands of the Troika – not all, but many – are unacceptable because they are destroying the social network, and that is not acceptable to us. I do not want to go into the details: you know them perfectly well and our Greek colleagues know them perfectly well. Your Vice-President Mr Rehn attended the Committee on Economic Affairs this week, and some of his remarks there made things even worse. He said that everything is agreed between the Troika and the Member States. Well, yes: if you have a pistol and you ask somebody whether he agrees with your demands and he says ‘yes’ in order to survive, that is an agreement, but it is not a fair agreement, and therefore the Troika has to be phased out.

Let me be very clear: these so-called contractual agreements will be opposed in the same way that the Troika is opposed, because they represent a way of bringing in the Troika method by the back door. We want the Community method: we want democracy in the relationship between the Commission and the Member States. That is what we are fighting for. And of course we want the social model to be implemented.

Let me turn to the situation in Europe. Yes, there are slight improvements, and we are happy about that – especially about the improvements in Greece. But the unemployment situation is still a disaster. You mentioned it just today, President Barroso. It is being predicted in some quarters that unemployment may even grow in 2014. We are not in danger from inflation, but we remain in danger from deflation. This affects many countries, because not enough is being done to create jobs, and here I agree fully with what Mr Daul said: we still have banks which are not putting the cheap money they get from the European Central Bank into industry and business, where jobs need to be created. Therefore we demand that central banks should lend money where it is needed. The national central banks and the European Central Bank need to act. We are happy about what they have done, but they need to do more.

Let me turn now to Banking Union. I am happy that Mr Samaras is here. The Banking Union proposals are not acceptable to us. They were not even acceptable to the majority of the EU Member States, but nonetheless an agreement on them was finally reached. That agreement will not fly, because this Parliament – and we have heard strong words from all the political groups – will not accept the Banking Union as it is. We need radical changes.

The process is too complicated. It is like having an outbreak of fire and the fire brigade having to begin by asking the mayor to convene the city council and ask the counsellors’ permission to put the fire out, then going to the burning house and having to ask all the neighbours to give you some water. This is not a serious or a feasible approach, and you can see the determination that exists in this House on this issue. We need radical changes, and I am asking the Greek Presidency to be helpful here, because we can achieve those changes only with your help and that of the Commission.

Another important issue for the Greek Presidency – which I cannot deal with in detail now – is that of data protection, where we have all these bilateral approaches. What did the Americans say to the Germans when the Germans said they wanted a no-spy agreement? They said ‘no’: no to a no-spy agreement! That was the ‘no’ – it was not ‘no’ to spying. That is why we need a European approach. We have been waiting for months already for the Council to come to the negotiating table on data protection. This is necessary, and I hope the Greek Presidency can help here.

Let me come now to the freedom of movement debate in Europe, which is a very interesting one. Some politicians, including David Cameron, have claimed there are figures which demonstrate the enormous scale of the misuse of social benefits. Now I read in the papers, in the news today, that Mr Cameron has asked the relevant minister to postpone publication of the data until after the European elections. Why? Because the data do not prove any massive abuse of social benefit.

Thank you, Mr Cameron. At least he is saying clearly that what he said previously was wrong, and that much is good news. I do not deny that there are problems. There are some problems, but let us fight the real problems. As the Commission made clear this week, all the Member States can play their part in preventing the abuse of social benefits. Let them do it! If the Member States do not do it, then the finger should not be pointed at Brussels. It should be pointed at their own capitals, where they need to do their job to prevent such abuse.

What is even more important, however, is to prevent the social dumping that we are experiencing in Europe. Some companies misuse workers in order to undercut salaries and to undermine standards and working conditions. Here we need a change. We want an effective Posting of Workers Directive to fight social dumping, and we want to see the rules being implemented. It may be possible to find a solution here, and we need the Greek Presidency to help. But the first requirement in the new Parliament will be for a new Posting of Workers Directive capable of combating the undermining of salaries and social conditions.

To conclude, Prime Minister Samaras, although you are not from our political movement – as has been said already, nobody is perfect – you know the social situation in your country. We accept that what you said at the end of your speech about Europe is valid and we fully support it, but what we need in order to convince our citizens that they should fight for Europe – and maybe even demonstrate for Europe – is a social Europe. If you make a contribution towards a social Europe, we will fully support you.

 
  
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  Guy Verhofstadt, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, first of all I would like to thank the President-in-Office for his strong pro-European message at the end of his speech. We believe very strongly in this Greek Presidency, because Greece is the symbol of Europe – I should say for better and for worse.

Your country gave the name of Europe to our beautiful continent but – let us be honest – in recent years your country has also represented the biggest threat or crisis that the Union has ever faced. You could even say, as you did yourself (so I can repeat it), that the Greek crisis is in a way the quintessence of the European crisis. For a long period there was a lack of discipline, of solidarity and, most importantly I think, of unity. Let us be clear: I do not think we would have had a Greek crisis or a European crisis if the political class in Greece had taken responsibility far earlier than they did and, at the same time, if European leaders and the European national elites had shown full solidarity from the beginning of the crisis in 2009. It has to be said that both failed in that respect, and that is why we have this tragedy today. For it is a tragedy, with huge unemployment, and young people in Europe at the moment saying that they want to leave Europe. They no longer see their future within the European Union. There is also rising populism and nationalism, and growing racism.

Let us also be realistic about the figures that we have seen, and that we can see today, in the economic field. Personally I expect a long period of low economic growth, rather like that faced by the Japanese in the 1990s. I expect nothing less, but nothing more either. That is a tragedy, because this crisis is a European crisis rather than a world crisis. China, India and the US are all growing. Japan has a growth figure of more than 2 %, and fortunately even the African continent has growth figures of 5-6 %. So there is collective responsibility here on the part of the European leadership and – let us face it – also of the Greek political class for what has happened in recent years in Europe.

First of all, the Greek political class was at fault because reforms were undertaken too late. Greece still has a clientelist system, an oversized civil service, huge state ownership and professions which are closed to newcomers. Instead of carrying out reforms in these areas, the only measures taken – certainly in the beginning – were the moderation of lower wages and tax increases for small and medium-sized companies. So I hope the necessary reforms can now go forward and that you will not revert to the failed recipes of the past.

However, we have also made mistakes ourselves. I think the most important error – and we have to recognise this today, before the Greek Presidency – was made in December 2009 by not immediately backing Greece, and it was compounded in January 2010 by talking openly about a Greek exit. That gave rise to grave consequences, with a long period of financial instability. The two-year period of financial instability in Europe was created because we were not more open and solid with Greece. We gave the impression that countries could leave the eurozone and that countries could even leave the euro system and the European Union.

Mr Samaras, although it is perhaps cynical to say this, you are in a quite unique position. You are now in the Greek Presidency, and you can apply all the lessons you learned in Greece to reforming the European Union. You are in the best position to tell your colleagues that they should not make the same mistakes and that they need to create a Banking Union. You know what the consequences are of a lack of European union and a lack of unity.

My request to you is that you prioritise three things. The first is Banking Union. I will not repeat what Joseph Daul and Hannes Swoboda have said. I am sorry, but the proposal that we have today is not a proposal that will create confidence in the banking sector. You know that the main problem for the moment in Europe is a blocked mechanism for transfer between the banks and the real economy. You will not restore that transfer mechanism if we do not establish a real Banking Union with a single resolution mechanism based not on national resolutions but on the proposal from the Commission. We are united here in our refusal to accept an intergovernmental patchwork. It has to be a communitarian proposal, and you have to go to Berlin: it is there that you have to convince people of the need to put in place another vision and another opinion.

Secondly, we need a new economic governance model: a model for convergence, not divergence; not contractual arrangements that create animosity against Europe, but a convergence system.

My third and final point is a request to you to speed up the integration of our markets: the single market, the telecoms market, the bond market and also the labour market. We need more labour mobility. Labour mobility in Europe is only 2.8 %, while in the United States it is three times more than that. At the moment we have more than two million vacancies because of lack of labour mobility. Mr Farage, meanwhile, came here and said we had a problem. He said that 2.8 % was too high and that it had to be lower. He wants to block labour mobility. A number of you want to block growth creation. I can only say, in conclusion, that it was lucky – or maybe it was bad luck – that at the time when Mr Farage’s ancestors crossed the Channel he was not in charge of the immigration laws, because otherwise they would never have reached Britain and he would never have been a British citizen.

 
  
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  Rebecca Harms, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Herren Präsidenten, sehr geehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Als ich heute Morgen hier zum Plenarsaal gegangen bin, habe ich gedacht: „Na ja, ich würde nicht wirklich gerne in der Haut von Herrn Samaras stecken.‟ Nachdem ich seine Rede gehört habe, glaube ich, dass ich Recht habe damit, dass es nicht leicht ist, die Rolle, die er jetzt hier in Europa für sein Land spielt, auch tatsächlich auszufüllen.

Ich glaube, es ist ein großer Fehler, Herr Samaras, dass Sie hierherkommen, wie Sie auch vor einiger Zeit nach Berlin gereist sind, und sagen: „Alles prima, die Reformen laufen. Das, was ihr von uns in Griechenland verlangt, ist erfüllt‟. Denn meine Besuche in Griechenland haben mir in den letzten Jahren etwas anderes gezeigt. Erfüllt sind die Anforderungen auf dem Papier und zahlenmäßig. Ja, Sie können zeigen: Sie haben soundso viele Stellen abgebaut. Sie können zeigen: Sie haben Jahr für Jahr die öffentlichen Ausgaben gesenkt. Aber was gleichzeitig passiert – und das wird hier nicht deutlich genug von der griechischen Regierung angesprochen, vielleicht ist es auch eine Überforderung – und was nicht deutlich geworden ist in Ihrer Ansprache, ist, dass das, was Sie eigentlich brauchen für Griechenland, um in diesem wunderbaren Land mit Leuten, die viel können und viel wollen, tatsächlich Reformen durchzuführen, nicht mehr funktioniert.

Denn die Art der Reformen, wie sie in Griechenland aufoktroyiert worden sind und wie sie von der Troika überwacht werden, tötet doch das, was man braucht, um aus Griechenland den Staat zu machen, den auch viele Bürger wollen. Sie haben heute eine Situation, in der die öffentlichen Institutionen alle nicht mehr funktionieren. Also das, was den Staat eigentlich gegenüber seinen Bürgern ausmacht – die Schulen, die Universitäten, die Krankenhäuser –, ist in einem so schlechten Zustand, dass man denkt: Das kann doch nicht wahr sein, dass in einem europäischen Land im Jahr 2014 die Leute gegen Krebserkrankungen nicht mehr die Behandlung bekommen, die sie brauchen! Das ist der Zustand am Ende von mehreren Jahren Reformen.

Sie müssen hier sagen – und Sie müssen das auch gegenüber Frau Merkel und Herrn Gabriel in Berlin deutlich machen: Wenn Griechenland ein Land sein soll, in dem Reformen funktionieren, dann darf nicht nur auf Erfüllung dieser Einsparziele insistiert werden, sondern dann muss der zweite Teil des Pakts auch mal erfüllt werden, nämlich gemeinsame Anstrengungen, um das Land Griechenland nicht nur aus der Rezession, sondern aus der Depression zu führen. Das ist das Einzige, wovon ich finde, dass es wirklich gut ist, dass Sie es gesagt haben. Wir haben es ja gar nicht mehr mit einer Rezession zu tun, wir haben es mit einer Depression zu tun. Die Zahlen, die es da über Wachstum gibt, sind doch lächerlich, gemessen an der Arbeitslosigkeit, die Sie in Griechenland haben.

Wir müssen akut handeln gegen das, was in Griechenland zu Recht als Unrecht empfunden wird, denn die Lasten der Krisenpolitik sind in dieser Nation völlig ungerecht verteilt. Das ist doch auch das, was andere Nationen in Europa befürchten: dass es nach dieser Krise denjenigen, denen es immer gut geht, besser geht und denjenigen, die unten in der Gesellschaft angekommen sind, schlechter geht. Griechenland – das hat Herr Kollege Verhofstadt sehr gut gesagt – ist da irgendwie das Land, auf das alle schauen, wenn es um die Orientierung in Europa geht. Wer Reformen will, der muss seine Nation mitnehmen, der darf nicht zusehen, dass die Besten sich darauf vorbereiten, das Land zu verlassen. Dieser Braindrain, der Ihnen droht, der ist doch auch ein Anschlag auf das, was in Griechenland an Reformen nötig ist.

Ein letztes Wort dazu, wo diese Politik gegen die Rezession hinführen soll: Ich habe heute Morgen in der Zeitung in Deutschland gelesen, dass sich die Europäische Kommission von dem, was ökologische Innovationen unserer Wirtschaft angeht, verabschieden will. Herr Barroso hat Hedegaard, Oettinger und anderen die Federführung für die Klimapolitik offenbar abgenommen. In Griechenland befürchte ich wirklich, dass wesentliche Erkenntnisse zu grünen Technologien, zu erneuerbaren Energien, zu Energieeffizienz – Dingen, die schnell auch Wachstum und Beschäftigung kreieren könnten – auch über Brüssel jetzt torpediert werden. Ich fände es verrückt, wenn dieses wunderbare Land seinen Reichtum an Natur, seine Möglichkeiten für diesen herrlichen Tourismus kaputt machen würde, indem Sie jetzt ins fossile Zeitalter einsteigen und auf Gas- und Ölbohrungen dort in Ihrem wunderbaren Meer setzen. Ich finde es verrückt, dass Sie zum Beispiel Ihre Bodenschätze an ein kanadisches Unternehmen namens El Dorado verschachern und dass dieser wunderbare Wald von Skouries am Eingang des Heiligen Bergs Athos in Kanada für Profite sorgen wird und nicht in Griechenland!

Meine Damen und Herren, auch da gibt es ein Steuerungsproblem in Brüssel. Nicht nur die Troika ist ein Problem, auch die Politiker, die rückwärtsgewandte Wirtschaftspolitik vertreten, sind meiner Meinung nach verantwortungslos.

 
  
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  Martin Callanan, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, I would like to thank Mr Samaras for entertaining us this morning with his grand vision of Europe, which I have to say I thought was particularly ironic given that Greece, more than any other country, has suffered at the hands of grand, abstract visions that are not rooted in reality. In Greece, the federalist dream has become the nightmare of the Greek people. Many people in this Chamber and elsewhere dreamt of the common currency, the ultimate symbol of European statehood, but of course they were not honest about the cost that would have to be exacted should a crisis occur. The people of Greece are paying the price of those mistakes.

Prime Minister, you told us this morning that it was time to enjoy the fruits of the Union. Well, perhaps the three million people who are unemployed in your country might think that those fruits are perhaps turning a little sour today. Of course mistakes do happen and, to be fair, you acknowledged them in your speech. What is important is that we learn the lessons from those mistakes. In France, President Hollande is now beginning to realise just how disastrous socialism can be. He is almost – not quite, but almost – embracing capitalism. I understand that he is even now calling himself a social democrat rather than a socialist. I am not quite sure what the difference is, but apparently it makes a big difference in France. But of course his credibility is now shot as he does a 180° U-turn. In fact a ‘social democrat’ is one of the more polite things that he has been called in recent days, but never mind.

In the EU I fear that we are not willing to learn the lessons of the euro crisis. If we do not learn them, then of course, as the saying goes, we are destined to repeat them. I was interested in an article recently drafted by Jochen Bittner, the political editor of Die Zeit, who warned of the EU’s supernova moment. If we had a cosmonaut in this Chamber – as I think we did until fairly recently – he would tell you that a star reaches its greatest destiny just before it explodes. In his article, Mr Bittner rightly concludes that the best way to prevent this is to activate the reverse thrust for certain parts of the unification project, as a way to reduce the continent’s political stress.

That is the direction the EU needs to go in now. It needs to listen to people from across the EU who are now calling for major change. Failure to take action now will run the risk of the EU itself going supernova, but thankfully I am pleased to say that there are now an increasing number of those of us who are talking about, and acting on, the way that the EU needs to change. Let me quote to you from a recent article: ‘Some others want to change things, acting against the tide of the ‘Brussels elite’. These are the modern, the courageous, the defenders of a realist Europe. David Cameron is one’. Now that was not written by some eurosceptic British Conservative MP. I am sorry that Mr Daul has departed, because it was actually by Rachida Dati, a member of the EPP – his party.

Prime Minister, that is the agenda that I would like to have seen your Presidency advance. Your country is best placed to sound the alarm bells for the EU, to warn of the cost of grand abstract plans and to suggest a looser, freer Europe. Unfortunately, you have chosen business as usual. Let me raise a couple of points that are included in your dossier for the Greek Presidency. Firstly, the Banking Union has been mentioned: the single resolution mechanism. We think the agreement reached by the Council on the Single Resolution Mechanism (SRM) is a fairly innovative way to protect eurozone banks and, of course – much more importantly – to protect taxpayers from across the eurozone and non-eurozone countries. This Parliament, in my view, would be ill-advised to hold this deal to ransom just because some elements are intergovernmental in nature. We need to put what works before grand abstract concepts. With the SRM, the Council has come up with an agreement that works and that we should support.

Secondly, I look forward to the publication next week of the 2030 Climate and Energy Package. From what I read (if it is true), instead of legislation on shale gas exploitation, we will merely see guidelines. What we should be doing is exploiting this resource for the future of Europe.

Prime Minister, just as Bill Clinton once said that the era of big government is over, today the era of the big EU is now over. If we can drop the abstract visions, lose the dogma and focus on a better, more practical Europe, we will be able to tell the Greek people that their hard-fought lessons have not been in vain.

I wish you well in the months ahead. I truly hope that the Greek Presidency will remind Europe and the world that Greece is a nation of great people and that it has a great heritage and, with the right reforms at home and in the EU, a great future.

If I would also just be permitted for 30 seconds, I would like to come back on the comments made by Mr Swoboda about the so-called populist statements – as he referred to them – of David Cameron. I thought this might come up, so I have brought along a newspaper headline for Mr Swoboda: ‘Miliband: stop cheap foreign workers’. I accept that most of you have probably never heard of Mr Miliband, but he is the leader of the Labour Party, a member of Mr Swoboda’s own party. So before you start accusing Mr Cameron, perhaps you should look a little bit closer to home with your populist statements.

 
  
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  Gabriele Zimmer, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Meine Herren Präsidenten! Aufgrund der Kürze meiner Redezeit – ich habe sie mit meinen griechischen Kollegen geteilt – möchte ich gleich auch konkret in die Diskussion einsteigen. Mit tiefem Respekt vor den Leistungen der Menschen in Griechenland, denen unwahrscheinliche, zum Teil unmenschliche Lasten aufgebürdet worden sind, möchte ich doch darauf verweisen, dass es wichtig ist, dass jetzt gerade in dieser Zeit mit Griechenland ein Land die Präsidentschaft übernimmt, das als erstes unter die Memoranden-Politik gekommen ist und dieses Memorandum umsetzen musste, das sich selbst auch dazu bekannt und verpflichtet hat – zumindest die Regierung – und das eigentlich genau wissen müsste, welche Konsequenzen diese Art von Politik hat.

Sie haben vorhin davon gesprochen, Herr Samaras: Die Europäische Union hatte einen Konstruktionsfehler, und diesen Konstruktionsfehler werden wir lösen. Wann lösen wir aber, dass die Union nicht nur Konstruktionsfehler hat, sondern dass auch die Art und Weise der Politik in eine völlig falsche Richtung geht? Die marktradikale Politik, die dem Krisenmanagement unterliegt, führt genau zu dem, was wir jetzt erleben. Wir haben es zum Teil in den Krisenländern mit einer humanitären Katastrophe zu tun, und selbst wenn Sie Zahlen präsentieren oder beispielsweise stolz darauf sind, dass erstmals ein Surplus erreicht worden ist, kann das doch nicht darüber hinwegtäuschen, dass Arbeitslosigkeit, Jugendarbeitslosigkeit, Armut sich in einem sehr hohen Maß stabilisiert haben und dies auf lange Zeit so bleiben wird. Das ist das Problem, vor dem wir stehen, und das ist eben nicht lösbar mit drastischen Kürzungen von Sozialleistungen, mit Eingriffen in die Grundrechte bis hin zur Verletzung der Grundrechte von Menschen!

Das ist die Frage, die Sie jetzt hier auch thematisieren müssten. Das ist das, was wir erwarten! Wir erwarten von Ihnen Impulse zum Umgang mit Schulden. Wir erwarten von Ihnen, dass Sie thematisieren, dass ein Teil der Schulden auch illegitim ist – und zwar Schulden, die durch die Umwandlung von privaten in öffentliche Schulden entstanden sind. Und dass beispielsweise auch in den Fokus unserer Debatte gestellt wird, was in der UN klar ist, dass an erster Stelle die Menschen stehen müssen und dass das Überleben von Menschen gesichert werden muss, bevor man von ihnen verlangen kann, dass sie Schulden zurückzahlen! Man kann einem Schwerkranken nicht in die Tasche greifen und ihm noch das Letzte herausholen.

Das muss doch die Politik sein, die wir hier generell, bezogen auf alle Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union, als einen Grundsatz praktizieren. Zuerst müssen die Menschen kommen, und dann dürfen erst die Interessen der Banken befriedigt werden. Das muss doch eigentlich die Normalität sein. Normalität ist aber jetzt offensichtlich, dass Menschen akzeptieren müssen, dass zuerst die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit gesichert wird und dass sie sich darauf einrichten müssen, für Schulden, die sie nicht zu verantworten haben, mit ihrem Hab und Gut zu haften, und dass sie praktisch ihre Existenz auch zur Verfügung stellen müssen.

Ich bitte Sie sehr darum, dass Sie die Gelegenheit nutzen, um diese griechische Präsidentschaft nicht einfach nur aus innenpolitischer Sichtweise zu betrachten nach dem Motto „Wir wollen einen Erfolg liefern“, sondern dass Sie klarmachen, dass dieser Weg der Entwicklung nicht weiter beschritten werden kann. Dann hätten wir am Ende alle gemeinsam etwas erreicht. Dann wäre es auch möglich, dass wirklich die Solidarität wieder zum Kernelement der Europäischen Union wird!

 
  
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  Nigel Farage, on behalf of the EFD Group. – Mr President, I must congratulate you, Mr Samaras, for getting the Greek Presidency off to such a cracking start. I am sure your overnight successful negotiations in the trialogue on the Markets in Financial Instruments Directive (MiFID) will have them dancing in the streets of Athens. No matter that your country, very poorly advised by Goldman Sachs, joined a currency which it was never suited to; no matter that 30 % are unemployed, that 60 % of young people are unemployed, that a neo-Nazi party is on the march, that there was a terrorist attack on the German embassy.

No, do not worry about all that, because the trialogue on MiFID has been a success, and in many ways it sums up the two Europes: the Europe that is talked about in here by the dreamers, who want to impose a united states of Europe with an identity and currency, and the real world out there. And you come here, Mr Samaras, and tell us that you represent the sovereign will of the Greek people? Well, I am sorry, but you are not in charge of Greece, and I suggest you rename and rebrand your party. It is called New Democracy. I suggest you call it No Democracy, because Greece is now under foreign control.

You cannot make any decisions, you have been bailed out and you have surrendered. Democracy: the thing your country invented in the first place, and you cannot admit that joining the euro was a mistake, because of course Mr Papandreou did that, didn’t he? He even said there should be a referendum in Greece – and within 48 hours the unholy trinity that now run this European Union had him removed and replaced by an ex-Goldman Sachs employee puppet.

We are run now by big business, big banks and, in the shape of Mr Barroso, big bureaucrats, and that is what these European elections are really going to be all about. It is going to be a battle of national democracy versus EU state democracy. Whatever you may say in this Chamber, the people out there do not want a united states of Europe, they want a Europe of sovereign states trading and working together, and I believe the European elections are going to mark a watershed. Until now everybody has thought – much as they may not like the development of the European Union – that it was inevitable. That myth of inevitability will be shattered by the European elections this year.

 
  
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  Nicole Sinclaire (NI). - Mr President, it is poignant that Greece should take over the Presidency at this time. Greece is the living embodiment of the failure of the Troika and indeed the euro project. Mr Samaras, you talk about the mistakes of your country over decades. Surprisingly, you failed to put any blame where it truly belongs, namely on the pro-federalising Eurocrats who ignore the Maastricht convergence criteria to push on with their project of a federal Euro-state. Linking the Greek economy with such a powerhouse as Germany was utter madness, and your people paid the price – not least with a suicide rate that increased by 46 %.

In your speech you stated that your first commitment was to ever-closer EU integration. Are you not learning from the lessons of history? Are you not condemned to relive them? You cannot play political make-believe with people’s lives. Your people and people across Europe came out onto the streets to show their displeasure at the medication for the Eurocrats’ mental illness.

Greece is the birthplace of democracy, and this year people across Europe will have the chance to put a dagger in the heart of the European Union. A significant number of these people have plenty of time to go to the polling station as they are unemployed, a core failure of the EU project. Mr Samaras, you are in make-believe land if you think the EU is the solution.

In the UK we also have a leader who lives in make-believe land and who believes that he can renegotiate serious powers from the EU before a referendum. But we have heard this con trick before. The British people have waited far too long to have the choice to leave this corrupt and doomed mess that is the EU. In May’s elections we will let the people decide. We will put the option on the ballot paper in Britain for the people to demand a referendum now.

 
  
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  Μαριέττα Γιαννάκου (PPE). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Πρόεδρε του Συμβουλίου, κύριε Πρόεδρε της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής, η σημερινή πρώτη παρουσία της Ελληνικής Προεδρίας στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο, έδωσε την ευκαιρία για μνήμες και για πλέον πραγματιστικές προσεγγίσεις. Χαίρομαι, γιατί ο Πρόεδρος της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής έκανε τις αναφορές που απαιτούντο για την Ελλάδα, χαίρομαι που θυμήθηκε την αρχική λάθος προσέγγιση για το ελληνικό πρόβλημα, και χαίρομαι επίσης διότι όλοι όσοι ομίλησαν αναφέρθηκαν - ακόμη και αν αυτό ήταν με αρνητικό τρόπο - στην αξία της ελληνικής παρουσίας μέσα στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η Ευρώπη εξακολουθεί να είναι η Ευρώπη όλων των ανησυχιών και όλων των αμφιβολιών. Ωστόσο, δεν μπορεί να γυρίσει πίσω, ούτε να επανεθνικοποιήσει τις πολιτικές της, όπως άκουσα προηγουμένως από τον κύριο Farage. Αν κάποιος θέλει να αποχωρήσει από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, αυτό το αποφασίζει ο λαός και στην Ελλάδα ο ελληνικός λαός, στη μεγάλη του πλειοψηφία, θεωρεί ότι η χώρα του είναι άρρηκτα συνδεδεμένη με την εξέλιξη αυτής της Ευρώπης την οποία επιθυμεί να ολοκληρώνεται συνεχώς.

Το "ντοσιέ" της Ελληνικής Προεδρίας είναι πολύ ενδιαφέρον και σημαντικό. Μίλησαν όλοι για τις μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις που είναι το μέλλον της Ευρώπης, για την ελεύθερη κυκλοφορία των εργαζομένων και, κυρίως, για την προστασία των δεδομένων και για την τραπεζική ένωση. Η τραπεζική ένωση όπως έχει προταθεί από την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή και όπως έχει εκφράσει την άποψή του το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο, είναι φυσικά η καλύτερη λύση. Όλοι όμως γνωρίζουμε ότι η εκάστοτε Προεδρία του Συμβουλίου συναντά πάρα πολλές δυσκολίες για να βρει μια κοινή θέση στο Συμβούλιο. Εξακολουθεί να υπάρχει ο διακυβερνητισμός. Χαίρομαι γιατί η Ελληνική Προεδρία τον απορρίπτει και θεωρεί την κοινοτική μέθοδο εργασίας ως τη σωστότερη προσέγγιση.

Κύριε Πρόεδρε, ο πυρήνας της εξέλιξης της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, αλλά και οι ιδέες που τον δημιούργησαν από το 1947, όταν συγκεντρώθηκαν όλα τα αντιστασιακά κινήματα της Ευρώπης στην Χάγη για να διακηρύξουν την επιθυμία των ευρωπαϊκών λαών για ειρήνη και ευημερία, περιλαμβάνει από την εποχή ακόμα εκείνη, ορισμένες σταθερές στο θεσμικό σύστημα. Το θεσμικό σύστημα λοιπόν λέει ότι σήμερα η Ελλάδα, ανεξάρτητα από το γεγονός ότι πέρασε και περνά μια σοβαρή οικονομική κρίση και ο λαός της αναγκάζεται να κάνει σοβαρότατες θυσίες, οι οποίες έχουν ήδη αποτελέσματα, έχει την εξάμηνη Προεδρία της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Αυτό τι σημαίνει; Ότι η Ευρώπη εξακολουθεί να παραμένει η σταθερά που μας συνδέει, αυτό που όλοι επιθυμούμε, αυτό που όλοι θέλουμε να εξελίξουμε στο μέλλον.

Κύριε Πρόεδρε, εύχομαι μια επιτυχημένη Ελληνική Προεδρία, γεγονός για το οποίο ουδόλως αμφιβάλλω.

 
  
  

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΑΝΝΥ ΠΟΔΗΜΑΤΑ
Αντιπρόεδρος

 
  
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  Συλβάνα Ράπτη (S&D). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, κύριες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, η Ελληνική Προεδρία έχει μπροστά της μία πολύ μεγάλη πρόκληση. Καταρχάς, μέσα σε έξι μήνες οι οποίοι στην πραγματικότητα είναι τρεις, να επιτελέσει μέγιστο έργο προς όφελος των ευρωπαίων πολιτών καθώς πηγαίνουμε σε ευρωεκλογές.

Κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, οι Σοσιαλιστές της Ευρώπης, οι Σοσιαλιστές της Ελλάδας που είναι το ΠΑΣΟΚ, θα είναι δίπλα σας. Θα είναι δίπλα σας για να παλέψουμε μαζί με την ανεργία των νέων, θα είναι δίπλα σας για να ενδυναμώσουμε την ανάπτυξη και άρα τον ρόλο της Ευρώπης στο διεθνές οικονομικό περιβάλλον. Θα είναι δίπλα σας για μια τραπεζική ένωση στη σωστή κατεύθυνση, ώστε οι καταθέτες να ξαναβρούν την εμπιστοσύνη τους και οι Μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις επιτέλους να βρουν χρηματοδότηση. Θα είμαστε δίπλα σας για να διαχειριστούμε μαζί, με θετικό πρόσημο, τις μεταναστευτικές ροές. Τόσο από τρίτες χώρες προς την Ευρώπη, αλλά και μέσα στην ίδια την Ευρώπη, από τις χώρες του Νότου προς τις χώρες του Βορρά. Θα είμαστε δίπλα σας για να προωθήσουμε τη θαλάσσια πολιτική που περικλείει τομείς από το περιβάλλον μέχρι τη διαχείριση των θαλασσίων ζωνών.

Όμως, κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, θα είμαστε απέναντι σας, εμείς οι Σοσιαλιστές της Ευρώπης, εμείς οι Έλληνες Σοσιαλιστές του ΠΑΣΟΚ, που συμμετέχει στην κυβέρνηση Συνασπισμού της οποίας είστε πρωθυπουργός, όταν δεν λαμβάνεται υπόψη η κοινωνική συνοχή. Όταν δεν λαμβάνεται υπόψη ο άνθρωπος και τα δικαιώματά του. Κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, θα σας στηρίξουμε στην προσπάθεια που πιστεύουμε ότι θα γίνει, ώστε εκτός από το πλεόνασμα το οποίο έχουμε επιτύχει με δραματικές θυσίες από την πλευρά του ελληνικού λαού, να προσπαθήσουμε να δημιουργήσουμε στην Ευρώπη των επόμενων γενιών πλεόνασμα αλληλεγγύης, πλεόνασμα κοινωνικής συνοχής, πλεόνασμα στην υποστήριξη των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, πλεόνασμα θέσεων εργασίας, πλεόνασμα εμπιστοσύνης των πολιτών στο Ευρωπαϊκό Οικοδόμημα.

 
  
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  Anneli Jäätteenmäki (ALDE). - Arvoisa puhemies, Kreikka on ollut talousmyrskyn silmässä useita vuosia. Ensimmäinen tukipaketti myönnettiin toukokuussa 2010.

Talouskuri on ollut tiukkaa, eläkkeitä ja palkkoja on leikattu, mutta arvoisa pääministeri, miten on mahdollista, että puolustusmenot ovat edelleen korkeat? Tämän Kreikan puheenjohtajakauden vuoksi tehty kirjanen kertoo, että vielä vuonna 2011 Kreikka käytti EU-maista eniten puolustukseen, 4,6 prosenttia BKT:stä. Me kuulimme täällä, että Kreikalla ei ole rahaa syöpäpotilaiden hoitoon, mutta sillä on ollut rahaa puolustukseen niin, että esimerkiksi konventionaalisia aseita se on ostanut viidenneksi eniten maailmassa. Vain Intia, Kiina, Etelä-Korea ja Pakistan ovat suhteessa BKT:hen ostaneet konventionaalisia aseita enemmän. Tämä on kummallista, ja tähän pitäisi kiinnittää huomiota paljon enemmän.

Kun katsoo näitä ensimmäisen lainapaketin ehtoja ja kestoa, niin luen täältä, että Kreikan lainaohjelma on kolmivuotinen ja päättyy vuonna 2013. Täytyy sanoa, että ne jotka ovat arvostelleet kriisinhoitoa, ovat olleet väärässä, mutta myöskään lainapaketin myöntäjät eivät suinkaan ole aina olleet oikeassa.

 
  
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  Bas Eickhout (Verts/ALE). - Madam President, thank you, Mr Samaras, for your introductory words, but sometimes I have the feeling that you are a bit in denial. When I heard Mr Barroso, it was very clear that we all seem to be in denial. I will just refer to a number of data. If you just look at the recent Gallup poll showing the approval of the EU leadership, which in Greece was supported by 60 % in 2009, you will see that that declined to a level of 19 % in 2013. That is a huge decrease in the approval of the EU leadership. If we then look at the debt level of Greece, we see that it is still at 180 %; unemployment is still rising in Greece, standing at over 27 %, and youth unemployment is around 58 %. Then, Mr Samaras, you say ‘we have been rebalancing our trade balance, we are back to zero’. Yes, but how? By cutting consumption levels, that is how you are doing it. That is not the way. If we are not addressing all these kinds of issues, then what are we doing here? It was a kind of applauding machine at the beginning, but we have big problems, and I would expect Greece to address them, because Greece knows what mistakes we made. But what is Greece doing? It is not welcoming the Troika Inquiry Committee; it was not welcome last week, because it was not part of the party. Also, there is no debate on a haircut on the bail-out loans, when we all know it is needed; and no debate on real, balanced social economic policies, instead of the austerity-driven obsession of right-wing politics. Those are the issues to be addressed.

And on climate, Greece is still importing EUR 9 billion of oil every year, so I would expect that Greece to be a frontrunner in fighting for an ambitious climate and energy package. I also hope that Mr Barroso will do so, because up till now you have been getting compliments from Tories like Callanan. That shows how far down the wrong road you are heading now with climate and energy policies.

 
  
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  Peter van Dalen (ECR). - Voorzitter, ik zou het op prijs stellen als de heer Samaras ook even meeluisterde en zijn koptelefoon opdeed, want ik heb namelijk drie tips voor hem. De vraag is wordt zijn voorzitterschap een epos of een tragedie. Ik heb drie voorstellen zodat hij straks het halfjaar episch kan afsluiten.

Eerste punt, Voorzitter. We zien dat de situatie in de eurozone nog erg onzeker is. Dat komt mede door de torenhoge schulden die sommige landen hebben zoals Griekenland. Toch zegt hij: ja, de Griekse economie gaat groeien. Maar hoe is de situatie in Griekenland werkelijk? Wat zijn de cijfers? Zeventig procent van de Griekse middenstand is verdwenen. Een achttal universiteiten is het afgelopen halfjaar gesloten. Gaarkeukens draaien op volle toeren.

Griekenland, Voorzitter, betaalt een zeer hoge prijs om in de eurozone te blijven en de structurele problemen worden niet verholpen. Want we zien dat de eurozone nog steeds niet voldoet aan zelfs maar de basisvoorwaarden van een optimum currency area. Eén van die basisvoorwaarden, is het hebben van exit-criteria: afspraken dus hoe landen uit de monetaire zone kunnen komen. En let wel, buiten de eurozone zijn is geen straf, integendeel! Juist dan is er hoop en ontstaan er echte kansen, zeker in combinatie met schuldsanering. Dan kun je de economische malaise echt bestrijden met monetair maatwerk. Dus ik hoor graag van de Raadsvoorzitter wanneer hij die exit-criteria opstelt, en hoe hij ze gaat toetsen op Griekenland.

Ten tweede. De onderhandelingen over het nieuwe visserijfonds zijn vastgelopen. Gevolg is dat tientallen Nederlandse vissers geen vergunning hebben om met de pulskor te kunnen vissen. Deze vissers die innovatief werken, zijn slachtoffer van Europese bureaucratie geworden. Absurd! De Raadsvoorzitter moet deze onderhandelingen snel starten en succesvol afronden.

Ten derde. Helaas onderhandelt de Europese Unie al vele jaren met Turkije over toetreding. Vreemd, want dit land ligt vooral buiten Europa. Bovendien groeit de instabiliteit in Turkije en vlotten de onderhandelingen totaal niet. Ook de kwestie Cyprus zit muurvast. Mijn verzoek aan de heer Samaras: beëindig dit halfjaar de toetredingsonderhandelingen met Turkije.

Ik hoor graag van u de reactie opdat uw voorzitterschap echt een epos kan worden.

 
  
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  Νικόλαος Χουντής (GUE/NGL). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, σας καλωσορίζω στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο. Άκουσα με προσοχή την ομιλία σας. Γνωρίζετε και γνωρίζουμε, ότι το τελευταίο χρονικό διάστημα οι Προεδρίες των χωρών της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης έχουν περισσότερο τελετουργικό χαρακτήρα, παρά ουσιαστικό. Αυτό το γνωρίσαμε δραματικά και το 2010 όπου - με αφορμή την κρίση χρέους στην Ελλάδα - βγήκε στην επιφάνεια ένα τεράστιο πρόβλημα που είχε δεκαετίες η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Λόγω του γεγονότος αυτού, είχαμε εξελίξεις σε όλες τις οικονομικές και κοινωνικές πτυχές της κοινωνίας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Και τότε κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, καμία Προεδρία, καμία Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή, καμία Κεντρική Τράπεζα, δεν ήταν έτοιμες να αντιμετωπίσουν αυτήν την κατάσταση. Και τότε και τώρα, κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, δεν είναι σε θέση να αντιμετωπίσουν την κρίση των τραπεζών, την κρίση χρέους των κρατών, την ύφεση, την ανεργία. Εφαρμόζουν πολιτικές σε βάρος των εργαζομένων, εφαρμόζουν εξτρεμιστικές, νεοφιλελεύθερες πολιτικές κ. Μπαρόζο.

Προχθές κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, ο Αντιπρόεδρος της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής, ο κ. Ρεν δήλωσε: ότι εάν γινόταν ανακεφαλαίωση και αναδιάρθρωση του ελληνικού χρέους το 2010, τότε η κρίση θα μεταδίδονταν και σε άλλες χώρες, και μέσω του τραπεζικού τομέα, και ως εκ τούτου θα είχαμε περισσότερα προβλήματα.

Είναι η μεγάλη αλήθεια, είναι η μεγάλη ομολογία. Γιατί; Γιατί θυσιάστηκε κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, η ελληνική οικονομία, ο ελληνικός λαός για να σωθούν οι ευρωπαϊκές τράπεζες και το ευρώ. Για να σωθεί ένα σαθρό χρηματοπιστωτικό σύστημα που λειτουργούσε και λειτουργεί σαν καζίνο. Η αλήθεια είναι κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, ότι δεν έσωσε η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση την Ελλάδα από την χρεοκοπία. Η αλήθεια είναι ακόμη ότι προς αυτή την κατεύθυνση μας έσπρωξαν ορισμένες πολιτικές ηγεσίες που ψήφισαν και δέχτηκαν την Τρόικα με τις οικονομικές καταστροφές να τις πληρώνει ο ελληνικός λαός ο οποίος ανέλαβε το βάρος του χρέους.

Δεν είναι λοιπόν η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση που έσωσε την Ελλάδα. Είναι η σφαγή της Ελλάδας, είναι η θυσία των χωρών της Ευρώπης για να μπορέσουν να διατηρήσουν τα προνόμια οι πολιτικές και οικονομικές ελίτ που ευθύνονται γι' αυτή την κατάσταση.

Είπατε κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ: είναι κρίσιμη η κατάσταση και για την Ελλάδα και για την Ευρώπη. Αλλά η κρισιμότητα δεν έγκειται στο γεγονός ότι δεν μπορείτε να αλλάξετε μια ατζέντα που έχει ετοιμαστεί και έχει επιβληθεί από την γραφειοκρατία των Βρυξελλών. Έγκειται στο εάν μπορείτε να πείτε ορισμένες αλήθειες, εάν μπορείτε να πείτε ότι είναι λάθος αυτός ο δρόμος που έχει ακολουθήσει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, ο δρόμος της υποτίμησης, της ανεργίας, της ύφεσης, του ξεπουλήματος των χωρών, εάν μπορείτε να πείτε, επιτέλους, κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ - πράγμα που περίμενα να το ακούσω - ότι δεν μπορούν να παίζουν άλλο με την τύχη και την αξιοπρέπεια της χώρας και να θεωρούν την Ελλάδα "μαύρο πρόβατο".

 
  
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  Νίκη Τζαβέλα (EFD). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, είστε ένας τολμηρός ευρωπαίος πολιτικός και αυτό αποδεικνύεται επειδή με τόλμη, και αγνοώντας το πολιτικό ρίσκο, κυβερνάτε την Ελλάδα. Η κριτική την οποία υπεστήκατε εδώ από διάφορους πολιτικούς του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου, μη σας λυγίζει, δεν ξέρουμε πόσο καλύτερα θα κάνανε τη δουλειά σας, εάν αυτοί ήταν στην θέση σας.

Γι' αυτό, κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, δικαιούστε κατά τη διάρκεια της Ελληνικής Προεδρίας, παράλληλα με το θέμα της ανάπτυξης και της ανεργίας, να θέσετε και το κυρίαρχο θέμα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης που είναι η επενδυτική άπνοια σε ολόκληρη την Ευρώπη. Ο μέσος ευρωπαίος πολίτης δεν βλέπει την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση από την σκοπιά των μεγάλων προγραμμάτων. Βλέπει την Ευρώπη από την σκοπιά της δικής του προσωπικής προοπτικής. Και όταν είναι άνεργος και έχει μπροστά του ένα αβέβαιο και ανασφαλές μέλλον, δεν τον ενδιαφέρουν τα μεγαλεπήβολα σχέδια περί ευρωπαϊκής ανάπτυξης. Η ιδέα της Ευρώπης, κύριες και κύριοι, θα αναβαθμιστεί όταν μειωθεί η ανεργία και όταν αυξηθεί η ευημερία του ευρωπαίου πολίτη.

Κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, έχετε προσωπική, πικρή εμπειρία από τις επενδύσεις στην Ελλάδα, οι οποίες υφίστανται και το πρόβλημα της μεγάλης γραφειοκρατίας των Βρυξελλών. Να θέσετε με τόλμη και εποικοδομητικότατα το θέμα της θέσπισης κινήτρων για επενδύσεις στην Ευρώπη. Να θέσετε επίμονα προτάσεις για αναθεωρήσεις κανονισμών, ρυθμίσεων και νομοθετικών ιδεολογημάτων που έχουν καταστήσει την Ευρώπη απαγορευτική στις επενδύσεις.

Η Ένωση έχει τεθεί σε διαδικασία μετάβασης χωρίς να έχει οριστεί προς τα που πηγαίνει, τουλάχιστον όσον αφορά το αναπτυξιακό σκέλος. Χρειαζόμαστε ταχύτατα, τώρα, αυτούς τους μήνες, υιοθέτηση ριζοσπαστικών κινήτρων για τον επενδυτή στην Ευρώπη.

 
  
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  Nick Griffin (NI). - Madam President, Prime Minister, 2014 is supposed to be the year of democracy in Europe, but what kind of democracy tears up its own constitution, bans demonstrations to prove the people are happy, sends machine gun-toting storm-troopers to arrest democratically elected MPs and imprisons opponents without trial when they cannot disprove hearsay allegations made against them by police informers? Totalitarians like you always justify such attacks on freedom with propaganda lies about criminal association but, Mr Samaras, your bankers’ occupation government – now busy helping your masters loot Greece – are the real criminals. You are the heir of the communists who refused to fight when your country was invaded by Mussolini, when Metaxas said ‘no’ and fought foreign occupation and exploitation – which is of course the real crime of its modern political descendants, Golden Dawn.

 
  
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  Herbert Reul (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin, Herr Ministerpräsident, Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Als die Krise anfing, gab es hier im Parlament einen großen Konsens – im Parlament, im Rat – dass wir unterschiedliche Schritte unternehmen müssen, dass jedes Land seinen eigenen Beitrag leisten muss, dass wir Anstrengungen unternehmen müssen, dass gespart werden muss, dass Reformen gemacht werden müssen und dass dann auch geholfen wird – Solidarität und Eigenverantwortung! Und dann sind wir diesen Weg gegangen. Aber schon nach kurzer Zeit gab es hier die ersten Debatten. Kollegen aus der linken Ecke dieses Hauses waren sofort dabei, rumzumeckern, zu schimpfen: Das geht alles nicht, belastet zu viel, es kommt nichts dabei raus.

Heute hören wir vom Kommissionspräsidenten, heute hören wir vom Ministerpräsidenten, dass langsam aber sicher erste Erfolge festzustellen sind. Anstatt jetzt mal darüber nachzudenken, wie man diesen Weg systematisch weitergeht, wie man aus diesen ersten Erfolgen zweite, dritte, vierte Erfolge erreicht, wie man weiterkommt, wird schon wieder rumgenörgelt, wieder rumgemeckert, wird die Troika beschimpft. Mir fällt dazu nichts mehr ein! Was hat denn die Troika für eine Verantwortung für die Probleme, die da im Moment in Europa unterwegs sind? Das begreife ich überhaupt nicht mehr. Die Verabredungen sind doch getroffen worden von denjenigen, die da Geldgeber sind; die Troika setzt doch nur um! Also immer dasselbe Spiel, irgendwohin abzulenken und Krisengemälde zu bemühen, ohne den Versuch zu unternehmen, systematisch Stück für Stück weiterzuarbeiten und weiterzukommen.

Ich finde das, was der Ministerpräsident hier vorgetragen hat, erfreulich. Nicht in dem Sinne, dass das Problem abschließend gelöst ist, aber als Hinweis, dass da jemand Regierungschef ist, der sich in tagtäglicher Arbeit darum bemüht – das ist anstrengender als unser Job –, in einer tagtäglichen Auseinandersetzung Schritt für Schritt einen solchen Konsolidierungskurs durchzusetzen. Das verdient Anerkennung, Unterstützung und Hilfe. Aber nicht nur rumnörgeln, was sonst noch alles schiefgehen könnte!

Ich bin auch sicher, dass dieser Weg ohne Alternative ist. Er wird am Ende erfolgreich sein, wie man übrigens in anderen Staaten auch sieht. Insofern: Solidarität und Eigenverantwortung ist ein kluges Konzept der europäischen Politik!

 
  
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  Elisa Ferreira (S&D). - Senhora Presidente, Senhores Presidentes, Senhor Presidente em exercício, caros Colegas, eu desejo o maior sucesso à Presidência grega e quero exprimir ao seu Primeiro-Ministro que a nossa solidariedade esteve sempre e estará ainda sempre com o povo grego.

Vou concentrar-me numa das prioridades elencadas pela Presidência, muito justamente o objetivo de concluir mais um eixo no processo da união bancária. Falta um último eixo, que é a garantia única dos depósitos. Mas a verdade é que, sem a união bancária, será inviável defendermos o relançamento da economia e o relançamento da confiança na Europa.

Neste momento, precisamos de terminar a supervisão única dos bancos, porque ela vai entrar... a supervisão única entra em vigor já este ano e não pode terminar num processo de resolução desses mesmos bancos assente nas estruturas nacionais e em fundos nacionais. Se tal acontecesse, ficaria em causa toda a credibilidade do sistema de união bancária.

