Przewodniczący. - Kolejnym punktem porządku dnia jest sprawozdanie sporządzone przez Klausa-Heinera Lehnego i Luigiego Berlinguera w imieniu Komisji Prawnej w sprawie wniosku dotyczącego rozporządzenia Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady w sprawie wspólnych europejskich przepisów dotyczących sprzedaży (COM(2011)[nbsp ]0635 - C7-0329/2011 - 2011/0284(COD)) (A7-0301/2013).
Tadeusz Zwiefka, zastępca sprawozdawcy. - Panie Przewodniczący! Zabieram dzisiaj głos jako pierwszy nie dlatego, że jestem sprawozdawcą, tylko w imieniu mojego kolegi i przyjaciela Klausa-Heinera Lehnego, który niestety z powodów osobistych nie może uczestniczyć w dzisiejszej sesji.
Podczas wielu spotkań i debat, które prowadziliśmy w Parlamencie Europejskim odnośnie do utworzenia nowego mechanizmu dotyczącego reżimu prawnego umowy sprzedaży w obrocie transgranicznym, doszliśmy do przekonania, że ten instrument jest dla wspólnego jednolitego rynku absolutnie niezbędny. Ma być impulsem, który pozwoli zmienić sytuację na wspólnotowym rynku. Oczywiście mamy świadomość, że są osoby czy firmy, które przeciwstawiają się takiej propozycji lub takiemu rozwiązaniu, ale argumenty, które przemawiają za jego przyjęciem, są jednoznaczne. Prace, które trwały w Komisji Prawnej od 2011 roku, wzbudziły wiele emocji zarówno po stronie konsumentów, jak i przedstawicieli przedsiębiorców. Zrozumiałym jest, że każdy nowy instrument rodzi pewne obawy, dlatego chciałbym zarówno w imieniu posła Lehnego, jak i swoim, kilka z nich rozwiać.
Po pierwsze, proponowany przez sprawozdawców nowy reżim prawny dotyczy ponadgranicznych umów zawieranych na odległość. Ten węższy nieco zakres stosowania rozporządzenia ma przede wszystkim dać szansę na przezwyciężenie barier przy zakupach za pośrednictwem internetu.
Po drugie, ma to być instrument opcjonalny, co oznacza, że zarówno konsument, jak i przedsiębiorca mogą wybrać, czy chcą z tego instrumentu skorzystać na proponowanych przez nas wspólnotowych zasadach, czy też wolą pozostać przy rozstrzygnięciach, które obowiązują w systemach krajowych.
Należy tutaj jasno podkreślić, że europejskie prawo sprzedaży nie zastępuje prawa krajowego, jest jedynie opcjonalną, dodatkową wersją, którą można wybrać, i na którą powinny zgodzić się obie strony transakcji. Jeśli natomiast któraś ze stron nie będzie chciała wyrazić zgody na taką formułę, umowa nie dojdzie do skutku.
Kolejną kwestią, która wzbudza chyba najwięcej emocji, jest poziom ochrony konsumentów, jaki proponuje wspólna europejska umowa sprzedaży. Zacznijmy od tego, że zgoda konsumenta na zawarcie umowy nie może być domniemana. Ona musi być faktyczna i jasno wyrażona. Przed ostatecznym zawarciem umowy będzie obowiązek informowania konsumentów o ich prawach gwarantowanych przez wspólną europejską umowę sprzedaży, ale informacja ta będzie także dotyczyła konsekwencji zawarcia tej umowy na wspólnotowych zasadach. I to jest różnica w stosunku do obowiązujących dzisiaj przepisów w poszczególnych państwach członkowskich. Taki poziom informacji w zasadzie występuje tylko w pięciu krajach Unii Europejskiej.
Oczywiście przeciwnicy tego opcjonalnego rozwiązania będą podkreślać, że pełna harmonizacja przepisów czy też zmiana dokumentu z rozporządzenia na dyrektywę dałyby lepsze rezultaty. Nie zgadzam się z takim podejściem i uważam, że na etapie, na którym się dzisiaj znajdujemy, tylko i wyłącznie przyjęcie tego dokumentu, który jest dzisiaj proponowany, może pozwolić na wykonanie kroku do przodu, by zmienić sytuację na wspólnotowym rynku, by nastąpił rozwój handlu poprzez możliwość rozwoju handlu w sieci. Instrument, który dzisiaj Państwu proponujemy, jest najlepszym rozwiązaniem. Pamiętam entuzjazm pani komisarz Viviane Reding podczas pierwszego spotkania ministrów, kiedy omawialiśmy tę kwestię w Sopocie w Polsce w 2011 r. oraz entuzjazm, z jakim podchodziła do tego opcjonalnego rozwiązania większa część ministrów, i cieszę się, że dzisiaj możemy sfinalizować ten właśnie projekt, który zaczęliśmy w 2011 r.
Luigi Berlinguer, relatore. - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io sono convinto che il provvedimento che noi stiamo discutendo e andremo ad approvare – e io confido nell'approvazione perché si sono già pronunziati a favore tutti i grandi gruppi e anche molti dei gruppi meno numerosi – non è soltanto un provvedimento tecnico. C'è stato un errore d'interpretazione: che parlare di contratti sia come parlare di una materia separata dalla politica e dall'importanza delle questioni generali.
Noi stiamo oggi intraprendendo un cammino nuovo nell'Unione europea. Stiamo affrontando il cuore dell'integrazione dell'Europa, perché la disciplina dei contratti è la disciplina della vita quotidiana della gente. Non c'è in Europa un solo cittadino che non vada ad acquistare una merce. Si identifica nel cittadino europeo questa attività e il fatto che noi discipliniamo in questo modo questo tipo di attività è come dire intervenire nella vita quotidiana dell'Europa. Noi l'Europa non la possiamo solo costruire, come è giusto che sia, nelle grandi occasioni politiche, ma la dobbiamo costruire anche in questo modo.
Ebbene, oggi con questo provvedimento, per quanto limitato alle vendite transfrontaliere online e a distanza, per quanto limitato soltanto al diritto di compravendita, stiamo però aprendo una strada nella quale il vero compito dell'Unione europea si manifesta: superare la frammentazione interna. Il fatto che noi siamo chiusi dentro i nostri Stati nel disciplinare la vita quotidiana è un ostacolo all'affermarsi compiuto dell'Europa. Quindi credo che il valore politico di questo nostro cammino vada sottolineato fino in fondo. Direi di più: bisogna che la politica, l'attività politica comprenda anche questi aspetti, come sono ad esempio quelli giuridici, perché i contenuti della politica oggi sono quello che i cittadini chiedono di più e non soltanto il confronto fra le ideologie e lo scontro permanente fra i diversi partiti. È la vita di tutti i giorni che deve emergere e che noi stiamo portando avanti.
In questo, lo spirito che ha animato noi due relatori è quello di tutelare i consumatori e di consentire alle imprese di poter tranquillamente esportare oltre la frontiera, perché non ci sono ostacoli di natura giuridica che rendano impraticabile questa attività. Aumentare l'offerta di beni sul mercato è un elemento essenziale di tutela dei consumatori. Che cosa vuol dire tutelare i consumatori? Significa tutelare colui che va ad acquistare una merce, ma significa tutelare non soltanto chi è già consumatore, ma anche colui che lo può diventare se l'offerta del mercato sollecita il suo interesse. Dobbiamo avere una visione dinamica dei consumatori, non statica, come fanno certe volte taluni, che pretendono di difendere i consumatori come categoria e li difendono quasi fissandoli, ipostatizzandoli e non interpretandoli nel fatto che tutti devono poter diventare consumatori, perché questo è il benessere.
Noi siamo contro un'idea dell'Europa fondata solo sull'austerity. Siamo certamente per difendere i conti pubblici, ma noi non possiamo fare un passo oltre la difesa dell'austerity se non immettiamo nella nostra politica europea dei contenuti di promozione e di allargamento dell'attività economica che favoriscano l'investimento. Quindi, la difesa dei consumatori, che noi abbiamo inserito in questo provvedimento ad un livello più alto di quanto non sia mai stato fatto finora, è anche una difesa dinamica e quindi un'alta difesa.
Ebbene, in questo senso credo che noi dobbiamo superare le incertezze anche di coloro che legittimamente non sono convinti, che hanno preoccupazione di conseguenze, che hanno anche manifestato nella discussione, ma che noi dobbiamo guardare dinamicamente con questo esperimento dello strumento opzionale, l'indicazione dei rimedi per difendere il consumatore indifeso. Finora il consumatore è indifeso, specialmente nell'acquisto online, perché nell'acquisto vis-à-vis il consumatore vede la merce, la può valutare e può essere presente, ma nell'acquisto online c'è un'incertezza nuova che caratterizza in modo nuovo il consumatore. L'unico modo per risolvere questo aspetto è sperimentare strumenti nuovi e questo è il senso della proposta che noi facciamo per l'approvazione a quest'Aula.
(L'oratore accetta di rispondere a una domanda "cartellino blu" (articolo 149, paragrafo 8, del regolamento)).
Ashley Fox (ECR), blue-card question. – Mr[nbsp ]Berlinguer, the Common European Sales Law will reduce consumer protection in my country and in other countries as well, for example, Germany. Can you explain how this will improve consumer confidence?
For example a German consumer buying something over the internet in the United Kingdom will enjoy a lower level of consumer protection if the business decides to use this optional instrument and, contrary to what Mr[nbsp ]Zwiefka, said earlier, it is not for both parties to agree; it is the business that decides, not the consumer. I have to say what I thought you said was completely flawed. I would welcome your response.
Luigi Berlinguer (S&D), Risposta a una domanda "cartellino blu". – Prima di tutto, formalmente l'adesione al metodo opzionale non è soltanto dell'imprenditore che vende. Lei mi può dire che il consumatore non ha gli strumenti d'interpretazione di questo fatto, perché quando va a comprare compra e non si occupa di qual è il diritto che lo difende o meno. Questo è logico.
Però noi siamo convinti che sperimentare questo strumento dell'opzionalità è creare un regime diffuso in tutti i paesi, unico e alternativo a quello dei singoli Stati e dei singoli codici civili, che possa determinare un'abitudine dei consumatori verso l'internazionalità della propria tutela. Adesso, naturalmente, i consumatori conoscono soltanto il regime di casa propria, del proprio Stato. Quindi, è nella dinamica che si crea con questo provvedimento che noi abbiamo fiducia.
È anche vero che ci sono alcuni Stati che hanno protezioni superiori, e lei ha citato quelli giusti. Questo è una verità. Ora però cosa rispondiamo noi? Prima di tutto che il livello medio di tutela dei consumatori è molto più elevato, e questo produrrà una condizione di promozione del diritto dei consumatori europeo che si andrà rafforzando in una dinamica di questo tipo. Quindi noi abbiamo fiducia che anche nei due Stati che lei ha citato la tutela effettiva rimanga sostanzialmente quella che è.
Viviane Reding, Vice-President of the Commission. - Mr President, honourable Members, the Common European Sales Law is meant to allow businesses and consumers to choose a single set of contract tools for their cross-border transactions within the European Union.
Let me start with businesses, and in particular small and medium-sized businesses. For them it dramatically cuts transaction costs: no need to get acquainted with 28 different legal regimes anymore; no more legal fees to adapt contracts to different rules; just one single law and one single IT platform to sell the products throughout the European Union; a whole new continent of business opportunities – mostly for our small businesses, mostly for our start-ups.
For consumers the new rules bring choice: choice because greater offer means increased competition, which in turn means lower prices. For our consumers there are undeniable advantages to shopping cross-border online. They do not do it today because they are mistrustful about what is happening when they are shopping on the other side of the border. Now they will have a real deal: one that means they can compare offers, select the best, order it from anywhere in Europe with the click of a mouse button. And they will be well protected when they buy cross-border. And that is exactly the core of the Common European Sales Law: the guarantee of consumer protection. The proposed level of consumer protection is equal to or higher than the existing EU harmonised rules. It is comparable to and higher than almost all non-harmonised areas of national law. It is in any case, and I emphasise in any case, not lower than the protection of consumers in Great Britain and consumers in Germany – because it is always those which are quoted – or consumers in France. It is at least at the same level, if not higher, and it is of an optional nature. That means – and this is the first time that we have had this in a European law – we are letting people choose. If they want it, they choose it. If they do not want it, they do not choose it. That is a win-win situation for businesses and consumers alike in their cross-border dealings.
We really hope with this that we will break through this wall, the real wall which exists today, because neither businesses nor consumers trust cross-border e-commerce because they are not sure that their rights are going to be preserved. Well, we give them the certainty that their rights will be preserved. We hope that this will lead to a bigger exchange of goods across borders and create jobs in this movement.
I would very much like to thank Klaus-Heiner Lehne and Luigi Berlinguer. They have been very strong supporters of an optional European Common Sales Law. Their report is a key step towards the adoption of the proposal. It is a balanced base for further negotiation between the co-legislators. We need to keep up the prospect of real benefits for both in these negotiations. The consumers have benefits; the businesses have benefits. One of the reasons why I have been constantly against the idea of transforming the optional Common European Sales Law into a minimum harmonisation directive is exactly that one, because such an approach would mean a change of national laws, and we do not need to change the national laws. There is nothing wrong with the national laws. It would require all businesses to adapt to new legal requirements. We do not need red tape: we need to eliminate red tape.
Going to a harmonisation directive would mean the opposite of what we do here. We would have less protection and we would have more red tape. That is why, for the first time, we have chosen a very new way of going ahead: leaving the national law in place; bringing out a second set of rules to provide security for consumers who like to buy cross-border and to give easy access to the market for companies who like to sell cross-border. Choice is at the centre of what we are doing here: choice for businesses, choice for consumers. They should consider it an advantage; they should be ready to choose.
So let us provide these new business opportunities; let us give our consumers a guarantee of real, tangible protection when they shop cross-border and let us finally bring back trust to consumers: buying cross-border is not a risk – I am protected as a consumer. I should like to thank this House for moving in this direction.
Evelyne Gebhardt, Verfasserin der Stellungnahme des mitberatenden Ausschusses für Binnenmarkt und Verbraucherschutz. - Herr Präsident! Im Namen des Ausschusses für Binnenmarkt und Verbraucherschutz möchte ich hier betonen, dass das Parlament heute einen Fehler, einen sehr großen Fehler machen wird, da es genau diesen Weg, den die Europäische Kommission vorgeschlagen hat, auch einschlagen wird. Ein großer Fehler, weil dieser Weg in Rechtsunsicherheit hineinführt und in eine Verringerung von Möglichkeiten der Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher, was ihre Schutzrechte angeht. Das ist ganz klar, das brauchen wir nur genau anzuschauen.
Was bedeutet das, was wir heute bestellen? Wir werden zwei Parallelwelten haben. Zum einen das nationale Recht, das für den Verbraucher gilt, und dann ein zweites, ein optionales Recht, das unter Umständen schlechter ist als das nationale Recht. Und gleichzeitig wird durch dieses Optionale, durch die Parallelwelt, dafür gesorgt, dass Regelungen, die zum Schutz des Verbrauchers da sind, wie zum Beispiel Rom[nbsp ]I, in Frage gestellt werden, weil das dann nicht mehr angewandt werden kann. Gerade diese Rom[nbsp ]I-Regelung sorgt dafür, dass, wenn bei einem Einkauf ein höherwertiges Recht im Staat des Verbrauchers existiert, dieses auf jeden Fall gilt. Das gilt dann nicht mehr – das wissen aber die Bürger und Bürgerinnen nicht –, wenn sie einen Kaufvertrag abschließen, weil sie natürlich all diese Gesetze, die wir auf europäischer Ebene haben, nicht kennen können. Selbst wir als Abgeordnete kennen sie nicht alle.
Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich sage Ihnen, es ist ein Bärendienst, den wir hier den Bürgern und Bürgerinnen erweisen, indem wir diesen Weg einschlagen. Ich hoffe sehr, dass die Regierungen und der Ministerrat diesem nicht zustimmen werden. Da habe ich ganz große Hoffnungen, dass es auch wirklich so sein wird.
Hans-Peter Mayer, Verfasser der Stellungnahme des mitberatenden Ausschusses für Binnenmarkt und Verbraucherschutz. - Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Als Ko-Berichterstatter zu diesem Thema im IMCO bin ich ganz anderer Meinung als meine Ko-Berichterstatterin, die gerade eben gesprochen hat. Ich bin mir nämlich sicher, dass das europäische Kaufrecht mit einem umfangreichen Anwendungsbereich kommen muss! Denn das europäische Kaufrecht ist eine Chance für den Binnenmarkt von 28[nbsp ]Mitgliedstaaten. Er wird transparenter werden. Kleine und mittelständische Unternehmen können davon enorm profitieren, aber auch für Verbraucher ist ein solches Kaufrecht ein wesentlicher Gewinn. Sie bekommen ein vielfältigeres, ein umfangreicheres, ein größeres Angebot und damit auch günstigere Preise.
Im Gegensatz zu mancher Meinung ist ein hoher Verbraucherschutz eingearbeitet – im Durchschnitt wesentlich höher als das Verbraucherschutzniveau aller Mitgliedstaaten. Daher gibt es für die heutige Abstimmung im Interesse der Verbraucher und der Unternehmer nur einen richtigen Weg: das Wahlrecht für ein europäisches Kaufrecht! Es ist eine Option, wer sie wahrnehmen will, kann dies tun, er muss es aber nicht. Das ist im Sinne unserer mündigen Bürgerinnen und Bürger das Richtige, was wir heute abstimmen.
Raffaele Baldassarre, a nome del gruppo PPE. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, permettetemi innanzitutto di ringraziare i relatori, gli amici e colleghi Klaus-Heiner Lehne e Luigi Berlinguer.
Stiamo per approvare una proposta che presenta notevoli vantaggi e benefici. Il nuovo diritto opzionale permetterà finalmente di ridurre i costi e di accrescere la certezza del diritto nelle transazioni commerciali effettuate dalle imprese. Esso garantirà inoltre un elevato livello di protezione dei consumatori all'interno di tutti gli Stati membri, aumentando la loro fiducia negli acquisti online. Questo diritto eviterà di doversi avventurare anche nella traduzione e interpretazione delle leggi degli Stati membri, riducendo gli oneri amministrativi e le spese che gravano sul sistema giudiziario e sulle transazioni commerciali.
A fronte di questi vantaggi evidenti alcune organizzazioni di rappresentanza, insieme ad alcuni colleghi, hanno sollevato dei dubbi riguardo all'efficacia dello strumento. Ritengo queste critiche assolutamente incomprensibili e contrarie all'obiettivo di facilitare lo sviluppo del mercato interno. Chi sostiene che questo strumento pregiudica i diritti dei consumatori non ha probabilmente approfondito il testo licenziato alla commissione giuridica, altrimenti sarebbe stato subito chiaro che questo diritto opzionale aiuterà soprattutto i consumatori, facilitando il pieno esercizio dei loro diritti in tutti gli Stati membri dell'Unione europea.
Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg, w imieniu grupy S&D. – Panie Przewodniczący! Wspólne europejskie przepisy dotyczące sprzedaży mają na celu stworzenie jednolitych norm regulujących rynek wewnętrzny Unii i rozwiązanie dotychczasowych problemów spowodowanych rozbieżnościami między krajowymi przepisami prawa umów. Zostanie w ten sposób stworzone nowe narzędzie do obrotu internetowego zapewniające także większą ochronę konsumentów dokonujących zakupów online.
Popieram koncepcję opcjonalności tego instrumentu, który będzie obejmował tylko te firmy i konsumentów, którzy widzą w tym realne korzyści. Zaproponowane w tym sprawozdaniu przepisy prawne będą dotyczyły jedynie tych przedsiębiorstw, które dokonują transakcji transgranicznych, zwłaszcza online, proponując jednolite reguły, ograniczając koszty oraz ułatwiając kontrole zgodności.
Zgadzam się ze sprawozdawcami, że ta przełomowa inicjatywa znacząco ułatwi rozwój handlu transgranicznego, poprawiając sytuację konsumentów i przedsiębiorców działających w nowych realiach obrotu cyfrowego. Ponadto dzięki ograniczeniu zbędnych obciążeń regulacyjnych, prawodawstwo europejskie stanie się skutecznym narzędziem na drodze do osiągnięcia dobrze funkcjonującego rynku wewnętrznego. Gratuluję obu sprawozdawcom ambitnego sprawozdania.
Alexandra Thein, im Namen der ALDE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Vor genau zwei Jahrzehnten hat dieses Europaparlament die Einführung eines einheitlichen europäischen Kaufrechts gefordert. Heute werden wir darüber abstimmen. Und ich möchte mich ganz ausdrücklich bei Frau Kommissarin Reding dafür bedanken, dass sie dieses Projekt so energisch in dieser Legislaturperiode vorangetrieben hat, dass wir heute endlich darüber abstimmen können.
Das war für unsere liberale Fraktion über Jahrzehnte hinweg ein Leuchtturmprojekt. Und wir Liberale waren es auch, die aufgrund der Widerstände den Anwendungsbereich eingeschränkt haben auf die Fernabsatzverträge bzw. auf den Online-Handel. Es ist gut für die Verbraucher, denn das Verbraucherschutzniveau ist in der Tat im Durchschnitt höher als in den meisten Mitgliedsländern.
Ich möchte Herrn Fox auch hier an dieser Stelle ausdrücklich als Deutsche antworten: Wir Deutsche haben es gar nicht nötig, grenzüberschreitend im Internet einzukaufen, weil wir als größter Mitgliedstaat in der ganz glücklichen Lage sind, alles im Internet von deutschen Anbietern kaufen zu können, obwohl das natürlich nicht der Sinn der Sache ist. Auch in Großbritannien ist das Angebot schon nicht ganz so groß, aber es lässt sich noch überwiegend decken. Aber wenn man dann weitergeht in andere Mitgliedstaaten, beginnt doch im Endeffekt eine Servicewüste. Wenn man sich in Belgien ans Internet setzt und mal versucht irgendetwas zu bestellen, was man von Deutschland aus gewohnt ist, bekommt man es doch schlicht nicht. Wir haben doch überhaupt keinen Binnenmarkt in diesem Bereich. Und genau darum geht es für die Unternehmen.
Es ist gut für die Unternehmen, dass überhaupt erst einmal ein digitaler Binnenmarkt entstehen wird, dass überhaupt einmal grenzüberschreitend online eingekauft werden kann, weil dann sowohl Unternehmer als auch Verbraucher wissen, welches Recht gelten wird, und damit die bestehende Rechtsunsicherheit beseitigt wird.
Und was die Mitgliedstaaten angeht: Ich hoffe, dass sie hier zustimmen werden, denn wir als Europaparlament haben uns ganz klar von einem einheitlichen europäischen Zivilgesetzbuch distanziert, dafür haben wir keine Kompetenz, es besteht auch keine Notwendigkeit. Ich bin nach fast fünf Jahren im Rechtsausschuss ein absoluter Fan von optionalen Instrumenten, denn alle Bemühungen um Teil- oder Vollharmonisierung haben sich als extrem schwierig erwiesen. Die Verbraucherschutzrichtlinie habe ich persönlich abgelehnt, weil sie meines Erachtens vollkommen misslungen ist.
Eva Lichtenberger, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Lassen Sie mich starten mit einem Dank an die Berichterstatter! Und lassen Sie mich Ihnen auch versichern, dass bei den Debatten in unserem Gremium von Berichterstattern und Schattenberichterstattern der Konsumentenschutz eine dominante Rolle gespielt hat. Wer also immer behauptet, hier sei sozusagen am Abbau des Konsumentenschutzes gearbeitet worden, der liegt falsch.
Ein Kaufrecht, das grenzüberschreitend funktioniert, vor allem für den Fernabsatz, wäre eine extrem wünschenswerte Möglichkeit. Allerdings ist das Problem die Optionalität. Dazu kommt: Es werden dadurch viele Rechtsfragen aufgeworfen, die offen bleiben. Die Wahlmöglichkeit besteht nur auf der Seite des Business. Schon heute arbeiten die Wirtschaftskammern extrem intensiv daran, das hohe Niveau des Konsumentenschutzes, das wir jetzt erreicht haben, wieder zu schwächen. Und das Problem dabei ist: Der Rat, der in den letzten Jahren immer stärker gegen Konsumenteninteressen gearbeitet hat, wird – so befürchte ich – diese Ansätze aufgreifen.
Der optionale Charakter ist aus meiner Sicht hier in diesem Bereich nicht wünschenswert, denn keiner der Konsumenten hat automatisch Recht studiert und kann sich dann in diesen Möglichkeiten überhaupt noch zurechtfinden.
(Die Rednerin ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel[nbsp ]149 Absatz[nbsp ]8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)
Andreas Schwab (PPE), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Frau Kollegin Lichtenberger! Ich habe Ihnen sehr aufmerksam zugehört. Ich will Sie einfach darum bitten, mir nochmals zu erklären, ob Sie tatsächlich der Auffassung sind, dass das optionale Instrument verbraucherschutzrechtlich betrachtet in Ordnung ist, und dass es lediglich die Frage ist, dass der Verbraucher nicht selber wirklich die Wahl hat, ob er sich dafür entscheidet oder nicht, aber dass die verbraucherschutzrechtlichen Bedingungen des optionalen Rechts aus Ihrer Sicht absolut angemessen sind.
Eva Lichtenberger (Verts/ALE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Für die meisten Mitgliedstaaten würde das durchaus eine Verbesserung des Konsumentenschutzes bedeuten, nicht jedoch für alle – das muss man auch einfach klarlegen, das ist klar –, und zwar unter der Bedingung, dass es so bleibt, wie es jetzt ist. Die Praxis des Rates – das will ich noch einmal betonen – innerhalb der letzten Jahre hat gezeigt, dass man in erster Linie auf die Interessen des Business hört und nicht auf die Interessen des Konsumentenschutzes. Das ist mein ganz großes Bedenken. Aber was wir verhandelt haben, würde in einem Großteil der Mitgliedsländer durchaus zu einer Verbesserung führen, wenn die Konsumenten eine realistische Chance hätten, für dieses Kaufrecht zu optieren.
Ashley Fox, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, the Common European Sales Law, or CESL, as we call it, is a deeply flawed system that complicates consumer law and increases costs for businesses. Stakeholders from consumer groups and business organisations have queued up to condemn this new proposal, and I would love to hear from Ms Reding or someone else in this Chamber: if it is so good why does BEUC (the European consumers’ organisation) campaign against it?
We are not proposing to simplify the law but to add a new, 29th regime into the EU. CESL is an optional instrument for e-commerce, but it will be for businesses to decide when it applies, not consumers. In her remarks, Ms Reding said this would benefit small businesses, because they would not have to deal with 28 legal systems. Does that sound optional to you for the consumer? Mr Zwiefka says: oh no, the consumer will be able to choose whether to use it. Will he? How will he be able to choose it if, according to Ms Reding, that small business will not have to deal with 28 systems? The answer is, of course, that it will be the business that chooses. What will happen is that there will be a little box that you have to tick, and if you do not tick it, you will not be able to complete the transaction. Either Mr Zwiefka or Ms Reding is wrong. You cannot both be right on this subject. I would love to know whether you two had a conversation about this, because what you are saying is completely contradictory.
I fear that this proposal will undermine and fragment the single market. It will reduce consumer confidence, and I am left asking why we are debating this issue at all. I think the answer is in this Chamber: the answer is Ms Reding, because this is a vanity project. Unfortunately she supports it just because it introduces a new body of European law, and in her rather strange view of the world, anything that increase the power of the EU at the expense of the Member States, however flawed it is, must be a good thing – no matter that consumers and businesses are against it. My group will vote against this proposal, and I know that there are large numbers in the EPP and the S&D who will support Ms Gebhardt’s motion to reject this proposal. I hope we do.
(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))
Alexandra Thein (ALDE), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Herr Kollege Fox! Sie haben gesagt, wir müssen uns hier entscheiden zwischen der Meinung von Frau Reding und der Meinung von Frau Gebhardt. Ist Ihnen bekannt, dass im Moment nur 7 bis 8[nbsp ]% grenzüberschreitend online eingekauft wird? Ich frage Sie: Welcher Binnenmarkt soll da zerstört werden? Sind Sie der Auffassung, dass 7 bis 8[nbsp ]% grenzüberschreitender Einkauf bereits ein Binnenmarkt ist? Das ist meine Frage an Sie, denn ich bin in der Tat Ihrer Auffassung, dass die kleinen Unternehmen natürlich nur verkaufen werden, wenn sie das europäische Kaufrecht anwenden können. Aber dann hoffen wir natürlich, zu 100[nbsp ]% Binnenmarkt zu kommen.
Ashley Fox (ECR), blue-card answer. – Well, I am a grateful for someone who is honest and who actually says that small businesses will insist on CESL and impose it on consumers. But I do not think that the issue of consumer rights is probably the biggest obstacle to cross-border trade. I suspect it is an issue of language.
Consumers will not use a website in another country unless it talks to them in their own language, and I would have thought that businesses that want to sell to consumers across the EU have to have websites in 24 different languages. I suspect that language is the biggest single obstacle to cross-border selling.
William (The Earl of) Dartmouth, on behalf of the EFD Group. – Mr President, 120[nbsp ]years ago, the British Parliament passed the Sale of Goods Act. In 1979, that Act was re-enacted with minor amendments and it remains very much the same today. Every day in Britain, millions of people and thousands of businesses buy and sell under contracts governed by the Sale of Goods Act. The Act has stood the test of time because it is a model of brevity, clarity and simplicity.
Now along comes the Commission, in its self-absorbed wisdom, proffering a common European sales law. Twice the length of the UK Sale of Goods Act, it is a minor masterpiece of legislative flatulence which will benefit only lawyers. It is voluntary for the UK at the moment, but on past form our British consumers will eventually be deprived of the tried and tested benefits of English law and our government will be powerless.
Mark my words: UK electors have had enough of this. By the way, Commissioner Reding, please come back to the UK soon and often. Every out-of-touch, arrogant utterance from you gains the UK Independence Party an extra MEP. One thing which we can be sure of – and which I predict now – is that we shall have a very different Parliament in May, which would vote down this arrogant, out-of-touch, useless piece of legislation, which actually comes out of a Commission which acts against the interests of the people and not with them.
(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))
Mairead McGuinness (PPE), blue-card question. – Perhaps it is a little bit too early for this question but how would you define arrogance? I hear a great deal of it from your side of the Chamber on occasion and I think that a little bit of humility on all sides would better serve politics. Your definition, Earl?
William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD), blue-card answer. – Well I do not know what parallel universe you inhabit, Madam Mairead McGuiness, but what I can assure you is that the arrogance comes entirely from the Commission, from the PPE, from the S&D, from the ALDE, from the Greens, from the ECR and never, not at all, from us. I suggest that if you are aiming to direct some snide or inappropriate remark at me, as a fellow elected Member, may I perhaps draw your attention to my website where for once you might learn something.
Francisco Sosa Wagner (NI). - Señor Presidente, es meritorio el esfuerzo de los ponentes, pues me consta que llevan muchos años de trabajo en este asunto. Pero es de lamentar que se haya avanzado de forma tan limitada en la definición de un negocio jurídico europeo que hundiría sus raíces —importa proclamarlo— en el Derecho romano y en la conformación, ya en la Edad Media, de un Derecho común formado gracias a las sutilezas de los glosadores de Bolonia.
Es decir que, cuando no existía más que la vaga arquitectura del Sacro Imperio Romano Germánico, se pensaba en términos europeos y ahora, que contamos con estructuras políticas sólidas, nos quedamos encogidos en una fórmula dispositiva o facultativa, cuando, sin embargo, hemos avanzado mucho en otros aspectos como el de la protección de los consumidores. ¡Mayor contradicción no cabe!
A quienes pensamos que Europa es, ante todo, una comunidad de Derecho, pasos como este —el que supone este trabajo— realmente no nos satisfacen.
Alajos Mészáros (PPE). - Úgy gondolom, hogy történelmi pillanat ez a mai, mert az éveken keresztül tartó tárgyalások eredményeként a közös európai adásvételi jog plenáris vitájában vehetünk részt.
A jelentés szerint a közös európai adásvételi jog által kiküszöbölhetők azok a jelenleg ismert belső piaci problémák, amelyek az eltérő tagállami szerződésjogi szabályozásoknak tudhatók be. A rendelet hatályának meghatározása eloszlathatja azokat az aggályokat, amelyek a nemzeti jogrendszerek befolyásolására vonatkoznak. Az európai rendszer csak a határon átnyúló szerződések és különösen az online szerződések esetében lesz alkalmazható, továbbá a közös európai adásvételi jog választható, tehát opcionális eszköz marad az EP jelentése alapján. A tagállamok jogrendjén belül, mintegy második rendszerként teszi majd elérhetővé a rendeletben megállapított egységes szerződési jogi szabályokat.
Bízom abban, hogy a Parlament munkája révén valóban a kereskedők, az európai kis- és középvállalkozások lesznek az új rendelet adta lehetőség nyertesei. Mindez azt jelentené, hogy minden határon átnyúló ügyletük során közös szabályokra támaszkodhatnak majd, és ugyanazokat a szerződési feltételeket alkalmazhatják, ezáltal is csökkentve költségeiket. Az azonos rendszer alkalmazása jogbiztonsági szempontból is lényeges, ha a megfelelő fogyasztóvédelmi garanciák és a jogorvoslati lehetőségek is biztosítottak. A jogbiztonsági tényezőt erősítheti az európai szerződési mintafeltételek Bizottság általi kidolgozása. A fogyasztók és vállalkozások számára belső piaci potenciális előnyt ígérő jogi eszköz valós formát öltött, és a Parlament munkáján keresztül tökéletesebbé vált. Ez megfelelő alapot nyújthat majd a további tárgyalásokhoz.
Antonio Masip Hidalgo (S&D). - Señor Presidente, felicito a mi gran amigo Luigi Berlinguer por esa energía que ha aplicado a este informe y, además, por su restablecimiento, del que me congratulo mucho. También al señor Lehne, cofirmante ―al que le deseo lo mejor―, por el informe y por su nuevo puesto en las responsabilidades europeas.
Yo diría que este asunto que es, efectivamente ―como ha dicho mi colega Sosa Wagner― limitado, sin embargo es muy importante porque la experiencia nos demuestra que el Derecho comunitario avanza así, dando pequeños pasos, en una dirección clara, que conforman la base para futuros desarrollos más amplios.
Por tanto, solo queda limitado, efectivamente, al comercio electrónico y, además, se va a hacer una evaluación temporal, pero lo que está claro es que la arrogancia es del otro lado.
Edvard Kožušník (ECR). - Paní komisařko, pane předsedající, já jsem pozorně poslouchal tu dnešní ranní diskusi a jsem přesvědčen, že projednávané nařízení nemůže naplnit svůj zamýšlený cíl.
Použít jako nástroj harmonizace spotřebitelského práva institut mezinárodního práva je nemístným experimentem. Navržený postup nepřispěje ke konsolidaci vnitřního trhu ani ke zlepšení jeho fungování, ani neusnadní přeshraniční obchodní vztahy mezi podnikateli a spotřebiteli. Navržená dvojkolejnost právních režimů spotřebitelského práva podkope právní jistotu spotřebitelů a znepřehlední jejich orientaci v celém komplexu spotřebitelského práva. Mám velmi vážnou obavu, že to, co dnes projednáváme, je počátkem vzniku autonomního právního řádu, který sice dnes deklaruje paralelní existenci vedle národních právních řádů, ale nelze však přehlédnout jeho neskrývanou ambici postupně nahradit národní právní režimy.
Těžiště soukromého práva včetně práva smluvního by mělo i nadále zůstat na úrovni členských států, které je dokáží regulovat nejen dostatečně uspokojivě, ale také efektivně. Vyslovuji se proto pro odmítnutí návrhu.
Димитър Стоянов (NI). - Г-н Председател, смятам, че предложението за общо право за продажбите е добро, тъй като то спазва един основен принцип. Още от 50-те години, когато са се учредявали европейските общности, това е да се процедира напред със ситни стъпки. И колкото повече стават държавите в Европейския съюз, защото този съюз не е същият, както преди 20 години, толкова по-ситни трябва да бъдат тези стъпки.
Мисля, че на общото право за продажбите трябва да бъде даден шанс. То има някои положителни страни, които ни се струват очевидни: защитата на потребителите, облекчаването на бизнеса – всички тези положителни страни бяха споменати, но все пак за първи път от много време съм свидетел на законодателно предложение за европейско право, което не скача от високо във водата без да знае къде е дъното, а подхожда по един внимателен начин, така че да може тези привидни положителни страни, тези на теория облаги, до които то ще доведе, да бъдат тествани и след този тест те ще покажат дали това право ще работи добре.
Giuseppe Gargani (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io credo che il dibattito di stamattina sia proprio indicativo della differenza di concezione che noi abbiamo dell'Europa e del diritto comunitario. Quindi credo che si debba ancora di più sostenere un provvedimento come questo, che è importante.
Il diritto comunitario potrà avere qualche défaillance, potrà avere delle deficienze, ma non è mai arrogante. È un tentativo di armonizzazione che l'Europa deve perseguire per poter avere una legislazione che, con la prevalenza del diritto europeo, possa nei vari Stati armonizzare le varie leggi.
A differenza di chi ritiene che sia tutto negativo, io invece credo che questa sia una pagina importante del Parlamento oggi e che noi davvero – cosa che io non faccio mai – dobbiamo ringraziare Lehne e Berlinguer e la commissione giuridica che si è impegnata per il lavoro fatto.