E, enquanto relatora, com o conforto que me dá 80 % do apoio dos membros do comité encarregue do dossiê, confirmo aquilo que os líderes políticos já aqui disseram. O Parlamento quer um acordo com o Conselho, mas não qualquer acordo. E a proposta do Conselho é, tal qual ela está neste momento, totalmente inaceitável. Ela não permite que um banco seja resolvido numa situação de emergência, e esse facto tira-lhe completamente a credibilidade. Não garante que um banco na Holanda, na Itália, na Grécia ou na Alemanha ou no Luxemburgo, com problemas semelhantes, seja resolvido da mesma forma, apesar de sujeitos às mesmas regras de supervisão e à mesma regra de funcionamento. Isto não é aceitável, e estou apenas a elencar dois ou três exemplos.

O Conselho caminhou pela via intergovernamental. Esta via intergovernamental não funciona. E, Sr. Samaras, obtenha por favor um mandato sério de negociação com o Parlamento, ou teremos perdido, na Presidência grega, uma oportunidade histórica de remendar uma das peças que falta na construção da União Europeia.

 
  
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  Alexander Graf Lambsdorff (ALDE). - Frau Präsidentin, meine Damen und Herren! Griechenland ist seit über 30 Jahren Mitglied unserer Europäischen Union. Dies ist die fünfte Präsidentschaft. Ich sage das auch vor dem Hintergrund einer Diskussion bei uns zu Hause. Griechenland kann das, Griechenland wird eine gute Präsidentschaft machen, ich bin mir da sicher. Ich habe mich sehr darüber gefreut, dass Griechenland angekündigt hat – unter Rückgriff auf seine eigene Geschichte –, dass es eine spartanische Präsidentschaft werden soll, also kein Luxus, nur Arbeit. Ich glaube, das ist ein guter Ansatz. Wir freuen uns darüber und wünschen Ihnen alles Gute dafür!

Da dies die letzte rotierende Präsidentschaft dieser Wahlperiode ist, möchte ich allerdings eines auch sagen – unabhängig davon, dass Griechenland die Präsidentschaft hat: Ich glaube, wir sollten tatsächlich überlegen, in der Europäischen Union Schluss zu machen mit dem System der sechsmonatigen Präsidentschaften. Viele der Dossiers, die für uns alle wichtig sind, sind ja gar nicht in den Händen der rotierenden, sondern sind in den Händen der ständigen Präsidentschaft des Rates. Ich glaube, hier muss die Europäische Union sich reformieren.

Es wird eine kurze Präsidentschaft. Im April ist hier die letzte Plenarsitzung, dann kommt im Mai die Europawahl und bis dahin sind mehrere Dinge zentral wichtig. Erstens die Bankenunion, um unsere Steuerzahler zu schützen. Die Banken müssen selber für eingegangene Risiken haften. Es kann nicht sein, dass immer wieder auf den Steuerzahler zurückgegriffen wird. Das ist eine wichtige Priorität, die die Präsidentschaft in Brüssel erreichen muss. Und das SWIFT-Abkommen mit Amerika muss ausgesetzt werden, wie es die Mehrheit dieses Hauses verlangt hat. Herr Präsident, das ist etwas, was Sie bei den Kollegen Premierministern bitte durchsetzen müssen!

In Griechenland freuen wir uns, wenn Sie weitermachen mit den Reformen, Verwaltung und Wirtschaft auf Vordermann bringen. Da ist noch viel zu tun. Horst Reichenbach, der Chef der Taskforce, beklagt die mangelnde Reformgeschwindigkeit in Verwaltung und Politik in Griechenland. Das muss sich dringend ändern!

 
  
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  Νικος Χρυσόγελος (Verts/ALE). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η Προεδρία οφείλει να πετύχει τον στόχο της τόσο για μία περισσότερο ενωμένη, αλληλέγγυα, δημοκρατική και κοινωνική Ευρώπη, όσο και για μια περισσότερο ευρωπαϊκή Ελλάδα. Η Ευρώπη είναι το σπίτι μας και θέλουμε να το αλλάξουμε και να το κάνουμε καλύτερο, όχι να το γκρεμίσουμε.

Αλλά η Ευρώπη έκανε πολύ λίγα και υπήρξε πολύ διστακτική στην αντιμετώπιση της κρίσης, με αποτέλεσμα να κυριαρχήσει σε πολλές χώρες ο ευρωσκεπτικισμός. Με πράξεις πρέπει τώρα να ξανακερδίσει η Ευρώπη τις καρδιές και το μυαλό των πολιτών. Η συζήτηση πρέπει να αφορά τη ζωή των πολιτών και όχι τα νούμερα.

Ας είμαστε ειλικρινείς. Πλεόνασμα μπορείς να έχεις εάν δεν δαπανάς χρήματα από την τσέπη σου για την υγεία, για την παιδεία, για τη διατροφή σου, για το σπίτι, αλλά αυτό δεν είναι βιώσιμο. Πρέπει λοιπόν να δούμε πέρα από τα νούμερα και να μιλήσουμε για το πως είναι σήμερα η ζωή των πολιτών. Πρέπει να μιλήσουμε για το πως θα αντιμετωπιστεί η ανεργία με πράξεις, όταν υπάρχουν ενάμιση εκατομμύριο άνεργοι στην Ελλάδα, έξι εκατομμύρια άνεργοι νέοι στην Ευρώπη, τριάντα εκατομμύρια φτωχοί στην Ευρώπη. Δεν θα συγκινηθούν οι πολίτες από λόγια και ιδέες. Πρέπει τα λόγια να τα κάνουμε πράξεις, διότι είναι τραγικό να υπάρχουν σήμερα σε μία ευρωπαϊκή χώρα τρία εκατομμύρια πολίτες, οι οποίοι δεν έχουν πρόσβαση στο σύστημα υγείας, είναι ανασφάλιστοι και ταυτόχρονα χάνουν την πρόσβαση στο σύστημα υγείας. Πρόκειται για το 30% του πληθυσμού. Πρόκειται για ανθρωπιστική καταστροφή που θα προκαλέσει επίσης τεράστιες δαπάνες στο σύστημα υγείας. Η Ελλάδα, η Ελληνική Προεδρία, πρέπει να φέρει στο κέντρο της συζήτησης τα θέματα της υγείας, διότι αφορούν και άλλες κοινωνίες και άλλους πολίτες. Πρέπει να διασφαλιστεί η πρόσβαση όλων σε ένα σύστημα υγείας δίκαιο και αποτελεσματικό. Ναι, χρειαζόμαστε μεταρρυθμίσεις αλλά προς όφελος της κοινωνίας.

 
  
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  Evžen Tošenovský (ECR). - Pane premiére, pane předsedající, v prvé řadě bych chtěl popřát řeckému předsednictví mnoho úspěchů v následujícím půlroce. Určitě to nebudou jednoduché měsíce.

Jedním ze zásadních bodů pro diskuzi musí být diskuze o energetických systémech. A to ať se jedná o výrobu elektřiny, přenosovou soustavu nebo dodávky energetických surovin, jako je plyn a ropa. Současný trend rozdílného vývoje cen mezi Evropou a USA je skutečně alarmující. Ceny silové elektřiny tvoří bariéru pro výstavbu nových výrobních kapacit. Vracíme se tak k výrobě elektřiny převážně z uhelných elektráren, a to podle mého názoru zásadně není dobrý směr. Vznikem obrovských kapacit větrných elektráren na severu Evropy a instalací fotovoltaických zdrojů rozptýlených bez jakékoliv logiky je vytvářen obrovský tlak na nové investice do přenosové soustavy. Přičemž víme, že nové přenosové soustavy potřebují hodně času na realizaci.

Proto bych rád vyzval řecké předsednictví, aby energetice věnovalo prioritní pozornost, zejména tématům, které uvádíte ve svém programu. Další postup v uvolnění vnitřního trhu s energií je dnes absolutně zásadní.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Τούσσας (GUE/NGL). - Το Πρόγραμμα της Ελληνικής Προεδρίας αποτελεί συνέχεια και ένταση της αντιλαϊκής στρατηγικής της ΕΕ, των κυβερνήσεων και των κομμάτων του κεφαλαίου, ενάντια στους λαούς σε όλα τα κράτη μέλη. Ο προπαγανδιστικός μηχανισμός της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης δεν μπορεί να κρύψει την αλήθεια: Η ΕΕ είναι διακρατική ένωση του κεφαλαίου, για τη διασφάλιση της εξουσίας και της κερδοφορίας των μονοπωλίων.

Η καπιταλιστική ανάπτυξη που προβάλετε σαν "όραμα για την Ευρώπη" είναι το στρατηγικό σχέδιο της πλουτοκρατίας, που θα οικοδομηθεί στα συντρίμμια των εργατικών - λαϊκών δικαιωμάτων, στην παραπέρα δραστική μείωση της τιμής της εργατικής δύναμης. Με μισθούς και συντάξεις πείνας, στρατιές εκατομμυρίων ανέργων με τους νέους στην πρώτη γραμμή, κατεδάφιση των δημόσιων συστημάτων ασφάλισης, υγείας και εκπαίδευσης, εξάπλωση της φτώχειας και της εξαθλίωσης δίχως τέλος.

Η εμβάθυνση της ΟΝΕ περιλαμβάνει μνημόνια διαρκείας.

Η ολοκλήρωση της τραπεζικής ένωσης ενισχύει τη συγκέντρωση και συγκεντροποίηση του κεφαλαίου στο χρηματοπιστωτικό σύστημα, βάζει βαθιά το χέρι των μονοπωλίων στις πενιχρές λαϊκές αποταμιεύσεις.

Η Ολοκληρωμένη Θαλάσσια Πολιτική που προωθείτε έχει στο στόχαστρο τις πηγές ενέργειας και τους δρόμους μεταφοράς της.

Η ενίσχυση της Κοινής Πολιτικής Ασφάλειας και Άμυνας - πολιορκητικός κριός για τη διείσδυση των μονοπωλίων σε νέες αγορές - αυξάνει την επιθετικότητα της ΕΕ ενάντια στους λαούς. Ταυτόχρονα παρατηρούμε ανελέητο κυνήγι των μεταναστών και ενίσχυση των κατασταλτικών μηχανισμών.

Το πλαστό δίλημμα που θέσατε "ναι ή όχι στην Ευρώπη", καθώς και το εμπόριο ελπίδας και φόβου που προβάλετε με την προπαγανδιστική καμπάνια της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, έχουν στόχο τη χειραγώγηση των λαϊκών συνειδήσεων.

Το πραγματικό δίλημμα είναι, ναι ή όχι στην ένωση του κεφαλαίου που τσακίζει τη ζωή και τα δικαιώματα των λαών της, στα κόμματα του ευρωενωσιακού τόξου που την υπερασπίζονται.

Το ΚΚΕ καλεί τον ελληνικό λαό, και τους άλλους λαούς, να αξιοποιήσουν την πείρα τους, να καταδικάσουν την ΕΕ, να δώσουν δύναμη στην πάλη τους, για την αποδέσμευση από την ΕΕ, τη μονομερή διαγραφή του χρέους με Εργατική Λαϊκή Εξουσία.

 
  
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  Lorenzo Fontana (EFD). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ritengo che per riuscire a cambiare il corso di quest'Europa che sta finendo in un burrone, in un baratro, bisogna cambiare radicalmente la linea politica, anche delle Presidenze. E purtroppo, per capire come cambiare, bisogna anche rendersi conto dello scontro in atto.

È evidente che, da una parte, c'è un'Europa che va verso il mondialismo: l'Europa delle banche, l'Europa di Goldman Sachs. Dall'altra parte c'è l'Europa dei popoli, l'Europa delle identità. Ora dipende da chi governa e da chi ha il potere decisionale vedere da che parte stare. Ma in ogni momento si può cambiare e questo è l'invito che faccio anche alla Presidenza greca, visto che ha subito più di ogni altro in Europa quello che è il mondialismo voluto appunto da questi eurocrati,che vogliono distruggere i nostri popoli.

Mi chiedo quindi se non sia il caso di iniziare a fare un dibattito aperto, se l'euro ha funzionato in Grecia, così come in Italia, così come nei paesi del Mediterraneo oppure no, e vedere se magari si può modificare qualcosa, anche se spesso dicono che è impossibile. Ma perché impossibile? Nulla è impossibile.

E chiedo anche riguardo alle politiche migratorie. Nel momento in cui abbiamo una disoccupazione che cresce, mi chiedo come potremo fare ancora ad assorbire nuovi immigrati, nuove persone disperate che vengono sui nostri territori. Come è possibile se non c'è lavoro neppure per la nostra gente, per gli europei?

E poi chiedo anche riguardo alla politica dell'allargamento. Io non so se il popolo greco sia felice di sapere che negli ultimi 7 anni l'Europa ha versato 5 miliardi di euro ai fini dell'adesione della Turchia all'Unione europea. Penso che sull'allargamento dovremo rivedere un po' di cose e anche magari sulla politica commerciale. Come facciamo a sostenere la concorrenza di paesi come la Cina? È assolutamente impossibile. Potete cambiare, se lo volete, ma dovete essere convinti.

 
  
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  Hans-Peter Martin (NI). - Frau Präsidentin! Herr Ratspräsident, ich habe Ihnen sehr aufmerksam zugehört bei Ihrer Präsentation. Sie haben von Fehlern auf der europäischen Seite gesprochen. Ich habe nicht gehört, wie Sie die europäischen Bürgerinnen und Bürger, wie Ihr Land diese Bürgerinnen und Bürger belogen, belogen, belogen hat mit falschen Finanzdaten von Anfang an. Niemals hätten Sie Mitglied des Euro-Währungsgebiets werden dürfen! Ich habe von Ihnen nicht den Dank gehört an all die europäischen Steuerzahlerinnen und Steuerzahler, an all diejenigen, die aufgrund der Sparbuch-Niedrigzinsen jetzt dafür bezahlen, dass Sie einen heillos überblähten Politikapparat haben. Ich habe von Ihnen noch nicht gehört, dass Sie weiterhin diesen absurden Apparat, den jeder kennt, der je in Griechenland war, ernsthaft eingedämmt hätten. Stattdessen haben Sie von Fehlern gesprochen. So funktioniert ein funktionierendes europäisches Einheitsgebilde nicht!

 
  
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  Corien Wortmann-Kool (PPE). - Madam President, first I too would like to congratulate Prime Minister Samaras for the work he has done for the Greek people and also for the European Union. This experience should help make the Greek Presidency a success, but it will not be easy. We all want the Banking Union up and running as soon as possible. This is crucial in order to speed up economic recovery, but the Council created major obstacles on the last legislative file in the Single Resolution Mechanism.

What started as a legal concern of one Member State has now resulted in splitting the fund and in a complete overturn of the governance of the Resolution Mechanism into an overly complex system, leaving crucial decisions up to the Member States. This will seriously undermine its effective functioning where bail-in needs to applied, because the banks have to pay themselves. It will also not assure equal treatment of banks, irrespective of the Member States in which they operate, including equal treatment with regard to the Resolution Fund. Moreover, because of that, it will not break the link between banks and sovereigns.

Following what President Daul and others have said, this Parliament does not trust banking resolution subject to the political bargaining of Member States. Therefore we cannot support a bad deal. Prime Minister Samaras, you know the clear position of this Parliament, and if you also want the file to be concluded before the European elections, you have to wake up the Council. You have to get an ambitious mandate for the negotiation and you have to get it soon, in order to get it completed before the European elections.

 
  
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  Bernd Lange (S&D). - Frau Präsidentin, Herr Ratspräsident! Sie haben zu Recht betont, dass wir jetzt auch Wachstumsimpulse sehr nötig haben, um aus der Krise herauszukommen. Ein Element dafür ist natürlich der internationale Handel. Das betonen Sie ja auch in Ihrem Programm der Ratspräsidentschaft auf Seite 19, das ich aufmerksam gelesen habe. Bloß was mich etwas zum Nachdenken angeregt hat, ist, dass Sie einzig und allein auf die Liberalisierung des Handels setzen. Ich glaube, Handel ist kein Selbstzweck, und Wachstum durch Handel kann nur geschehen, wenn wir auch faire Rahmenbedingungen für den Handel bekommen. Wir haben gerade in der Auseinandersetzung mit China über die Solarpaneele ja gesehen, dass wir um faire Bedingungen zu streiten haben. Deswegen möchte ich die Ratspräsidentschaft nachdrücklich auffordern, sich dafür einzusetzen, dass wir die Reform der Handelsschutzinstrumente nach vorne bringen, dass wir die Enforcement-Regelungen nach vorne bringen und dass wir auch die Frage der öffentlichen Beschaffung nach fairen Regeln verabschieden können. Das sollte eine Priorität sein, um Handel unter fairen Bedingungen zu gestalten.

Und dazu gehört auch, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, Herr Ratspräsident, dass wir es nicht zulassen, dass im Handel Wettbewerbsvorteile aufgrund von Dumping entstehen – Dumping durch staatliches Handeln, aber vor allen Dingen auch Dumping dadurch, dass Umweltstandards und Arbeitnehmerrechte nicht eingehalten werden. Deswegen: Setzen Sie sich dafür ein, dass in den Handelsbestrebungen der Europäischen Union unmissverständlich und verbindlich Umweltstandards und Arbeitnehmerrechte vereinbart werden, sodass es in Zukunft in den Handelsbeziehungen kein unlauteres Dumping mehr geben kann!

 
  
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  Cecilia Wikström (ALDE). - Fru talman! Jag vill påminna det grekiska ordförandeskapet om dess ansvar och förpliktelser att skapa enhet i rådet och åstadkomma resultat den korta tiden som återstår fram till valet i maj. Jag vill nämna två saker.

För några månader sedan såg vi tragedin utanför Lampedusa med hundratals döda flyktingar. Behovet av gemensamma åtgärder på europeisk nivå framstod som fullständigt uppenbart. Vi måste nu göra allt för att möjliggöra Frontex räddningsoperationer till havs, och därför vill jag uppmana er att förmå medlemsländerna att gå med på kommissionens förslag som vi här i parlamentet har lyckats nå en politisk överenskommelse omkring. Detta är fullständigt nödvändigt för er trovärdighet och för Europas trovärdighet.

Vi vill också uppmana till att bygga vidare på det momentum som infann sig i slutet av Litauens ordförandeskap och se till att skaffa ett mandat för att inleda förhandlingar och möjliggöra en överenskommelse kring det europeiska varumärkespaketet.

Κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, ευχαριστώ και σας εύχομαι καλή επιτυχία με την Προεδρία σας.

 
  
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  Marina Yannakoudakis (ECR). - – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κύριε Πρόεδρε, θα ήθελα κατ' αρχάς να συγχαρώ την Ελλάδα διότι αναλάβατε την Προεδρία. Είμαι σίγουρη ότι οι επόμενοι έξι μήνες θα είναι πολύ θετικοί. Λόγω των εκλογών του Μαΐου θα είναι μία περίοδος στην οποία θα έχουμε πάρα πολλή δουλειά, ξέρουμε όμως ότι η Ευρώπη είναι σε άξια χέρια.

Madam President, as you know from my name, I have a very special connection with Greece and, as a British MEP, I represent approximately 300 000 Greeks from Greece and Cyprus. It is with their support that I make the following comments.

In the past six years, Greeks have endured much suffering. Troika decisions have not been easy to swallow, but Greece is now technically on the road to recovery, albeit a fragile one. At this crucial time I urge Brussels to back off and give Greece the space it needs to start growing its economy. Let us not hinder any progress by imposing restrictions and hurting the Greek people. The answer is trade, not the Troika.

Σας εύχομαι καλή επιτυχία κύριε Πρόεδρε.

 
  
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  Mario Borghezio (NI). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il Presidente della Catalogna ha rivolto una lettera al presidente Barroso, chiedendo il sostegno di tutti i leader europei al diritto della Catalogna a poter far celebrare il referendum sull'indipendenza della Catalogna. Io le chiedo di appoggiare questa richiesta della Catalogna, che non può essere disattesa dalla Grecia, culla della libertà e della democrazia.

Le chiedo: avete le idee chiare sul futuro economico e finanziario dell'Unione europea? Vi rendete conto che dall'UE, con la linea rigida dell'austerity, sono venuti solo vincoli che hanno annullato il principio di sussidiarietà, che è tuttavia alla base dei trattati? E poi, in merito all'immigrazione. Beh, la Presidenza greca ha una grande occasione come paese direttamente interessato ai flussi, all'invasione, spesso, degli immigrati, a regolamentare una distribuzione, specialmente per l'asilo, fra tutti i paesi. Si devono rendere conto che noi, paesi limitrofi del Mediterraneo, abbiamo questo grandissimo problema. Occorre inoltre selezionare gli arrivi e stroncare attraverso Frontex il commercio immondo del traffico dei clandestini.

 
  
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  Raffaele Baldassarre (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, voglio innanzitutto esprimere i migliori auspici alla Presidenza greca. Abbiamo, purtroppo, iniziato questa legislatura nel pieno di una crisi finanziaria, che col passare del tempo ha rivelato la fragilità dei conti pubblici degli Stati membri. Ebbene, proprio la Grecia, che ha subito durante questi ultimi anni durissime misure di austerità, può diventare il simbolo della fine di questa grave crisi. Non è un caso che dopo 6 anni di drammatica recessione, si preveda oggi una leggera crescita dell'economia greca pari allo 0,6. Si tratta senza dubbio di un timido segnale ma non dimentichiamo che fino a poco tempo fa erano all'ordine del giorno speculazioni sull'uscita della Grecia dall'Unione europea, sull'implosione della zona euro e sullo scioglimento dell'Unione europea.

Il fatto di essere qui oggi a discutere del programma della Presidenza dimostra chiaramente che queste previsioni erano sbagliate.

È però arrivato adesso il momento di voltare pagina, di dare priorità alla crescita e sono davvero contento che a farlo possa essere il governo greco. Approvo quindi gli obiettivi definiti primari dalla Presidenza entrante, ovvero crescita, occupazione, economia sociale, coesione sociale. Mi auguro che questa nuova Presidenza, cui seguirà quella italiana, sostenga l'implementazione del Patto europeo per la crescita e l'occupazione e riesca a salvaguardare l'unione economica e monetaria attraverso la creazione dell'unione bancaria.

Da ultimo, condivido la volontà di affrontare con decisione l'emergenza immigrazione. Un'emergenza che va condivisa fra gli Stati membri attraverso una strategia di sicurezza marittima o una clausola di ripartizione dei flussi. Non sarà facile trovare un accordo su questo tema, che mette alla prova uno dei principi cardine del processo d'integrazione.

 
  
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  Σοφοκλής Σοφοκλέους (S&D). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, έχετε ν' αντιμετωπίσετε σημαντικές ανοιχτές ευρωπαϊκές προκλήσεις για να πάει μπροστά η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

Πρώτη: ο περιορισμός, ο έλεγχος της Τρόικας και η λογοδοσία. Οι αποφάσεις τους στερούνται νομικής και πολιτικής νομιμοποίησης. Οδήγησαν λαούς στην φτωχοποίηση. Πρέπει να αναλάβουν τις ευθύνες τους. Άλλο αναπτυξιακά μέτρα, άλλο στραγγαλισμός στον λαό. Στην χώρα σας αυξήθηκαν οι αυτοκτονίες κατά 46%. Στην πατρίδα μου, οι άνθρωποι κοιμήθηκαν νοικοκύρηδες και ξύπνησαν φτωχοί.

Δεύτερη: η αντιμετώπιση της λαθρομετανάστευσης ως ευρωπαϊκό ζήτημα. Δεν είναι πρόβλημα του Νότου, της Ιταλίας, της Ελλάδας, της Μάλτας, της Κύπρου. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να αναλάβει πρωτοβουλίες, να πάρει αποφάσεις, να υπάρξει ενιαία ευρωπαϊκή πολιτική.

Τρίτη: η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να πάψει να λειτουργεί με πολλές ταχύτητες, με αποτέλεσμα να διευρύνεται το χάσμα μεταξύ βορρά και νότου. Η αλληλεγγύη πρέπει να αποτελέσει προϋπόθεση της ευρωπαϊκής πολιτικής. Μία εξωτερική πολιτική, άμυνα, ασφάλεια καθώς και ενιαία ευρωπαϊκή οικονομική πολιτική. Πρέπει στην πράξη να νιώσουμε όλοι ότι μοιραζόμαστε το όραμα της ευρωπαϊκής ενοποίησης.

Τέταρτη: να πάρετε πρωτοβουλίες, να πείσετε τους ευρωπαίους ηγέτες ότι η λιτότητα ενισχύει την ύφεση, την ανεργία. Υπενθυμίζω ότι σήμερα στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχουμε τριάντα τρία εκατομμύρια ανέργους, 25% των ανθρώπων είναι κάτω από τα όρια της φτώχειας, η φοροδιαφυγή, η φοροαποφυγή, ξεπερνούν αθροιστικά το ένα τρις ευρώ.

Θέλουμε άλλη Ευρώπη με επενδύσεις, ανάπτυξη, περιορισμό της ανεργίας, επιστροφή στην κοινωνική οικονομία. Πάνω από τους αριθμούς και τις τράπεζες είναι οι άνθρωποι.

Και η πέμπτη πρόκληση είναι να ξεκαθαρίσουμε επιτέλους ένα ζήτημα: ότι η Τουρκία όσο θυμώνει με τα μέσα μαζικής ενημέρωσης, φυλακίζει πνευματικούς ανθρώπους και δημοσιογράφους, καταστέλλει βίαια κινητοποιήσεις του λαού, δεν αναγνωρίζει την Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία και απειλεί την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, η πορεία της προς την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν θα είναι απρόσκοπτη. Δεν πρέπει να ανοίξουν τα κεφάλαια 23 και 24. Η ευρωπαϊκή της πορεία δεν θα είναι στρωμένη με ροδοπέταλα.

Η Ευρώπη πρέπει να αποδείξει ότι μπορεί, ότι έχει φωνή, ότι επιβάλλεται. Σας εύχομαι καλή επιτυχία.

 
  
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  Sophia in 't Veld (ALDE). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, πρώτα από όλα συγχαρητήρια για τους Έλληνες, για όλα όσα έχουν επιτύχει έως τώρα. Έχετε ακόμη πολύ δουλειά μπροστά σας, αλλά οι Έλληνες θα τα καταφέρουν.

I will continue in English. The challenges for Greece are not only in the area of getting the economy back on track but, as Guy Verhofstadt said, also of cleaning up the political culture and ensuring that there is a free and pluriform press, which is essential for a democracy.

With regard to the Greek Presidency, I would like to know what the Greek Presidency will do finally, after so many months of deafening silence from the Council, to get a serious response from the Council to the revelations of massive spying and mass surveillance by the US. And what will it do about files which are stuck, Mr Samaras – files on data protection, the horizontal anti-discrimination directive and the transparency regulation, which have been stuck for many months and years? Finally, I would like to know if the Council can give some clarification about the state of play of the negotiations between the Member States and the European Commission and the United States concerning the Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act (FATCA).

 
  
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  Philip Claeys (NI). - Mijnheer de eerste minister, de verleiding is groot om cynisch of sarcastisch te doen over het Griekse voorzitterschap, over het feit dat de lidstaat met de grootste problemen nu het voorzitterschap van de EU waarneemt, maar ik ga dat niet doen.

Griekenland heeft de voorbije maanden zijn situatie wat kunnen verbeteren, maar u mag anderzijds van ons niet gaan verwachten dat wij geloven dat de structurele problemen nu van de baan zijn. De noordelijke landen zullen blijven betalen voor de zuidelijke landen in de eurozone. En dat heeft niets met solidariteit te maken, zoals men hier beweert, maar dat heeft te maken met het feit dat de eurozone en de EU in het algemeen een structurele transfer-unie is geworden, zoals bijvoorbeeld de Belgische staat er een is. Er bestaan gewoon te grote sociaal-economische verschillen tussen de landen binnen de eurozone.

Meneer Samaras, maak van het Griekse voorzitterschap gebruik om het debat eindelijk op te starten over de onhoudbaarheid van de eurozone zoals die vandaag bestaat. Ik kan u verzekeren, als ú het niet doet, zal de kiezer het doen in mei van dit jaar.

 
  
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  Jean-Pierre Audy (PPE). - Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Premier ministre, mes premiers mots seront pour vous dire la confiance que nous portons à vous-même, à votre gouvernement pour assurer cette présidence dans le prolongement de ce qui vous a été exprimé par le président du groupe. Vous avez un secret, Monsieur le Premier ministre, c'est que vous avez fait l'union nationale et je crois que c'est la bonne réponse politique lorsqu'il y a des problèmes de gouvernement comme ceux auxquels vous êtes confrontés, et c'est d'ailleurs ce qu'on fait la Lituanie et l'Irlande, qui vous ont précédé. Je voudrais m'adresser à vous en tant que membre du Conseil européen, colégislateur et autorité budgétaire.

Tout d'abord, en tant que membre du Conseil européen Monsieur le Premier ministre, nous avons un problème, c'est que nous n'arrivons pas à débattre avec les chefs d'État ou de gouvernement. M. Van Rompuy n'est jamais venu dans cet hémicycle, l'article 15 du traité est violé. J'ai vérifié, Madame la Présidente, c'est le président du Parlement, ou ses services, qui n'a pas voulu que le président du Conseil européen vienne. Je le dis car je n'ai pas apprécié d'être caricaturé sur le fait que le Parlement ne se réunissait pas à Noël.

Accepteriez-vous, Monsieur le Premier ministre, de venir préparer les réunions du Conseil européen, comme le traité vous en donne la possibilité, en tant que président du Conseil "Affaires générales"? Ainsi, nous aurions des débats politiques. J'ai eu la chance de siéger dans les deux législatures, et nous avions des débats passionnants avec la présidence du Conseil, lorsqu'elle assurait la présidence du Conseil européen.

Je voudrais également vous demander comment vous voyez, en tant que co-législateur, le trio des présidences, un dispositif dont on a très peu parlé, puisque vous allez clôturer l'actuel trio de présidence.

Je voudrais terminer sur les élections européennes. Vous assurez la dernière présidence avant les élections. Ne pourriez-vous pas dresser un bilan général de la présidence du Conseil qui servirait au débat politique pendant ces élections? Sur cette base et aussi à l'occasion de l'évaluation à mi-parcours de la stratégie Europe 2020, qui va débuter avec le Conseil européen du printemps, nous pourrions débattre en vue des élections de 2014 et préparer ainsi en tant qu'autorité budgétaire la clause de révision politique de 2016 qui est incluse dans le cadre financier 2014-2020.

 
  
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  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). - Señora Presidenta, Primer ministro Samaras, me sumo a quienes saludan los objetivos expresados por la Presidencia griega y, sobre todo, reconocen los sacrificios terribles que han sido impuestos sobre Grecia y sobre los griegos, por este nefasto manejo de la crisis, no solamente por los calendarios de imposible cumplimiento para la reducción de la deuda, sino por la estrategia —evidentemente disparatada— que no está sacando ni a Grecia, ni a los griegos ni a la Unión Europea de la peor crisis de su historia, pero que ha supuesto un empobrecimiento de las clases medias y trabajadoras y una exasperación de las desigualdades de las cuales Grecia es un ejemplo doloroso para toda Europa y, desde luego, para esta Cámara.

Pero, en el tiempo limitado de que dispongo, me voy a centrar en las dificultades de cumplir los objetivos relativos a la comisión que tengo el honor de presidir ―la Comisión de Libertades Civiles, Justicia y Asuntos de Interior―, en una presidencia corta de apenas cuatro meses. Y por eso subrayo la importancia de emplearse a fondo para completar el paquete de protección de datos, no solamente porque requiere el liderazgo de la Presidencia griega —tanto para el reglamento como para la directiva—, sino porque los europeos tienen derecho a estar muy preocupados ante las revelaciones escandalosas del programa PRISM de espionaje masivo y sostenido en el tiempo de la Agencia de Seguridad Nacional de los Estados Unidos.

En segundo lugar, el expediente de vigilancia en el mar, el llamado expediente Coelho, porque es fundamental defender a capa y espada el principio de non-refoulement.

En tercer lugar, en cuanto a los intra-corporate tranfers (ICT), se trata de una norma de inmigración que prueba la capacidad de la Unión Europea de legislar después de la entrada en vigor del Tratado de Lisboa en un asunto tan principal como este, exigiendo la cooperación entre el Consejo y el Parlamento Europeo.

Pero hay dos asuntos que no son legislativos y que requieren igualmente la implicación de la Presidencia griega: el primero es el compromiso de la Comisión de emitir una adaptación del Programa de Estocolmo a las guidelines antes de junio de 2014, y resulta que en junio de 2014 no habrá Parlamento Europeo.

Por tanto, nos parece inaceptable ―lo digo una vez más― que se haya señalado para la actualización del Programa de Estocolmo un momento en el que el Parlamento Europeo se encuentra en transición entre su elección, el 25 de mayo, y su constitución, el primero de julio.

Y, finalmente una apuesta firme por la defensa de la libre circulación de personas, el mayor activo de la Unión Europea, amenazada como nunca por los movimientos populistas, racistas y eurófobos, de los cuales Aurora Dorada es la peor expresión en toda Europa.

 
  
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  Andrew Duff (ALDE). - Madam President, I would like to ask the President-in-Office if he could please take this chance to express strong political support for efforts to solve the Cyprus problem. First, Mr Anastasiades needs, I think, to be pushed to agree the draft joint statement with the Turkish Cypriots. Following such an agreement, can you confirm that you will welcome the representative of the Turkish Cypriots, Mr Ertuğ, to Athens?

 
  
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  Danuta Maria Hübner (PPE). - Madam President, I would like to daw the Prime Minister’s attention to three very concrete issues.

The first is our concern with regard to the modification of the European Union Solidarity Fund Regulation. It was established following the devastating floods in Central Europe back in 2002, and since then not even minor changes have been made to the regulation governing the Fund, in spite of its shortcomings and new needs. Now we have on the table the new Commission proposal to improve it by making it quicker to respond, more visible to citizens, clearer and simpler to use. The Committee on Regional Development will adopt its mandate next week, but we know that the Council has not yet agreed its position. I would like to ask the Presidency to join Parliament in sparing no effort to have the new regulation adopted before the end of this legislature.

My second point is on delegated and implementing acts for the cohesion policy regulatory package. Let me just express my expectation – which I am sure you share with me – that both institutions, while preserving their rights and duties, will deal with those acts in the swiftest way possible. We cannot afford any delay in cohesion policy implementation.

My third point is on the revision of the balance of payments facility. As the Presidency concentrates on the completion of negotiations on the Single Resolution Mechanism, it will be crucial not to forget about this important dossier on financial assistance to non-euro Member States. If we want to encourage opt-ins to the Banking Union, then putting in place a fiscal backstop for these Member States is of the utmost importance. The file could not be finalised by the Lithuanian Presidency due to the resistance emanating from a small number of important Member States, and I hope the Greek Presidency will manage to move things forward.

 
  
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  Catherine Trautmann (S&D). - Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Président, je fais partie des parlementaires qui sont confiants dans l'apport que la Grèce aura dans cette période déterminante de renouvellement de notre assemblée. Quatre mois effectifs qui vous obligent à faire des choix et je me félicite des priorités annoncées. Votre présidence démontre qu'un pays membre, même en difficulté, peut affirmer une volonté européenne, une volonté d'Union européenne. Pour ceux, qui veulent utiliser la Grèce et ses citoyens comme otages d'une propagande anti-européenne en exploitant leur détresse, c'est un message d'espoir. Nous avons tous intérêt à voir cette présidence réussir pour prouver que nul n'est voué à l'échec, même si la solidarité a été lente à se manifester pour votre pays. C'est d'ailleurs l'illustration parfaite du besoin de mutualiser les dettes de façon juste et soutenable.

Sous votre présidence, nous avons la possibilité et le devoir de renforcer le modèle social européen et de contribuer à la relance économique. Elle passe par le choix d'une économie productive et d'un pacte de croissance plus ambitieux. L'Union bancaire est une condition, mais le soutien à l'emploi, l'emploi des jeunes et l'emploi local, est une nécessité.

Nous devons aussi utiliser le budget pour investir dans les secteurs innovants et créateurs d'emploi et développer les instruments financiers en faveur des grandes infrastructures et des PME. J'ai noté que vous soulignez l'importance des investissements de long terme pour éviter le risque d'une relance sans emploi. J'y souscris.

J'insisterai aussi sur le contrôle démocratique des parlements nationaux et européen car c'est avec plus transparence que nous pourrons parvenir à restaurer la confiance des citoyens. Enfin, nous allons voter aujourd'hui même un rapport sur la réindustrialisation de l'Europe. Nous voulons des résultats concrets sur cette question et sur la transition énergétique, qui a une grande incidence sur le coût de l'énergie, sur la compétitivité et le pouvoir d'achat.

Enfin, durant cette semaine, Strasbourg accueille une conférence sur l'entrepreneuriat social. Nous vous ferons part des résultats. Je suis convaincue que la présidence grecque pourra aussi incarner cette vision d'une économie sociale et solidaire. Je vous souhaite bonne chance et bon succès.

 
  
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  Lívia Járóka (PPE). - Madam President, I welcome the fact that the Greek Presidency has given priority to fostering economic growth in order to promote social cohesion and political stability, with special regard to striking a balance between fiscal consolidation and growth-enhancing policies.

Being a Hungarian MEP and representing the Hungarian PPE Group here, it will be a very interesting period for us to share our experiences with you, because we have been coming up with some good policies. It was also one of our greatest challenges – and it is the same for you at European level – to find a way to grow out of the economic recession and simultaneously maintain and develop our social achievements. We know that the most vulnerable are hit the hardest, so we know that racism and xenophobia are growing because of this further weakening of the protection of the most vulnerable. The decision that the Council made on 9 December thus represents a considerable step forward in this matter by adopting its recommendations on effective Roma integration measures in the Member States. This is a really serious expectation of us on the part of Parliament. We hope that the Greek Presidency will further promote the real inclusion of the EU’s largest minority. To this end, it is very important that the Greek Presidency is committed to moving forward the implementation of the EU 2020, the Compact for Growth and Jobs and the European Semester.

I would also like to welcome the Presidency’s focus on enlargement for the Roma population of the Western Balkans. The instrument for pre-accession may be an effective tool for underpinning national initiatives and we should seek ways to influence policy-making, also through the stabilisation and association process, which has not been used to the extent that it should be.

 
  
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  Saïd El Khadraoui (S&D). - Voorzitter, ik ben het honderd procent eens met de vele sprekers vóór mij die gesproken hebben over de aanpak van de economische crisis en de bankenunie, die kritiek gegeven hebben op de Trojka en gepleit hebben voor de strijd tegen fiscale fraude.

Maar als coördinator van transportdossiers van de sociaal-democraten wil ik van de gelegenheid gebruik maken om te wijzen op de vele belangrijke transportdossiers die in de rij staan om behandeld te worden door de Raad en waarover wij als Parlement reeds een formeel standpunt hebben ingenomen of op het punt staan dat te doen. Ze hebben allen één belangrijk kenmerk gemeen, ze willen namelijk het transportsysteem efficiënter maken, beter integreren, europeaniseren. Dat kan de werking van de markt versterken en dus bijdragen tot economische groei, het creëren van jobs.

Heel wat dossiers liggen spijtig genoeg in de diepvriezer van de Raad of gaan tergend traag vooruit. In de luchtvaartsector bijvoorbeeld is er het luchthavenpakket met voorstellen over de toekenning van slots, betere sociale voorwaarden voor grondafhandelaars, of betere regels met betrekking tot de aanpak van geluidsoverlast in luchthavens waarover de onderhandelingen maar niet op gang komen. Ook het pakket Single European Sky II, dat een meer efficiënte luchtvaartcontrole beoogt, komt niet van de grond. En dat zou nochtans veel kunnen opleveren op het vlak van milieu, op het vlak van efficiëntie en ook op het vlak van investeringen. Het dossier van de versterking van passagiersrechten in de luchtvaart waarover wij volgende maand in de plenaire vergadering stemmen zou een mooie kans kunnen zijn om onze burgers te tonen dat we heel wat positieve dingen kunnen bereiken op Europees niveau. Maar ook hier is er voorlopig weinig beweging in de Raad.

Dan is er bijvoorbeeld ook nog de spoorwegsector, met het fameuze vierde Spoorwegpakket, dat heel wat maatregelen bevat, dat technische harmonisatie, interoperabiliteit van het spoorwegsysteem beoogt en daarmee ook weer veel tijd en geld kan besparen voor de industrie.

Er is natuurlijk ook de maritieme strategie.

Kortom, mijnheer de eerste minister, we vragen dat u een tandje bijzet en ook ter zake wat dingen gaat realiseren.

 
  
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  Paulo Rangel (PPE). - Senhora Presidente, Senhor Primeiro-Ministro Antonis Samaras, em primeiro lugar queria dar-lhe os parabéns e as felicitações pelo programa que a Presidência grega apresentou e em particular pelo discurso que aqui fez hoje, que é um motivo de esperança para todos os europeus. Eu sou daqueles que considero que é uma felicidade, neste momento, para a União Europeia termos a Presidência grega, porque isso permite que esse exercício de presidência seja feito com conhecimento profundo daquelas que são as virtudes e daqueles que são os defeitos da Europa.

Dito isto, ia fazer dois apelos. O primeiro é um apelo como membro do PPE e como entusiasta do projeto europeu, mas vindo de um país que está num processo parecido com o processo grego, que é Portugal, e que é que o Conselho, que a Presidência grega exerça junto do Conselho toda a influência para que nós consigamos uma união bancária como deve ser feita, uma verdadeira união bancária e não uma aproximação à união bancária que seja apenas uma aproximação intergovernamental. Precisamos de método comunitário e precisamos desse pilar fundamental para alavancar as nossas economias e para que todos os sacrifícios que os europeus fizeram, e em particular os povos dos países sob ajustamento fizeram, possam valer a pena.

E em segundo lugar queria fazer-lhe um apelo, enquanto membro da Comissão dos Assuntos Constitucionais, a propósito das eleições europeias. É muito importante que o Conselho e que a Presidência grega, com a sua influência, venha respeitar o espírito verdadeiro do Tratado de Lisboa e que nós possamos no processo eleitoral, quando tivermos que escolher os órgãos europeus e em particular a Comissão Europeia, ter em conta a vontade do eleitorado e a vontade do Parlamento, ter em conta, no fundo, as escolhas democráticas que foram feitas pelos europeus. É muito importante que o Conselho respeite esse espírito do Tratado de Lisboa e esteja preparado para essa grande tarefa que é inaugurar uma democracia europeia.

 
  
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  Μαρία-Ελένη Κοππά (S&D). - Κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, θέλω και εγώ να σας καλωσορίσω στην έναρξη της 5ης Ελληνικής Προεδρίας. Η Προεδρία αυτή είναι πολύ διαφορετική από όλες τις προηγούμενες που είχε αναλάβει η χώρα μας, κυρίως, γιατί γίνεται στην Ευρώπη της κρίσης, από την Ελλάδα της κρίσης. Πολλά άλλαξαν τα τελευταία χρόνια στην Ελλάδα. Η κρίση άλλαξε τις ζωές των πολιτών, που είδαν τις επιχειρήσεις τους να κλείνουν, να χάνουν τη δουλειά τους, να μειώνονται ριζικά οι μισθοί και οι συντάξεις, να απορυθμίζεται η αγορά εργασίας, να καταρρέει το κοινωνικό κράτος, να αναπτύσσονται φαινόμενα εκφασισμού και έντονου ευρωσκεπτικισμού. Οι Έλληνες βλέπουν τα παιδιά τους, - την καλύτερη, την πιο μορφωμένη, την πιο εξωστρεφή γενιά που έβγαλε ποτέ η χώρα μας - να παίρνουν τον δρόμο της μετανάστευσης, αφού η ανεργία στους νέους αγγίζει το 60%, το μεγαλύτερο ποσοστό σε ολόκληρη την Ευρώπη.

Είμαι βαθειά πεπεισμένη ότι η μεγάλη πρόκληση για την Ελλάδα και για την Ευρώπη είναι η πάταξη της ανεργίας, κυρίως στους νέους, που τείνει να εξελιχθεί σε δομικό στοιχείο των κοινωνιών σε κρίση. Η μακροχρόνια ανεργία είναι διαλυτική για το άτομο, την οικογένεια, την κοινωνία. Η απουσία κάθε ελπίδας, κάθε προοπτικής αποδομεί τις κοινωνίες, διαλύοντας τον κοινωνικό ιστό. Για αυτόν τον λόγο, θεωρώ ιδιαίτερα σημαντική την έμφαση που δίνει η Ελληνική Προεδρία στην κοινωνική συνοχή και στην καταπολέμηση της ανεργίας.

Είναι γεγονός, κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, ότι τα πρώτα δημοσιονομικά δείγματα από τις θυσίες του ελληνικού λαού είναι θετικά. Έχουμε, όμως, ακόμη μακρύ δρόμο μπροστά μας για να μπορέσουμε να προσφέρουμε στους πολίτες προοπτική και ελπίδα και να τους πείσουμε ότι η λύση είναι περισσότερη και όχι λιγότερη Ευρώπη. Μία Ευρώπη της απασχόλησης, της ανάπτυξης, των ευκαιριών για όλους. Μία Ευρώπη της εργασίας, μία Ευρώπη φιλική και όχι ξένη προς τη νέα γενιά. Η Ευρώπη δεν μπορεί να σκοτώνει τα παιδιά της! Μόνο η Ευρώπη αλληλεγγύης και συνεργασίας μπορεί να έχει μέλλον. Γιατί κανένα κράτος μέλος, όσο ισχυρό και να είναι, δεν μπορεί μόνο του.

Σε λίγους μήνες, εν μέσω της Ελληνικής Προεδρίας, έχουμε τις πιο δύσκολες ευρωεκλογές που γνώρισε η Ένωση. Αν δεν πετύχουμε όλοι μαζί, τότε η μάχη θα χαθεί. Σας εύχομαι, κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, και στην κυβέρνησή σας, κάθε επιτυχία, και ελπίζω η Ελληνική Προεδρία να συμβάλει - στο μέτρο του δυνατού - να κερδίσουμε το μεγάλο στοίχημα: να έρθει ξανά η Ένωση κοντά στην καρδιά του Ευρωπαίου πολίτη.

 
  
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  Андрей Ковачев (PPE). - Г-жо Председател, с умерен оптимизъм приемам положителните сигнали, финансови и икономически, от някои страни членки, включително и от Гърция.

Но, г-н Самарас, кризата е все още в душите на много от европейските граждани, така че пред гръцкото председателство остават предизвикателствата за връщане към растеж и привличане на инвестиции на нашия континент.

В краткосрочен план през следващите шест месеца ще трябва да вземем решения, солидарни решения, за справяне с бежанския въпрос, успешното провеждане на изборите за Европейски парламент и бързо стартиране на новия програмен период. Трябва да се даде отпор на популизма и злоупотребата с темата за свободното движение на работници.

Сигурен съм, г-н Самарас, че разбирате, че политическата ситуация в България също представлява сериозно предизвикателство. Българското правителство на БСП и ДПС е държано на власт от антиевропейска ксенофобска партия, позволяваща си безпрецедентно поведение, което не се осъжда от българските социалисти, чийто председател е председател на европейските социалисти, от страх да не загуби подкрепата и да падне от власт.

И ето един конкретен пример – споразумението за Южен поток, подписано от 2008 г., сключено с шест страни от Европейския съюз и Русия – не отговаря на европейското законодателство.

Аз смятам, че това споразумение трябва да бъде приведено в съответствие с европейското законодателство и затова Ви призовавам, г-н Самарас, да дадете мандат от Съвета на Европейската комисия да води преговорите с Русия по този въпрос. В противен случай, тези страни, които са подписали това споразумение, с тях ще се занимава по всяка вероятност Съдът на Европейския съюз.

Уважаеми колеги, в България броди призракът на задкулисието, воден от бившите агенти на Държавна сигурност, на комунистическата Държавна сигурност, чийто резултат е липса на ефективна борба с корупцията, ксенофобия и антиевропейски сделки. Това се случва с благословията на председателя на европейските социалисти г-н Станишев, мандатоносител на сегашното правителство.

Аз смятам, че Съветът на Европейския съюз трябва да знае това и да не остане безучастен.