Credo che la proposta che viene dalla Commissione, ma che il Parlamento ha approfondito, debba raggiungere un risultato, perché vuole mettere insieme tre equilibri: garantire i consumatori in maniera uguale in tutti gli Stati – e credo che non vi sia un problema di legislazione specifica o migliore nei vari Stati se poi il riferimento, sia pure in itinere, deve avvenire rispetto al diritto europeo –, aumentare la fiducia negli acquisti online e ridurre gli oneri amministrativi e giuridici.
Io credo che questo sia un problema fondamentale che tocca il cittadino, il consumatore, ma anche tutti quelli che attorno ai rapporti di obbligazione nei vari paesi costruiscono questa economia che deve avere un riflesso e un riferimento. L'Europa si costruisce così.
Naturalmente torno a dire, proprio perché ci sono delle deficienze, proprio perché si deve perfezionare, che credo che il voto di oggi, anche per il Consiglio, possa essere un dato importante e fondamentale per proseguire lungo questa via. Credo che lo dobbiamo dire alla Commissione e che dobbiamo ringraziare chi ha portato avanti questa problematica nell'ambito della commissione giuridica.
Pytania z sali
Mairead McGuinness (PPE). - Mr President, I thought what Ashley Fox said in relation to some of the barriers may be worth listening to as regards whether language, the language of websites, is an issue. But I would like to raise a particular point which a citizen raised with me last night.
I like to bring real concerns to the floor of this House as I think it makes us more real as politicians. What he described was a ‘rip-off’ when buying goods online within the European Union delivered into Ireland. I think the Commissioner might work together with us on this to look at this issue. We want people to buy online and across borders, but let us look at the penalties in terms of the high cost of delivering goods to some Member States.
Perhaps this is more perception than reality, but I think it would be wise for us to look at this issue because my constituent very clearly wants to buy online and across borders but believes that, because he is based in Ireland – off the mainland – he is discriminated against and incurs disproportionate costs in that process. So perhaps you will take up that challenge.
Catherine Stihler (S&D). - Mr President, we are 85 days away from the European elections and we are about to vote in a proposal which will undermine Scottish consumers’ rights. There is a reason why Which, the consumer rights organisation in the UK, is warning us about this proposal and we have had it confirmed in the Chamber this morning that their concerns are justified.
I believe this proposal would trigger legal uncertainty by creating an additional legal regime next to the legal regimes of the Member States, and raises questions of subsidiarity. I believe that the optional instrument is far from optional when the power to use it rests not with the consumer, but with the trader or the business involved. This proposal undermines the level of consumer protection in Scotland and the rest of the UK, and therefore I will be voting against.
On a separate matter, this debate started at 8.30[nbsp ]am but I believe the live web stream did not start until 9.00. Therefore, citizens that were interested in watching this debate – I have had some people on Twitter saying this – did not get that opportunity. I think that in future, if we are starting at 8.30, we have to make sure that the live web stream is actually on.
Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE). - Upevňovanie a rozvíjanie dobre fungujúceho vnútorného trhu patrí medzi primárne záujmy a úlohy Únie. Napriek tomu už roky spotrebitelia aj obchodníci čakajú na zjednotené pravidlá v oblasti kúpneho práva, ktoré by prinášali jasné právne riešenia každodenných obchodných transakcií. Predovšetkým oblasť predaja na diaľku, či už cez internet, alebo prostredníctvom iných telekomunikačných technológií, nedostatkom jednoznačných cezhraničných pravidiel značne trpí. Som presvedčený, že potenciál predaja na diaľku sa bude priamo úmerne rozvíjať so zvyšovaním predvídateľnosti a právnej istoty oboch zmluvných strán. Obzvlášť spotrebitelia ocenia štandardizované zmluvné podmienky, ktoré sa nemenia štát od štátu, ale práve naopak, s ktorými sa môžu ľahko a vo svojom rodnom jazyku vopred zoznámiť.
António Fernando Correia de Campos (S&D). - Senhor Presidente, eu queria dizer que nos pequenos e médios países europeus as exportações para os outros países europeus são cerca de 70 % ou acima disso. Um pequeno ou médio país tem necessidade de diversificar destinos de exportação. Se não conseguem ter uma linguagem jurídica única para essa diversificação, os seus esforços saem frustrados. É por isso que esta legislação é extremamente importante para desenvolver o comércio transfronteiriço, para desenvolver as pequenas e médias empresas exportadoras, que é aquilo que todos queremos, ao fim e ao cabo, nesta sala.
Finalmente, Sr. Presidente, gostaria de lhe lembrar que, há 115 anos, os países europeus reuniram-se com os Estados Unidos da América, reuniram-se na Suíça, e criaram a Lei Uniforme de Letras, Livranças e Cheques. Essa lei foi a normalização base do funcionamento financeiro de todos os nossos países durante estes anos todos. Nós precisamos de um contrato deste tipo para renovar essa capacidade e para renovar o comércio transfronteiriço.
(Koniec uwag z sali)
Viviane Reding, Vice-President of the Commission. - Mr President, thank you for giving me the floor again. I would like to make some factual comments on remarks that have been made, then I will respond to our two rapporteurs, whom I thank for their work on behalf of their committee.
There was a question on Irish citizens from Ms McGuinness. I would just like to give the following facts: 67% of attempts to order from Ireland fail (speaking about cross-border transactions), and 6.4% of Irish citizens have faced a refusal to sell at least once. So the new legislation will make it easier for companies to sell to Irish citizens: it will open the border and give citizens a choice.
Concerning the UK, the Federation of Small Businesses and the British Retail Consortium are all very strong supporters of the new law, because they know that they face many problems in selling across borders. Concerning consumer protection in the same country, I will give you just one example, and this concerns the free choice of remedies in case of defective products.
In the UK a consumer has, under British law, the right to return a product 30 days after delivery. Under the new law a consumer buying cross-border can terminate the contract immediately within a two-year period after the discovery of the defect. So we go from 30 days to two years. I do not believe that this is a reduction of the right of the consumer, who always has the right under national law to buy at the shop next door. It is really not a problem. But if the consumer wants to buy cross-border then he has a guarantee that his consumer rights will be very highly protected if he does so – as a choice, of course.
There is a question which has been raised by the two rapporteurs, and this is a question which affects me directly because it would mean that I would have to change my basic proposal. The rapporteurs, in the name of Parliament, propose reducing the scope of the law to distance contracts only. Because the biggest added value of the European Sales Law is in reducing costs for the online sector (logically, the main reason such a law is needed), I agree with Parliament and I will be prepared to reduce the scope to distance contracts only. If that is the wish of the Parliament and the Council in negotiations, I will not oppose it.
Tadeusz Zwiefka, zastępca sprawozdawcy. - Panie Przewodniczący! Chciałem bardzo serdecznie podziękować pani Komisarz za zrozumienie tej idei, która przyświecała sprawozdawcom, która przyświeca Parlamentowi Europejskiemu. By zrobić krok do przodu, czasami trzeba się nieco wycofać z niektórych propozycji, co nie oznacza, Szanowna Pani Komisarz, że w przyszłości nie powrócimy do Pani propozycji, by jeszcze bardziej rozszerzyć te nowe rozwiązania.
Mam nadzieję, że kolega Fox jest usatysfakcjonowany wyjaśnieniami, które przedłożyła pani Komisarz. Nie ma żadnej sprzeczności pomiędzy wzmocnieniem pozycji małych i średnich przedsiębiorstw dzięki tej właśnie opcjonalnej formule europejskiego prawa sprzedaży, a ochroną praw konsumenta większą niż w wielu przypadkach dzisiaj istniejących w państwach członkowskich. Proszę sobie wyobrazić, Kolego Fox, że dzisiaj kupujący – klient – bardzo często nie ma możliwości zdecydowania o tym, jaka ma być forma odszkodowania za wadliwą usługę czy za wadliwy towar. W tej formule opcjonalnej, którą dzisiaj proponujemy i którą, mam nadzieję, Parlament Europejski przyjmie zdecydowaną większością głosów, taka możliwość istnieje. Mógłbym jeszcze przytaczać wiele innych przykładów, które pokazują, że to opcjonalne rozwiązanie jest krokiem do przodu, co więcej mogę nawet przypuszczać, że w przyszłości to opcjonalne rozwiązanie wyprze umowy oparte na prawie krajowym.
Bardzo proszę wszystkich, aby zechcieli poprzeć to sprawozdanie tak, by Parlament Europejski wpisał się po raz kolejny w tę formułę pomocy małym i średnim przedsiębiorstwom oraz wszystkim europejskim konsumentom.
Luigi Berlinguer, relatore. - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, questa discussione è stata di grandissimo interesse, perché indica quanto è difficile il cammino per la costruzione dell'Unione europea fino in fondo, ma indica anche come noi stiamo cercando delle soluzioni. Sarebbe bene che quest'aspetto fosse più chiaro.
Noi non vogliamo imporre una unificazione del mercato unico, perché il mercato non si lascia imporre niente – come è noto –, né vogliamo cancellare i codici civili e i diritti nazionali di colpo, perché questo non è possibile. Io ho fatto un mestiere, lo storico del diritto, e so con certezza che questi sono dei processi all'insegna della gradualità. Importante è trovare uno strumento che riproduca altri successi successivi. Noi crediamo che la scelta dello strumento opzionale abbia questa caratteristica.
Comprendo i dubbi perché questa cosa ha una sua novità, comprendo le preoccupazioni. Però, se noi siamo gradualisti ma anche coraggiosi, noi possiamo arrivare in Europa, ma se non siamo coraggiosi restiamo nella situazione in cui ci troviamo. Un rigetto, una non approvazione della nostra proposta ci condanna alla inazione e questo non va bene.
La discussione ha dimostrato quanto si sapeva forse dalle dichiarazioni dei singoli partiti, e cioè che vi è un ampio consenso in questa casa, al di là delle formazioni politiche, e quindi questo ci dà un po' di speranza. Tuttavia, signora Commissario e Vicepresidente, questo ci indica anche un'altra cosa. Noi apprezziamo molto la determinazione con la quale la Commissione ha operato in questo campo, ma non è soltanto un problema giuridico. Noi oggi abbiamo una competenza nell'aspetto giuridico, cioè del superamento, o del tentativo di superare, la frammentazione normativa. Però, come ha detto giustamente la collega McGuinness, sono anche gli interventi di sostegno pratico e concreto all'esportazione online che possono produrre dei risultati.
Qui emerge una nuova figura di consumatore, perché il consumatore che va in un negozio vede e si accerta della merce, ma il consumatore online fonda tutto sulla buona fede dell'altra parte perché è incerto ed è debole. Noi dobbiamo lavorare su questa caratteristica di diffondere modernamente il consumo online, a fianco alle norme giuridiche, per cui invito ad approvare questa norma.
President. - The debate is closed.
The vote will take place shortly.
Written statements (Rule 149)
Слави Бинев (EFD), в писмена форма. – Нарастването на продажбите в интернет е сериозно. За да насърчим този сектор, който има огромен потенциал и значение, трябва да отстраним пречките в договорното право, които затрудняват процеса. Нужен е набор от норми на договорното европейско право за продажбите, който да има същото значение и да се тълкува еднакво във всички държави членки. Само хармонизираните права улесняват и потребителите, и търговците. Но трябва да внимаваме задълженията и правата да бъдат ясно формулирани, за да не могат отделните страни членки да си позволяват отклонения в една или друга посока, както за съжаление често се случва с правителствата на България, които интерпретират доста повратно европейските правила, като по този начин осигуряват монопол на приближени до тях фирми. Пример за това са строежите на сметища в с. Баня и Джерман, гр. Ямбол, където се нарушават европейските правила и ЕК откри процедура срещу България.
Eduard-Raul Hellvig (ALDE), în scris. – Legislatia europeana comuna in materie de vanzare este din punctul meu de vedere un pas curajos inainte pentru o mai mare integrare a pietei unice. In prezent, multe intreprinderi sunt reticente sa vanda produse si servicii in alte state membre din cauza divergentelor de legislatie in materie de protectia consumatorului carora trebuie sa se conformeze, suportand costuri de adaptare semnificative. Consumatorii sunt la randul lor reticenti, pentru ca se tem ca nu vor fi la fel de bine protejati ca si cand ar cumpara din tara lor de resedinta. Aceste probleme reprezinta in mod clar un obstacol pentru intreprinderi si consumatori in a beneficia de beneficiile pietei unice. Pasul este unul curajos pentru ca, in conditiile in care avem niveluri de protectie diferite, armonizarea este un exercitiu extrem de dificil. O armonizare inspre nivelul cel mai protector este greu realizabila, dar in acelasi timp, nu putem scadea protectia consumatorilor acolo unde acestia deja beneficiaza de un nivel ridicat de protectie. Totusi, fiind vorba de un instrument optional, cred ca merita incercat. Vom vedea apoi in ce masura consumatorii si intreprinderile opteaza pentru acest regim, vom vedea cum functioneaza, iar pe baza experientei vom putea ulterior ameliora progresiv aceasta legislatie.
Przewodniczący. - Kolejnym punktem porządku dnia są oświadczenia Rady i Komisji w sprawie wdrożenia gwarancji dla młodzieży (2014/2566(RSP)).
Δημήτριος Κούρκουλας, Ασκών την Προεδρία του Συμβουλίου. - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αξιότιμα μέλη, η απασχόληση των νέων είναι σήμερα μία από τις σημαντικότερες προτεραιότητες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Γνωρίζω επίσης ότι πρόκειται για ένα θέμα υψηλής πολιτικής προτεραιότητας και σημασίας για το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο, όπως εξάλλου καταδεικνύουν πολλές από τις τελευταίες εκθέσεις και ψηφίσματά σας.
Οι ανησυχητικοί δείκτες απασχόλησης σε ορισμένα κράτη μέλη και περιφέρειες θα μπορούσαν να έχουν δυσμενείς μακροπρόθεσμες επιπτώσεις. Η Ευρώπη δεν πρέπει και δεν μπορεί να χάσει μια ολόκληρη γενιά. Κάτι τέτοιο θα ήταν καταστροφικό για την ευρωπαϊκή οικονομία, για την ευρωπαϊκή κοινωνία και για την ευρωπαϊκή ενοποίηση. Έχει σημειωθεί κάποια περιορισμένη οικονομική ανάκαμψη τους τελευταίους μήνες, η οποία όμως είναι άνιση και σχετικά εύθραυστη και δεν έχει συνεισφέρει στη δημιουργία νέων θέσεων εργασίας. Τα ποσοστά ανεργίας των νέων σε πολλά κράτη μέλη παραμένουν υψηλά και χρειάζεται επείγουσα δράση. Η αδράνεια κοστίζει πολύ. Το κόστος της ανεργίας των νέων - βραχυπρόθεσμα, αλλά ίσως περισσότερο ακόμη μακροπρόθεσμα - είναι μεγαλύτερο.
Όλοι συμφωνούμε για την επείγουσα ανάγκη να αντιμετωπίσουμε αυτήν την κατάσταση. Το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο έχει πραγματευτεί το ζήτημα σε διάφορες περιπτώσεις κατά τη διάρκεια της περασμένης διετίας. Έχει μάλιστα ιδιαιτέρως τονίσει την ανάγκη ανάληψης συγκεκριμένων δράσεων. Πέρσι, το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο συμφώνησε σε έναν αριθμό επειγόντων μέτρων, όπως τη χρήση των έξι δισεκατομμυρίων ευρώ για την πρωτοβουλία για την απασχόληση των νέων, στα δύο πρώτα χρόνια της υλοποίησής τους, προκειμένου τα μέτρα αυτά να υλοποιηθούν γρήγορα.
Επίσης το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο απηύθυνε έκκληση στα κράτη μέλη που επωφελούνται από την πρωτοβουλία για την απασχόληση των νέων, αφενός, να δεσμευτούν ως προς την υιοθέτηση συγκεκριμένων σχεδίων εφαρμογής έως το τέλος του 2013, ώστε να είναι σε θέση να έχουν πρόσβαση στα διαθέσιμα κονδύλια μέχρι τον Ιανουάριο του 2014, και, αφετέρου, να στηρίξουν την πραγματοποίηση της πρωτοβουλίας για την απασχόληση των νέων με άμεσο αποτέλεσμα.
Επιπροσθέτως, οι υπουργοί για την απασχόληση έχουν συζητήσει εκτενώς επικεντρωμένες δράσεις για την προώθηση της απασχόλησης των νέων σε όλες τις πρόσφατες συνόδους τους. Το Συμβούλιο Απασχόλησης, Κοινωνικής Πολιτικής, Υγείας και Καταναλωτών (EPSCO) έχει αναλάβει τον ρόλο της συνολικής καθοδήγησης στον τομέα αυτό και παρακολουθεί στενά τις εξελίξεις.
Θα ήθελα επίσης να υπογραμμίσω το έργο της Επιτροπής Απασχόλησης (ΕΜCO), η οποία έχει συνεισφέρει στην καλύτερη κατανόηση των πολιτικών και προγραμμάτων που εφαρμόζουν τα κράτη μέλη.
Όσον αφορά την υλοποίηση των εγγυήσεων για τη νεολαία, το Συμβούλιο υιοθέτησε μία σύσταση τον περασμένο Απρίλιο απευθύνοντας έκκληση στα κράτη μέλη να διασφαλίσουν ότι οι νέοι λαμβάνουν προσφορά εργασίας καλής ποιότητας, συνεχή εκπαίδευση, καθώς και μαθητεία ή πρακτική άσκηση, εντός τεσσάρων μηνών από τότε που τελειώνουν το σχολείο ή παραμένουν άνεργοι. Πρόκειται για έναν πολύ πρακτικό στόχο, τον οποίο η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και τα κράτη μέλη έχουν θεσμοθετήσει για να αντιμετωπίσουν την ανεργία των νέων. Είναι ένα καλό παράδειγμα για τον τρόπο με τον οποίο η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση μπορεί να βοηθήσει.
Έχουμε επικεντρώσει τις προσπάθειές μας σε ένα συγκεκριμένο μέτρο που στοχεύει στην ανάληψη δράσης σε εθνικό επίπεδο. Η υλοποίηση των εγγυήσεων για τους νέους θα πρέπει να επιβοηθηθεί με ουσιώδη συνεισφορά από τους πόρους της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Αποτελεί επίσης ένα συγκεκριμένο παράδειγμα του τρόπου με τον οποίον η Ένωση μπορεί να συνδράμει στην υποστήριξη δράσεων σε εθνικό επίπεδο. Τα κράτη μέλη, βοηθούμενα από την Επιτροπή, επεξεργάζονται τώρα τα σχέδια υλοποίησής τους. Περισσότερα από τα μισά κράτη μέλη έχουν ήδη καταθέσει τα σχέδιά τους. Η Επιτροπή θα τα αξιολογήσει και θα προσφέρει τη συνεισφορά της.
Βεβαίως, εναπόκειται στα κράτη μέλη να υιοθετήσουν τις σωστές πολιτικές που θα προσφέρουν στους νέους ένα πιο ελπιδοφόρο μέλλον. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση μπορεί να βοηθήσει και να προσφέρει οικονομική υποστήριξη, αλλά η δράση και οι πρωτοβουλίες της δεν μπορούν από μόνες τους να επιλύσουν το συνολικό πρόβλημα. Όλοι γνωρίζουμε ότι η παρούσα οικονομική κατάσταση, παρότι βελτιώνεται σταδιακά, παραμένει δύσκολη. Το οικονομικό περιβάλλον δεν αποδίδει ακόμη νέες θέσεις εργασίας. Μεγάλο μέρος του προβλήματος της ανεργίας των νέων δεν είναι σήμερα δομικό αλλά κυκλικό. Επιδίωξή μας λοιπόν πρέπει να είναι να διασφαλίσουμε ότι το επίπεδο δομικής ανεργίας των νέων θα είναι σύντομα τουλάχιστον ίσο, αν όχι χαμηλότερο, από ό,τι ήταν πριν από την κρίση.
Πριν ανακεφαλαιώσω, θα ήθελα επίσης να μνημονεύσω δύο άλλες πρωτοβουλίες στον τομέα της απασχόλησης των νέων, οι οποίες έχουν ιδιαίτερη σημασία. Η μία είναι η Ευρωπαϊκή Συμμαχία για τη Μαθητεία. Η πρωτοβουλία αυτή έχει ως στόχο να συγκεντρώσει διάφορους τομείς των υπαρχουσών δράσεων κάτω από ένα κοινό σχήμα, προωθεί τα οφέλη των επιτυχημένων σχεδίων μαθητείας και ενθαρρύνει τρόπους με τους οποίους θα μπορούσαν να αναπτυχθούν. Η άλλη πρωτοβουλία, που αποτελεί σήμερα αντικείμενο συζήτησης, είναι η πρόταση για ένα πλαίσιο ποιοτικής πρακτικής άσκησης. Αναμένουμε να υιοθετηθεί τον Μάρτιο, κατά το επόμενο Συμβούλιο Απασχόλησης.
Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αξιότιμα μέλη, είμαι βέβαιος ότι όλα αυτά τα μέτρα βοηθούν να αντιστρέψουν την αρνητική τάση στα ποσοστά ανεργίας των νέων. Εντούτοις, πολλά περισσότερα είναι ανάγκη να γίνουν, ενώ ταυτόχρονα χρειάζονται οι συνεισφορές και άλλων πεδίων πολιτικής. Αυτές περιλαμβάνουν την προσαρμογή των εκπαιδευτικών συστημάτων στις ανάγκες της αγοράς, καθώς και τη διευκόλυνση της πρόσβασης στην χρηματοδότηση των μικρών και των μεσαίων επιχειρήσεων. Είναι επίσης σημαντικό να επιστρέψουν συνολικά οι οικονομίες μας στην οδό της βιώσιμης ανάπτυξης, η οποία θα μπορέσει να συνδράμει στη δημιουργία θέσεων εργασίας. Προκειμένου να επιτύχουμε αυτόν τον στόχο, χρειάζεται να εργαστούμε μαζί και να συνεργαστούμε στενά.
László Andor, Member of the Commission. - Mr President, millions of young people are struggling today to gain a foothold in the European labour market. At present, 5.5 million people in Europe under the age of 25 are unemployed and a total of 7.5 million are not in employment, education or training (NEETs). If we count those aged between 25 and 29 as well, the number of NEETs rises to over 14 million.
Urgent action is therefore needed, both to improve the lives of Europe’s young generation here and now, and to put a stop to the long-term scarring effects of unemployment at this early stage in people’s working lives.
This is why, on the initiative of the Commission, the Council adopted in April 2013 a Recommendation on establishing a Youth Guarantee, which calls on Member States to ensure that all young people under the age of 25 receive either a good-quality offer of employment, an apprenticeship or a traineeship, or the chance to continue their education, within four months of becoming unemployed or leaving formal education.
The Youth Guarantee represents a new, integrated, approach to youth employment, to bring public authorities (Employment and Education Ministries), social partners, NGOs, employment services and young people themselves together to tackle the issue in the most efficient and effective way possible.
A key facet of the Youth Guarantee is that it aims to cover all young people, including those who are hardest to help. In order to make this a reality, a serious commitment to outreach work is necessary. So where do we stand today?
Last June, the European Council asked the 20 Member States eligible for extra funding under the Youth Employment Initiative to submit Youth Guarantee Implementation Plans by December 2013. So far we have received 19 Plans. The United Kingdom is missing and has promised to submit theirs by the end of February. The eight other Member States should submit their Implementation Plans by the spring of this year.
Over the last few weeks, the Commission has held a series of bilateral meetings with the Member States to discuss their plans. Our assessment is based on the central elements of the Council’s Youth Guarantee Recommendation and, of course, the feasibility for Member States to deliver. We are therefore looking for partnership-based approaches; early intervention and activation mechanisms; measures for labour market integration; appropriate and effective use of EU funds; and evaluation mechanisms.
As you all know, Member States that are eligible for money from the Youth Employment Initiative are required to put in place a strategic policy framework for promoting youth employment, including through implementation of the Youth Guarantee. This is the so called ex-ante conditionality, whose purpose is to help to ensure the high quality and effectiveness of investments financed from the Youth Employment Initiative and the European Social Fund.
Each Member State’s Youth Guarantee Implementation Plan is therefore expected to be the key part of this strategic policy framework. Investing our efforts in the quality of the Youth Guarantee Implementation Plans now is important in order for Member States to be ready and able to roll out the Youth Guarantee and effectively utilise the available EU funding. It is also important to get the Implementation Plans right, otherwise we cannot achieve the intended results.
To contribute to the implementation of the Youth Guarantee – and the provision of quality offers of work opportunities for young people – the Commission presented a Council Recommendation on a Quality Framework for Traineeships. The Quality Framework proposes guidelines for traineeships outside educational curricula, and aims to ensure fair working conditions and high quality learning content so that traineeships serve as real stepping stones from education to employment.
Member States are now negotiating the proposal for a Council Recommendation with a view to achieving adoption by the March Council of Employment and Social Affairs Ministers. Unfortunately, a group of Member States seem to disagree with these objectives as they are seeking to water down the proposal. These Member States put in question whether the Quality Framework should deal with working conditions. Some do not want to limit the duration of traineeships and some also wish to weaken all references to the implementation of the Quality Framework.
Of course this approach is a significant disappointment for me and raises important questions for the future. How to explain such a move in the Council when the European Council itself had called on the Commission to propose a Quality Framework on traineeships? I therefore call for your support to raise your voice against such a dilution of the initiative.
Another complementary initiative to support the Youth Guarantee is the European Alliance for Apprenticeships launched in July last year. This seeks to improve the quality and supply of apprenticeships across the EU and to change attitudes to apprenticeships by promoting the benefits of apprenticeship systems. I encourage the Member States, social partners and businesses to scale up their activities on apprenticeships, including creating more and better places in Member States where companies’ commitment to training young people is not yet well developed.
So what happens next? The Commission’s analysis of Member States’ endeavours on the Youth Guarantee is feeding into the European Semester process. The Commission is continuing its contacts with Member States to ensure they deliver the main axis of the Guarantee and therefore may adjust their Implementation Plans at the latest when submitting their National Reform Programmes in mid-April.
The Council of Employment and Social Affairs Ministers on 10[nbsp ]March will be an opportunity to discuss implementation of the Youth Guarantee with Ministers, and on 8[nbsp ]April the Commission is organising a high-level conference in Brussels to take stock of the implementation of the Youth Guarantee. This will also be an opportunity to highlight the reforms being undertaken as well as the common challenges.
The full roll-out of comprehensive Youth Guarantee schemes will require substantial funding. It is now crucial to proceed with speedy programming of the European Social Fund and Youth Employment Initiative activities.
Member States need to take full advantage of the frontloading of the Youth Employment Initiative budget commitments to 2014 and 2015. The Common Provisions Regulation provides the possibility for early adoption of dedicated Youth Employment Initiative operational programmes that can be up and running even before the adoption of the Partnership Agreement.
This opportunity to prepare a dedicated specific operational programme should be seriously considered by Member States as it allows time to be saved when addressing youth unemployment challenges through the Youth Employment Initiative.
We should also bear in mind that pre-financing may only be released and funding reimbursed to Member States once the operational programmes are adopted. This is why swift programming is crucial.
But, until the operational programmes are adopted, Member States should also consider the fact that the eligibility date for Youth Employment Initiative expenditure is 1[nbsp ]September 2013. Therefore, Member States could use this opportunity by mobilising national funding for Youth Employment Initiative related activities already now, as the expenditure would be reimbursed subsequently under the adopted operational programmes.
Yet, while European funds can help, we also need to see national funds being committed to maximise impact and coverage, and really make a difference for young people.
To conclude, the implementation of the Youth Guarantee is proceeding through intensive efforts and we must not relax our high ambitions. I encourage Member States to maintain their high level of engagement to make a real difference to the lives of the many young people who are currently struggling.
Joanna Katarzyna Skrzydlewska, w imieniu grupy PPE. – Panie Przewodniczący! Dnia 22 kwietnia poprzedniego roku unijni ministrowie przyjęli zalecenia Rady w sprawie wdrożenia gwarancji dla młodzieży. Niewątpliwie był to pierwszy i bardzo ważny krok w kierunku zatrzymania wzrostu bezrobocia wśród młodych, a także aktywnego zaangażowania młodych bezrobotnych, które ma skutkować ostatecznie stałym zatrudnieniem. Środki w ramach inicjatywy na rzecz zatrudnienia, które mogły być wydatkowane już od dnia 1 września zeszłego roku, wskazując tylko największych beneficjentów, to dla Hiszpanii ponad 880 milionów euro, Włoch – ponad 530, Francji – prawie 290, Polski – 235, Grecji – powyżej 160 milionów euro.
Najpilniejsze potrzeby, które powinny być sfinansowane z tych środków to reformy ukierunkowane na modernizację systemów zatrudnienia czy usług socjalnych i edukacyjnych dla młodzieży. Kolejny obszar wymagający reform strukturalnych to system kształcenia i szkolenia zawodowego. Państwa członkowskie muszą zapewnić młodym ludziom możliwość zdobycia umiejętności, których pracodawcy poszukują. W związku z tym niezbędne jest zaangażowanie wielu podmiotów, takich jak organizacje pracodawców, instytucje edukacyjne i władze publiczne. Mają one do odegrania ważną rolę. W swoim sprawozdaniu na temat bezrobocia wśród młodych również wskazywałam właśnie na te działania i na współpracę na poziomie europejskim.
Oczekujemy, że Komisja Europejska będzie ściśle współdziałać z państwami członkowskimi we wdrażaniu gwarancji dla młodzieży, a także rozszerzy je dla osób do 30 roku życia. Pamiętajmy, że miejsca pracy tworzą również przedsiębiorcy. Gwarancje są jednym z instrumentów pomocy dla młodych, ale w Parlamencie Europejskim również musimy zająć się tym, jak stworzyć nowe miejsca i jak pomóc w tej kwestii właśnie przedsiębiorcom.
Kinga Göncz, a S&D képviselőcsoport nevében. – Örömmel látjuk, hogy a tagállamok jelentős része komolyan vette a feladatát, és elkészítette az ifjúsági garancia nemzeti végrehajtási tervét. Nyomatékosan kérjük a tagállamokat, hogy a program ne csupán a relatíve jó érvényesülési helyzetben lévő fiataloknak nyújtson segítséget, hanem azoknak is, akiket a társadalmi kirekesztés és a szegénység leginkább fenyeget. Fontos továbbá, hogy a tagállamok összhangba hozzák az ifjúsági garanciát az ESZA-ból finanszírozható egyéb programokkal, amelyek a megelőzést szolgálják, hogy az oktatás és képzés területén olyan programokat is finanszírozzanak, amelyek segítségével megelőzhető a korai iskolaelhagyás, hogy támogassák a korai fejlesztési és oktatási programokat, valamint a nem formális oktatási és tanulási módszereket, hogy a felsőoktatást tegyék hozzáférhetővé a hátrányos helyzetű fiatalok számára, hogy az oktatás és képzés összhangban legyen a munkaerő-piaci elhelyezkedési lehetőségekkel, átjárhatóvá váljon a munka és az oktatás területe. Kérjük továbbá a Bizottságot, hogy továbbra is szigorúan monitorozza az ifjúsági garancia tagállamokban való végrehajtását, és segítse a bevált gyakorlatok cseréjét.
Nadja Hirsch, im Namen der ALDE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Ja, ich bin auch eine Frau. Ich kümmere mich auch um das Thema Jugendarbeitslosigkeit. Vielen Dank! Ich muss aber auch ganz klar sagen: 2009 hatten wir bereits eine strukturelle Jugendarbeitslosigkeit. Insofern möchte ich Ihnen, Herr Minister, auch widersprechen, dass es eine rein konjunkturelle Angelegenheit ist, über die wir jetzt diskutieren. Wir hatten eine strukturelle Jugendarbeitslosigkeit, und durch die Schuldenkrise hat sich natürlich auch die Konjunktur und die Situation generell verschlechtert. Und jetzt stehen wir hier vor Prozentzahlen von 25, 35 bis zu 60[nbsp ]% Jugendarbeitslosigkeit, die sich ein Kontinent wie Europa einfach nicht mehr leisten kann und nicht mehr leisten darf!
Deswegen kann ich einfach nicht verstehen, dass der Rat und die Kommission erst 2013 beschlossen haben, die Jugendgarantie auf den Weg zu bringen, und jetzt 2014, die Umsetzungspläne vorgelegt werden – wahrscheinlich brauchen wir nochmal ein Jahr für die Umsetzung. Meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren, das sind inzwischen fünf Jahre, die vergangen sind! Das heißt, in diesen fünf Jahren hätte jemand eine berufliche Ausbildung machen können, er hätte zig Praktika machen können, er hätte ein Studium abschließen können. Wir sprechen hier von jungen Menschen und deren Biografien. Wir können es uns nicht leisten, hier immer darauf zu warten, bis endlich mal wieder eine Maßnahme abgearbeitet wird.
Ich muss auch ganz klar sagen: Hier liegt meines Erachtens massives Versagen sowohl von den Mitgliedstaaten, von den Regierungen, als auch von der Kommission vor! Auf mich sind in den letzten zwei Jahren wahnsinnig viele Unternehmen zugekommen, NGOs, die aktiv werden wollen, die sich beschweren, dass eben keine Unterstützung, keine Koordinierung da ist. Es kann doch nicht sein, dass wir hier wirklich warten und warten bis zum nächsten Beschluss.
Es geht hier um junge Menschen! Und wir brauchen eben genau, dass diese jungen Menschen auf den Arbeitsmarkt kommen mit einer passenden Qualifizierung. Wir brauchen einen Übergang von Schule zu Beruf, der sehr viel besser funktioniert, und wir brauchen hier die Unternehmen, die Wirtschaft, die auch aktiv werden möchte. Wir müssen sehen, dass eben Unternehmen die Arbeitsplätze schaffen. Und hierauf müssen wir auch den Schwerpunkt legen, auch für Reformen sowohl innerhalb der Strukturen in den Mitgliedstaaten – Ausbildung, die passt – als eben auch letztendlich in den Unternehmen, damit sie wieder investieren können und Arbeitsplätze schaffen können.
Elisabeth Schroedter, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, werter Ratspräsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich gebe meiner Kollegin Nadja Hirsch vollkommen recht: Es hat wirklich lange gedauert, bis der Rat endlich den Beschluss zur Jugendgarantie gefasst hat. Wir als Grüne hatten ja damals die Idee dieser Jugendgarantie, weil es uns wichtig war, dass Jugendliche auch in Krisenzeiten eine Perspektive haben. Wie wichtig das war, zeigt ja die Tatsache, dass Regionen in 20[nbsp ]Mitgliedstaaten Bedarf und Anspruch auf zusätzliche EU-Hilfen dafür haben. Trotzdem haben erst 19[nbsp ]Mitgliedstaaten ihre Selbstverpflichtung erfüllt und den Umsetzungsplan für die Jugendgarantie beschlossen. Was ist mit den anderen? Manche reiche Mitgliedstaaten rühmen sich vergleichbar geringer Jugendarbeitslosigkeitsquoten. Schaue ich mir das aber genauer an – zum Beispiel in Deutschland –, stelle ich fest, dass da in einigen Regionen die Arbeitslosenrate bei den unter 25-Jährigen doppelt so hoch ist wie die durchschnittliche Arbeitslosenrate. Die Jugendlichen sind dort arbeitslos, obwohl es Ausbildungsplätze gibt. Sie haben die Schule abgebrochen, denn die ungleichen Chancen im deutschen Bildungssystem entmutigen viele Schüler und Schülerinnen auf ihrem Weg zum Schulabschluss. So beginnt für diese Jugendlichen schon früh der Abstieg in die Arbeitslosigkeit. Die Jugendgarantie ist aber für jeden und für jede in der Europäischen Union.
Deshalb fordere ich die Europäische Kommission auf, Druck auf säumige Mitgliedstaaten auszuüben. Denn der Preis für die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit ist sehr hoch, und wir zahlen ihn alle!
Ruža Tomašić, u ime kluba ECR. – Gospodine predsjedniče, s obzirom da dolazim iz države u kojoj nezaposlenost mladih doseže alarmantnih 52%, drago mi je da su Parlament i Komisija prepoznali ovaj gorući problem. Nažalost, nisam sigurna da će ga ovakve strategije uspjeti riješiti.
Iako vjerojatno ne postoji bolje instant rješenje od odobravanja financijskih sredstava za ciljane programe kao što je ovaj, rješenje problema nezaposlenosti mladih leži u poboljšanju cjelokupne ekonomske slike. U državama poput Hrvatske koje imaju visoku stopu nezaposlenosti u svim dobnim kategorijama teško ćemo potaknuti masovnije zapošljavanje mladih dok god posao traži velik broj radnika s dugogodišnjim iskustvom. Poduzetnici će uvijek radije zaposliti osobu s iskustvom nego mladu osobu koja iz hrvatskoj obrazovnog sustava izlazi bez praktičkih znanja. Kratkovidno možda, ali iz poduzetničke perspektive razumljivo. U Hrvatskoj se stoga događa očekivano, preko ovog se programa mlade mahom zapošljava u javnom sektoru da se zadovolji formu, što tim osobama ne jamči dugoročno zaposlenje.
Patrick Le Hyaric, au nom du groupe GUE/NGL. – Monsieur le Président, il vous faut le reconnaître, Monsieur le Commissaire et Monsieur le Ministre, la terrible plaie du chômage des jeunes n'est pas une fatalité, mais l'échec patent de vos politiques européennes d'austérité. En même temps, il y a un immense besoin de formation en Europe pour affronter les défis d'avenir.
S'il s'agissait aujourd'hui de créer, avec la garantie jeunesse, les conditions permettant à chaque jeune Européen d'accéder à une formation qualifiante et à un travail sécurisé et correctement rémunéré, ce projet serait une bonne idée. Or, la garantie jeunesse risque de n'être qu'une opération de propagande ou un petit pansement sur la grande maladie qui frappe notre Europe: le chômage des jeunes.
Je plaide pour que la garantie jeunesse devienne une vraie allocation d'études, de formation et d'aide à l'emploi, avec les moyens financiers indispensables pour y parvenir. Mais la question fondamentale de l'emploi des jeunes passe par une sortie de l'austérité et une haute mobilisation de la Banque centrale européenne pour un nouveau crédit favorable aux entreprises qui feraient de la formation des jeunes et de l'emploi de ceux-ci une priorité.
(L'orateur accepte de répondre à une question "carton bleu" (article[nbsp ]149, paragraphe[nbsp ]8, du règlement))
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), Întrebare adresată conform procedurii „cartonaşului albastru”. – Vreau să îl întreb pe domnul Le Hyaric. Este adevărat, Garanția pentru tineret este un instrument extrem de util pentru reducerea șomajului în rândul tinerilor, în special prin pregătirea acestora. Cu toate acestea, fără o industrie modernă, eco-eficientă, capabilă să creeze locuri de muncă unde să angajăm tinerii aceștia bine pregătiți, nu vom putea rezolva problema șomajului. Deci, aș vrea să știu părerea dumneavoastră vizavi de necesitatea de a avea o industrie modernă.
Patrick Le Hyaric (GUE/NGL), réponse "carton bleu". – Je ne me mets pas en travers du projet de garantie jeunesse. Je dis que les fonds alloués à ce projet sont nettement insuffisants puisque le Bureau international du travail chiffre les besoins à 21[nbsp ]milliards –[nbsp ]Monsieur le Commissaire, je crois que vous en êtes à 6[nbsp ]milliards.
Par ailleurs, je crois qu'il serait utile que ce soit une "garantie", c'est-à-dire un moyen d'accéder aux formations. Il y a –[nbsp ]et Monsieur le commissaire l'a justement dit[nbsp ]– un énorme besoin de formation et de qualification en Europe. En outre, il faut effectivement un projet de transformation de l'ensemble de notre industrie aujourd'hui, dans le cadre d'une transition énergétique et environnementale qui est absolument nécessaire.
Il faut inventer l'industrie de demain, et cela demande d'investir des moyens dans la recherche et dans la formation des jeunes.
Νικόλαος Σαλαβράκος, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας EFD. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η εγγύηση για τη νεολαία είναι σίγουρα μια νέα δράση για την αντιμετώπιση της ανεργίας. Είναι καλή, αλλά λίγη. Φοβούμαι, ότι για να καταπολεμηθεί το πρόβλημα της ανεργίας, είναι απαραίτητο να εστιάσουμε την προσοχή μας και στη βελτίωση του επιχειρηματικού κλίματος στην Ευρώπη αλλά και στη διασύνδεση μεταξύ αγοράς εργασίας και εκπαίδευσης. Δεν είναι δηλαδή δυνατόν να υπάρχουν τόσα εκατομμύρια άνεργοι που έχουν ολοκληρώσει σπουδές ανώτατης εκπαίδευσης και να λαμβάνουμε μηνύματα από τον επιχειρηματικό κόσμο ότι έχουν έλλειψη από καταρτισμένο προσωπικό.
Ακόμα, πρέπει να διαφυλάξουμε αξιοπρεπείς συνθήκες εργασίας για τους νέους, ειδικότερα στους καιρούς της οικονομικής κρίσης. Να σταματήσει και να υποκατασταθεί η πρακτική των επαναλαμβανόμενων προγραμμάτων προκαταρκτικής άσκησης που διευκολύνουν τους επιχειρηματίες να προσλαμβάνουν υψηλά καταρτισμένο προσωπικό με χαμηλό κόστος.
Τέλος, πρέπει να εκπονηθεί ένας ευρωπαϊκός χάρτης για τις κενές θέσεις εργασίας, ώστε να υπάρχει διασύνδεση μεταξύ των ευρωπαίων πολιτών.
VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND Vizepräsident
Franz Obermayr (NI). - Herr Präsident! Das Problem der Jugendarbeitslosigkeit in Europa ist vielerorts hausgemacht, vor allem durch Probleme nicht wettbewerbsfähiger Wirtschaft. Daraus folgt mangelndes Wirtschaftswachstum, was in Summe zu weniger Neueinstellungen bei Jugendlichen führt. Das ergibt wieder einen Stau am Arbeitsmarkt und genau das ist eben Jugendarbeitslosigkeit.
Nun: Garantien sind ja gut, Umsetzung ist alldieweil besser. Und nachdem hierzu ein EU-Gipfel dem anderen folgte, haben wir nun endlich eine Strategie – allerdings mit einem beschämend kleinen Budget von nur 6[nbsp ]Milliarden Euro. Ich begrüße ausdrücklich, dass die Verantwortung bei der Umsetzung bei den Mitgliedstaaten bleibt. Vor allem der Austausch bewährter Systeme zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten ist hier ein sinnvoller Ansatz. Ich denke hier an das in Österreich geübte duale Ausbildungssystem.
Heute allerdings konnte ich bisher nichts Konkretes hören, keine neuen Ideen zur Umsetzung der Strategie. Mit anderen Worten: Wir haben eine Strategie, aber es fehlt die Taktik. Ohne diese ist auch die beste Jugendgarantie leider ein Strohfeuer!
Philippe Boulland (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, la garantie jeunesse ne doit pas rester un effet d'annonce. Elle doit être mise en œuvre rapidement au travers de plans nationaux adaptés, comme ce fut le cas en Autriche, dont l'exemple a inspiré cette mesure.
La Commission doit s'assurer que les fonds européens seront utilisés à bon escient car, pour lutter contre le chômage, il est important de concentrer les efforts sur des interventions dont l'efficacité est déjà démontrée et de ne pas gaspiller les deniers publics pour la création d'emplois non marchands.
Au vu des projets de plans nationaux transmis à la mi-novembre à la Commission, il semble que l'accent soit surtout mis sur la formation, l'apprentissage et la réforme des systèmes d'enseignement dans la plupart des pays. Ces réformes sont nécessaires, mais elles ne produiront leurs effets qu'à moyen terme.
Ne laissons pas sur le bord du chemin les jeunes qui ne sont pas inscrits au chômage et ceux qui sont exclus du système scolaire. Ils sont peu identifiables, et on peut donc très difficilement les atteindre pour leur proposer des formations ou simplement un suivi personnel de remise en valeur ou d'estime de soi.
C'est pourquoi il faut appuyer les organismes compétents dans ce domaine. Et à cet égard, je crois qu'il est utile que la Commission fasse preuve de la plus grande transparence possible, afin que tous les États membres puissent avoir connaissance des avant-projets et des projets imaginés par les différents services étatiques, de manière à faciliter au maximum l'échange de bonnes pratiques comme l'a, à l'instant, proposé le Conseil.
Par ailleurs, il est crucial de mettre en place des procédures permettant l'évaluation de ces nouvelles politiques. Que nos chefs de gouvernement ne se cachent pas derrière le manque de moyens financiers disponibles: la garantie pour la jeunesse doit être perçue comme un investissement. Si l'on veut que l'Union préserve son potentiel de croissance futur, il faut que les États membres accordent, eux aussi, une importance prioritaire, dans leurs budgets, à l'action en faveur de l'emploi des jeunes. Le seul concours financier de l'Union européenne, via le fonds...
(Le Président retire la parole à l'orateur)
Alejandro Cercas (S&D). - Señor Presidente, gracias señor Comisario, creo que llevamos ya mucho tiempo hablando de la garantía juvenil y que ha llegado el momento de pasar a los hechos, porque millones de familias y millones de jóvenes europeos lo están esperando angustiosamente.
Y no va a ser tarea fácil, señor Comisario, porque lo han dejado ustedes en manos de los Estados miembros. Temo mucho que esto se disuelva dentro de las políticas habituales y business as usual, y que sean simplemente una ayuda presupuestaria, pero que no haya un cambio real.
Ustedes tienen que responsabilizarse de que la propaganda que hemos hecho, las expectativas que hemos creado, no se frustren, y tienen que ayudar, no solo aconsejar, a los Estados miembros para que estos cambien la realidad y no sea solamente un mecanismo para cambiar las estadísticas.
Me preocupa mucho, señor Comisario, lo que nos ha dicho. Junto al incremento del número de oportunidades para los jóvenes no podemos olvidar la calidad, puesto que se trata de ofrecerles proyectos de vida, y lo que tenemos delante es un conjunto de Estados miembros que son renuentes al marco de calidad en el aprendizaje.
Señor Comisario, ¡díganos los nombres! Y tenemos que empezar a cambiar esa realidad porque es terrible que quede simplemente en un anuncio...
(El Presidente retira la palabra al orador)
Phil Bennion (ALDE). - Mr President, I am very pleased that both the Council and the Commission are here today to talk about the Youth Guarantee because we need to keep shining a very bright light on this issue of youth unemployment if we are going to push Member States into taking positive action. It does not necessarily mean calling for more money at EU level, but sharing successful initiatives and ensuring that existing EU opportunities, such as the European Social Fund, are used to the maximum.
In the United Kingdom we have the Youth Contract: not exactly the Youth Guarantee but a good scheme in its own right. This is a GBP[nbsp ]1 billion scheme which will provide nearly half a million new opportunities for young people, including job subsidy schemes for 18 to 24-year-olds, increasing work experience placements to 100[nbsp ]000, extra incentive payments for employers who take on apprentices and better support for job centre advisors. We need a joined-up approach at national level, including businesses to take responsibility. But we must not forget that structural reforms in the labour market are necessary both for economic stability and sustainable job creation.
Karima Delli (Verts/ALE). - Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, génération précaire, génération sacrifiée, mais surtout, génération oubliée. Oubliée par les politiques d'austérité qui en font une variable d'ajustement. La jeunesse n'est pas une variable d'ajustement; elle doit être notre priorité.
Hier, grâce au Parlement européen, la garantie jeunesse représentait un véritable espoir pour tous les jeunes de 18 à 25 ans en situation de grande précarité. Aujourd'hui, c'est la douche froide. Ce nouveau droit à l'autonomie, les États membres en font une coquille vide, pour ceux qui daignent l'appliquer. Quant à la Commission, elle ne peut pas attendre pour agir. Agir vite est un impératif!
Regardons en France, où malgré l'apport du Fonds social européen, les moyens manquent pour étendre rapidement l'expérience à l'ensemble des territoires, et donc à plus de jeunes. Pire, la clause des quatre mois a été supprimée. Arrêtons le bricolage autour d'une idée qui partait d'une bonne intention mais est dépourvue de moyens.
Osons! Osons aller plus loin! Réclamons désormais un revenu minimum pour tous, accessible aux jeunes sans conditions, mais surtout une charte européenne applicable en cas de...
(Le Président retire la parole à l'orateur)
Paul Murphy (GUE/NGL). - Mr President, unfortunately this guarantee has the equivalent status of a verbal guarantee by a dodgy used-car salesman. Its real purpose is not to provide real jobs for the 5.5 million unemployed young people across Europe. Instead, it is to try and save the jobs of some MEPs, like the Labour Party in Ireland, pretending that they are doing something about unemployment when they are actually making the crisis worse.
There is no real guarantee here. Why? Because it has not been funded by all of the institutions. The International Labour Organisation said that EUR[nbsp ]21 billion was necessary. The GUE/NGL Group tabled an amendment that would have raised the figure to that amount; it was roundly defeated in this Parliament. Every single other southern Irish MEP, for example, voted against that amendment. So we are left with a completely inadequate six billion that will be partly used to push free labour schemes.
Can I ask the Commission what it makes of the Irish Government’s implementation scheme? In particular the fact that the government is using the Youth Guarantee as a Trojan Horse to make the JobBridge free labour scheme compulsory, which it has previously said ad nauseam is voluntary and they now say they will cut people’s dole if they do not…
(The President cut off the speaker)
Regina Bastos (PPE). - Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, Colegas, dar resposta ao desemprego jovem é o desafio social mais importante da União Europeia. Essa resposta tem que ser eficaz e é urgente. Não podemos abandonar os nossos jovens e não podemos desperdiçar os nossos recursos humanos e os nossos talentos, nem nos podemos resignar com o facto de a geração mais qualificada de sempre ser afastada e não lhe ser permitido participar no crescimento económico de que a Europa tanto necessita.
Portugal é um dos Estados-Membros com este problema e tem-lhe dado resposta. Elaborou o programa Impulso Jovem, que vigorou até ao final de 2013, e envolveu mais de 90 mil jovens. 67 % destes jovens foram abrangidos por estágios e conseguiram entrar para o mercado de trabalho. Ao Impulso Jovem vai suceder o novo programa da União: Garantia Jovem. O Governo português decidiu alargar a aplicação desta garantia, não só aos jovens desempregados, mas também a todos os jovens entre os 15 e os 30 anos que não estejam a trabalhar, na escola ou em programas de formação. Isto vai permitir dar mais cerca de 400 mil respostas de formação, educação e emprego para os jovens portugueses nos próximos anos e vai envolver 1 300 milhões de euros.
Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D). - Señor Presidente, uno de cada cuatro jóvenes menores de veinticinco años no trabaja en la Unión. En siete países el índice de paro es superior al 35[nbsp ]%, en dos de ellos supera el 50[nbsp ]%. La inmensa mayoría nunca ha trabajado. Ni un trabajo temporal ni un trabajo parcial. Pero estas estadísticas dramáticas no muestran la cara real del problema. La cara real incluye que estos jóvenes se sienten excluidos de la sociedad, se sienten minusvalorados en su dignidad y no perciben un horizonte vital.
Por tanto, estamos no solamente ante un drama, sino ante una emergencia. Y ante esa emergencia generacional, la reacción, todavía, es una reacción no demasiado rápida. Hubiéramos querido una reacción más rápida porque las emergencias necesitan respuestas urgentes, una reacción más ambiciosa por la dimensión del problema y una dimensión europea para explicar a los jóvenes que Europa tiene soluciones para ellos. Apoyamos a la Comisión en el marco de calidad.
(El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la «tarjeta azul» (artículo 149, apartado 8, del Reglamento))
Davor Ivo Stier (PPE), pitanje postavljeno podizanjem plave kartice – Gospodine predsjedniče. Kolega, spomenuli ste kako jamstvo za mlade samo po sebi nije dovoljno, tražili ste bržu i jaču reakciju. Iz susjednog kluba Ujedinjene ljevice govorili su kako treba fleksibilizirati monetarnu politiku u Europskoj uniji. Mene zanima da li je to stav vašeg kluba?
Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D), respuesta de «tarjeta azul». – Tengo que señalar ―porque lo he visto antes― que quería formular una pregunta a un colega anterior y, como no ha tenido la oportunidad de hacerlo, me pregunta a mí y hace un pregunta, en fin, que podía habérsela hecho a cualquier otro miembro de la Cámara.
Yo he dicho lo que quería decir. Quería decir que deseaba una iniciativa más rápida, más ambiciosa, y más europea. Y he querido decir que apoyo a la Comisión en imponer, o por lo menos forzar, a los Estados miembros a poner en marcha un marco de calidad que dé una respuesta no solo cuantitativa, sino también cualitativa al problema del paro juvenil.
Martina Anderson (GUE/NGL). - Mr President, I called for a Youth Guarantee scheme of EUR 21 billion, in line with the International Labour Organisation, by co-authoring an amendment which this Parliament, to its shame, rejected. The ambitious goal of offering young people who are out of work a place in education, training or employment requires significant capacity to ensure that offers are suited to each individual’s needs. It must also include all young people, irrespective of whether they are linked to the public employment services or not. The present funds allocated are just a fraction of the ILO’s recommendation and will not provide the required capacity.
For Ireland, a poorly-funded youth employment scheme will fail to tackle the problem of youth unemployment and immigration. It will mean that energy, skills and new ideas will continue to leak out of towns and villages the length and breadth of Ireland as our children – who are known as the skype generation, scattered around the world – leave. We need to do more. We need to give our young people reasons to stay and not reasons to leave.
Edit Bauer (PPE). - Kedves Biztos Úr, Kedves Kollégák! Az ifjúsági garancia nyilván enyhíti, ha meg nem is oldja a munkanélküli pályakezdők helyzetét. A komoly gondot ott látom, hogy azon a 15%-on, amely korai iskolaelhagyó, azon a 25%-on, amely ugyan megtanult olvasni, a betűket ismeri, de 14 éves korában nem érti az olvasott szöveget – az ő helyzetükön az ifjúsági garancia vajon mennyit tud változtatni? Úgy tűnik, hogy az alulképzett csoportoknak az ifjúsági garancia kevés segítséget nyújthat. Annyi munkahely már soha nem fog kialakulni Európában az alulképzett munkaerőnek, hogy tömegesen munkába tudjon állni. Visszaküldeni őket az iskolapadba sem kecsegtet túl nagy reménnyel, hisz ha 8 év alatt nem tudtak megtanulni az alapvető ismeretek szintjén, akkor következő egy év vagy két év alatt sem fognak további ismeretekre szert tenni. Ez nem fogja a helyzetet alapjaiban megváltoztatni. A kérdésem az, hogy vajon a Bizottságnak van-e erre a kérdésre jó válasza? A nemzeti tervekben van-e olyan jó gyakorlat, ami megosztható és hatékony lehet?
Emer Costello (S&D). - Mr President, earlier this month the Irish Government published its plan to implement the European Youth Guarantee. It draws on the experience from the Ballymun pilot project. EUR[nbsp ]130 million will be available from EU funds over the next two years for the implementation, which is, I believe, an important step in dealing with Ireland’s youth unemployment crisis. While the number of people finding work in Ireland is rising, with youth unemployment at over 25% and one third of those living in Dublin, youth unemployment in Ireland is unacceptably high.
Over the last year, I have organised some six meetings across the length and breadth of Dublin City and County, with businesses and youth-education stakeholders, on how the Youth Guarantee might be rolled out. Indeed, I gave the Commissioner a copy of the report just before Christmas and I have presented this to the Irish Minister.
The Irish implementation plan prioritises young people who are most at risk from long-term unemployment. I do believe that it will be important to build on the synergies between the Youth Guarantee and other initiatives aimed at promoting decent and quality employment, such as the European Alliance for Apprenticeships and particularly the Quality Framework for Traineeships…
(The President cut off the speaker)
Sari Essayah (PPE). - Arvoisa puhemies, hyvä komission jäsen, nuorisotyöttömyyden kasvu koko EU:n alueella, mutta erityisesti talouskriisin runtelemissa valtioissa, on ollut hälyttävää. Nyt on suositeltu nuorisotakuun käyttöönottoa kaikissa jäsenvaltioissa ja varoja on osoitettu yhteisestä talousarviosta erityisesti korkeamman nuorisotyöttömyyden maille. On kuitenkin muistettava, että jäsenvaltioiden on itsensä panostettava nuorisotakuun toteuttamiseen, pelkkä EU-raha ei siihen riitä. Olisinkin komission jäseneltä halunnut tiedustella, onko jäsenvaltioissa ymmärretty, että jäsenvaltioiden on myös itse kannettava kortensa kekoon.
Työ-, koulutus- tai harjoittelupaikkaan kannustava nuorisotakuu vaatii toteutuakseen jäsenvaltioissa toimivan koulutusjärjestelmän, hyvää työvoimapolitiikkaa sekä niitä tukevan sosiaalipolitiikan. Pelkään, että myöskään nämä rakenteelliset uudistukset eivät ole vielä valmiina monissa jäsenvaltioissa. Toivon, että nuorisotakuusta ei tule vain sanahelinää siksi, että jäsenvaltiot eivät pysty vastaamaan omasta osastansa.
Lisäksi nuorten ja muidenkin heikommassa työmarkkina-asemassa olevien työllistymiseen vaikuttaa ennen muuta talouden suhdanteet. Siksi hyvä ja vastuullinen talouspolitiikka on välttämätöntä myös nuorisotyöttömyyden hoidossa. Muuten olemme vaarassa menettää enemmän kuin vain nuorten työllistämismahdollisuudet, kokonaisen tulevan sukupolven.
Jutta Steinruck (S&D). - Herr Präsident! Um ehrlich zu sein, hatte ich gedacht, wir würden heute mal etwas wirklich Neues, Konkretes erfahren, und die endlosen Diskussionen über die Einführung der Jugendgarantie, und dass alles schlimm ist, würden endlich aufhören, und wir würden diese unzumutbare Situation, die die jungen Menschen in Europa haben, beenden und ihnen eine Perspektive bieten.
Klar ist auch, die Jugendgarantie kann nur ein Element sein. Sie ist ein Medikament, aber kein Heilmittel für Jugendarbeitslosigkeit. Wir dürfen das Ziel nicht aus den Augen verlieren, dass wir junge Menschen nicht einfach nur in irgendeine Beschäftigung bringen. Wir brauchen gute, nachhaltige Beschäftigung, die auch das Auskommen für ein Leben sichert. Da ist auch Mobilität von Spanien nach Deutschland, von Griechenland in die Niederlande oder wo auch immer hin, nicht die Lösung. Mir dauert das wirklich alles viel zu lange. Kommissar Andor hat ja auch die unsägliche, unglückliche, unkonkrete Rolle der Mitgliedstaaten und des Rates aufgezeigt. Ich wünschte mir, dass sich da einiges mehr tut.
Wir brauchen gute Arbeitsplätze für unsere jungen Menschen und strukturelle Reformen!
Martin Kastler (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Keine Frage, die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit, vor allem in Süd- und Osteuropa, ist eines der größten Übel im Moment. In 13 von 27[nbsp ]Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union sind die unter 25-Jährigen ohne Aussicht auf Zukunft. Das ist etwas, woran wir als Europäer nicht nur zweifeln müssen und uns hier beklagen, sondern wir müssen darauf drängen, dass eben diejenigen, die dafür verantwortlich sind, sich darum kümmern, dass es besser wird.
Es ist klar: Wir können uns nicht hier in Straßburg hinstellen und jetzt Jobs schaffen. Das ist weder die Aufgabe eines Parlaments hier in Straßburg noch der Beamten in Brüssel. Wir können aber den jungen Menschen Möglichkeiten geben und Hilfe bieten. Dafür ist die Jugendgarantie schon ein probates Mittel, um zu sagen: Ihr habt hier eine Chance.
In meinem Heimatland Bayern haben wir Gott sei Dank eine Situation, wo wir mit dualer Ausbildung Möglichkeiten geschaffen haben, über Jahrzehnte auch dafür gestanden sind, dass wir mit dualer Berufsausbildung mehr Chancen schaffen als mit einer verakademisierten Schüler- und Kinderschar, die dann am Ende zwar einen hohen Abschluss haben, aber keine Möglichkeit auf Jobs. Denn die Unternehmer werden uns die Jobs bieten für unsere Jugendlichen. Wenn wir sie aber immer nur schmähen, wenn wir sie beleidigen, wenn wir meinen, wir als Parlamente, als EU-Kommission müssten ihnen etwas aufoktroyieren, dann wird das nicht helfen. Wir müssen gemeinsam die Möglichkeiten schaffen, dass die jungen Menschen Perspektiven haben. Das wollen wir, und deswegen freue ich mich, dass die Jugendgarantie eine Möglichkeit ist, hier zu unterstützen, aber nicht unbedingt alle Möglichkeiten auszuschöpfen, die es bisher gibt. Ich wünsche...
(Der Präsident entzieht dem Redner das Wort)
Συλβάνα Ράπτη (S&D). - Κύριε Επίτροπε, το Σαββατοκύριακο ήμουν σε τρεις διαφορετικές πόλεις στην Ελλάδα: στη Θεσσαλονίκη, στην Κοζάνη και στη Φλώρινα, τρεις πόλεις που βρίσκονται στα βόρεια σύνορά μας. Τους μίλησα εκεί για την πρωτοβουλία "Εγγύηση για τη νεολαία". Περιμένουν πολλά οι νέοι μας, όπως πολλά περιμένουν και οι τοπικές κοινωνίες. Εσείς ο ίδιος θα είστε την άλλη εβδομάδα σε μια άλλη πόλη της Ελλάδας, την Καβάλα.
Κάνουμε προσπάθειες ως Ελλάδα, παρά την ύφεση, να αξιοποιήσουμε την "Εγγύηση για τη νεολαία", και το έχουμε καταφέρει. Μέσα στο 2014 θα αξιοποιηθούν σαράντα χιλιάδες θέσεις εργασίας· το ποσόν που θα διατεθεί ανέρχεται σε τριακόσια σαράντα εκατομμύρια ευρώ, εκ των οποίων το μισό ποσόν προέρχεται από την Πρωτοβουλία για τη νεολαία και το άλλο μισό από το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινωνικό Ταμείο. Αλλά υπάρχουν δυσκολίες κύριε Επίτροπε. Οι δυσκολίες είναι η ύφεση που χτυπάει την πόρτα της Ελλάδας μόνιμα, για να μην πω ότι είναι μέσα στο σαλόνι της Ελλάδας. Η δυσκολία είναι ότι οι επιχειρήσεις, σε ποσοστό 90%, έχουν λιγότερους από δέκα εργαζόμενους και συνεπώς είναι δύσκολο να δημιουργήσουν θέσεις μαθητείας ή εργασίας. Θέλουμε περισσότερα!
Και τελειώνοντας κύριε Πρόεδρε, η εγγύηση για τη νεολαία είναι εγγύηση για το μέλλον της Ευρώπης. Θέλουμε περισσότερα....
(Ο Πρόεδρος διακόπτει την ομιλήτρια)
Glenis Willmott (S&D). - Mr President, I want to use my minute to vent my frustration at the UK Government’s total lack of movement on the Youth Guarantee and Youth Employment Initiative. I have campaigned for years now for a Youth Guarantee Fund at EU level. Now we have one, you would have thought that I would be overjoyed; but no. As yet, the UK Government has still to come forward with an implementation plan showing how it will access the EUR[nbsp ]8 billion available for a Youth Guarantee or Youth Employment Initiative.
We are told this implementation plan will come, but still we wait. While other Member States have plans in place, the UK dithers. Thousands of young people across the UK from Liverpool to Wolverhampton to London are crying out for assistance to help them find employment, yet while their voices can be clearly heard all we get from the UK Government is silence. Its lack of action speaks volumes to the young unemployed of Britain today.
Catch-the-eye-Verfahren
Der Präsident. - Ich möchte alle Kollegen um Verständnis bitten. Ich habe viermal so viele Anmeldungen zum Catch-the-eye-Verfahren, wie wir Zeit zur Verfügung haben. Ich kann deshalb nicht alle berücksichtigen.
Danuta Jazłowiecka (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Przyjęcie przez Radę gwarancji dla młodzieży oraz inicjatywy na rzecz zatrudnienia młodzieży jest potwierdzeniem priorytetowego traktowania przez Unię problemu bezrobocia wśród młodych osób. Niepokojące jednak jest, że, jak wskazują specjaliści od rynków pracy, dane z poszczególnych państw członkowskich o poziomie bezrobocia wśród młodzieży są kompletnie nieporównywalne i bardzo często zaciemniają obraz. Najwyższy czas, by Eurostat wypracował odpowiednie instrumenty badawcze pozwalające porównać skalę tego zjawiska, nie da się bowiem podjąć efektywnych działań jeżeli nie wiemy jaki jest rzeczywisty poziom bezrobocia wśród ludzi młodych w poszczególnych państwach członkowskich czy regionach. Komisja słusznie zakłada, że skala zjawiska jest na tyle niepokojąca, że konieczne inicjatywy muszą być wdrożone jak najszybciej a dostępne środki wydatkowane do końca przyszłego roku. Widać jednak, że na przeszkodzie może stać inercja niektórych rządów. Stąd mam pytanie, powtarzając po Sari Essayah, do pana komisarza: czy wszystkie kraje udostępniły konieczne fundusze na realizację zadań zakładanych w programach?
Karin Kadenbach (S&D). - Herr Präsident! Die Jugendgarantie ist sicher ein Bestandteil einer zukünftigen europäischen Weiterentwicklung in der Beschäftigung, aber sie kann nicht die Lösung sein. Ich glaube, Österreich hat hier sehr gut vorgezeigt, dass es nur geht, wenn wir insgesamt in die Wirtschaft, in die Bildung, in die Ausbildung, in die Sozial- und Gesundheitssysteme investieren. Wir können nur dann Beschäftigung schaffen, wenn Geld investiert wird.
Wir haben viele Programme: Investing in Health ist eine der Möglichkeiten. Wir wissen aber auch, durch Green Jobs, durch Investitionen in Öko-Jobs, durch Investitionen in den gesamten Bereich alternativer Energien schaffen wir Jobs, schaffen wir Beschäftigung. Und nur dann wird es uns gelingen! Beschäftigung schafft Einkommen. Einkommen schafft Kaufkraft. Kaufkraft schafft Nachfrage. Nachfrage schafft Beschäftigung. Wenn wir diese Spirale nicht nach oben in Bewegung setzen, dann ist diese Jugendgarantie in Wirklichkeit nur ein Placebo, auf das sich vielleicht der eine oder andere Regierungschef in manchen Mitgliedstaaten einfach zurücklehnt und sagt: Da gibt es ein Instrument, nutzen sollen es die Anderen, mich interessiert das nicht. Diese Verachtung der Jugend und der mehr als 5,5[nbsp ]Millionen jugendlichen Arbeitslosen unter 25[nbsp ]Jahren in Europa ist fehl am Platz, sie verdienen ein anderes Europa: ein Europa der Beschäftigung!
Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE). - Señor Presidente, Comisario Andor, necesitamos la integración laboral de los jóvenes, pero necesitamos criterios claros y evitar fraudes para aplicar los fondos europeos; incrementar la colaboración pública o privada; compartir buenas prácticas, porque no podemos defraudar a los jóvenes y porque nuestra economía y competitividad necesitan su talento. Son fuente de excelencia e innovación para nuestro crecimiento.
Son los Estados los que deben plantear los planes. Usted ha hablado de diecinueve Estados que los han planteado. Me gustaría preguntarles qué valoración hacen de los planes que se han presentado y qué pasa con los ocho que todavía no han reaccionado de manera inmediata. ¿Incluyen estos planes a las regiones? Porque Euskadi tiene unos jóvenes con una formación muy cualificada y tiene necesidades distintas a otras regiones españolas. ¿Ha presentado el Estado español su plan?
Y me gustaría preguntarle: en el marco de calidad, una gran decepción. Los Estados se están oponiendo, como usted ha dicho. ¿Cuáles son los argumentos para que los Estados se opongan al marco de calidad que necesitamos si de verdad creemos en los jóvenes? Usted nos ha pedido ayuda. ¿Cómo creemos que podemos ayudarle? Yo estoy dispuesta a hacerlo.
Tarja Cronberg (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, the Youth Guarantee is not enough, we know that. I would like to ask the Commissioner what is being done to create job places and to get employers to employ young people. What kind of initiatives are there? Many young people are leaving Europe. How many have left to go to Brazil, Africa and other countries? Do we know this, and who has been leaving? Finally I would like to ask about the consequences of youth unemployment on working conditions. I know that salaries are being reduced in crisis-hit countries but what is happening to the working conditions in these countries?
Димитър Стоянов (NI). - Г-н Председател, ето тук в този дебат много ясно можем да видим как има политики на Европейския съюз, които са в конфронтация една с друга, в конфликт една с друга.
Защото в понеделник говорихме за допускането на студенти, научни работници и други подобни от трети страни на територията на Съюза, разширихме техните права за по-лесен достъп до пазара на труда на Европейския съюз, а днес, доста лицемерно, бих казал, отново дебатираме за пореден, пореден път за състоянието на младежката безработица.
И питам, как така в понеделник отново се изсипа обичайната пропаганда за това колко много Европейският съюз има нужда от нови емигранти, от емигрантска сила, която да заеме работните места, за да движи напред Европейския съюз? Как може това да е едновременно да вярно с факта, че милиони млади европейци са без работа и техните работни места биват изземани от такива емигранти?
Zbigniew Zaleski (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Komisję i Radę cechuje duża odwaga w tej gwarancji. Aż się przerażam. Powiem tak, że brak zatrudnienia dla osoby kończącej edukację to frustracja zostawiająca ślad czasem na całe życie, bo po co się uczyć? A za to my wszyscy płacimy. Odnośnie zatrudnienia, to są dwie oferty: z jednej strony to kompetencje kandydata, który chce pracować, a z drugiej to pracodawca, który potrzebuje siły roboczej. W pierwszej sprawie uważam, że poza podstawową edukacją na różnym poziomie powinno się rozwijać kształcenie praktyczne. W Polsce powracamy do tzw. zasadniczych szkół zawodowych, gdzie się uczy zawodu. Uważam, że to jest bardzo dobry pomysł. W drugiej sprawie myślę, że Komisja może coś zrobić, mianowicie albo przez obniżenie kosztów zatrudnienia ze strony pracodawcy albo przez zmianę regulacji. Subwencja dla obniżenia kosztów pierwszego zatrudnienia jest jedną z dobrych możliwości, a dopiero w pracy młody kandydat może wykazać swoją użyteczność. Dlatego ta pierwsza praca jest tak ważna.
(Mówca zgodził się odpowiedzieć na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki (art. 149 ust. 8 Regulaminu))
Roberta Angelilli (PPE), Domanda "cartellino blu". – La domanda in realtà è per il Consiglio e per la Commissione ma la faccio all'on. Zaleski. Questo Parlamento ha chiesto, a grande maggioranza, di decidere sulla doppia sede, che costa ben 200 milioni di euro l'anno, 1.000 milioni a legislatura, quindi il 15% dell'intera dotazione...
(Il Presidente interrompe l'oratore)
Der Präsident. - Frau Kollegin, so geht das nicht! Sie stellen keine konkrete Frage. Ich bitte um Nachsicht. Ich versuche hier, das alles so gerecht wie möglich zu machen. Die Art und Weise, wie manche Kollegen hier miteinander umgehen, ist durchaus denkwürdig.
(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)
László Andor, Member of the Commission. - Mr President, even if this is not the first discussion about youth employment and the Youth Guarantee in this House, I believe it is very important to discuss this again and again, especially at a time when the Member States are already in the implementation phase. They are in the programming phase of the financial instruments. It is very important to highlight this, because now is the time for us to deliver the very clear message that youth employment, and particularly the implementation of the Youth Guarantee, must be seen as a priority, not only in countries where the youth unemployment rate is higher than 25%, but in those cases in particular.
I share the view that the implications of the current situation are very serious. The large-scale emigration to other continents of hundreds of thousands of young people from quite a few of the Member States severely affected by the crisis and the demographic consequences of the crisis is quite serious. That is why our efforts also have to be concentrated and effective.
There is no single cause of this high level of youth unemployment in the European Union; there is a combination of structural and cyclical factors, and there is no silver bullet. The Youth Guarantee is not a silver bullet either. However, it is a flagship initiative which can carry several other proposals and reforms as well as the necessary support at European level. The right combination of the measures which will help to implement the Youth Guarantee in turning this ambition into reality has to be worked out at national level. That is why it is very important that the governments of the Member States focus on this now.
Ms Hirsch and others have asked why this proposal was agreed about a year ago. As you probably know, the Commission did not put this proposal on the table for the first time last year. In 2010, when we launched the Europe 2020 strategy in strong partnership with Parliament, the proposal was already on the table. However, as I have pointed out in this House before, in 2010 and 2011 there was some complacency and the false expectation that Europe would quite easily emerge from the crisis and that there was no need for comprehensive reforms.
By the time of the second recession, which started in 2011 and deepened in 2012, there was already an understanding that new, comprehensive and more forceful measures were needed. We launched a reprogramming of EU funds and, through reprogramming more than EUR[nbsp ]10[nbsp ]billion, helped to provide more direct and immediate support for many young people in the eight Member States worst hit by youth unemployment. One year ago the Council also agreed that it was important and necessary to implement the Youth Guarantee itself.
This is not the right moment to have a country-by-country evaluation. Please understand that this would require more time, but that after the Council meeting to be held in March and at the Conference to be held on 8[nbsp ]April, which I have already announced, we will be able to speak very frankly and openly about what is lacking, where the weaknesses lie and what else needs to be done in order to complete the implementation plan and ensure its quality. We will also come back to this in the European Semester under the country-specific recommendations.
The examples that have been mentioned in this debate today are very important in order to highlight the fact that all countries have something to build on. EU support through the European Social Fund is not just starting today. The impulso jovem in Portugal, the Giovanisì in Italy, the Youth Contract in the UK and many other programmes that are already functioning should be seen as a good starting point, but they all need to be upgraded. Nothing that is functioning now is sufficient to deliver the guarantee. The Member States have to see through what measures they can build on the existing programmes and operations and bring them up to the level of a proper Youth Guarantee. So this is a process to upgrade, support, monitor and, for the Commission, to coordinate this progress.