 
  
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  Sergio Gaetano Cofferati (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Presidente Samaras, le tocca un impegno molto delicato e importante in questo momento storico. La Presidenza greca per il semestre europeo può fare cose importanti, io credo, per l'Unione. Nessuno meglio di lei e del suo paese conosce l'effetto negativo delle politiche di contenimento e di rigore non accompagnate da politiche di crescita. Se nel suo paese oggi ci sono forti tensioni sociali, se una parte consistente della popolazione greca vive momenti difficili, è perché vi è stato imposto un processo di risanamento senza che fosse accompagnato da un'idea di investimenti in grado di creare occupazione a partire da quella giovanile. Il risanamento è stato a senso unico: ha portato grandi tensioni e grandi sofferenze per tantissime persone.

Ecco, quella ricetta non va applicata all'Europa. L'Europa ha bisogno di crescere, ha bisogno di sviluppo, ha bisogno di rafforzare le sue istituzioni democratiche per dare una risposta positiva al malessere così diffuso, come quello che c'è nel suo paese ma che non si ferma lì.

Allora, non tutti i dossier saranno uguali: lei dovrà selezionare rigorosamente, io credo, e scegliere quelli che sono orientati a definire politiche di sviluppo e di crescita in questa parte del mondo e non dimentichi i diritti delle persone. Bisogna innescare la crescita e nel contempo rafforzare la storia di questa parte del mondo, che ha avuto nel welfare e nei diritti delle persone uno dei suoi tratti identitari. Buon lavoro.

 
  
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  Othmar Karas (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin, Herr Ratspräsident, meine Damen und Herren! Beim Hearing des ECON-Ausschusses gestern zur Troika-Evaluierung hat uns der frühere Präsident der EZB, Trichet, daran erinnert, dass wir die größte Wirtschaftskrise seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg haben, dass wir, wenn wir nicht so massiv eingeschritten wären, seit dem Jahr 2010 uns selbst und vor allem Staaten wie Griechenland in die Pflicht genommen hätten, die größte Wirtschafts- und Sozialkrise hätten, die größer wäre als jene des Jahres 1929. In diesem Umfeld übernehmen Sie eine Ratspräsidentschaft. Sie sind herausgefordert nach innen, Griechenland; Sie sind herausgefordert in der Stärkung der Gemeinschaft, um die nächsten Integrationsschritte zu setzen – Stichwort Bankenunion; und wir sind herausgefordert, die Europäische Union demokratischer, transparenter, effizienter und handlungsfähiger zu machen.

Da komme ich zur Bankenunion. Wir verhandeln gerade den Abwicklungsmechanismus und den Abwicklungsfonds. Das, was der Rat vorschlägt, und das, was wir vorschlagen, ist noch meilenweit auseinander. Der Rat will ein Vetorecht für den Nationalstaat, und wir wollen eine europäische Lösung.

Wenn wir die Lehren aus Griechenland wirklich gezogen haben, dann muss die Antwort auf die Krise die Gemeinschaftsmethode, die gemeinschaftliche Legitimierung, die gemeinschaftliche Kontrolle und die Handlungsfähigkeit Europas sein, und sie darf nicht am Veto der Mitgliedstaaten scheitern.

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica (PPE). - Gospođo predsjednice, gospodine Samaras, vjerujem u Vas, vjerujem u vaše predsjedništvo, vjerujem u način na koji ste stabilizirali Grčku, da ćete na isti takav način voditi predsjedavanje Europskom unijom. Ima li veće simbolike od primopredaje između Litve i Grčke. Dakle, sva simbolika Europske unije sadržana u te dvije zemlje, između sjevera i juga. To je ono što želimo, želimo Uniju jednaku, jednoliku, ujedinjenu.

Europska unija je na testu cijelo vrijeme, Europska unija je pred izazovima, ali isto tako Europska unija je pokazala solidarnost kad je Grčka u pitanju, a Grčka je pokazala otpornost što je vrlo važno. Dokazali ste da je Grčka opstala kao članica Unije, kao članica Eurozone, ali istovremeno smo dokazali da Europska unija funkcionira.

Međutim, brojke od 27% nezaposlenih, brojka od 65% nezaposlenih mladih je ipak zabrinjavajuća, a možda i alarmantna. Podržavam smjernice vašeg programa: rast, u svakom slučaju zapošljavanje, proširenje ekonomske i monetarne unije, mobilnost, granice.

Međutim, ono što me posebno veseli u vašem programu je promicanje pomorskih politika. Obzirom da dolazim iz Hrvatske, isto iz pomorske zemlje, veseli me da ste stavili akcent na pomorsku politiku i vjerujem da ćete iskoristiti taj dio i da ćete pokazati koje su prednosti jedne takve pomorske zemlje kao što je Grčka s 13.500 km granice i 2500 otoka.

 
  
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  Gunnar Hökmark (PPE). - Madam President, it is very nice to see Mr Samaras here. Prime Minister, we wish you good luck with your challenges. There are two challenges that I would highlight for you here today that are essential for the coming months.

The first is to defend the freedom of movement. This is threatened by those who say that each Member State will be flooded by people engaged in social tourism or undermining the labour market. They are wrong because, in the Member States that received the most people from the new Member States, migration generated more taxes than before. The Polish plumbers were never a problem for the French economy, and neither today are Romanians or Bulgarians in the United Kingdom, Sweden or Germany. They are coming to work, and they are doing that. You need to take the lead in defending this core of European integration and fighting the delusions of those who say that this is a problem.

The second challenge is to use the experiences of Greece and other crisis countries. Policies of what I would call ‘spendarity’ – spending money to solve every problem – lead deeper into the crisis, but the reforms that some Members of this Parliament are still fighting for are creating the change that can help Member States come out of it.

 
  
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  Krišjānis Kariņš (PPE). - Cienījamā priekšsēdētājas kundze! Godātais premjera kungs! Kolēģi! Vispirms, protams, es arī novēlu Grieķijas prezidentūrai veiksmi nākamajos sešos mēnešos, un es vēlos pievērst jūsu uzmanību konkrēti vienam jautājumam. Kā Ekonomikas un monetārās komitejas ziņotājs likumdošanas procedūrā saistībā ar direktīvu, kas vērsta pret naudas atmazgāšanu, es gribu vērst Grieķijas prezidentūras uzmanību uz to, ka nākamajos sešos mēnešos ne tikai ir iespēja par šo direktīvas tekstu vienoties Parlamentā un uzsākt trialogu ar Grieķijas prezidentūru, bet arī panākt šīs direktīvas pieņemšanu.

No Parlamenta puses ir viens pamatgrozījums, ko Parlaments ļoti spēcīgi atbalsta, — izveidot Eiropas mēroga patiesā labuma guvēju reģistru, kas ne tikai uzlabos uzņēmējdarbības vidi, vienādojot spēles noteikumus starp visiem uzņēmumiem, bet arī būs nopietns ierocis cīņā pret nelegālu naudas atmazgāšanu. Tātad es aicinu Grieķijas prezidentūru ne tikai skatīties uz visiem jautājumiem, kas līdz šim ir minēti, bet arī neaizmirst un uzsvērt to, ka šī pret naudas atmazgāšanu vērstā direktīva un patiesā labuma guvēju reģistrs ir ļoti svarīgi, un ir jūsu rokās veicināt to no Padomes puses un pieņemt šo direktīvu. Paldies!

 
  
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  Frank Engel (PPE). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, Κύριε Πρωθυπουργέ, θα ήθελα να σας καλωσορίσω και εγώ ως Πρόεδρο του Συμβουλίου. Θα ήθελα να καλωσορίσω και την Ελλάδα στο τιμόνι της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Υπήρξαν αρκετοί που πίστευαν ότι η Ελλάδα δεν μπορεί να αναλάβει την Προεδρία αυτή την χρονική περίοδο και κάτω από αυτές τις δύσκολες συνθήκες. Όμως, η Ευρώπη λειτουργεί κανονικά και η Ελλάδα λειτουργεί κανονικά. Αυτή είναι η σωστή στιγμή και αυτές είναι οι σωστές συνθήκες ώστε η Ελλάδα να συμβάλει θετικά στην Ευρώπη.

Madam President, the Prime Minister has insisted on the need to find again what binds us together and what makes us move ahead together. We know that the Greek Presidency will soon be punctuated by a European election where exactly those forces which want to drive us apart threaten to score considerable successes. They might succeed in winning additional votes, but they must not succeed in bringing the European adventure to a halt and in driving us apart. I would hope that it will be precisely the Greek Presidency that gives us new signs of hope and new views and new visions for a future that we will confront together.

 
  
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  Mairead McGuinness (PPE). - Madam President, I am afraid you will not be congratulating me for my Greek, although I wish I could speak it. But you are right that it is very difficult to speak in the Chamber at the moment, so I will do my very best.

Firstly, I would like to say to Prime Minister Samaras how frank your presentation was this morning; how open and honest you are, as a leader of your country, about the situation and about the difficulties that you have gone through and continue to manage. I noticed that people on my left here (although they are on the right) suggested that you are in denial; but I am very sorry, they were clearly not listening to what you were saying. And if there is a problem in politics in Europe, colleagues, it is that people do not listen to each other.

I am going to repeat that remark. If there is a problem in politics in Europe, it is because people do not listen to each other. In this House, people do not listen. They sometimes hear each other, but they do not listen.

(Applause)

We are the makers of the problem, because we failed to listen to those who warned us of problems: we failed in Ireland, we failed in Greece and we are failing here. If we cannot listen to each other we will fail again. Do not let the extremists win because we could not listen with two ears.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Μαριέττα Γιαννάκου (PPE). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, ο Έλληνας Πρωθυπουργός εξέθεσε εδώ το πρόγραμμα της Ελληνικής Προεδρίας και μίλησε καθαρά για την κατάσταση που επικρατεί στην Ελλάδα και για τις προσπάθειες που κάνει ο ελληνικός λαός, με την κυβέρνησή του, για να βγει από την οικονομική κρίση. Γίνονται σημαντικά βήματα. Υπήρξαν σήμερα ορισμένοι συνάδελφοι στο Ημικύκλιο που αμφισβήτησαν δύο πράγματα, και την πορεία της Ένωσης και την κατάσταση στην Ελλάδα. Κύριοι συνάδελφοι, η Ευρώπη θα δημιουργηθεί τόσο από αυτούς που τη θέλουν, οι οποίοι είναι -ευτυχώς- οι περισσότεροι, όσο και από αυτούς που δεν την θέλουν, διότι εκείνοι που θέλουν την Ευρώπη και τη δημιούργησαν και συνεχίζουν να την ενισχύουν λαμβάνουν πάντα υπόψη τους και τις αντίθετες απόψεις. Όλοι ξέρουμε ότι αυτή η Ευρώπη είναι ικανοποιητική και για εκείνους που δεν την θέλουν. Ας σκεφτούν οι συνάδελφοι τι θα γινόταν, παραδείγματος χάριν, αν η χώρα τους ήταν έξω από την Ευρώπη της ελευθερίας, της ελεύθερης διακίνησης εργαζομένων, της ανάπτυξης, αν ήταν έξω από την Ευρώπη των κοινών προσπαθειών σε μια εποχή τόσο μεγάλου ανταγωνισμού, όταν η "Δύση" όπως την γνωρίσαμε δεν είναι ο μόνος φορέας καινοτομίας και δημιουργός νέων δυνατοτήτων αλλά υπάρχουν πλέον και άλλοι παίκτες στον διεθνή χώρο.

Μόνο ενωμένοι μπορούμε να τα καταφέρουμε - οι μικρές χώρες που από μόνες τους δεν έχουν ιδιαίτερο βάρος μαζί με τις μεγαλύτερες χώρες της Ευρώπης, οι οποίες είναι ίσως μεγάλες για την Ευρώπη αλλά μικρές και χωρίς ιδιαίτερο βάρος στο διεθνές σύστημα. Επομένως, προς αυτή τη κατεύθυνση κινούμεθα και τέτοιες λύσεις επιδιώκουμε. Κύριε Πρόεδρε, σας συγχαίρω διότι κινείστε προς αυτή τη κατεύθυνση και διότι αυτές τις λύσεις επιδιώκει η Ελληνική Προεδρία. Είμαι βέβαιη πως θα πετύχετε και γνωρίζω ότι έχετε εμπειρία και γνώση για να αντιμετωπίσετε τη κρίση.

 
  
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  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Madam President, today’s debate clearly underlines the strong symbolic meaning of the Greek Presidency. It is the presidency of the country which, according to various Cassandras, was supposed to abandon the common currency or even to leave our Union; the presidency of the country which came back, which demonstrated enormous courage, and whose people are working hard to return to economic prosperity. The Greek Presidency is symbolic proof of European resilience, political determination and strong European solidarity.

Most of us taking part in this debate clearly recognise that Greece has covered a lot of ground, and today we see a clear comeback. However, we know there have been particularly difficult moments, and I want to thank Prime Minister Samaras for recognising the fact that the Commission was at all times on the Greek side, always looking for the best possible solution, and that for the Commission – as for this Parliament, I know – a Greek exit was never an option. Why? Because we believed in Greece, in the Greek people and in European cooperation and solidarity.

I cannot agree with certain statements I have heard today to the effect that the euro is a primary cause of Greek economic problems. Just look around you. Other countries outside the European Union, such as Iceland, and many EU Member States not in the eurozone face the same strong need for consolidation. I believe the Greek people know better: their support for the euro has been at a high level throughout the crisis and is even stronger today.

Concerning the other topics raised today, and especially the Single Resolution Mechanism, I would like to reiterate the Commission’s readiness to work closely with this House and with the Council to find a workable, realistic solution in order to ensure that the intergovernmental dimension is kept to the absolute minimum that is politically necessary. We must work hard to get this done before the European elections, because we need to complete the Banking Union.

If you will allow me a last remark, Madam President, I will mention the need to restore the financing of the real economy. This topic was raised by several speakers, and I absolutely agree with them. We should make better use of the new instruments developed by the Commission and the European Investment Bank and better use of the EU budget, which is a true investment budget for the entire Union. We can do this by implementing the multiannual financial framework quickly.

Prime Minister, the Commission is prepared to cooperate with you and with the Greek Presidency and hopes to achieve much success during your semester. Having heard the conviction with which you spoke about Europe, and knowing your determination, I am convinced that your presidency will be a great success.

 
  
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  Antonis Samaras , President-in-Office of the Council. − Madam President, first of all I want to thank everyone. I want to thank the European Parliament and President Schultz for all their help and for the dedication they have shown to my country, and I want to thank you for the remarks and comments you have all made today. Everything will be taken into account.

I was told that I have only five minutes to answer your questions, so allow me to be as precise and fast as possible. I need not comment on remarks which stem from an inflexible or isolationist view of Europe. I am here to work for Europe, not against it. I would like to thank Mr Farage for all the lessons about what democracy is and what democracy is not. I would have appreciated it even more if, besides all the lecturing, there could have been some hint of solidarity. I saw none.

(Applause)

We know the intergovernmental approach. We know the community approach. Now we are becoming aware of the humorist approach. I enjoy a good joke, but I do not take it seriously. Some may not be happy that Greece did not give in to the exit scenario – that Greece indeed delivered. I am sorry about this, but I honestly did not want to damage anybody’s anti-European agenda.

(Applause)

Since I heard a mention of Golden Dawn – which only shows that there is indeed a very thin line between unmasked populism and disguised extremism – I want to say that the prolonged recession with the unprecedented unemployment level, the gradual failing of law and order and the presence of hundreds of thousands of illegal immigrants were the three sources of the problem. What we have been doing since this government took office, however, has been to address and correct all three of those sources simultaneously, and as soon as normality is restored in Greece the Golden Dawn phenomenon will be marginalised. In the meantime we are doing everything to reveal who these people really are. We do not forget that the real target is to expose them, not to victimise them.

I also heard specific mention of an investment in Skouries in Chalkidiki. The reference was to an investment which fully complies with all environmental regulations – national, local and European – and which is now inhibited because of illegal extremist activities. Democracy and foreign direct investment are not going to be left to the mercy of extremists in Greece. We want investments, and when they are in accordance with European environmental measures those investments will take place. They are absolutely necessary when a country has the unemployment level that we have in Greece.

About Banking Union and the Single Resolution Mechanism: as I said at the beginning, we started work on this immediately. I too want a real Banking Union. I know that Parliament is demanding radical changes in what has been agreed so far, and we have to listen sincerely to the concerns of the European Parliament. The top priority for our Presidency is the trialogue on the Single Resolution Mechanism, where productive negotiation has already started. To be honest, however, these negotiations are going to be very challenging and difficult. I do not say ‘futile’, but I do say ‘difficult’.

On growth, jobs and cohesion, everybody understands that the current level of unemployment in Europe is politically unsustainable. We must explore ways to restore normal lending to the real economy: that is among the most ambitious priorities of our Presidency. We have to remain focused on all the parameters that affect lending to business, and especially financing for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). As we see it, easing liquidity for Europe’s SMEs, especially at the periphery and including young innovative companies, will help to boost employment for our youth and to create the conditions for sustainable and competitive growth.

I appreciate what has been said about the initiative to reduce interest-rate differences, which Joseph Daul talked of, and about the need to avoid social dumping, as highlighted by Mr Swoboda.

About the Troika: I was very critical of some of the mistakes that were made at the beginning, during the first programme while I was in opposition, but even in opposition I was always trying to improve the programme and to push for reforms and deficit-cutting. I wish that I had that type of opposition in Greece today.

Since then, we have corrected a series of mistakes and shortcomings, and now the programme has begun to yield results. As to how to deal with these problems in the future, we need to debate that seriously but, significantly, the fiscal problems we faced in Greece are now in the past. We have already taken care of them. We are trying to conclude all these efforts in my country successfully but – please – there should be no ex-post political debate that makes our life more difficult.

At the same time, I would say to some of the speakers today that each country has its own difficulties. Sometimes they have to do with geography, so, on the question I was asked in relation to GDP about the 4 % defence spending which we still have, I would answer that the figure has indeed fallen – but please do not push me to suggest that you examine your own country’s geography versus my country’s geography.

As far as Cyprus is concerned, Cyprus is in the middle of a negotiation to resolve 40 years of unlawful partition and foreign occupation. We want a just and viable solution as soon as possible, but I cannot make any public comments today regarding the on-going negotiations. Irrespective of progress on the Cyprus talks, however, all candidate countries should fully recognise and fully respect all the existing EU Member States. This is not a political point and it is not about Greece or Cyprus: it is about our legal personality and our institutional integrity as a union.

Finally, I was asked about Turkey. Naturally, we follow the developments in that country very closely. Despite many differences, both governments are trying to keep bilateral relations as calm as possible. We are trying to improve our cooperation on some neutral economic areas such as trade and tourism. We have improved our relationship in terms of combating terrorism. We also expect improvements in areas such as border control and the control of illegal immigration. We hope no internal problems in either country will be exported to the other country.

This is what I wanted to say in the five minutes you gave me: I am sorry I went to ten. Again, let me thank everybody for their presence here today. We greatly appreciate it, and we are doing what we can. As I said at the beginning, we are implementing what we have undertaken to implement and we are honouring our signature. We are delivering fruitful results, and we hope that Greece, together with all the other European nations, will enter the next phase, which will be a phase not simply of recovery but of real growth, so that unemployment – our biggest concern – will fall in each one of our countries. Thank you once again for allowing me to be here today.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Πρόεδρος. - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, και εκ μέρους του Σώματος, ευχόμαστε κάθε επιτυχία για την Ελλάδα και την Ευρώπη στη διάρκεια της Προεδρίας σας.

Η συζήτηση ολοκληρώθηκε.

Γραπτές δηλώσεις (άρθρο 149)

 
  
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  Claudette Abela Baldacchino (S&D), bil-miktub. – Il-Greċja hija aktarx l-aktar pajjiż fl-Unjoni Ewropa li qiegħed iħabbat wiċċu ma' problemi kbar. Problemi li qegħdin inaqqsu l-fiduċja taċ-ċittadini Griegi fl-Unjoni Ewropea għax wara kollox huma ċ-ċittadini li qegħdin ibatu l-konsegwenzi tal-miżuri ta' awsterità li l-Greċja kellha tieħu. Dan jgħodd ukoll għal miljuni ta' ħaddiema f'pajjiżi oħrajn li qegħdin ifittxu impjieg. Jgħodd ukoll għal miljuni ta' ċittadini li qegħdin jgħixu fil-faqar jew f'riskju ta' faqar. Huwa minnu li anke f'dan il-Parlament iddiskutejna diversi drabi dawn il-problemi u anke ħadna passi u stabbilejna miri, imma dan mhux biżżejjed biex nirbħu lura l-fiduċja taċ-ċittadini. Biex nirbħu lura l-fiduċja ta' dawn triq waħda hemm. Irridu naħdmu biex ikollna Ewropa soċjali – mhux fuq il-karta, imma Ewropea soċjali ta' vera. Ewropa soċjali tfisser impjiegi deċenti għal kull min irid jaħdem u jiflaħ jaħdem. Ewropa soċjali tfisser livell ta' għajxien xieraq għall-familji kollha. Biex nilħqu dawn l-għanijiet iridu jittieħdu passi konkreti bħalma qiegħed isir f'Malta fejn illum għandna gvern li qed jagħmel minn kollox għall-ħolqien ta' impjiegi deċenti u jagħti attenzjoni speċjali lil dawk f'riskju ta' faqar. Nemmen li l-Greċja tgħallmet ħafna mill-esperjenzi li għaddejja minnhom, u għalhekk konvinta li l-Presidenza Griega se taħdem biex nersqu dejjem aktar lejn Ewropea verament soċjali.

 
  
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  Ivo Belet (PPE), schriftelijk. Mijnheer de Eerste Minister, Voorzitter, U merkt terecht op dat het vertrouwen van veel Europeanen in de Europese Unie de voorbije jaren zwaar is geschokt. Er was onzekerheid over onze munt, er was en is onzekerheid over of Europa wel in staat is om ons uit dit financieel-economische moeras te halen. Populistische en anti-Europese partijen zullen er alles aan doen om de mensen ervan overtuigen dat het Europese project moet worden afgebouwd. Het is aan ons om aan te tonen dat de fundamenten van de EU de voorbije maanden en jaren essentieel zijn verstevigd. Er zijn hervormingen doorgevoerd - de controle op de banken, de financieel-economische samenwerking tussen de lidstaten - die tot voor kort ondenkbaar waren. De euro is weer in rustiger vaarwater terecht gekomen. Griekenland zelf heeft een enorme weg afgelegd en knoopt zelfs weer aan met economische groei. Het is nu aan ons om die prille tekenen van hoop te ondersteunen met een slagvaardig Europees programma: we moeten samen ambitieuze projecten durven opzetten en stimuleren (in de digitale economie, hernieuwbare energie, defensie...). Projecten met die partners die vooruit willen. Dat is de enige manier om het vertrouwen van de Europese burgers terug te winnen.

 
  
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  Σπύρος Δανέλλης (S&D), γραπτώς. Θέλω να ευχηθώ στην Ελληνική Προεδρία να ασκήσει το ρόλο της εποικοδομητικά, αποτελεσματικά και προωθητικά για το κοινό μας σπίτι, που περνάει τη μεγαλύτερη κρίση από την ίδρυσή του. Βεβαίως, βασικό κριτήριο επιτυχίας της ελληνικής προεδρίας θα αποτελέσει ο βαθμός επίτευξης συμφωνιών και άρα προώθησης και ολοκλήρωσης ευρωπαϊκών νομοθετικών πρωτοβουλιών. Ως προς την ιστορική αναδρομή στην κρίση, και από σεβασμό στην ιστορία, πρέπει να ακουστεί ότι στις προσπάθειες του Γιώργου Παπανδρέου οφείλεται η πρώτη αφύπνιση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ηγεσίας και η καθυστερημένη, έστω προβληματική, θεσμοθέτηση του προσωρινού μηχανισμού στήριξης. Επιστρέφοντας στο σήμερα, επιθυμώ να υπογραμμίσω την επιτυχή επιλογή προτεραιοτήτων της Ελληνικής Προεδρίας και στέκομαι στην συμπερίληψη της θαλάσσιας οικονομίας. Ως εισηγητής του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου για την Γαλάζια Ανάπτυξη, επισημαίνω τη σπουδαιότητα αξιοποίησης των ευκαιριών που θα δημιουργήσουν οι βασικοί τομείς της, για την παραγωγή πλούτου και δημιουργία θέσεων απασχόλησης, κυρίως στη Νότια Ευρώπη. Kύριε Πρωθυπουργέ της Ελλάδος, Να είστε βέβαιος πως το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο θα εργαστεί εποικοδομητικά πλάι στην Ελληνική Προεδρία.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. O programa de atividades da Presidência grega, como ficou bem patente nas diversas intervenções – da Comissão, do Conselho e dos principais grupos políticos –, será necessariamente determinado pela continuação do prosseguimento pela União Europeia daquelas que foram definidas como as linhas de resposta essenciais à sua crise. Linhas de resposta reafirmadas no último Conselho Europeu. É de chumbo o silêncio sobre os gravíssimos flagelos sociais, como os quase 30 milhões de desempregados na UE, os níveis dramáticos do desemprego juvenil ou os 125 milhões de pessoas atiradas para uma situação de pobreza ou em risco de pobreza, panorama de que, ironicamente, a Grécia é exemplo maior e mais dramático. Insiste-se, ao invés, numa despudorada campanha ideológica em torno de alegadas e falsas perspetivas de recuperação económica. Cega e obstinadamente, insiste-se num único caminho: o do prosseguimento do retrocesso social e da expropriação da soberania dos povos. Nada se resolve, tudo se agrava. Se depender destes senhores, apenas isso se pode esperar deste semestre. Terão que contar porém com o alargamento e aprofundamento também da resistência e luta dos povos. Luta de que as próximas eleições para o Parlamento Europeu serão um momento importante. Luta que continua sendo a mais sólida razão de esperança e de confiança num futuro melhor.

 
  
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  Béla Glattfelder (PPE) , írásban. A görög uniós elnökség programja kiemelt figyelmet szentel a halászatnak és az integrált tengerpolitikának. Ismételten szükséges felhívni a figyelmet, hogy az édesvízi halászat és különösen az akvakultúra jelentősen különbözik a tengeri halászattól és a tengeri akvakultúrától. Míg ez utóbbi komoly környezet- és természetvédelmi kockázatokat hordoz - például tenyésztett halfajok kiszabadulása, szerves anyagok tengerben történő káros mértékű feldúsulása -, addig a zárt rendszerben vagy halastavakban folytatott édesvízi haltenyésztés semmilyen veszélyt nem jelent a környezetre, sőt növeli a biológiai sokféleséget. A halastavak számtalan védett madár- és egyéb állatfaj számára biztosítanak életteret. Az új Közös Halászati Politikáról lefolytatott vitákban ezért folyamatosan kértem a tengeri és az édesvízi akvakultúra jogilag külön történő meghatározását. Az új rendeletek sajnos egységesen szabályozzák e két különböző területet. Ezért számos - csak a tengeri akvakultúra jellemzőit figyelembe vevő - indokolatlan korlátozás sújtja majd az édesvízi akvakultúrát. Kérem a görög elnökséget, hogy találjon megoldást a tengeri és az édesvízi akvakultúra tudományos alapokon nyugvó, eltérő jogi meghatározására.

 
  
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  Zita Gurmai (S&D), in writing. Mr Prime Minister, I warmly welcome the programme of the Greek Presidency and the emphasis put on growth, employment, social cohesion and increased democratic accountability of the European Union. It is crucial in order to re-orientate Europe and restore the confidence of our citizens. I am particularly pleased with the ambitious goals set regarding gender equality and the fact that the Greek Presidency recognises equality between women and men not only as a fundamental value but also as a key driver for growth and social equality. Therefore, the focus on ‘women in the economy’ and cooperation with the European Institute for Gender Equality are, in my opinion, crucial, especially in view of this year’s midterm review of the 2020 Strategy. We need more accurate indicators and a more ambitious overall strategy with more efficient gender mainstreaming. I also hope that the planned high-level conference on violence against women will be followed by concrete action. Finally I look forward to collaborating with you on the regulation on the statute and funding of European political parties and foundations in order to reach a positive outcome by the end of this legislative term.

 
  
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  András Gyürk (PPE) , írásban. Tisztelt Miniszterelnök úr! Magyarország polgárai elismerik a görög kormány válságkezelésben elért látványos eredményeit. Számunkra nem ismeretlen a helyzet: 2009-ben Magyarország Görögországhoz hasonlóan rendkívül súlyos pénzügyi helyzetbe került, és az államcsőd elkerüléséhez a Trojka mentőövére volt szükség. Mindkét országban a korábbi szocialista kormányok felelőtlen gazdaságpolitikája idézte elő a csődhelyzetet, és a néppárti kormányokra hárult a gazdaság rendbetételének hálátlan feladata. A 2010-ben hivatalba lepett Fidesz-kormány, szemben több eurozóna-tagországgal, semmiféle kedvezményt és haladékot nem kapott a deficitcél elérésére, ezért innovatív intézkedéseket kényszerült bevezetni. A kockázat és az ellenállás nagy volt, de a kitartó munka meghozta az eredményeket: a költségvetési hiányt 3% alatt tartjuk, a foglalkoztatottak száma rekordszintre, 4 millió fölé emelkedett, csökken a munkanélküliség és szinte minden héten új termelő beruházásokról érkeznek bejelentések. A magyar gazdaság 2013-ban jóval az EU-átlag fölött növekedett és jók a kilátásaink az idei évre is. A magyar modell sikere azt bizonyítja, hogy a válságkezelés nem kizárólag ortodox módszerekkel lehetséges. A hiány és az államadósság mérséklése nem csupán a fizetések, a nyugdíjak, és más szociális transzferek visszavágása árán érhető el, hanem a gazdasági szereplők közteherviselésbe való bevonásán keresztül is. A görög gazdaság átalakításához és az elnökség ambiciózus programjának megvalósításához sok sikert kívánok Önnek. Köszönöm.

 
  
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  Jan Kozłowski (PPE), na piśmie. Grecja przejmuje stery Unii Europejskiej w specyficznym czasie. Z jednej strony wiele wskazuje na to, że po kilku trudnych latach Wspólnota wychodzi powoli z kryzysu i pojawiają się pierwsze oznaki poprawy. Dzięki wspólnemu wysiłkowi i determinacji państw członkowskich udało się wzmocnić polityki gospodarcze i fiskalne, dzięki czemu widać już poprawę stanu finansów publicznych. Z drugiej jednak strony nie przekłada się to jeszcze na wzrost zatrudnienia. Dlatego uważam za słuszne, iż prezydencja za jeden ze swoich głównych priorytetów przyjęła walkę z bezrobociem, wzrost gospodarczy i poprawę spójności społecznej. Polepszająca się koniunktura gospodarcza stanowi realną szansę na poprawę sytuacji, jednak sama w sobie nie będzie wystarczająca. Przed Grecją stoi bardzo trudne zadanie dopilnowania, aby wzrost przełożył się na tworzenie nowych miejsc pracy. Z tego względu cieszę się, że prezydencja planuje szereg działań nakierowanych na wsparcie przedsiębiorców i ludzi młodych, szczególnie mocno dotkniętych przez kryzys.

 
  
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  Claudio Morganti (EFD), per iscritto. Il discorso fortemente europeista del premier greco Antonis Samaras mi è parso molto irrispettoso nei confronti dei cittadini greci e del suo Paese che, a causa dell'austerity degli eurocrati, ha subito il 40% di tagli agli stipendi pubblici, ha un tasso di disoccupazione schizzato al 27% e le famiglie povere sono più del 20% della popolazione. Samaras ha affermato che "l'insuccesso non è cadere ma non rialzarsi e ora la Grecia è di nuovo in piedi". Ha addirittura avuto il coraggio di dire che "la Grecia dimostra che l'Europa è forte e funziona". Credo che le parole del Presidente greco siano discriminatorie verso il suo stesso popolo, che sta pagando gli errori commessi dai suoi ex governanti e dalla Troika che, senza alcuna pietà per le condizioni di povertà estrema in cui versa il Paese, non si è fatta alcuno scrupolo ad adottare misure sociali ed economiche sempre più stringenti. Il rischio è che discorsi come questi, totalmente lontani dalla realtà, possano fomentare nuovamente la folla e innescare un clima da guerra civile come già abbiamo visto accadere recentemente nelle piazze elleniche.

 
  
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  Tonino Picula (S&D), napisan. – Hrvatska je prošlo predsjedanje Grčke EU-om prije 11 godina zapamtila jer je jedan od uspjeha polugodišnjeg posla ove zemlje bilo i davanje statusa kandidata našoj zemlji. Od startnog znaka do danas i novog grčkog predsjedanja mnogo se promijenilo – Hrvatska je članica EU već pola godine, Grčka se izvlači iz najdublje krize. Grčko predsjedanje preklapa se s europskim izborima što donosi i posebnu odgovornost komunikacije s građanima, ali i relativno skraćuje vrijeme u kojem će biti moguće usvojiti zakonodavne akte. S obzirom na to da dolazim iz mediteranske zemlje, iznimno mi je drago da je kao prioritet predsjedanja istaknuta pomorska politika, kao i pitanja migracija i mobilnosti građana unutar EU, ali i na globalnoj razini. Europska unija mora učiniti sve što je u njezinoj mogućnosti da zaštiti one koji napuštaju svoju zemlju iz ekonomskih, političkih ili socijalnih razloga. Za kraj, osvrnuo bih se na vanjskopolitičke ciljeve među kojima se ističe nastavak TTIP pregovora sa SAD-om, u kojima je potrebno staviti poseban naglasak na vizni reciprocitet između Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i država članica EU. Također, već na početku predsjedanja hrvatski susjedi Srbija i Crna Gora će otvoriti, odnosno nastaviti svoje pregovore s EU. Grčkoj i cijeloj EU želim uspješno predsjedanje i ostvarenje predstavljenih prioriteta!

 
  
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  Моника Панайотова (PPE), в писмена форма. Колеги, приветствам двете приоритетни оси на гръцкото председателство относно: 1) създаването на растеж, работни места, кохезия и 2) миграцията, управление на границите и мобилността, премахването на трудовите бариери пред мобилността, която допринася за устойчивия икономически растеж на вътрешния пазар. Гърция поема председателството в изпитателен момент, с оглед на предстоящите европейски избори и надигането на антиевропейска и националистическа вълна. Тя създава риска от траен политически натиск, затрудняващ формирането на условия за растеж и работни места, както и подобряването на глобалната конкурентоспособност на Европа. Имайки нужда повече от всякога от повече Европа следва:

- Да има дебат за политическа интеграция, а не дезинтеграция.

- Да бъдат определени основните области със значителен потенциал за растеж: единният пазар с фокус върху цифровия пазар, човешкият капитал с акцент върху образованието и предприемчивостта на младите, малките и средни предприятия, зелената икономика и външната търговия.

- Да се оползотворяват ефективно средствата в европейските програми, в частност "Хоризонт 2020" и COSME, което ще е ключово за стимулиране на конкурентоспособността, растежа и създаването на работни места, за подкрепа на иновативните предприятия да генерират жизнеспособни продукти с реален търговски потенциал.

- Да се направят усилия не само за икономическо възстановяване, но преди всичко за възстановяване на доверието – на гражданите, инвеститорите, пазарите, доверието в институциите, банките, политиците и политиките, които провеждаме.

 
  
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  Andrej Plenković (PPE), napisan. – Grčko Predsjedništvo Europske unije dolazi u važnom trenutku za Europu koja ulazi u izbornu godinu u kojoj se biraju Europski parlament, Europska komisija i predsjednik Europskog vijeća. Predsjedanje predstavlja prigodu za jačanje vjerodostojnosti Grčke u EU nakon niza zahtjevnih reformi u konzultacijama s međunarodnim institucijama. Intenzitet europskih aktivnosti šansa je i za novi konstruktivan susret između grčkih građana i europskog projekta. Prioriteti koje je Parlamentu izložio predsjednik Samaras logičan su izbor kontinuiranih aktivnosti EU usmjerenih na: 1) rast, zapošljavanje, koheziju; 2) daljnju integraciju EU-Eurozone; 3) migracije, granice i mobilnost. Posebnu vrijednost ima odluka Grčke da svi aspekti pomorske politike EU budu horizontalan prioritet. U tom pogledu vidim bliskost s Hrvatskom koja je također orijentirana na more i nastoji da ta usmjerenost ima odgovarajuće gospodarske učinke. Zajedničko sudjelovanje u Uniji za Mediteran i Jadransko-jonskoj inicijativi jamče angažman na razvijanju Strategije EU za Jadransko-jonsku regiju. Za predsjedanja Grčke 2003. Hrvatska je podnijela zahtjev za članstvo u EU i uživala njezinu značajnu potporu u davanju tempa pristupnom procesu. Tada je usvojena Solunska agenda važna za određivanje dinamike procesa proširenja. I ove godine proširenje je bitan aspekt predsjedanja te smatram da će niz susjednih država na jugoistoku Europe ostvariti napredak u institucionalnom približavanju EU.

 
  
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  Csanád Szegedi (NI) , írásban. Tisztelt Képviselőtársaim! Az EU sok problémával küzd évek óta. Minden probléma közül a legfontosabb talán az Európában terjedő antiszemitizmus és rasszizmus. Az antiszemitizmus és a rasszizmus az, amely képes romba dönteni mindazt a pozitív álmot, amelyet a békés, fejlődő Európa képes nyújtani az európai embereknek, példát mutatva az emberiségnek. Az EU-nak sokkal nagyobb a küldetése, mint pusztán gazdasági szövetségnek lenni. A görög elnökségnek el kell kezdenie visszaállítani az egymásba vetett hitet, a szolidaritást és az alapvető emberi jogok feltétlen tiszteletét. Én pár éve még a görög Arany Hajnal ideológiai testvérpártjának, a Jobbiknak voltam az egyik vezetője és pontosan tudom, hogy ezek a szélsőjobboldali szervezetek milyen hatalmas veszélyt jelentenek egész Európa számára. Most már elszörnyedve és egyben elhatárolódva ezektől a szélsőséges eszméktől és szervezetektől várom azokat a bátor politikai lépéseket, amikor együttesen felléphetünk a gyűlölet ellen. Sok sikert kívánok a görög elnökségnek az antiszemitizmus és a rasszizmus elleni harchoz is!

 
  
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  Csaba Sándor Tabajdi (S&D) , írásban. Görögország meglehetősen nehéz helyzetben veszi át az Európai Unió Tanácsának soros elnökségét. 2014-ben a gazdasági és szociális válság még nem ért véget, valamint ebben az évben kerül sor az európai parlamenti választásokra és a görög hitelprogram felülvizsgálatára is. A görög elnökség egyik prioritása az Európai Unió demokratikus legitimitásának és elszámoltathatóságának növelése. Görögország, a görög emberek saját bőrükön érzik az Európai Unióban jelenlévő demokratikus deficiteket. A Trojkának döntéseiért felelősséget kell vállalni. Az eredményes munkához elengedhetetlen ezért, hogy a legnagyobb demokratikus legitimitással rendelkező európai intézmény, az Európai Parlament demokratikus úton ellenőrizhesse a Trojka gazdaságpolitikai ajánlásait, azok európai polgárokra kifejtett hatásait. A gazdasági és szociális válság ellenére azonban nem feledkezhetünk meg az Európai Unió négy alappilléről, szabadság, az áruk, a tőke, a szolgáltatások és a személyek szabad áramlásáról sem. A személyek szabad mozgása az Unió egyik legfontosabb vívmánya, amely nélkül a gazdasági válság sokkal súlyosabban érintette volna Európát. Érthetetlen, hogy magas rangú jobb- és baloldali, brit és bajor politikusok miért a közép-európai munkavállalókat okolják az európai gazdaság problémáiért. Az uniós munkavállalók mind Nagy-Britanniában, mind Németországban többet fizetnek be a szociális ellátórendszerbe, mint amennyit abból kivesznek. Emiatt kiemelt fontossággal bír, hogy a következő félévben a görög elnökség kiálljon az Európai Unió alapértékeinek védelme mellett.

 
  
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  Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), in writing. Dear Presidents, dear colleagues, welcome, Greece, to the new presidency. Running the presidency is certainly a difficult task that you are facing right now, considering your current situation and especially the financial crisis which is still present in the whole EU, and not only in your country. In the meantime, you are doing somehow ok, figure-wise – but how are your citizens actually doing? Are you aware of the many people who work in officially precarious workplaces and are actually part of the shadow economy, as was reported in a meeting in Athens in October? Interestingly enough, we just learned that you want an ‘adaption of certain parameters’; alternatively, you would consider leaving the eurozone. Is this your answer to the ‘fair’ treatment that the EU has given you? Some would consider this rather to be blackmailing. What will our EU citizens say if they have to pay your debts and your interest? I am convinced that, as the current presidency, we can expect certain ways of handling this crisis, especially since you have the presidency now and national issues should not be on your discussion table in that phase. I expect this presidency to continue to focus on European matters.

 
  
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  Oleg Valjalo (S&D), napisan. – Poštovani gospodine predsjedniče, poštovani premijeru Samaras, dopustite da u ovom kratkom osvrtu istaknem dvije važne odrednice po kojima će se na kraju svakako suditi je li Grčka tijekom svoga predsjedanja opravdala povjerenje europskih građana ili barem onoga dijela građana koji su mene i druge socijaldemokrate izabrali na ovu visoku dužnost, duboko vjerujući u naše vrijednosne stavove. Prvo, poduzmite sve moguće mjere za smanjenje nezaposlenosti u Europi, a osobito za smanjenje nezaposlenosti mladih! Kobne brojke o porastu broja nezaposlenih su Damoklov mač koji nam svima visi nad glavom. Učinite sve što možete da umanjite ovaj porazni trend i što većem broju ljudi osigurate pravo na rad, pravo na dostojanstvenu plaću i pravo na dostojanstven život. Drugo, zauzmite jasan stav o tome da sloboda kretanja u Europi ne smije biti ničim ugrožena. Osobito sloboda slobodnoga biranja radnoga mjesta, slobodnoga studiranja, slobodnoga putovanja, slobodnoga seljenja i preseljenja. Ne pristajte na umjetno stvorene barijere, predrasude i plitke retorike određenih političkih krugova koji igraju na površne emocije svojih sunarodnjaka i nastoje ugroziti zaglavni kamen europskoga projekta: zajedništvo bez granica. Želim vam dobar i uspješan rad, u nadi da ćete ostvariti što više programskih smjernica koje ste si zadali! Hvala vam lijepa.

 
  
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  Kathleen Van Brempt (S&D), schriftelijk. – Voor het Grieks voorzitterschap liggen een aantal zware uitdagingen. Allereerst zou het mooi zijn moest de trojka tijdens de komende 6 maanden afgeschaft worden. Dit is dan een eerste stap naar een ander soort beleid. Een beleid dat het sociale denken en de solidariteit op de eerste plaats zet en dat werkt maakt van afspraken over standaarden zoals minimumlonen en arbeidstijden.

Het uitwerken van een sociaal Europa is een tweede grote uitdaging maar tevens onze kerntaak, waar het Grieks voorzitterschap een aantal stappen in kan zetten.

Ten derde ligt er een erg belangrijk klimaat- en energiedossier op tafel voor het Griekse voorzitterschap, namelijk het 2030-pakket. Dat pakket zal bepalen hoe ons energielandschap er zal uitzien in 2030 en welke maatregelen de EU zal nemen om de klimaatverandering tegen te gaan. Ik wil ambitieuze en bindende doelstellingen krijgen op drie vlakken: hernieuwbare energie, energie-efficiëntie en de uitstoot van broeikasgassen. Energie-efficiëntie en hernieuwbare energie zijn immers de snelste en goedkoopste manieren om onze energie-import af te bouwen. Bovendien doen ze de rekeningen in de toekomst dalen én zijn ze broodnodig voor ons klimaat. Ik wens het Grieks voorzitterschap veel succes bij het realiseren van deze belangrijke uitdagingen.

 
  
  

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

 

6. Change to the agenda
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  Der Präsident. − Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich habe zunächst eine Erklärung des Rates.

 
  
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  Dimitrios Kourkoulas, President-in-Office of the Council. − Mr President, at its meeting of 8 January, the Permanent Representatives Committee of the Council endorsed a joint statement of Parliament, the Council and the Commission which includes support for a separate discharge for joint undertakings under Article 209 of the Financial Regulation. A text of the joint statement has been made available to the services of this House and will, I understand, be included in the minutes of today’s meeting.

I would like to take this opportunity to confirm that the Council will endorse this statement at its meeting on Monday, 20 January 2014. I hope the reassurance of the Council’s endorsement of this statement will pave the way for Parliament to withdraw its objections to the Model Financial Regulation for public-private partnership bodies as proposed by the Commission.

 
  
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  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. − Mr President, as indicated by the Presidency, the Permanent Representatives Committee of the Council endorsed, with the support of the Commission, a joint statement by Parliament, the Council and the Commission for discharge for joint undertakings under Article 209 of the Financial Regulation. With this joint statement, support is given for the introduction of separate discharge in the basic acts of the joint undertakings, while maintaining a reference to Article 209 of the Financial Regulation in order to ensure that the joint undertakings enjoy the benefits of simplified financial rules.

The Commission can confirm its agreement on the joint statement, and it hopes that this will pave the way for Parliament to withdraw its objections to the model financial regulation for public and private partnership bodies as proposed by the Commission.

 
  
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  Michael Theurer, Chair of the CONT Committee. – Mr President, the delegated act as adopted on 30 September 2013 foresees that public-private partnership bodies are to receive an indirect discharge via the Commission, instead of an individual discharge as they receive now. We fought against this as a team of rapporteurs, and I thank Ingeborg Gräßle for this good compromise. We rechecked with the Committee on Budgets and the Committee on Budgetary Controls which, acting under Rule 51 and unanimously, adopted the motion for resolution objecting to the delegated act.

An alternative approach was now agreed upon by the Parliament, Council and Commission teams, which they are to endorse via a trilateral joint statement which foresees that, firstly, Parliament, the Council and the Commission agree that the joint undertakings should continue to be subject to a separate discharge by the European Parliament upon recommendation of the Council, and secondly, that the Commission will include derogations in the financial rules of the joint undertakings to reflect the separate discharge. Subsequently, the Commission will propose corresponding modifications to Articles 209 and 60 of the Financial Regulation. Thirdly (and last but not least), the Commission Delegated Regulation of 30 September 2013 on the model financial regulation for public-private partnership bodies will enter into force in order to allow joint undertakings to benefit from the simplifications introduced in the new financial framework.

As just mentioned by the Presidency, the Council will endorse the joint statement on 20 January. In the light of this, the Committee on Budgetary Control and, I believe, the Committee on Budgets are ready to endorse this trilateral joint statement on the separate discharge for joint undertakings. In the name of the Committee on Budgetary Control, I request the withdrawal of the resolution objecting to the delegated act which was initially planned for vote tomorrow in Plenary.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege Theurer! Der Entschließungsantrag ist also zurückgezogen. Ich gehe davon aus, dass das Haus damit einverstanden ist, dass damit auch der Punkt von der Tagesordnung gestrichen wird.

Da ich keine Einwände sehe, ist das so beschlossen.

Joint statement of the European Parliament, the Council and the Commission on the separate discharge for Joint Undertakings under Article 209 of the Financial Regulation

1. The European Parliament, the Council and the Commission agree that in order for the Joint Undertakings to benefit from simplified financial rules better adapted to their public-private nature, they should be set up under Article 209 of the Financial Regulation.

However, they also agree that:

– In view of the specific nature and the current status of the Joint Undertakings, and in order to ensure continuity with the 7th Framework Programme, the Joint Undertakings should continue to be subject to a separate discharge to be given by the European Parliament upon recommendation of the Council. For this reason, specific derogations from Article 209 of the Financial Regulation shall be introduced in the constituent acts of the Joint Undertakings to be set up under Horizon 2020 Programme. Those derogations will refer to the separate discharge and will include any additional necessary adaptations.

– In order to allow the Joint Undertakings to benefit immediately from the simplifications introduced in the new financial framework, it is necessary that the Commission delegated regulation of 30 September 2013 on the model financial regulation for PPP bodies under Article 209 of the Financial Regulation enters into force.

2. The European Parliament and the Council take note that the Commission:

– will ensure that the financial rules of the Joint Undertakings include derogations from the Model Financial Regulation for PPP bodies to reflect the introduction of the separate discharge in their constituent acts;

– intends to propose relevant modifications to Articles 209 and 60(7) of the Financial Regulation in the framework of the future revision of the Financial Regulation.