There is a need for new types of partnerships between, for example, employment and education arms of various governments. We have been doing this from the very start in the Commission, and that is also why Commissioner Androulla Vassiliou will be present and will play a role in the April Conference on the Youth Guarantee in Brussels. That should also bring answers to Ms Bauer’s question about the importance of tackling early school leaving and if possible continuing with education, because we cannot abandon anyone. We cannot declare that young people in any EU country are untrainable.
Another important new partnership is between politics and business. It is true that most jobs are created by businesses. We work, for example, with the involvement of Commissioner Neelie Kroes in very close cooperation with companies that can create apprenticeships and jobs in the area of info-communication technology and other cutting-edge sectors. But the Youth Guarantee is not only about jobs in the private economy. It is also about further training and apprenticeships, so it is also about other types of activities. So while it is important to ensure that the overall economic situation and competitiveness improve, it is not sufficient. We have to see the wider range of activities which are necessary.
We also have to look at financial resources. Quite a few Members of the House emphasised that EUR[nbsp ]6[nbsp ]billion is not enough. We never said that this would be enough. It is a necessary top-up in the regions which are in the worst situation. This comes to top up the European Social Fund resources, but already other resources have been identified. The European Investment Bank, for example, offered support in various ways, for example by concessional lending to companies if they hire young people. But the EIB also provides the bridging finance in order to ensure that the Member States can start implementation even if they have to wait until the operational programmes are approved if they want to draw from the Youth Employment initiatives. So the bridging finance can also be drawn from the European Investment Bank. I think this is a very important piece of information.
Investment from all these resources is not only about training but also to make hiring easier and to boost the demand for labour. So there is a variety of ways that have been identified where EU resources can be used in a coordinated way to provide solutions.
Finally, let me just highlight the fact that, apart from the events in Brussels (the EPSCO Council and the Conference on the Youth Guarantee), I am going to visit some of the countries in the implementation phase in the coming recess. Mr Rapti emphasised that I will go to Greece, not only to Athens but also to the cities and regions of Kavala and Thessaloniki. I am also going to visit several regions in Spain, as well as Portugal and Bulgaria. In all these countries it is very important that, in the programming period of the European Social Fund, youth employment and the implementation of the Youth Guarantee are seen as a priority by the governments.
Der Präsident. - Vielen Dank, Herr Kommissar! Herr Kommissar, ich schätze es durchaus, dass Sie zu den Kommissaren gehören, die nicht mit einer vorgefertigten Schlussrede hierher kommen, sondern auf jeden Kollegen eingehen. Aber ganz allgemein wäre ich sehr dankbar, wenn auch bemerkt würde, dass wir hier Zeitpläne haben, dass ich mich mit einzelnen Kollegen hier anlege, dass um jede Minute Redezeit gerungen wird und wir viele Kollegen haben, die auch noch gerne etwas gesagt hätten. Dann geht es eigentlich nicht, dass die Kommission doppelt so lange spricht wie eigentlich vorgesehen.
Dimitrios Kourkoulas, President-in-Office of the Council. - Mr President, honourable Members, I am grateful for this fruitful debate, and I think many of you have rightly underlined the urgency and the determination that we have to show in addressing this problem. I would also like to thank Commissioner Andor for the dynamism with which he is pushing his initiatives. But let me also remind this House that the scope of EU-level action is relatively limited and that initiatives are focused mainly on coordination, fostering new initiatives and supporting financing mechanisms.
The Council gives guidelines to the Member States and strongly encourages them to take measures to tackle youth unemployment, and in addition the social partners have a crucial role in the set-up of new opportunities for young job-seekers. We never pretended that the Youth Initiative or the Youth Guarantee could be the solution on their own; the Youth Initiative is seed money to help spur national initiatives.
For the Council, I can assure you that the Greek Presidency will make every effort to contribute to reinforcing EU policies in this area, and I am sure that future presidencies will continue to ensure that appropriate emphasis is placed on addressing this challenge. The issue of unemployment and especially youth unemployment will certainly be at the heart of the electoral campaign for the European elections, and most of you, from whatever political background, will have to devote a lot of effort to contributing to this difficult debate.
Let me conclude by referring to what I said in my first intervention: employment policy alone cannot reverse the negative trend. Much more needs to be done, and contributions from other policy areas are needed.
Der Präsident. - Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.
Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149 GO)
Claudette Abela Baldacchino (S&D), bil-miktub. – Il-garanzija liż-żgħażagħ għandha l-iskop nobbli li tgħin liż-żgħażagħ isibu impjieg deċenti. B'impjieg deċenti ma nifhimx biss impjieg b'salarju tajjeb, imma nifhem ukoll impjiegi b'kundizzjonijiet tax-xogħol xierqa. Liż-żgħażagħ inkunu qegħdin nisfruttawhom jekk ma nħallulhomx triq oħra għajr li jaċċettaw impjieg prekarju sempliċiment għax ma jkunux jistgħu jagħmlu mod ieħor. Għalhekk l-importanza ta' din il-garanzija li toffri liż-żgħażagħ li jtemmu l-edukazzjoni tagħhom, u lil dawk li jitilfu l-impjieg, l-opportunità ta' impjieg alternattiv, jew inkella aktar edukazzjoni u taħriġ biex eventwalment jgħinuhom isibu impjieg deċenti. Din il-garanzija hija ferm meħtieġa meta nafu li l-qgħad fost iż-żgħażagħ huwa enormi, tant li f'ċerti pajjiżi saħansitra jaqbeż il-50[nbsp ]%, iżda mhix se tagħmel il-mirakli, aktar u aktar fiż-żminijiet diffiċli li għadna għaddejjin minnhom. Irridu nirrikonoxxu li dawn iż-żminijiet diffiċli qegħdin iħallu l-effetti tagħhom mhux fuq iż-żgħażagħ biss. Il-miljuni ta' ċittadini Ewropej li m'għandhomx impjieg m'humiex kollha żgħażagħ, u jkun nuqqas kbir min-naħa tagħna, jekk ma noffrux l-appoġġ tagħna liċ-ċittadini l-oħra li wkoll jinsabu bla impjieg. Ikun falliment min-naħa tagħna jekk ma nurux is-solidarjetà tagħna ma' dawn iċ-ċittadini, li ħafna minnhom aktarx li huma kapijiet ta' familja, u allura l-konsegwenzi tal-fatt li m'għandhomx impjieg jistg'u jkunu aktar koroh. Tajjeb li nag'tu prijorità lill-problema taż-żgħażagħ għax iż-żgħażagħ huma l-futur, imma l-preżent jeżisti wkoll.
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. – É muito importante que a União Europeia reconheça a relevância de termos instrumentos específicos de combate ao desemprego jovem. É também necessário que sejam aplicados com urgência e eficácia, por isso saúda-se este debate. Desde logo, é preciso não esquecer que se trata de um fenómeno que contribui para o agravamento da situação económica. Naturalmente que só o restabelecimento pleno da atividade económica criará empregos sustentáveis, mas, nesta matéria, importa agir já contra esta trajetória destruidora de empregos em que os jovens são os mais atingidos. O tipo de oportunidades deve ser diversificado, proporcionando empregos, estágios ou prosseguimento de estudos. Deve também colocar-se o foco nos desempregados de longa duração e apoiar as entidades que após terem oferecido estas oportunidades mantenham os postos de trabalho criados para os jovens. Devem aperfeiçoar-se práticas dos países mais bem-sucedidos que planearam e executaram bons programas de apoio à juventude, aproveitando as suas qualificações, empregando jovens no tecido empresarial e social, dando-lhes condições para continuarem a sua formação, com base nas necessidades e oportunidades do mercado de trabalho ou apoiando iniciativas, a partir de uma rede organizada de parceiros em diálogo permanente.
Zoltán Bagó (PPE), írásban. – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Nagy örömömre szolgál, hogy alig egy évvel az ifjúsági garancia elfogadása után a program végrehajtásáról hallhatunk beszámolót. A gazdasági válság egyik legnagyobb kihívása a munkanélküliség csökkentése. Azon belül is az egyik legkiszolgáltatottabb csoport a munkakereső fiatalok köre. Az Európai Unió az előző évben nagy lépést tett a fiatalok munkanélküliségének kezelése érdekében, mikor elfogadta az ifjúsági garancia elvét. A problémát proaktívan kell megoldani, és a munkahelyteremtésre nagy figyelmet kell fordítani a tagállamokban. Az ifjúsági garancia végrehajtásához nagy szükség lesz az oktatási és képzési intézmények, a foglalkoztatással foglalkozó szervezetek, az ifjúsági szervezetek, a szakszervezet és a munkáltató együttműködésére. A program 2014 elején elkezdődött, és Magyarország például a munkaügyi központokon keresztül képzésekkel, átképzésekkel, gyakornoki programokkal és járulékcsökkentést biztosító intézkedésekkel fogja tudni támogatni a fiatalokat. Javaslom, hogy máskor is térjünk vissza a program végrehajtásának kérdésére, hogy további információt kaphassunk az egyes tagállamok jól bevált kezdeményezéseiről.
Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. – România este unul dintre statele care va beneficia de fondurile destinate combaterii șomajului în rândul tinerilor. Întrucât 3 regiuni din țara mea au un șomaj de peste 30% în rândul tinerilor, este foarte important ca planul de implementare al Garanției pentru Tineret să fie coerent și să prevadă măsuri concrete. Atrag atenția că identificarea surselor de finanțare este foarte importantă pentru a ne asigura că aceste planuri vor avea succes. În cazul României, din păcate nu a existat o consultare publică pe marginea acestui document. Indiferent dacă măsurile propuse oferă o șansă în plus tinerilor români, cred că era necesar un dialog mai activ cu patronatele și sindicatele încă din faza de elaborare a planului. Atrag totuși atenția că multe dintre măsuri sunt foarte generale și nu oferă o perspectivă clară asupra modului în care vor fi implementate.
Heinz K. Becker (PPE), schriftlich. – Die Jugendgarantie ist eine EU-weite Initiative, die sicherstellen soll, dass junge Menschen unter 25 Jahren spätestens vier Monate nach Ende ihrer Ausbildung eine Fortbildung, ein Praktikum oder einen Job erhalten. Finanziert wird die Jugendgarantie durch nationale Mittel sowie Geld aus dem Europäischen Sozialfonds und der EU-Beschäftigungsinitiative.. Die in einigen Ländern dramatisch hohe Jugendarbeitslosigkeit gefährdet die Zukunft einer ganzen Generation. Daher ist es enorm wichtig, dass Europa entschlossen handelt. Im EU-Vergleich hat Österreich die niedrigste Arbeitslosigkeit und die niedrigste Jugendarbeitslosigkeit. Unsere duale Ausbildung mit Berufsschulen und betrieblicher Lehre, unsere Jugendgarantie, unser effizientes Arbeitsmarktservice und unsere Sozialpartnerschaft, werden vom EU-Parlament als Vorbild für jene Mitgliedstaaten definiert, die jetzt sofortige Reformen einleiten müssen.
Ivo Belet (PPE), schriftelijk. – Voorzitter, Het kwaliteitskader voor stages is een essentieel onderdeel van het EU-jeugdgarantieplan dat vorig jaar werd goedgekeurd door de Europese ministers van Arbeid en Sociale Zaken. De jeugdgarantie garandeert iedere jongere onder de 25 jaar binnen vier maanden een concreet en degelijk aanbod voor een baan, stage, leerlingenplaats of voortgezette beroepsopleiding. 14 miljoen jongeren (onder de 30 jaar) zitten vandaag in de EU zonder werk, zonder opleiding of zonder een stageplaats (zogenaamde NEET-jongeren, No Employment, No Education, No Training).
Degelijke stageplaatsen vormen de ideale opstap naar een job, maar wij moeten vermijden dat ongereguleerde stages voor jongeren worden ingezet als vervanging van vaste en kwalitatieve tewerkstelling. Uit een recent Eurobarometer-onderzoek blijkt dat heel wat stages in de EU niet voldoen aan een aantal fundamentele voorwaarden. 35% van de stagiairs zeggen dat ze geen schriftelijke stage-overeenkomst kregen. Via het kwaliteitskader wordt met dergelijke praktijken komaf gemaakt. Het is daarom bijzonder droevig dat bepaalde lidstaten er alles aan gedaan hebben om het kwaliteitskader af te zwakken.
Wij hopen dat ook deze lidstaten bij de uitvoering van de jeugdgarantie wel degelijk zullen kiezen voor kwaliteitsvolle stages die voor werkloze jongeren een springplank kunnen zijn.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. – Džiaugiuosi, kad valstybės narės, tarp jų ir Lietuva, ėmėsi aktyviai įgyvendinti praėjusiais metais patvirtintą Jaunimo garantiją. Šiuo metu, kai net 14[nbsp ]milijonų jaunuolių iki 29[nbsp ]metų Europoje nedirba, nesimoko ir nedalyvauja mokymuose, greitas ir sklandus Jaunimo garantijos įgyvendinimas yra kaip niekad svarbus. Jaunimo garantijos iniciatyva – tai bendromis ES ir valstybių narių lėšomis finansuojamų priemonių visuma, skirta padėti jauniems žmonėms įsitvirtinti darbo rinkoje. Šia iniciatyva bus siekiama užtikrinti, kad jaunam žmogui per keturis mėnesius nuo mokslo baigimo ar užsiregistravimo darbo biržoje dienos būtų pasiūlytas darbas, gamybinė praktika, stažuotė arba tolesnis mokymasis, atsižvelgiant į individualius poreikius ir patirtį. Norėčiau pritarti kolegės raginimui, kad valstybės narės ypatingą dėmesį skirtų tiems jaunuoliams, kurie yra ekonomiškai ir socialiai atsidūrę nepalankiausioje padėtyje. Tik taip užkirsime kelią skurdo perdavimui iš kartos į kartą. Džiaugiuosi, kad Lietuvos parengtuose Jaunimo garantijos iniciatyvos įgyvendinimo planuose daugiausia priemonių numatoma skirti jaunų žmonių profesiniam orientavimui, mokslo įstaigų partnerystėms su verslo organizacijomis ir darbdaviais, tiek sudarant mokymo programas, tiek ieškant bendradarbiavimo galimybių jauniems žmonėms atlikti gamybines praktikas, stažuotes, nemažas dėmesys skiriamas jaunimo verslumo skatinimui. Tikiu, kad visos šios priemonės turės konkrečią ir apčiuopiamą naudą, ir mes išvengsime mūsų jaunosios kartos teikiamų galimybių praradimo.
Lívia Járóka (PPE), in writing. – The financial losses due to the disengagement of young people from the labour market amount to hundreds of billions, which also represents a serious social and economic burden. Enabling disadvantaged young people to fulfil their potential and participate actively at local, regional, national and European level is therefore not only an economic imperative and an essential factor for the achievement of greater social inclusion but also a necessity for the sound and sustainable development of their communities. It must be noted that, despite the economic crisis and the dismantling of workplaces, there are over two million unfilled vacancies in the EU, mostly because there are no workers with the required skills in the local job market. Part of the solution for youth unemployment may be the development of high-quality vocational education and training systems, with highly-qualified teachers and trainers, innovative learning methods, high-quality infrastructure and facilities, high labour market relevance and pathways to further education and training. Vocational education is more closely linked to the labour market than other sectors of education or training, yet the potential of work-based learning, and in particular apprenticeships, to tackle youth employment remains to be fully exploited in many countries.
Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE), kirjallinen. – Olen puhunut jo aiemmin nuorisotakuun toteutumisesta ja etenkin nuorisotakuun toimeenpanosta – ideatasolla ajatushan on jo hyväksytty neuvostossa. On jäsenmaiden vastuulla pitää lupauksensa nuorille siitä, että kukaan nuori ei jää ilman työpaikkaa, koulutuspaikkaa tai harjoittelua yli neljän kuukauden ajaksi.
Nuorisotakuun toimeenpanossa on huomioitava ainakin seuraavat elementit: riittävät resurssit on turvattava ja nuorisotakuuta pitää uudistaa ja kehittää tehtyjen arviointien perusteella. Lisäksi on erityisen tärkeää tarjota yksilöllistä ja yhteisöllistä tukea sekä ohjausta etenkin niille ryhmille, jotka ovat alttiita syrjinnälle, eli esimerkiksi maahanmuuttajanuoret, vammaiset, sairaat ja ne, joilla on mielenterveys- tai päihdeongelmia tai oppimisvaikeuksia.
Suomen nuorisoyhteistyö – Allianssin Onnistunut nuorisotakuu –hanke on osoittanut lisäksi, että elinkeinoelämän ja kolmannen sektorin roolia pitäisi vahvistaa ja selkiyttää ja valtakunnallisen ja alueellisen koordinaation ja kokonaisnäkemyksen lisääminen on tarpeen. Lisäksi monilla nuorilla on hämärä käsitys nuorisotakuusta.
Komission vuoden 2012 työllisyyspaketti, joka suosittaa nuorisotakuuta, esittää oikeita keinoja, mutta resurssit niiden toteuttamiseksi ovat riittämättömiä, ja niitä on lisättävä pikaisesti, jotta nuorten toimeentulo työ-, opiskelu- tai harjoittelupaikassa voidaan turvata.
Huoltosuhde heikkenee Euroopassa. Työuria on pyrittävä pidentämään kaikkialla EU:ssa ennen kaikkea siksi, että julkisen sektorin rahoitus olisi turvattu. Jäsenmaita on vaikea pakottaa yhtään mihinkään, mutta on kaikkien yhteinen etu, ettemme menetä tätä sukupolvea. Siksi äänestin esityksen puolesta ja kehotan myös kollegoja äänestämään samoin.
Маруся Любчева (S&D), в писмена форма. – В условията на икономическа криза и висока младежка безработица, прилагането на "Гаранцията за младежта" е от изключително значение. Предвидените средства са недостатъчни, но по-важни са механизмите и подходът, които ще се използват в различните страни членки. Младите хора се нуждаят не от директно предоставени средства, които могат да ги превърнат в клиенти на социалните системи, а от възможности за реално участие - заетост, младежко предприемачество, въвеждане на ваучерни системи, чрез които те да могат да създават и реализират различни продукти. Ключово значение за успеха на тази политика има приобщаването на бизнеса, особено на големи компании, които са в състояние да гарантират определен брой работни места за младите хора, в зависимост от специфичните икономически условия на страните членки. Взаимодействието между образователните власти и бизнеса също е от значение. Бизнесът се нуждае от иноваторски и интелигентни решения, които дипломиращите се млади специалисти могат да предложат.
Katarína Neveďalová (S&D), písomne. – Nezamestnanosť mladých ľudí je čoraz väčším strašiakom hlavne pre tie krajiny Európskej únie, v ktorých už skoro polovica mladej generácie stratila nádej na získanie nielen pracovného miesta, ale aj nezávislosti. Politické gestá mladým ľuďom nestačia. Tí potrebujú vidieť hmatateľné výsledky. Našu úlohu preto vidím v dôslednom sledovaní a monitorovaní efektivity programov, ktoré vzišli z dielne Európskej komisie. Boj proti nezamestnanosti je nielen európskou agendou, ale týka sa každej krajiny Európskej únie. Slovensko získalo na rekvalifikáciu, podporu vytvárania a udržania pracovných miest pre mladých ľudí alebo zvyšovanie kvalifikácie a podporu prvých pracovných skúseností balík vo výške 72,2 mil. EUR zo 6 miliárd vyčlenených na program Záruky pre mladých . Zo skúseností svojej vlastnej krajiny, ako aj vďaka dlhodobej práci s danou tematikou musím poukázať na rozdiel medzi ponukou a dopytom, ktorý sa stále prehlbuje na trhu práce. Prehodnotenie vzdelávacích systémov, užšia spolupráca medzi úradmi práce a vzdelávacími inštitúciami, informačné poradenstvo a príprava a rozvíjanie podnikateľských schopností a zručností je cestou k integrácii mladých ľudí na trh práce. Záruka pre mladých je vynikajúcim nástrojom pre stimulovanie cieľovej skupiny obyvateľstva. Ak však krajina nechce ostať závislá na pomoci, musí sama identifikovať oblasti, v ktorých má skrytý potenciál.
Rareş-Lucian Niculescu (PPE), în scris. – Trecând peste faptul că Guvernul României a înregistrat o întârziere nepermisă în pregătirea implementării „Garanției pentru Tineret”, program atât de important, îmi permit să subliniez câteva din obiectivele pe care același Guvern le-a considerat prioritare în utilizarea fondurilor europene. Un raport recent al Curții de Conturi semnalează câteva investiții absolut uluitoare. Iată câteva exemple: în cadrul unui proiect care prevedea „dezvoltarea competențelor manageriale și antreprenoriale“ a fost achiziționat un automobil Mercedes-Benz, în valoare de 42[nbsp ]000 de euro, cu dotări opționale precum asistență la parcare, scaune încălzite, tapițerie de piele etc. Pentru un program ce își propunea să instruiască 60 de șomeri tineri și de lungă durată a fost a fost achiziționat un SUV Nissan Juke. În cadrul proiectelor „O șansă în plus pe piața muncii“ și „Centru de calificare și resurse pentru ocupare“ au fost rambursate cheltuieli reprezentând închirierea de autoturisme. Firma de la care s-a închiriat automobilul avea ca acționar majoritar beneficiarul proiectului pentru care fuseseră contractate fonduri europene. România beneficiază, în cadrul „Garanției pentru Tineret”, de o alocare de aproape 100 de milioane de euro. Îmi exprim speranța că Guvernul nu va cheltui toți acești bani pe autoturisme de lux și că, poate, vor mai rămâne bani europeni și pentru pregătirea profesională a tinerilor șomeri.
Wojciech Michał Olejniczak (S&D), na piśmie. – Stworzenie programu gwarancji dla młodzieży, finansowanego ze środków inicjatywy na rzecz zatrudnienia młodzieży oraz zwiększonego budżetu Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego, jest znaczącym osiągnięciem Parlamentu Europejskiego, a zwłaszcza Grupy Socjalistów i Demokratów. Udało nam się przeznaczyć aż 6 mld euro na osiągnięcie ambitnego celu, by służby zatrudnienia w państwach członkowskich mogły zaproponować młodym absolwentom ofertę pracy, szkolenia zawodowego lub dalszej edukacji w ciągu 4 miesięcy od zgłoszenia się po pomoc. Tu, w Parlamencie, nie zignorowaliśmy głosu młodych, a wręcz przeciwnie, wyszliśmy naprzeciw palącemu wyzwaniu, jakim jest rosnące bezrobocie wśród młodzieży. Dlatego nie mogę przejść obojętnie wobec faktu, że do tej pory jedynie kilka państw członkowskich przedstawiło plan wydatkowania pieniędzy z programu. Szczególnie ubolewam nad tym, że w moim kraju, w Polsce, realizacja gwarancji dla młodzieży została zablokowana na poziomie działań legislacyjnych w Sejmie. Zgadzam się z oceną, że wdrożenie działań z programu wymaga gruntownej przebudowy systemu pośrednictwa pracy i doradztwa zawodowego. Jednak ta reforma oczekiwała w kolejce od dawna i rząd miał czas na jej opracowanie.
Unia Europejska zdecydowała się przekazać Polsce aż 2 mld złotych na zabezpieczenie wejścia młodych na rynek pracy. 400 tysięcy młodych czeka na zatrudnienie. Oczekuję uruchomienia gwarancji dla młodzieży w Polsce bez dalszej zwłoki.
Csaba Őry (PPE), in writing. – The EPP Group welcomes the European Commission’s commitment in fighting youth unemployment. However, we deeply regret the delayed implementation of the guarantee scheme. As youth unemployment is a problem which concerns all Member States, we find the exchange of best practice of utmost importance, and we support the Commission’s guidance in this matter. However, we should not forget that employment policy belongs primarily to Member States’ competence. The EUR[nbsp ]6[nbsp ]billion dedicated specially to the Youth Guarantee scheme is a good start; on the other hand, it covers only one fourth of the funds needed, therefore we insist on the frontloading of the money, so that Member States can practically kick-start the programmes to support youth employment. The EPP Group also regrets that we are still discussing plans, although we should be already discussing the Member States’ experience relating to the implementation of the scheme. Moreover, we would like to hear how the European Commission is planning to make the rules easier and more streamlined so that relevant stakeholders can access the funds in the easiest and most efficient way.
Моника Панайотова (PPE), в писмена форма. – Колеги, 5.5млн или 23.2% са безработните младежи в ЕС. В моята страна, България, те са 66 000 или над 28%. Това води до демотивация за развитие и реализация на младите, което в дългосрочен план ще окаже отрицателно влияние върху цялостния потенциал на Европа. Затова е важно да си отговорим на следните два въпроса.
Как Гаранцията за младежта да се превърне от временна мярка в устойчив инструмент? Гаранцията за младежта рискува да осигури само временна, субсидирана заетост, ако не се предприемат успоредни мерки за развитието на предприемаческия дух, умения и подобряване на бизнес средата за младите предприемачи. В тази връзка предлагам Европейската комисия да обяви 2017 за Европейска година на предприемачеството.
Как Гаранцията за младежта да се превърне от добра идея в работещ инструмент? От изключителна важност при нейното прилагане е да се търси активното участие на работодателите и синдикатите. При прилагането на гаранцията страните следва също да имат ясни приоритети с индикатори за изпълнението им, както и да прилагат интегриран подход с другите европейски финансови инструменти.
Навременният отговор на тези два въпроса ще доведе в краткосрочен план до създаване на нови работни места, а в дългосрочен – до структурни промени в пазара на труда и добавена стойност за европейската икономика.
Joanna Senyszyn (S&D), na piśmie. – Ponad jedna piąta młodych ludzi na rynku pracy jest bezrobotna, a 7,5 mln młodych w wieku 15-24 lat to tzw. młodzież NEET niekształcąca się, nieszkoląca i niepracująca. Wysoki poziom bezrobocia młodych negatywnie wpływa na gospodarkę, społeczeństwo, a przede wszystkich na nich samych, gdyż czują się niepotrzebni. Całkowity koszt tworzenia unijnego systemu gwarancji dla młodzieży szacuje się na 21 mld euro rocznie. Dofinansowanie tej inicjatywy z budżetu Unii wynosi 6 mld euro. Wynika z tego, że wkład krajów członkowskich musi wynieść ponad 70%. Kraje członkowskie muszą przedstawić plany, które pozwolą na całkowite zrealizowanie tej inicjatywy. Tylko wtedy możemy spodziewać się oczekiwanych rezultatów w postaci rzeczywistego zwiększenia zatrudnienia młodzieży. W Polsce stopa bezrobocia wśród młodych wynosi prawie 30%. Tworzenie miejsc pracy dla młodzieży jest obecnie kluczowym wyzywaniem dla Polski.
Moja grupa polityczna, S&D, opracowała plan „uzdrowienia” europejskiego rynku pracy za pomocą zintegrowanych inwestycji w sektorach publicznym i prywatnym. Istotne są też korzyści płynące z tzw. dualnego systemu kształcenia zawodowego, w którym uczeń równolegle pobiera naukę w szkołę oraz odbywa praktykę, pozwalającą na zdobycie doświadczenia zawodowego podczas nauki. System ten gwarantuje niskie bezrobocie młodych w Niemczech, w Austrii i Szwajcarii.
Monika Smolková (S&D), písomne. – Pochádzam zo Slovenska, preto by som rada hovorila o dosiahnutých výsledkoch pri zavádzaní systémov záruk pre mladých ľudí z pohľadu SR. Aj keď situácia v oblasti zamestnanosti na Slovensku nie je vôbec uspokojivá, chcem poukázať na niektoré pozitíva, ktoré sa SR podarilo pri zavádzaní systémov záruk pre mladých do praxe už urobiť. Za mimoriadne dôležitú záruku pre mladých ľudí zo strany štátu považujem to, že mladí ľudia majú možnosť dostať kvalitnú ponuku zamestnania, ďalšieho vzdelávania, učňovskej prípravy alebo stáže v lehote štyroch mesiacov po tom, čo prídu o prácu alebo ukončia formálne vzdelávanie. SR prijala novelu zákona o službách zamestnanosti, ktorá by mala priniesť zlepšenie informovanosti škôl o vývoji na trhu práce, a následne sa spresnila aj cieľová skupina uchádzačov o prácu , ktorí môžu vykonávať absolventskú prax. S[nbsp ]cieľom podporiť pracovné príležitosti a možnosti učňovskej prípravy a stáží pre mladých ľudí SR prijala Akčný plán pre mladých ľudí. Od začiatku realizácie projektov bolo k 15.1.2014 podporené vytvorenie 11 602 pracovných miest pre mladých ľudí a do roku 2015 sa predpokladá vytvorenie 14 tisíc pracovných miest.
Csaba Sógor (PPE), írásban. – Üdvözlöm, hogy az Európai Unió tagállamai 2013 áprilisában támogatásukról biztosították az ifjúsági garancia elvét. A program szerepe, hogy minden 25 év alatti fiatal várakozásait megválaszolva álláslehetőséget vagy tanulószerződéses gyakorlati képzést, szakmai gyakorlatot, illetve továbbképzési lehetőséget biztosítson nekik. Jónak tartom, hogy az Európai Bizottság koordinálja a bevált, hatékony módszerek kormányok közötti megosztását. Konkrétan a finnországi alkalmazásra példaként tekinthetünk. Olyan egyértelmű sikertörténet ez, mely meggyőző bizonyítékkal szolgál: az ifjúsági garancia ráfordítási költségei hamar meg fognak térülni az Unió egész területén. Az ifjúsági garancia megvalósításában meghatározó szerepe van a korai beavatkozásnak és az aktivizálásnak is. A jelenlegi gazdasági helyzetben ez az egyensúly azért nagyon fontos, hogy a fiatalok – különösen a szegényebb tagállamokban – a kényszertétlenségre ne az elvándorlást válasszák megoldásnak. Az uniós tagállamok feladata az ifjúsági garanciával kapcsolatos nemzeti végrehajtási tervek kidolgozása. Románia ezt a 2014–2020-as nemzeti foglalkoztatási tervhez igazítva dolgozta ki: az országos modell 26 központra épít, és két év alatt 5000 kedvezményezettel számol. Egyértelmű, hogy az országos garanciarendszerekben az érdekelt felek szoros együttműködése szükséges. A tagállami hatóságoknak, illetve a foglalkoztatási szolgálatoknak csakúgy, mint az oktatási és szakképzési intézményeknek egyeztetniük kell a gazdasági szereplőkkel ahhoz, hogy a munkaerőpiac kihívásainak minél jobban megfeleljenek.
Dubravka Šuica (PPE), napisan. – Hrvatska je prvim danom pristupanja Europskoj uniji započela s provedbom „mjera aktivne politike zapošljavanja“ i provedbom programa „Jamstvo za mlade“, no unatoč toj činjenici svaka druga mlada osoba u Hrvatskoj je bez posla, a nezaposlenost mladih u 2013. godini dosegnula je rekord i iznosila je čak 55,4%.
U studenom 2013. Europski parlament je usvojio višegodišnji financijski okvir za razdoblje 2014.–2020., a Hrvatskoj su dodijeljena značajna financijska sredstva u sklopu programa „Jamstvo za mlade“. U prve dvije godine novog proračunskog razdoblja na raspolaganju nam stoji 66 177 144,00 eura, a toliki iznos dostupan je i iz Europskog socijalnog fonda za suzbijanje gorućeg problema u Uniji, ali i Hrvatskoj. Unatoč rekordnoj nezaposlenosti i činjenici da su sredstva iz programa „Jamstvo za mlade“ Hrvatskoj dostupna od 1. siječnja. 2014. godine brine činjenica da Europska komisija još uvijek nije odobrila program implementacije u Hrvatskoj, a nezaposlenost raste svakodnevno.
Poučeni prošlogodišnjim iskustvom program „Jamstvo za mlade“ nije polučio očekivane rezultate, a nezaposlenost je rasla. Smatram da države članice trebaju iskoristiti dostupna sredstva na način da mladi „nauče loviti ribu, a ne da im se riba servira u ruke“ jer samo stimuliranjem poduzetništva i inovacija možemo osigurati prosperitet Unije i rast zaposlenosti.
Csaba Sándor Tabajdi (S&D), írásban. – Nem tartom megengedhetőnek, hogy az Unió 28 tagállamából 11 kormány még mindig nem nyújtotta be az ifjúsági garancia végrehajtására vonatkozó operatív programokat az Európai Bizottság részére! Hogy lehet az, hogy 11 uniós tagállamnak nem fontos a fiatalok munkanélküliségének csökkentése? Dicséretes, hogy a magyar kormány operatív programját már korábban elkészítette, azonban a hét évre számított 15 milliárd forintos uniós forrás nem elegendő a fiatalok boldogulásához. A magyarországi fiatalok munkanélküliségének csökkentéséhez minőségi felső- és szakoktatásra, valódi gyakornoki helyekre és méltó munkakörülményekre van szükség. Minden egyes magyar és európai fiatalnak segítő kezet kell nyújtanunk, hogy anyagi háttértől függetlenül, képességeihez mérten tanulhasson, dolgozhasson, és európai életszínvonalon élhessen! Ezért kell hazánkban és Unió-szerte tehetségmentő mozgalmat indítani, új népi kollégiumi rendszert építeni. 2004 óta az MSZP európai parlamenti delegációja már közel 300 tehetséges, sokszor nehéz sorsú magyar fiatalnak biztosított brüsszeli tapasztalatszerzési lehetőséget a Horn Gyuláról elnevezett gyakornoki program keretében, illetve az ehhez kapcsolódó képzésen és utógondozási programon keresztül. Remélem, hogy ez a gyakorlat a 2014-es európai parlamenti választásokat követően sem szakad meg.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. – In prezent, in Uniunea Europeana, peste 5 milioane de tineri cu varsta sub 25 de ani sunt in somaj, si peste 7 milioane de tineri nu sunt angajati sau nu urmeaza o forma de educatie sau de formare profesionala. Garantia pentru tineret este un instrument util care vizeaza reducerea somajului si capaciteaza toti actorii implicati in formarea tinerilor si in crearea de locuri de munca. Regretam dimiunarea drastica a bugetului propus initial pentru garantia pentru tineret si apreciem ca bugetul aprobat nu va fi suficient. Salutam cadrul de calitate pentru stagii propus de catre Comisie si consideram ca acesta va contribui in mod substantial ca garantarea calitatii formarii de care vor beneficia tinerii. Solicitam atat Comisiei cat si statelor membre organizarea de ample campanii de informare, inclusiv prin intermediul unor site-uri web specifice si a unor pagini web dedicate si promovate in cadrul rețelelor sociale, privind oportunitatile oferite prin Garantia pentru tineret. De asemenea, consider ca acest instrument ar trebui completat de strategii si masuri pentru reindustrializarea Uniunii Europene pe baze eco-eficiente. Fara o industrie puternica si competitiva pe plan european Uniunea nu va putea asigura, pe termen mediu si lung, locuri de munca pe teritoriul european.
Dominique Vlasto (PPE), par écrit. – Messieurs les Présidents du Parlement, du Conseil et de la Commission, Chers Collègues, Le Parlement l'a fait! Sous l'impulsion du PPE, nous concrétisons une promesse, celle que l'Europe n'oublie pas sa jeunesse et lutte activement contre le chômage. Cela s'est fait à contre-courant des intentions des États-membres, dans un climat de méfiance parfois, mais c'est désormais une réalité et remettre les jeunes européens au travail est clairement une priorité. Avec cette garantie pour la jeunesse, tous les jeunes de moins de 25 ans se voient proposer une offre de qualité pour un emploi, une formation ou un stage dans les quatre mois suivant leur sortie de l’enseignement ou la perte de leur emploi. Alors ne soyons pas dupes: si notre Assemblée est mobilisée et a obtenu cette victoire, ce sont bien les États-membres qui seront comptables de l'avenir de cette initiative sans précédent, car ils devront l'intégrer dans leurs politiques pour l'emploi, via le FSE. On sait donc dans quel camp se situe la balle, mais surtout, les jeunes, leurs familles et tous les citoyens savent qui ils devront tenir pour responsables si cette innovation portée et obtenue par le Parlement n'atteint pas ses objectifs! Je vous remercie
Milan Zver (PPE), pisno. – Tudi mladi v Sloveniji bodo deležni te pomoči. Znano je, da pri nas število mladih brezposelnih najhitreje narašča. Nedvomno je inštrument Jamstvo za mlade dobrodošel! Za mnoge mlade Evropejce pomeni spodbudo in vir optimizma pri iskanju službe. Sicer bodo res postali izgubljena generacija, Evropa pa družba ne-dela, poleg tega, da je – paradoksalno – že postala ostarela družba (ob tolikšni ne-vključenosti mladih v družbo)! Če bodo države prejemnice sledile ciljem sheme in aktivno sodelovale pri implementaciji, bo ta projekt uspel. Če pa bodo državne birokracije ravnale tako, kot v skupini držav, ki EK ni pravočasno predložila izvedbenih programov o tem, kaj bodo s tem denarjem počele, potem to ne bo zgodba o uspehu. Pozval bi Evropsko Komisijo, da temeljiteje preverja namenskost porabe teh sredstev. Na ta način se bo povečala tudi učinkovitost porabe v državah članicah. A treba je vedeti, da se z jamstveno shemo za mlade ne rešuje brezposelnost mladih. To je le gasilna akcija! Kot najpomembnejše pa bi ponovno izpostavil, tako kot že v mojem poročilu "Mladi in mobilnost": izobraževalni sistemi v državah članicah EU morajo slediti potrebam družbe in trgov. Brez tega se nezaposlenost med mladimi ne bo zmanjšala, pa četudi bi za Jamstveno shemo za mlade namenili 10 krat več denarja.