 

7. Composition of Parliament: see Minutes
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8. Composition of committees and delegations: see Minutes
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9. Composition of political groups
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  Der Präsident. − Herr Artur Zasada hat die PPE-Fraktion verlassen und ist mit Wirkung vom 9. Januar 2014 der ECR-Fraktion beigetreten.

* * * * *

 
  
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  Jean-Pierre Audy (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, le 6 janvier dernier, dans un avion entre Sofia et Varna, un membre du personnel de l'ambassade de la République française en Bulgarie a été agressé et a fait l'objet d'insultes et de menaces du fait de sa seule nationalité française. L'auteur de l'agression est un député bulgare, M. Siderov, président du parti d'extrême droite Ataka.

Je voudrais condamner, en tant que président de la délégation française au sein du groupe PPE, cette conduite indigne d'un responsable politique et m'étonner que le gouvernement bulgare n'ait pas condamné ce comportement. J'ajoute qu'à ma connaissance, M. Stanichev, président du parti socialiste bulgare, n'a pas non plus condamné ce comportement.

J'espère que le difficile équilibre politique, qui a conduit l'assemblée nationale de Bulgarie, à la suite des élections législatives de mai 2013, à confier le gouvernement à une coalition politique conduite par les socialistes avec le soutien implicite du parti d'extrême droite Ataka, n'est pas à l'origine de ce silence.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege Audy. Ich werde den Präsidenten von Ihrer Intervention unterrichten.

 

10. Voting time
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  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Abstimmungsstunde.

(Abstimmungsergebnisse und sonstige Einzelheiten der Abstimmung: siehe Protokoll).

 

10.1. Powers and responsibilities of the standing committees (B7-0001/2014) (vote)
 

Vor der Abstimmung über Änderungsantrag 4:

 
  
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  Elmar Brok (PPE). - Herr Präsident, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Es wurde, glaube ich, ein vernünftiger Kompromiss erreicht, der in dem Vorschlag steht, der hier zur Abstimmung steht. Die sozialistische Fraktion hat nun einen Änderungsantrag eingebracht, den ich in einem Punkt für sehr sinnvoll halte, nämlich dass bei den Kompetenzen des INTA-Ausschusses Investitionen hinzukommen, um hier Klarstellung zu erreichen. Ich möchte Ihnen vorschlagen, dass in den ursprünglichen Antrag das Wort „investment“ mit eingefügt wird. Wenn die sozialistische Fraktion diesen Kompromiss eingehen würde, könnten wir dafür stimmen. Für den Fall, dass die sozialistische Fraktion das ablehnt, werden wir den sozialistischen Antrag ablehnen.

 
  
 

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird übernommen.)

Vor der Abstimmung über Abschnitt XV:

 
  
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  Doris Pack (PPE). - Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich möchte Sie herzlich bitten, dem zuzustimmen. Die Aufgaben, die wir im Ausschuss für Kultur und Bildung haben, sind zu 90 % Aufgaben im Bereich der Bildung. Es versteht keiner, der über Erasmus+ redet, dass wir dann das im CULT-Ausschuss machen. Darum wäre ich ganz froh, wenn wir das ändern würden – nämlich „Bildung und Kultur“ und nicht „Kultur und Bildung“, wie es jetzt heißt. Wir sollten die Wertigkeit dann doch auch im Titel richtig haben.

(Beifall)

 
  
 

(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird nicht übernommen.)

 

10.2. Parliament's calendar of part-sessions – 2015 (vote)
  

Vor der Abstimmung:

 
  
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  Pervenche Berès (S&D). - Monsieur le Président, nous venons de procéder à un vote important qui engage la prochaine législature. Je veux qu'il soit noté au procès verbal que je considère que la procédure qui a été utilisée pour parvenir à ce compromis est tout à fait contraire à une pratique démocratique. Nous n'avons jamais pu débattre de cette procédure au sein de la Conférence des présidents des commissions, pas plus qu'au sein de la grande Conférence des présidents de groupe. Cette négociation a été menée au niveau des secrétaires généraux des groupes politiques sans aucun débat, ni entre les membres, ni entre les commissions. Ce n'est pas une bonne pratique, ni une bonne gouvernance, je voulais que cela soit relevé.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Vielen Dank, Frau Kollegin Berès! Ihre Intervention wird ins Protokoll aufgenommen.

Zur Geschäftsordnung Herr Kollege Fox zur Abstimmung über den Kalender!

 
  
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  Ashley Fox (ECR). - Mr President, I submitted an amendment to the 2015 calendar, together with 40 other MEPs. This reduced our sessions in Strasbourg from four to three days. President Schulz has ruled this amendment inadmissible. His office advised me this morning that this was because the court ruling on our 2012 calendar prevents us from reducing our sessions from four days. I have that ruling and I have read it this morning. Nowhere does it prevent us changing the length of our sessions. It notes our working practice of having four-day sessions. It makes that as a finding of fact, but not of law. The court held as a point of law that our sessions must be of the same length, and my amendment is consistent in that.

I would ask that the President reconsider his decision, seek legal advice and perhaps read the judgment. In accordance with Rule 175, on behalf of my group I request that this matter be referred back to the Conference of Presidents for further discussion.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Edward McMillan-Scott (ALDE). - Mr President, whatever the merit of Mr Fox’s proposal, it has been ruled inadmissible. On a previous occasion, when Mr Fox tabled amendments to the calendar in 2010, Mr Schulz and Mr Daul argued for a postponement of the vote to seek the legal position. On that occasion it took four months. Mr Fox has had an informal opinion from the President. I, too, have had an informal legal opinion, which says that Mr Fox’s amendments are actually compliant with the ruling of the European Court of Justice.

Mr Fox is a lawyer, and you are a lawyer. The EPP amendment, which has been ruled admissible, states that four of these new Wednesday afternoon mini-sessions (ten of them in Brussels) should be deleted, but I am not convinced of the legality of us allowing ourselves to vote for those ten sessions outside the ordinary procedure. Therefore, the proposal I make to the House is that we should postpone the vote on the 2015 calendar until one of the two plenaries in February – that is a matter of two or three weeks (or four or five weeks) – when we should have absolute clarity on the legal position on this calendar. After all, the only capacity the European Court of Justice has allowed us as a House – and, as you know, I lead a campaign to give us the right to choose when, where and how we meet (but that has so far not been totally successful, even though 73 % of you voted in November in favour of the Fox-Häfner report) – is to postpone the vote until one of the February plenary sessions in Strasbourg.

(Loud applause)

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Herr Kollege Fox! Ich habe mich auch mit dem Präsidenten ausgetauscht. Die Entscheidung des Präsidenten, die Anträge für unzulässig zu erklären, ist endgültig. Nach dem Urteil des Europäischen Gerichtshofs – und es gibt nicht nur ein Urteil, sondern vorgehende Urteile – müssen zwölf ordentliche Plenartagungen in Straßburg stattfinden. Der Gerichtshof hat anerkannt, dass die Praxis des Parlaments, nach der die Plenartagungen sich über vier Tage erstrecken, den Forderungen einer ordentlichen Plenartagung entspricht. Das war eine vorgehende Entscheidung, nachdem wir früher ja fünf Plenartage hier in Straßburg hatten.

Eine erhebliche Kürzung der Dauer der Plenartagungen, wie von Herrn Fox vorgeschlagen, könnten wir nur dadurch begründen, dass die Sachlage sich wesentlich verändert hat. In Wirklichkeit ist es aber so, dass die Aufgaben des Parlaments eher zunehmen als abnehmen.

Im letzten Jahr haben wir mit einem Urteil bestätigt bekommen, dass wir nicht vier Plenartage streichen können. Der Gegenstand des Antrags ist jetzt, dass zwölf Plenartage gestrichen werden. Deshalb halte auch ich es für gerechtfertigt, dass der Präsident sagt, wir können hier nicht Anträge für zulässig erklären, die uns immer wieder dazu bringen, dass wir vor dem Gerichtshof bescheinigt bekommen, rechtswidrig zu handeln.

Ein anderer Fall, Herr Kollege McMillan-Scott, ist die Frage Straßburg. Wir hatten da, bevor wir das bauliche Problem hatten, in der Regel sechs Mini-Plenarsitzungen. Der aktuelle Vorschlag bedeutet, dass auf zehn Plenarsitzungen erweitert wird. Das hat nichts mit der bisherigen Spruchpraxis des Europäischen Gerichtshofs zu tun. Deshalb hat der Präsident auch diese Anträge der EVP für zulässig erklärt. Gegen diese Entscheidung gibt es kein Rechtsmittel. Die Entscheidung ist endgültig.

Das einzige, was jetzt noch zu entscheiden bleibt, ist der Antrag von Herrn McMillan-Scott darüber, diesen Antrag zu vertagen. Dazu gibt es jetzt eine Wortmeldung dafür und eine Wortmeldung dagegen.

 
  
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  Martin Callanan (ECR). - Mr President, we do not agree with the judgement that the President has made, and we think it is appropriate to seek legal advice before we take a final decision on this. It is an opinion which splits groups and divides the House, but we think it is sensible to take another two or three weeks to consider the legal opinion properly in order to decide what we can legally do and what we legally cannot do, and not just take President Schultz’s decision without any checks or balances. Therefore we think it is appropriate to refer the matter back to the Conference of Presidents for further consideration.

 
  
 

(Der Antrag wird angenommen.)

 

10.3. Repeal of Council Decision 2007/124/EC, Euratom (A7-0432/2013 - Juan Fernando López Aguilar) (vote)

10.4. Renewal of the EU-Russia agreement on cooperation in science and technology (A7-0473/2013 - Amalia Sartori) (vote)

10.5. Denominations and technical specifications of euro coins intended for circulation (A7-0479/2013 - Jean-Paul Gauzès) (vote)

10.6. Future of EU-ASEAN relations (A7-0441/2013 - Reinhard Bütikofer) (vote)
 

Vor der Abstimmung:

 
  
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  Reinhard Bütikofer, Berichterstatter. − Herr Präsident! Ich mache es kurz, liebe Kollegen! Ich will nur festhalten, dass die Entscheidung des Parlaments, die in diesem Bericht zum Ausdruck kommt, den Beziehungen zwischen EU und ASEAN ein größeres Gewicht zu geben, deutlich macht, dass entgegen mancher sehr negativer öffentlicher Kommentare über die Entwicklung einer gemeinsamen europäischen Außenpolitik tatsächlich Schritte nach vorne stattfinden. Es ist in der ASEAN-Region sehr begrüßt worden, dass das Europäische Parlament sich für die Verstärkung dieser Kooperation einsetzt. Deswegen freue ich mich, dass wir mit großer Gemeinsamkeit im Ausschuss dieses Signal gegeben haben und dies hoffentlich auch hier tun werden.

 

10.7. Tachographs and social legislation relating to road transport (A7-0471/2013 - Silvia-Adriana Ţicău) (vote)

10.8. Award of concession contracts (A7-0030/2013 - Philippe Juvin) (vote)

10.9. Public procurement (A7-0007/2013 - Marc Tarabella) (vote)

10.10. Procurement by entities operating in the water, energy, transport and postal services sectors (A7-0034/2013 - Marc Tarabella) (vote)

10.11. Access of goods and services to public procurement markets (A7-0454/2013 - Daniel Caspary) (vote)
 

Vor der Abstimmung über die legislative Entschließung:

 
  
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  Daniel Caspary (PPE), Berichterstatter. – Herr Präsident, geschätzte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Herzlichen Dank für die heutige Abstimmung. Wir haben im Ausschuss vereinbart, dass wir das im Ausschuss vereinbarte Kompromisspaket im Plenum zur Abstimmung stellen wollen. Das haben wir heute getan. Wir regen aber an, dass wir auf dieser Basis in den Trilog einsteigen dürfen und die erste Lesung nicht abschließen. Ich wäre dankbar, wenn wir dazu die Schlussabstimmung vertagen könnten.

 
  
 

(Der Antrag wird angenommen.)

 

10.12. Honey (A7-0440/2013 - Julie Girling) (vote)
 

Vor der Abstimmung:

 
  
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  Alojz Peterle (PPE). - Pri glasovanju o koledarju za leto 2015 ste se oziroma se je tudi predsednik skliceval na sodbo Evropskega sodišča.

Jaz samo želim opozoriti, da ne bi bilo dobro za nas kot zakonodajalce, da sledimo različnim principom oziroma da nimamo dvojnih meril.

Pri direktivi o medu imamo jasno sodbo Evropskega sodišča v prid potrošnikom in njihovi pravici, da vedo, ko kupujejo med, ali je notri cvetni prah z genetsko spremenjenih rastlin ali ne.

Torej jaz plediram za to, da tudi v tem primeru sledimo sodbi Evropskega sodišča, ki je bila jasna in … ne, to je point of order….absolutno je to point of order, ker gre za to, da se izognemo dvema meriloma, kakor se je temu izognil tudi odbor za okolje, ENVI, in mislim, da je treba v tem smislu podpreti linijo Sodišča in glasovati za amandma 9d.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Ein schöner Versuch, Herr Kollege Peterle, das noch zu einer Geschäftsordnungswortmeldung zu machen.

Herr Kollege, ich höre Sie, auch wenn Sie sich ganz normal zu Wort melden.

 
  
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  John Stuart Agnew (EFD). - Mr President, for all anybody knows in here, I could have wandered around the European Union with some GM oilseed rape, with seed saved from my trial in 2002, and plastered the continent with it. That would now be flowering away and bees would be taking pollen from that and putting it into honey. Nobody knows. You cannot control it.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. - Vielen Dank. Das war auch nicht zur Geschäftsordnung.

Vor der Abstimmung über die legislative Entschließung:

 
  
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  Julie Girling, rapporteur. − Mr President, according to Rule 57(2), I would like to request a suspension of the vote in order to start negotiations with the Council.

 
  
 

(Der Antrag wird angenommen.)

 

10.13. Hercule III programme and protection of the European Union's financial interests (A7-0385/2012 - Monica Luisa Macovei) (vote)
 

Vor der Abstimmung:

 
  
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  Inés Ayala Sender (S&D). - Señor Presidente, solamente quería informar a esta Cámara de que, mientras estamos intentando reforzar el apoyo a la lucha contra el fraude y la corrupción con el programa Hércules, en mi país hay 200 fiscales que denuncian cómo el Gobierno del PP está recortando los medios precisamente para luchar contra la corrupción.

 

10.14. Statistics relating to trading of goods between Member States (A7-0457/2013 - Hans-Peter Martin) (vote)
 

Vor der Abstimmung über die legislative Entschließung:

 
  
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  Hans-Peter Martin (NI), Berichterstatter. – Herr Präsident! Wie schon bei meinen Vorgängern: Ich bitte darum, die endgültige Abstimmung auszusetzen, damit wir in den Trilog gehen und das noch in dieser Legislaturperiode zu einem guten Ende bringen können.

 
  
 

(Der Antrag wird angenommen.)

 

10.15. Combating wildlife crime (B7-0013/2014) (vote)

10.16. Reindustrialising Europe to promote competitiveness and sustainability (A7-0464/2013 - Reinhard Bütikofer) (vote)
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  Der Präsident. − Damit ist die Abstimmungsstunde geschlossen.

 

11. Explanations of vote
Video of the speeches

11.1. Powers and responsibilities of the standing committees (B7-0001/2014)
  

Schriftliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. Aprovo o presente relatório, sendo a favor de uma revisão das competências das comissões parlamentares do Parlamento Europeu, como modo de preparação para as eleições europeias de 2014, sendo o objetivo principal o de clarificar as competências das comissões parlamentares, de modo a remover os recorrentes e subsequentes conflitos de competências entre as comissões parlamentares. Sou da opinião que uma clara definição das competências das comissões parlamentares à luz do Tratado de Lisboa irá reduzir os conflitos internos entre as comissões parlamentares e melhorar o papel do Parlamento Europeu enquanto legislador.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – Alors que ce mandat touche à sa fin, le Parlement européen a décidé de réactualiser les attributions des différentes commissions parlementaires pour le prochain mandat. Plusieurs clarifications ont été apportées, notamment pour la commission Environnement, qui se trouve plus clairement en charge du changement climatique. Approuvant ces modifications, j'ai voté en faveur de cette décision.

 
  
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  Слави Бинев (EFD), в писмена форма. − Гласувах положително за доклада, който има за цел да разпредели правомощията между различните комисии. Смятам, че е от изключителна важност да се разграничат правомощията на различните парламентарни комисии, защото на базата на тези правомощия се разпределя работата и съответно компетенциите им по различни проблеми и въпроси, включително и докладите, които те разглеждат, включително с цел по-ефективно функциониране на Европейския парламент.

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, nes juo Parlamentas pakeičia savo Darbo tvarkos taisyklėse išdėstytus komitetų įgaliojimus ir pareigas, atsižvelgdamas į pokyčius, padarytus Lisabonos sutartimi. Šiais pakeitimais siekiama aiškiau apibrėžti parlamentinių komitetų kompetencijas, jas atriboti bei pašalinti kompetencijų dubliavimą. Pasiūlyti pakeitimai, be kita ko, yra: su Europos prokuratūros įsteigimu ir veikla susiję klausimai priskirti Piliečių laisvių, teisingumo ir vidaus reikalų komitetui, Užsienio reikalų komitetui aiškiau priskirta Sąjungos užsienio politikos koordinavimo funkcija, o Vidaus rinkos komiteto vaidmuo įgyvendinant vidaus rinką bei vartotojų teises buvo dar labiau sustiprintas. Pakeitimai įsigalios nuo sekančios Europos Parlamento kadencijos pradžios.

 
  
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  Zdravka Bušić (PPE), napisan. − Svaki prijedlog koji dovodi do boljeg i bržeg funkcioniranja Europskog parlamenta treba podržati. Tako je i s ovim prijedlogom, koji donosi jasniju podjelu zadaća i odgovornosti između niza odbora. Sve te promjene trebaju služiti učinkovitijem funkcioniranju Europskog parlamenta što će rezultirati bržom i efikasnijom procedurom. Ovaj prijedlog donosi i rasterećenja nekih odbora koji su se do sada bavili stvarima koje možda nisu uvijek u potpunosti bile dio njihove nadležnosti. Na primjer Odbor za pravna pitanja bavio se raznim rezolucijama iz područja kaznenog prava, na temelju Europske konvencije o zaštiti ljudskih prava i temeljnih sloboda, a da pritom te rezolucije često nisu pisali pravnici, što je znatno kompliciralo zakonodavni proces. Podržavam amandmane Europske pučke stranke, među kojima ističem amandmane koji traže premještanje pitanja kaznenog prava u cijelosti Odboru za pravna pitanja. Smatram kako će to pridonijeti kvaliteti samoga rada. Parlament je jedina institucija koja je izabrana od strane građana i njihovo je predstavničko tijelo i zato sve sastavnice EP-a moraju raditi u tom interesu, brzo i efikasno.

 
  
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  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. A Conferência dos Presidentes entendeu rever as competências das comissões parlamentares permanentes procurando, estou em crer, que as mesmas traduzam mais adequadamente não apenas o âmbito da sua atividade, como as suas necessidades funcionais e, sobretudo, as preocupações concretas dos eleitores. Faço votos para que as competências, tal como se encontram reescritas, possam contribuir para que assim seja. Não desejaria, no entanto, que as competências das comissões fossem capturadas por ideologias polémicas e que, por isso extravasem a necessária imparcialidade a que deveriam estar sujeitas, como parece ser o caso da Comissão dos Direitos da Mulher que expressamente acolhe nas suas competências a ideologia de género.

 
  
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  Małgorzata Handzlik (PPE), na piśmie. − Ustanowienie zakresu odpowiedzialności poszczególnych komisji parlamentarnych z całą pewnością usprawni pracę Parlamentu Europejskiego w kolejnej kadencji oraz pozwoli na lepsze dostosowanie prac nad unijną legislacją do wzywań, przed którymi stoi Unia Europejska. Z zadowoleniem przyjmuję skoncentrowanie się kompetencji Komisji Rynku Wewnętrznego i Ochrony Konsumentów na funkcjonowaniu rynku wewnętrznego, w tym rynku cyfrowego, oraz na usuwaniu wciąż istniejących na nim barier i obciążeń administracyjnych, a także na podkreśleniu konieczności wspierania i ochrony interesów gospodarczych ponad 500 milionów konsumentów w UE. W czasach walki z kryzysem ważne jest również usprawnienie w zakresie kwestii związanych z tworzeniem, wdrażaniem i monitorowaniem wspólnej polityki handlowej Unii oraz z jej zewnętrznymi stosunkami gospodarczymi, dlatego cieszę się, że uszczegółowiono kompetencje Komisji Handlu Międzynarodowego dotyczące nawiązywania, monitorowania, zawierania i dalszego działania w zakresie dwustronnych i wielostronnych porozumień handlowych regulujących stosunki gospodarcze i handlowe z państwami trzecimi i organizacjami regionalnymi.

 
  
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  Philippe Juvin (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de la proposition de décision concernant les attributions et les compétences des commissions parlementaires. Ce texte vise à modifier les domaines d'expertise de chacune des commissions permanentes du Parlement européen, afin de les adapter au contexte législatif actuel. Les modifications qui ont été effectuées entreront en vigueur lors de la prochaine législature du Parlement européen. Je me félicite de l'adoption de cette décision.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Il s'agit ici de déterminer les attributions des commissions parlementaires. Et donc de déterminer les pouvoirs du Parlement sur différentes thématiques. On note ainsi que la commission du marché intérieur a pour attribution de «d'éliminer les entraves potentielles à la réalisation du marché unique» … De quoi créer une ambiance de travail... En cohérence avec mes critiques sur le fonctionnement des institutions européennes, je m'oppose à ces attributions qui entravent la liberté des parlementaires dans leurs délibérations en leur imposant un cadre contraint et orienté. Je vote contre.

 
  
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  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. Com o objetivo de atualizar as competências e responsabilidades das comissões parlamentares com vista à próxima legislatura, apresentei o meu voto confirmativo à decisão do Parlamento Europeu sobre as competências das comissões parlamentares permanentes.

 
  
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  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado a favor de la presente Decisión debido a que propone una mejora del funcionamiento del Parlamento Europeo, estableciendo las funciones de las comisiones parlamentarias que tratarán nuevos temas y problemáticas. El informe modifica y principalmente añade las nuevas competencias necesarias en las citadas comisiones que se reparten la totalidad de las competencias del Parlamento. Se asignan las responsabilidades de control sobre nuevas instituciones y se definen y reparten las nuevas realidades políticas que debe abordar este Parlamento. Por esto es por lo que he decidido votar a favor de la presente Decisión.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − This report concerns amendments to Parliament’s Rules of Procedure regarding the work of its committees. I voted in favour.

 
  
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  Vital Moreira (S&D), por escrito. Votei contra a alteração do Anexo VII do Regimento do Parlamento Europeu na parte relativa à Comissão do Comércio Internacional (a que pertenço e à qual presido), visto que se retira a esta comissão a competência para acompanhar e deliberar sobre os acordos internacionais em matéria comercial quando eles integrem acordos internacionais mistos, ou seja, incluam outras matérias, por exemplo, matérias de cooperação política. Sucede que um grande número de acordos comerciais da União estão nessa situação, pelo que a comissão especializada do Parlamento se verá privada de exercer a sua competência em relação a todos os acordos internacionais que não sejam exclusivamente comerciais, mesmo quando tais acordos mistos sejam essencialmente acordos comerciais (como era o caso, por exemplo, do falhado acordo com a Ucrânia). Embora esta decisão só se aplique à próxima legislatura, não posso deixar ao meu sucessor à frente desta importante comissão parlamentar uma herança envenenada. Por isso, quero deixar registo da minha firme oposição a esta decisão desequilibrada e insensata. Cada comissão parlamentar só deve tratar das questões que cabem na sua expertise específica, e nenhuma comissão deve ser expropriada da competência que naturalmente lhe pertence.

 
  
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  Siiri Oviir (ALDE), kirjalikult. − Toetasin esimeeste konverentsi ettepanekut muuta vastavate komisjonide vastutusalasid, kuna pean oluliseks, et Euroopa Parlament käiks kaasas eri arengutega ja ajakohastaks oma prioriteete ka komisjonide töös.

Naiste õiguste ja soolise võrdõiguslikkuse komisjoni liikmena ei toetanud ma aga oma fraktsioonikaaslaste esialgset ettepanekut kaotada komisjoni nimes viide naiste õigustele, kuna vastasel juhul jääksid naiste jaoks olulised küsimused piisava tähelepanuta. Näiteks toetab puuetega inimeste õiguste konventsioon, millega on ühinenud ka Euroopa Liit, eraldi lähenemist naiste õigustele ja soolisele võrdõiguslikkusele, samuti on ELil eraldi välistegevuse prioriteedid naiste õiguste vallas.

See kinnitab, et sooline võrdõiguslikkus ei tähenda automaatselt naiste õigustega tegelemist ja vastupidi. Mõistagi on sooline võrdõiguslikkus väga oluline prioriteet, kuid ma ei saa jätta tähelepanuta küsimusi, mis on seotud ainult naistega, nt rasedus, sünnitamine jne. Mul on hea meel, et fraktsioonikaaslastega enne lõpphääletust ühisele arusaamisele jõudsime ja komisjoni nime muutmist ei toetatud.

 
  
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  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. Votei favoravelmente a presente Decisão do Parlamento Europeu sobre as competências das comissões parlamentares permanentes. Destaco desta decisão a formalização das seguintes competências da Comissão das Pescas no âmbito da política marítima integrada no que toca às atividades de pesca e dos acordos de parceria no domínio da pesca sustentável, organizações regionais de pesca e execução de obrigações internacionais no domínio das pescas.

 
  
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  Andrej Plenković (PPE), napisan. − Podržao sam usvajanje Odluke kojom su izmijenjene ovlasti i nadležnosti pojedinih stalnih odbora Europskog parlamenta. Većina izmjena u skladu je s iskustvima koja su se u praksi pokazala u radu aktualnog saziva Parlamenta. U okviru priprema ove Odluke sudjelovao sam u raspravi koja se odnosila na Prilog 7. tj. na ovlasti Odbora za proračun čiji sam član. Založio sam se da Odbor za proračun i dalje ostane matični odbor za praćenje rada Europske investicijske banke. Svoj stav temeljim na višemjesečnom radu na zakonskom prijedlogu o jamstvima Europske unije Europskoj investicijskoj banci za zajmove u trećim državama. Konačni kompromis prema kojem će i Odbor za ekonomsku i monetarnu politiku pratiti dio aktivnosti Europske investicijske banke koji se odnosi na eurozonu u skladu je s nadležnostima povjerenika Rehna koji je zadužen za ta pitanja u okviru Europske komisije i vodi redoviti dijalog s nadležnim Odborom Parlamenta.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. Specially important is the fact that the Committee on Social Employment and Social Affairs specifically adds references to social inclusion, workers’ rights and the issues of the European Semester and EMU.

 
  
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  Kay Swinburne (ECR), in writing. − I voted in favour of this proposal to revise the competences of the standing committees in order to ensure that they are properly defined in the Rules of Procedure in time for the new 2014-2019 parliamentary term.

 
  
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  Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – Une meilleure définition des compétences des commissions, à la lumière du traité de Lisbonne, réduira les conflits entre elles et améliorera le rôle législatif du Parlement européen. Parmi les principales modifications de l’accord final figurent le développement d’une approche européenne plus cohérente du droit pénal, l’implication plus générale des commissions spécialisées dans les activités de la commission du contrôle budgétaire, la mise en œuvre du marché intérieur et le renforcement des droits des consommateurs. Le rôle de coordination de la politique étrangère de l’UE a été mis en avant de manière explicite, de même que le rôle éminent réservé aux politiques et accords commerciaux et d’investissement.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru decizia Parlamentului privind competențele și atribuțiile comisiilor parlamentare permanente. Am votat pentru modificarea competențelor Comisiei ITRE, astfel încât acestea să includă: 1. politica industrială a Uniunii și măsurile aferente, precum și aplicarea noilor tehnologii, întreprinderile mici și mijlocii; 2. politica de cercetare și inovare a Uniunii, inclusiv știința și tehnologia, precum și difuzarea și exploatarea rezultatelor cercetării; 3. politica spațială europeană; 4. activitățile Centrului Comun de Cercetare, ale Consiliului European pentru Cercetare, ale IEIT și ale Institutului pentru Materiale de Referință și Măsurători, precum și JET, ITER și celelalte proiecte aparținând aceluiași domeniu; 5. măsurile de la nivelul Uniunii în domeniul politicii energetice și crearea și funcționarea pieței interne a energiei, securitatea aprovizionării cu energie în Uniune, promovarea eficienței energetice și a economiei de energie, dezvoltarea de noi surse de energie și energii regenerabile, promovarea interconectării rețelelor energetice și eficiența energetică, stabilirea și dezvoltarea de rețele transeuropene în sectorul infrastructurilor energetice; 6. Tratatul Euratom și Agenția de Aprovizionare a Euratom (AAE); securitatea nucleară, scoaterea din funcțiune a instalațiilor și eliminarea deșeurilor în domeniul nuclear; 7. societatea informațională, tehnologia informației și rețelele și serviciile de comunicații, inclusiv tehnologiile sigure, stabilirea și dezvoltarea de rețele transeuropene în sectorul infrastructurilor de telecomunicații, precum și activitățile ENISA.

 
  
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  Jacek Włosowicz (EFD), na piśmie. − Komisja Europejska przedkłada Parlamentowi propozycję legislacyjną. Odpowiednia komisja parlamentarna wyznacza posła sprawozdawcę, który przygotowuje projekt sprawozdania na temat propozycji przedstawionej przez Komisję Europejską. Również poszczególni posłowie i inne komisje parlamentarne mogą zostać poproszone o wydanie opinii. Sprawozdawca przedstawia komisji parlamentarnej do dyskusji projekt sprawozdania, po rozpatrzeniu zgłoszonych poprawek projekt sprawozdania podawany jest pod głosowanie komisji, grupy polityczne oceniają sprawozdanie z punktu widzenia ich interesów, sprawozdanie jest następnie omawiane na sesji plenarnej Parlamentu, a po wprowadzeniu ewentualnych poprawek poddawane pod głosowanie. Przyjęty dokument wyraża stanowisko Parlamentu w danej sprawie.

W Parlamencie Europejskim zasiada obecnie 754 posłów wybieranych na 5 lat w wyborach powszechnych i bezpośrednich, opartych na systemie proporcjonalnym. Posłowie do PE są niezależnymi parlamentarzystami, a nie przedstawicielami poszczególnych państw (zasiadają nawet według przynależności do grup politycznych, a nie według narodowości). Nie są związani żadnymi poleceniami czy też instrukcjami własnych państw, posiadając tym samym przywileje i immunitet parlamentarny.

 
  
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  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. As alterações às competências das comissões parlamentares permanentes decorrem, em grande medida, das alterações dos próprios tratados, nomeadamente do Tratado de Lisboa, e do aprofundamento do rumo federalista, para além de neoliberal e militarista, da UE. Muitas das novas competências são subtraídas às instituições de soberania nacional, nomeadamente aos parlamentos nacionais. Veja-se por exemplo a supervisão do Serviço Europeu de Ação Externa, a promoção, execução e acompanhamento da política externa, ou seja, o exercício de competências em matéria de relações externas que deveria permanecer no âmbito de cada país. Veja-se a abertura, acompanhamento e conclusão e seguimento de acordos comerciais que regem as relações económicas e comerciais entre países, matérias que, uma vez mais, deveriam manter-se na competência das instituições de soberania nacional, tendo em conta a situação específica de cada país, o estádio de desenvolvimento da sua economia, os interesses e aspirações dos seus povos. Abstivemo-nos.

 

11.2. Parliament's calendar of part-sessions – 2015
  

Schriftliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. O calendário do Parlamento Europeu para 2015 volta a incluir a realização das chamadas mini-sessões plenárias em Bruxelas, o que nos parece melhorar alguns aspetos do seu funcionamento. Desde logo, porque com a realização de mais sessões plenárias será possível distribuir melhor o conjunto de relatórios, resoluções e temas para debate por mais dias, o que pode permitir uma maior participação democrática dos deputados na sua preparação e intervenção, particularmente de grupos políticos mais pequenos. Evita-se o agendamento e a aprovação a mata-cavalos, remetendo tantas vezes relatórios e resoluções diretamente para votos, sem possibilidade de debate. Por outro lado, com o aumento das competências do Parlamento Europeu torna-se imperativo prever mais tempo de debate e prazos menos apertados para o processo legislativo e de iniciativa política. Muito embora as mini-sessões não resolvam o problema, mitigam-no. Quanto ao resto, não há novidades, mantendo-se a realização das doze sessões plenárias por ano em Estrasburgo.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – La détermination du calendrier de ses sessions est l'une des attributions du Parlement. Ce calendrier est quelque peu fantaisiste puisqu'il prévoit des « mini-sessions » à Bruxelles alors même que nous n'avons aucune certitude quant à l'avancée des travaux du toit de l'hémicycle bruxellois. Je déplore aussi qu'une fois de plus ce calendrier méconnaisse des commémorations nationales aussi importantes que celles qui sont célébrées le 11 novembre dans plusieurs pays de l'Union (France, Belgique, Royaume-Uni), date particulièrement importante pour l'histoire de l'Europe. Ou le 14 juillet qui a ouvert «l'ère moderne» comme le dit le poète Goethe. Cette indifférence du calendrier parlementaire à l'histoire et à la mémoire qui justifie la construction européenne est lamentable. Ce calendrier semble au moins avoir le mérite de déjouer les tentatives de suppression des sessions à Strasbourg, préservant l'importance politique et géo-politique du siège de l'institution parlementaire à Strasbourg. Je vote pour.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − I supported the calendar for 2015 as proposed.

 
  
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  Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – Voter le calendrier 2015 aurait dû être une banalité. Seulement certains ont voulu polluer le texte en raccourcissant la session de Strasbourg. Ridicule de faire déplacer tout le monde pour 2 jours et de voter jour et nuit! Tout aussi ridicule de supprimer les sessions de Bruxelles. Si c'est pour faire les choses mal, alors les gens qui proposent ce genre d'amendements feraient bien de laisser leur place à des députés qui veulent vraiment travailler!

 
  
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  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. O calendário do Parlamento Europeu para 2015 volta a incluir a realização das chamadas mini-sessões plenárias em Bruxelas, o que nos parece melhorar alguns aspetos do seu funcionamento. Desde logo porque, com a realização de mais sessões plenárias, será possível distribuir melhor o conjunto de relatórios, resoluções e temas para debate por mais dias, o que pode permitir uma maior participação democrática dos deputados na sua preparação e intervenção, particularmente de grupos políticos mais pequenos. Evita-se o agendamento e a aprovação a mata-cavalos, remetendo tantas vezes relatórios e resoluções diretamente para votos, sem possibilidade de debate.

 

11.3. Repeal of Council Decision 2007/124/EC, Euratom (A7-0432/2013 - Juan Fernando López Aguilar)
  

Schriftliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. Aprovo o presente relatório, tendo em consideração que o atual Programa Específico para a Prevenção, Preparação e Gestão de Consequências do Terrorismo e outros riscos relacionados com a segurança foi estabelecido para o período de 2007-2013 e tem o objetivo de prevenir, preparar e proteger as pessoas e infraestruturas críticas contra ataques terroristas e outros incidentes relacionados com a segurança. A aprovação deste relatório torna-se necessária, visto que neste novo quadro financeiro plurianual, este programa é substituído pelos Fundos de Segurança Interna, sendo necessário uma base legal separada, de modo a aprovar os novos fundos relacionados com aspetos de segurança a nível da União Europeia.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – Il s'agit en l'occurrence d'une décision technique, visant à mettre fin à un programme qui devait s'écouler sur la période 2004-2013. J'ai donc soutenu cette abrogation.

 
  
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  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį siūlymą, kurio tikslas – programą „Terorizmo ir kitos su saugumu susijusios rizikos prevencija, parengtis ir padarinių valdymas“ (CIPS) pakeisti „Vidaus saugumo fondu“. Dabartinė specialioji programa CIPS nustatyta 2007–2013 m. laikotarpiui. Ja siekiama užkirsti kelią teroro aktams ir kitiems su saugumu susijusiems incidentams, jiems pasirengti ir nuo jų apsaugoti asmenis ir svarbius infrastruktūros objektus. 2014–2020 m. laikotarpiu šią programą pakeis Vidaus saugumo fondas.

 
  
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  Fabrizio Bertot (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho votato a favore perché l'attuale programma specifico "Prevenzione, preparazione e gestione delle conseguenze in materia di terrorismo e di altri rischi correlati alla sicurezza" copriva il solo periodo 2007-2013. Il programma, in quanto tale finalizza la prevenzione, oltre alla preparazione e alla protezione della popolazione e delle infrastrutture critiche, contro i rischi derivanti da attentati terroristici ed altri rischi correlati alla sicurezza. Nel periodo 2014-2020 ad esso subentrerà il Fondo sicurezza interna ("strumento ISF-Polizia").

 
  
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  Слави Бинев (EFD), в писмена форма. − Гласувах в полза на доклада относно отмяната на Решение 2007/124/ЕО, Евратом, тъй като тази отмяна не засяга продължаването или изменянето на проектите относно тяхното приключване или финансовата помощ. В контекста на това предложение на Съвета, комисията по граждански свободи предлага Европейският парламент да даде своето одобрение за този проект.

Смятам, че това е от голямо значение, тъй като Европейският парламент е институцията, която най-ярко представлява интересите на европейските граждани. Когато става въпрос за сигурността и гарантирането на свободите, то би било най-коректно да бъде чуто мнението на хората, които непосредствено ще трябва да спазват установените от конкретните институции правила.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Ho sostenuto la relazione Aguilar che analizza l'abrogazione del programma per la "Prevenzione, preparazione e gestione delle conseguenze in materia di terrorismo e di altri rischi correlati alla sicurezza" del periodo 2007-2013 e la sua sostituzione col nuovo "Strumento ISF-Polizia".

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, nes juo Parlamentas pritaria programos „Terorizmo ir kitos su saugumu susijusios rizikos prevencija, parengtis ir padarinių valdymas“, galiojusios 2007–2013 m. panaikinimui. Ja buvo siekiama užkirsti kelią teroro aktams ir kitiems su saugumu susijusiems incidentams, jiems pasirengti ir nuo jų apsaugoti asmenis ir svarbius infrastruktūros objektus. 2014–2020 m. laikotarpiu šią programą pakeis Vidaus saugumo fondas (VSF policijos priemonė). Atsižvelgiant į tai, kad specialioji programa CIPS buvo patvirtinta remiantis dvigubu teisiniu pagrindu (EB, Euratomas), jai panaikinti reikalingas atskiras teisės aktas.

 
  
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  Carlos Coelho (PPE), por escrito. No quadro plurianual para o período de 2014-2020, foi criado no âmbito do Fundo para a Segurança Interna um instrumento de apoio financeiro à cooperação policial, à prevenção e luta contra a criminalidade e à gestão de crises – FSI-Polícia. Pretende apoiar financeiramente a cooperação policial, o intercâmbio e o acesso a informações, a prevenção e luta contra a criminalidade transfronteiriça e criminalidade grave e organizada, incluindo o terrorismo, a proteção das pessoas e das infraestruturas críticas contra os incidentes relacionados com a segurança e a gestão eficaz dos riscos e crises relacionadas com a segurança. Os Programas específicos existentes no âmbito do quadro plurianual anterior deverão, assim, ser revogados. No entanto, no caso do Programa Prevenção, Preparação e gestão das consequências em matéria de terrorismo e outros riscos relacionados com a segurança, CIPS, tendo em conta as diferentes regras de votação previstas na sua dupla base jurídica, torna-se necessário proceder à adoção de um ato jurídico distinto. Votei, assim, a favor da presente proposta de revogação da Decisão do Conselho, de 2007, que criava este Programa específico, de forma a dar cumprimento a este processo legislativo especial e permitindo que esta revogação produza efeitos a partir de 1 de janeiro de 2014.

 
  
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  Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Avec l’abrogation de cette décision établissant le programme spécifique «Prévention, préparation et gestion des conséquences en matière de terrorisme et autres risques liés à la sécurité» pour l’exercice 2007/2013, le Parlement européen opère les modifications juridiques nécessaires pour assurer la continuité des actions de l’Union en termes de lutte contre le terrorisme et plus spécifiquement de coopération policière européenne.

 
  
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  Christine De Veyrac (PPE), par écrit. – J’ai voté en faveur de ce texte afin de rationaliser l’action de l’Union européenne en matière sécuritaire. À cet effet, dans le cadre global du Fonds pour la sécurité intérieure, l'instrument de soutien financier à la coopération policière, à la prévention et la répression de la criminalité, ainsi qu'à la gestion des crises apportera un soutien financier à la coopération policière. Ainsi, la présente proposition vise à prévenir les attentats terroristes et autres risques liés à la sécurité, à s'y préparer et à protéger les populations et les infrastructures critiques contre ces phénomènes, ce dont je me félicite.

 
  
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  Jill Evans (Verts/ALE), in writing. − I voted in favour of this recommendation to repeal the specific programme on terrorism to 2013. Risk management has to be constantly updated. I work in the interests of my constituents in Wales.

 
  
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  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. Considerando que o Programa Prevenção, preparação e gestão das consequências em matéria de terrorismo e outros riscos relacionados com a segurança, vigente para o período de 2007 a 2013, será substituído por um outro, não oferece qualquer controvérsia a sua revogação e justifica-se, por isso, o procedimento simplificado empregado para a sua tramitação procedimental no quadro do Parlamento. Desejo que o novo programa atenda com qualidade, rigor e vigilância às questões que lhe subjazem e que são cada vez mais importantes numa sociedade globalizada e com fronteiras particularmente expostas como aquela em que vivemos.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. O Programa Geral Segurança e Proteção das Liberdades foi estabelecido no âmbito do Quadro Financeiro Plurianual 2007-2013, e tinha por principal objetivo assegurar uma cooperação operacional eficaz na luta contra o terrorismo, contra a criminalidade organizada e a criminalidade em geral, bem como apoiar a comunicação de informações à escala europeia, de forma a promover sociedades seguras baseadas no Estado de direito (sic). A transição para o novo quadro financeiro 2014-2020 é feita através da revogação da decisão que criou este programa em 2007-2013, substituindo-o para o período 2014-2020 pelo Fundo para a Segurança Interna, FSI-polícia. Este fundo pretende ser um instrumento de apoio financeiro à cooperação policial, à prevenção e luta contra a criminalidade transfronteiriça e à gestão de crises, ao intercâmbio e acesso a informações, à criminalidade grave e organizada, incluindo o terrorismo, à proteção das pessoas e das infraestruturas críticas contra os incidentes relacionados com a segurança e à gestão eficaz dos riscos e crises relacionados com a segurança. Temos profundas reservas quer quanto ao programa atual – sua natureza, objetivos e implicações – que agora se pretende revogar, quer quanto ao seu congénere para o período 2014-2020. Como este relatório apenas trata da revogação do primeiro, votámos favoravelmente.

 
  
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  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne Pre programové obdobie 2007 – 2013 existoval osobitný program Predchádzanie, pripravenosť a riadenie následkov terorizmu a iných bezpečnostných rizík, ktorý slúžil na predchádzanie potenciálnym teroristickým útokom a iným skutkom ohrozujúcim bezpečnosť obyvateľstva. Taktiež sa zameriaval na ochranu dôležitej infraštruktúry. Tento program bude v nasledujúcom programovom období 2014 – 2020 nahradený Fondom pre vnútornú bezpečnosť. Vzhľadom na to, že špecifický program Predchádzanie, pripravenosť a riadenie následkov terorizmu a iných bezpečnostných rizík bol prijatý na základe dvojitého právneho základu, je potrebný samostatný právny akt na jeho zrušenie.

 
  
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  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Pritariau pasiūlymui pakeisti programą „Terorizmo ir kitos su saugumu susijusios rizikos prevencija, parengtis ir padarinių valdymas“ į „Vidaus saugumo fondas“. Dabartinė specialioji programa „Terorizmo ir kitos su saugumu susijusios rizikos prevencija, parengtis ir padarinių valdymas“ (CIPS) nustatyta 2007–2013 m. laikotarpiui. Ja siekiama užkirsti kelią teroro aktams ir kitiems su saugumu susijusiems incidentams, jiems pasirengti ir nuo jų apsaugoti asmenis ir svarbius infrastruktūros objektus. 2014–2020 m. laikotarpiu šią programą pakeis „Vidaus saugumo fondas“. Atsižvelgiant į tai, kad CIPS buvo patvirtinta remiantis dvigubu teisiniu pagrindu (EB, Euratomas), jai panaikinti reikalingas atskiras teisės aktas.

 
  
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  Philippe Juvin (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu le rapport de mon collègue Juan Fernando López Aguilar sur l'abrogation de la décision 2007/124/CE, Euratom du Conseil établissant, pour la période 2007-2013, le programme spécifique "Prévention, préparation et gestion des conséquences en matière de terrorisme et autres risques liés à la sécurité". Il s'agit d'abroger une décision pour la période 2007-2013 dont les missions et les financements seront assurés par un nouveau programme commun pour la période 2014-2020. Ce texte a été très largement adopté avec 648 voix pour, 19 voix contre et 9 abstentions, ce dont je me félicite.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Le programme spécifique "Prévention, préparation et gestion des conséquences en matière de terrorisme et autres risques liés à la sécurité" (CIPS), actuellement en vigueur, a été établi pour la période 2007-2013. Il vise à prévenir les attentats terroristes et autres risques liés à la sécurité, à s'y préparer et à protéger les populations et les infrastructures critiques contre ces phénomènes. Pour la période 2014-2020, ce programme sera remplacé par les fonds pour la sécurité intérieure ("FSI-police"). Compte tenu de la double base juridique (CE, Euratom) choisie pour l'adoption du programme spécifique CIPS, un acte législatif distinct est nécessaire à l'abrogation de celui-ci. Il s'agit d'une décision d'ordre technique dans un univers kafkaïen de dispositifs, qui n'aura pas d’influence notoire sur la politique de sécurité intérieure de l'Union Européenne, qui aurait, elle, besoin d'être revue en profondeur. Je m'abstiens.

 
  
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  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. No âmbito do Programa Geral Segurança e Proteção das Liberdades, a União Europeia cria um programa específico para o período 2007-2013, destinado a apoiar os projetos em matéria de prevenção, preparação e gestão das consequências dos ataques terroristas e outros riscos relacionados com a segurança. O referido programa tem como objeto apoiar os esforços dos Estados-Membros para prevenir os atentados terroristas, criar capacidades de resposta e proteger os cidadãos e as infraestruturas críticas. Deve contribuir para assegurar a proteção contra o terrorismo e outros riscos relacionados com a segurança. O programa referido será substituído, durante o período de 2014 a 2020, pelo Fundo para a Segurança Interna, sendo necessário a adoção de um ato jurídico distinto para o efeito, motivo pelo qual apresentei o meu voto favorável à revogação da Decisão 2007/124/CE Euratom do Conselho (A7-0432/2013).

 
  
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  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado a favor del presente informe debido a que reasigna la responsabilidad sobre el antiguo programa de prevención, preparación y gestión de las consecuencias del terrorismo y de otros riesgos en materia de seguridad. Se trata de un informe técnico que, al haberse negociado entre la UE y Euratom, debe ser ratificado por ambas entidades que son partes del acuerdo. Al haber finalizado el periodo de ejecución del antiguo programa, correspondiente a 2007-2013, las entidades negociantes proponen que sea remplazado durante el periodo 2014-2020 por el Fondo de Seguridad Interior, que abarcaría también los temas de seguridad en este ámbito, manteniendo las exigencias de la mayor seguridad posible para los ciudadanos europeos. Por todo esto he decidido votar a favor del presente informe.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − Given the fact that the ‘Prevention, Preparedness and Consequence Management of Terrorism and other Security-related risksʼ specific programme was adopted under a double legal base (EC/Euratom), a separate legal act is required to repeal it. I voted in favour.