Der Präsident. - Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission zu den Beziehungen EU-Schweiz (2014/2596(RSP)).
Ich weise die Mitglieder darauf hin, dass es nach einer Absprache in der Konferenz der Präsidenten bei dieser Aussprache kein Catch-the-eye-Verfahren gibt und dass keine blauen Karten angenommen werden.
Dimitrios Kourkoulas, President-in-Office of the Council. - Mr[nbsp ]President, the outcome of the Swiss referendum on 9[nbsp ]February 2014 on the initiative ‘Against Mass Immigration’ has created a new situation. Following three popular votes in Switzerland in the past 20 years, in which the Swiss people approved free movement of persons with the EU and its respective Member States, the outcome of this latest referendum was not favourable to free movement. On this occasion, the Swiss people decided by a very small majority to change their constitution and re-introduce, within three years of the date of the referendum, quotas for residence and work permits for foreigners, including EU nationals.
After the adoption of the review, future cross-border workers, employed and self-employed persons, as well as their families, will be affected by these measures. Furthermore, the new article of the Swiss Constitution prohibits the conclusion of new agreements and obliges the Government to renegotiate international agreements which would be, or are, contrary to the new provisions.
The new provisions are clearly contrary to the EU-Switzerland agreement of 2002 on the free movement of persons. In order to comply with the new article of its Constitution, Switzerland will have to ask for a renegotiation of this agreement to allow for the reintroduction of quotas.
For us – for the European Union – the free movement of persons is one of the four pillars underlying the internal market. These four freedoms are indivisible. Switzerland has, over the past 20[nbsp ]years, sought to participate in an increasing number of areas of the EU’s internal market and has expressed the wish to open negotiations in further areas. In the light of this process, Switzerland cannot expect the EU simply to accommodate its vote against the free movement of persons.
There are further complications. The agreement on the free movement of persons is linked, through a ‘guillotine clause’, with six other important agreements with Switzerland, covering, inter[nbsp ]alia, land transport, air transport, trade in agricultural products and public procurement. If the agreement on the free movement of persons were to be terminated, the full package would fall. In addition, the agreement is indirectly linked to the association of Switzerland with the Schengen and Dublin acquis, and this issue would also have to be re-examined if the free movement of persons were restricted.
There is an additional issue in that the protocol extending the agreement on the free movement of persons to Croatia has not yet been signed, and it is difficult to see how Switzerland could sign it in the light of the referendum. While no official notification on the issue has yet been received from the Swiss Government, there are indications that the signing of the protocol can no longer be envisaged. The EU cannot accept discrimination between its Member States and will make every effort to avoid such a situation. The EU has linked Switzerland’s participation in the Union’s Erasmus+ and Horizon[nbsp ]2020 programmes to the participation of Croatia in the agreement on the free movement of persons. In the light of the referendum, and pending official notification by Switzerland regarding the signing of the protocol, the Commission has cancelled the next rounds of negotiations.
As Members are aware, the EU has sought since 2008 to put its overall relations with Switzerland on a new footing. The EU considers that the highly complex system of more than 120 sector-based agreements with Switzerland has reached its limits and needs, at least, to be complemented by an institutional framework.
This Parliament has supported that approach. In your resolution of 24[nbsp ]May 2012, you called for progress on finding solutions to pending institutional issues. In November 2013, following several years of exploratory talks, the Commission submitted to the Council a draft negotiating mandate on an institutional framework governing EU-Switzerland relations, which was agreed at technical level. The Council is now considering how to take that mandate forward so soon after the Swiss referendum.
The Council will closely follow further work in Switzerland regarding the implementation of the outcome of the referendum. Switzerland has informed us that it will submit an implementation plan, as a follow-up to the referendum, by June and will enact corresponding legislation by the end of the year. We will need time to examine the Swiss plans to implement the referendum, and to reflect on further steps on our side.
Let me conclude by summarising the situation. While we respect the decision taken by the Swiss people, our relations with Switzerland have been significantly tested by the outcome of the referendum of 9[nbsp ]February. We welcome the fact that Switzerland has confirmed, after the referendum, that it will respect its international obligations under the agreement concluded. The EU continues to attach high importance to its long-standing and close relations with Switzerland and stands ready to seek solutions to the current difficult situation. This will take time. However, we have to respect our own principles and we cannot encourage a pick-and-choose approach to European integration. The free movement of persons and workers must be defended as one of the European Union’s fundamental values.
László Andor, Member of the Commission. - Mr President, let me also say a few words on recent developments following the Swiss referendum held on 9[nbsp ]February. As you know, the Free Movement Agreement between the EU and Switzerland confers on EU citizens and their family members a right to move to Switzerland, to reside there and carry out an economic activity as an employed or self-employed person – and of course the corresponding right applies to Swiss nationals in the EU.
Around 450[nbsp ]000 Swiss citizens exercise their right to live and work in the European Union, nearly 1.2[nbsp ]million EU citizens live in Switzerland and more than 250[nbsp ]000 cross-border commuters arrive from the EU in Switzerland on a daily basis.
Switzerland is deeply interconnected with its neighbours in terms of infrastructure, culture and family links. The EU and Switzerland are bound by dozens of bilateral agreements which give Switzerland privileged access to the internal market and promote exchanges, both commercial and personal, with the EU. All of these were concluded based on mutual trust, interest and reciprocity.
However, the popular vote of 9[nbsp ]February now calls the freedom of movement of persons into question. The Swiss authorities told the Commission that they need time to reflect on how this could be implemented. The Swiss Federal Council has up to three years to implement the vote, so there is no immediate massive crisis. In the meantime, and I want to be very clear on this, both sides must continue to fulfil all their obligations under the existing agreements – ʻPacta sunt servanda’, as they say in Latin. A deal is a deal, and selective implementation or even cherry-picking is not an option.
The Commission stands ready to listen to the Swiss proposals which are now being considered and which we have not yet seen. The ball is in their court. Our margin of manoeuvre, however, is extremely limited. This core principle of the free movement of persons is a cornerstone of our relationship. It is a fundamental right. It is not simply ‘negotiable’, as some tend to believe. It is very difficult to imagine how immigration quotas and national preference could be made compatible with the agreement on the full free movement of persons we have with Switzerland.
Quotas are contrary to the principle of free movement and the principle of free movement is not only an essential part of the internal market, which cannot be decoupled from the other freedoms, but is also at the heart of our overall relations with Switzerland. A package is a package! One cannot have one’s cake and eat it at the same time.
There are, however, some direct consequences of the amendment to the Swiss constitution introduced by the vote. Following this constitutional change, the Swiss Federal Council has informed us that it is still evaluating whether it is in a position to sign the – already negotiated and initialled – Protocol extending the free movement of persons’ agreement to Croatia. The Commission has been crystal clear that we expect this extension as planned and that we cannot accept differences in the treatment of our Member States in this crucial field. The Swiss Government have indicated to us that they will have concluded their internal reflections on the Protocol by early April. We need to know this fast.
Precisely to avoid such discrimination, the Council’s negotiating directives for Swiss association and participation in Horizon 2020 and Erasmus+ clearly link these related agreements to the Croatia Protocol. Negotiations of these agreements will not go ahead therefore until Switzerland formally concludes the Protocol, black on white.
In the absence of an international agreement on determining the conditions for Switzerland’s association in Horizon 2020, Switzerland will not participate in this programme as an associated country. This means that for 2014, calls for proposals for the participation of Swiss entities will be in accordance with Horizon 2020 provisions governing the participation of third-country entities.
(Mr Borghezio interrupted Mr Andor waving a Swiss flag)
Der Präsident. - Herr Kollege Borghezio! Ich verweise Sie aus dem Saal.
(Herr Borghezio schwenkt eine Flagge der Schweiz vor Kommissionmitglied Andor.)
Herr Borghezio, verlassen Sie bitte den Plenarsaal!
(Herr Borghezio wird von Saaldienern aus dem Saal geleitet.)
László Andor, Member of the Commission. - Mr President, I was just speaking about Erasmus+ which is about education, as you know. Switzerland has now missed the deadline for the 2014 grant award decisions. This means that in 2014 Switzerland will not participate in Erasmus+ on an equal footing with Member States as initially envisaged and its participation will be limited to cooperation activities, as with any other third country.
I want to make it very clear that this freeze on negotiations is not a punishment or sanction for the expression of the Swiss electorate, but a logical consequence of the choice Switzerland itself has made, a consequence which was very well-known before. Nobody can pretend to be surprised here.
Of course, nobody has an interest in breaking off dialogue, and we will continue to engage constructively in the hope that a solution can be found rapidly. But we have to take into account the changed circumstances and the non-conclusion of the Croatia Protocol. Business as usual is not an option here.
In the same vein, and I want to be equally clear, nobody on our side has an interest in terminating the Freedom of Movement of People Agreement and invoking the so-called guillotine clause linking the package of agreements concluded in 1999. Not even the proponents of the initiative are aiming at this. I therefore trust that the Swiss authorities will make serious and significant efforts to try and square the circle, and that we will be able to say in a year from now that relations with Switzerland are as close and friendly as they were before 9[nbsp ]February.
Mairead McGuinness, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, we do not in this House question the result of the vote of the citizens of Switzerland, and nor do we question their right as citizens of a sovereign country to vote on matters of concern to them. But what we are doing this morning is analysing the consequences of their decision. The vote was clear, albeit tight: 50.3% of Swiss citizens voted to limit the movement of people into Switzerland, including citizens of the European Union. Support was strongest in regions to which there is very little movement of citizens, but nonetheless, this was the clear outcome of the referendum.
As has been mentioned, the cornerstone of our relationship with Switzerland dates back to a Free Trade Agreement in the 1970s. There have been other agreements in 1999 and again in 2004 – including the 2002 agreement where we dealt with the free movement of citizens. As I would say, rights come with responsibilities, and very clearly the Swiss people know what they expect from us when we sign these agreements, and we are very clear what we expect from our partners and our friends in Switzerland.
You could interpret the outcome of this vote by the Swiss people as a desire to end their agreements with the European Union. But it is clear that it is not the case, because the people of Switzerland voted on one element and one element only of their long-standing relationship and agreement with us – namely to restrict access to Switzerland for citizens, including citizens of the European Union. But freedom of movement of people is a fundamental part of our agreement with Switzerland and it is a fundamental principle of the European Union.
The Commission has stated, and many Commissioners have stated – including here this morning – that it is impossible to restrict free movement of people while expecting to retain and enjoy the benefits of free movement of goods, services and capital. The Swiss Government has acknowledged that there is now a systemic change in our relationship arising from the referendum outcome. It also acknowledges, as we do, that there is now a period of great uncertainty in Switzerland. I understand that some businesses are looking at relocating their business base out of Switzerland because of this uncertainty.
Our Swiss partners would like to pick and choose who to allow access to in terms of free movement of people, and there is talk of quotas. This is not possible. Quotas are the exact opposite of what we have agreed with our Swiss counterparts. There are three years in which this referendum outcome needs to be put in place, but already the Government has responded to the outcome by declining to sign the protocol with the European Union extending free movement to citizens of Croatia. It is that decision, or that inability to sign, that requires us to say we will cancel talks in relation to Erasmus and scientific research programmes. I believe that the MEPs from Croatia respect and want us to stand up for their rights.
I, for one, do not think that the Swiss people want to break our strong ties, but I do think that over the next three years we have to look clearly at the consequences. Agreements can be renegotiated, but they cannot be fundamentally altered. It is impossible to come to the table with an irrevocable position and expect partners to bend and yield. The people of Switzerland have spoken, but let the EU be clear that we expect full adherence to all our agreements, we defend the principle of free movement of people as a core and defining principle and we await clarity from our Swiss partners.
Hannes Swoboda, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Das Schweizer Stimmvolk hat gesprochen, und wir müssen diese Entscheidung sicherlich zur Kenntnis nehmen und akzeptieren. Aber man muss schon sehr naiv sein oder sehr weit rechts stehen – wie unser Kollege hier – oder beides, um sich zu freuen, dass EU-Bürgern Arbeitsplätze weggenommen werden. Das ist auch eine generelle Geschichte. Ja, Ihnen ist das egal, uns ist das nicht egal, dass Arbeitsplätze weggenommen werden! Aber man muss eben sehr weit rechts stehen wie Sie, um das so zu akzeptieren!
Aber ich möchte schon darauf hinweisen und eine Schweizer Stimme zitieren. Ich zitiere die Züricher Zeitung, die sagt: „Am 9.[nbsp ]Februar 2014 ist nicht einfach nur ein Systemwechsel bei der Steuerung der Einwanderung beschlossen worden. Sondern der Souverän hat explizit auch Ja gesagt zu einer Infragestellung der Beziehungen zwischen der Schweiz und der Europäischen Union.“ Und da unterscheide ich mich von Frau McGuinness. Es ist eine Grundsatzentscheidung gewesen und nicht die erste Entscheidung, sich zurückzuziehen in ein Schneckenhaus. Denken wir an die Minarett-Entscheidung, denken wir an die sogenannte Ausschaffungsinitiative.
Und das ist schon etwas, was die Schweiz sich selbst überlegen muss: Will sie diese engen Beziehungen zur Europäischen Union beibehalten oder nicht? Und da ist das natürlich eine zentrale Frage. Denn wie auch die Schweizer relativ klar erkennen, klarer als viele unserer Kolleginnen und Kollegen, war es ein zentrales Element der Vereinbarung zwischen der Europäischen Union und der Schweiz und nicht irgendein Nebenelement, das hier weggestimmt worden ist.
Es ist natürlich auch zum Schaden der Schweiz, weil ja auch viele Schweizerinnen und Schweizer in der Europäischen Union arbeiten. Wir können und werden nicht akzeptieren, dass ein zentrales Element der Vereinbarung zwischen der Europäischen Union und der Schweiz hier aufgehoben worden ist.
Natürlich gab es auch in der Schweiz einige Elemente, die dazu geführt haben. Es ist ja bekannt, dass die schweizerischen Gewerkschaften z.[nbsp ]B. gerade an einer Mindestlohninitiative arbeiten. Was wir auf der europäischen Ebene diskutieren mit der Entsenderichtlinie, nämlich dass die Gefahr des Social Dumping besteht, das hat es sicherlich auch in der Schweiz gegeben. Auch wenn die Arbeitskräfte, die in die Schweiz gegangen sind, oft ein anderes Qualifikationsniveau gehabt haben, wo Social Dumping vielleicht nicht diese große Rolle gespielt hat. Das müssen wir anerkennen. Aber dennoch, glaube ich, können wir nicht zur Tagesordnung übergehen.
Um abzuschließen: Die Schweiz stellt sich heute als ein Land dar, das unser Geld will, auch unser Geld aus der Steuerflucht – wo die Banken mithelfen bei der Steuerflucht –, aber unsere Arbeitnehmer nicht akzeptieren will. Und das wollen wir nicht, das können wir nicht akzeptieren als Europäische Union!
Pat the Cope Gallagher, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, as chairman of the parliamentary delegation with responsibility for Swiss relations, on behalf of my own Group, ALDE, I am also extremely disappointed by the recent referendum, but we must, of course, accept it as a democratic decision by the Swiss people. The decision that we are now facing is very complex, it is very difficult and there are a lot of sensitivities. Our colleague who was brandishing the Swiss national flag today was not helpful. I believe that we should not say anything which would inflame the situation.
The economies of the Union and Switzerland are deeply interlinked. More than 60% of Swiss exports go to the European Union, and in fact Switzerland’s trade with the neighbouring German state of Baden-Württemberg is higher than with the US. According to a recent study published by the Credit Suisse bank, introducing quotas means that 80 000 jobs may not be created in the future and that economic growth in Switzerland may be lowered over the next three years by almost 0.3%.
The EU should refrain from anything perceived as retaliation. We need to take into account the new legal situation and react accordingly. The Union should clearly communicate its red lines – and there are red lines. Most of us consider that the free movement of persons is a fundamental right guaranteed to EU citizens by the Treaties and that it should not be compromised.
Let me mention, just as a footnote, that Turkey and Israel are participating in the Horizon 2020 Programme, although these countries have no agreement covering free movement. I believe the discussion on the implementation of the vote in the different areas of EU-Swiss cooperation points again to the very fragmented nature of EU-Swiss relations and demonstrates the need for an agreement which would tackle the different issues in EU-Switzerland relations in a comprehensive manner. That is something which this House asked for in 2010. In conclusion, Mr President, I urge the Member States to adopt the EU mandate for negotiations...
(The President cut off the speaker)
Daniel Cohn-Bendit, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, les choses sont simples. Les Suisses ont toute la liberté de voter comme ils l'entendent, mais ils ont toute la liberté d'être responsables de leurs votes. Les choses sont donc claires pour moi: toutes les négociations avec la Suisse sont interrompues et sont caduques, c'est-à-dire que nous sommes dans la situation d'avant les accords avec la Suisse.
C'est à la Suisse de trouver des solutions, ce n'est pas à l'Union européenne; c'est à la société suisse de trouver les solutions. C'est quand même fantastique, une semaine après le vote, tous les sondages en Suisse indiquent que plus de 60[nbsp ]% des Suisses auraient refusé l'initiative s'ils avaient compris les conséquences. Nous ne pouvons pas déresponsabiliser la Suisse. Nous devons reconnaître le vote des Suisses; nous devons leur dire: "Vous êtes grands, vous êtes forts, vous êtes autonomes, débrouillez-vous! C'est à vous de vous débrouiller et, si vous trouvez les solutions, vous revenez nous voir". Vous verrez que les Suisses reviendront à genoux parce qu'ils ont besoin de l'Europe, parce que 60[nbsp ]% des exportations suisses sont destinées à l'Union européenne, parce que la richesse de la Suisse dépend du marché européen. On ne peut pas avoir le beurre et l'argent du beurre.
Même le Front national ne serait pas capable de trouver cette solution. Vous êtes des crétins, vous êtes des crétins finis parce que vous n'avez pas compris les valeurs de l'Europe. C'est pour cette raison, je le dis simplement, que l'Europe ne doit pas bouger. L'Europe a des accords et la Suisse les dénonce. C'est à la Suisse de trouver les solutions, et pas à l'Europe. Nous avons le temps; c'est la Suisse qui devra remettre ses montres à l'heure, voilà la situation.
Der Präsident. - Herr Kollege Cohn-Bendit! Ich rufe Sie wegen Verwendung unparlamentarischer Ausdrücke zur Ordnung. Das Wort „Kretin“ und das Wort „Idiot“ sollte hier nicht zum Umgangston gehören.
Vicky Ford, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, freedom of movement is a very important principle of the EU, and I am very proud to live in a part of Europe where many people want to come and live. But we also need to recognise that migration can put significant pressures on public services and listen to the local communities’ concerns. Immigration brings great benefits to our economy, and we all benefit from this sharing of knowledge. We need to listen carefully to both sides of the argument.
Switzerland is not in the EU. Its people are perfectly entitled to choose their own way of controlling their borders, but this is a complicated and sensitive subject and we need to be calm and considered in our response. Switzerland is not in the EU but works with us on many issues. In science and research funding, it contributes money and its researchers, universities and businesses take part in collaborative research, both based in the EU and trying to solve problems for citizens of Europe all over the world. We all benefit from the knowledge and innovation that, working together, they contribute. Any attempt to sanction Switzerland, by limiting its participation in science and research, could be very detrimental to us all.
Europe is changing. Some countries want closer integration; others do not. If we want to keep everyone in the single market, we will need to allow some countries to stay out of other parts. The reaction to this vote in Switzerland will be watched very carefully. It would be very foolish to retaliate too harshly.
Κυριάκος Τριανταφυλλίδης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας GUE/NGL. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, στην Ελβετία ελήφθη μια απόφαση που λίγο διαφέρει από τις εξαγγελθείσες προθέσεις και άλλων χωρών να περιορίσουν την εργασία ξένων υπηκόων στις χώρες τους. Αυτό συνιστά σαφή διάκριση κατά των εργαζόμενων μεταναστών. Οι ξένοι εργαζόμενοι χρησιμοποιούνται, κυρίως από τις μεγαλοεπιχειρήσεις, ως φθηνό εργατικό δυναμικό με αποτέλεσμα να μειώνονται τα εργατικά δικαιώματα. Τα δικαιώματα των εργαζομένων πρέπει, δυνάμει των συλλογικών συμβάσεων, να γίνονται απόλυτα σεβαστά.
Επίσης, δεν μπορεί να γίνει αποδεκτή η πρακτική του να φορτώνεται το βάρος της κρίσης στους εργαζόμενους, είτε ντόπιους είτε ξένους. Αυτή είναι μία πρακτική που εφαρμόζουν κάποιες ακροδεξιές έως φασιστικές οργανώσεις και, κατά κάποιο τρόπο, και η ίδια η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση όταν θέτει ως πρώτη προτεραιότητα την ελεύθερη διακίνηση του κεφαλαίου σε ολόκληρη την Ένωση και μόνον ως δευτερεύουσα προϋπόθεση ή ως καθόλου προαπαιτούμενο τα δικαιώματα των εργαζομένων.
Προειδοποιούμε ότι οι δύο αυτές τάσεις αναγεννούν τον φασισμό και τον ρατσισμό. Πρέπει να αλλάξει ριζικά η αντιμετώπιση αυτών των δύο ζητημάτων: της μετανάστευσης και των εργαζομένων. Πρέπει να καταπολεμηθεί η ασυδοσία των εργοδοτών και η ακροδεξιά ρητορεία. Τα αντίποινα δεν αποτελούν λύση: απαιτείται ένας άλλος θεμελιώδης αναπροσανατολισμός τόσο για τη μετανάστευση όσο και για την προσέγγιση της εργασίας.
Mara Bizzotto, a nome del gruppo EFD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il 9 febbraio 2014 il popolo svizzero, con un referendum, ha deciso il proprio futuro. Il popolo svizzero ha detto stop all'immigrazione. L'Europa deve prenderne atto e non condannare questa scelta che è libera e democratica.
Secondo voi, se lo stesso referendum venisse fatto negli altri paesi europei come andrebbe a finire? Se il referendum venisse fatto in Italia, dove ci sono 3 milioni e mezzo di disoccupati, dove il 40% dei giovani è senza lavoro, dove un terzo delle famiglie è a rischio povertà – il che significa che 18 milioni di italiani sono a rischio povertà –, il risultato sarebbe scontato. Perché, sapete cosa pensano gli italiani? Pensano che il lavoro deve essere dato prima a loro, che i sussidi e gli aiuti devono essere garantiti agli italiani e non agli immigrati, non agli ultimi arrivati, non a chi pretende tutto gratis senza aver mai pagato un euro di tassa.
In Italia 5 milioni di persone rinunciano a curarsi, rinunciano alla visita medica, rinunciano a comprarsi le medicine perché non hanno soldi. Anche per questo i cittadini italiani, come gli svizzeri, gli inglesi, i francesi, non ne possono più di subire l'arroganza di questa Europa che impone di spalancare le porte dei nostri paesi e del nostro mercato del lavoro. Fino a quanto non c'è lavoro per i nostri cittadini, fino a quando lo Stato non riesce a garantire i servizi ai propri cittadini, gli immigrati devono rimanere fuori.
Le accuse della Commissione, i soliti discorsi buonisti che sento qui dentro, le accuse di razzismo sono il modo sbagliato di affrontare il problema. L'Europa dimostra oggi ancora una volta la sua incapacità di affrontare...
(Il Presidente interrompe l'oratore)
Philip Claeys (NI). - Wat een lamentabel debacle was dit debat. Het had overal op televisie moeten worden uitgezonden, zodat de kiezers met eigen ogen het autoritaire, onverdraagzame en wereldvreemde karakter van deze EU zouden kunnen vaststellen.
En het totale onvermogen om te kunnen omgaan met het resultaat van een democratische stemming. Neen, mijnheer Cohn-Bendit, het heeft geen enkele zin om te beginnen schelden, want het referendum over de massa-emigratie in Zwitserland heeft alles te maken met het feit dat de Zwitsers opnieuw zélf willen kunnen bepalen wie hun land binnenkomt en onder welke voorwaarden.
Zij willen met andere woorden opnieuw baas worden in eigen land. Dit heeft niets te maken met xenofobie of wat dan ook. Het is de terugkeer van het gezond verstand. Ik heb nog meer slecht nieuws voor u, want mocht een dergelijk referendum komen in Vlaanderen, in Frankrijk, Nederland of Duitsland, dan zou men exact hetzelfde resultaat krijgen. Maar de afrekening komt wellicht op 25 mei aanstaande.
László Andor, Member of the Commission. - Mr[nbsp ]President, as many honourable Members have said in this discussion, free movement of workers and the right to supply services freely between the European Union and Switzerland have existed for a long time – since 2002 – and to clear mutual benefit. Our relations with Switzerland are long-standing, close and strong. Switzerland is at the heart of Europe, shares the same values as the rest of Europe and faces the same global challenges, so its future clearly lies in Europe.
It is now up to Switzerland to react to the consequences of the referendum, but we will certainly work together with the Swiss Government in order to put our relations on a new footing, acceptable to both sides.
Dimitrios Kourkoulas, President-in-Office of the Council. - Mr President, honourable Members, as was just said by the Commission, we have long-standing relations with Switzerland which are very close and strong. It is one of our major trading partners and our economies are closely interlinked. But one has to repeat that the free movement of persons is one of the four basic freedoms and an essential cornerstone of the internal market, and it should be clear that there can be no pick-and-choose approach as regards freedoms. They come as part of a package and should be upheld by all Member States and all partners. We fully respect the decision taken by the Swiss people, but we also expect Switzerland to respect its obligations under international agreements.
Let me also refer to an important issue to which the Council is very attentive, which is the recent attacks and negative press coverage of free movement of persons which has been fuelled by the result of the vote in Switzerland. We believe that generalisations and stories about benefit tourism or fraudsters are very dangerous to the public perception, especially in the light of rising populism. As politicians, we have a duty to avoid giving fuel to populist xenophobic tendencies. Public perception is directly linked to political statements. Allegations should be based on facts and figures and not on perceptions and opinions.
Der Präsident. - Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.
Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149 GO)
Biljana Borzan (S&D), napisan. – Sporazum o slobodi kretanja između EU-a i Švicarske iz 1999. predviđa da ukoliko jedan dio sporazuma bude suspendiran, ukida se cijeli sporazum. To je pozicija na kojoj EU mora inzistirati kako bi se zaštitili interesi obje strane. Zato je odluka izglasana na referendumu u Švicarskoj već rezultirala zamrzavanjem pregovora u okviru programa Obzor 2020. te Erasmusa plus. Sloboda kretanja jedna je od četiri temeljne slobode EU-a.
Hrvatski građani se već nalaze u nepovoljnijoj poziciji u odnosu na svoje sugrađane u EU-u, jer će im se ograničiti prava kretanja u odnosu na Švicarsku, uz već limitirana prava u nekim drugim članicama EU-a. Štete za mnoge hrvatske obitelji su time nemjerljive. Razlika između Hrvatske i drugih članica EU-a ne smije biti ni po kojem pitanju, pa tako ni po pitanju slobode kretanja!
Carlos Coelho (PPE), por escrito. – Estou profundamente preocupado com os resultados do referendo suíço de 9 de Fevereiro, em que 50,34 % dos seus cidadãos optaram pela introdução de quotas anuais para os imigrantes da UE e pelo princípio da preferência pelo trabalhador nacional em relação aos trabalhadores oriundos de países da EU. Estas são más notícias para a UE, mas principalmente para a Suíça, que cede assim a pressões populistas e demagógicas que, infelizmente, se têm vindo a espalhar pela Europa, assistindo-se a um crescimento de sentimentos anti-imigração. Não tenho dúvidas de que tal decisão põe em causa o acordo bilateral com a UE, o qual permitiu que desde 2002 existisse uma liberdade de circulação entre ambas. A participação no mercado único não permite uma escolha à la carte. Pelo contrário, as quatro liberdades de circulação – pessoas, bens, capitais e serviços – são indissociáveis. Espero que a Suíça tenha consciência das consequências que a possível implementação dessa decisão poderá acarretar. Não existe margem possível para qualquer tipo de negociações. A livre circulação é um direito fundamental, que não pode ser sujeito a restrições, sendo um dever comum, quer das instituições europeias quer dos Estados-Membros, proteger esse direito. A CE já avisou a Suíça e deverá estar preparada para defender este direito fundamental até às últimas consequências.
Tonino Picula (S&D), napisan. – Većina građana jedne Švicarske odbila je usred Europe potvrditi, via facti, i već ugovoren model slobodnog kretanja ljudi iz EU-a. Slažem se da ne treba dramatizirati, ali nastalo stanje treba, ipak, prikazati u stvarnom svjetlu. Nakon referenduma u Švicarskoj o ograničavanju useljavanja u zemlju, posve je jasno da "Europa tvrđava" ne postoji kao pojam restriktivnog odnosa prema imigrantima ili slobodi kretanja samo na granicama EU-a prema Istoku ili na sjevernim obalama Mediterana.
Hrvatski građani nalaze se u nepovoljnijoj poziciji naspram svojih EU sugrađana, jer će im se ograničiti prava kretanja u odnosu na Švicarsku, pored već limitiranih prava u nekim drugim članicama EU-a. Sloboda kretanja je jedna od 4 temeljne slobode EU-a, koja u ovom slučaju postaje značajnija od drugih jer uz ekonomsku ima i simboličnu dimenziju. Naravno da je diskriminacija među članicama apsolutno neprihvatljiva. Pozdravljam stoga odlučan stav povjerenika Lászlóa Andora kako obje strane moraju nastaviti ispunjavati obaveze iz postojećih sporazuma, izrečen danas zastupnicima Europskog parlamenta o odnosima sa Švicarskom. Nadam se da razvoj situacije neće voditi poništavanju svih obostranih sporazuma u slučaju nepoštivanja jednog te očekujem da se što prije razriješi spor oko ratifikacije dokumenata kojima se odnosi EU-a i Švicarske usklađuju s 28. članicom zajednice — Hrvatskom.
Ruža Tomašić (ECR), napisan. – Rezultat švicarskog referenduma o masovnom useljavanju ostavit će traga na odnosima između Europske unije i Švicarske, to je sasvim sigurno. Ovim putem željela bih izraziti žaljenje što će odnosi između dva partnera i prijatelja potencijalno biti narušeni. Moramo učiniti sve što je u našoj moći kako bismo minimalizirali i potom što prije sanirali nastalu štetu. Vrijednosti slobode i demokracije ne treba braniti samo deklarativno, već je zadaća sviju nas činiti to i u praksi.
Slobodna volja švicarskog naroda da stavi određena ograničenja na useljeničku politiku svoje države izražena na demokratskom narodnom referendumu je nešto što se mora poštovati. Švicarski narod ima pravo urediti svoju državu po svojoj volji. Ono što u ovom trenutku Unija može i treba učiniti jest revidirati potpisane bilateralne sporazume sa Švicarskom i uskladiti ih s novonastalom situacijom. Histerija izborne godine u kojoj se svi žele dokazati svojim biračima mora biti stavljena pod kontrolu kako se dugoročno ne bi poremetili dragocjeni prijateljski odnosi sa Švicarskom.
Anna Záborská (PPE), písomne. – Aj keď chápem niektoré z obáv, ktoré majú občania Švajčiarska z rastúceho počtu občanov EÚ, ktorí sa usadili v ich krajine, nesúhlasím s politikou jednostranných krokov. Nie je možné na jednej strane využívať výhody, ktoré ponúkajú zmluvy s EÚ, a zároveň zavádzať obmedzenia vo vzťahu k[nbsp ]európskym občanom. O pripomienkach k platným zmluvám, ktoré majú opodstatnenie, je vždy možné rokovať. Toto je cesta, ktorú mala zvoliť švajčiarska vláda, a som si istá, že v EÚ by našla konštruktívneho partnera pripraveného riešiť vzniknuté problémy. Schovávať sa za výsledok referenda, ktoré iniciovala vládna strana, je prejavom alibizmu a nezodpovednosti.
Der Präsident. - Ich erteile für eine persönliche Bemerkung Herrn Gollnisch nach Artikel[nbsp ]151 Absatz[nbsp ]1 der Geschäftsordnung das Wort. Herr Gollnisch, ich weise Sie allerdings darauf hin, dass Sie nicht zum Thema der Aussprache, sondern nur auf die Bemerkungen, die in Bezug auf Ihre Person gefallen sind, das Wort erhalten.
Bruno Gollnisch (NI). - Monsieur le Président, j'interviens très brièvement pour un fait personnel puisque M.[nbsp ]Cohn-Bendit, alors pourtant que j'applaudissais la partie de son discours tendant à déclarer que le peuple suisse était libre et responsable, m'a traité de crétin.
L'humble brahmine que je suis s'incline devant ce monument de l'intelligence foisonnante qu'est mon collègue Cohn-Bendit, dont j'observe les évolutions depuis que nous étions étudiants ensemble à la Faculté de Nanterre. Je l'ai connu, et j'ai plein d'admiration pour son intelligence et plein d'humilité pour mon crétinisme.
Je l'ai connu anarchiste, ou crypto-anarchiste, aujourd'hui partisan du Nouvel Ordre mondialiste. Je l'ai connu cassant les urnes aux cris d'"élections, piège à cons" et aujourd'hui ardent démocrate. J'ai vu ses amis marxistes critiquer la traite des travailleurs, la dictature des marchés, la libre circulation des capitaux. Je vois qu'il y est aujourd'hui converti.
Mon intelligence n'est pas suffisante pour me hausser à cette immense variété que nous présente le collègue Cohn-Bendit.
Der Präsident. - Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege Gollnisch! Wir haben Ihre Erklärung zur Kenntnis genommen. Ich weise darauf hin, dass ich Herrn Cohn-Bendit für diese Ausdrücke zur Ordnung gerufen habe. Ich weise auch darauf hin, dass ich Herrn Borghezio im Laufe der Debatte des Saales verwiesen habe und er damit für den Rest des heutigen Tages von der Teilnahme an der Sitzung ausgeschlossen ist. Beide Ordnungsmaßnahmen erfolgten vorbehaltlich weiterer Maßnahmen nach Artikel[nbsp ]152 Absatz[nbsp ]6 der Geschäftsordnung.
David Campbell Bannerman (ECR). - Mr President, one of the claimed benefits of EU membership is free movement of peoples. The EU is quick to condemn Switzerland’s recent democratic referendum result on the same subject...
(The President cut off the speaker)
Der Präsident. - Herr Kollege Campbell Bannerman! Wir werden jetzt nicht die Debatte fortsetzen über einen Geschäftsordnungsantrag.
7.3. Hodnotenie financií Únie (A7-0068/2014 - Michael Theurer) (hlasovanie)
7.4. Zavedenie celoúniového interoperabilného systému eCall (A7-0482/2013 - Philippe De Backer) (hlasovanie)
– Vor der Abstimmung:
Philippe De Backer, rapporteur. - Mr President, on behalf of the ALDE Group, I would request that the vote be adjourned to the April part-session, pursuant to Rule 177.
(Der Antrag wird angenommen.)
7.5. Dohoda o politickom dialógu a spolupráci medzi ES a Kostarikou, Salvádorom, Guatemalou, Hondurasom, Nikaraguou a Panamou, s výnimkou jej článku 49 ods. 3 (A7-0463/2013 - José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra) (hlasovanie)
7.6. Dohoda o politickom dialógu a spolupráci medzi ES a Kostarikou, Salvádorom, Guatemalou, Hondurasom, Nikaraguou a Panamou, pokiaľ ide o článok 49 ods. 3 tejto dohody (A7-0119/2014 - Renate Weber) (hlasovanie)
7.7. Usmernenia pre politiky zamestnanosti členských štátov (A7-0470/2013 - Pervenche Berès) (hlasovanie)
7.8. Spoločný systém dane z[nbsp ]pridanej hodnoty (A7-0090/2014 - Ivo Strejček) (hlasovanie)
7.9. Zmena rozhodnutia 2009/831/ES, pokiaľ ide o obdobie jeho uplatňovania (A7-0113/2014 - Danuta Maria Hübner) (hlasovanie)
7.10. Zmena rozhodnutia 2004/162/ES, pokiaľ ide o jeho uplatňovanie na Mayotte od 1. januára 2014 (A7-0144/2014 - Danuta Maria Hübner) (hlasovanie)
7.11. Rámcová dohoda o komplexnom partnerstve a spolupráci medzi ES a Indonéziou s výnimkou otázok súvisiacich s readmisiou (A7-0093/2014 - Ana Gomes) (hlasovanie)
7.12. Rámcová dohoda o komplexnom partnerstve a spolupráci medzi ES a Indonéziou s výnimkou otázok súvisiacich s readmisiou (A7-0134/2014 - Ana Gomes) (hlasovanie)
7.13. Rámcová dohoda o komplexnom partnerstve a spolupráci medzi ES a Indonéziou, pokiaľ ide o otázky súvisiace s readmisiou (A7-0115/2014 - Ana Gomes) (hlasovanie)
7.14. Dohoda medzi EÚ a Tureckom o readmisii osôb s neoprávneným pobytom (A7-0097/2014 - Renate Sommer) (hlasovanie)
7.15. Odporúčanie pre rozhodnutie – Predĺženie platnosti ustanovení článku 147 rokovacieho poriadku Parlamentu do konca ôsmeho volebného obdobia (hlasovanie)
– Vor der Abstimmung:
Pat the Cope Gallagher (ALDE). - Tá sé seo i gcoinne theanga na hÉireann – an Ghaeilge. Molaim do na Feisirí vótáil i gcoinne é seo mar is ionsaí eile é ar ár dteanga dhúchais – an Ghaeilge.
Der Präsident. - Die Sorge ist unbegründet.
Ruža Tomašić (ECR). - Gospodine predsjedavajući, željela bih se pozvati na članak 146. stavke 1. i 2. Poslovnika Europskog parlamenta i izraziti svoj oštar prosvjed u vezi s prijedlogom odluke o produženju primjene članka 147. Poslovnika. Ovaj prijedlog u stavku f govori o daljnjem odgađanju potpune implementacije hrvatskog jezika u rad ove institucije, što znači da će hrvatski jezik iako službeni jezik Unije i dalje u ovom domu biti tretiran kao drugorazredni jezik. Ne mogu na to pristati, jer smatram kako je godina dana od ulaska Hrvatske u Europsku uniju do konstituirajuće sjednice sljedećeg saziva Parlamenta sasvim dovoljan prijelazni period da se osigura potpuna pokrivenost ove institucije hrvatskim jezikom.
Der Präsident. - Ich kann Ihnen mitteilen, dass wir alle Bedenken im Präsidium geprüft haben. Die Sorge ist unbegründet. Daher kommen wir zur namentlichen Abstimmung.
7.16. Zmena článku 166 (záverečné hlasovanie) a článku 195 ods. 3 (hlasovanie vo výbore) rokovacieho poriadku Parlamentu (A7-0035/2014 - Carlo Casini) (hlasovanie)
7.17. Jednotný európsky železničný priestor (A7-0037/2014 - Saïd El Khadraoui) (hlasovanie)
(Die Abstimmungsstunde wird um 12.05[nbsp ]Uhr unterbrochen und nach der feierlichen Sitzung wieder aufgenommen)
Der Präsident. - Vielen Dank, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren!
Ich darf Sie herzlich willkommen heißen, Herr Präsident der Tschechischen Republik, Herr Präsident Zeman, im Europäischen Parlament. Es ist uns eine große Ehre, Sie heute bei uns willkommen heißen zu dürfen.
Sie haben Ihr Amt angetreten mit dem Ziel, die europäische Berufung der Tschechischen Republik zu stärken, und dazu beizutragen, die Tschechische Republik wieder in die Mitte der europäischen Politik zu führen. Ich glaube, dafür gebührt Ihnen große Anerkennung und Dank! Wir freuen uns auf Ihre Rede. Herr Präsident, Sie haben das Wort!
Miloš Zeman, President of the Czech Republic. - Mr[nbsp ]President, every politician who speaks in the European Parliament expresses, tacitly or openly, his European dream, so let me follow that good tradition. First however, I want to tell you what my European dream is not. I am inspired here by a well-known Polish philosopher, Leszek Kolakowski, who gave a lecture, I guess in 1957, under the title ‘What is Socialism?’ and started by saying, ‘Comrades, I was asked to tell what socialism is. Very well, but first I will tell you what socialism is not. Socialism, comrades, is not the murder of political opponents, socialism is not concentration camps, socialism is not political prisoners, socialism is not censorship ...’ and he continued in that vein for more than half an hour.
I can tell you in just five minutes what my European dream is not. I should add first though that, at the end of his lecture, Kolakowski said, ‘Now, comrades, I will tell you what socialism is: socialism, comrades, is a good thing.’ And that was all.
So now, in five minutes, I will tell you what my European dream is not. My European dream does not include the crazy movement of the European Parliament from Strasbourg to Brussels and back.
(Applause)
My European dream does not include a nonsensical directive about, for example, economy safety light bulbs. I have one of these in my cottage and it makes it look like a cemetery or a mortuary, so I speak from experience. My European dream does not include the so-called European architecture of Brussels, some of which looks like an oversize wood box. Nor does my European dream include the steak I encountered recently at the European Commission, which looked and tasted like bubblegum – to take another example from my own experience.
Now I shall tell you what my European dream is, and I shall start by quoting another philosopher – Czech this time – Václav Bělohradský, who said that European citizenship was a ‘cultural choice’. I agree with him. We were all born somewhere, and that is not to our credit, but the cultural choice for European citizenship is a choice made of our own free will and is valid and useful, particularly in a complicated situation such as we have today. Let us define what it means. Culture, firstly, is more than cold economic calculation, comparing losses and benefits. Culture is a set of common rules of behaviour, and what we need in an integration process is to start with common rules – or equal rules, if you wish, which are not the same as equal levels. What is the difference? The common rule is, for instance, the relationship between the minimum wage and the average wage, but the levels of those wages depend on labour productivity. Levels cannot be regulated by common principles. However, we need common rules in many areas of European policy.
Let us start with foreign policy. Henry Kissinger’s ironic question ‘Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?’ is still valid. There is still no common foreign policy in the European Union. As for so-called soft policy, I must say critically that it sometimes feels like a repetition of the appeasement of the 1930s. But in order to have something more than soft policy, we need a common defence policy. We have 28 armies which are not fully compatible, whereas a common European army – and this is a long-term dream – would be cheaper and more effective.
We need a common fiscal policy and the harmonisation of taxation. I am very happy to tell you that the Czech Republic has adopted the Fiscal Pact, and I am a strong supporter of a move towards the euro as soon as possible. Those who criticise the euro suffer from what I would call a fear of the unknown. I think the euro has been a stabilising factor for economic development.
More than that, however, we need common rules in the field of social policy, starting with the European Social Charter. We need common rules on environmental policy and, at the end of the day, we need the courage for big projects like the trans-European networks, including railways, highways, water corridors and so on, even if such long-term projects lie beyond the horizon of political thinking, which is usually only four years ahead.
Let me conclude with a protest. I wonder whether Mr[nbsp ]Cohn-Bendit is here. Unfortunately not, it seems. He issued the declaration: ‘Young Europeans, unite!’ and I want to protest at that because I am an old European and I understand his declaration as a form of age discrimination, which is strictly against the principles of the European Union. More than that, what does ‘unite’ mean? If it means ‘integrate with common rules’, I fully agree. If it means ‘unify’, I am strictly against it because to be uniform is to be grey and boring. I am against common European cheese and common European beer – I might recommend Czech beer, which is the best in the world – but what we need is integration and a European federation, not a European unitary state.
Finally, allow me to paraphrase Leszek Kolakowski: ‘Deep in my heart, I do believe that the European Union is a good thing.’ Thank you very much for your attention.
(Loud applause)
Der Präsident. - Ich weiß nicht, ob man das über das Mikrofon verstehen konnte. Er hat gesagt, er hat Englisch gesprochen, um uns die Interpretationskosten zu ersparen.
Herr Präsident, ich darf mich herzlich bedanken! Ich muss Ihnen sagen, von hier oben aus hat man guten Überblick. Ich habe selten eine Rede eines Gastes gehört, die so unterschiedliche Botschaften hatte, aber sozusagen für alle Teile dieses Hauses etwas dabei hatte. Herzlichen Dank für Ihre wunderbare Rede, und wir wünschen Ihnen viel Erfolg bei Ihren Ambitionen in der Tschechischen Republik! Wir brauchen Ihr Land. Das ist eines der wichtigen Länder in der Europäischen Union, weil die Tschechische Republik ein kritisches Land ist, aber – wie wir wissen – mit Ihnen als Präsident ein pro-europäisches Land. Ob das tschechische Bier das beste ist, das werden wir einer umfassenden Debatte im Europäischen Parlament unterwerfen. Herzlichen Dank, Herr Staatspräsident!
Der Präsident. - Nach der Tagesordnung wird die Abstimmungsstunde fortgesetzt.
9.1. Služby vnútroštátnej osobnej železničnej dopravy (A7-0034/2014 - Mathieu Grosch) (hlasovanie)
– Vor der Abstimmung:
David Campbell Bannerman (ECR). - Mr President, I was prevented from speaking earlier. One of the claimed benefits of EU membership is free movement of peoples, and the EU is quick to condemn Switzerland’s democratic referendum results. So why were seven qualified British ski instructors, legally working in France, treated like criminals, thrown into freezing cells and now facing three months in jail when they have every right to work there? Should this Parliament not demand their immediate release, and – I must be careful how I say this – is this ‘piste war’ not totally in breach of EU rules?
(The President cut off the speaker)
– Vor der Abstimmung über Änderungsantrag 34:
Bogusław Liberadzki (S&D). - Mr President, the phrase is: ‘the public transport plan in the most cost-effective manner’. The proposal is to delete the words ‘the most’, so that it reads as follows: ‘the public transport plan in a cost-effective manner’. It makes the situation much clearer.
(Der mündliche Änderungsantrag wird übernommen.)
9.2. Interoperabilita systému železníc (A7-0033/2014 - Izaskun Bilbao Barandica) (hlasovanie)
9.3. Bezpečnosť železníc (A7-0015/2014 - Michael Cramer) (hlasovanie)
9.4. Železničná agentúra Európskej únie (A7-0016/2014 - Roberts Zīle) (hlasovanie)
– Vor der Abstimmung über Änderungsantrag 76:
Georges Bach, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Ich möchte diesen Text nicht vorlesen. Sie finden ihn in Ihren Unterlagen. Wir haben soeben über den Bericht Cramer zur Sicherheit abgestimmt, und hier bringe ich Änderungsantrag[nbsp ]76 ein, der eigentlich Kohärenz zwischen dem Sicherheitsbericht und dem Bericht von Michael Cramer bringen soll.
―Inés Ayala Sender (S&D). – Señor Presidente, le ruego tenga en cuenta ―estos son temas muy delicados― las peticiones de comprobación o confirmación de voto en algunas de las enmiendas. Porque usted está rechazando esta posibilidad de manera automática y hay algunas enmiendas que son verdaderamente importantes.
Der Präsident. - Vielen Dank. Jede Abstimmung ist wichtig, und sie wird von mir behutsam und verantwortungsvoll geleitet. Nur wenn ich unsicher bin, dann werde ich das aufrufen. Ich glaube, wir haben einen guten Weg gefunden.
9.6. Hlásenie udalostí v civilnom letectve (A7-0317/2013 - Christine De Veyrac) (hlasovanie)
9.7. Zavádzanie palubného systému eCall (A7-0106/2014 - Olga Sehnalová) (hlasovanie)
– Vor der Abstimmung:
Juan Fernando López Aguilar, Chair of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs. - Mr President, on a point of order, as Chair of and on behalf of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) Committee, I ask you to support amendments that have been tabled by the LIBE Committee.
There are two reasons for this. Firstly the proposal on the eCall system raises serious concerns on matters of privacy and, secondly, despite the LIBE Committee having exclusive competence under Rule[nbsp ]50, amendments to Article[nbsp ]6 and Recital[nbsp ]13 have not been included by the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection (IMCO) in their report which is contrary to Rule[nbsp ]50.
The LIBE Committee can only express regret that the Conference of Presidents has been called on to preserve the LIBE Committee’s exclusive competence on those two points and the principle of cooperation between committees.
Secondly, the LIBE Committee welcomes the decision that was taken by the Conference of Presidents on 20[nbsp ]February which safeguards the prerogatives of the committees under Rule[nbsp ]50, clarifying the meaning and functioning of the said Rule[nbsp ]50.
Malcolm Harbour, Chair of the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection. - Mr[nbsp ]President, considering that my committee bent over backwards to work with the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs when they came to us incredibly late on this proposal – we had to delay our vote for two weeks to accommodate their work – and that we worked closely with their rapporteur, I would remind the Chair of that committee that, under Rule[nbsp ]50 of the Rules of Procedure, in relation to reports on which committees do not have an equal division of competences, we are indisputably the lead committee, and that we have taken into account almost all the points he made to us.
I invite you, Mr[nbsp ]President, to support my committee’s position and the position of my incredibly hardworking rapporteur, Ms[nbsp ]Sehnalová, who, in 2012, brought to this House a report on which you voted, colleagues, supporting this proposal. Did the Civil Liberties Committee ask for an opinion on that report? No. And we had a public hearing with Mr[nbsp ]Peter Hustinx, the European Data Protection Controller, so the idea that we have not taken into account the views of the Civil Liberties Committee or considerations of data protection is an insult to the working methods of my committee. I invite you to support my committee and to support our amendments.
Der Präsident. - Meine Damen und Herren! Es sind beide Stellungnahmen abgegeben worden. Die Anträge des LIBE-Ausschusses sind auch in der Abstimmungsliste. Wir haben hier zu entscheiden, welche Anträge eine Mehrheit bekommen.
9.8. Sprostredkovanie poistenia (A7-0085/2014 - Werner Langen) (hlasovanie)
– Vor der Abstimmung:
Werner Langen, Berichterstatter. - Herr Präsident! Ich habe zwei kurze Anmerkungen zu machen. Erstens: In der Abstimmungsliste meiner Fraktion ist die fünfte Abstimmung mit „plus“ zu versehen. Im Text ist „minus“. Sie ist in der Abstimmungsliste also falsch.
Zweitens: Als Berichterstatter bitte ich, die Schlussabstimmung zur legislativen Entschließung auszusetzen, damit wir nach der Stellungnahme des Plenums mit dem Trilog beginnen können.
(Der Antrag auf Rücküberweisung in den Ausschuss wird angenommen.)
9.9. Tretí akčný program Únie v oblasti zdravia na obdobie 2014 – 2020 (A7-0224/2012 - Françoise Grossetête) (hlasovanie)
9.10. Transeurópske telekomunikačné siete (A7-0272/2013 - Evžen Tošenovský) (hlasovanie)
9.12. Spoločné európske kúpne právo (A7-0301/2013 - Klaus-Heiner Lehne, Luigi Berlinguer) (hlasovanie)
9.13. Výroba, prezentácia a predaj tabakových a súvisiacich výrobkov (A7-0276/2013 - Linda McAvan) (hlasovanie)
– Vor der Abstimmung:
Martin Callanan (ECR). - Mr President, I had originally signalled my intention to move on behalf of my Group that this report be referred back to committee. This was because President Schulz had originally ruled that no split or separate votes would be allowed on this first reading agreement, or indeed on any subsequent first reading agreements coming up in the next few weeks. However, I am pleased to say that he changed his mind an hour ago, and I hope that you all now have the updated voting list which does allow the opportunity for split and separate votes.
My concern with this directive is that whilst there are many good and useful measures in it to stop young people from smoking, there is one huge mistake, and that is Article 18a, which is the rule on e-cigarettes. This will prevent many Europeans from using e-cigarettes.
(The President cut off the speaker)
Der Präsident. - Herr Kollege Callanan, wir treten nicht wieder in die Debatte ein.
Darf ich nur Folgendes sagen: Es ist richtig, dass der Präsident nach Gesprächen mit Abgeordneten und auch mit mir festgelegt hat, und dass auch per e-Mail allen Mitgliedern mitgeteilt wurde, dass die Abstimmungsliste aktualisiert wurde. Wir werden daher auf der Grundlage dieser Liste abstimmen, die einige Anfragen für getrennte Abstimmungen enthält. Ich darf Ihnen nach Rücksprache mit dem Präsidenten mitteilen, dass es klar ist, dass daher diese Form der Abstimmung präjudizielle Wirkung hat und daher alle einschlägigen Abstimmungen nach diesem Verfahren in Zukunft durchgeführt werden, damit wir nicht jedes Mal dieselbe Diskussion haben.
Damit wäre eigentlich die Debatte, die wir die letzten Stunden geführt haben, erledigt. Ich glaube, dass wir damit zur Abstimmung kommen können, denn es liegt eine neue Abstimmungsliste vor. Ich bitte Sie dafür um Verständnis.
Diane Dodds (NI). - Mr President, could I request a roll-call vote on 190 CP?
Der Präsident. - Sie wissen, dass es dafür Fristen gibt. Im Übrigen sind auch alle diese Punkte, wo es Anträge gibt, in den Abstimmungslisten aufgenommen.
Renate Sommer (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Ich brauche Aufklärung über diese Stimmliste. Ich verstehe das nämlich nicht. Zum ersten Punkt, über den abgestimmt werden soll, da steht in der Stimmliste „text as a whole“ – das ist doch der Kompromisstext, wenn ich nicht irre –, und anschließend kommen die Splitvotes. Aber die würden doch dann fallen, wenn dieser Kompromisstext durchgeht. Kann mir da jemand mal erklären, wie das gedacht ist?
Der Präsident. - Frau Kollegin, wir stimmen das immer gleich ab. Zuerst wird der Text „as a whole“ abgestimmt mit Ausnahme der Punkte, die nachher getrennt abgestimmt werden. Hier gibt es keinen Widerspruch.
James Nicholson (ECR). - Mr President, as Mr Callanan said, the decision on this was made in the last hour. I would ask you to rethink Ms Dodds’s request for Part 2 of 190 CP, Article 13. We could not have known that it was going to be taken on because it was made in the last hour.
Der Präsident. - Wir kommen zur Abstimmung.
9.14. Dlhodobé financovanie európskeho hospodárstva (A7-0065/2014 - Wolf Klinz) (hlasovanie)
9.15. Sexuálne vykorisťovanie a prostitúcia a ich vplyv na rodovú rovnosť (A7-0071/2014 - Mary Honeyball) (hlasovanie)
9.16. Podpora rozvoja prostredníctvom zodpovedných obchodných praktík (A7-0132/2014 - Judith Sargentini) (hlasovanie)
Der Präsident. - Damit ist die Abstimmungsstunde geschlossen.
Jean-Pierre Audy (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, je voudrais ici, solennellement, exprimer combien j'ai trouvé déplacée l'observation du président de la République tchèque concernant le siège de Strasbourg.
Lorsqu'on est invité dans une maison, la moindre des politesses, c'est de la respecter. J'ajoute que le président n'est pas membre du Conseil européen et qu'il n'a donc pas compétence pour s'exprimer sur ce sujet.
Concernant le multilinguisme, il a dit qu'il ne voulait pas d'une seule bière en Europe; il aurait pu parler tchèque au lieu de parler anglais. Nous aussi, nous sommes opposés à une langue unique – l'anglais –; nous sommes en faveur du multilinguisme, qui est une richesse humaine, démocratique et politique.
Der Präsident. - Wir beginnen mit den Erklärungen zur Abstimmung, die gestern nicht behandelt wurden, beginnend mit dem Bericht Cofferati. Danach folgen die Erklärungen zur Abstimmung zu den Punkten, über die heute abgestimmt wurde.
Ich muss Sie darüber in Kenntnis setzen, dass wir viele Anträge zur Abgabe mündlicher Erklärungen erhalten haben. Wir können die Sitzung aber nur bis spätestens 14.45[nbsp ]Uhr fortsetzen – vor der Situation standen wir auch bereits gestern –, damit die Dienststellen die Vorbereitungen für die Wiederaufnahme der Sitzung um 15.00[nbsp ]Uhr treffen können. Etwaige weitere Erklärungen zur Abstimmung, die ich heute nicht mehr aufrufen kann, werden morgen nach der Abstimmung behandelt.
Roberta Angelilli (PPE). - La governance del mercato unico deve essere orientata a crescita e risultati concreti per i cittadini e per le imprese. Stiamo parlando di servizi, di industria, di manifatturiero, e soprattutto stiamo parlando di lavoro.
Le politiche del mercato unico dovrebbero essere indirizzate ad un nuovo modello di competitività fondato su responsabilità, conoscenza, innovazione. Il quadro di valutazione online offre una panoramica dei buoni risultati conseguiti dagli Stati, ma anche dei numerosi aspetti identificati come problematici per cittadini e imprese, come per esempio le concessioni balneari, le guide turistiche, gli operatori ambulanti, questioni che seguo da tempo e su cui il Parlamento deve poter finalmente cambiare atteggiamento e linea d'intervento.
Dubravka Šuica (PPE). - Gospodine predsjedniče, jučer sam podržala ovo izvješće s obzirom da je upravljanje jedinstvenim tržištem pitanje od iznimne važnosti te mora biti jedno od prioriteta zbog brojnih inicijativa Europske komisije i Europskog parlamenta, a uz jasnu potporu Europskog vijeća. Jedinstveno tržište mora pridonijeti gospodarskom rastu i donijeti konkretne rezultate za europske građane, potrošače i poduzeća.
Budući da sam iz Hrvatske koja ima velikih gospodarskih problema, veliku stopu nezaposlenosti, veliku stopu nezaposlenosti mladih, kontinuirani pad GDP-a, Hrvatska je najmlađa članica Europske unije i mora koristiti prilike na jedinstvenom tržištu.
Smatram da mora postojati koordinacija gospodarske politike i politike zapošljavanja kako bismo umanjili gospodarske razlike između sjevernih i južnih zemalja Europske unije te učinili cjelokupno europsko gospodarstvo što konkurentnijim. Slažem se da su ključna tržišta koja treba poboljšati tržište usluga, tržište financijskih usluga, prijevoz, energetsko tržište i digitalno tržište.
Diane Dodds (NI). - Mr President, I would like to use this opportunity to again highlight the obstacles being placed on free trade by the National Dairy Council’s ‘Farmed in the Republic of Ireland’ labelling campaign in the Republic of Ireland.
This campaign continues to discriminate against Northern Ireland dairy produce. I have previously brought this issue up before Parliament and the Commission because I feel strongly that country-of-origin labelling should not be used to create a protectionist policy. Consumers should have the freedom of choice as to what they buy.
The National Dairy campaign is also extremely shortsighted. By excluding one part of the United Kingdom, the Republic of Ireland is jeopardising its largest market: Great Britain. In this context, I feel this debate should focus on better enforcement of current policy in order to create a level playing field. This is what the single market should be about.
Adam Bielan (ECR). - Panie Przewodniczący! Zgadzam się z postulatem zwiększenia roli jednolitego rynku w ramach europejskiego semestru, szczególnie poprzez obszary mogące wydatnie poprawić konkurencyjność europejskich gospodarek, jak energia czy transport. Opowiadam się za skuteczniejszym promowaniem narzędzi sprzyjających prawidłowemu funkcjonowaniu rynku wspólnotowego, przykładowo systemu wymiany informacji IMI, systemu SOLVIT, jak również systemu Twoja Europa – Porady. W sprawozdaniu zwrócono ponadto uwagę na krajowe plany działania w zakresie wdrażania jednolitego rynku. Instrumenty te dostarczają przydatnych informacji na potrzeby europejskiego semestru.
Marino Baldini (S&D). - Gospodine predsjedniče, ključni sektori definirani od strane Komisije su relevantni za cjelokupni razvoj, no svakako bih naglasio važnost jedinstvenog tržišta u području prometnog i energetskog sektora. Jedinstvenost energetskog sektora omogućuje cjelovitu primjenu načela zaštite tržišnog natjecanja, dok je prometna povezanost nužna pretpostavka razmjene i razvoja.
U stvaranju jedinstvenog tržišta važna je pravovremena uključenost svih dionika u procesima odlučivanja, prije svega mislim, na pružatelje usluga, predstavnike vlasti, aktere civilnog društva i na uključenost svih socialnih partnera.
Samo na taj način može se ostvariti bolja provedba prava građana na jedinstvenom tržištu i ostvariti njegov puni učinak. Podržavam prijedlog kojim je autor Sergio Gaetano Cofferati i glasao sam za njega, jer odmjereno vodi brigu o elementima koje sam naveo.
Ivana Maletić (PPE). - Gospodine predsjedniče, dobro upravljanje jedinstvenim tržištem ključno je za gospodarski rast i stvaranje radnih mjesta te sam zato podržala danas izvješće kolege Cofferatija. Potpuna implementacija slobode kretanja, osobito ljudi, građana i radnika važan je segment daljnje integracije jedinstvenog tržišta. Reforma tržišta rada koja uključuje stvaranje fleksibilnog i sigurnog okruženja jedna je od najčešćih preporuka državama članicama u sklopu Europskog semestra.
Prioritetna područja daljnje integracije važna za razvoj jedinstvenog tržišta jesu uslužni sektor, energetski sektor, sektor prijevoza, jedinstveno digitalno tržište i jedinstvena europska industrijska politika. Za daljnji razvoj jedinstvenog tržišta na kojem svi imaju jednake šanse važan je i lakši pristup financiranju malih i srednjih poduzetnika te smanjivanje razlika u visini kamata na jedinstvenom europskom tržištu, što je istaknuto u izvješću te sam ga zato i podržala.
Anna Maria Corazza Bildt (PPE). - Herr talman! Jag har länge kämpat för att vi ska ha reell ekonomi i centrum av vår politiska agenda. Vår gemensamma marknad är vägen till tillväxt och jobb i Europa. Vi måste riva hinder för företagare och förenkla för våra företagare och konsumenter att handla över gränserna.
Därför vill jag stödja det här betänkandet som främjar den fria rörligheten, och vill skapa en öppen och konkurrenskraftig inre marknad. Men kommissionen måste vara bättre på att sätta den digitala agendan och tjänstesektorn i centrum i tillväxtagendan för 2014.
Det handlar inte om att uppfinna hjulet, det handlar om att få hjulet att rulla. Det har jag skrivit i mitt betänkande, där jag i parlamentet har varit ansvarig för tjänstesektorn.
Det är samma sak med energi, med transport, med offentlig upphandling och detaljhandel. Digitala tjänster är vägen framåt och medlemsstaterna måste genomföra och tillämpa tjänstedirektivet full ut för att skaffa jobb i Europa.
Andrej Plenković (PPE). - Gospodine predsjedniče, podržao sam izvješće našega kolege Cofferatija o upravljanju jedinstvenim tržištem u europskom semestru za 2014. upravo zato što je jedinstveno tržište jedno od onih glavnih pokretača rasta i novih radnih mjesta, odnosno temelj gospodarske integracije održivoga rasta u Europskoj uniji. I u tom smislu cijenim napore koje je u proteklih nekoliko godina povjerenik Barnier poduzimao sa nizom zakonskih paketa koji su se odnosili na bolje upravljanje i funkcioniranje jedinstvenoga tržišta.
Ključni sektori poput usluga, financijskih usluga, prometa, energetskog sektora i digitalnog tržišta presudni su za dobru integraciju i funkcioniranje jedinstvenoga tržišta. Smatram da će posebno biti bitno za funkcioniranje i naše strategije Europa 2020. da se prioriteti glede rasta i premošćivanja jaza između strategija i realnoga gospodarstva stave u pravi fokus, a to su projekti poput e-pilota, Solvit-a pravi indikatori poboljšanja situacije.
Schriftliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. - Aprovo o presente Relatório, considerando que, na sua comunicação sobre uma melhor governação para o mercado único, a Comissão identificou domínios essenciais para melhorar o funcionamento e o aprofundamento do mercado único: serviços, serviços financeiros, transportes, energia e mercado digital. Chamo a atenção para o facto de que a metodologia de identificação deve ser avaliada e revista regularmente para dados reais e atuais. Considero que estes domínios continuam a ser prioritários e que os esforços de coordenação devem ser mantidos e/ou relançados. Considero igualmente que devem ser enriquecidos e combinados com outros aspetos estritamente relacionados com as políticas do mercado único, devendo ser apresentadas outras medidas e propostas. Uma política industrial coerente e integrada é essencial para recuperar as economias europeias e permitir uma forma estável de sair da crise. Uma melhor proteção dos direitos dos cidadãos, tanto enquanto consumidores como trabalhadores, é fundamental para reforçar a confiança no mercado único e incentivar comportamentos responsáveis.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. - Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją, kuria siekiama išlaikyti reikiamą dėmesį vertinant tai, kaip ES veikia bendroji rinka, ir pateikiant pastabas apie atnaujintą poziciją dėl kitos metinės augimo apžvalgos turinio, apie prioritetinius veiksmus nacionaliniu ir ES lygmenimis, taip pat apie pastaruoju metu Komisijos dedamas pastangas dėl daugelio bendrosios rinkos valdymo priemonių. 2012[nbsp ]m. birželio 8[nbsp ]d. Komisijos komunikate „Geresnė bendrosios rinkos valdysena“ raginama atnaujinti įsipareigojimą pasiekti, kad bendroji rinka padėtų veiksmingai užtikrinti ekonomikos augimą, o ES piliečiai, vartotojai ir įmonės pajustų konkrečius to rezultatus. Šis raginimas pakartotas 2013 m. metinėje augimo apžvalgoje ir prie jos pridėtoje 2013 m. bendrosios rinkos integracijos būklės ataskaitoje. Bendrosios rinkos prioritetų koordinavimas Europos semestre turėtų būti įgyvendinamas vykdant nuodugnesnį demokratinį procesą, labiau įtraukiant nacionalinius parlamentus, paisant ES išimtinių teisių ir suteikiant pakankamai erdvės socialiniams partneriams bei visoms kitoms suinteresuotosioms šalims. Geresnė piliečių teisių apsauga – tiek vartotojų, tiek darbuotojų – labai svarbi siekiant stiprinti pasitikėjimą bendrąja rinka ir skatinti atsakingą vartotojų elgesį.
Regina Bastos (PPE), por escrito. - O reforço da governação do mercado único está estreitamente relacionado com a possibilidade concreta de estabelecer um pilar específico do Semestre Europeu. A coordenação das políticas económicas e de emprego deve ser completada por uma parte fundamental que abranja todas as alavancas possíveis para estimular a economia real. A coordenação das prioridades do mercado único no contexto do Semestre Europeu deve ter por base um processo democrático mais sólido com a plena participação dos parlamentos nacionais, o respeito pelas prerrogativas do Parlamento Europeu e um espaço adequado dado aos parceiros sociais e às partes interessadas. Por outro lado, melhorar a proteção dos direitos dos cidadãos, tanto enquanto consumidores como trabalhadores, é fundamental para reforçar a confiança no mercado único e incentivar comportamentos responsáveis. A coordenação das políticas do mercado único deve procurar redescobrir um novo modelo de competitividade, baseado no conhecimento e na inovação, para o qual é necessário aumentar o investimento na educação e na investigação. Pelo exposto, apoiei o presente relatório.
Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. - Am votat în favoarea Raportului, şi susţin introducerea unui nou pilon al semestrului european: piaţa unică. Însă vă reamintesc faptul că cetăţenii tării mele nu se pot bucura pe deplin de una dintre cele patru libertăţi fundamentale - cea de mişcare. Găsirea unei metode de sprijinire a redresării financiare rămâne principala provocare în Europa. Iar calitatea programelor de reformă naţională va determina sustenabilitatea economică, de aceea recomandările specifice de ţară trebuie tratate cu cea mai mare seriozitate. Din păcate, la capitolul implementării, guvernul socialist de la Bucureşti stă dezastruos. Fiscalitatea a crescut, reformele în domeniul educaţiei şi sănatăţii sunt inexistente, iar piaţa muncii stagnează. Cel mai ingrijorator aspect este cel legat de calitatea instituţiilor şi a administraţiei publice, credibilitatea acestora fiind grav afectată de jocurile de culise ale Guvernului Ponta.
Fabrizio Bertot (PPE), per iscritto. - Come PPE abbiamo votato a favore della relazione sulla governance del mercato unico, il cui obiettivo è quello di monitorare e salvaguardare il funzionamento del mercato unico all'interno dell'UE.
In futuro sarà necessario tenere presente le azioni a livello nazionale ed europeo da intraprendere al fine di garantire una buona governance del mercato unico. In linea con il relatore, penso che il Semestre europeo sia un'occasione perfetta per armonizzare ulteriormente le politiche economiche e occupazionali degli Stati membri e che alla governance del mercato unico debba essere dedicato un capitolo importante in ogni presidenza di turno.
Ciò risulta ancora più essenziale se consideriamo che, nel processo di coordinamento delle priorità del mercato unico, i parlamenti nazionali devono essere maggiormente coinvolti sia per una maggiore cooperazione con il Parlamento europeo, sia per difendere gli interessi degli attori coinvolti a livello nazionale. Coordinare le politiche del mercato unico significa forgiare nuovi modelli possibili di competitività basati anche sull'innovazione, l'istruzione e la ricerca.
Accolgo con favore, dunque, le osservazioni formulate dal relatore sul ciclo di governance del mercato unico e, soprattutto, ritengo che si debba puntare ad una governance consolidata proprio nell'ambito del Semestre europeo.
Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. - Non condivido le posizioni sostenute dal collega Cofferati nella relazione sulla governance del mercato unico nell'ambito del Semestre europeo 2014. Il testo fa parte del più ampio meccanismo del Semestre europeo, il cui scopo è quello di ridurre le competenze degli Stati membri attraverso un controllo sempre più stretto sulle leggi finanziarie di ciascun paese. Per questo non ho inteso sostenere col mio voto questa relazione.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. - Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, nes juo Parlamentas išsako savo rekomendacijas dėl bendrosios rinkos valdymo įgyvendinant 2014 m. Europos semestrą. Parlamentas paragino Komisiją stiprinti bendrosios rinkos valdymą, nustatant metinį bendrosios rinkos valdymo ciklą, kuris apimtų vidaus rinkos rezultatų suvestinę, metinę bendrosios rinkos integravimo ataskaitą, kaip metinės augimo apžvalgos dalį, Europos Vadovų Tarybos rekomendacijas valstybėms narėms, nacionalinius veiksmų planus, kuriais siekiama įgyvendinti bendrosios rinkos gaires ir konkrečiai šaliai skirtas rekomendacijas. Parlamentas pritarė Komisijai, kad paslaugų, finansinių paslaugų, transporto, energetikos ir skaitmeninės rinkos sektoriai ir toliau yra labai svarbūs siekiant visiškos bendrosios rinkos integracijos. Tačiau mano, kad, norint iš naujo užtikrinti augimą, yra būtinas pakartotinis nuoseklios ir integruotos pramonės politikos įgyvendinimas. Parlamentas taip pat atkreipė dėmesį, kad šie veiksmai turėtų apimti stiprinti piliečių teisių stiprinimą, įskaitant vartotojų ir darbuotojų teises, apsaugą ir konkurencingumo modelį, grindžiamą žiniomis bei inovacijomis. ES lygmeniu turėtų būti efektyviau skatinamos investicijos, moksliniai tyrimai ir technologinė plėtra bei remiamas aukštasis mokslas.
Sebastian Valentin Bodu (PPE), în scris. - Piaţa unică este o forţă motrice esenţială care propulsează creşterea economică. Cu toate acestea, pentru a asigura creştere şi locuri de muncă, îmbunătăţirea punerii în aplicare a normelor existente este crucială. Din acest motiv avem nevoie de o cale de acţiune prin care să se asigure că normele privind piaţa unică funcţionează bine în practică. Instituirea unei politici industriale coerente și integrate reprezintă un element esențial pentru redresarea economiilor europene și elaborarea unei modalități stabile de ieșire din criză. O mai bună protejare a drepturilor cetățenilor, atât în calitate de lucrători, cât și de consumatori, este fundamentală pentru a spori încrederea în piața unică și a încuraja comportamentele responsabile. Coordonarea politicilor privind piața unică ar trebui să aibă drept obiectiv redescoperirea unui nou model de competitivitate bazat pe cunoaștere și inovare.
Vito Bonsignore (PPE), per iscritto. - Esprimo un voto favorevole alla relazione, con specifico riferimento ai punti F) della premessa e nn. 6, 11, 17, 18, 23, 24, 30, 34 e 35. I consumatori italiani derivano un danno quotidiano dalla scarsa integrazione del mercato unico, soprattutto in termini di scarsa competizione, con conseguenti costi elevati e servizi non sottoposti alle severe e quotidiane verifiche del libero mercato. Ogni iniziativa in questo campo costituisce una potente misura, anche per i governi, nello smantellare le rendite di posizione e i monopoli che danneggiano l'interesse generale e costituiscono un potente freno alla competitività.
Ma desidero rimarcare una condivisione sentita delle previsioni di cui al punto 12: anche nella strategia Europa 2020, la reindustrializzazione finalizzata al recupero del 20% di PIL europeo derivante dal manifatturiero è un elemento centrale come chiave di uscita dalla crisi attraverso la revisione del nostro modello produttivo. In una prospettiva di vantaggio competitivo, l'Europa ha tutte le carte in regola per posizionarsi come leader in diversi comparti industriali. Alcune classi dirigenti lo hanno inteso e hanno operato in questo senso, altri inseguono pericolose chimere, come la storia dal 2008 in poi ci insegna, di un modello di sviluppo fondato esclusivamente sui servizi.
Philippe Boulland (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce rapport sur la gouvernance du marché unique car, bien évidemment, sans une parfaire coordination des mesures économiques et commerciales prises par les États membres, la relance et la croissance au sein du marché unique seront impossibles. Nous avons besoin d'une évaluation qualitative de l'efficacité des mesures adoptées par les États membres. Et certains secteurs-clés pour la croissance et la création d'emplois comme les marchés publics, le marché unique numérique et les services financiers de détail doivent faire l'objet d'une attention plus particulière.
Cependant, ne mettons pas pour autant de côté les aspects sociaux dans l'examen de la croissance. Si le tableau de bord social, que nous, membres de la commission Emploi, avons obtenu dans ce cadre, n'a pas de caractère contraignant, il permettra toutefois de vérifier si les mesures économiques et commerciales prises apportent une valeur ajoutée sociale et bénéficient donc au quotidien à l'ensemble de nos concitoyens.