 
  
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  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. O atual programa específico Prevenção, preparação e gestão das consequências em matéria de terrorismo e outros riscos relacionados com a segurança (programa específico CIPS) foi estabelecido para o período de 2007 a 2013 e tem por objetivos prevenir os ataques terroristas e outros incidentes relacionados com a segurança, preparar as pessoas e as infraestruturas críticas para essas eventualidades e protegê-las caso se concretizem. O referido programa será substituído, durante o período de 2014 a 2020, pelo Fundo para a Segurança Interna (FSI-polícia). Dado que o programa específico CIPS foi adotado ao abrigo de uma dupla base jurídica (CE/Euratom), a sua revogação requer a adoção de um ato jurídico distinto, o qual, na presente data, votei favoravelmente.

 
  
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  Sandra Petrović Jakovina (S&D), napisan. − Pozdravljam prihvaćanje preporuke o prijedlogu Odbora za građanske slobode, pravosuđe i unutarnje poslove da se stavlja izvan snage posebni program "Sprječavanje, pripravnost i upravljanje posljedicama terorizma i drugih rizika povezanih sa sigurnošću" kao dijela Općeg programa sigurnosti i zaštite sloboda za razdoblje od 2007. do 2013. godine. S tim u vezi naglašavam potrebu da se mjere sigurnosti u borbi protiv terorizma za slijedeće razdoblje razmotre, te u što kraćem roku na znanje ovog tijela predlože u slučajevima terorističkih napada na području Zapadnog Balkana kao i cijelog područja Europske unije, a u svrhu zaštite i sigurnosti svih njezinih stanovnika.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. The current Specific Programme ‘Prevention, Preparedness and Consequence Management of Terrorism and other Security-related risks’ (the CIPS specific programme) was established for the period 2007-2013. It aims at preventing, preparing and protecting people and critical infrastructure against terrorist attacks and other security-related incidents. This programme will be replaced by the Internal Security Funds (ISF-police) for the period 2014-2020. Given the fact that the CIPS specific programme has been adopted under a double legal base (EC/Euratom), a separate legal act is required to repeal it.

 
  
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  Matteo Salvini (EFD), per iscritto. − Ho deciso di votare in maniera favorevole a questa relazione in quanto ha come scopo la prevenzione nonché la preparazione e protezione della popolazione e delle infrastrutture critiche contro i rischi derivanti da attentati terroristici ed altri rischi correlati alla sicurezza. Le finalità e le azioni finanziate sono estremamente condivisibili.

 
  
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  Davor Ivo Stier (PPE), napisan. − Podržao sam odluku kojom se stavlja izvan snage odluka Vijeća o utvrđivanju posebnog programa „Sprečavanje, pripravnost i upravljanje posljedicama terorizma i drugih rizika povezanih sa sigurnošću” kao dijela Općeg programa sigurnosti i zaštite sloboda za razdoblje od 2007. do 2013. Navedeni program je zamijenjen sa Fondom za unutarnju sigurnost EU za razdoblje 2014.-2020. te će se i dalje financirati priprema za zaštitu i sama zaštita ljudi i kritične infrastrukture od terorističkih napada i ostalih incidenata povezanih sa sigurnošću.

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica (PPE), napisan. − Pozdravljam Odluke Vijeća o stavljanju izvan snage Odluke 2007/124/EZ, Euratom o utvrđivanju posebnog programa „Sprečavanje, pripravnost i upravljanje posljedicama terorizma i drugih rizika povezanih sa sigurnošću” kao dijela Općeg programa sigurnosti i zaštite sloboda. Navedeni program osnovan je za razdoblje od 2007. do 2013. godine, s ciljem sprječavanja, pripreme i zaštite ljudi i infrastrukture protiv terorističkih napada i drugih incidenata vezanih uz sigurnost. Navedeni program usvojen je temeljem dvije pravne osnove te je zato potreban posebni akt, to jest, ova Odluka Vijeća, kako bi ga se moglo ukinuti. Kako se radi o potrebnom i kvalitetnom Programu, čije je postojanje nužno i u budućnosti zbog današnjih prilika u svijetu. Program će biti zamijenjen osnivanjem Fonda za unutarnju sigurnost, koji će omogućiti financiranje daljnjih akcija usmjerenih na sprječavanje organiziranog kriminala, terorizma, zaštite ljudi i infrastrukture, pristupa informacijama. Neophodno je njegovo stupanje na snagu, koje će koincidirati s opozivom prijašnjeg Programa.

 
  
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  Kay Swinburne (ECR), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report which will facilitate the appropriate legal base for changes to the EU’s funding programme to protect people and critical infrastructure against terrorist attacks and other security-related incidents. Under the new programme for 2014-2020, the Internal Security Fund will now include an instrument designed to support police cooperation, action to prevent and combat crime, and crisis management, while still maintaining many already existing activities.

 
  
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  Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce texte. En effet, le programme spécifique "Prévention, préparation et gestion des conséquences en matière de terrorisme et autres risques liés à la sécurité" (ci-après le "programme spécifique CIPS"), actuellement en vigueur, a été établi pour la période 2007-2013. Il vise à prévenir les attentats terroristes et autres risques liés à la sécurité, à s'y préparer et à protéger les populations et les infrastructures critiques contre ces phénomènes. Pour la période 2014-2020, ce programme sera remplacé par les fonds pour la sécurité intérieure ("FSI-police"). Compte tenu de la double base juridique (CE, Euratom) choisie pour l'adoption du programme spécifique CIPS, un acte législatif distinct est nécessaire pour l'abrogation de celui-ci.

 
  
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  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. O programa aqui em causa e denominado Prevenção, preparação e gestão das consequências em matéria de terrorismo e outros riscos relacionados com a segurança foi criado para estar em vigor durante o período de 2007 a 2013. Voto favoravelmente o projeto de decisão devido ao facto de considerar importante que exista uma posição mais ativa ao nível da prevenção de ataques terroristas e outros incidentes relacionados com a segurança, sendo importante preparar as pessoas e as infraestruturas problemáticas face às situações em apreço.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat rezoluția legislativă a Parlamentului European referitoare la proiectul de decizie a Consiliului de abrogare a Deciziei 2007/124/CE, Euratom a Consiliului de stabilire pentru perioada 2007-2013, în cadrul programului general „Securitate și protecția libertăților”, a programului specific „Prevenirea, pregătirea și gestionarea consecințelor terorismului și ale altor riscuri legate de securitate”, prin care se aprobă proiectul de decizie a Consiliului. Decizia 2007/124/CE, Euratom a Consiliului stabilește programul specific „Prevenirea, pregătirea și gestionarea consecințelor terorismului și ale altor riscuri legate de securitate”, care vizează perioada cuprinsă între 1 ianuarie 2007 și 31 decembrie 2013. O nouă reglementare, care prevede sprijin financiar pentru cooperarea polițienească, prevenirea și combaterea criminalității și gestionarea crizelor, ca parte a Fondului pentru securitate internă, urmează să fie instituită pentru perioada cuprinsă între 1 ianuarie 2014 și 31 decembrie 2020. Prin urmare, Decizia 2007/124/CE, Euratom trebuie să fie abrogată cu efect de la 1 ianuarie 2014. Abrogarea prevăzută nu afectează continuarea sau modificarea, inclusiv anularea totală sau parțială a proiectelor cuprinse în program, până la data închiderii acestora sau până la data aprobării asistenței financiare de către Comisie pe baza Deciziei 2007/124/CE, Euratom sau a oricărui alt act juridic care se aplică asistenței financiare respective la data de 31 decembrie 2013.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR), napisan. − U okviru sveobuhvatnog Fonda za unutarnju sigurnost, instrumentom financijske potpore za policijsku suradnju, sprečavanje i suzbijanje kriminala te upravljanje krizama osigurat će se financijska potpora policijskoj suradnji, razmjeni informacija, pristupu informacijama, sprečavanju kriminala i borbi protiv prekograničnog i organiziranog kriminala te teških kaznenih djela (uključujući terorizam), zaštiti ljudi i kritične infrastrukture od prijetnji sigurnosti i učinkovitom upravljanju sigurnosnim prijetnjama i krizama. Stoga se posebni program CIPS za pružanje financijske potpore tom području politike u skladu s višegodišnjim okvirom za razdoblje 2007. – 2013. treba staviti izvan snage, u skladu s prijelaznim pravilima. Sukladno navedenom glasovala sam za ovaj prijedlog.

 
  
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  Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. Es muss mit Bedacht und Vorsicht abgewogen werden, ob das spezifische Programm „Prävention, Abwehrbereitschaft und Folgenbewältigung im Zusammenhang mit Terrorakten und anderen Sicherheitsrisiken“ tatsächlich aufgehoben werden soll. Laut Berichterstatter werde dieses Programm für den Zeitraum 2014–2020 durch den Fonds für die innere Sicherheit, die ISF-Polizei, ersetzt. Man muss jedoch tiefgründig in Erwägung ziehen, ob dies nach wie vor denselben Sicherheitsstandard für die europäischen Bürger und Bürgerinnen gewährleistet.

 
  
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  Jacek Włosowicz (EFD), na piśmie. − Mechanizm ochrony ludności stworzony został decyzją Rady 2001/792/WE, Euratom z dnia 23 października 2001 r. ustanawiającą mechanizm wspólnotowy ułatwiający wzmocnioną współpracę w interwencjach wspierających ochronę ludności, poddaną przekształceniu w decyzji Rady 2007/779/WE, Euratom ustanawiającej wspólnotowy mechanizm ochrony ludności. Finansowanie mechanizmu zagwarantowano decyzją Rady 2007/162/WE, Euratom z dnia 5 marca 2007 r. ustanawiającą Instrument Finansowy Ochrony Ludności, w której przewidziano udzielanie pomocy finansowej, zarówno jako wkładu w zwiększenie skuteczności reagowania na poważne sytuacje kryzysowe, jak i w celu udoskonalenia środków służących zapobieganiu i zapewnieniu gotowości w zakresie wszystkich rodzajów sytuacji kryzysowych, w tym na kontynuację środków uprzednio podjętych na mocy decyzji Rady 1999/847/WE z dnia 9 grudnia 1999 r. ustanawiającej wspólnotowy program działań w dziedzinie ochrony ludności. Instrument finansowy wygasa w dniu 31 grudnia 2013 r.

 
  
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  Iva Zanicchi (PPE), per iscritto. − Il programma specifico "Prevenzione, preparazione e gestione delle conseguenze in materia di terrorismo e di altri rischi correlati alla sicurezza" copre il periodo 2007-2013. Considerando che tale programma è stato adottato con una duplice base giuridica (CE ed Euratom), per la sua abrogazione è dunque necessario un atto giuridico ad hoc.

 
  
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  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. O Programa Geral Segurança e Proteção das Liberdades foi estabelecido no âmbito do quadro financeiro plurianual 2007-2013 e tinha por principal objetivo assegurar uma cooperação operacional na luta contra o terrorismo, abrangendo as consequências deste fenómeno, a criminalidade organizada e a criminalidade em geral, bem como apoiar a comunicação de informações à escala europeia e reforçar a prevenção da criminalidade e do terrorismo, por forma a promover sociedades seguras baseadas no Estado de direito. A transição para o novo quadro financeiro 2014-2020 é feita através da revogação da decisão que criou este programa em 2007-2013, substituindo-o, para o período 2014-2020, pelo Fundo para a Segurança Interna, FSI-polícia. Na UE de hoje, cada vez mais militarista, agressora e securitária, a contradição está à vista: em vez de se atacarem as causas profundas que estão na base do terrorismo, que deterioram a situação mundial e agravam a militarização das relações internacionais, preferem criar instrumentos e fundos que mais não servem do que financiar e incrementar a espiral de violência e de agressão à soberania dos Estados e dos povos.

 

11.4. Renewal of the EU-Russia agreement on cooperation in science and technology (A7-0473/2013 - Amalia Sartori)
  

Schriftliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. Aprovo o presente relatório, uma vez que considero que a ciência e a tecnologia constituem um dos setores mais dinâmicos de cooperação entre a União Europeia e a Rússia, tendo por base os seus interesses comuns na promoção da inovação e da competitividade económica. A intensa colaboração ao nível da investigação e da tecnologia, incluindo um sólido historial de projetos conjuntos e de outras atividades de cooperação, é um elemento vital da parceria estratégica entre a União Europeia e a Rússia e contribui para os objetivos da Parceria para a Modernização. A decisão proposta a favor de uma nova renovação do acordo, na sua atual forma, por um período adicional de cinco anos, permitirá à União Europeia e à Rússia reforçar as suas relações bilaterais no campo da ciência e da tecnologia. Para além disso, este acordo é também significativo no contexto das negociações em curso sobre um acordo em matéria de facilitação de vistos entre a União Europeia e a Rússia.

 
  
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  Pino Arlacchi (S&D), in writing. − I support the renewal of this EU-Russia agreement because of the crucial importance of scientific and technological research, and the positive track record that the EU and Russia have regarding this partnership. Furthermore, I believe that improvements in the science and technology sector will contribute to a broader goal of closer economic, political and cultural ties with Russia.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce texte qui renouvèle notre accord de coopération avec la Fédération de Russie dans le domaine de la science et de la technologie. Malgré nos dissensions sur le plan politique, il est important de conserver des liens entre nos pays afin de l'influencer à plus long terme: une manifestation du recours au "soft power" de l'Union européenne.

 
  
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  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį siūlymą, kurio tikslas – penkeriems metams atnaujinti ES ir Rusijos mokslinio ir technologinio bendradarbiavimo susitarimą. Mokslas ir technologijos – tai vienas iš sektorių, kuriame ES ir Rusija bendradarbiauja dinamiškiausiai, atsižvelgiant į bendrus interesus skatinti inovacijas ir ekonomikos konkurencingumą. Teisinė bendradarbiavimo sistema nustatyta ES ir Rusijos mokslinio ir technologinio bendradarbiavimo susitarime, kuris buvo sudarytas 2000 m. ir atnaujintas penkeriems metams 2009 m. Šiuo siūlymu sprendimu susitarimas atnaujinimas papildomiems penkeriems metams. Atnaujinto susitarimo turinys liktų identiškas 2014 m. vasario 20 d. nustosiančio galioti susitarimo turiniui.

 
  
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  Слави Бинев (EFD), в писмена форма. − Гласувах в полза на доклада относно подновяването на споразумението за научно и технологично сътрудничество между Европейската общност и правителството на Руската федерация, тъй като смятам, че партньорството между Русия и ЕС е ключов елемент, погледнат от стратегическа гледна точка, който ще допринесе за постигането на целите за модернизация.

Предложеното удължаване на споразумението за още пет години в настоящия му вид трябва да се разглежда като възможност, която ще позволи на ЕС и Русия да задълбочат още повече двустранните си отношения в сферата на науката и технологиите. Подновяването на това споразумение е от голямо значение в контекста на продължаващите преговори за споразумение за визови облекчения между Русия и ЕС. Бих искал да отбележа, че положителните резултати от сътрудничеството са доказателство за потенциала на партньорството между ЕС и Русия за осигуряване на осезаеми и взаимноизгодни резултати.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Ritengo la relazione Sartori sul rinnovo dell'accordo di cooperazione scientifica e tecnologica tra la Comunità europea e il governo della Federazione russa, molto ben ponderata e sviluppata in tutte le sue parti, per questo motivo ho votato a suo favore.

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, nes juo Parlamentas išreiškia pritarimą ES ir Rusijos mokslinio ir technologinio bendradarbiavimo susitarimo atnaujinimui dar penkeriems metams. Šis kas penkerius metus atnaujinamas ES ir Rusijos susitarimas pirmą kartą buvo sudarytas 2000 m. Intensyvus bendradarbiavimas mokslinių tyrimų ir technologinės plėtros srityje, įskaitant didelį skaičių bendrų projektų ir kitų bendradarbiavimo veiksmų, itin svarbus ES ir Rusijos strateginės partnerystės elementas, kuriuo prisidedama įgyvendinant Partnerystės siekiant modernizavimo tikslus. Mokslinio ir technologinio bendradarbiavimo susitarimas taip pat svarbus atsižvelgiant į vykstančias derybas dėl ES ir Rusijos susitarimo dėl vizų režimo supaprastinimo. Supaprastinus vizų režimą galėtų būti daromas teigiamas poveikis judumui tyrimų ir mokslo srityje ir būtų sudarytos palankesnės sąlygos efektyviai įgyvendinti mokslinio ir technologinio bendradarbiavimo susitarimą, taip pat prisidedama siekiant platesnio masto tikslo – stiprinti politinius, ekonominius ir kultūrinius ES ir Rusijos ryšius.

 
  
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  Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − Le considerazioni che mi hanno spinto a votare a favore di questo progetto di decisione sono piuttosto ampie e riguardano il piano delle relazioni internazionali, il ruolo globale dell'UE e della Russia e il nostro posizionamento di lungo termine nello scacchiere scientifico e tecnologico mondiale, più che i dettagli dell'accordo stesso. Infatti ritengo che l'UE debba dialogare con quei pochi soggetti al mondo che sono a livelli paragonabili e poi utilizzare questo dialogo per influenzare anche altre aree di policy. Concordo quindi con l'obiettivo, sottinteso ma neanche troppo, di puntare ad un nuovo accordo globale con la Russia, che parta da questi temi per poter abbracciare tutte le altre questioni aperte che a noi stanno a cuore. Mai perdere di vista il contesto generale quando l'interesse il gioco è quello che porta al progresso dell'umanità ,nonché ad un maggiore benessere per i nostri cittadini.

 
  
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  Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Je soutiens le renouvellement de l'accord de coopération dans le domaine de la science et de la technologie entre la Communauté européenne et la Russie. Cet accord apparaît comme mutuellement bénéfique et instaure une continuité dans la coopération scientifique et technologique pour une nouvelle période de cinq années.

 
  
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  Christine De Veyrac (PPE), par écrit. – J’ai voté en faveur du renouvellement de l'accord de coopération dans le domaine de la science et de la technologie entre l’Union européenne et le gouvernement de la Fédération de Russie pour la période 2014 - 2019. J’estime qu’il est important pour l’Union européenne de maintenir des accords de coopération en la matière avec la Russie.

 
  
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  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. Estou inteiramente de acordo que a ciência e a tecnologia constituem um dos setores mais dinâmicos de cooperação entre a União Europeia e a Rússia, tendo por base os seus interesses comuns na promoção da inovação e da competitividade económica. A intensa colaboração ao nível da investigação e da tecnologia, incluindo um sólido historial de projetos conjuntos e de outras atividades de cooperação, é um elemento vital da parceria estratégica entre a UE e a Rússia e contribui para os objetivos da Parceria para a Modernização. Por isso, sou favorável à renovação do acordo, na sua atual forma, por um período adicional de cinco anos, que vai permitir à UE e à Rússia reforçarem as suas relações bilaterais no campo da ciência e da tecnologia.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Este acordo, assinado em 2000, é baseado na vontade da Rússia e da UE de cooperarem ao nível da investigação e da tecnologia. Partindo de um sólido historial de projetos conjuntos e de outras atividades de cooperação, e contribuindo para os objetivos da Parceria para a Modernização. O Acordo foi renovado por 5 anos em 2009 e o presente relatório dá aprovação à renovação do Acordo por outra meia década, no sentido de reforçar as relações bilaterais neste campo. As atividades de cooperação serão realizadas com base no benefício mútuo, envolvendo o intercâmbio oportuno de informações que possam influenciar as atividades de cooperação. Esta cooperação pode ser desenvolvida no âmbito de atividades de Investigação, Desenvolvimento Tecnológico e Demonstração, incluindo investigação sobre o ambiente e o clima, abrangendo a observação da terra, investigação no domínio da biomedicina e saúde, da agricultura, silvicultura e pescas, nas tecnologias industriais e de produção, na investigação de materiais e metrologia, energia não nuclear, transportes, tecnologias da sociedade da informação, investigação em matéria de ciências sociais, política científica e tecnológica, formação e mobilidade dos cientistas. O historial positivo desta cooperação produz resultados tangíveis e mutuamente benéficos. Votámos favoravelmente.

 
  
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  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne Európska únia a Ruská federácia spolupracujú v oblasti vedy a techniky už 13 rokov. Táto spolupráca sa zakladá na podpore inovácií a hospodárskej konkurencieschopnosti. Dohoda o vedeckej a technickej spolupráci bola podpísaná v roku 2000 a obnovená rozhodnutím 2009/313/ES v marci 2009. V súčasnosti je navrhnuté opätovné obnovenie dohody na ďalších 5 rokov. Obnovenie tejto dohody je dôležité pre vzťahy oboch partnerov, pretože má dosah aj na prebiehajúce rokovania o zjednodušení udeľovania víz medzi Európskou úniou a Ruskom. Vzťahy medzi Európskou úniou a Ruskom nie sú vždy ideálne, avšak výsledky vedeckej a technickej spolupráce prinášajú užitočné inovácie a prospešné výsledky pre zúčastnené strany.

 
  
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  Elisabetta Gardini (PPE), per iscritto. − Signor presidente, vorrei anzitutto rivolgere un ringraziamento alla collega Amalia Sartori per l’eccezionale lavoro svolto. L’accordo di cooperazione scientifica e tecnologica UE-Russia è di primario rilievo e la collaborazione tra UE e Russia nel campo della ricerca e della tecnologia rappresenta un elemento strategico per il futuro. Questo accordo conferma oltre dieci anni di buone relazioni con Mosca e consentirà all'UE e alla Russia di intensificare ulteriormente le relazioni bilaterali nel campo della scienza e della tecnologia. Voglio anche sottolineare quanto questo accordo potrà facilitare la mobilità nel settore della ricerca e della scienza, così come una intensificazione degli scambi tra Russia e Unione che è scritta nella storia e che rappresenta uno dei migliori investimenti su cui puntare per l’avvenire.

 
  
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  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Pritariau balsuodamas pasiūlymui penkeriems metams atnaujinti ES ir Rusijos mokslinio ir technologinio bendradarbiavimo susitarimą, kadangi mokslas ir technologijos – tai vienas iš sektorių, kuriame ES ir Rusija bendradarbiauja dinamiškiausiai, atsižvelgiant į bendrus interesus skatinti inovacijas ir ekonomikos konkurencingumą. Teisinė bendradarbiavimo sistema nustatyta ES ir Rusijos mokslinio ir technologinio bendradarbiavimo susitarime, kuris buvo sudarytas 2000 m. ir atnaujintas penkeriems metams 2009 m. Šiuo siūlymu sprendimu susitarimas atnaujinimas papildomiems penkeriems metams. Atnaujinto susitarimo turinys liktų identiškas 2014 m. vasario 20 d. nustojančio galioti susitarimo turiniui.

 
  
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  Philippe Juvin (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport de ma collègue Amalia Sartori sur le renouvellement de l'accord de coopération UE/Russie dans le domaine de la science et de la technologie. Ce renouvellement va prolonger les relations bilatérales dans ces domaines et donner une impulsion positive à la conclusion d'un futur accord global UE/Russie. Le texte a été adopté, ce dont je me félicite.

 
  
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  Béla Kovács (NI), írásban. − Oroszország gazdasági és diplomáciai súlya folyamatosan növekszik. Ez az ajánlás az Európai Közösség és az Oroszországi Föderáció kormánya közötti tudományos és technológiai együttműködésről szól, és az Ipari, Kutatási és Energiaügyi Bizottság, a Külügyi Bizottság és a Költségvetési Bizottság véleményére alapján a megállapodás megújítását javasolja. A tudomány és a technológia az Európai Unió és Oroszország közötti együttműködés egyik legdinamikusabb ágazata és a stratégiai partnerség alapvető eleme. A fél világ kezét-lábát töri, hogy kapcsolatokat építhessen ezzel a nemzettel, mint az egyik legjelentősebb világhatalmi tényezővel, ebből az EU sem maradhat ki.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour of this resolution because I believe it is important that we continue our cooperation with third countries on science and technology. This benefits Scotland in many ways: we get the top technology in our homes, and healthcare, and our students and academics have more access to knowledge. It is important that we continue this type of cooperation.

 
  
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  Barbara Matera (PPE), per iscritto. − La scienza e la tecnologia sono i settori più dinamici della cooperazione tra l'Unione europea e la Federazione russa. Ho votato a favore della relazione sul rinnovo dell'accordo di partenariato e cooperazione scientifica e tecnologica, relativo ai prossimi cinque anni, perché ritengo che tale accordo possa essere utile ad intensificare maggiormente le relazioni e la cooperazione e possa favorire la condivisione di progetti comuni, promuovendo così l'innovazione e la competitività economica dell'Europa. Auspico che il finanziamento previsto per il funzionamento di tale accordo possa essere utile a favorire la creazione di incontri e seminari tra i migliori esperti europei e russi, per sviluppare progetti scientifici importanti nei prossimi anni.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Le Conseil demande de renouveler un accord entre la Russie et la Communauté européenne et ses États membres, dans le domaine de la science et de la technologie, existant depuis 1997. Cet accord a déjà démontré son intérêt par le passé. Il a par exemple aidé au développement du programme Copernicus, étudiant l’impact des activités humaines sur la planète et a développé des activités de recherche sur l’énergie non nucléaire. La science en Russie est l'une des plus avancée du monde en héritage de l'Union soviétique. Il entre dans le cadre du nouveau programme-cadre 2014-2020, «Horizon 2020» voté en novembre dernier et dont j’ai regretté le rapprochement à marche forcée entre la recherche et l'économie, soit la concentration des moyens de recherche à des fins de mise sur le marché de nouveaux produits. Cela dit, d’autres programmes de coopération existent et peuvent permettre de dégager des recherches intéressantes, comme en témoignent les résultats précédents. Je vote pour.

 
  
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  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. O presente acordo tem vindo a mostrar-se frutuoso para ambas as partes. Assim, faz todo o sentido proceder à sua renovação, daí o meu voto favorável.

 
  
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  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado a favor del presente informe debido a que propone la renovación del acuerdo de cooperación en materia de ciencia y tecnología de la Unión Europea con la Federación de Rusia. Este tipo de acuerdo de cooperación con Rusia se lleva realizando desde el año 2000 y ha aportado mejoras significativas en la materia. La colaboración en los ámbitos de investigación científica y tecnológica permite mejorar las cualificaciones y los resultados en dos bloques regionales que poseen una fuerte infraestructura para la investigación. Al permitir la comunicación científica y tecnológica, este acuerdo supone una mejora para ambas sociedades. Por esto es por lo que he decidido votar a favor del presente informe.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − This is just an approval without the controversy of extending the existing agreement. I voted in favour.

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. Seit dem Jahr 2000 gibt es zwischen der EU und der Russischen Föderation ein Abkommen für die wissenschaftliche und technische Zusammenarbeit. Da dieses Abkommen nun ausgelaufen ist, soll es zu gleichen Konditionen verlängert werden. Laut Medienberichten wollen Russland und die EU ihre Kooperation im Forschungsbereich ausbauen. Dabei sollen auch EU-Gelder in gemeinsame Projekte fließen. Vor allem in den Bereichen Energie, Biotechnologie sowie Luft- und Raumfahrt soll es zu einer Zusammenarbeit kommen. Ich habe für die Beibehaltung des Abkommens gestimmt, da ich der Ansicht bin, dass es für die EU von großem Nutzen sein kann, gerade im Bereich Technik und Wissenschaft Kooperationen einzugehen. Damit wird nicht nur ein neuer Markt eröffnet, sondern auch Know-how erfolgreich ausgetauscht.

 
  
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  Radvilė Morkūnaitė-Mikulėnienė (PPE), raštu. − 2000 metais buvo sudarytas ES ir Rusijos susitarimas dėl mokslinio ir technologinio bendradarbiavimo, kurį buvo numatyta atnaujinti kas penkerius metus. Susitarimas iki šiol buvo atnaujintas du kartus. Šiuo sprendimu Europos Parlamentas pritaria eiliniam susitarimo pratęsimui dar penkeriems metams, laikydamasis nuomononės, kad būtent mokslo ir technologijų srityje vyksta vienas intensyviausių dvišalio bendradarbiavimo tarp ES ir Rusijos veiksmų. Tikiuosi, kad šis susitarimas prisidės pirmiausiai prie aktyvesnių Rusijos pastangų priartėti prie tarptautinių ir europinių standartų aplinkosaugos ir branduolinės saugos srityse, bendradarbiauti problemų, turinčių poveikį ir ES, mokslinio ir technologinio pobūdžio sprendimų paieškose.

 
  
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  Vojtěch Mynář (S&D), písemně. − Obnovení dohody o vědecko-technické spolupráci s Ruskem jsem svým hlasem podpořil z následujících důvodů. V nynější atmosféře postvilniuské nedůvěry a snahy o znovunalezení společné řeči mezi Bruselem a Moskvou bude jednoznačné rozhodnutí EU obnovit dohodu působit jako konkrétní a hmatatelný pozitivní signál. Doufám, že rovněž sehraje svou úlohu v urychlení jednání s Ruskem o zjednodušení vízového režimu, tak jak to konstatuje ve svých závěrech Výbor pro zahraniční věci EP. Ten též uvádí, že součinnost s Ruskem na úseku vědy a techniky patří v celém spektru vzájemné spolupráce k nejdynamičtějším. Dosavadní výsledky implementace vykazují značné úspěchy, a to i přes poměrně omezené množství rozpočtovaných finančních prostředků. Do budoucna bych byl rád, aby tato významná složka společné snahy o podporu ekonomické konkurenceschopnosti EU i Ruska měla k dispozici rozpočet odpovídající její důležitosti.

 
  
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  Franz Obermayr (NI), schriftlich. Bei der ganzen Gewichtung der Aufmerksamkeit der EU in Richtung Westen im Zuge der Freihandelsgespräche mit den USA sollte nicht vergessen werden, dass die Welt noch aus mehr Nationen besteht. Die Gefahr, durch eine zu einseitige Ausrichtung in Richtung USA viele andere Partner zu verlieren oder geradezu zu verschrecken, ist real. Daher sind weiterhin sinnvolle Kooperationen mit anderen wichtigen Nationen im näheren und weiteren regionalen und geopolitischen Umfeld der EU von langfristig wichtiger Bedeutung – aus inhaltlichen und geopolitischen Gründen. Folglich habe ich für den Bericht und damit die Erneuerung des Abkommens gestimmt.

 
  
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  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. A ciência e a tecnologia constituem dos setores mais dinâmicos de cooperação entre a União Europeia e a Rússia, tendo por base os seus interesses comuns na promoção da inovação e da competitividade económica. O quadro jurídico para a cooperação é definido no Acordo sobre ciência e tecnologia entre a UE e a Rússia, concluído em 2000 e renovado por 5 anos pela Decisão 2009/313/CE, de 30 de março de 2009. Votei favoravelmente a presente decisão que propõe uma segunda renovação do acordo, na sua atual forma, por um novo período de cinco anos, o que permitirá à UE e à Rússia reforçar as suas relações bilaterais no campo da ciência e da tecnologia.

 
  
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  Sandra Petrović Jakovina (S&D), napisan. − Republika Hrvatska kao nova članica Europske Unije podržava stav da se odnosi sa Ruskom Federacijom trebaju razvijati u pozitivnom smjeru i da ova inicijativa za obnovom Sporazuma bude podržana s obzirom da je Republici Hrvatskoj u političkom i gospodarskom smislu, kao i u znanstvenom i tehnološkom, Rusija potencijalni partner. Po pitanju energetske politike, Hrvatska i Rusija nisu uspjele naći suglasnost za vrijeme Vlade desnog centra u prošlom sazivu Vlade u Republici Hrvatskoj, te se nadamo da ćemo sada kao članica EU moći usuglasiti zajedničke ciljeve i interese te obnoviti razgovore po svim pitanjima, a naročito po pitanju energenata, kao i obnoviti suradnju na svim ostalim relevantnim područjima od zajedničkog interesa – turizma, gospodarstva, znanosti, obrazovanja i kulture.

 
  
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  Tonino Picula (S&D), napisan. − Pozdravljam isticanje potrebe za obnavljanjem suradnje na znanstvenoj i tehnološkoj razini. Takva suradnja može poslužiti kao platforma za izmjenu iskustava i dobrih praksi i na ostalim razinama od koje i Europska unija i Rusija mogu imati koristi u budućnosti. Hrvatska je važnost takve suradnje prepoznala odavno pa tako veze između ruskih i hrvatskih znanstvenika imaju dugu tradiciju te sežu još u 17. stoljeće. Jačanje kontakata između Rusije i Hrvatske na polju obrazovanja danas je vrlo aktualno i odvija se u najrazličitijim u najrazličitijim područjima pa je tako u studenom 2007. u Moskvi potpisan sporazum o suradnji između Moskovskog Državnog Sveučilišta «Lomonosov» i Zagrebačkog sveučilišta. Također, svake godine Rusija i Hrvatska na temelju reciprociteta i o vlastitom trošku iz proračunskih sredstava pruža državljanima zemlje-partnera mogućnost obuke i povećanja kvalifikacije u svojim visokoobrazovnim ustanovama. Svaku suradnju koja u fokus stavlja znanost i tehnologiju valja poticati stoga podržavam ovo izvješće koje je pojednostavljenom procedurom već usvojeno i na nadležnom odboru.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. The legal basis is the following: Article 186 in conjunction with point (v) of Article 218(6)(a) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Proposed act: Council Decision to be adopted only with Parliament’s consent. The purpose is to renew the Agreement on cooperation in science and technology between the EC and Russia. The Agreement was signed in Brussels on 16 November 2000 for an initial period ending on 31 December 2002 and to be renewed by common agreement between the parties for additional periods of five years. By its Decision 2009/313/EC, the Council concluded the renewal of the Agreement for a further period of five years which expires on 20 February 2014. With the proposed Decision, the Council is called upon to approve, on behalf of the European Union, the renewal of the Agreement for an additional period of five years. The content of the renewed Agreement will be identical to the content of the Agreement. Budgetary implications: the indicative budgetary implications are estimated at EUR 550 000 in commitments for 2014-2019.

 
  
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  Sergio Paolo Francesco Silvestris (PPE), per iscritto. − La cooperazione scientifica e tecnologica tra l'Unione e la Federazione russa è un pilastro essenziale del partenariato strategico UE-Russia e contribuisce agli obiettivi del partenariato per la modernizzazione. Appoggio senza remore il prolungamento dell'accordo – definito nel 2000 e rinnovato nel 2009 – fino al 2019. Il rinnovo della cooperazione con la Russia rafforzerà i legami economici, quelli politici e, non ultimi, anche quelli culturali tra l'Unione europea e la Federazione russa, a beneficio del progresso umano e del benessere dei cittadini. In tale contesto, l'efficacia dell'accordo sarebbe ulteriormente rafforzata dalla semplificazione delle procedure per il rilascio dei visti, attualmente in fase negoziale con il governo federale russo, facilitando la mobilità nel settore della ricerca e della scienza, nonché rafforzando i legami economici, culturali e politici tra l'UE e Mosca. Occorre ricordare, inoltre, che il rinnovo dell'accordo di cooperazione scientifica e tecnologica potrebbe fungere da impulso ai negoziati per un nuovo accordo globale fra l'UE e la Russia, in sostituzione dell'attuale accordo di partenariato e cooperazione. Naturalmente sottolineo anche l'importanza che i fondi destinati al rinnovo dell'accordo fino al 2019 siano utilizzati in conformità al principio di sana gestione finanziaria, in maniera efficace ed efficiente, e che siano destinati all'utilizzo da parte di scienziati e ricercatori.

 
  
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  Davor Ivo Stier (PPE), napisan. − Znanost i tehnologija su jedan od najdinamičnijih ekonomskih sektora i kao takvi stvaraju potrebu za suradnjom između Europske unije i Rusije. Ta suradnja treba se temeljiti na zajedničkim interesima u promicanju inovacija i konkurentnosti gospodarstva. Obnova Sporazuma o suradnji u području znanosti i tehnologije između EU i Rusije za narednih pet godina, značajno može utjecati na konkurentnost gospodarstva EU i Rusije, ali i na samo poboljšanje bilateralnih odnosa. Potpisivanje ovog sporazuma je također značajno u kontekstu pregovora o sporazumu o viznim olakšicama između EU-a i Rusije koji je u tijeku. Pojednostavljena procedura izdavanja viza će pozitivno utjecati na mobilnost u području istraživanja i znanosti te omogućiti učinkovitiju provedbu ovog Sporazuma. Također će pridonijeti i širem cilju jačih političkih , gospodarskih i kulturnih veza između EU-a i Rusije. Stoga sam podržao ovaj prijedlog.

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica (PPE), napisan. − Pošto u sustavima kontrole nisu utvrđeni nikakvi rizici smatram da je odluka o obnovi sporazuma pozitivna iz razloga što objema stranama omogućava nastavak poboljšavanja i jačanja svoje suradnje u područjima znanosti i tehnologija. Rusija i Hrvatska tradicionalno imaju dobre i konstruktivne odnose koji se temelje na pragmatizmu i uzajamnom poštovanju interesa te s ovim sporazumom samo poboljšavamo suradnju i u budućnosti. U zadnjih nekoliko godina rusko-hrvatska robna razmjena je bila na razini oko 1,5 milijardi dolara godišnje i po tom pokazatelju Rusija ulazi u pet najvećih vanjsko-trgovinskih partnera Hrvatske. Izražavam nadu da će se ovaj sporazum očitovati u konkretnim aktivnostima i stvaranju povoljnijih uvjeta za bilateralne odnose između Hrvatske i Rusije na području znanosti i tehnologija prije svega u interesu hrvatskog gospodarstva i stanovništva.

 
  
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  Kay Swinburne (ECR), in writing. − I voted to approve the renewal of this EU agreement with Russia on cooperation in science and technology.

 
  
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  Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – je me suis prononcé pour le texte de mon collègue sartori. La science et la technologie représentent l'un des secteurs les plus dynamiques de la coopération entre l'Union européenne et la Russie, fondé sur des intérêts communs en matière de promotion de l'innovation et de la compétitivité économique. Une collaboration intensive dans les domaines de la recherche et de la technologie, y compris une solide expérience de projets communs et d'autres activités de coopération, constitue un élément essentiel du partenariat stratégique UE-Russie et contribue à la réalisation des objectifs du partenariat pour la modernisation.

 
  
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  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. A inovação tecnológica e a ciência constituem dois pilares fundamentais da cooperação estratégica entre a União Europeia e a Rússia, devendo-se este facto aos interesses comuns que existem a fim de promover a inovação e a competitividade económica. Atualmente, existe uma decisão do Conselho, datada de 16 de novembro de 2000, que estabelece a celebração de um Acordo de cooperação científica e tecnológica entre a Comunidade Europeia e o Governo da Federação da Rússia. Entendo que este acordo é positivo e que será necessário aprofundar a colaboração entre ambas as potências mundiais ao nível da investigação e da tecnologia, incluindo novos projetos conjuntos e outras atividades.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru rezoluția legislativă a Parlamentului European referitoare la proiectul de decizie a Consiliului privind reînnoirea Acordului de cooperare în domeniul științei și al tehnologiei dintre Comunitatea Europeană și Guvernul Federației Ruse, prin care se aprobă încheierea acordului. Prin Decizia 2000/742/CE, Consiliul a aprobat încheierea Acordului de cooperare în domeniul științei și al tehnologiei între Comunitatea Europeană și Guvernul Federației Ruse („acordul”). Articolul 12 litera (b) din acord prevede că acordul poate fi reînnoit cu acordul părților pentru perioade suplimentare de câte cinci ani. Prin Decizia 2009/313/CE, Consiliul a aprobat ultima dată reînnoirea acordului pentru o perioadă suplimentară de cinci ani. După o reexaminare comună a acordului, ambele părți au luat act de recomandarea experților independenți, conform căreia acordul ar trebui să fie reînnoit pentru o perioadă suplimentară de cinci ani în forma sa actuală. Părțile la acord consideră că o reînnoire a acordului ar fi în interesul lor reciproc. Conținutul acordului reînnoit va fi identic cu conținutul acordului care expiră la 20 februarie 2014. Reînnoirea Acordului de cooperare în domeniul științei și al tehnologiei între Comunitatea Europeană și Guvernul Federației Ruse, pentru o perioadă suplimentară de cinci ani, se aprobă în numele Uniunii Europene.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR), napisan. − Podržavam ovu inicijativu jer su znanost i tehnologija temelj reindustrijalizacije Europske unije koja je od posebne važnosti za budućnost ove zajednice. Jačanje bilateralnih odnosa s Rusijom u ovim područjima osnažit će europsku poziciju i nadam se otvoriti još neka poglavlja u suradnji s jednom od najutjecajnijih zemalja na svijetu. Drago mi je da izvjestitelj također prepoznaje tu mogućnost te pritom navodi kako će obnova ovog sporazuma dati potreban poticaj u sklapanju sporazuma o pojednostavljenju izdavanja viza između EU i Rusije. Kao zastupnica iz Hrvatske radujem se takvim dobrim vijestima jer bi moja država kao prepoznata turistička destinacija prilično profitirala od većeg priljeva ruskih turista koje bismo nakon sklapanja sporazuma mogli očekivati.

 
  
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  Jacek Włosowicz (EFD), na piśmie. − Bezpieczeństwo „wspólnego sąsiedztwa” Unii Europejskiej i Rosji warunkuje wiele czynników. Unia Europejska występuje w roli stabilizatora, zaś Federacja Rosyjska dąży do utrzymania stanu destabilizacji, aby mieć większy wpływ na sześć państw regionu. Dla UE liczą się takie wartości jak: demokracja, rządy prawa i rozwój społeczeństw obywatelskich.

Unia Europejska – poprzez rozszerzenie w 2004 r. i 2007 r. – zbliżyła się geograficznie do mało stabilnego regionu, w którym występują poważne zaburzenia polityczne, gospodarcze i w sferze bezpieczeństwa. Z drugiej strony, państwa te są dla Federacji Rosyjskiej tzw. bliską zagranicą, która traktowana jest jako strefa buforowa oddzielająca Rosję od niebezpiecznych zjawisk międzynarodowych, takich jak: terroryzm, ekspansja wrogich sojuszy wojskowo-politycznych, niestabilność regionu bliskowschodniego i konflikty zbrojne. Stąd region ten stanowi kluczowy element polityki bezpieczeństwa Federacji Rosyjskiej. Sześć państw wspólnego sąsiedztwa UE i Rosji znajduje się w mało korzystnym położeniu geopolitycznym, między dwoma silnymi aktorami międzynarodowymi, których cele i interesy się różnią. Ma to wpływ na polityki bezpieczeństwa tych państw, które mają do wyboru: sojusz z Rosją (Białoruś, Armenia), aspiracje euroatlantyckie (Ukraina, Gruzja), czy neutralność (Mołdawia, Azerbejdżan), przy czym polityka zagraniczna tych państw zależy od uwarunkowań wewnętrznych i kraje te dość często, zmieniają koalicje i priorytety w polityce zewnętrznej (Ukraina, Mołdawia).

 
  
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  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Este acordo, assinado em 2000, é baseado na vontade expressa pela Rússia e pela UE de realizar uma intensa colaboração ao nível da investigação e da tecnologia, incluindo um historial de projetos conjuntos e de outras atividades de cooperação, contribuindo para os objetivos da Parceria para a Modernização. Foi renovado por 5 anos em 2009 e o presente relatório dá aprovação à renovação do Acordo por outra meia década, no sentido de reforçar as relações bilaterais neste campo. As atividades de cooperação pretendem realizar-se - pelo menos na teoria - com base no benefício mútuo, intercâmbio oportuno de informações que possam influenciar as atividades de cooperação, a realização equilibrada dos benefícios económicos e sociais pela UE e pela Federação da Rússia. Esta cooperação pode ser desenvolvida no âmbito de atividades de Investigação, Desenvolvimento Tecnológico e Demonstração, incluindo investigação sobre o ambiente e o clima, abrangendo a observação da terra, investigação no domínio da biomedicina e saúde, da agricultura, silvicultura e pescas, nas tecnologias industriais e de produção, na investigação de materiais e metrologia, energia não nuclear, transportes, tecnologias da sociedade da informação, investigação em ciências sociais, política científica e tecnológica, formação e mobilidade dos cientistas. O historial positivo desta cooperação produziu resultados tangíveis e mutuamente benéficos. Nada a opor.

 

11.5. Denominations and technical specifications of euro coins intended for circulation (A7-0479/2013 - Jean-Paul Gauzès)
  

Schriftliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. Aprovo o presente relatório, considerando que a proposta em apreço não contêm alterações de fundo, para além das identificadas como tal na proposta. Saliento ainda que, no que respeita à codificação das disposições inalteradas do ato precedente, juntamente com as alterações introduzidas, a proposta cinge-se à codificação pura e simples do ato existente, sem alterações substantivas. Deste modo, não tenho nada a opor-me à aprovação do presente ato legal.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – Il s'agit ici d'un règlement technique, consistant uniquement en une codification d'actes existants. J'ai donc soutenu cette proposition de règlement.

 
  
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  Regina Bastos (PPE), por escrito. A Comissão considera pertinente definir e atualizar os procedimentos de codificação do Regulamento (CE) n.° 975/98 do Conselho, de 3 de maio de 1998, relativo aos valores faciais e às especificações técnicas das moedas em euros destinadas a circulação sempre que sejam feitas alterações às mesmas em número relevante. A alteração a fazer ao quadro do artigo 1.° do Regulamento (CE) n.° 975/98 consiste na substituição de todos os valores existentes no que respeita à espessura das moedas. O Parlamento Europeu apoiou de forma geral a proposta da Comissão quanto à sua posição na proposta de alteração do Regulamento em questão. Os parlamentares consideram, no entanto, vantajoso e apropriado acrescentar alguns pontos de melhoria. Destes pontos, destaca-se necessidade de um sistema de cunhagem que contribua para o combate à contrafação e a necessidade de comunicação ao Parlamento de alterações aos desenhos nacionais das moedas correntes. Pelo exposto, apoiei o presente relatório.

 
  
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  Слави Бинев (EFD), в писмена форма. − Гласувах в полза на предложението за регламент на Съвета относно купюрния строеж и техническите спецификации на разменните евромонети, тъй като смятам че предложените към оригинала промени са от съществено значение, защото въпреки че има нововъведения, които подсигуряват единната монетна система на Съюза да бъде защитена, надеждна и ефикасна, би трябвало също така да се позволи и воденето на борба с фалшифицирането.

Това е един важен елемент, чието значение не трябва да бъде пренебрегвано и трябва да се обърне специално внимание на мерките, които трябва да бъдат взети за неговото превъзмогване. Вярвам, че е важно Комисията да уведомява Европейския парламент за всяко свое възражение по параграф 5 от предложеното изменение, защото това ще спомогне за намаляване на наднационалния елемент, като и двете институции ще бъдат включени във вземането на решения относно новите национални изображения на монетите в обращение, публикувани от Комисията в Официален вестник на Европейския съюз.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Non ho sostenuto la relazione Gauzès perché credo che in questo periodo di crisi, dove l'Europa latita nel dare risposte concrete ai bisogni dei suoi cittadini, occuparsi delle specifiche tecniche delle monete non rappresenti una priorità.

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, nes juo Parlamentas pritaria Reglamento dėl apyvartai skirtų euro monetų nominalų ir techninių duomenų naujai išdėstytai redakcijai. 1987 m. Komisija nusprendė, kad visi aktai, kurie buvo iš dalies pakeisti ne daugiau nei dešimt kartų, turėtų būti kodifikuojami ir pabrėžė, kad šis reikalavimas yra minimalus ir kad Komisijos padaliniai turėtų stengtis parengti kodifikuotas tekstų, už kuriuos jie yra atsakingi, redakcijas per trumpesnį laikotarpį siekdami užtikrinti, kad jų nuostatos būtų aiškios ir lengvai suprantamos. Komisija inicijavo šį pasiūlymą kodifikuoti, visgi teisėkūros procese Europos Centrinis Bankas (ECB), teikdamas nuomonę dėl kodifikacijos pasiūlymo, rekomendavo inkorporuoti tikrus pakeitimus dėl techninių specifikacijų. Kadangi pasiūlymai dėl priedo pakeitimo iš tiesų reikštų, kad reikalinga atlikti esminius pakeitimus, ir dėl to būtų peržengtos paprasto kodifikavimo ribos, todėl buvo nuspręsta, kad kodifikuotą Reglamento redakciją reikia pakeisti naujai išdėstyta redakcija.

 
  
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  Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − Questa relazione, dal contenuto prettamente tecnico, non meritava emendamenti che andassero al di là delle generiche intenzioni di lottare contro la contraffazione. Meritava dunque di essere approvato, ed in questo senso ho votato.