Antonio Cancian (PPE), per iscritto. - Ho sostenuto la proposta poiché essa, sulla base della risoluzione del Parlamento europeo del 7 febbraio 2013 sulla governance del mercato unico, ribadisce la richiesta da parte del Parlamento di istituire un pilastro dedicato al rafforzamento della governance del mercato unico nell'ambito del Semestre europeo. Tale pilastro permetterebbe di sostenere più adeguatamente l'economia reale, di stimolare la crescita nonché di creare ulteriori posti di lavoro. Rafforzando la governance del mercato unico se ne migliorerebbe il funzionamento e si contribuirebbe a favorire la crescita economica e la creazione di posti di lavoro. Il mercato unico continua ad essere infatti una forza trainante fondamentale per la crescita e l'occupazione. È dunque necessario che esso sia effettivamente orientato verso la crescita e che generi risultati concreti per i cittadini, i consumatori e le imprese d'Europa.
Per quanto riguarda i principali settori di intervento, la relazione conferma le osservazioni della Commissione europea sottolineando in modo particolare l'importanza del mercato degli appalti pubblici e dei servizi finanziari. Da ultimo, la proposta prevede che il coordinamento delle priorità del mercato unico nel contesto del Semestre europeo sia saldamente ancorato a un processo democratico più profondo.
Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. - Voto favoravelmente o presente relatório porque considero que é necessário um acréscimo de coordenação horizontal e de coerência na elaboração de propostas legislativas relevantes para o mercado único. Acredito que a governação do mercado único deve ter em devida conta as necessidades de todas as partes interessadas e que é necessário um envolvimento mais sólido e precoce dos parceiros sociais, da sociedade civil e de outras partes interessadas na conceção, adoção, execução e controlo das medidas para impulsionar o crescimento e reforçar os direitos dos cidadãos no mercado único.
Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. - Ho votato a favore di questa relazione. La collega che ha negoziato in nome del mio gruppo politico ha saputo cogliere degli aspetti di fatto, che vanno al di là del colore politico, e ha saputo mostrare come tali questioni possano andare a beneficio di tutti. Mi riferisco, in particolare, all'importanza del mercato interno. Le aziende italiane di eccellenza, che magari faticano a sopravvivere laddove il loro mercato potenziale si riferisce a 60 milioni di persone, potrebbero lavorare con ben altri numeri se potessero rivolgersi efficacemente a 500 milioni di persone! E invece le norme tecniche, le lingue, i costi di trasporto che variano non in base alla distanza ma in base a confini nazionali che dovremmo considerare come cancellati, costituiscono delle barriere che ci lasciano nel nostro microcosmo strozzato da mancanza di liquidità e riduzione della domanda all'osso.
Ho votato a favore augurandomi che l'introduzione del mercato interno tra le priorità del Semestre europeo porti davvero maggiori possibilità a chi fa bene il proprio mestiere e permetta di trovare nuovi sbocchi professionali a chi, in questa Italia, non resta a galla.
Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Ce texte appelle à juste titre à renforcer la gouvernance du marché unique et à mettre en place un pilier consacré au marché unique dans le cycle du semestre européen en vue de soutenir l'économie réelle et de stimuler la croissance et la création d'emploi. L'Union européenne doit présenter un modèle de compétitivité fondé sur la connaissance et l'innovation grâce aux investissements et à la recherche et au développement. En outre, je soutiens ainsi l'affirmation faite que l'exercice du semestre européen devrait être ancré dans un processus démocratique plus approfondi, avec une plus forte participation des parlements nationaux.
Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. - Em 2012 o mercado único completou o vigésimo ano de vida e ao longo desta vintena de anos muitos foram os passos dados no sentido da sua concretização, com o desenvolvimento de diversas ferramentas e instrumentos. É também hoje inegável que o mercado único constitui um motor essencial para o crescimento económico e para o emprego na União Europeia. Sobretudo neste momento de grave crise económica e financeira, o mercado interno constitui a melhor ferramenta de que dispomos para restaurar o crescimento das economias da UE e deve ser aproveitado de forma correta, eficaz e decidida. É fundamental colocar o mercado interno ao serviço dos cidadãos e das empresas para dinamizar a economia europeia, para criar emprego e para melhorar a competitividade. O reforço da governação do mercado único está estreitamente relacionado com a possibilidade concreta de estabelecer um pilar específico do Semestre Europeu, o qual deve permitir abranger um claro conjunto de prioridades relacionadas com a economia real e indicar alavancas eficientes para estimular o crescimento e a competitividade.
João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. - O Parlamento Europeu solicita, neste relatório, à Comissão Europeia que defina o mercado único como terceiro pilar do Semestre Europeu, de modo a reforçar a governação do mercado único. Reitera a importância de a Comissão aceder ao pedido do Parlamento de apresentar uma proposta legislativa com metas definidas, a execução e a fiscalização do cumprimento da transposição de diretivas por parte dos Estados-Membros e a obrigação dos Estados-Membros de elaborarem e apresentarem à Comissão planos de ação nacionais destinados a implementar os objetivos do que consideram ser a melhoria de funcionamento do mercado único. Para além disso, este relatório é um louvor à liberalização. O mercado único só será pleno quando for melhorado e aprofundado o mercado único nos sectores da energia, dos transportes, o mercado digital, na legislação relativa aos contratos públicos e concessões. Isto é liberalizar as áreas essenciais ao desenvolvimento económico e social de um país, conduzindo à debilitação dos países economicamente mais vulneráveis, à destruição da sua capacidade produtiva e ao aumento da sua dependência externa. Obviamente votámos contra.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne. - Dosiahnutie priorít v[nbsp ]oblasti jednotného trhu má zásadný význam pre stimuláciu rastu a[nbsp ]dosiahnutie cieľov stratégie Európa 2020. Využitie maximálneho potenciálu vnútorného trhu prinesie hospodársku konvergenciu medzi členskými štátmi vo vnútri aj mimo eurozóny, v[nbsp ]jadre, ale aj v[nbsp ]periférnych regiónoch Európskej únie. Na dosiahnutie týchto cieľov nie sú čisto kvantitatívne štatistické údaje o[nbsp ]vykonávaní právnych predpisov o[nbsp ]jednotnom trhu postačujúce. Je preto nevyhnutné zamerať sa na kvalitu, ako je právna úprava realizovaná v[nbsp ]rámci členských štátov na základe konkrétnych kľúčových ukazovateľov pre odvetvie jednotného európskeho trhu vytvorených na európskej úrovni. Primárna pozornosť smeruje na kľúčové odvetvia, ktoré majú potenciál najviac ekonomicky oživiť konkrétne regióny. Tieto opatrenia povedú k[nbsp ]prehĺbeniu vnútorného trhu a[nbsp ]rozšíria ochranu práv spotrebiteľov a[nbsp ]pracovníkov.
Lorenzo Fontana (EFD), per iscritto. - Ho deciso di esprimere voto contrario a questa relazione a proposito della governance del mercato unico (nell'ambito del Semestre europeo), in quanto toglie poteri agli Stati nazionali assegnandoli ulteriormente a Bruxelles.
Ildikó Gáll-Pelcz (PPE), írásban. - Támogattam a jelentést, hiszen meggyőződésem, hogy az egységes piacot az európai szemeszter harmadik pilléreként kell meghatározni annak érdekében, hogy a reálgazdasággal kapcsolatban világos prioritások fogalmazódjanak meg. Egyetértek azzal, miszerint az országspecifikus ajánlásoknak figyelembe kell venniük az egyes tagállamok által már megtett és elvégzett erőfeszítéseket és kiigazító intézkedéseket, az egységes piaci jogszabályok végrehajtására irányuló nemzeti intézkedéseknek pedig nem feltétlenül kell univerzális megközelítést követniük, hanem inkább – szigorúan a tagállami igényekhez és sajátosságokhoz alkalmazkodva – növelniük kell a meghozott intézkedések hatékonyságát és a végrehajtott szakpolitikák kézzelfogható eredményeit. Vitathatatlan, hogy a kkv-k finanszírozáshoz való könnyebb hozzáférése hozzájárulna a likviditási nehézségek enyhítéséhez és a kkv-k működő tőkéjének növeléséhez; éppen ezért kiemelten fontos, hogy a 2014. évi éves növekedési jelentésben a Bizottság által meghatározott prioritások között a kkv-knak nyújtandó alternatív finanszírozási formák fejlesztése előkelő helyet foglal el. A jelentés határozottan támogatja a mikrohitelezés növelése és a szociális vállalkozás fellendítése érdekében tett nemzeti erőfeszítéseket kiegészítő uniós szintű kezdeményezéseket, többek között a fejlesztési bankok abban való támogatását, hogy a kereskedelmi bankok által kínáltnál alacsonyabb kamatú kölcsönöket kínáljanak; különösen ami a kkv-k COSME és Horizont 2020 program útján való támogatásának jelentőségét illeti.
Małgorzata Handzlik (PPE), na piśmie. - Jednolity rynek to wielki sukces integracji w Unii Europejskiej. Daje obywatelom, konsumentom, firmom ogromne możliwości i jest motorem wzrostu gospodarczego. Dla swojej pełnej funkcjonalności musi zostać wykorzystany jego pełny potencjał. Między innymi temu zadaniu służyć ma lepsze zarządzanie jednolitym rynkiem. Potrzebujemy konkretnych wyników, a tutaj kluczowe jest lepsze wdrażanie i egzekwowanie już obowiązujących przepisów. W tym obszarze ważną rolę odegra właśnie efektywne zarządzanie jednolitym rynkiem. Do tego potrzebne jest monitorowanie wyników państw członkowskich, informacje zwrotne na temat konkretnych osiągnięć i najlepszych praktyk od różnych państw członkowskich, jak również stwierdzone obawy obywateli i przedsiębiorstw. Ważnym aspektem jest wykorzystanie semestru europejskiego, którego jednym z filarów powinno stać się właśnie zarządzanie jednolitym rynkiem. Roczna analiza wzrostu gospodarczego z ubiegłego roku już obejmowała sprawozdanie roczne dotyczące stanu integracji jednolitego rynku, co jest ważnym krokiem w kierunku budowy takiego filaru.
Znaczące jest też jak wykorzystamy narzędzia jednolitego rynku, takie jak na przykład system SOLVIT, portal Twoja Europa, pojedyncze punkty kontaktowe utworzone zgodnie z wymaganiami określonymi w dyrektywie usługowej czy też system wymiany informacji na rynku wewnętrznym. To są mechanizmy i instrumenty, za pomocą których rynek wewnętrzny może lepiej działać, dlatego ich właściwe funkcjonowanie jest tak istotne.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. - Così come sottolineato in più sedi ed anche in occasione di un recente Consiglio europeo, il mercato unico continua ad essere una forza trainante fondamentale per la crescita e l'occupazione. In tal senso, quindi, occorre che sia dotato di una governance forte e che possa rendere questo strumento in grado di affrontare le sfide del mondo globalizzato. Serve, quindi, un coordinamento del mercato unico che tenga in stretto conto le priorità proposte dal Parlamento europeo, tuteli i consumatori e gli imprenditori e, più in generale, rappresenti una reale opportunità per la competitività degli operatori sul mercato.
Monica Luisa Macovei (PPE), în scris. - Susțin includerea pieței unice în cadrul semestrului european din 2014, pentru a accelera integrarea pieței unice în Uniunea Europeana. Este nevoie ca acest proiect să aibă prioritate pentru ca Uniunea să beneficieze, la finalul anului 2020, de o piață unică puternic integrată. Până în luna mai 2013, o medie de 30 de proceduri de constatare făcute de către Comisie privind încălcarea legilor pieței unice stabilite la nivelul Uniunii așteaptă o soluționare de la Curtea de Justiție. Durata medie de soluționare a acestora este de aproximativ 26 de luni. Cu toate acestea, cel puțin 7 dintre cele 28 de state membre nu apelează încă la alte mijloace specializate pe probleme de legislație în piața unică, cum este SOLVIT, platforma înființata în anul 2002. Solicit Comisiei să comunice mai bine și mai clar statelor membre care sunt mijloacele de informare și soluționare a încălcării legilor pieței unice, pentru a putea oferi încredere consumatorilor în buna funcționare a sistemului legislativ din Uniune.
Véronique Mathieu Houillon (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport qui demande la mise en place d'un pilier consacré au marché unique dans le cycle du semestre européen; cette disposition permettrait de soutenir l'économie réelle et de stimuler la croissance et la création d'emploi. Celui-ci devrait notamment inclure des recommandations à chaque pays.
Erminia Mazzoni (PPE), per iscritto. - La possibilità per le persone, le merci, i servizi e i capitali di circolare liberamente ha rappresentato e rappresenta tutt'oggi il motore economico dell'Unione. Nonostante i progressi realizzati, purtroppo, in diversi settori chiave l'integrazione dei mercati degli Stati membri risulta ancora incompleta. Soprattutto in questo momento di crisi economica, al fine di favorire il potenziale di crescita dell'UE, è importante che il mercato unico funzioni in modo efficace.
Ho sostenuto la risoluzione Cofferati perché concordo con la necessità di rafforzare la governance del mercato interno, anche attraverso strumenti di controllo, per cogliere appieno le potenzialità del mercato unico, stimolando la crescita e l'occupazione e aiutando i cittadini e le imprese europee a superare la crisi.
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. - O reforço da governação do mercado único está estreitamente relacionado com a possibilidade concreta de estabelecer um pilar específico do Semestre Europeu. A coordenação das políticas económicas e de emprego deve ser completada por uma parte fundamental que abranja todas as alavancas possíveis para estimular a economia real que, de outra forma, poderiam ficar de fora da coordenação geral do Semestre Europeu. A coordenação das prioridades do mercado único no contexto do Semestre Europeu deve ter por base um processo democrático mais sólido com a plena participação dos parlamentos nacionais.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Le présent rapport a pour objet de maintenir l'attention sur la manière dont le marché unique fonctionne dans l'Union européenne. Il invite une nouvelle fois la Commission à renforcer la gouvernance du marché unique par la mise en place, en tant que pilier spécifique du semestre européen, d'un cycle de gouvernance annuel du marché unique. Enfin, il propose d'orienter les travaux du marché unique vers une organisation ciblée des travaux du Conseil "Compétitivité" afin qu'ils soient explicitement consacrés à alimenter « ces priorités pertinentes pour l'économie réelle » au sein du semestre européen. Il s'agit d'un écœurant rabâchage des recettes cruelles des libéraux. Je vote contre.
Roberta Metsola (PPE), in writing. - I support this report which seeks to maintain the necessary attention on how the single market is functioning in the European Union. It is important that the EU continues to strengthen the power of the single market so as to improve its functioning and contribute to economic growth and job creation in Europe.
Louis Michel (ALDE), par écrit. – Le marché unique est le premier pilier de notre économie. L'Union ne pourra retrouver le chemin vers la croissance que par une application plus stricte des règles en vigueur, ainsi que par la mise en place de réformes visant à approfondir le marché. Nous devons nous atteler au lancement de chantiers ambitieux, notamment dans le domaine énergétique, numérique, des transports ou des services. La visibilité de ces projets contribuera à prouver aux citoyens européens la plus-value extraordinaire que représente notre marché unique. Pour cela, j'en appelle au courage politique de l'ensemble des dirigeants européens afin d'apporter des solutions ambitieuses et concrètes.
Je soutiens pleinement les conclusions de ce rapport qui vise notamment à ériger un troisième pilier au sein du Semestre européen. À côté de la politique budgétaire et de l'emploi, inclure un suivi du marché unique me semble indispensable. Cela permettrait d'assurer une approche globale coordonnée afin que les réformes entreprises, suite à l'évaluation annuelle, aux lignes directives et aux recommandations formulées, aient un impact réel sur notre économie.
Marlene Mizzi (S&D), in writing. - For a successful European Semester cycle, concrete focus on real economy is a key priority. A coordinated and efficient Single Market governance cycle putting at its heart key economic sectors, consumers and workers will inevitably boost growth and jobs and ensure convergence between euro and non-euro areas. To this end I voted in favour of this report
Franz Obermayr (NI), schriftlich. - Der ursprüngliche Zweck des Europäischen Semesters war eine Hilfestellung zur Sicherung der Euro-Stabilitätskriterien. Doch das hat sich geändert: Sukzessive wurd es zum zentralistischen Steuerungsorgan einer EU-Planwirtschaft entwickelt. Diese mischt sich sodann in die Haushaltsplanung der Mitgliedstaaten ein und instrumentalisiert diese für EU-Ziele. Darüber hinaus wird durch die Brüsseler Vorgaben der (institutionelle) Wettbewerb zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten gebremst. Faktisch wird so eine Nivellierung auf das wirtschaftliche Mittelmaß erreicht. Das muss aufhören! Denn die Bestrafung von Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Erfolg innerhalb einer Wirtschaftsunion ist kein sinniges Konzept – insbesondere im Hinblick auf den globalen Wettbewerb. Wo soll das enden? Wird auch bald per Gesetz geregelt, wie erfolgreich eine Nation bei Olympia sein darf, damit sich andere Nationen nicht benachteiligt fühlen? Der Bericht Cofferati verstärkt diese Entwicklung – die Befugnisse der EU zur wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerung sollen im Binnenmarkt deutlich ausgeweitet werden. Dies ist ein weiterer Schritt hin zu einer Brüsseler Planwirtschaft. Diesen Bericht lehne ich folglich entschieden ab.
Antigoni Papadopoulou (S&D), in writing. - The governance of the single market is an issue of structural importance and has been placed on top of the European political agenda. In order to strengthen single market governance, we need to establish, as a specific pillar of the EU semester, an annual single market governance cycle. The single market pillar should cover a clear set of priorities related to the real economy and key growth areas. This is essential in order to stimulate growth and bridge the present gap preventing us from reaching the objectives of the Europe 2020 strategy while exploiting the full single market potential. A coordinated and efficient single market governance cycle will boost growth and jobs and ensure economic convergence between Member States inside and outside the euro area, in core and peripheral areas of the EU.
Gilles Pargneaux (S&D), par écrit. – J'ai soutenu ce rapport qui cherche à améliorer la gouvernance du marché unique, notamment en repensant le rôle du Conseil "compétitivité" dans le développement d'une politique industrielle européenne.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. - A governação do mercado único, enquanto assunto de importância estrutural, foi colocada no topo da agenda política graças a várias iniciativas da Comissão Europeia e do Parlamento Europeu, contando com um apoio inequívoco do Conselho Europeu. O presente relatório tem como objetivo manter a atenção necessária para a forma como o mercado único está a funcionar na União Europeia, com comentários relacionados com recomendações anteriormente formuladas, uma posição atualizada relativamente ao conteúdo da próxima Análise Anual do Crescimento e ações prioritárias a nível nacional e europeu, bem como os recentes esforços envidados pela Comissão no que diz respeito à multiplicidade dos instrumentos de governação do mercado único. Destaco das novas políticas a criação do Painel de Avaliação do Mercado Único em Linha, cujo objetivo é garantir uma comunicação coerente, analisando os pontos fortes e fracos e oferecendo vários incentivos para a melhoria. Nestes termos, votei favoravelmente o presente relatório.
Aldo Patriciello (PPE), per iscritto. - Il rafforzamento della governance del mercato unico è strettamente legato alla possibilità concreta di istituire un pilastro dedicato nell'ambito del Semestre europeo. È importante che il coordinamento delle politiche economiche e occupazionali sia completato con un capitolo fondamentale dedicato a tutte le possibili leve atte a stimolare l'economia reale che altrimenti rimarrebbero fuori dal coordinamento generale del semestre europeo. Nella consapevolezza della necessità che il coordinamento delle priorità del mercato unico nel contesto del Semestre europeo sia ancorato a un processo democratico più profondo, con il pieno coinvolgimento dei parlamenti nazionali, il rispetto delle prerogative del Parlamento europeo e un adeguato spazio concesso alle parti sociali e a tutti gli altri soggetti interessati, ho espresso il mio voto favorevole alla proposta.
Tonino Picula (S&D), napisan. - Jedinstveno tržište trebalo bi se definirati kao treći stup Europskog semestra koji bi obuhvatio jasan niz prioriteta koje se odnose na realno gospodarstvo. Snažno podržavam napore Komisije u daljnoj integraciji jedinstvenog tržišta i prijedlog Parlamenta za razvijanje analitičkog alata za mjerenje integracije jedinstvenog tržišta unutar okvira stupa jedinstvenog tržišta Europskog semestra u odnosu na preporuke za pojedine države.
Ključnim sektorima se smatraju sektori usluga, financijskih usluga, promet, energetski sektor i digitalno tržište. Uklanjanjem prepreka slobodnom kretanju osoba, robe, usluga i kapitala, jedinstveno tržište omogućuje poduzećima rad na širem području, čime se poboljšava njihova mogućnost inovacija, ulaganja, povećanja produktivnosti i stvaranja radnih mjesta. Nažalost, unatoč snažnim dokazima da je unutarnje tržište važno za predvladavanje krize, slobodno kretanje radnika i stručnjaka u Europi nije dovršeno te je potrebno poduzeti snažnije mjere da se uklone prostale prepreke i potakne rast.
Mitro Repo (S&D), kirjallinen. - Arvoisa puhemies, äänestin äsken tämän tärkeän mietinnön puolesta. Korostamme usein juhlapuheissa, kuinka yhteiset sisämarkkinat ovat EU:n tärkein saavutus ja kuinka suuri merkitys yhteisillä sisämarkkinoilla on Euroopan kasvun ja työllisyyden kannalta. Valitettavasti yhteisten sisämarkkinoiden luominen on kuitenkin edelleen pahasti kesken esimerkiksi digitaalisten verkko- ja viestintäpalveluiden sekä energiamarkkinoiden osalta. Asioiden, joilla on tärkeä rooli kansalaisten arjessa. Tästä syystä olenkin tyytyväinen, että kollega Cofferatin mietinnön kautta sisämarkkinat niihin liittyvine vahvuuksineen ja puutteineen saavat ansaitsemansa huomion.
Yhteisiä sisämarkkinoita ei tule saavuttaa hinnalla millä hyvänsä. Eurooppalaisten yritysten toimintaedellytysten ja kilpailukyvyn parantamisen lisäksi on tärkeää kiinnittää huomiota myös kuluttajien asemaan. Meidän on saatava kuluttajat luottamaan sisämarkkinoihin ja vahvistettava etenkin haavoittuvassa asemassa olevien kuluttajien suojaa. Lisäksi meidän tulee aktivoida kuluttajia ja lisätä heidän vaikutusmahdollisuuksiaan sekä antaa heille aito mahdollisuus tehdä vastuullisia valintoja yhteisillä sisämarkkinoilla. Euroopan hyväksi.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. - In favour. The governance of the single market as an issue of structural importance has been placed on top of the political agenda thanks to a number of initiatives of the European Commission and the European Parliament, as well as with clear support by the European Council. The Commission’s communication of 8 June 2012 on Better Governance for the Single Market called for a renewed commitment to make the single market effectively deliver for growth and bring concrete results for European citizens, consumers and businesses. This was reiterated in the Annual Growth Survey 2013 and the accompanying report on the state of the single market integration 2013, which called for the stepping-up of efforts to ensure better implementation and enforcement of rules that are already in place, in order to achieve that objective, and the following specific request for a ‘dedicated growth initiative [which] would feed into distinct country-specific recommendations that take into account the state of implementation of the Single Market’ made in a resolution on the Single Market Act.
Sergio Paolo Francesco Silvestris (PPE), per iscritto. - La governance del mercato unico è una questione fondamentale. La relazione in questione ha un approccio equilibrato e contiene commenti relativi alle raccomandazioni formulate in precedenza, oltre che una posizione aggiornata in merito al contenuto della prossima analisi annuale della crescita e alle azioni prioritarie a livello nazionale ed europeo.
Concordo nel dire che la relazione sullo stato dell'integrazione del mercato unico, che accompagna l'analisi annuale della crescita, debba indicare problemi e carenze, ma anche delineare una serie ben definita di priorità relative all'economia reale. I settori prioritari individuati dalla Commissione restano ancora al centro dell'attenzione e degli sforzi di coordinamento.
In merito agli strumenti di governance, ritengo che in particolare il quadro di valutazione online offra una panoramica molto esaustiva per lo scambio di buone prassi e i feedback dai vari Stati membri.
Davor Ivo Stier (PPE), napisan. - Jedinstveno tržište je temelj današnje Europske unije. Poduzeća koja se natječu na jedinstvenom tržištu imaju neograničen pristup gotovo 500 milijuna potrošača u EU-u. Zato je pitanje upravljanja jedinstvenim tržištem od velike važnosti za funkcioniranje EU-a. Kako bi se program što bolje implementirao, veliku ulogu ima Europski semestar u sklopu kojeg se koordiniraju politike država članica kako bi se racionalizirao proces i bolje uskladili ciljevi nacionalnih politika.
Slažem se s izvjestiteljem kako bi se koordinacija prioriteta jedinstvenog tržišta trebala temeljiti na dubljem demokratskom procesu te kako bi u potpunosti trebali biti uključeni nacionalni parlamenti s naglaskom na poštivanju nadležnosti Europskog parlamenta. Na taj način harmonizacija politika bi bila uvelike olakšana. Slažem se s Komisijom kako su tržište usluga, financijskih usluga, prijevoza, energije i digitalnog tržišta ključni sektori u stvaranju jedinstvenog tržišta EU-a. Posebice pozdravljam fokus na razvoj digitalnog tržišta EU-a, pošto je digitalna ekonomija budućnost globalnog razvoja, te ima potencijal za otvaranje velikog broja radnih mjesta, i to uglavnom za mlade ljude. Glasao sam za ovo izvješće.
Catherine Stihler (S&D), in writing. - I voted against this report because, although it is important to develop and use new plant breeding techniques, I believe all local and regional crop varieties should be preserved in order to maintain and increase genetic and cultural diversity.
Kay Swinburne (ECR), in writing. - The single market is the greatest tool for economic growth the EU has; unlocking the full potential of the single market and improving its effectiveness are goals which I can fully support. Given that this European Semester report takes note of the important role of the single market in enhancing growth and proposes to include the single market in the European Semester process, I was able to vote in favour of this report.
Charles Tannock (ECR), in writing. - There has been a grave loss of faith in the growth prospects of the European economy in recent years and, though the pace of recovery is indeed picking up, there is still a long journey ahead. The single market is the most successful achievement of the European Union and has paid real dividends for all Member States. However, there is still scope to further extend single market governance. One area with still much untapped potential for growth is that of the digital market – a continually-growing key sector in the European economy. Improving governance of the digital market will enable us to further cut unnecessary red tape and remove superfluous barriers; and by assisting the digital market to catch up with the free movement of goods, new models of competitiveness will also be encouraged to flourish. I therefore welcome this report and its proposals to inject new vigour into the single market’s existing framework. By sustaining the progress we have already made whilst continuing to encourage growth through better governance, this new framework can prove an important instrument in assisting the EU along its path to economic recovery.
Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – Le semestre européen est un moment décisif pour la coordination des politiques économiques et fiscales. Au cours des derniers mois, l'Union européenne a adopté un grand nombre de directives et de règlements visant à développer le potentiel du marché intérieur.
Comme il est mentionné dans le rapport Cofferati, que je salue, les marchés publics, pour lesquels j'ai été rapporteur, sont un puissant levier pour renforcer le marché européen sur le plan économique et social. Si, d'un côté, ils sont un instrument essentiel pour penser et mettre en œuvre une nouvelle politique industrielle, encore cruellement absente au niveau européen et dans certains cas national, de l'autre, les nouvelles règles sur marchés publics reconnaissent la centralité des droits sociaux et la nécessité de leur rendre l'attention qu’ils méritent.
Il est donc nécessaire que pendant le semestre européen, la Commission européenne et les États membres soient attentifs à prévenir les déséquilibres économiques, et ce à travers des actions courageuses de relance économique.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. - O principal objetivo do presente relatório foca-se na forma como o mercado único opera actualmente na União Europeia, tendo em consideração a próxima Análise Anual do Crescimento (AAC) e as acções prioritárias a nível nacional e europeu. A governação do mercado único foi colocada como uma das principais prioridades da agenda política europeia, graças a várias iniciativas da Comissão Europeia e do Parlamento Europeu, com o apoio constante do Conselho Europeu. Assim, para o reforço da governação do mercado único há que coordenar as políticas económicas e de emprego, de forma a estimular a economia real. A AAC de 2013 é um primeiro passo, pois inclui um relatório sobre o estado da integração do Mercado Único, onde são indicados os problemas e insuficiências do mesmo. São também estabelecidas as prioridades relacionadas com a economia real e quais as medidas a tomar par estimular o crescimento e a competitividade. Realço ainda a organização do mês do mercado único, entre 23 de setembro e 23 de outubro de 2013, onde se juntaram vários cidadãos europeus, especialistas e líderes da UE, em vários debates e eventos de forma a encontrar ideias para o futuro do mercado único.
Ruža Tomašić (ECR), napisan. - Podupirem nastojanja izvjestitelja da Komisiju pozove na uspostavu učinkovitijeg jedinstvenog tržišta utemeljenog na tržišnom gospodarstvu, te na uspostavu godišnjeg ciklusa upravljanja. Iznimno pozitivnim držim onaj dio izvješća koji izražava mišljenje da bi nacionalni parlamenti trebali preuzeti proaktivniju ulogu u radu Semestra, te da bi Komisija prije podnošenja prijedloga trebala proći detaljno savjetovanje i procjenu učinka. Također se slažem s konstatacijom da su sektori usluga, finacijskih usluga, prometa, energetskog sektora i digitalnog tržišta presudni da bi se ostvario rast. Stoga sam glasovala za.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. - Am votat pentru rezoluția referitoare la guvernarea pieței unice în cadrul semestrului european din 2014. Comisia a identificat serviciile, serviciile financiare, transportul, energia și piața digitală ca fiind domenii-cheie pentru îmbunătățirea funcționării și aprofundării pieței unice. De asemenea, o structură europeană de transport, accesibilă și eficientă, o industrie europeană ambițioasă și crearea unei piețe unice în domeniul energiei, care să sprijine competitivitatea întreprinderilor europene și să garanteze pentru familii și consumatori un acces universal la un preț accesibil la energie, sunt vitale pentru piața unică a UE. Susțin faptul că reindustrializarea ar trebui să fie o prioritate trans-sectorială pentru Uniune. Politica industrială ar trebui să cuprindă asigurarea aplicării normelor pieței unice, o strategie globală privind dimensiunea externă a pieței unice, cu un accent deosebit pe politici coerente de protecție a consumatorului și pe un acces îmbunătățit la capital și infrastructuri în vederea sporirii competitivității întreprinderilor și facilitării accesului acestora la noi piețe. Subliniem faptul că, prin eliminarea barierelor din calea liberei circulații a persoanelor, a bunurilor, a serviciilor și a capitalurilor, piața unică oferă întreprinderilor posibilitatea de a desfășura activități pe scară mai largă, consolidându-le astfel capacitatea de inovare, de investiții, de creștere a productivității și de creare de locuri de muncă.
Oleg Valjalo (S&D), napisan. - Poštovana gospođo predsjedavajuća, dvije su stvari koje ovdje želim posebno naglasiti, a istaknuo ih je u svojem izlaganju jutros i naš kolega, izvjestitelj Sergio Gaetano Cofferati. Prije svega, podržavam poziv Europskoj komisiji da osnaži upravljanje jedinstvenim tržištem Europske unije, i to uspostavom posebnoga godišnjeg ciklusa za upravljanje jedinstvenim tržištem.
Takav nam je ciklus potreban, i to kao zaseban stup Europskoga semestra: stup koji bi trebao biti usmjeren na utvrđivanje prioritetnih politika i mjera za poticanje i oživljavanje realnoga gospodarstva. Kao drugo, želim vrlo jasno reći da je sloboda kretanja radnika ključan preduvjet za uspjeh jedinstvenoga unutarnjeg tržišta. Ova je sloboda u nekim zemljama članicama u posljednjim mjesecima stavljena pod znak pitanja i smatram da se protiv toga trebamo odlučno i konzistentno boriti. Bez slobode kretanja, nema uspješnoga tržišta ujedinjene Europe! Drago mi je da i kolega Cofferati na tome inzistira i vrlo rado podržavam njegovo izvješće.
Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – J'ai voté contre ce rapport relatif à la gouvernance du marché unique dans le cadre du semestre européen dont le titre se suffit à lui-même.
Ce rapport plaide pour le "respect intégral des libertés économiques" - on sait de quelles "libertés" il s'agit - et analyse l'approfondissement du marché unique comme seul moyen de "sortie de crise". Comble de l'hypocrisie, ce rapport affirme que "la coordination des priorités du marché unique dans le contexte du semestre européen devrait être ancrée dans un processus démocratique plus approfondi avec la pleine participation des parlements nationaux et le respect des prérogatives du Parlement européen", en accord avec les gesticulations du PPE et du PSE qui parlent d'"impératif démocratique" pour mieux voter tous les blancs-seings à la Commission européenne.
Le semestre européen est l'un des instruments majeurs des politiques d'austérité, celui qui permet le contrôle des politiques budgétaires. Il est la négation même de tout contrôle démocratique puisqu'il réduit à néant l'un des pouvoirs majeurs, il le supprime.
Nikola Vuljanić (GUE/NGL), napisan. - Još uvijek nemamo standardizirane zakone koji bi odredili minimum pravila koja vrijede u svim zemljama. Pa tako ako neki proizvođač napravi testiranje svoga proizvoda u jednoj državi članici EU-a, to bi isto trebalo vrijediti u svima. To sada nije slučaj i to smeta slobodnom protoku roba, kapitala i usluga. Ogroman je problem i sloboda kretanja ljudi jer se i danas uvode određeni periodi čekanja za druge države članice.
Sve to dovodi do pitanja je li jedinstveno tržište samo mit kojeg koristimo jedino u teoriji europskih politika? Veliku ulogu u jedinstvenom tržištu igraju i banke a neslužbene informacije kruže kako EU odustaje od strože regulacije banaka, dok s druge strane velike države iz kojih i dolaze najveće europske banke pripremaju svoja pravila. Dakle, EU nije u stanju ni donijeti jedinstvena pravila u bankarskom sektoru. Kako je onda uopće moguće jedinstveno tržište? Jedinstveno tržište koje dobro funkcionira je utemeljeno na konkurentnom socijalnom tržišnom gospodarstvu, naglasak je na socijalnom a ne pohlepno-kapitalističkom, i tek je onda moguć rast i razvoj. Naravno da nismo razvili socijalno tržište, niti se trudimo. Jedino se donose strategije koje ničemu ne služe.
Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. - Der vorgelegte Bericht behandelt die Vollendung des europäischen Binnenmarktes und betont in diesem Kontext die Auswirkungen auf nachhaltiges Wirtschaftswachstum. Besonders Schlüsselbereiche wie Dienstleistungen, Finanzdienstleistungen, Verkehr, Energie und der digitale Markt sollen in Anbetracht der zu verbessernden Wirtschafts- und Beschäftigungspolitik vermehrt koordiniert werden. In diesem Sinne ist der Bericht durchaus zu befürworten und sollte angenommen werden.
Jacek Włosowicz (EFD), na piśmie. - Rynek wewnętrzny Unii Europejskiej uzyskał, dzięki Jednolitemu Aktowi Europejskiemu, wymiar wspólnotowy, który został jeszcze bardziej wzmocniony w wyniku Traktatu z Maastricht z 1992 r. i Traktatu Amsterdamskiego z 1997 r. Zasadnicza większość decyzji podejmowanych przez Radę UE, dotyczących problematyki rynku wewnętrznego, zapada kwalifikowaną większością głosów. Odstępstwa od tej zasady dotyczą przede wszystkim polityki podatkowej, przepływu osób oraz interesów i praw pracowników. Idea jednolitego rynku, bez wewnętrznych granic państwowych, opiera się na wysokim poziomie wzajemnego zaufania oraz na równoważności systemów regulacyjnych. Każde znaczące niepowodzenie w stosowaniu wspólnych zasad w jakiejkolwiek części jednolitego rynku stwarza zagrożenie dla reszty systemu i podważa jego integralność. Dlatego Komisja Europejska ma obowiązek bacznego czuwania nad przestrzeganiem reguł przez wszystkich uczestników rynku i została wyposażona w instrumenty kontrolno-represyjne wobec rządów państw członkowskich niewykazujących odpowiedniego stopnia zdyscyplinowania. Ostateczną instancją w tym względzie jest Europejski Trybunał Sprawiedliwości.
Iva Zanicchi (PPE), per iscritto. - Il rafforzamento della governance del mercato unico è strettamente legato alla possibilità concreta di istituire un pilastro dedicato nell'ambito del Semestre europeo. Ho pertanto espresso il mio supporto alla relazione del collega Cofferati, secondo cui il coordinamento delle politiche economiche e occupazionali dovrebbe essere completato con un capitolo fondamentale dedicato a tutte le possibili leve atte a stimolare l'economia reale, che altrimenti rimarrebbero fuori dal coordinamento generale del Semestre europeo.
Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. - O PE solicita à Comissão Europeia que defina o mercado único como terceiro pilar do Semestre Europeu, de modo a reforçar a governação do mercado único. Reitera a importância de a Comissão aceder ao pedido do PE de apresentar uma proposta legislativa com metas definidas a execução e a fiscalização do cumprimento da transposição de diretivas por parte dos Estados-Membros e a obrigação dos Estados-Membros de elaborarem e apresentarem à Comissão planos de ação nacionais destinados a implementar os objetivos do que consideram ser a melhoria de funcionamento do mercado único. Para além disso, este relatório é um louvor à liberalização. Considera que o mercado único só será pleno quando for melhorado e aprofundado o mercado único nos sectores da energia, dos transportes, o mercado digital, na legislação relativa aos contratos públicos e concessões. Isto é liberalizar as áreas essenciais ao desenvolvimento económico e social de um país, conduzindo à debilitação dos países economicamente mais vulneráveis, à destruição da sua capacidade produtiva e ao aumento da sua dependência externa.