 
  
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  Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Le vote à très forte majorité de ce texte me semble légitime. Remplacer dans la législation européenne les valeurs indicatives par les valeurs réelles relatives à l'épaisseur des pièces libellées en euros assure la confiance que l'on peut avoir dans ces pièces de monnaie. Cela permet également de renforcer utilement la lutte contre la contrefaçon.

 
  
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  Jill Evans (Verts/ALE), in writing. − I voted in favour of the proposal, as this highly technical report was largely uncontroversial and will make the rules on the minting of euro coins easier. The euro has a huge impact on all of us, including on my constituents in Wales, so a clarification of the rules is to be welcomed.

 
  
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  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. Acompanho as conclusões do meu colega e relator, Jean-Paul Gauzès, no sentido de que o sistema único de cunhagem da União deverá ser fiável, eficaz e contribuir para o combate à contrafação. Nunca é demais esquecer a importância que a moeda do euro tem vindo a desempenhar, não apenas como símbolo da união monetária, mas também como forma de superar fronteiras e ajudar a criar um verdadeiro mercado interno.

 
  
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  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE), por escrito. A Comissão considera pertinente definir e atualizar os procedimentos de codificação do Regulamento (CE) n.° 975/98 do Conselho, de 3 de Maio de 1998, relativo aos valores faciais e às especificações técnicas das moedas em euros destinadas a circulação sempre que sejam feitas alterações às mesmas em número relevante. A alteração a fazer ao quadro do artigo 1.° do Regulamento (CE) n.° 975/98 consiste na substituição de todos os valores existentes no que respeita à espessura das moedas. Considero, no entanto, vantajoso e apropriado acrescentar alguns pontos de melhoria. Destes pontos, destaca-se necessidade de um sistema de cunhagem que contribua para o combate à contrafação e a necessidade de comunicação ao Parlamento de alterações aos desenhos nacionais das moedas correntes. Considero o texto do Parlamento apropriado, e por conseguinte, voto a favor do presente relatório.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. A proposta de regulamento relativo aos valores faciais e às especificações técnicas das moedas em euros destinadas a circulação (reformulação) apresenta alguns aspetos positivos. Foram consultadas associações de consumidores, a União Europeia de Cegos e representantes dos setores das máquinas de venda automática para levar em conta os requisitos específicos de categorias importantes de utilizadores de moedas. Estes contactos permitiram garantir uma distinção fácil entre as moedas através de características visuais e tácteis. Sem prejuízo de um ou outro aspeto cujo tratamento, em nossa opinião, poderia ter sido diferente, esta é uma questão eminentemente técnica. O problema fundamental do euro é outro, não se prende com especificações técnicas das moedas, mas com questões políticas de fundo, que evidentemente não são aqui tratadas. Abstivemo-nos.

 
  
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  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne Európski spotrebitelia sú v poslednom čase vystavovaní čoraz väčšiemu falšovaniu euromincí. Európske inštitúcie sa snažia s problematikou falšovania promptne vyrovnať, čoho dôkazom je napríklad nedávne uvedenie novej päť- a desaťeurovej bankovky. Falšovanie sa však netýka iba bankoviek, ale aj mincí. Je preto potrebné prepracovať nariadenie Rady č. 975/98 z 3. mája 1998 o nominálnych hodnotách a technických špecifikáciách euromincí určených do obehu. Prepracované znenie špecifikuje technické detaily obehových euromincí a odstraňuje orientačný charakter hrúbky euromincí.

 
  
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  Ildikó Gáll-Pelcz (PPE), írásban. − Pozitív szavazatommal támogattam a jelentést, hisz az áttételesen a pénzmosás, a feketekereskedelem és a pénzügyi visszaélések elleni fellépést is sürgeti. Mindezek mellett helyesen fekteti le a tényt, miszerint az euróérméknek nem csak technikai és numizmatikai szempontból kell egységesen kinézniük, de élvezniük kell a közbizalmat, és kialakításuknak valóban olyan technológiai innovációkkal kell járniuk, amely biztosítja, hogy az biztonságos, megbízható és hatékony.

 
  
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  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Balsavau už šį siūlymą, kadangi, Europos Parlamento, Tarybos ir Komisijos teisės tarnybų konsultacinės grupės nuomone, pasiūlyme, be nurodytų pakeitimų, kitų esminių pakeitimų nėra ir kadangi, kalbant apie nepakeistų ankstesnių aktų nuostatų ir minėtų pakeitimų kodifikavimą, pasiūlymu siekiama tik kodifikuoti esamus tekstus nekeičiant jų esmės.

 
  
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  Philippe Juvin (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu le rapport de mon collègue Jean-Paul Gauzès sur les valeurs unitaires et spécifications techniques des pièces libellées en euros destinées à la circulation. Ce texte estime en particulier que le système unique de monnaie métallique de l'Union permet de lutter contre la contrefaçon. Ce texte a été très largement adopté avec 627 voix pour, 10 voix contre et 42 abstentions. Je me félicite de cette adoption.

 
  
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  Béla Kovács (NI), írásban. − Ha egy ország elveszíti a pénzkibocsátás jogát, azzal elvész függetlensége is. Ha egy országtól elveszik a múltját, elvész a jövője is. Közel járunk már mindehhez. Társadalmilag nagyon veszélyes vizeken evezünk. Technikailag a jelentés korrekt és támogatható, mert az egységes uniós pénzérme-rendszernek élveznie kell a közbizalmat, és megfelelő korszerű technológián kell alapulnia a hamisíthatóság elleni védelem miatt. A javaslat kidolgozásánál a vakok képviselőinek véleményét is figyelembe vették. Ha mégis bedől az Euro, legalább az érmegyűjtők jól járnak.

 
  
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  Ivana Maletić (PPE), napisan. − Podržavam izviješće o Apoenima i tehničkim parametrima kovanica eura namijenjenih za stavljanje u opticaj. Prema prijedlozima Europske središnje banke potrebne su nove zaštitne značajke kako bi se smanjila stopa krivotvorenja euro kovanica. Upotrebom tehnologije gdje se kovanice u apoenima od jednog i dva eura proizvode u tri sloja (mijenjanje debljine kovanica) te se dodavanjem dviju različitih boja želi postići najefikasniji način zaštite od krivotvorenja. Međutim, pri mijenjanju tehničkih specifikacija kovanica u svrhu zaštite od krivotvorenja potrebno se konzultirati sa predstavnicima proizvođača automata (vending machine industry) te udruga za slijepe i slabovidne osobe kako bi se prelazak na nove kovanice prošao bez poteškoća. Jedinstveni sustav kovanica Europske unije primjenom novih tehnologija trebao bi pomoći u sprečavanju krivotvorenja kovanica eura. S obzirom na značajan broj pokušaja krivotvorenja kovanica i novčanica eura podržavam inicijativu Europske središnje banke da inovacijom spriječi krivotvorenje ne samo kovanice već i novčanice eura. Podržavam pripreme i inicijative Hrvatske narodne banke da edukacijom građana i osobama koje svakodnevno rukuju novcem pomogne u razotkrivanju krivotvorenih novčanica i kovanica kuna i ostalih valuta te sprečavanje stavljanje takvog novca u optjecaj.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Ce texte est essentiellement technique. Il vise à modifier les valeurs de l'épaisseur des pièces en euros dans un règlement pour y faire figurer l'épaisseur réelle et non plus une valeur indicative comme c'est le cas jusqu'à présent. Au détour, le Parlement propose d'ajouter aux caractéristiques des pièces un objectif - louable - de lutte contre la contrefaçon. Mais le rapport en profite aussi pour entériner une proposition inacceptable de la Commission. La Commission européenne propose en effet qu'elle et le Conseil puissent refuser le graphisme qu'un Etat souhaite voir figurer sur les pièces d'euros qu'il imprime, droit reconnu depuis la création de l'euro. Surtout, ce texte donne l'occasion de rappeler notre volonté d'une rupture dans le fonctionnement de l'euro et de la BCE. Je refuse d'entériner le moindre changement technique tant que les changements politiques fondamentaux ne sont pas intervenus. Je vote contre.

 
  
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  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. O sistema único de cunhagem da União deverá induzir a confiança pública e comportar inovações tecnológicas que o tornem seguro, fiável e eficaz. Devemo-nos preocupar com a contrafação e, desse modo, utilizar técnicas que a impossibilitem. Daí o meu voto favorável.

 
  
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  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − No he podido votar a favor del presente informe ya que, pese a que trata de mejorar las especificaciones de seguridad contra la falsificación, da el poder a la Comisión de retirar las monedas propuestas por los diferentes Estados miembros. Se trata de un informe de carácter técnico que trata de no introducir ningún cambio significativo en los tipos ni características de las diferentes monedas en circulación del euro. Tan solo introduce la capacidad de revisar estas especificaciones por motivos de seguridad en la lucha contra la falsificación y el fraude. Sin embargo, estas medidas introducidas por el informe exceden las competencias de la Comisión al sobreponerse a la soberanía de los Estados miembros en las decisiones relativas a sus monedas. Por esto es por lo que no he podido votar a favor del presente informe.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − This recast of the regulation specifies technical details of euro coins intended for circulation, and deletes the indicative nature of the thickness of euro coins so as to transfer over to using the real thickness of euro coins instead and standardise this. Therefore, I voted in favour.

 
  
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  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. A Comissão considera pertinente definir e atualizar os procedimentos de codificação do Regulamento relativo aos valores faciais e às especificações técnicas das moedas em euros destinadas a circulação sempre que sejam feitas alterações às mesmas em número relevante. A alteração a fazer ao quadro do artigo 1.° do Regulamento (CE) n.° 975/98 consiste na substituição de todos os valores existentes no que respeita à espessura das moedas. O Parlamento Europeu apoiou, de forma geral, a proposta da Comissão referente à alteração do Regulamento em questão. Nestes termos, votei favoravelmente o presente relatório por considerar vantajoso e apropriado acrescentar alguns pontos de melhoria ao texto, dos quais destaco a necessidade de um sistema de cunhagem que contribua para o combate à contrafação e a necessidade de comunicação ao Parlamento de alterações aos desenhos nacionais das moedas correntes.

 
  
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  Sandra Petrović Jakovina (S&D), napisan. − Osnovni razlog zbog kojeg podržavam preporuku o apoenima i tehničkim parametrima kovanica eura namijenjenih za stavljanje u opticaj je taj što bi jedinstveni sustav kovanica Unije prije svega trebao pomoći u sprječavanju krivotvorenja, te bi se između ostaloga i na taj način pridobilo povjerenje građana uvođenjem tehnoloških inovacija kojima se jamči sigurnost i učinkovitost jedinstvenog sustava kovanica Unije. Što se tiče pravnog aspekta nacrta zakonodavne rezolucije kojim se je razmatralo pitanje kodifikacije neizmijenjenih odredbi iz ranijih akata koje se ovim prijedlogom svode na jednostavnu kodifikaciju postojećih akata bez izmjene njihova sadržaja, isto je u skladu sa i uzima u obzir Međuinstitucionalni sporazum od 28. studenog 2001.g. o sustavnijoj metodi preinaka pravnih akata. Zbog toga je predmetni prijedlog izmjena, u skladu s člankom 87. stavkom 3 Poslovnika, kojim se uzimaju u obzir odredbe članaka 156. i 157. Poslovnika, u cijelosti sukladan s pravilom da će amandmani biti dopušteni isključivo ukoliko se odnose na one dijelove prijedloga koji sadrže izmjene.

 
  
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  Tonino Picula (S&D), napisan. − Podržavam usvajanje izmijenjene verzije Izvješća o apoenima i tehničkim parametrima kovanica eura namijenjenih za stavljanje u optjecaj. U duhu ovog izvješća, ocjenjujem pozitivnim inicijativu Komisije za kodifikacijom i preinačenjem pravnih akata Europske unije kako bi se smanjio volumen pravne stečevine te kako bi se poboljšala dostupnost i jasnoća zakonodavstva EU. Nadalje, pozdravljam postupak Europske komisije kojime je uključila zahtjeve Europske centralne banke vezane za tehničke specifikacije kovanica eura u prijedlog Uredbe. Naime, prema zahtjevima ECB-a izvršit će se zamjena indikativnih vrijednosti debljine kovanica Eura s pravim vrijednostima, te će se time prave vrijednosti konačno uskladiti s referentnim vrijednostima s kojima raspolažu kovačnice eura.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. Council Regulation (EC) No 975/98 on denominations and technical specifications of euro coins intended for circulation, which is adopted on the legal basis of Article 128 of the TFEU (enabling the Council to adopt on a proposal from the Commission measures to harmonise the technical specifications of euro coins after consulting the European Parliament and the European Central Bank (ECB)) has been substantially amended several times.

The new Regulation was to have superseded the various acts incorporated in it. In the framework of its opinion the ECB recommended introducing certain changes with regard to the technical specifications set out in the table contained in Article 1 of Regulation (EC) No 975/98 as well as in Annex I to the draft codified text. Since the proposed redrafting for that Annex would imply certain substantive amendments, and would therefore go beyond straightforward codification, it was considered necessary to transform the codification of Regulation (EC) No 975/98 into a recast in order to incorporate the necessary amendments. In brief, the proposed substantive amendment consists of a replacement of all existing values relating to the thickness of euro coins with new values.

 
  
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  Davor Ivo Stier (PPE), napisan. − Podržao sam ovaj prijedlog budući da ne sadrži nikakve značajnije promjene, i budući da se prijedlog glede kodifikacije neizmijenjenih odredbi iz ranijih akata ovim promjenama svodi na jednostavnu kodifikaciju postojećih akata bez izmjene njihova sadržaja.

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica (PPE), napisan. − Smatram da je jedinstveni sustav kovanica veoma bitan budući da smo svjesni opasnosti krivotvorenja koje narušavaju pouzdanost javnosti. Iako ovaj prijedlog Uredbe Vijeća o apoenima i tehničkim parametrima kovanica namijenjenih za stavljanje u opticaj ne sadrži značajne promjene koje se tiču apoena i kovanica eura svojim tehnološkim inovacijama pridonosi povećanju sigurnosti, pouzdanosti i učinkovitosti prometa kovanica. Pozdravljam uključivanje zahtjeva Europske centralne banke u prijedlog Uredbe u smjeru tehničke specifikacije kovanica eura.

 
  
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  Kay Swinburne (ECR), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report which proposes to approve changes to the existing legislation concerning euro coins.

 
  
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  Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – Cette proposition ne contient aucune modification de fond et se limite à une codification des actes existants, sans modification de leur substance, ce qui justifie mon vote favorable. Je partage l'idée que le système unique de monnaie métallique de l'Union devrait s'attacher la confiance du public et entraîner des innovations technologiques qui en garantissent la sûreté, la fiabilité et l'efficacité. Il devrait aussi permettre de lutter contre la contrefaçon.

 
  
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  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. As moedas europeias deverão garantir um elevado nível de confiança pública junto dos cidadãos e empresas, devendo ser introduzidas sucessivas inovações tecnológicas que as tornem seguras, fiáveis e eficazes. Sou favorável ao presente relatório pois entendo que será necessário melhorar as condições de cunhagem das moedas europeias, por forma a reduzir drasticamente a contrafação existente que atesta à credibilidade das instituições europeias.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru propunerea de regulament privind valorile nominale și specificațiile tehnice ale monedelor euro ce urmează să intre în circulație. Sistemul unic de emisiune monetară al Uniunii ar trebui să obțină încrederea publicului și să determine inovații tehnologice care să asigure faptul că acesta este un sistem sigur, fiabil și eficace. Acesta ar trebui să permită și combaterea contrafacerii. Comisia publică toate informațiile relevante cu privire la noile desene pentru fețele naționale ale monedelor de circulație în Jurnalul Oficial al Uniunii Europene. Eventualele obiecții emise de Comisie sunt comunicate Parlamentului European. Monedele de circulație au o față europeană comună și o față națională distinctivă. Pe fața națională a monedelor de circulație nu se repetă nicio indicație a valorii nominale a monedei sau a oricăror părți ale acestei valori nominale. Pe fața națională nu se repetă denumirea monedei unice sau denumirile subdiviziunilor acesteia, cu excepția cazului în care o astfel de indicație decurge din utilizarea unui alfabet diferit. Pe fețele naționale ale monedelor de circulație, indiferent de valorile lor nominale, figurează o indicație a statului membru emitent, respectiv denumirea statului membru emitent sau o prescurtare a acesteia. Statele membre emitente își actualizează fețele naționale ale monedelor obișnuite pentru a se conforma pe deplin prezentului regulament până la 20 iunie 2062.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR), napisan. − Glasovala sam za izmijenjenu verziju prijedloga Uredbe Vijeća o apoenima i tehničkim parametrima kovanica eura namijenjenih za stavljanje u optjecaj budući da ovaj prijedlog, prema mišljenju savjetodavne skupine pravnih službi Europskog parlamenta, Vijeća i Komisije, ne sadrži nikakve značajnije promjene, osim promjena koje su u prijedlogu prepoznate kao takve, i budući da se prijedlog, što se tiče kodifikacije neizmijenjenih odredbi iz ranijih akata ovim promjenama svodi na najobičniju kodifikaciju postojećih akata bez izmjene njihova sadržaja.

 
  
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  Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report as the changes needed were recommended by the European Central Bank. The ECB opinion is that certain changes should be introduced with regard to the technical specifications of the euro coins intended for circulation. The changes mentioned only consist of a replacement of all existing values relating to the thickness of coins with new values. The European Central Bank considered it appropriate that such indicative values be replaced by the real thickness values of euro coins, which are well known and used as reference value by the mints to produce the coins.

 
  
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  Jacek Włosowicz (EFD), na piśmie. − Seria monet euro obejmuje 8 różnych nominałów: 1, 2, 5, 10, 20 i 50 centów oraz 1 euro i 2 euro. Każda moneta ma stronę wspólną (rewers) i stronę narodową (awers). Strona narodowa wskazuje, w jakim kraju moneta została wyemitowana. Każdy z 16 krajów obszaru euro akceptuje wszystkie monety euro, niezależnie od nominału i strony narodowej. Strona „wspólna” monet (rewers) została zaprojektowana w 3 wzorach, w zależności od nominału monet. Wszystkie trzy wzory przedstawiają mapę Europy i symbolizują jedność Unii Europejskiej, a ich autorem jest Luc Luycx z Królewskiej Mennicy Belgijskiej. Awersy przedstawiają motywy charakterystyczne dla danego kraju, otoczone dwunastoma gwiazdami Unii Europejskiej

 
  
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  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Existem adaptações positivas nesta proposta. Foram consultadas associações de consumidores, a União Europeia de Cegos e representantes dos setores das máquinas de venda automática para levar em conta os requisitos específicos de categorias importantes de utilizadores de moedas. Estes contactos permitiram garantir uma distinção fácil entre as moedas através de características visuais e tácteis. Mas também existem aspetos negativos. O estabelecimento de condições uniformes de aprovação dos desenhos das faces nacionais das moedas de euro, supostamente a fim de evitar a escolha de desenhos que possam ser considerados inadequados nalguns Estados-Membros, é uma prática que anula o pouco (ou nada) que resta de soberania nacional de decisão no que se refere ao euro. Nem os desenhos das moedas escapam à sanha harmonizadora da UE.

 

11.6. Future of EU-ASEAN relations (A7-0441/2013 - Reinhard Bütikofer)
  

Schriftliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Claudette Abela Baldacchino (S&D), bil-miktub. − Huwa ovvju li irridu dejjem nifirxu ħarsitna lil hinn mill-Ewropa jekk irridu li l-Ewropa tissaħħaħ ekonomikament u tgħin lilha nnifisha ssib soluzzjoni għall-problemi ekonomiċi li qiegħda tħabbat wiċċha magħhom. Għalhekk kull pass li jsir biex jissaħħu r-relazzjonijiet ekonomiċi ma' pajjiżi terzi għandu jkollu l-appoġġ tagħna lkoll. Iżda ċ-ċittadini ta' dawn il-pajjiżi jistennew aktar mill-Ewropa. Jistennew li huma jibdew igawdu l-istess drittijiet bħaċ-ċittadini fl-Ewropa. Jistennew li jibdew igawdu l-istess livelli ta' għajxien bħaċ-ċittadini fl-Ewropa. Ghalhekk tajjeb li minbarra t-tisħiħ tar-relazzjonijiet ekonomiċi, ikun hemm ukoll titjib fir-relazzjonijiet politiċi. M'għandniex iżda nikkuntentaw ruħna bi ftehim fuq il-karta. Irridu nkunu ċerti li kull ftehim ikun segwi mill-amminisrazzjonijiet tal-pajjiżi involuti, u dan jgħodd mhux biss għar-relazzjonijiet ekonomiċi, imma wkoll għar-relazzjonijiet politiċi biex inkunu ċerti li minn dawn il-ftehim jibbenefikaw iċ-ċittadini kollha.

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. Aprovo o presente relatório, sendo de opinião que devem ser fortalecidas as relações entre a União Europeia e a ASEAN, e apoio um esforço de maior integração política e económica entre os seus Estados-Membros. A União Europeia deseja desempenhar um papel global e por tal razão não deve negligenciar esta parte do Mundo. A União Europeia e a ASEAN partilham o objetivo político de promover o bem-estar, a cooperação e a paz nas suas respetivas regiões e podem beneficiar grandemente de uma cooperação mais próxima.

 
  
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  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE), raštu. − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją. Pietryčių Azijos valstybių asociacija (ASEAN) šiuo metu yra viena stipriausių regioninių organizacijų pasaulyje ir pagal ekonominį išsivystymą, ir pagal geopolitinę dinamiką. Gerovės skatinimas, bendradarbiavimas ir taika yra pagrindinis ES–ASEAN bendradarbiavimo politinis tikslas, ir šiuose santykiuose didžiausias dėmesys yra skiriamas prekybos klausimams. Pritariu pranešėjo nuomonei, kad nors prekyba ir investicijos yra labai svarbūs, vis dėlto bendradarbiavimas turi apimti ir tokias sritis kaip žmogaus teisės ir aplinkosauga. Kitaip tariant, ASEAN valstybės narės daugiau dėmesio turi skirti žmogaus, socialinėms, darbo ir ekonominėms teisėms.

 
  
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  Pino Arlacchi (S&D), in writing. − I fully support this report as ASEAN is a major regional and global economic actor that plays an important role in promoting well-being, security, cooperation and peace in its respective regions and worldwide. The EU and ASEAN share values and political and economic interests which should continue to be developed further. I believe that if the EU and its Member States work on a common approach to ASEAN, this will facilitate the promotion of closer ties with the entire Asian region. Moreover, I would like to point out the added value of establishing a formal Euro-ASEAN interparliamentary assembly.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – L’Association des nations de l'Asie du Sud-Est (ANASE ou ASEAN) est une organisation politique, économique et culturelle regroupant dix pays d'Asie du Sud-Est qui fut fondée en 1967. J'ai voté en faveur de ce texte qui prend notes des efforts d'intégration de cette zone du monde au fort taux de croissance et appelle à une intensification des relations entre ces deux régions commerciales prospères.

 
  
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  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį siūlymą, kurio tikslas –  stiprinti ES santykius su ASEAN. ASEAN yra Pietryčių Azijos tautų asociacija, įkurta 1967 m. Bankoko sutartimi. Tai politinis, ekonominis ir kultūrinis šalių susivienijimas, kuriam priklauso Filipinai, Indonezija, Malaizija, Singapūras, Tailandas, Brunėjus, Vietnamas, Laosas, Mianmaras ir Kambodža. ASEAN perkamoji galia ir ekonomikos dydis jau dabar prilygsta Kinijos perkamajai galiai ir ekonomikai, todėl labai svarbu vystyti su ja stipresnius ekonominius ryšius, kartu juos derinant su tinkamesne socialine, politine ir institucine sistema. Labai svarbu, kad ES veda derybas dėl septynių ES ir pavienių ASEAN valstybių narių partnerystės ir bendradarbiavimo susitarimų. Įsteigus oficialią Europos ir ASEAN parlamentinę asamblėją būtų toliau gerinami ES ir ASEAN valstybių narių santykiai. Pritariu išdėstytiems siūlymams raginti nacionalines ir užsienio bendroves, veikiančias ASEAN šalyse, laikytis pagrindinių TDO darbo normų ir JT Verslo ir žmogaus teisių pagrindinių principų. Taip pat pritariu, kad ES turėtų teikti didesnę pagalbą ir daugiau bendradarbiauti kovojant su korupcija.

 
  
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  Adam Bielan (ECR), na piśmie. − Stosunki z państwami ASEAN pozostawały dotychczas w cieniu relacji z kluczowymi graczami, takimi jak Chiny, Japonia czy Indie. Tymczasem jest to region o ogromnym i systematycznie rosnącym potencjale gospodarczym, dostrzeżonym choćby przez administrację amerykańską, coraz poważniej traktującą swoje zaangażowanie w Azji Południowo-Wschodniej.

Zauważalne postępy czyni integracja polityczna tych krajów, sprzyjająca ewolucji w stronę demokracji. Pamiętajmy bowiem, że jeszcze do niedawna niektóre z nich rządzone były w sposób co najmniej autorytarny. Na uwagę zasługuje przy tym aktywność w zakresie bezpieczeństwa poprzez działania na rzecz uczynienia regionu strefą wolną od broni jądrowej czy propagowanie denuklearyzacji Półwyspu Koreańskiego.

Przyszłe umowy o partnerstwie i współpracy muszą uwzględniać wzajemne interesy w kontekście globalnym oraz zwiększenie aktywności Unii.

 
  
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  Слави Бинев (EFD), в писмена форма. − Приветствах доклада на колегата Райнхард Бютикофер вследствие на това, че докладът има за цел да обърне подходящо внимание на отношенията между ЕС и АСЕАН, които често незаслужено остават на заден план спрямо отношенията на ЕС с Китай, Япония и Индия.

Това положение се запазва, независимо от факта, че покупателната способност и размерът на икономиката на АСЕАН вече са сравними с тези на Китай и че политическото влияние на АСЕАН се увеличава все повече. Започването на двустранни преговори със страните от АСЕАН трябва да се разглежда единствено като първа крачка към по–широко споразумение за политическо и икономическо партньорство от регионално естество както поради централната роля, която азиатският регион играе в международния политически и икономически баланс, и непряко в отношенията ЕС–Китай, така и предвид стремежа на страните от региона на Югоизточна Азия да създадат общ пазар до 2015 г. – цел, която по мое наблюдение ЕС подкрепя.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Condivido i contenuti della relazione Bütikofer sul futuro delle relazioni UE-ASEAN, l'organizzazione regionale che comprende Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Filippine, Singapore, Thailandia e Vietnam. Sviluppare rapporti positivi con questi paesi è di fondamentale importanza per il prossimo futuro dell'Europa.

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, nes juo Parlamentas siekia atkreipti deramą dėmesį į poreikį stiprinti ES ir Pietryčių Azijos tautų organizacijos (ASEAN) santykius, kurie dėl ES santykių su Kinija, Japonija ir Indija dažnai nepelnytai nustumiami į antrąjį planą. Tokia padėtis išlieka nepaisant to, kad ASEAN perkamoji galia ir ekonomikos dydis jau prilygsta Kinijos perkamajai galiai ir ekonomikos dydžiui, taip pat didėja ASEAN politinė įtaka. ES ir ASEAN panašumai atveria daug galimybių sąveikai ir tarpusavio mokymosi procesams. Pranešime nagrinėjama, kaip stipresnius ekonominius ryšius būtų galima derinti su tinkamesne socialine, politine ir institucine sistema bei santykiais. Taip pat išdėstoma, kaip būtų galima gerinti dvišalius regionų tarpusavio santykius. Vertinimai ir rekomendacijos pateikti atsižvelgiant į vykstantį plataus užmojo ASEAN vidaus integracijos procesą, naujas politines jėgas ir demokratijos sunkumus.

 
  
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  Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − Nel valutare le relazioni internazionali dell'UE, non possiamo prescindere da due considerazioni fondamentali: la prima è che è necessario diversificare, la seconda è che bisogna pensare in grande. Quando parlo di diversificazione, intendo dire che tali relazioni non devono essere come un matrimonio (monogame ed eterne) ma piuttosto come un contratto di medio-lungo periodo, che non escluda accordi paralleli anche con altri attori; è fondamentale riconoscere che la struttura dei nostri bisogni è tale da non potersi ridurre a fare coppia fissa con un solo partner, che si chiami Cina, che si chiami ASEAN o che si chiami Stati Uniti. Inoltre, quando parlo di "pensare in grande" mi riferisco alla coscienza del peso che abbiamo e del ruolo che da esso ci deriva; non dobbiamo temere la crescita altrui, ma dobbiamo imparare a sfruttare le sinergie perché l'economia non è un gioco a somma zero ma il risultato di una serie di interazioni da cui, se si fanno le mosse giuste, si può anche uscire tutti vincitori.

 
  
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  Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – L'ANASE (Association des Nations de l'Asie du Sud-Est) constitue une force émergente, affichant des intérêts politiques et économiques communs avec l'Union européenne. Entretenir des bonnes relations et renforcer notre coopération avec cette organisation régionale participe à l'élaboration d'un environnement favorable aux échanges entre l'Europe et l'Asie du Sud-Est.

 
  
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  Christine De Veyrac (PPE), par écrit. – J’ai voté en faveur de ce rapport qui envisage les possibilités d'améliorer les contributions de l'Union européenne au processus d'intégration de l'ANASE. Cependant, le renforcement des relations économiques doivent être adaptées aux spécificités de cette région et les relations socio-politiques et institutionnelles plus appropriées à cette même donnée.

 
  
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  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. A ASEAN é um dos blocos económicos e comerciais mais dinâmicos da atualidade. Mais, como ator global, a ASEAN pode e deve ter um papel preponderante na paz e na estabilidade dos países vizinhos daquela região do globo, capacidade já provada através da integração dos países da região. Depois da colaboração na área económica, a UE e ASEAN podem desenvolver parcerias que incentivem não só o crescimento económico de ambos os blocos mas que devem avançar para o desenvolvimento de uma parceria estratégica.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Como bem reconhece o relatório, a ASEAN é uma das mais importantes organizações regionais emergentes do mundo. Não constitui pois surpresa que a UE aponte baterias para a região do Sudeste Asiático e que tenha iniciado negociações com a Malásia, Tailândia e Vietname para o estabelecimento de um acordo de livre comércio (ALC), estando em vias de concluir um acordo do mesmo tipo com Singapura. Essa perspetiva é evidente, não apenas pelos acordos em negociação ou em vias de conclusão, mas pelo apoio explícito à integração económica regional assente na livre circulação de bens, serviços e investimentos, que facilitaria o objetivo final de estabelecer um ALC entre as duas regiões. Para a maioria deste parlamento, o que importa é a possibilidade de abrir mercados e dominar países, satisfazer a voracidade e a pulsão imperial dos seus monopólios. Veja-se o caso paradigmático do sector têxtil. Permitiu-se a deslocalização dos monopólios deste sector dos países da UE para os países desta região, com o objetivo de reduzir os custos do trabalho, defendendo-se agora a supressão dos custos com as importações através do ALC, o livre estabelecimento das empresas, o que levará à pressão para uma ainda maior compressão dos salários e direitos laborais dos trabalhadores de ambas as regiões. Votámos contra.

 
  
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  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne ASEAN je geopolitické združenie 10 krajín juhovýchodnej Ázie. Funguje ako medzivládna organizácia na zlepšovanie hospodárskej, politickej a kultúrnej spolupráce. Objem hospodárstva krajín, ktoré sú združené v ASEAN, je porovnateľný s Čínou. V budúcnosti je nutné posilniť dialóg o ľudských právach a venovať pozornosť otázke znižovania chudoby a presadzovania sociálnych noriem, ktoré budú v súlade s dohovorom o Medzinárodnej organizácii práce a sociálnej zodpovednosti podnikov. V súčasnosti prebieha ambiciózny proces vnútornej integrácie v rámci združenia ASEAN, vznikajú politické mocnosti a demokratické výzvy, ktorým bude čeliť nové predsedníctvo združenia ASEAN, najmä pokiaľ ide o jeho rýchlu transformáciu a vývoj smerom k demokracii. Dobrým vzťahom medzi Európskou úniou a združením ASEAN do budúcnosti určite pomôže aj ústup politických problémov v oblasti.

 
  
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  Elisabetta Gardini (PPE), per iscritto. − Reinhard Bütikofer ha lavorato su una relazione di particolare rilievo: le nostre relazioni con i paesi del sud-est asiatico che troppo spesso sono passate in secondo piano rispetto a quelle con Cina, Giappone e India. Ricordo solo alcuni dati che dovrebbero far riflettere e che si riferiscono a Myanmar, solo uno degli stati membri dell'ASEAN. Possiamo infatti considerare Myanmar tra i nuovi Paesi ad alto potenziale di crescita, in contrapposizione ai precedenti cinquant'anni di totale chiusura. La relazione curata dal collega Bütikofer non tratta esplicitamente delle relazioni dell'UE con i singoli stati membri dell'ASEAN. Tali aspetti saranno affrontati in una serie di risoluzioni specifiche che si prevede saranno adottate nel quadro delle raccomandazione del Parlamento per i negoziati APC o delle procedure di approvazione e relative relazioni sull'attuazione dei nuovi accordi APC. Per lo stesso motivo, la relazione non si occupa delle relazioni bilaterali tra gli stati membri dell'ASEAN.

 
  
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  Ágnes Hankiss (PPE), írásban. − Üdvözlöm a jelentést, amely javaslatokat fogalmaz meg az Európai Unió és az ASEAN gazdasági közösség jövőbeli együttműködésére vonatkozólag. Az EU számára kiemelt fontossággal bír, hogy egy olyan meghatározó súlyú regionális és gazdasági szereplővel, mint az ASEAN, az eddiginél is szorosabb stratégiai együttműködést alakítson ki, mind a közös értékek, mind a gazdasági és politikai érdekek mentén. Különösen támogatandónak tartom a szorosabb és érdemibb kooperáció kialakítását olyan fontos területeken, mint a nemzeteken átnyúló szervezett bűnözés, a korrupció, a pénzmosás, a terrorelhárítás és a kiberbiztonság. Az EU jelentős tapasztalattal és kompetenciával rendelkezik ezeken a területeken, amelyeknek az átadása talán hasznos lehetne az ASEAN-tagországok biztonsági rendszerei számára, amint az EU is profitálhatna a mélyebb és kiterjedtebb információcseréből. A válságövezetekben az EU komoly szerepet vállal a válságkezelésben és a biztonság megszilárdításában. Remélem, ez a szerepvállalás még jobban kibontakozhat az ASEAN-tagországokkal kialakított politikai dialógusok során, és hozzásegíthet olyan együttműködési formák kialakításához, amelyek a nemzetközi szervezett bűnözés és a terrorizmus elleni harc hatékony eszközévé válhatnak.

 
  
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  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD), raštu. − Pritariau, nes pranešimu siekiama atkreipti deramą dėmesį į ES ir ASEAN santykius, kurie dėl ES santykių su Kinija, Japonija ir Indija nustumiami į antrąjį planą. ASEAN–Pietryčių Azijos tautų asociacija, įkurta 1967 m. Bankoko sutartimi. Tai politinis, ekonominis ir kultūrinis šių šalių susivienijimas, kuriam priklauso Filipinai, Indonezija, Malaizija, Singapūras, Tailandas, Brunėjus, Vietnamas, Laosas, Mianmaras, Kambodža. ASEAN perkamoji galia ir ekonomikos dydis jau prilygsta Kinijos perkamajai galiai ir ekonomikai, taip pat didėja ASEAN politinė įtaka. Ieškoma būdų, kaip stipresnius ekonominius ryšius būtų galima derinti su tinkamesne socialine, politine ir institucine sistema bei galimybių ES labiau prisidėti prie ASEAN integracijos proceso. Nacionalinės ir užsienio bendrovės, veikiančias ASEAN šalyse, turi taikyti įmonių socialinės atsakomybės principus, laikytis pagrindinių TDO darbo normų ir JT Verslo ir žmogaus teisių pagrindinių principų. Palankiai vertinu derybas dėl septynių ES ir pavienių ASEAN valstybių narių partnerystės ir bendradarbiavimo susitarimų. Reikia stiprinti santykių parlamentinę dimensiją. Įsteigus oficialią Europos ir ASEAN parlamentinę asamblėją būtų toliau gerinami ES ir ASEAN valstybių narių santykiai. Manau, kad ES turėtų teikti didesnę pagalbą ir daugiau bendradarbiauti kovojant su korupcija.

 
  
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  Philippe Juvin (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport de mon collègue Reinhard Butikofer qui traite de l'avenir des relations entre l'UE et l'ANASE, l'une des principales organisations régionales émergentes dans le monde, tant sur le plan économique que géopolitique. Le texte soutient le renforcement des relations avec cette organisation, dans des domaines allant du dialogue stratégique aux droits fondamentaux. Je me félicite de l'adoption de ce rapport.

 
  
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  Elisabeth Köstinger (PPE), schriftlich. Der ASEAN ist ein bedeutender Wirtschaftsakteur, mit welchem die EU sowohl politische als auch wirtschaftliche Interessen teilt. Ich begrüße daher die Verhandlungen über sieben Partnerschafts- und Kooperationsabkommen zwischen der EU und einzelnen ASEAN-Mitgliedstaaten. Die Vertiefung der Beziehungen zwischen der EU und dem ASEAN soll für beide Seiten positive Auswirkungen haben. Daher unterstütze ich diesen Bericht über die Zukunft der Beziehungen zum ASEAN, jedoch muss die EU im Bereich der Grund- und Menschenrechte sowie der freien Meinungsäußerung in Zukunft einen intensiveren politischen Dialog führen. Hier darf es keine Kompromisse geben.

 
  
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  Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. − Signor Presidente, Onorevoli Colleghi, le relazioni UE-ASEAN rappresentano un punto di estrema importanza nell’ambito dello sviluppo economico e sociale dell’Europa. Spesso questi rapporti vengono sottovalutati e messi in secondo piano rispetto ai rapporti con le principali potenze asiatiche Cina, India e Giappone. Il processo di integrazione all’interno dell’AESEN non può prescindere dalla considerazione dei poteri politici emergenti e delle sfide economiche e demografiche. L’Europa, dal canto suo, deve continuare nella sua azione di rafforzamento dei propri legami economici, al fine di favorire utili sinergie e processi di apprendimento reciproco.

 
  
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  Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), în scris. − Regiunea ASEAN este în continuă dezvoltare având un potențial economic semnificativ la scară globală. Obiectivul ASEAN de a crea o piață internă până in 2015 trebuie susținut de UE deoarece aceasta ar promova bunăstarea și cooperarea în regiune. Un cadru legislativ privind acordul de liber schimb interregional trebuie elaborat numaidecât, pentru a profita de oportunitățile acestei colaborări. Mai mult, UE trebuie să își intensifice colaborarea cu statele ASEAN în domeniul schimburilor de bune practici, nu doar pe plan economic, ci și privind politica de mediu, apărarea drepturilor fundamentale, protejarea libertății de expresie și protejarea statului de drept și de securitate. Relațiile cu ASEAN sunt de cele mai multe ori neglijate în favoarea Chinei, Japoniei și a Indiei, însă trebuie să dăm mai multă atenție unui potențial economic care în scurt timp va fi comparabil cu cel al UE, SUA, și chiar al Chinei.

 
  
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  Ivana Maletić (PPE), napisan. − ASEAN je trenutačno jedna od najvažnijih rastućih regionalnih organizacija na svijetu, i u smislu gospodarskog razvoja, i u smislu geopolitičke dinamike, koja ima za cilj do 2015. stvoriti unutrašnje tržište za 600 milijuna ljudi i sa svojim konkurentnim gospodarskim subjektima i brzo rastućom unutarnjom potražnjom biti usporediva s drugim velikim svjetskim tržištima kao što su EU, SAD, Kina, Japan i Indija. EU i ASEAN imaju zajedničke političke i gospodarske interese te bi njihov daljnji razvoj trebao biti prioritet. EU dijeli politički cilj promicanja blagostanja, suradnje i mira te želi da se institucionalni, gospodarski i politički kapacitet ASEAN-a još više razvije. Nekoliko bitnih koraka potrebno je napraviti u odnosima EU i ASEAN-a. Od velikog značaja za priznavanje važnosti tog odnosa je izrada nove i sveobuhvatne strategije za jugoistočnu Aziju te brža ratifikacija postojećih sporazuma o partnerstvu i suradnji. Republika Hrvatska je u trgovinskom odnosu sa državama članicama ASEAN-a neto uvoznica. EU jednostrano dodjeljuje trgovinske povlastice zemljama u razvoju i najnerazvijenijim zemljama te omogućava snižavanje carinskih stopa. Ostvarenje sustavnije i kvalitetnije suradnje sa državama članicama ASEAN-a na razini Europske unije pozitivno bi se odrazilo i na trgovinske odnose Republike Hrvatske s ovom regionalnom organizacijom i stoga podržavam ovo izvješće.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour of this report because it calls for relations between the EU and ASEAN to be strengthened. We share many political beliefs and all want to promote economic well-being, cooperation and peace in our respective regions. I believe closer cooperation between our two regions will be beneficial for all.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – L’objectif final de ce rapport en faveur du développement des liens avec l’Association des nations de l'Asie du Sud-Est (ANASE ou ASEAN) est de préparer les accords de libre-échange encore en négociation avec ces pays. Le rapport contient néanmoins de bons éléments, encourageant notamment au respect des droits de l’Homme, à la répartition des richesses, au développement de systèmes de protection sociale ainsi qu’au respect des conventions internationales sur les conditions de travail. Il prône dans le même temps la libéralisation du marché du travail, qui passe tout comme en UE par la création d’un marché commun dans l’ANASE, dévoilant ainsi son véritable visage. Dans la même logique néolibérale, il encourage à la concertation avec le FMI et l'OMC. Pour couronner le tout, il demande à l’UE de «convaincre l'opinion publique dans ces pays» du bien-fondé des accords néolibéraux. Je vote contre.

 
  
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  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. A Associação das Nações do Sudeste Asiático (ASEAN) é uma das mais importantes organizações regionais emergentes do mundo, tanto em termos de desenvolvimento económico como de dinâmica geopolítica. No entanto, tem vindo a ser posta em segundo plano, em benefício da China, do Japão e da Índia. Com este relatório, pretende dar-se uma nova dimensão à relação entre estas duas regiões para que, no futuro, se possam encontrar pontos comuns que levem a uma relação profícua para todos. Daí o meu voto favorável.

 
  
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  Willy Meyer (GUE/NGL), por escrito. − He votado en contra del presente informe debido a que supone la inclusión de un proyecto de liberalización del comercio con los países pertenecientes a la Asociación de Naciones del Sudeste Asiático (ASEAN). Este acuerdo continúa con la línea habitual de la política exterior de la Unión Europea, permitiendo el impulso a los flujos comerciales con el citado bloque regional. El informe enumera problemas sociales y ambientales que se están produciendo en los países asiáticos, pero se resiste a señalar la responsabilidad de las relaciones comerciales con la UE. Pese a que se hace alusión a los problemas de dichos países si se mantienen las perspectivas comerciales con la UE, el impacto negativo de dicho comercio no puede desaparecer en el futuro de estas relaciones. Por esto es por lo que he votado en contra de este informe.

 
  
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  Louis Michel (ALDE), par écrit. – Je suis partisan d’un renforcement ambitieux des relations entre l’Union européenne et l’ANASE. Cette dernière constituera d’ici 2015 un marché intérieur de 600 millions de personnes et sera hissée au rang de puissance économique mondiale. Il me parait essentiel de renforcer la coopération entre les deux grandes organisations régionales tant sur le plan économique et commercial que sur le plan politique, sécuritaire, environnemental, culturel et éducatif. A cette fin, un cadre de dialogue solide entre les parties doit être mis en place. Le respect des droits de l’homme, des libertés fondamentales, des droits sociaux, des droits du travail et des droits économiques doit être un principe transversal à l’ensemble des relations entre les deux organisations régionales. C’est ainsi que j’accueille plus précisément et ce de manière favorable la proposition qui vise à mettre en place un mécanisme de règlement de litiges ainsi que de sanctions en cas de violation de ces droits et libertés fondamentales.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − I believe that all Member States will benefit from the strengthening of relations with ASEAN and I support the effort of closer political and economic integration among its member states. A European Union that wants to play a global role cannot and should not neglect this part of the world. The EU and the ASEAN share the political objective of promoting well-being, cooperation and peace in their respective regions and they can greatly benefit from an even closer cooperation. In favour.

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. Mit dem Bericht soll in angemessener Weise auf die Beziehungen zwischen der EU und dem ASEAN, d. h. dem Verband Südostasiatischer Nationen, aufmerksam gemacht werden, die ungerechtfertigterweise häufig von den Beziehungen der EU zu China, Japan und Indien in den Hintergrund gedrängt werden. Dies ist der Fall, obwohl die Kaufkraft und Wirtschaftsgröße des ASEAN bereits mit der Kaufkraft und Wirtschaftsgröße Chinas vergleichbar ist und der ASEAN immer größeren politischen Einfluss hat. Die Gemeinsamkeiten zwischen der EU und dem ASEAN bergen ein beachtliches Potenzial für Synergien und Prozesse des gegenseitigen Lernens. Der Bericht enthält eine Analyse der künftigen Beziehungen zwischen der EU und dem ASEAN in einem globalen Kontext, insbesondere mit Blick auf China, Japan und die Vereinigten Staaten, und diesbezügliche Empfehlungen. In diesem Zusammenhang wird erörtert, wie die EU noch stärker zum Integrationsprozess des ASEAN beitragen kann. Das ist für die zukünftigen wirtschaftlichen Kontakte der EU sehr wichtig, weshalb ich auch für den ausgewogenen Bericht gestimmt habe.

 
  
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  Claudio Morganti (EFD), per iscritto. − L'ASEAN è un'organizzazione politica, economica e culturale che racchiude diversi Paesi del Sud Est Asiatico. È stata originariamente fondata nel 1967 da Indonesia, Malesia, Filippine, Singapore e Thailandia, ai quali si sono in seguito aggiunti Brunei, Vietnam, Laos, Birmania e Cambogia. È direttamente paragonabile, sia come superficie che come popolazione, all'Unione europea, con la quale intrattiene relazioni bilaterali sin dalla sua fondazione. L'ASEAN comprende Paesi che hanno passato diverse turbolenze interne e alcuni sono ancora sulla via di una difficile democratizzazione e vivono fasi di forte instabilità politica, come sta accadendo ad esempio alla Tailandia proprio in questi giorni; d'altro canto si tratta di economie in forte ascesa, dove hanno investito e delocalizzato anche molte grosse multinazionali occidentali.

Le relazioni con questi Paesi non dovrebbero prescindere da un rispetto di regole comuni, specialmente in materia di standard sociali e di sicurezza sul lavoro, oggi ben lontani da una minima condizione di decenza. Se l'Unione europea riuscirà a pretendere un minimo di garanzie, allora si potrà magari pensare ad un futuro con relazioni maggiormente consolidate: al momento tutto questo mi sembra però, purtroppo, assai lontano e non vedo una forte volontà europea ad impegnarsi in questo ambito.

 
  
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  Radvilė Morkūnaitė-Mikulėnienė (PPE), raštu. − ASEAN yra kylantis naujas tarptautinis politinis ir ekonominis veikėjas. ASEAN ekonominė bendrija siekia iki 2015 m. sukurti vidaus rinką, apimsiančią 600 milijonų žmonių, savo dydžiu prilygsiančią kitoms didžiosioms pasaulio rinkoms. Sparčiai besivystančios ir gana sėkmingai su pasauline ekonomine krize susidorojusios ASEAN šalys susiduria su įvairiais iššūkiais, be kita ko, ekstremalių gamtos reiškinių pasekmėmis, dideliu oro užterštumu, galinčiu tapti nekonvencine saugumo problema. Manau, kad spartus ekonominis augimas turi pasiekti visas visuomenės grupes, būtina skirti daug dėmesio skurdo mažinimui ir pažeidžiamiausių visuomenės grupių padėties gerinimui. Kadangi ES ir ASEAN turi bendrų interesų ir siekia bendro politinio tikslo – skatinti gerovę, bendradarbiavimą ir taiką savo atitinkamuose regionuose ir visame pasaulyje, Europos Parlamentas ragina intensyvinti bendradarbiavimą su šia organizacija ir parengti išsamesnę politinio bei ekonominio bendradarbiavimo su ASEAN sistemą.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Παπανικολάου (PPE), γραπτώς. – Η περιοχή της Νοτιανατολικής Ασίας, απαρτίζεται από κράτη εξαιρετικά σημαντικά για την παγκόσμια οικονομική ανάπτυξη και την γεωπολιτική. Το γεγονός αυτό καθιστά την ASEAN (Ένωση Χωρών Νοτιανατολικής Ασίας) διεθνή οργανισμό με διακριτό ρόλο στα πλαίσια της διεθνούς συνεργασίας και του διεθνούς διαλόγου. Με την παρούσα έκθεση, την οποία και υποστήριξα, θεμελιώνεται ένα ολοκληρωμένο σχέδιο προτάσεων για τις μελλοντικές σχέσεις της ΕΕ με την ASEAN. Το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο, αναγνωρίζει τον οργανισμό ως βασικό περιφερειακό και οικονομικό εταίρο, που προωθεί και προασπίζει την ειρήνη και την ανάπτυξη σε περιφερειακό και παγκόσμιο επίπεδο. Η συγκεκριμένη πρωτοβουλία θέτει τις βάσεις για στενότερη οικονομική και πολιτική συνεργασία με τα μέλη της ASEAN, ενώ προβλέπει την ενίσχυση των διακοινοβουλευτικών σχέσεων των δύο μερών, με έμφαση στον πολιτικό διάλογο για τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα και τις θεμελιώδεις δημοκρατικές αξίες, όπως η ελευθερία του λόγου και η ελεύθερη διακίνηση της πληροφορίας, η καταπολέμηση της διαφθοράς και του διεθνούς εγκλήματος, το ξέπλυμα μαύρου χρήματος και το λαθρεμπόριο ναρκωτικών, αλλά και η παράνομη διακίνηση και εμπορία ανθρώπων. Η προάσπιση και προώθηση του κράτους δικαίου και ο σεβασμός της ανθρώπινης ύπαρξης αποτελούν πανανθρώπινες αξίες για τις οποίες θα πρέπει από κοινού να αγωνιζόμαστε χωρίς την παραμικρή έκπτωση.

 
  
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  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. O relatório pretende chamar a devida atenção para as relações UE-ASEAN, a União Europeia e o Sudoeste Asiático que têm muitas vezes sido relegadas para segundo plano a favor das relações da UE com a China, o Japão e a Índia. Esta situação prevalece, não obstante o facto de o poder de compra da ASEAN e a dimensão da sua economia serem já comparáveis aos da China, estando pois a importância política da ASEAN a aumentar. O Parlamento Europeu apresenta uma análise e sugestões para as futuras relações UE-ASEAN num contexto global, nomeadamente com a China, o Japão e os Estados Unidos, e examina as possibilidades de melhorar o contributo da UE para o processo de integração da ASEAN. Nada tendo a obstar e atendendo aos potenciais benefícios para a União Europeia, votei favoravelmente o presente relatório.

 
  
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  Tonino Picula (S&D), napisan. − EU i zemlje ASEAN-a dijele mnogo sličnih obilježja u svojoj povijesti. Oba udruženja osnovana su sredinom prošlog stoljeća s ciljem gospodarskog, socijalnog i kulturnog razvoja te očuvanja mira i stabilnosti. Obzirom da zemlje ASEAN-a grupno čine osmu najveću ekonomiju u svijetu EU, ukoliko želi imati važnu ulogu na globalnoj sceni, nikako ne smije zaboraviti na suradnju s ovim dijelom svijeta. Štoviše, suradnju ovih dvaju udruženja treba dodatno poticati na obostran interes. Osim ekonomske dimenzije suradnje, EU treba poticati dodatnu suradnju kad je u pitanju poštivanje ljudskih prava s posebnim naglaskom na suzbijanje siromaštva i povećnje društvenog standarda stanvnika zemalja ASEAN-a. Iako je populacija zemalja ASEAN-a veća od populacije EU (ASEAN-a oko 600 a EU oko 500 miliona stanovnika), Europska unija ima gotovo 8 puta veći kombinirani GDP. Europska unija svojim iskustvima pomoći ovim zemljama u dodatnom razvoju i očuvanju ljudskih prava, no to je moguće učiniti samo ukoliko ova dva udruženja intenzivnije surađuju. Upravo zbog toga podržavam ovo izvješće koje poziva na jačanje suradnje u svim dimenzijama međusobnih odnosa i poseban naglasak koje ono stavlja na važnost zaštite ljudskih prava.

 
  
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  Andrej Plenković (PPE), napisan. − Podržao sam Izvješće kolege Bütikofera koje se odnosi na „Budućnost odnosa između EU-a i ASEAN-a.“ ASEAN obuhvaća 10 država jugoistočne Azije koje sa svojih 600 milijuna ljudi predstavlja trećeg najvećeg trgovinskog partnera EU izvan Europe nakon SAD-a i Kine. EU je najveći ulagač u države ASEAN-a s preko 9 milijardi eura godišnje. Članice ASEAN-a pokazale su izuzetan napredak u jačanju političkog i sigurnosnog dijaloga, gospodarske i trgovinske razmjene te kulturne suradnje. Smatram kako EU treba nastaviti s mjerama koje će pridonijeti iskorjenjivanju siromaštva u pojedinima članicama ASEAN-a, jačanju ljudskih prava i dijaloga te zaštiti okoliša i migracijskim tokovima. Bitna sastavnica suradnje je i potpora EU u sklopu upravljanja katastrofama i krizama.

 
  
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  Franck Proust (PPE), par écrit. – L'ANASE a, depuis quelques années, évolué vers une structure économique et politique plus intégrée et plus institutionnalisée. Comme les États membres de l'Union européenne, ces pays ont décidé d'unir leurs forces afin d'assoir leur position sur la scène internationale. Il était donc indispensable d'adapter les relations entre l'Union et l'ANASE de manière à les faire correspondre à ces nouveaux éléments. Je suis très heureux qu'un tel rapport ait été adopté. En effet, l'ANASE et l'Union partagent des valeurs et des intérêts politiques et économiques communs non-négligeables. Il serait donc bon de faire progresser ces relations vers un partenariat stratégique. En tant que pionnier de ce genre d'intégration, l'Union européenne se doit de soutenir l'ANASE dans sa démarche. Celle-ci vise à mettre en place pour 2015 un marché intérieur pour 600 millions de personnes. En tant qu'Européens, nous devons participer à cet ambitieux processus de régionalisation pacifique.

 
  
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  Crescenzio Rivellini (PPE), per iscritto. − L'on. Bütikofer ha oggi presentato in Parlamento una relazione che intende richiamare l'attenzione sul futuro delle relazioni UE-ASEAN, sempre più rilevanti, considerato il crescente potere di acquisto e le raggiunte dimensioni dell'economia del Sud-Est asiatico, nonché l'influenza politica immaginabile in prospettiva. La relazione ha infatti analizzato in che modo, oltre al rafforzamento dei legami economici, si possa puntare ad un quadro di relazioni istituzionali e sociopolitiche fra l'UE e l'ASEAN. La proposta dell'on. Bütikofer appare ambiziosa, ma senz'altro giustificata dalla valutazione dell'incoraggiante processo di integrazione interna in atto nell'ASEAN, degli emergenti poteri politici e delle sfide democratiche in corso, come ad esempio quella evidenziata dalla "questione birmana". La relazione avanza peraltro suggerimenti riguardo ai futuri rapporti UE-ASEAN in un contesto globale, in particolar modo con Cina, Giappone e Stati Uniti, e considera le possibilità di intensificare i contributi dell'UE al processo di integrazione dell'ASEAN. Come presidente della Delegazione per le relazioni con la Cina ed in vista del 10° vertice della Conferenza Asia-Europa, che si terrà quest'anno in Italia, non posso che guardare con favore alla proposta di risoluzione in questione ed esprimermi favorevolmente quanto all'intensificare la collaborazione fra i due continenti in un contesto globale.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − In favour. The report aims to raise appropriate attention to EU-ASEAN relations, which have undeservingly often been upstaged by EU relations with China, Japan and India. This situation prevails despite the fact that ASEAN’s purchasing power and size of economy is already comparable to China’s and ASEAN’s political star is on the rise. Similarities between the EU and ASEAN carry considerable potential for synergies and mutual learning processes.

The report tries to explore how enhanced economic ties can be matched with a more adequate socio-political and institutional framework and relations. The report also presents ideas on how bilateral region-to-region relations could be lifted to a new level. The assessment and recommendations are presented in the context of the ongoing ambitious internal integration process within ASEAN, the emerging political powers and the democratic challenges such as those confronted by the next ASEAN Chair Burma/Myanmar with its rapid transformation and evolution towards democracy.

 
  
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  Sergio Paolo Francesco Silvestris (PPE), per iscritto. − Mentre le dimensioni economiche e il potere d'acquisto dell'ASEAN stanno crescendo considerevolmente, l'UE tende per lo più a prediligere le relazioni con le grandi economie asiatiche dell'Estremo Oriente, nello specifico Giappone, India e Cina. Ritengo che le analogie tra due aree economiche come l'UE e l'ASEAN possano favorire un approccio comune ai rapporti economici bilaterali tra le due e favorire processi di apprendimento reciproco. In tal senso ritengo che sia la dimensione politica sia quella economica debbano essere dovutamente approfondite. Nel primo caso concordo con il rafforzamento della dimensione parlamentare della relazione tramite un'assemblea interparlamentare formale. Non di meno, appoggio la necessità di dare sostegno anche al settore privato, rafforzando non solo il dialogo tra imprese e istituzioni, ma anche quello tra imprese europee e asiatiche al fine di venirsi incontro nella risoluzione di problemi che possono emergere a causa dei diversi framework legislativi esistenti e nello scambio delle buone prassi. Condivido infine la preoccupazione relativa agli sviluppi nel Mar cinese meridionale, dove movimenti militari cinesi, giapponesi e americani stanno minando la stabilità della regione, e auspico una rapida soluzione pacifica della questione.

 
  
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  Davor Ivo Stier (PPE), napisan. − Savez zemalja jugoistočne Azije trenutačno je jedna od najvažnijih rastućih regionalnih organizacija na svijetu, i u smislu gospodarskog razvoja, i u smislu geopolitičke dinamike. Ova ekonomska zajednica je postavila cilj stvaranja unutarnjeg tržišta od čak 600 milijuna ljudi do 2015 godine. Taj podatak govori o važnosti razvijanja bilateralnih odnosa EU s ASEAN-om. Podržao sam ovo izvješće jer smatram da Europska Unija i sve države članice moraju raditi na koordiniranom i usklađenom pristupu regiji ASEAN-a te time omogućiti da EU razvije snažniju gospodarsku i političku prisutnost u regiji. Također, slažem se s konstatacijom izvjestitelja kako ASEAN, kao važan regionalni i globalni gospodarski čimbenik može imati i ima važnu ulogu u promicanju mirnog i multilateralnog svjetskog poretka. Posebice pozdravljam prijedlog o osnivanju radne skupine na provedbi Deklaracije o ponašanju sudionika u Južnom kineskom moru u kojoj se želi pronaći mirno rješenje od uzajamne koristi za spor oko morske granice te proglašavanje ASEAN-a zonom bez nuklearnog oružja čime bi dodatno doprinjeli ublažavanju geopolitičkih regionalnih napetosti.

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica (PPE), napisan. − Činjenica da je ASEAN trenutačno jedna od najvažnijih rastućih regionalnih organizacija na svijetu u smislu gospodarskog razvoja i geopolitičke dinamike. Europska Unija i ASEAN dijele jednak politički cilj promicanja blagostanja i mira u pripadajućim regijama diljem svijeta i u potpunosti podržavam njihovu suradnju posebno kada je riječ kulturnoj, razvojnoj i znanstvenoj suradnji te suradnji na području sprječavanja korupcije.Isto tako vjerujem da bi međukulturna studentska i istraživačka suradnja između institucija visokog obrazovanja Europske unije i ASEAN-a pridonijela razvoju novih istraživanja i inovacija te omogućila otvaranje tržišta od približno 600 milijuna ljudi do 2015. godine.

 
  
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  Kay Swinburne (ECR), in writing. − This report highlights the important work that is being done to strengthen ties between the EU and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries. It is important that we continue to assess how these ties can be further reinforced and how the EU can enhance its contribution to ASEAN’s integration process. Therefore I voted in favour of the report today.

 
  
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  Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – J'ai voté pour ce rapport qui vise à accorder une attention particulière aux relations entre l'Union européenne et l'ANASE, qui ont souvent et injustement été placées derrière les relations entre l'Union européenne et la Chine, le Japon et l'Inde. Cette situation s'impose en dépit du fait que le pouvoir d'achat et la taille de l'économie au sein de l'ANASE soient déjà comparables à ceux de la Chine et que l'influence politique de l'ANASE soit en augmentation. Les similitudes entre l'Union européenne et l'ANASE offrent un grand potentiel de synergies et d'apprentissage mutuel. Ce rapport tente d'explorer comment le renforcement des relations économiques peut être adapté à un cadre et à des relations socio-politiques et institutionnels plus appropriés. Il propose également des idées sur la façon d'accorder une nouvelle dimension aux relations bilatérales entre les régions. L'évaluation et les recommandations sont présentées dans le contexte de la procédure ambitieuse d'intégration intérieure en cours au sein de l'ANASE, de l'émergence des pouvoirs politiques et des défis démocratiques tels que ceux auxquels est confrontée la prochaine présidence de l'ANASE, le Myanmar/la Birmanie, avec son passage et son évolution rapides vers la démocratie.

 
  
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  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. A Associação de Nações do Sudeste Asiático (ASEAN) é uma das mais importantes organizações regionais emergentes do mundo, tanto em termos de desenvolvimento económico como de dinâmica geopolítica. Entendo que será oportuno aprofundar as relações económicas e políticas entre a União Europeia e os sete países que compõem a ASEAN, devido ao facto deste conjunto de nações assumir um grande potencial económico para as empresas nacionais. No entanto, não posso deixar de realçar a importância de serem garantidas as melhores condições de trabalho a nível local e respeitar os direitos dos povos do Sudeste Asiático.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru rezoluția referitoare la relațiile viitoare UE-ASEAN. UE și ASEAN au valori comune, precum și interese politice și economice comune, care ar trebui să fie dezvoltate în continuare în mod prioritar până la nivelul unui parteneriat strategic. Programul de cercetare și inovare al Comisiei „Orizont 2020” ar trebui promovat mai activ în rândul instituțiilor de știință din regiune. Subliniem rolul important al programelor de schimb, precum Erasmus, de facilitare a mobilității tinerilor, pentru cooperarea interculturală la nivel de studenți și cercetare între instituțiile de învățământ superior din UE și din ASEAN. Sugerăm instituirea de centre de studiu ASEAN în universitățile europene și de centre de studiu UE în universitățile ASEAN și extinderea posibilităților de obținere a unor diplome comune. UE trebuie să extindă programele universitare în limba engleză, pentru a facilita mai bine accesul studenților asiatici în universități europene, în timp ce cercetătorii din UE ar trebui să fie ajutați să participe la programe de cercetare din Asia în cooperare cu Rețeaua universităților ASEAN (AUN); UE ar trebui, de asemenea, să intensifice dialogurile politice și cooperarea în chestiuni precum drepturile fundamentale, inclusiv cele ale minorităților etnice și religioase, concomitent cu protejarea libertății de expresie și a liberei circulații a informațiilor.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR), napisan. − Budući da EU i ASEAN imaju zajedničke političke i gospodarske interese te bi njihov daljnji razvoj trebao biti prioritet u cilju budućeg strateškog partnerstva, glasovala sa za ovaj prijedlog. Savez zemalja jugoistočne Azije trenutno je jedna od najvažnijih rastućih regionalnih organizacija na svijetu u smislu gospodarskog rasta i geopolitičke dinamike. Cilj ASEAN-a do 2015. je stvoriti unutarnje tržište za 600 milijuna ljudi, kada će biti usporediv s drugim velikim svjetskim tržištima. Smatram da bi EU i države članice trebali raditi na zajedničkom i usklađenom pristupu regiji ASEAN-a te time omogućiti EU-u da razvije snažniju gospodarsku i političku prisutnost u regiji. Potičući ratifikaciju i primjenu Konvencije UN-a protiv korupcije, EU bi trebala pojačati svoju pomoć i suradnju u borbi protiv korupcije. Važno je naglasiti kako bi u vrijeme nesigurnosti diljem svijeta vođe tihooceanske Azije trebale iskoristiti svoja partnerstva i strateške kombinacije kako bi promicali stabilnost i rast.

 
  
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  Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. Der Berichterstatter erwähnt zu Recht, dass der südostasiatische Raum nicht nur auf die Länder Japan, China und Indien reduziert werden darf und dass schon bedeutende Entwicklungen in den Bereichen Sicherheit, Korruption und Menschenrechte erzielt wurden. Nichtsdestotrotz besteht noch sehr viel Handlungsbedarf, da in einigen Ländern immer noch Menschenrechtsverletzungen begangen werden, die Atomwaffenabrüstung vorangetrieben werden muss und auch der Umweltschutz und die öffentliche Sicherheit vermehrt thematisiert werden sollten. Hier kann die EU durch ihre Vorreiter-Position bedeutende politische und humanitäre Hilfestellung leisten, obwohl die tatsächliche Tragweite des Einflusses abzuwägen bleibt.

 
  
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  Iuliu Winkler (PPE), în scris. − Obiectivul principal al ASEAN este de a crea o piață internă pentru 600 de milioane de persoane până în 2015. Urmărirea acestui obiectiv va duce la transformarea ASEAN într-o piață competitivă, comparabilă cu piețele UE, SUA, China, Japonia sau India. În acest context, este semnificativ faptul că Raport cu privire la relațiile UE-ASEAN atrage atenția asupra relațiilor dintre Uniune și ASEAN care, fără un motiv anume, sunt adesea neglijate în favoarea relațiilor cu China, Japonia și India. Am votat acest raport care arată preocuparea legislativului european cu privire la consolidarea cooperării între cele două piețe cu atât mai mult cu cât puterea de cumpărare a ASEAN și dimensiunea economiei sale sunt deja comparabile cu cele ale Chinei, iar mediul politic al ASEAN este în dezvoltare. Am votat acest raport și pentru faptul că vizează relațiile UE cu ASEAN în ansamblul și nu cu state membre individuale ale acestei organizații geo-politice. Relațiile bilaterale urmează să fie tratate în rezoluții speciale care se așteaptă să fie adoptate în ceea ce privește recomandările Parlamentului referitoare la negocierile pentru acorduri de parteneriat și cooperare sau la proceduri de apărare și rapoartele însoțitoare referitoare la punerea în aplicare a noilor acorduri de parteneriat și cooperare.

 
  
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  Jacek Włosowicz (EFD), na piśmie. − Olbrzymie rozbieżności pomiędzy państwami członkowskimi wzbudzają wątpliwości co do rozwoju regionalizmu na wzór europejski. Komunikat ASEAN dotyczący chęci stworzenia AEC (Wspólnota Gospodarcza ASEAN) do 2020 r. początkowo wywołał pozytywne porównania z wcześniejszymi formami UE. Bliższe spojrzenie na te dwie organizacje ukazuje jednak liczne różnice strukturalne. EWG była unią celną z przewodnim, ponadnarodowym ciałem, co oznaczało, że państwa członkowskie scedowały na nią sprawowanie kontroli nad częścią swoich gospodarek. Jako członkowie unii celnej państwa członkowskie przyjęły zasady wolnego handlu w stosunku do wszystkich produktów z innych państw EWG oraz zastosowały wspólną politykę celną wobec innych państw spoza obszaru unii celnej.

Państwa ASEAN jednak nie są chętne, aby oddać państwową politykę gospodarczą wobec innych państw jakiemuś ponadnarodowemu organowi. Oznacza to, że ASEAN próbuje ustanowić wspólny rynek bez tworzenia unii celnej lub jakiejś ponadnarodowej władzy. Poza tym w przeciwieństwie do UE systemy polityczne państw ASEAN rozciągają się od monarchii absolutnych przez junty wojskowe aż do jednopartyjnego państwa komunistycznego. Z takimi rozbieżnościami polityczna integracja państw takich jak Indonezja, Malezja, Filipiny, Singapur, Tajlandia, a ostatnio również Brunei, Wietnam, Laos, Myanmar, wydaje się niemożliwa.

 
  
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  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. A ASEAN é uma das mais importantes organizações regionais emergentes do mundo. Não constitui pois surpresa que a UE aponte baterias para a região do Sudeste Asiático e que tenha iniciado negociações com a Malásia, a Tailândia e o Vietname para o estabelecimento de um acordo dito de livre comércio (ALC), estando em vias de concluir um acordo do mesmo tipo com Singapura, com o objetivo último de estabelecer um ALC entre as duas regiões. Essa perspetiva é evidente, não apenas pelos acordos em negociação ou em vias de conclusão mas pelo apoio explícito à integração económica regional assente na livre circulação de bens, serviços e investimentos com o objetivo final de estabelecer um ALC entre as duas regiões. O que importa à maioria do PE é abrir mercados e dominar países para a voracidade do grande capital. Veja-se o caso paradigmático do setor têxtil. Permitiu-se a deslocalização dos monopólios deste setor dos países da UE para os países desta região, sempre com o objetivo de reduzir os custos do trabalho (lá e cá), defendendo-se agora a supressão dos custos com as importações através do ALC, o livre estabelecimento das empresas, o que levará à pressão para uma ainda maior compressão dos salários e direitos laborais dos trabalhadores de ambas as regiões.

 

11.7. Tachographs and social legislation relating to road transport (A7-0471/2013 - Silvia-Adriana Ţicău)
Video of the speeches
  

Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Ismail Ertug (S&D). - Herr Präsident! Ich denke, dass es gelungen ist zu zeigen, dass die Europäische Union auch fähig ist, Gesetzgebung zu betreiben, die tatsächlich einen europäischen Mehrwert mit sich bringt. Wir wissen nun, dass wir dadurch tatsächlich mehr Verkehrssicherheit haben werden. Wir werden dadurch auch den Missbrauch eindämmen können. Und ich denke auch, dass tatsächlich jetzt auch mit den neuen technologischen Möglichkeiten die Nachverfolgung vereinfacht werden wird, dass wir uns die Unterwegskontrollen dadurch auch vereinfachen können. In diesem Sinne glaube ich, dass das ein guter Entschluss und eine gute Entscheidung ist. Die Ausnahmeregelung gibt den Mitgliedstaaten auch noch die Möglichkeit, dort, wo es angebracht ist, diverse Ausnahmen zu gestatten.

 
  
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  Sandra Petrović Jakovina (S&D). - Sostengo fortemente il regolamento proposto perché il suo scopo è quello di far rispettare meglio le norme sociali e perché mira a rendere più difficili le frodi. Infine, questo porterà all'armonizzazione di alcune disposizioni in materia sociale, nel settore dei trasporti su strada, in particolare per i conducenti professionisti, controllando in tal modo la conformità alle norme sui tempi di guida e sui periodi di riposo, in modo da garantire la sicurezza stradale e assicurare condizioni di lavoro decenti.

L'introduzione del tachigrafo intelligente costituirà uno strumento per ridurre gli oneri amministrativi e contribuirà a migliorare l'attuazione della legislazione con gli obblighi relativi al tachigrafo per le imprese di trasporti in regola, imponendo così gli obblighi e le responsabilità molto chiare in caso di violazione.

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica (PPE). - Gospodine predsjedavajući, podržavam Rezoluciju koja nalaže promjene postojećih tahografskih uređaja iz 1985. godine, čime bi se administrativna opterećenja znatno smanjila uz pomoć novih tehnologija, i uvođenje novih regulativa, čime bi se suzbile moguće prijevare.

Uvođenjem novih pametnih tahografa znatno se smanjuju opterećenja koja su povezana s tahografima koji su potrebni za transportna poduzeća, ali i onih koji su namijenjeni za kratkoročnu i dugoročnu upotrebu. Promjene koje bi se uvele upotrebom novih tahografa, uključujući nepostojanost grešaka u slučaju slanja kazni vozaču i poduzeću, nove regulative o snimanju podataka, kao i upozorenja i prikaz informacija vozaču.

Podržavam odluku Europskog parlamenta i Vijeća o periodu od 36 mjeseci za uvođenje novih tahografa na tržištu, dakle podržavam sve nove tehnologije i inovacije i samim time i ovu Rezoluciju koja će omogućiti niz novih projekata.

 
  
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  Jim Higgins (PPE). - A Uachtaráin, tá ról lárnach ag tacagraif maidir leis an gcomhlíonadh a dhéanann tiománaithe gairmiúla iompair de bhóthar ar na rialacha a bhaineann le ham tiomána agus tréimhsí scíthe a sheiceáil. Tá tionchar tábhachtach ag na tacagraif ar shábháilteacht ar bhóithre san Aontas Eorpach.

Nuair a bhreathnaíonn tú ar na figiúirí, gach bliain maraítear thart ar 6 000 duine i dtimpistí bóthair a bhfuil HGVanna páirteach iontu. Meastar go bhfuil na rialacha tacagraf á sárú ag timpeall an ceathrú cuid de na tiománaithe san Eoraip faoi láthair. Tá na tiománaithe faoi brú na rialacha tacagraif a shárú chun go bhféadfaidh siad tiomáint le haghaidh tréimhsí fada agus tugann sé sin buntáiste iomaíoch míchothrom dóibh siúd atá ag briseadh an dlí. Bíonn droch-impleachtaí sláinte aige sin do na tiománaithe.

Mar fhocal scoir, is céim phraiticiúil chun tacaíocht a thabhairt do na fiontair bheaga agus mheánmhéide atá sa togra seo.

 
  
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  Marino Baldini (S&D). - Gospodine predsjedniče, koliko god ulagali u cestovnu infrastrukturu i automobilsku industriju, sigurnost na cestama i dalje ostaje ugrožena zbog ljudskog faktora upravljanja vozilima. Umor vozača je često uzrok fatalnih prometnih nesreća sa posljedicama trajne invalidnosti ili u najtežim slučajevima smrtnim ishodom. Materijalna šteta koja nastaje u takvim slučajevima je samo kolateralna šteta.

Kako bismo utjecali na ovaj ljudski faktor moramo odgovorno donositi propise koji se tiču radnih uvjeta profesionalnih vozača, a to svakako podrazumijeva primjenu novih tehnologija u sustavu nadzora kontrole radnog vremena profesionalnih vozača.

Stoga pozdravljam izvješće izvjestiteljice Ţicău kojim se modernizira zastarjeli sustav kontrole i to na suvremen, prihvatljiv, financijski prihvatljiv, učinkovit način uz istovremeno poštivanje načela privatnosti i načela zaštite podataka.

 
  
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  Dieter-Lebrecht Koch (PPE). - Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich habe den Vorschlag zum digitalen Tachografen abgelehnt. Die Berichterstatterin hat durch ihren Einsatz für den digitalen Tachografen viel erreicht, was das Thema Fernabfrage von Daten, einheitliche Kontrollpraxen und Datenschutz betrifft – keine Frage! Doch der mit dem Rat der EU ausgehandelte Kompromiss geht mir nicht weit genug. Wir Abgeordneten hatten zahlreiche Vorschläge für praxistaugliche Lösungen gemacht. Nicht ein einziger davon ist von den nationalen Verkehrsministern angenommen worden.

Ich habe mich speziell für eine flexiblere Handhabung der Lenk- und Ruhezeiten für den Reisebusverkehr eingesetzt. Hier wäre es ein Leichtes, mit flexibleren Regeln einen hohen Mehrwert für den Bürger zu schaffen. Natürlich dürfen wir der Manipulation nicht Tür und Tor öffnen. Es darf durch die Flexibilisierung keine Mehrbelastung der Fahrer entstehen. Aber Menschen verhalten sich eben anders als leblose Güter. Da müssen wir auf Reisen schon vonseiten der Passagierrechte Pausen einlegen.

 
  
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  Andrej Plenković (PPE). - Gospodine predsjedavajući, podupirem izvješće kolegice Ticau o tahografima i socijalnom zakonodavstvu u vezi s cestovnim prometom koje ima za cilj smanjenje operativnih troškova i sprečavanje prijevara uvođenjem novih tehnologija. Šest milijuna kamiona i autobusa je opremljeno tahografom unutar Europske unije, a procjenjuje se da ¼ vozila krši trenutačna pravila i legislativu. Zato je Komisija predložila reviziju regulacije o tahografima kako bi se upotrebom novih tehnologija smanjio administrativni teret tvrtkama i dovelo do uštede od 500 milijuna eura godišnje. Uvođenjem pametnih tahografa omogućit će se i satelitsko praćenje, što će uvelike olakšati kontrolu vozila.

Hrvatska je uvela digitalne tahografe 2009. godine, a ove godine smo izglasali Zakon o radnom vremenu, obveznim odborima mobilnih radnika i uređajima za bilježenje u cestovnom prometu koji je u potpunosti uskladio našu legislativu s EU. Smatram da će ovo izvješće pomoći i hrvatskim prijevozničkim tvrtkama te omogućiti bolju kontrolu prijevara za korištenje tahografa.

 
  
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  Daniel Hannan (ECR). - Mr President, in common, I suspect, with most people in the Chamber, whenever I visit a firm in my constituency, particularly a smaller and medium-sized enterprise, and ask if there is anything I can do to help, the top answer by miles is: ‘Get out of our way, do nothing, leave us alone.’

Here, discussing this proposal, we have a classic example of it. We passed a well-intentioned law saying that people should not work for more than 48 hours and that there need to be statutory rest periods for drivers and so on. What the lawmakers fail to understand is that the hassle lies not in imposing the law, but in proving to the inspector that you have complied with the regulation: the days off work you have to take; the logs you have to keep; all the unnecessary cost and bureaucracy involved in showing, to the satisfaction of the authorities, that you have met the requirements. Now we are reduced to spying on people to make sure that lorry drivers are not in breach of the Working Time Directive.

As the great Chinese sage Lao Tzu said, 600 years before the birth of Christ: ‘Do nothing and the people will, of themselves, prosper.’

 
  
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  Syed Kamall (ECR). - Mr President, it is important when we consider issues like this to get the right balance. Of course we all want to see safer roads. No one wants to see unsafer roads, as it were, but at the same time we have to balance that against the cost of businesses. In seeking to do so we must make sure, as my colleague Dan Hannan has said previously, that the costs are not prohibitive.

I get complaints from companies quite often saying, once again, that this may suit the large companies that have compliance departments and are able to comply with the laws, but for small businesses it quite often affects them disproportionately. So when we look at legislation like this it is important to get that balance right between solving a problem on the one hand, and the costs to businesses of compliance on the other.

Also in this particular area we should look at all the problems surrounding civil liberties and privacy and data, and we should make sure that the data is only being used for what it is supposed to be used for, without undermining public rights. If we can get that balance right then maybe, just maybe, we can achieve a more competitive market across the EU.

 
  
  

Schriftliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. Aprovo o presente relatório, tendo em consideração que o tacógrafo é utilizado no transporte rodoviário para verificar o cumprimento das regras sobre o tempo de condução e os períodos de repouso, de forma a favorecer a segurança rodoviária, condições de trabalho dignas para os condutores e a concorrência leal entre as empresas de transportes, sendo o objetivo deste ato legal o de tornar a fraude mais difícil, melhorar a aplicação da legislação social e reduzir os encargos administrativos mediante a utilização plena das novas tecnologias e a introdução de algumas novas disposições regulamentares. Para além disso, sou favorável à introdução do tacógrafo inteligente por acreditar que o mesmo irá melhorar a aplicação da legislação e permitirá reduzir, a médio e a longo prazo, os encargos administrativos associados às obrigações decorrentes do tacógrafo para as empresas de transporte que cumprem a lei. Durante as negociações, foi explicitada a necessidade de garantir que o tacógrafo inteligente seja eficiente, mas a preços acessíveis.

 
  
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  Elena Oana Antonescu (PPE), în scris. − Scopul acestei propuneri de regulament este de a reduce sarcinile administrative privind aparatura de înregistrare în transportul rutier, prin valorificarea deplină a noilor tehnologii și introducerea unei serii de noi măsuri de reglementare, care vor crește siguranța infrastructurii rutiere. Susțin introducerea tahografelor „inteligente”, deoarece acestea vor contribui la o mai bună implementare a timpilor de condus și de odihnă, în vederea creșterii siguranței rutiere și vor face ca fraudele, utilizarea improprie și manipularea să fie mai ușor de detectat, permițând transferul de date și verificarea la distanță, prin transmisii fără fir către autoritățile de control.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – Le tachygraphe est un instrument important dans le secteur des transports car il permet de contrôler les durées de travail et de repos des chauffeurs routiers. Ce rapport vise à actualiser le règlement en vigueur depuis 1985, à limiter les risques de fraude et donc à renforcer la sécurité routière et la concurrence loyale entre opérateurs du secteur du transport. J'ai donc voté pour ce texte législatif.

 
  
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  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau prieš siūlymą atmesti per pirmąjį svarstymą priimtą Tarybos poziciją. Taryba palaiko tikslą pasiekti, kad būtų geriau įgyvendinamos socialinės taisyklės, susijusios su kelių transportu ir sumažėtų administracinė našta, visiškai išnaudojant naujas technologijas ir naujas reguliavimo priemones. Tachografai kelių transporto srityje naudojami stebėti, ar laikomasi vairavimo ir poilsio laiko taisyklių, siekiant užtikrinti kelių eismo saugą, deramas vairuotojų darbo sąlygas ir sąžiningą transporto įmonių konkurenciją. Pritariu išdėstytiems siūlymams diegti išmaniuosius tachografus, kurie padėtų sumažinti administracinę naštą, susijusią su prievolėmis, tenkančiomis tachografą naudojančioms transporto įmonėms. Išmanusis tachografas turės dvi naujas funkcijas: nuotolinio ryšio funkciją, skirtą kontroliuoti, ir buvimo vietos duomenų įrašymo funkciją. Kartu būtina numatyti didesnes duomenų apsaugos ir privatumo garantijas.

 
  
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  Heinz K. Becker (PPE), schriftlich. Durch die Ausstattung von Lkws und Bussen im Fernverkehr mit „intelligenten Fahrtenschreibern“ sparen wir Zeit und Geld für diejenigen Transportunternehmen, die die Lenk- und Ruhezeiten respektieren und dadurch die Sicherheit im Straßenverkehr erhöhen. Weil die neuen Tachografen aus der Entfernung ausgelesen werden können, hat das oft stundenlange Warten bei Straßenkontrollen für die Spediteure endlich ein Ende. Ich freue mich insbesondere über die Ausnahme von Handwerksbetrieben in einem Radius von 100 km um den Firmensitz aus der Tachografenverordnung. Dies ist ein wichtiges Signal zur Unterstützung der heimischen Wirtschaft!

 
  
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  Слави Бинев (EFD), в писмена форма. − Гласувах в полза на предложението на Комисията за тахографите и социалното законодателство, свързано с автомобилния транспорт, тъй като този доклад има за цел да се гарантира безопасността на движението по пътищата, достойните условия на труд за водачите и лоялната конкуренция между транспортните предприятия.

Целта на новото законодателство е да бъде затруднено извършването на измами, по-добре да се наложи спазването на социалните правила и да се намали административната тежест чрез пълноценното използване на новите технологии и въвеждането на редица нови регулаторни мерки. Въвеждането на достъпни интелигентни тахографи ще спомогне за подобряване на прилагането на законодателството и ще бъде начин за намаляване на административната тежест, пораждана от свързаните с тях задължения за спазващите правилата транспортни предприятия.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Mi sono astenuta durante la votazione sulla relazione Ţicău sui tachigrafi. Pur essendo necessarie misure capaci di fermare il fenomeno della manomissione dei tachigrafi, non condivido nel modo più assoluto le posizioni contenute nel testo. Sono totalmente contraria all'imposizione obbligatoria di un nuovo dispositivo sui veicoli: questa decisione aumenterà soltanto i costi delle imprese già fortemente in difficoltà e non risolverà, invece, il problema delle frodi.

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, nes juo Parlamentas pritaria reglamentui, pakeisiančiam anksčiau priimtus ES teisės aktus kelių transporto saugos srityje. Tachografai kelių transporto srityje naudojami stebėti, ar laikomasi vairavimo ir poilsio laiko taisyklių, siekiant užtikrinti kelių eismo saugą, deramas vairuotojų darbo sąlygas ir sąžiningą transporto įmonių konkurenciją. Siūlomo reglamento, kuriuo bus pakeistas dabartinis 1985 m. priimtas reglamentas, tikslas – pasiekti, kad sukčiauti būtų sudėtingiau, būtų geriau įgyvendinamos socialinės taisyklės ir sumažėtų administracinė našta, visiškai išnaudojant naujas technologijas ir nustatant tam tikras naujas reguliavimo priemones. Be kita ko, Parlamentas pritarė išmaniojo tachografo įdiegimui, kuris turės dvi naujas funkcijas: nuotolinio ryšio funkciją, skirtą kontroliuoti, ir buvimo vietos duomenų įrašymo funkciją.

 
  
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  Biljana Borzan (S&D), napisan. − Ova Regulativa ima za cilj veću sigurnost prometa. Prema procjenama, godišnje u svijetu u prometnim nesrećama strada oko 800 000 ljudi. Također, procjenjuje se da će do 2020. godine u prometnim nesrećama godišnje stradati 1 do 1,3 milijuna ljudi te će to biti šesti najčešći uzrok smrti. Najvažnija novina odnosi se na uvođenje „pametnih” tahografa. Oni automatski bilježe lokaciju vozila te se omogućava daljinska komunikacija u svrhu kontrole. Na taj način se s jedne strane vrši kontrola vozača u smislu pridržavanja propisa, ali korist je i u smislu poštovanja radničkih prava. Naime, nesreće se često događaju zbog umora vozača uzrokovanim predugom vožnjom kako bi se zadovoljili zahtjevi poslodavca. Pozdravljam donošenje ove Regulative jer otežava mogućnost kršenja propisa i povećava socijalna prava, stavljajući nove tehnologije u punu funkciju.

 
  
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  Arkadiusz Tomasz Bratkowski (PPE), na piśmie. − W głosowaniu opowiedziałem się za przyjęciem rezolucji w sprawie tachografów i przepisów socjalnych odnoszących się do transportu drogowego. Zaproponowane rozporządzenie zmienia i aktualizuje przepisy z roku 1985 dotyczące tachografów, które są urządzeniami powszechnie stosowanymi i wykorzystywanymi w transporcie drogowym do monitorowania czasu pracy kierowców. Nowe zapisy odnoszą się do inteligentnych tachografów, które będą posiadać dwie dodatkowe funkcje: komunikacji na odległość oraz zapisywania danych lokalizacji pojazdu. Czas przewidziany na ich wprowadzenie na rynek to 36 miesięcy. Powyższe rozporządzenie przewiduje zwolnienie z obowiązku stosowania omawianych urządzeń dla samochodów ciężarowych o masie poniżej 7,5 t wykorzystywanych do transportu materiałów bądź sprzętu dla użytku kierowcy w odległości 100 km od siedziby przedsiębiorstwa. Wierzę, że zastosowanie nowych rozwiązań technologicznych w odniesieniu do tachografów zminimalizuje ewentualne próby popełniania oszustw, wpłynie na ograniczenie obciążeń administracyjnych, a także wzmocni normy socjalne.

 
  
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  Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − La sicurezza sul lavoro è un obiettivo che questo Parlamento persegue in ogni possibile occasione. Questa proposta di regolamento non fa eccezione: gli autotrasporti, che siano imprenditori autonomi o lavoratori dipendenti, devono essere messi in condizione di poter lavorare e competere tra loro senza fare dumping sociale e senza sacrificare tempo, pause e sonno. Anzi, a maggior ragione le persone che trascorrono lontano da casa settimane intere hanno tutto il diritto di avere voglia di tornare dalle proprie famiglie prima possibile. Ma questa non è una ragione sufficiente per abbassare la guardia quando si tratta di sicurezza stradale, soprattutto per chi guida per motivi di lavoro. Mi dispiace per quei colleghi che, per un cavillo, hanno provato a far saltare i lunghi negoziati che hanno condotto a questo testo: io, indipendentemente dalla bontà degli emendamenti proposti, ho votato per far approvare questo testo e sostituire la normativa precedente, che aveva quasi trent'anni.

 
  
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  Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Je soutiens l'amélioration du système de contrôle par tachygraphe dans le transport routier. Ce dispositif permet de lutter efficacement contre les fraudes à la législation européenne en matière sociale, tout en réduisant les charges administratives. L'utilisation des nouvelles technologies telles que GNSS pour atteindre ces objectifs me semble en outre particulièrement intéressante.

 
  
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  Christine De Veyrac (PPE), par écrit. – J’ai voté en faveur de cette proposition dont l’essence est de réviser le règlement (CEE) n° 3821/85 du Conseil afin d'améliorer le système de contrôle par tachygraphe. Je me félicite de cette proposition qui vise à faire mieux respecter la législation sociale et à réduire les charges administratives inutiles, en développant les aspects techniques du tachygraphe et en améliorant son efficacité.

 
  
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  Jill Evans (Verts/ALE), in writing. − I voted against the decision to reject the Council position. The provisions on data protection and the automatic recording of driving time and speed are to be welcomed. I thank those of my constituents in Wales who contacted me on the issue of road safety, and I hope this is one measure that will assist in this regard.

 
  
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  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. O tacógrafo é utilizado no transporte rodoviário para verificar o cumprimento das regras sobre o tempo de condução e os períodos de repouso, de forma a favorecer a segurança rodoviária, as condições de trabalho para os condutores e a concorrência leal entre as empresas de transportes. O regulamento aqui proposto vai substituir o que está em vigor desde 1985 e vai torná-lo mais seguro. Essa segurança que vai proteger e beneficiar os condutores de longo curso, por isso mesmo, estou inteiramente de acordo.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Valorizamos a função do tacógrafo enquanto instrumento de apoio ao cumprimento da lei laboral em cada Estado-Membro, nomeadamente no que respeita à proteção dos trabalhadores e da sua saúde, quanto ao tempo máximo de condução e mínimo de repouso, e de promoção da segurança rodoviária. O objetivo do regulamento agora proposto é tornar a fraude mais difícil, melhorar a aplicação da legislação social e reduzir os encargos administrativos mediante a utilização das novas tecnologias – tacógrafos inteligentes ligados a satélites – e a introdução de algumas novas disposições regulamentares. Apesar de termos votado contra a proposta de rejeição do grupo EFD, alguns aspetos relativos à proposta aprovada em segunda leitura suscitam-nos preocupações e deveriam, em nossa opinião, ser devidamente acautelados: assegurar a proteção da privacidade do condutor; excluir o uso deste instrumento para aplicar sanções ao trabalhador pela entidade patronal; a formação (prevista para agentes de controlo) deve ser extensiva aos trabalhadores e às empresas; da aplicação e funcionamento deste instrumento não deve resultar nenhum custo para o trabalhador (por exemplo cartões, mesmo que pessoais e intransmissíveis); relativamente às isenções nacionais, deve manter-se o limite dos 50 km; redução das isenções, baixando tonelagem e reduzindo o número de passageiros.

 
  
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  Carlo Fidanza (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho votato a favore perché ritengo che l'adozione del tachigrafo possa portare maggiore sicurezza su strada per coloro che sono alla guida. Il tachigrafo garantirà una migliore osservanza delle norme sui tempi di guida e di riposo. Certo, il testo presenta ancora alcune criticità come ad esempio le tempistiche troppo lunghe per il retrofit, la scelta di una tecnologia semplificata dei dispositivi di controllo delle forze dell'Ordine per la comunicazione remota, la previsione di carte temporanee per autisti extra UE e la tempistica troppo lunga per l'applicazione del tachigrafo intelligente. Purtroppo, una bocciatura del testo avrebbe comportato conseguente ancora più negative.

 
  
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  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne Tachografy slúžia na monitorovanie cestnej premávky a dodržovanie pravidiel s cieľom zaistiť bezpečnosť a dôstojné pracovné podmienky pre vodičov. Nové nariadenie zlepší využitie digitálneho tachografu, zariadenia inštalovaného vo vozidle a slúžiaceho na sledovanie jeho činnosti. Podarilo sa dosiahnuť rovnováhu medzi väčšou bezpečnosťou cestnej premávky a pracovnými podmienkami na jednej strane a rešpektovaním súkromného života vodičov na strane druhej. Do praxe sa zavedú inteligentné tachografy, ktoré budú slúžiť ako prostriedok na zlepšenie presadzovania právnych predpisov a takisto prinesú zníženie administratívnej záťaže pre dopravné spoločnosti. Do 15 rokov po uvedení inteligentných tachografov na trh by mali byť vybavené takýmto tachografom všetky vozidlá. Návrh na zlúčenie vodičských preukazov a kariet vodiča sa v tomto štádiu vyhodnotil ako nedostatočne rozvinutý a nepripravený, a preto sa z textu vypustil. Podľa dohodnutého znenia používanie tachografov nie je povinné pre nákladné vozidlá nepresahujúce 7,5 tony a využívané na prepravu materiálu, zariadení alebo strojov, ktoré vodič používa počas svojej práce a ktoré sa používajú iba v okruhu 100 kilometrov od základne podniku, vždy pod podmienkou, že vedenie vozidla nepredstavuje hlavnú činnosť vodiča.

 
  
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  Elisabetta Gardini (PPE), per iscritto. − Tanti, troppi incidenti sono causati da colpi di sonno provocati dalla stanchezza. L'Europa ha il dovere di mettere in pratica tutte quelle azioni che contribuiscono ad aumentare la sicurezza sulle nostre strade. Il tachigrafo rappresenta uno strumento fondamentale per controllare tempi di guida e di riposo ed evitare che qualche sconsiderato si metta al volante mettendo a repentaglio la vita di altre persone. Il nuovo regolamento, oltre a rendere più difficili le frodi, ridurrà gli oneri amministrativi avvalendosi della tecnologia. È la strada giusta, da percorrere senza esitazioni.

 
  
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  Philippe Juvin (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu le rapport de ma collègue Silvia-Adriana Ticau, qui modernise les systèmes de contrôle embarqué dans les transports routiers et améliore les moyen de suivi de ceux-ci afin de s'assurer du respect des normes sociales dans ce secteur, notamment en matière de repos des conducteurs. Je me félicite donc de son adoption.

 
  
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  Bogusław Liberadzki (S&D), na piśmie. − Sprawozdanie posłanki Ţicău w sprawie tzw. inteligentnych tachografów to dobre sprawozdanie, związane z potrzebą zastąpienia regulacji z 1985 roku. Głównym jego celem jest uniemożliwienie manipulacji przy tachografach, przy jednoczesnym wzmocnieniu zasad dotyczących ochrony socjalnej kierowców tak, aby czas ich pracy oraz odpoczynku był przestrzegany.

Ponadto cel nadrzędny to poprawa bezpieczeństwa ruchu drogowego w Europie. Tzw. inteligentne tachografy mają posiadać dwie nowe funkcje: zdalną komunikację dla celów monitoringu oraz możliwość nagrywania danych dotyczących lokalizacji pojazdu, co budziło kontrowersje w zakresie ochrony danych. Negocjacje z Radą były długie, ale sprawozdawczyni udało się osiągnąć zadowalającą równowagę pomiędzy – z jednej strony – poprawą warunków pracy kierowców, a – z drugiej strony – kwestią ochrony danych. To dzięki grupie Postępowego Sojuszu Socjalistów i Demokratów w PE przepisy dotyczące ochrony danych kierowców zostały włączone do dokumentu. Wynegocjowana propozycja spotkała się z moją aprobatą.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Le tachygraphe est utilisé dans les transports routiers pour contrôler le respect des règles relatives à la durée de conduite et aux temps de repos dans un souci de sécurité routière, de conditions de travail décentes pour les conducteurs et de concurrence loyale entre les entreprises de transport. Le règlement proposé, qui remplacera le règlement en vigueur depuis 1985, a pour objectif de rendre la fraude plus difficile, de mieux faire appliquer la réglementation sociale et de réduire la charge administrative en utilisant pleinement les nouvelles technologies et en instaurant un certain nombre de nouvelles dispositions réglementaires. Malheureusement la proposition du Conseil ne reprend pas les positions exprimée par le parlement en première lecture: la possibilité, pour les conducteurs, d’appeler un numéro gratuit leur permettant de demander anonymement un contrôle (ce qui permet d’éviter les fraudes patronales au temps de travail), ou la définition de «période de travail journalière» qui était la plus favorable aux salariés. Cependant je m'abstiens pour permettre d'améliorer à la marge les conditions de travail des conducteurs.

 
  
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  Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. O tacógrafo é utilizado no transporte rodoviário para verificar o cumprimento das regras sobre o tempo de condução e os períodos de repouso, de forma a favorecer a segurança rodoviária, condições de trabalho dignas para os condutores e a concorrência leal entre as empresas de transportes. Com o presente regulamento, que irá substituir o regulamento em vigor desde 1985, pretendemos tornar a fraude mais difícil, melhorar a aplicação da legislação social e reduzir os encargos administrativos mediante a utilização plena das novas tecnologias e a introdução de algumas novas disposições regulamentares. Daí o meu voto favorável.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. − I voted in favour because the new regulation will improve the use of the digital tachograph, a device installed in the vehicle to monitor its activity. The report is a good balance between improved road safety and working conditions on one hand, and respect for the driverʼs private life and data on the other hand. The objective of the new regulation is to enforce stricter rules on driving and rest time (social rules), which will increase protection of drivers and road safety.

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI), schriftlich. Da der Verkehr auf Europas Straßen immer mehr und mehr zunimmt, überlegt man sich verstärkt Maßnahmen, die zur Verkehrssicherheit beitragen können. So etwa die Einführung intelligenter Fahrtenschreiber, die mehr und vor allem präzisere Kontrollen ermöglichen sollen. Vor allem im Transitbereich wird immer noch Schindluder getrieben, etwa bei der Einhaltung von Ruhezeiten der Lenker, wodurch es zu erheblichen Verkehrsrisiken kommen kann. Ich bin der Ansicht, dass vermehrte Kotrollen gerade im Transitbereich erheblich zur allgemeinen Verkehrssicherheit beitragen können. Mehr und gezielte Kontrollen durch die neuen technischen Systeme, wie etwa den intelligenten Fahrtenschreiber, könnten Manipulationen beenden. Da der Entwurf jedoch den Text ablehnt und den Vorschlag somit kippen würde, habe ich dagegen gestimmt. Denn nur wenn endlich EU-weit einheitlich kontrolliert werden könnte, würden die Maßnahmen für die Verkehrssicherheit auch zum Tragen kommen.

 
  
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  Rolandas Paksas (EFD), raštu. − Išmanieji tachografai padės pagerinti teisės aktų įgyvendinimą ir sumažinti administracinę naštą. Dėl to, siekiant užkirsti kelią sukčiavimui ir geriau įgyvendinti socialines taisykles, būtina užtikrinti, kad tachografas būtų efektyvus ir prieinamas kiekvienam suinteresuotam subjektui. Visiems turėtų būti sudaryta galimybė nemokamai naudotis intelektinės nuosavybės teisėmis, taip pat sustiprintas kontrolės mechanizmas.

Siekiant užtikrinti kelių eismo saugą, deramas vairuotojų darbo sąlygas ir sąžiningą transporto įmonių konkurenciją, yra tikslinga išplėsti tachografų funkcionalumą. Pritariu pasiūlymui laipsniškai įdiegti tokius naujoviškus tachografus siekiant, kad praėjus 15 metų nuo išmaniojo tachografo pateikimo rinkai jis turėtų būti įdiegtas visose transporto priemonėse.

Pažymėtina, kad šie tachografai naudojantis palydovinėmis navigacijos sistemomis leis fiksuoti automobilio greitį bei vietą ir sudaryti galimybę realiu laiku siųsti šiuos duomenis kontrolės institucijoms, kad jos galėtų automobilius kontroliuoti per atstumą. Naujoviški tachografai taip pat fiksuotų automobilio svorį, nes būtų susieti su jį fiksuojančiais jutikliais.

 
  
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  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. O tacógrafo é utilizado no transporte rodoviário para verificar o cumprimento das regras sobre o tempo de condução e os períodos de repouso, de forma a favorecer a segurança rodoviária, condições de trabalho dignas para os condutores e a concorrência leal entre as empresas de transportes. O objetivo do regulamento proposto, que irá substituir o regulamento em vigor desde 1985, é tornar a fraude mais difícil, melhorar a aplicação da legislação social e reduzir os encargos administrativos mediante a utilização plena das novas tecnologias e a introdução de algumas novas disposições regulamentares. Sendo o tacógrafo utilizado apenas em contexto de trabalho assalariado, considero que o direito à privacidade não se encontra diminuído, pelo que votei favoravelmente o presente relatório.

 
  
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  Tonino Picula (S&D), napisan. − Propisi i regulative, napose one vezane uz ljudsku pa tako i prometnu sigurnost, moraju pravovremeno i u korak pratiti sve intenzivniji napredak tehnologije, a u cilju njihove što učinkovitije provedbe. Prijedlog ove zakonodavne rezolucije zaslužuje podršku i zbog jasnog poziva da provedba obveze ugradnje smart tahometara mora biti cjenovno pristupačna te da u niti jednom trenutku ne smije poslužiti za zloupotrebe od strane nadzornih institucija – kompromis na kojem je inzistirao Europski parlament tijekom pregovora s Vijećem čime je još jednom potvrdio svoju važnu ulogu u zaštiti interesa europskih građana u pogledu zaštite podataka i privatnosti. Republika Hrvatska uvela je obvezu ugradnje digitalnih tahometara još 2009. godine (5 godina prije ulaska u Europsku uniju) nakon čega nije zabilježen porast troškova kod gospodarskih subjekata koji se bave cestovnim prometom, dok je s druge strane postalo nemoguće ostvarivanje ekstra profita na izrabljivanju vozača. U tom smislu, obveza ugradnje nove generacije smart tahometara u odgovarajućem roku i uz prihvatljiv trošak može donijeti samo pozitivan učinak u nadzoru sigurnosti i legalnosti cestovnog prometa.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. − The so-called ‘Tachograph Regulation’ (EC) No 3821/85’ requires that all vehicles need tachographs installed, to which the ‘Social Regulation’ (EC) No 561/2006 applies. The Commission published its amending proposal on 19 July 2011. In difficult and lengthy trilogue negotiations, the present compromise was agreed that we can accept. To illustrate, here is the compromise as well as the most radical counter-proposals:

Compromise: block exemption for lorries lighter than 7.5 tonnes operating within a radius of 100 km from the base of an undertaking not working in the transport business (non-professional drivers) and limited further exemptions. Greens/EFA: scope from 2.7 tonnes and 50 km radius with no further exemptions. Parts of EPP+ECR: from 10 tonnes, 200 km and many more exemptions.

 
  
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  Petri Sarvamaa (PPE), kirjallinen. − Äänestin mietinnön ja neuvoston kanssa sovitun kannan puolesta. Kollegat ovat tehneet hyvää työtä parantaakseen tieturvallisuutta neuvotellessaan tämän lainsäädännön uudistamiseksi. Pidän tärkeänä tietoturvan ylläpitämistä tällaisten tietojen keräämisessä ja välityksessä, mikä mielestäni toteutuu kohtuullisesti tämän lainsäädännön kautta.

 
  
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  Vilja Savisaar-Toomast (ALDE), kirjalikult. − Lugupeetud juhataja, head kolleegid! Tahan tänada Silvia-Adriana Ţicău'd ja kõiki variraportööre vajaliku ning sisuka raporti eest, millele avaldasin tänasel istungil toetust.

Raportöör on teinud kiiduväärset tööd Euroopa Liidu transpordisüsteemi tõhustamise nimel. Komisjoni andmete kohaselt rikub üks neljandik sõidukitest ELi sõidumeerikutega seotud eeskirju, hoitakse kokku personalikuludelt ja ei peeta kinni minimaalsetest puhkeperioodidest. See tähendab, et meie teedel sõidavad alamakstud ja üleväsinud juhid, kes on ohuks nii endale kui kaasliiklejatele.

Digitaalne sõidumeerik on vajalik uuendus, mis aitab kaasa nii ebaausa konkurentsi vähendamisele, töötingimuste paranemisele kui ka liiklusohutusele Euroopa teedel. Töökodade usaldusväärsuse suurendamine, satelliitnavigatsioonisüsteemide rakendamine ja süsteemide ühtlustamine on vajalikud meetmed, mida igati toetan. Selle koja eesmärk on kaitsta seaduskuulekaid autojuhte ja ettevõtteid, muutes kutselise juhi ameti hõlpsamaks ja turvalisemaks kõigi Euroopa Liidu autojuhtide jaoks, samas tagades VKEde konkurentsivõime, mida antud raport suurepäraselt teeb.

 
  
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  Olga Sehnalová (S&D), písemně. − Vítám dosažení konečné dohody k zavedení nových pravidel v oblasti silniční dopravy, která mají díky využití nových technologií v podobě inteligentních tachografů ztížit podvody, přispět k lepšímu prosazování předpisů v sociální oblasti, snížit administrativní zátěž podniků a zvýšit bezpečnost silničního provozu. Tachografy kontrolují dodržování předpisů o minimální době odpočinku řidičů, čímž pomáhají předcházet vážným dopravním nehodám, neboť únava řidičů těžkých nákladních vozidel a autobusů stojí za celou řadou tragických dopravních nehod. Jedním z příkladů z nedávné doby je vážná havárie českého autobusu v Chorvatsku z roku 2012, ke které došlo pravděpodobně právě v důsledku mikrospánku řidiče. Ve výsledné dohodě považuji za důležité začlenění požadavku Evropského parlamentu, aby náklady na zavedení nových zařízení byly pro dopravní podniky a profesionální řidiče co nejnižší. Dohoda zároveň zajišťuje ochranu údajů a soukromí řidičů a umožňuje dostatečné přechodné období pro jejich zavedení. Inteligentní tachografy mají být uvedeny na trh od roku 2018 a do patnácti let by měly nahradit stávající digitální a analogové tachografy.

 
  
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  Sergio Paolo Francesco Silvestris (PPE), per iscritto. − Apprezzo particolarmente lo spirito della proposta, volto a rendere più difficili le frodi, ad attuare le norme sociali in modo migliore e a diffondere le nuove tecnologie abbattendo gli oneri amministrativi. Condivido l'opinione generale del Parlamento relativamente al tachigrafo intelligente, che contribuirà a migliorare l'attuazione della legislazione e costituirà uno strumento per ridurre gli oneri amministrativi per le imprese di trasporti in regola. Inoltre il nuovo tachigrafo fornirà ulteriori garanzie in relazione alla protezione dei dati e alla vita privata. Relativamente a questo ultimo punto sono particolarmente soddisfatto dell'introduzione di un articolo specificamente dedicato alla protezione dei dati all'interno del capo "Principi, campo di applicazione e requisiti". Relativamente alle responsabilità e agli obblighi delle imprese di trasporti, mi compiaccio della maggiore chiarezza introdotta tramite le modifiche al testo, al fine di appianare eventuali incertezze giuridiche che andrebbero a danno degli operatori privati. Infine vorrei sottolineare che l'adozione del tachigrafo intelligente deve sì avvenire in maniera capillare entro un lasso di tempo accettabile, ma che al contempo l'acquisto e l'installazione del tachigrafo devono essere economicamente accessibili e non gravare eccessivamente sulle imprese di trasporti.

 
  
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  Monika Smolková (S&D), písomne Aj napriek tomu, že EÚ a AETR štáty si prostredníctvom záznamových zariadení (tachografov) vytvorili jednotný systém, prostredníctvom ktorého sa zaznamenávajú aktivity vodiča na účely kontroly dodržiavania sociálnej legislatívy, podľa údajov Európskej komisie sa priemerne u 9 % kontrolovaných vozidiel zistí porušovanie predpisov. U zhruba jednej štvrtiny z nich sa zistilo najmä porušenie pravidiel o tachografoch. Podporujem správu, lebo prichádza s novými návrhmi, ktoré, predpokladám, minimálne sťažia – ak nie úplne odstránia – podvodné konania s tachografmi, znížia administratívnu záťaž, zjednodušia technológiu, ktorá bude dostupná za prijateľné náklady, a v najväčšej možnej miere sa obmedzia investície členských štátov. Som rada, že do nariadenia sa zapracovali aj niektoré nové ustanovenia o funkciách tachografov a navrhovaným nariadením sa posilnila ochrana osobných údajov a ochrana súkromia vodičov uložených v systéme. Za pozitívne považujem aj to, že nariadením sa umožňuje udeliť výnimka používania tachografov v prípade určitých používateľov v rámci jednotne rozšíreného okruhu.

 
  
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  Bart Staes (Verts/ALE), schriftelijk. − Dit rapport over de rust- en rijtijden in het wegtransport leidt eindelijk tot goed resultaat. De onderhandelingen hebben meer dan een jaar aangesleept en waren een harde dobber. Het resultaat is relatief bevredigend, omdat enkele cruciale punten in de eindtekst zijn opgenomen. Zo zullen de rijtijden automatisch geregistreerd worden op de tachograaf, samen met de gereden snelheid. Belangrijk voor ons is ook dat niet de chauffeur maar het tewerkstellende bedrijf verantwoordelijk zal gesteld worden bij overtreding van deze wet. Jammer dat de inwerkingtreding allicht wat lang op zich zal laten wachten en dit in de praktijk tot vijf jaar kan duren. Ik hoop dat dit soort concrete wetten en actie het vertrouwen in Europa terug brengt. Europa mag niet langer gezien worden als iets bedreigends. Het moet bescherming bieden. Dit vredesproject levert ons nog steeds meer op dan we er bij verliezen, maar de koers moet dringend bijgesteld worden, op vele vlakken. Europa moet groener, socialer én dus ecologischer. Daar vecht ik elke dag voor.

 
  
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  Davor Ivo Stier (PPE), napisan. − Podržao sam ovo izvješće. Važno je ojačati implementaciju postojećih zakona kako bi se osigurala djelotvorna i jedinstvena provedba zakonodavstva o radnom vremenu i odmorima vozača. To je važno zbog sigurnosti putnika, ali i zaštite prava i stvaranje dostojnih radnih uvjeta za vozače. Također, time se štite tvrtke od nelojalne konkurencije u industriji transporta. Uvođenje „pametnih“ tahografa kojima bi se osigurala efikasnija provedba legislative po povoljnoj cijeni, svakako je korak naprijed. Ovo je sustav kojima će se lakše detektirati manipulacije i prijevare. Međutim, treba uzeti u obzir da uvođenje komunikacije na daljinsko upravljanje u svrhu bolje kontrole te snimanje podataka o lokaciji donosi i svoje rizike, poput zaštite podataka. Dobro je što je usvojen stav Parlamenta nakon prvog čitanja i što je sada čitavo poglavlje prijedloga posvećeno upravo sigurnosti podataka.

 
  
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  Kay Swinburne (ECR), in writing. − I would like to congratulate the colleagues involved for the hard work undertaken in the trialogue process to reach what is a satisfactory second-reading agreement on this revision of the rules on tachographs. The agreement that was reached successfully addresses key concerns identified at the first-reading vote on this issue. In light of the improvements, I voted in favour of the report today.

 
  
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  Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur du texte. Le tachygraphe est utilisé dans les transports routiers pour contrôler le respect des règles relatives à la durée de conduite et aux temps de repos dans un souci de sécurité routière, de conditions de travail décentes pour les conducteurs et de concurrence loyale entre les entreprises de transport. Le règlement proposé, qui remplacera le règlement en vigueur depuis 1985, a pour objectif de rendre la fraude plus difficile, de mieux faire appliquer la réglementation sociale et de réduire la charge administrative en utilisant pleinement les nouvelles technologies et en instaurant un certain nombre de nouvelles dispositions réglementaires.

 
  
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  Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. A Comissão Europeia propôs este regulamento, em 2011, com o objetivo de acomodar o sistema de tacógrafo às novas tecnologias, nomeadamente o tacógrafo inteligente, de forma a tornar mais difícil as fraudes, para reduzir os encargos administrativos às transportadoras e para reforçar as provisões sociais. Com este tacógrafo, é possível comunicar à distância, para fins de controlo, e recolher dados. De acordo com este regulamento, as companhias têm 15 anos para a adaptação dos veículos e o prazo para a introdução dos mesmos no mercado é de 3 anos. Esta obrigatoriedade não se aplica a camiões com menos de 7,5 toneladas, utilizados para o transporte de materiais, equipamento e maquinaria, no raio de 100km desde o local de partida, com a condição de não ser a principal atividade do condutor. Sou favorável a uma maior harmonização dos dispositivos rodoviários de forma a melhor as condições na rodovia.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. − Am votat pentru adoptarea regulamentului privind tahografele în transportul rutier, de abrogare a Regulamentului (CEE) nr. 3821/85 al Consiliului privind aparatura de înregistrare în transportul rutier și de modificare a Regulamentului (CE) nr. 561/2006 al Parlamentului European și al Consiliului privind armonizarea anumitor dispoziții ale legislației sociale în domeniul transporturilor rutiere. Am votat împotriva amendamentului 1, care solicită respingerea acordului privind tahografele digitale. Tahograful este folosit în transportul rutier pentru monitorizarea respectării normelor privind timpul de conducere și perioadele de repaus, în vederea asigurării siguranței rutiere, a condițiilor de lucru decente pentru conducătorii auto și a concurenței echitabile între întreprinderile de transport. Scopul regulamentului, care îl va înlocui pe cel actual, datând din anul 1985, este reducerea posibilităților de a comite o fraudă, aplicarea mai eficientă a normelor sociale și reducerea sarcinii administrative, prin valorificarea deplină a noilor tehnologii și introducerea unei serii de noi măsuri de reglementare. Textul noului regulament aduce îmbunătățiri în ceea ce privește comunicarea la distanță pentru efectuarea de controale, înregistrarea datelor de localizare, drepturile de proprietate intelectuală, protecția datelor și confidențialitatea, rolul ofițerilor de control și responsabilitatea companiilor de transport.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR), napisan. − Ovo izvješće tipičan je primjer dodane vrijednosti koju Unija može pruziti državama članicama, bez zadiranja u princip supsidijarnosti, te je stoga dobilo moju podršku. Usvajanjem ovog izvješća Parlament je podržao uvođenje pametnih tahografa, koji su se pokazali učinkovitijim, ali i povoljnijim od dosadašnje alternative. Podupirem ideju pametnog tahografa jer smatram da će se pomoću koncepta daljinske komunikacije i snimanja efikasnije suzbijati prjevare te automatizmom smanjiti administrativni teret država članica. Izvješće držim pozitivnim pomakom u poboljšanju sigurnosti cestovnog prometa i boljom podlogom za poštovanje pravila svih profesionalnih vozača, što će u konačnici rezultirati pravednijom konkurencijom među prijevoznim kompanijama.

 
  
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  Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Le Parlement européen s'est prononcé le mercredi 15 janvier sur la généralisation de l'utilisation des tachygraphes intelligents. Ces appareils qui enregistrent les informations sur les trajets des poids lourds sont utilisés pour contrôler le respect du droit du travail par les compagnies de transport qui usent, nous le savons bien, de méthodes indignes envers leurs salariés. J'ai voté pour la généralisation de l'utilisation de cet outil, qui est indispensable dans la lutte contre les trop nombreux abus des entreprises de la route, par nature difficile à contrôler, mais soyons vigilants. Un tel outil collecte de très nombreuses données, en aucun cas il ne doit se retourner contre les salariés. De plus ne nous faisons pas d'illusion, si c'est un pas positif vers plus de contrôle de la législation existante qui doit être respectée, c'est insuffisant. Pour réellement empêcher le dumping social sur la route, l'Union européenne doit se doter à tout le moins d'une législation visant à interdire le cabotage et de législations sociales mieux coordonnées dans l'intérêt des salariés ce qui suppose de sortir la concurrence du centre de ses actions.

 
  
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  Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. Der Bericht von Silvia-Adriana Ţicău befasst sich mit dem Thema der „intelligenten Tachometer“ und weist darauf hin, dass diese mit dem Ziel der Straßensicherheit und fairem Konkurrenzverhalten zwischen Transportunternehmen eingeführt werden sollen. Oftmals befassen sich Medienberichte mit der Tatsache, dass übermüdete Kraftfahrer angehalten werden, nachdem sie weit über der erlaubten Fahrzeit lagen und so eine Gefahr für die Verkehrsteilnehmer darstellten. Der vorgelegte Bericht kann daher als Schritt in die richtige Richtung gewertet werden, da intelligente Tachometer diese Umstände unterbinden sollen. Als besonders wichtig stellt sich nach wie vor der Datenschutz heraus, da die Kontrollen automatisch in einem Abstand von drei Stunden erfolgen sollen. Hierbei soll eine Entscheidung mit Bedacht abgewogen werden. Positiv zu werten ist allerdings die genaue Definition von beruflichen Kraftfahrern und dass nicht-berufliche Fahrer von diesen Kontrollen strikt ausgenommen sind. Zu diesem Bericht gab es keine Schlussabstimmung – lediglich einen Änderungsantrag, den ich ablehnte.

 
  
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  Jacek Włosowicz (EFD), na piśmie. − Czy nowe rozporządzenie Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady w sprawie harmonizacji niektórych przepisów socjalnych odnoszących się do transportu drogowego oraz zmieniające rozporządzenia Rady (EWG) nr 3821/85 i 2135/98 jak również uchylające rozporządzenie (EWG) nr 3820/85 odpowiada interesom polskich przewoźników transportu drogowego? W odpowiedzi na to pytanie warto wspomnieć o podstawowym celu, jaki przyświecał ustawodawcy unijnemu, tj. poprawie warunków socjalnych kierowców i bezpieczeństwa ruchu drogowego. Przepisy dotyczące maksymalnego dziennego, tygodniowego okresu prowadzenia pojazdu i w okresie dwóch tygodni oraz wymagania odnoszące się do minimalnych okresów przerw i odpoczynku zostały tak skonstruowane, aby zagwarantować odpowiedni odpoczynek każdemu kierowcy wykonującemu przewozy. Więcej odpoczynku, dłuższy sen = mniejsze zmęczenie i bezpieczniejsza jazda. Nowe przepisy, jak się powszechnie uważa, zmniejszą nadmierną eksploatację kierowców wykonujących przewozy i zjawisko ich zasypiania w czasie jazdy. Jak wiadomo, jest to jeden z istotnych powodów wypadków w transporcie drogowym, w tym w przewozach autobusowych, których tragiczne skutki opisywano w mediach. Jak się szacuje, koszty wypadków drogowych stanowią w Polsce aż 2,5% PKB i obciążają całe społeczeństwo, w tym również samych przewoźników drogowych i kierowców. W interesie nas wszystkich leży podniesienie poziomu bezpieczeństwa na drogach.

 
  
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  Iva Zanicchi (PPE), per iscritto. − Il tachigrafo è usato nel trasporto su strada per controllare la conformità alle norme sui tempi di guida e i periodi di riposo, al fine di garantire la sicurezza stradale, assicurare condizioni di lavoro decenti per i conducenti e favorire la leale concorrenza tra le imprese di trasporto. Con il nuovo regolamento, che andrà a sostituire quello attuale risalente al 1985, sarà dunque più difficile attuare frodi; saranno, inoltre, ridotti gli oneri amministrativi grazie a un efficace utilizzo di nuove tecnologie e nuove misure di regolamentazione.

 
  
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  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Valorizamos a função do tacógrafo enquanto instrumento de apoio ao cumprimento da lei laboral em cada Estado-Membro, nomeadamente no que respeita à proteção dos trabalhadores e da sua saúde, quanto ao tempo máximo de condução e mínimo de repouso, e à promoção da segurança rodoviária. Apesar de termos votado contra a proposta de rejeição do grupo EFD, alguns aspetos relativos à proposta aprovada em segunda leitura suscitam-nos preocupações e deveriam, em nossa opinião, ser devidamente acautelados: - Assegurar a proteção da privacidade do condutor; - Excluir o uso deste instrumento para aplicar sanções ao trabalhador pela entidade patronal; - A formação (prevista para agentes de controlo) deve ser extensiva aos trabalhadores e às empresas; - Da aplicação e funcionamento deste instrumento não deve resultar nenhum custo para o trabalhador (por exemplo cartões, mesmo que pessoais e intransmissíveis); - Relativamente às isenções nacionais, deve manter-se o limite dos 50km; - Redução das isenções, baixando tonelagem e reduzindo o número de passageiros.

 

11.8. Award of concession contracts (A7-0030/2013 - Philippe Juvin)
Video of the speeches
 

Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE). - Domnule președinte, salut inițiativa de a avea un cadru european unitar în ceea ce privește concesiunile, în special în domeniul achizițiilor publice în statele nou aderate.

O să vă dau câteva exemple foarte concrete. În momentul de față, 60% din contractele de parteneriat public-privat din Europa intră în categoria concesiunilor. Drept urmare, trebuie să dezvoltăm o structură juridică prin care întreprinderile și alte entități contractante să poată beneficia de oportunități în cadrul comunitar și nu doar în țările lor.

Cu toții știm că acest cadru este implementat în mod diferit de la stat la stat. În România, în țara mea de origine, din păcate, în momentul de față, reglementările legislative acordă posibilitatea primarilor să aloce contracte de concesiune în mod direct, inclusiv rudelor. Aș ruga Comisia Europeană să supervizeze îndeaproape acest fenomen.

 
  
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  Sandra Petrović Jakovina (S&D). - Gospodine predsjedavajući, razlog zašto podržavam ovo izvješće je bolja integracija socijalnih i društvenih pitanja kao osnovnih kriterija u postupku dodjele koncesija usmjerenih na radne uvjete, na zaštitu zdravlja osoblja, na promicanje socijalne integracije osoba u nepovoljnom položaju ili članova ranjivih skupina, uključujući dostupnost za osobe s invaliditetom. Tehničke i funkcionalne uvjete kojima se definiraju karakteristike radova ili usluga koje obuhvaća koncesija i koji moraju biti u skladu s načelima jednakog postupanja i transparentnosti.

Jednako tako podržavam primjenu prethodno navedenih faktora i na podugovaratelje, kao i pravo država članica na uvođenje strogih pravila odgovornosti. Bitno je podržati prijedlog da se koncesije ne dodjeljuju gospodarskim subjektima koji su sudjelovali u iskorištavanju trgovina ljudima i dječjeg rada, korupciji i pranju novca te neplaćanju poreza i doprinosa za socijalno osiguranje koji bi se trebali sankcionirati obaveznim isključenjem na razini Unije.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR). - Gospodine predsjedavajući, podržala sam ovaj prijedlog i držim da je ova Direktiva potrebna kako bismo konačno pravno uredili ovo područje u kojem su manipulacije i zlouporaba položaja vrlo česte pojave. Pozdravljam pojednostavljenje pravila o utvrđivanju vrijednosti ugovora i fleksibilniji pristup ponuđačima jer će to olakšati proces dodjele koncesije. No, fleksibilnost je dvosjekli mač i često otvara prostor za manipulacije pa mi je iznimno drago da Direktiva daje prava naručitelju da utvrdi kriterije o kvaliteti usluga kojima će koncesionar podlijegati.

Na taj ćemo način zaštititi javni interes i osigurati buduću kvalitetu usluga za naše građane. Ovu odredbu držim najvažnijim dijelom Direktive jer davanje koncesije privatnom gospodarskom subjektu mora biti vođeno ambicijom za podizanjem kvalitete usluge, a ne isključivo financijskom računicom i željom za ispravljanjem pogrešaka i popravljanjem rezultata loše fiskalne politike, kako je to u slučaju najavljene monetizacije Hrvatskih cesta.

 
  
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  María Irigoyen Pérez (S&D). - Señor Presidente, mi voto ha sido positivo para los tres informes —del señor Juvin y del señor Tarabella, sin olvidar al señor Panzeri— necesarios para mejorar la actual regulación en materia de contratación pública, poner fin a los vicios del procedimiento y prever situaciones no deseadas.

Con esta Directiva se han dado pasos decisivos en la buena dirección, como reducir el pago a proveedores, sobre todo en tiempo de crisis, rozando la asfixia económica, o la mejor oferta, que no tiene que ser la del precio más bajo, sino una oferta respetuosa con el medio ambiente.

Favorece la responsabilidad social empresarial apoyando objetivos sociales y medioambientales, garantizando el empleo digno y la inclusión social; mejora el acceso de las PYME y, sobre todo, combate el favoritismo y el nepotismo; hace de la transparencia y responsabilidad los ejes vertebradores de todo el proceso para evitar sobrecostes y abusos y, sobre todo, hace del uso del dinero público un uso responsable y eficaz.

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica (PPE). - Gospodine predsjedavajući, glasovala sam za ovu Rezoluciju budući da na razini Unije ne postoje pravila koja jasno uređuju sklapanje i dodjelu ugovora o koncesiji. Potrebno je bilo usvojiti pravni okvir unutar kojeg će i poduzeća i građani imati pristup tržištu Europske unije i neće biti lišeni važnih poslovnih prilika. Ovaj pravni okvir treba biti fleksibilan i u skladu s temeljnim načelima Europske unije kao što su pravna sigurnost, solidarnost, jednakost i transparentnost. Ali, svjesna sam koliko su ova pitanja osjetljiva budući da se može raditi i o davanju nacionalnih dobara u koncesije. Upravo zato da ne bi došlo do problema o kojima se trenutno raspravlja u Hrvatskoj, a vezani su za davanje autocesta u koncesiju, potrebno je stvoriti, a onda i poštivati stvoreni pravni okvir. Budući da uvijek postoji problem tumačenja donesenih pravnih pravila, u kojemu veliku ulogu na kraju ima Europski sud, potrebno je uspostaviti detaljna i jasna pravila koja će onemogućiti razne manipulacije.

 
  
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  Jim Higgins (PPE). - Mr President, it gave me great pleasure to support this report because, as has been said, it is very important to strike a balance between transparency and allowing public authorities an element of flexibility. This report recognises the specific nature of concessions as compared to public procurement contracts, and it supports the balance between, on the one hand, the need for transparency and the introduction of clear rules to ensure equal treatment of economic operators and, on the other hand, the need for flexibility and discretion on the part of public authorities.

I welcome the principle of free administration by the Member States and public authorities, according to which they are free to decide how best to manage the execution of works and the provision of services. It was very necessary that the principle of subsidiarity was respected and that the Member States should have the right to decide whether to perform their tasks with their own resources or to outsource them by delegating them to economic operators.

Finally, I welcome the right of Member States or public authorities to define and specify the characteristics of services to be provided and protected.

 
  
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  Andrej Plenković (PPE). - Gospodine predsjedavajući, podržavam izvješće kolege Philippea Juvina koje se odnosi na prijedlog Direktive Europskog parlamenta i Vijeća o dodjeli ugovora o koncesijama. Riječ je o prijedlogu Europske komisije koji revidira postojeću Direktivu iz 2004. godine s ciljem da, u okviru paketa o kojem smo jučer raspravljali i koji se odnosi na javne nabave, dodjelu ugovora o koncesiji učini jednostavnijom, uzme u obzir interes javnih vlasti, ali i ekonomskih operatora te da ovaj specifični instrument dodjele koncesija učini učinkovitijim za one koji su najvažniji, a dakle to je interes građana.

U tom smislu smatram da ovaj prijedlog osigurava poslovnim sujektima da sudjeluju ravnopravno u tržištu ugovora o koncesijama i da se na taj način izbjegnu bilo kakvo favoriziranje ili nedostatak transparentnosti na razini jedinstvenoga tržišta Europske unije.

 
  
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  Daniel Hannan (ECR). - Mr President, we are often told that half of the UK’s trade is with the European Union. It is actually now less than half, by all calculations, but let us not cavil – it is still a fairly large whack. However, only 14 % of our total GDP depends on the European Union because, in common with every other country, the majority of our economic activity is domestic. If you go to your newsagent and buy a newspaper, you are adding to the GDP of your country; you are not adding to its export figures. So 14 % of our GDP is with the EU, about 15 % is with the rest of the world and the other 71 % is domestic, yet the whole of the 100 % is subject to 100 % of regulations like these: the full mass of the acquis communautaire applies to the 86 % of our economy that is not related to the single market, as well as to the 14 % that is. If we want to make our countries more competitive, how about the following modest proposal: why not exempt the companies that do not engage in cross-border activity from the full mass of regulatory compliance with the single market?

 
  
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  Syed Kamall (ECR). - Mr President, when looking at the award of concessions, it is important that the state, which is quite often the awarder of concessions, gets value for money for its taxpayers. We have to make sure that the conditions are right. I support my ECR colleagues’ suggestion that we should leave it to the contractor to decide on many of these rules but that at the same time we have to make sure that these contracts are as open as possible, to ensure that small companies have as much right to compete for these contracts as the big companies, which may well have had a cosy relationship in the past.

So it is important that we deal with these issues and get the compliance right as well. But let us not forget that if we want to make sure that we have a competitive market and that we have value for money for the taxpayers, it is important that we deal with these issues in an open and transparent way, so that we can encourage new competitors into the market and make sure that taxpayers finally get value for money.

 
  
 

Schriftliche Erklärungen sur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. Aprovo o presente Relatório, estando convencido da necessidade de uma iniciativa legislativa europeia em matéria de concessões. A falta de segurança jurídica, a persistência de contratos por ajuste direto, adjudicados sem consideração pelos grandes princípios fundadores do mercado interno da União Europeia, e o mosaico jurídico existente a nível dos Estados-Membros nesta matéria tornam necessário o estabelecimento de um quadro legislativo a nível europeu. No entanto, este quadro deve respeitar uma abordagem leve que permita estabelecer regras claras, coerentes, compreensíveis e eficazes. A contratação pública representa uma parte muito importante da atividade económica na União. Os contratos públicos e as concessões são as suas modalidades mais frequentes. Os contratos públicos estão sujeitos a regras claras. Pelo contrário, as concessões são simplesmente regidas pelos princípios gerais do Tratado e por uma abundante jurisprudência. A meu ver, uma iniciativa legislativa no domínio das concessões oferece a vantagem de clarificar o quadro legislativo existente face à multiplicação da jurisprudência do TJUE e reforça a estabilidade e a segurança jurídicas face ao mosaico jurídico que existe na UE devido à falta de aplicação uniforme dos princípios do Tratado.

 
  
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  Elena Oana Antonescu (PPE), în scris. − Sectorul întreprinderilor mici și mijlocii reprezintă unul dintre cele mai dinamice sectoare ale economiilor europene. În condițiile în care contribuția sa nu numai la PIB-ul comunitar, ci și la competitivitatea ori inovarea europeană este esențială, consider că asigurarea unei siguranțe juridice crescute pentru actorii economici din acest sector, precum și garantarea accesului lor la piața concesiunilor reprezintă un obiectiv important pentru Uniunea Europeană. De asemenea, tocmai pentru a facilita o abordare dinamică și competitivă, consider că procesul instituțional din acest sector trebuie să reflecte interesul Uniunii Europene pentru dezvoltarea infrastructurii și a serviciilor strategice.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – Cette proposition de directive vise à définir des règles en matière d'attribution de contrats de concession de travaux ou de services. En effet, aujourd'hui, les concessions ne sont pas soumises à un cadre législatif clair au niveau européen, contrairement aux marchés publics. Il convient donc de clarifier le cadre juridique et d'établir des règles intelligibles et efficaces. Considérant que l'accord qui nous est présenté constitue un compromis équilibré compte tenu des difficultés du dossier, j'ai voté en sa faveur et je félicite mon collègue Philippe Juvin, rapporteur, qui a effectué un travail considérable.

 
  
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  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau už šį siūlymą. Valstybiniai užsakymai sudaro labai didelę ekonominės veiklos dalį ES. Viešieji pirkimai ir koncesijos yra dažniausiai pasitaikančios jų formos. Koncesijos yra labai svarbi sritis, kadangi infrastruktūros projektams finansuoti panaudojamas privatusis kapitalas ir valstybės ištekliai. Viešiesiems pirkimams galioja labai aiškios taisyklės. Tačiau darbų koncesijoms taikomos tik tam tikros viešųjų pirkimų nuostatos, o paslaugų koncesijoms galioja tik bendrieji Sutarties principai ir daug atskirų nacionalinių teisės aktų, kas sukelia teisinį netikrumą bei sudėtingą koncesijų reglamentavimą. Pritariu, kad ES lygmeniu turi būti nustatomi aiškūs principai ir taisyklės darbų ir paslaugų koncesijų srityje, kas padėtų valdžios institucijoms, norinčioms pasinaudoti papildomomis priemonėmis, plėtoti ir modernizuoti viešąsias paslaugas. Tai sustiprintų konkurenciją ES viduje. Procedūrų skaidrumo sustiprinimas taip sudarytų sąlygas veiksmingiau kovoti su favoritizmu skiriant valstybinius užsakymus bei siekiant užtikrinti veiksmingą, nuoseklią ir pragmatišką teisinę sistemą.

 
  
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  Fabrizio Bertot (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho votato a favore di questa relazione, poiché le commesse pubbliche rappresentano una parte molto importante dell'attività economica all'interno dell'UE, in cui gli appalti pubblici e le concessioni ne costituiscono le forme più frequenti. La discussione preliminare ha permesso di individuare due grandi capisaldi: A) la conferma della necessità di un'iniziativa a livello europeo per arrivare almeno a una definizione comune delle concessioni e della loro attribuzione; B) la necessità di un approccio "leggero", fondato su un quadro legislativo sufficientemente solido per evitare le interpretazioni, che non porti però né a disciplinare nei minimi dettagli l'attribuzione di contratti di concessione, né a costi amministrativi supplementari.

In tale prospettiva, condivido i quattro obiettivi riassunti dal relatore : 1) la precisazione, la riorganizzazione e la semplificazione della direttiva per garantire un quadro legislativo efficace, leggibile, coerente e pragmatico; 2) l'affermazione della specificità della concessione rispetto all'appalto pubblico e l'adeguamento delle disposizioni alle sue caratteristiche; 3) l'affermazione dell'autonomia totale delle autorità pubbliche nella scelta del quadro giuridico dell'azione e della libertà di organizzarsi nello svolgimento dei propri compiti; 4) la preservazione di un giusto equilibrio tra il bisogno di flessibilità e il margine di valutazione delle autorità pubbliche nelle loro scelte e la necessità di trasparenza per la parità di trattamento degli operatori economici.

 
  
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  Слави Бинев (EFD), в писмена форма. − Договорите за концесия в България, ограбващи години наред страната ми, са тема, която силно ме вълнува. Затова и приветствам предложението за директива на Европейския парламент и на Съвета за възлагане на договори за концесия, която би повлияла, разбира се, и на процесите в моята страна.

Европейската законодателна инициатива в областта е належаща, тя би допринесла за изясняване на действащата правна рамка и би укрепила стабилността и правната сигурност на фона на съществуващите в ЕС правни неясноти.

Ясните правила в областта на концесията на услуги биха стимулирали конкуренцията в рамките на Съюза. А засилването на прозрачността на процедурите ще позволи воденето на по-ефикасна борба срещу фаворизирането при възлагането на обществени поръчки.

Липсата на правна сигурност е пагубна, а фактът, че договорите продължават да се възлагат на индивидуална основа, е недопустим. Незабавно са нужни ясни, съгласувани, разбираеми и ефективни правила.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. − Non condivido le posizioni sostenute nella relazione Juvin sull'introduzione di una direttiva che regolamenti i contratti di Concessione. Le tradizioni giuridiche dei vari Stati membri sono troppo diverse le une dalle altre per permettere di introdurre una normativa unica europea; per questo motivo non ho sostenuto col mio voto il testo.

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. − Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, nes juo Parlamentas pirmą kartą pritaria koncesijų reglamentavimui ES lygiu. Valstybiniai užsakymai sudaro labai didelę ekonominės veiklos dalį ES. Viešieji pirkimai ir koncesijos yra dažniausiai pasitaikančios jų formos. Viešiesiems pirkimams galioja labai aiškios taisyklės, tuo tarpu darbų koncesijoms taikomos tik pagrindinės galiojančių direktyvų, susijusių su viešaisiais pirkimais nuostatos, o paslaugų koncesijoms galioja tik bendrieji Sutarties principai ir gausi jurisprudencija. Teisėkūros koncesijų srityje privalumas yra tas, kad ja išaiškinamas dabartinis teisinis pagrindas palyginti su ETT jurisprudencija ir sustiprintas teisinis stabilumas bei tikrumas, atsižvelgiant į teisinius skirtumus ES dėl vienodų Sutarties principų netaikymo. Aiškios taisyklės darbų ir paslaugų koncesijų srityje padės valdžios institucijoms, norinčioms disponuoti papildomomis priemonėmis, plėtoti ir modernizuoti viešąsias paslaugas. Tai sustiprins konkurenciją ES viduje. Procedūrų skaidrumo sustiprinimas pagaliau sudarys sąlygas veiksmingiau kovoti su favoritizmu skiriant valstybinius užsakymus.

 
  
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  Biljana Borzan (S&D), napisan. − Dodjeljivanje ugovora o koncesiji temelji se na općim pravnim načelima koja proizlaze iz Ugovora o funkcioniranju Europske unije poput transparentnosti, jednakosti te slobode tržišnog natjecanja. Ti ugovori su samo djelomično regulirani sekundarnim pravom Europske unije o javnim nabavama. Nepotpuna regulacija koncesija na europskoj razini dovela je do pravne nesigurnosti za gospodarske subjekte te do stvaranja barijera za njihov ulazak na tržiste koncesija država članica EU. Pravna nesigurnost dovodi do konfliktnih situacija na europskom tržistu, pogodovajući korupciji i pristranosti. To znači da građanima Europske unije neće biti dostupne usluge najbolje moguće kvalitete za njihovu cijenu.Kao najvažniju pozitivnu promjenu vezanu za ovu direktivu želim naglasiti obvezujuće socijalne, radne i ekološke uvjete i uvažavanje kolektivnih sporazuma za koje se zalagala grupa Socijalista i demokrata u Europskom parlamentu. Ova točka potiče sve sudionike procesa da održavaju i poštuju obveze u područjima ekoloških,socijalnih i radnih normi utemeljene normama Unije, nacionalnim normama i kolektivnim sporazumima te relevantnim internacionalnim sporazumima. Zaključno, podržavam ovaj prijedlog direktive Europskog parlamenta i Vijeća o dodjeli ugovora o koncesiji te smatram da je ovaj prijedlog korak u smjeru strategije EU2020 koja ce ostvariti bitne ciljeve u području zapošljavanja, produktivnosti i kohezije.

 
  
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  Antonio Cancian (PPE), per iscritto. − La mancanza di sicurezza giuridica, i contratti aggiudicati in via "amichevole" e il mosaico giuridico esistente in Europa nel settore delle concessioni mi hanno motivato a sostenere la proposta di istituzione di un quadro legislativo uniforme a livello europeo, capace di introdurre regole chiare, coerenti, leggibili ed efficaci. Le concessioni costituiscono infatti una forma importante di partenariati pubblico-privati a disposizione delle autorità pubbliche per la realizzazione di infrastrutture o per la fornitura di servizi.

In particolare, la proposta prevede una definizione comune delle concessioni e delle loro modalità di attribuzione; la necessità di un solido quadro legislativo privo di costi amministrativi supplementari; la precisazione, la riorganizzazione e la semplificazione della direttiva della Commissione europea in materia di concessioni; l'affermazione della specificità della concessione rispetto all'appalto pubblico; l'affermazione dell'autonomia delle autorità pubbliche nella scelta del quadro giuridico dell'azione, nello svolgimento dei propri compiti e nella fissazione di criteri di qualità in caso di concessione di servizi, nonché la preservazione di un giusto equilibrio tra flessibilità e necessità di trasparenza, al fine di garantire la parità di trattamento degli operatori economici. La proposta stabilisce infine la pubblicazione in Gazzetta Ufficiale dei bandi per le concessioni di valore superiore ai 5 milioni.

 
  
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  Françoise Castex (S&D), par écrit. – Je me félicite du vote de ce rapport par une large majorité d'eurodéputés. La proposition initiale de la Commission, qui ne faisait aucune référence aux services publics, a été retravaillée pendant deux ans. J'ai déposé de nombreux amendements permettant d'inclure des références à l'article 14 TFUE et au protocole 26, en vue notamment d'affirmer la liberté des Etats et des collectivités locales à organiser et financer les SIEG. S'il est regrettable que la notion de "concession de services publics" n'ait pas été retenue, le texte amendé permet tout de même de sécuriser davantage l'action publique dans l'Union européenne.

 
  
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  Birgit Collin-Langen (PPE), schriftlich. Ich habe für den Bericht von Philippe Juvin über Konzessionsvergabe gestimmt. Die Konzessionsrichtlinie ist ein großer weiterer Schritt auf dem Weg zur Vollendung des Binnenmarktes für Dienstleistungen. Mit den neuen Vorschriften wird ein einheitlicher Rahmen festgelegt, der für alle Konzessionen gilt, und mehr Rechtsicherheit geschaffen. Für KMU wird es in Zukunft einfacher, sich an Ausschreibungen zu beteiligen. Ich begrüße sehr, dass es uns nach langem Kampf gelungen ist, die Wasserversorgung aus dem Anwendungsbereich der Richtlinie herauszunehmen. Damit bleibt der Gestaltungsspielraum der Kommunen voll erhalten. Dasselbe gilt auch für die Notfallrettung, auch sie fällt nicht unter die Richtlinie.

 
  
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  Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. − Ho votato a favore di questa nuova direttiva sulle concessioni, che finalmente introduce un nuovo istituto giuridico europeo che migliorerà il mercato interno. Le concessioni, infatti, rappresentano una forma importante di partenariati pubblico-privati a disposizione delle autorità pubbliche per la realizzazione di infrastrutture o per la fornitura di servizi. Ora l'augurio è che la trasposizione della direttiva negli ordinamenti nazionali avvenga in maniera uniforme, così da rendere questo nuovo strumento normativo il più efficace possibile. Queste nuove regole certe, se applicate coerentemente in tutti gli Stati membri, rappresenteranno una leva importante per l'economia europea.

 
  
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  Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Ce rapport prévoit la mise en place de règles claires et uniformes régissant l’attribution de contrats de concession au niveau de l’Union. Grâce à ce texte, l’Union se donne les outils nécessaires, pour lutter contre les risques d’une concurrence inéquitable tout en facilitant les conditions d’accès au marché des concessions. Des critères moins stricts de sélection et d’exclusion d'accès au marché sont établis. Ce texte permet également d'empêcher les obstacles d'une bureaucratie excessive.

 
  
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  Jill Evans (Verts/ALE), in writing. − This directive is linked to the two directives on public procurement. However, a concession is a specific form of contract between a public authority and an economic operator for the latter to carry out works or operate services while bearing the economic risk. Although Parliament was of the view that there was no need for specific legislation on concessions, the Commission came up with this legislative proposal. I voted in favour following the exclusion of water services. This was essential for Wales.

 
  
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  Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. Os contratos públicos representam, anualmente, milhões de euros e a sua importância é evidente e, consequentemente, é igualmente óbvia a necessidade de legislação de enquadramento apropriada. Pese embora exista uma longa tradição de legislação comunitária sobre estes contratos, as concessões de obras carecem de um enquadramento legislativo próprio. Por isso mesmo, agora surge a uma proposta para legislar, especificamente, sobre contratos de concessão, sendo que o Parlamento faz 4 propostas principais: (1) a clarificação, reorganização e simplificação da diretiva para garantir um quadro legislativo eficaz, compreensível, coerente e pragmático; (2) a afirmação do carácter específico da concessão em relação ao contrato público e a adaptação das disposições às suas características; (3) a asserção da plena autonomia das autoridades públicas para escolher o quadro jurídico da sua ação e da sua liberdade de organização para o desempenho das suas missões e para fixar critérios de qualidade no caso da concessão de serviços; (4) a manutenção de um justo equilíbrio entre a necessidade de flexibilidade e de margem de apreciação das autoridades públicas nas suas decisões e a necessidade de transparência que garanta a igualdade de tratamento dos operadores económicos.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. Esta proposta de diretiva visa dois objetivos principais: abranger a adjudicação de contratos de concessão aos serviços públicos e harmonizar as regras de contratos de concessão a nível da UE. Assim, em nome da transparência, da não discriminação e da igualdade de tratamento, abrem-se os mercados nacionais a empresas não nacionais, colocando no mesmo grau de igualdade concorrencial países com níveis de desenvolvimento económico substancialmente diferentes. Tal irá favorecer as empresas e os grupos económicos dos países economicamente mais poderosos, em detrimento dos interesses dos países mais frágeis financeiramente, como Portugal, com maiores problemas de crescimento e emprego,