10.2. Politika súdržnosti (A7-0081/2014 - Vilja Savisaar-Toomast)
Schriftliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. - Aprovo o presente Relatório, concordando com o ponto de vista de que a crise económica, financeira e social suspendeu o processo de convergência, tendo porventura conduzido a um retrocesso, agravando as disparidades entre as regiões e pondo fim a um longo período durante o qual as disparidades regionais no PIB per capita, bem como o desemprego na União Europeia, diminuíram de forma consistente, ao mesmo tempo que as regiões mais vulneráveis da União estão a ser as mais fortemente afetadas. As políticas de consolidação orçamental são insuficientes por si só para impulsionar o crescimento e promover investimentos capazes de gerar empregos de qualidade e sustentáveis. A Comissão e os Estados-Membros necessitam de aumentar o investimento nos domínios do empreendedorismo, da criação de empresas e do trabalho independente a fim de criar mais postos de trabalho. Note-se que as PME e as microempresas empregam cerca de dois terços do total do setor privado na União Europeia. É importante ter em contas as necessidades consideráveis de muitas regiões com índices de desenvolvimento baixos em termos de investimentos em projetos de infraestruturas em setores essenciais como os transportes, as telecomunicações e as energias sustentáveis.
Roberta Angelilli (PPE), per iscritto. - L'attuazione della programmazione 2007/2013 è caratterizzata da risorse ancora non impegnate e non spese, obiettivi della Strategia 2020 lontani dall'essere raggiunti, aumento della quota di popolazione a rischio di povertà ed esclusione sociale. I processi di convergenza si sono arrestati, sono aumentate le disparità regionali, e in molti casi, si è fatto ricorso alla riduzione del cofinanziamento nazionale. È necessaria una maggiore attenzione alla qualità degli investimenti, anche attraverso un maggiore orientamento ai risultati, promuovendo l'impiego di migliori sistemi di valutazione. Occorre finalmente introdurre, come ho più volte proposto con emendamenti e interrogazioni, la possibilità di scorporare dal Patto di stabilità sia gli investimenti pubblici produttivi, per consentire soprattutto alle autorità locali di poter realizzare interventi concreti per il territorio, sia le misure atte a contrastare la disoccupazione giovanile e a promuovere la formazione e l'apprendimento.
Elena Oana Antonescu (PPE), în scris. - Procesul de convergență în UE a întâmpinat greutăți considerabile din pricina crizei economico-financiare, care a afectat în special regiunile defavorizate din Europa. Regresele înregistrate în procesul de instituire a coeziunii interregionale sunt reflectate de accentuarea disparităților la nivelul unor indicatori precum PIB pe cap de locuitor sau rata șomajului. Cetățenii și societățile europene au nevoie de o politică de coeziune coerentă care să trateze, pe lângă absorbția fondurilor europene nerambursabile, eficiența investițiilor în termenii capacității de a crea locuri de muncă, de a oferi asistență pentru IMM-uri și, nu în ultimul rând de a susține dezvoltarea sectorului de cercetare și inovare. Susțin prezenta propunere de rezoluție pentru creșterea transparenței și orientarea politicii de coeziune în baza unor standarde mai bine definite, care să privească în detaliu rezultatele obținute. Susțin abordarea prioritară a liniilor de finanțare și a cheltuielilor publice în domeniul educației, cercetării și inovării dar și a combaterii efectelor șomajului cu scopul de a depăși efectele negative ale crizei economico-financiare.
Pino Arlacchi (S&D), in writing. - I voted in favour of this report, because with this text we stressed the importance of concentrating EU public funding in important areas such as job creation, SMEs, employment, education, research, innovation and sustainable transport. This report underlines the weaknesses of control over the funds and proposes improvements, such as the need to strengthen the transparency of reporting and the quality of programming. Moreover it stresses the importance of analysing the cause of the low absorption rates of the resources, a very well-known problem which is severely damaging the southern regions of Italy, for example.
Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – La politique de cohésion est essentielle pour le développement durable et la cohésion au sein des territoires européens. Ces financements européens représentant des sommes importantes, il est indispensable qu'un suivi rigoureux de la mise en œuvre de cette politique soit opéré. J'ai donc voté en faveur de ce rapport.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. - Balsavau už šį siūlymą, kurio tikslas – įvertinti 7-ąją ir 8-ąją ekonominės, socialinės ir teritorinės sanglaudos pažangos ataskaitas. Valstybių narių atskaitose pateikiama socialinių ir ekonominių iššūkių, su kuriais jos susiduria, ir Europos Sąjungos finansuojamų programų įgyvendinimo apžvalga. Kai kuriose valstybės narės smarkiai atsiliekama tokiose srityse kaip inovacijos, moksliniai tyrimai ir technologinė plėtra, IT paslaugos ir plačiajuostis ryšys, energetika ir gebėjimų stiprinimas. 2007–2013 m. programos turi tvirtų pinigų srauto ir panaudojimo kontrolės mechanizmų, tačiau tikslų nustatymo, stebėsenos ir vertinimo priemonės yra silpnesnės. Todėl ataskaitų stiprioji vieta — lėšų panaudojimas, tačiau jose sunkiai pavyksta įtikinamai išdėstyti kiekybinę informaciją apie pažangą įgyvendinant tikslus. Pritariu išdėstytiems siūlymams, kad siekiant didinti ataskaitų skaidrumą, programavimo ir jo įgyvendinimo kokybę, Europos Komisija ir valstybės narės turi visapusiškiau naudotis stebėsenos ir vertinimo priemonėmis (griežtesnis orientavimasis į rezultatus, programoms specialiai skirtų rezultatų rodiklių pasirinkimas ir aiški rezultatų sistema).
Marino Baldini (S&D), napisan. - Cilj kohezijske politike Europske unije jest smanjenje razlika među regijama, zaostalosti zapostavljenih regija te gospodarska, socijalna i teritorijalna kohezija koja potiče uravnoteženiji i održiviji teritorijalni razvoj. Ona je ključni instrument postizanja ciljeva Strategije Europa 2020.
Izvješće gđe. Savisaar-Toomast naglašava činjenicu kako problemi u provođenju programa kohezijske politike postoje u zemljama članicama te su oni različitog intenziteta. Osim toga, izvješća zemalja članica daju jasan pregled socio – ekonomskih izazova s kojima se iste suočavaju, pa su navedena kašnjenja u području istraživanja i inovacija, željezničkog prometa, IT usluga, energije te izgradnje kapaciteta. Budući bi kohezijski programi trebali staviti naglasak na investicije koje potiču rast i zapošljavanje, odnosno otvaranje novih radnih mjesta.
Podržavam izvješće te smatram presudnim usmjeriti napore na financiranje specifičnih područja kao što su zapošljavanje, posebice mladih, obrazovanje i usavršavanje, društvena uključenost, inovativnost malih i srednjih poduzeća, energetska učinkovitost te izgradnja ICT infrastrukture i digitalizacija.
Francesca Barracciu (S&D), per iscritto. - Con la relazione approvata quest'oggi quest'Aula ha ribadito un concetto a me molto caro e che nei mesi scorsi è stato alla base di un impegno e di un lavoro politico svolto sui nuovi regolamenti della politica di coesione per il 2014-2020, quel principio per cui i programmi della politica di coesione dovrebbero definire le proprie priorità di investimento tenendo in debito conto le condizioni specifiche di ciascuna regione, anche in merito agli obiettivi definiti dalla strategia Europa 2020.
Un principio simile era stato sostenuto dal Parlamento per riconoscere che nella spesa delle risorse del Fondo europeo di sviluppo regionale si tenesse conto della condizione di "insularità" e dunque di strutturale svantaggio competitivo di diverse regioni europee. Tuttavia, quel riconoscimento, che definirei sacrosanto, fu respinto in sede di trilogo da Commissione e Consiglio e l'occasione odierna, nonché il voto su questa relazione, sono l'occasione per ribadire la mia profonda insoddisfazione per quella decisione che non ha voluto tener conto della peculiare e specifica situazione che milioni di cittadini europei residenti nelle isole si trovano a dover vivere.
Erik Bánki (PPE), írásban. - Az Európai Parlament a mai plenáris ülésén jelentést fogadott el a 2007–2013 közötti időszak kohéziós politikai programjainak végrehajtásáról. A válság következtében a munkahelyteremtés elsőszámú prioritássá vált. 2014-től több eszköz áll rendelkezésre a foglalkoztatás támogatására, új munkahelyek létesítésére, különös tekintettel a fiatalok foglalkoztatása, és a jelentős munkahely-teremtési potenciállal bíró kis- és középvállalkozások támogatása terén. Magyarország az uniós források 60%-át közvetlenül gazdaságfejlesztésre fordítja 2014 és 2020 között. A Gazdaságfejlesztési és Innovációs Operatív Program keretében mintegy 580 milliárd forint szolgálja a vállalkozások versenyképességének javítását és foglalkoztatását, továbbá közel 600 milliárd forint jut a foglalkoztatás ösztönzésére és a vállalati alkalmazkodóképesség fejlesztésére.
Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. - Am votat în favoarea acestui raport care conține o serie de concluzii importante referitoare la politica de coeziune în perioada 2007-2013 și de asemenea utile, dat fiind faptul că politica de coeziune continuă să reprezinte principala sursă de finanțare publică a UE în cadrul financiar multianual 2014-2020. Aceste concluzii sunt importante în special în contextul în care criza economică, financiară și socială a încetinit puternic procesul de convergență, agravând în acest fel disparitățile dintre regiuni. Evaluările raportului au un rol important în dezbaterile viitoare în domeniu și ar trebui să reprezinte un punct de plecare, bazat pe lecții și experiențe anterioare, în îmbunătățirea implementării obiectivelor stabilite.
Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. - Ho trovato la relazione della collega Savisaar-Toomast condivisibile e senza particolari criticità, per cui l'ho sostenuta col mio voto.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. - Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, nes juo Parlamentas prisideda prie praėjusio laikotarpio Sanglaudos politikos įvertinimo. Sanglaudos politika yra pagrindinis ES pažangaus, tvaraus ir integracinio augimo strategijos „Europa 2020“ įgyvendinimo mechanizmas, todėl yra būtina įvertinti, kaip buvo pasiekti praėjusio programavimo laikotarpio 2007–2013[nbsp ]m. tikslai. Tai yra ypač svarbu todėl, kad šis laikotarpis sutapo su ekonomine, finansine bei socialine krize, taigi yra būtina išanalizuoti, kaip Sanglaudos politika ir lėšos padėjo kovoti su krize, ir kaip iki šiol prisideda prie ekonomikos augimo skatinimo. Dėl fiskalinio konsolidavimo sanglaudos politikos vaidmuo vis dar auga – daugelyje mažiau išsivysčiusių valstybių narių ir regionų sanglaudos finansavimas sudaro daugiau kaip pusę jų viešųjų investicijų. Būtent todėl naujojoje sanglaudos politikos sistemoje 2014-2020[nbsp ]m. visas dėmesys turi būti skiriamas būtinybei regionų ir vietos lygmenimis sutelkti investicijas į svarbias sritis, pvz., darbo vietų kūrimą, MVĮ, užimtumą (visų pirma jaunimo užimtumą), darbo jėgos judumą, mokymą ir švietimą, mokslinius tyrimus, technologijų plėtrą ir inovacijas.
Vito Bonsignore (PPE), per iscritto. - La relazione ricostruisce con precisione le dinamiche prodotte dalla crisi sui processi di convergenza e l'esigenza di ricalibrare le politiche di coesione tenendo conto delle nuove emergenze, in particolare l'esclusione sociale, la disoccupazione giovanile e di genere, l'aumento di nuovi poveri nonché l'erosione dei redditi e della qualità della vita dei ceti medi. La condivido con voto favorevole. Concordo che, in tempi di necessaria attenzione sugli investimenti pubblici, l'enfasi vada spostata dall'assorbimento sul monitoraggio e sui risultati nel dettaglio dei singoli progetti finanziati sui fondi europei. Un solido meccanismo di responsabilità, quale quello compreso nei contratti di partnership per il nuovo ciclo, può aiutare anche a migliorare la finalizzazione della spesa, che talvolta è carente soprattutto per l'inefficienza e la povertà progettuale degli attori a livello locale. Bisogna cioè – giusto il punto 7 della relazione – rafforzare il coinvolgimento degli enti locali premiando la capacità di investire e spendere bene i fondi disponibili. Desidero infine associarmi ad alcune indicazioni del relatore e della Commissione circa la necessità di integrare parametri e politiche di accesso, alla luce di analisi più puntuali sugli aspetti di vulnerabilità delle singole regioni candidate.
Philippe Boulland (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté pour les septième et huitième rapports d'étape de la Commission sur la politique de cohésion de l'Union européenne et rapport stratégique 2013 concernant la mise en œuvre des programmes 2007-2013. En effet, depuis la crise de 2008, les écarts de développement entre les régions européennes se sont accentués. Ce projet de rapport recommande l'investissement dans des projets d'infrastructures, notamment grâce au soutien de la politique de cohésion pour lutter contre les disparités régionales et les effets de la crise sur les populations menacées de pauvreté et d'exclusion.
Arkadiusz Tomasz Bratkowski (PPE), na piśmie. - Sprawozdania Komisji Europejskiej z postępów unijnej polityki spójności opisują stopień realizacji celów strategii Europa 2020. Niestety siódme i ósme sprawozdania z postępów wskazują na niewielki postęp w dążeniu do wzrostu gospodarczego, który scharakteryzować można jako inteligentny i zrównoważony, a także sprzyjający włączeniu społecznemu. Za największe przeszkody w osiągnięciu właściwego rozwoju uznano w sprawozdaniach duże różnice, które wciąż występują między regionami UE, a także kryzys ekonomiczny, który od 2008 r. bardzo spowolnił wzrost gospodarczy, wpływając na podwyższenie stopy bezrobocia, a w rezultacie prowadząc do natężenia poziomu ubóstwa i wykluczenia społecznego w wielu krajach członkowskich. Sprawozdanie strategiczne dotyczące realizacji programów w latach 2007-2013 pokazuje natomiast, jak wiele korzyści przyniosły działania wdrażane w ramach Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego, Funduszu Spójności oraz Europejskiego Funduszu Rozwoju Regionalnego, wskazując jednocześnie problemy i opóźnienia w obszarach takich jak badania naukowe i innowacja.
Posługując się uzyskanymi z ww. sprawozdań informacjami, Komisja Europejska musi zintensyfikować wysiłki w dążeniu do realizacji celów strategii Europa 2020. Aby pomóc naszym regionom, musimy umożliwić im efektywne wykorzystywanie funduszy dostępnych w ramach polityki spójności, a także zwiększyć wsparcie dla inwestycji prowadzących zarówno bezpośrednio, jak i pośrednio do powstawania nowych miejsc pracy.
Jan Březina (PPE), písemně. - Politika soudržnosti je ve víceletém finančním rámci na období 2014–2020 i nadále hlavním zdrojem veřejného financování EU a nový rámec politiky soudržnosti klade veškerý důraz na potřebu soustředit investice na regionální a místní úrovni do vytváření pracovních míst, podpory malých a středních podniků, zaměstnanosti, zejména zaměstnanosti mladých lidí, pracovní mobility, odborné přípravy a vzdělávání, výzkumu a inovací, udržitelné dopravy, udržitelné energetiky, životního prostředí a rozvoje měst. Komise a členské státy musí zvýšit investice v oblasti podnikání, začínajících podniků a samostatně výdělečné činnosti jako prostředku pro vytváření většího počtu pracovních míst, zejména proto, že malé a střední podniky a mikropodniky poskytují více než dvě třetiny pracovních míst v soukromém sektoru EU. Je důležité vzít v úvahu významné potřeby mnoha méně rozvinutých regionů, pokud jde o investice do projektů infrastruktury v základních odvětvích, jako je doprava, telekomunikace a energetika.
Minodora Cliveti (S&D), în scris. - Politica de coeziune reprezintă principala sursă de finanțare publică a UE în contextul cadrului financiar multianual 2014-2020, iar noul cadru al politicii de coeziune pune un mare accent pe necesitatea de a concentra investițiile la nivel regional și local pe un număr restrâns de domenii considerate cele mai importante, cum ar fi crearea de locuri de muncă, IMM-urile, ocuparea forței de muncă (în special în rândul tinerilor), mobilitatea forței de muncă, formarea și educarea, cercetarea și inovarea etc. Comisia și statele membre trebuie să crească investițiile în domeniul antreprenorial, al înființării de noi întreprinderi și al activităților independente, ca mijloc de a crea mai multe locuri de muncă, în special având în vedere că IMM-urile și microîntreprinderile reprezintă peste două treimi din totalul locurilor de muncă din sectorul privat la nivelul UE. De asemenea, Comisia și statele membre trebuie să adopte politici favorabile creșterii, care să acorde prioritate cheltuielilor din domeniul educației, al învățării pe tot parcursul vieții, al cercetării și inovării, deoarece măsurile de austeritate nu sunt suficiente pentru a combate criza economică actuală.
Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. - Il piano previsto per il periodo 2014-2020 nell'ambito della politica di coesione consentirà di destinare una cifra di circa 352 miliardi di euro alle regioni, alle città dell'UE e all'economia reale, col fine ultimo di promuovere uno sviluppo armonioso ed equilibrato dell'Unione, riducendo le disuguaglianze persistenti al suo interno. Attraverso tali fondi l'Unione riuscirà a rendere concreti gli obiettivi della strategia Europa 2020, come l'aumento della crescita e dell'occupazione, la lotta contro i mutamenti climatici, la riduzione della dipendenza energetica da paesi terzi o il potenziamento del Welfare State.
Ho dato il mio voto favorevole poiché tra le misure prese in considerazione, molte di esse saranno volte al miglioramento delle possibilità di occupazione giovanile, tema che in un momento storico difficile come quello attuale rischia di avere una connotazione di cronicità. Il provvedimento, inoltre, sarà rivolto a destinatari come le PMI e le microimprese, i cui lavoratori ricoprono complessivamente 2/3 dell'occupazione dell'Unione. Ciò garantirà loro finanziamenti e sostegni in previsione di nuove assunzioni ed investimenti in tal senso. Queste misure permetteranno all'Europa di ritornare a correre, facendo sì che diminuiscano le differenze tra le varie regioni in essa presenti.
William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD), in writing. - UKIP voted against this report as it concerns regional policy and the concomitant transfer of funds; the report does acknowledge the role of the euro crisis but quite fails to bring out the vitally important issue of productivity.
Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Ce texte traite des septième et huitième rapports d'étape de la Commission sur la politique de cohésion de l'Union européenne et du rapport stratégique 2013 concernant la mise en œuvre des programmes 2007-2013. Il souligne à juste titre que les difficultés liées à la crise économique en Europe ont contribué à davantage creuser les écarts et les inégalités au sein de l'Union européenne. C'est pourquoi, je soutiens qu'il est nécessaire de procéder à une rationalisation des ressources allouées à la politique de cohésion, en mettant la priorité sur la relance de l'emploi et de l'inclusion sociale.
Francesco De Angelis (S&D), per iscritto. - Ho votato in favore di questa relazione perché la politica di coesione è lo strumento decisivo per la realizzazione della strategia Europa 2020. Tale relazione valuta come, nel contesto della politica di coesione, le regioni e le città possano contribuire ai diversi tipi di crescita previsti da Europa 2020. Essa calcola la distanza delle città e delle regioni dagli obiettivi nazionali per il 2020 proposti all'interno dei programmi nazionali di riforma.
I futuri programmi di coesione dovranno rispecchiare queste diversità per concentrare al meglio le risorse, massimizzare l'efficacia ed affrontare i problemi dove sono più gravi. In base a queste considerazioni i futuri programmi di coesione daranno particolare enfasi agli incentivi alla crescita ed agli investimenti a favore della creazione di posti di lavoro. Una riduzione netta della disoccupazione sarà possibile solo attraverso politiche mirate e una ripresa stabile.
Christine De Veyrac (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce texte, car il est opportun pour l'Union de poursuivre les efforts réalisés en matière de politique de cohésion afin de pouvoir atteindre les objectifs de 2020. C'est pourquoi il est primordial pour mener à bien cette mission de concentrer les efforts en sélectionnant les priorités d'investissement tout en mettant l'accent sur les besoins spécifiques de nos territoire. Enfin, il demeure important de veiller à ce que les arbitrages et les synergies entre les différents types d'investissements soient reflétés et respectés dans cette politique de cohésion.
Tamás Deutsch (PPE), írásban. - Savisaar-Toomast jelentéstervezetében kiemelte, hogy a gazdasági és pénzügyi válság az Unió gyengébb régióit érintette különösen súlyosan, és a költségvetési konszolidációra irányuló intézkedések egyrészt csökkentették a növekedést elősegítő kiadásokat, másrészt megnövelték a kohéziós politika szerepét és jelentőségét. A kevésbé fejlett tagállamok és régiók közül sokan ezért nagymértékben függnek a kohéziós politikai finanszírozástól. Öt módosító indítvánnyal láttam szükségesnek kiegészíteni a jelentéstervezetet.
Fontosnak tartom hangsúlyozni, hogy, tekintettel a kevésbé fejlett tagállamok és régiók kohéziós politikai forrásoktól való nagymértékű függésére, minden potenciális makrogazdasági szankció előtt a szankciók tagállamok fejlődésére gyakorolt negatív hatását mérlegelni kell. Nyomatékosítottam, hogy (amint az a jelentéstervezet is megerősíti) a kohéziós politika több, mint egy eszköz az Európa 2020 Stratégia céljainak elérésére. Nem szabad megfeledkeznünk a gazdasági, társadalmi és területi kohézió céljairól.
Egyetértek a többszintű kormányzás fontosságával, de a regionális és helyi szintek bevonása nem járhat az adminisztratív terhek túlzott növekedésével. Végezetül kiemeltem, hogy az Európai Szociális Alap leginkább akkor tudja elősegíteni a foglalkoztatási célok teljesülését, amikor használatát az Európai Regionális Fejlesztési Alap használatával kombinálják. Örülök, hogy más kollégák is fontosnak tartották ezt a szempontot, és például azt javasolták módosító indítványokkal, hogy a Bizottság elemezze az Európai Szociális Alap hatékonyságát, munkanélküliségre és munkahelyteremtésre gyakorolt hatását.
Diane Dodds (NI), in writing. - As we look toward a new EU Cohesion Policy for 2014-2020, I believe it is positive that this report restates the importance of ESF and ERDF funding for creating employment, reducing social exclusion and ending educational underachievement in our society. In my own constituency, Northern Ireland, in areas such as the Shankill in North Belfast, unemployment among young people is soaring. This report rightly highlights the fact that funding should better engage poorly-trained young people in order to improve access to employment or further education. This is vital to giving these young people a true stake in society. I am hopeful that the new PEACE IV Programme, which I and my party have long lobbied for, will promote projects that tackle these deficiencies.
Rosa Estaràs Ferragut (PPE), por escrito. - Los informes séptimo y octavo de progreso de la Comisión Europea sobre la política de cohesión de la UE denotan un crecimiento de las disparidades en materia de desarrollo entre las regiones europeas como consecuencia de la crisis económica. Continúan estableciendo que las regiones de convergencia no son capaces de superar sus dificultades por sí solas y que las regiones en transición deben continuar sus esfuerzos para cumplir los objetivos de la Estrategia Europa 2020. Por último, dictaminan que se debe intensificar la interacción entre las ciudades y las regiones en busca del interés mutuo de lograr un crecimiento regional. Una vez establecido este análisis, el proyecto de informe formula sugerencias para paliar dichos problemas, como son la supervisión continua de la aplicación de la Estrategia Europa 2020 o la inversión en proyectos de infraestructura (en particular, a través del apoyo a la política de cohesión), advirtiendo que los instrumentos de evaluación utilizados por la Comisión son insuficientes, y no suficientemente precisos, y que la dependencia de algunos Estados miembros y regiones de los Fondos de Cohesión es preocupante. En consonancia con la pertinencia de estas medidas, expreso mi apoyo al informe.
Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. - As disparidades de desenvolvimento entre as regiões europeias têm aumentado como resultado da crise económica e financeira que grassa na Europa desde, pelo menos, 2008. No interesse de perseguir um triplo objetivo de crescimento (crescimento inteligente, sustentável e inclusivo), com base na investigação e inovação, a utilização ótima e racional dos recursos energéticos europeus e potencial, e uma política pró-ativa de criação de emprego, a Comissão pretende tomar medidas no âmbito da Política de Coesão, com o apoio dos órgãos regionais europeus. No entanto, as conclusões do relatório destacam o facto de que as regiões de convergência não são capazes de superar sozinhas as suas dificuldades e que a interação entre as cidades (economicamente vibrantes, mas onde os riscos de pobreza e de exclusão são maiores) e as regiões devem ser reforçadas de modo a prosseguir um interesse comum. O projeto de relatório tem como objetivo apoiar o acompanhamento contínuo da implementação da Estratégia Europa 2020. A dependência de alguns Estados-Membros e regiões face aos fundos de coesão é preocupante, havendo que combater as disparidades regionais e os efeitos da crise sobre os grupos em risco de pobreza e exclusão.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne. - V rámci politiky súdržnosti môžu jednotlivé regióny a mestá prispieť k trom typom rastu stratégie Európa 2020. Hlavným cieľom predmetnej správy je pomenovať, aké kroky je nevyhnuté spraviť, aby sa mestá a regióny priblížili k naplneniu cieľov Európa 2020, ktoré boli navrhnuté v národných reformných programoch. Priblíženie miest a regiónov k predmetným cieľom závisí od viacerých faktorov ako sociálnych rozdieloch v krajine, alebo od očakávanej rýchlosti zmien. Programy politiky súdržnosti by mali vyberať investičné priority s[nbsp ]ohľadom na východiskové pozície konkrétnych regiónov a miest vo vzťahu k cieľom uvedeným v stratégií Európa 2020. Programy politiky súdržnosti umožňujú navrhnúť konkrétne stratégie, ktoré sa integrovaným spôsobom zamerajú na špecifické potreby jednotlivých území, a môžu tak odrážať kompromisy a synergické pôsobenie medzi rôznymi typmi investícií. Je veľmi dôležité zohľadniť významné potreby menej rozvinutých miest a regiónov a investovať do ich infraštruktúry.
Elisabetta Gardini (PPE), per iscritto. - Il contesto, con una crisi economica che sta mettendo in ginocchio lavoratori e categorie imprenditoriali, è cambiato e di conseguenza è necessario cambiare il nostro approccio per fare in modo che la politica europea di coesione sia realmente efficace. Le differenze in termini di PIL pro capite e disoccupazione a livello regionale sono sempre più marcate. È necessario mettere in campo azioni concrete, che non si limitino al mero assistenzialismo. Concentriamo le risorse su settori di rilievo puntando alla qualità. È fondamentale operare per obiettivi differenziati secondo le caratteristiche regionali e interregionali focalizzandosi sull'attività imprenditoriale. La ripresa e l'occupazione passano dal nostro tessuto imprenditoriale.
Małgorzata Handzlik (PPE), na piśmie. - Dla Polski polityka spójności w latach 2014-2020 w dalszym ciągu pozostanie głównym źródłem finansowania publicznego w takich obszarach jak między innymi: zatrudnienie (szczególnie zatrudnienie młodzieży), mobilność pracowników, edukacja i szkolenia, MŚP, badania, rozwój technologiczny i innowacje, ICT, zrównoważony transport, energia, środowisko, rozwój obszarów miejskich i dużych miast. Polityka spójności odgrywa również kluczową rolę w zwiększaniu konkurencyjności Unii Europejskiej poprzez skoncentrowanie się na dziedzinach polityki, które zapewniają trwałe zatrudnienie dobrej jakości oraz włączenie społeczne, co jest szczególnie ważne w czasie zmagań z konsekwencjami kryzysu gospodarczego. Polityka spójności, wdrażając zintegrowane programy regionalne i miejskie we współpracy z władzami regionalnymi i lokalnymi, podmiotami gospodarczymi, partnerami społecznymi, jak i społeczeństwem obywatelskim, jest również najważniejszym instrumentem realizacji celów wyznaczanych przez strategię „Europa 2020”. Dlatego tak ważne jest dążenie do poprawy przejrzystości sprawozdawczości, jakości sporządzania programów, ich wdrażania oraz uwzględnienia zgodności ustanawianych priorytetów ze specyfiką oraz potrzebami na szczeblu krajowym, regionalnym i lokalnym.
Ian Hudghton (Verts/ALE), in writing. - I voted in favour of this report. The economic crisis has resulted in a dramatic increase in poverty and social exclusion, and it is clear that employment and social inclusion must be prioritised in the EU’s activities.
María Irigoyen Pérez (S&D), por escrito. - Como sabemos, la crisis económica y financiera ha provocado que los Estados realicen recortes en la cofinanciación de los Fondos Estructurales y de Cohesión como consecuencia de los ajustes presupuestarios, provocando una paralización del proceso de convergencia y agravando las disparidades entre las regiones y la calidad de vida de los ciudadanos. Es una realidad que la política de austeridad tiene un efecto perverso sobre la cohesión y contribuye al aumento de las desigualdades en la Unión Europea. Además, no basta por sí sola para favorecer el crecimiento y la creación de empleo sostenible y de calidad. Por ello, hago un llamamiento, una vez más, para pedir que no se haga uso de las sanciones macroeconómicas, que castigan doblemente a las regiones y a los ciudadanos. Por último, pido a la Comisión que, en primer lugar, analice las causas de los escasos índices de absorción y del retraso en la ejecución de los créditos disponibles y, en segundo lugar, se garantice que se está aplicando correctamente la Directiva sobre el pago tardío con respecto a beneficiarios de proyectos y se adoptan las medidas adecuadas para reducir los retrasos en los pagos.
Lívia Járóka (PPE), in writing. - Disparities in development between European regions have increased as a result of the economic and financial crisis, and convergence regions are not able to overcome their difficulties alone. It is necessary to boost infrastructure investments, in particular through cohesion policy support, in order to tackle regional disparities and the effects of the crisis on groups at risk of poverty and exclusion. Different approaches are used by the Member States in preparing for the implementation of the future Cohesion Policy. It is equally vital, however, that Member States and regions take the necessary steps to prepare the partnership agreements and operational programmes in a timely and efficient way so as to be ready to implement the funding as soon as possible, once the agreement on the Common Provisions Regulation is reached. It is vitally important that projects can begin as soon as possible at the start of 2014 so that the use of European funding can be maximised in order to stimulate growth, and consequently social cohesion and inclusion, in the regions that are most in need, as well as to support transition and RCE regions in their efforts to meet the objectives of the Europe 2020 strategy.
Jarosław Kalinowski (PPE), na piśmie. - Praca, którą wykonują samorządy czy organizacje pozarządowe jest nieocenionym narzędziem w realizacji nie tylko strategii „Europa 2020ˮ, ale też wielu innych założeń, zakładających budowanie wspólnej, solidarnej, ale intensywnie rozwijającej się Europy. Sprawozdanie pokazuje, że nie wszystkie kraje czy regiony radzą sobie tak samo dobrze z wdrażaniem programów polityki spójności. Niektóre mają problemy, zwłaszcza jeśli chodzi o najnowsze technologie, dostęp do internetu czy infrastrukturę transportową. Należy zatem podjąć wysiłki mobilizujące do wykonania założeń, wcześniej ustalonych strategii, ale też zmodyfikować je, dostosowując do różnej specyfiki europejskich regionów. Chciałbym poprzeć sprawozdanie, zwłaszcza w zakresie polityki tworzenia nowych miejsc pracy. Po tak wielkim kryzysie najważniejsze jest, by starać się na nowo odbudować gospodarkę oraz pomóc społeczeństwu podnieść się po tym przykrym doświadczeniu. Istotne są wiec programy wspierające przede wszystkim małych i średnich przedsiębiorców, największych motorów usług i przemysłu, co wpłynie pozytywnie na ożywienie ekonomiczne.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. - La politica di coesione è una politica strategica, fondamentale per colmare le distanze tra regioni più e meno sviluppate dell'intera Unione. I programmi della politica di coesione dovranno selezionare le priorità d'investimento, tenendo in considerazione la situazione di partenza di una regione o di una città, in relazione agli obiettivi nazionali per il 2020, identificando le attività da promuovere e quelle da combattere. I futuri programmi di coesione dovranno quindi dare particolare enfasi agli incentivi, alla crescita e agli investimenti a favore della creazione di posti di lavoro per una ripresa stabile e per ridurre la disoccupazione, soprattutto giovanile.
Bogusław Liberadzki (S&D), na piśmie. - Sprawozdanie to ocenia jak w kontekście polityki spójności regiony i miasta mogą przyczynić się do osiągnięcia trzech typów wzrostu przewidzianych w Strategii Europa 2020. Sprawozdanie Parlamentu Europejskiego stwierdza, że programy polityki spójności powinny wybierać swoje priorytety inwestycyjne z uwzględnieniem pozycji wyjściowej regionu lub miasta w stosunku do krajowych celów 2020. Programy polityki spójności są okazją do stworzenia kompleksowej strategii rozwoju ukierunkowanej na konkretne potrzeby i odzwierciedlającej kompromisy oraz zależności pomiędzy różnymi rodzajami inwestycji, co przekłada się na efektywniejsze wykorzystanie środków oraz szybszy rozwój regionów i miast.
Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), în scris. - Am votat în favoarea rezoluției Parlamentului European privind cel de-al 8-lea raport intermediar al Comisiei Europene privind politica de coeziune a UE și raportul strategic 2013 privind implementarea programului 2007-2013. Subscriu ideii că avem nevoie, la nivel european, de o creștere a investițiilor pentru stimularea antreprenoriatului și de un accent mai mare asupra IMM-urilor, ca principali angajatori și creatori de locuri de muncă. Deplâng faptul că, per ansamblu, bugetul pentru politica de coeziune 2014-2020 este mai mic decât în perioada 2007-2013. Cu atât mai mult cu cât nevoile reale de dezvoltare din statele din estul Uniunii sunt imense, în special în România, mai ales în ceea ce privește infrastructura de transport și cea socială, precum cea a spitalelor, a școlilor și a caselor de bătrâni. Nu în ultimul rând, cred că toate statele UE, dar în special membrii mai noi ai Uniunii, printre care și România, trebuie să exploreze sinergiile dintre programele finanțate din fonduri structurale și posibilitățile de finanțare din programe europene ca Erasmus Plus, Cosme, Orizont 2020, programul european pentru sănătate, etc.
Ivana Maletić (PPE), napisan. - Sedmo i osmo izvješće Komisije o napretku pokazuju da su razlike u razvoju između regija Europe povećane zbog gospodarske i financijske krize koja je pogodila većinu zemalja članica EU-a u 2008. godini. U cilju dostizanja trostrukog cilja rasta gospodarstva (pametan, održiv i uključujući rast), temeljenog na istraživanju i inovacijama, optimalnom i racionalnom korištenju europskih energetskih resursa i potencijala, te proaktivnoj politici stvaranja novih radnih mjesta, Komisija poduzima mjere u sklopu ciljeva kohezijske politike.
Međutim, zaključci izvješća istaknuli su da regije u tranziciji i RCE regije trebaju nastaviti sa svojim naporima za ispunjavanje ciljeva EU strategije Europa 2020., te da bi se interakcija između gradova i regija trebala osnažiti zbog obostranog interesa postizanja regionalnog rasta. Podržavam ovo izvješće kojemu je cilj poduprijeti kontinuirano praćenje provedbe strategije Europa 2020. jer naglašava da je ovisnost nekih država članica i regija o kohezijskoj politici zabrinjavajuća i preporučuje ulaganja u projekte izgradnje infrastrukture kako bi se umanjile regionalne razlike i učinci krize na skupine kojima prijeti siromaštvo.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. - I voted in favour of this report because it emphasises that Cohesion Policy programmes should be focused on the individual needs of each territory, but should also be in line with national and European objectives. I support the thinking in the report that funding should be used to boost jobs and growth.
Véronique Mathieu Houillon (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport qui tente de dresser un premier bilan de l'utilisation des fonds structurels dans les régions par rapport aux objectifs tels que la croissance et l'emploi, la mobilité des travailleurs, la formation. Suite au constat d'une accentuation des écarts de développement entre les régions en raison de la crise économique et financière, un investissement davantage orienté vers les projets d'infrastructure serait bénéfique.
Iosif Matula (PPE), în scris. - Politica de coeziune este unul dintre cele mai importante instrumente ce contribuie semnificativ la atingerea obiectivelor programului Europa 2020. Finanțările prin politica de coeziune urmăresc investiții la nivelul regiunilor, iar implementarea lor are loc prin intermediul parteneriatelor între autorități, mediul economic și societatea civilă. Politica de coeziune reprezintă principala sursă de investiții publice în multe state membre, deoarece finanțarea cuprinde mai mult de jumătate din totalul investițiilor publice în regiuni și în mediul urban. Nevoile de investiții sunt diferite. Majoritatea regiunilor mai puțin dezvoltate, printre care se numără și cele din România, se confruntă cu probleme precum infrastructura precară sau inexistentă, în special în domeniul transportului sau al eficienței energetice. Sunt convins că implicarea autorităților locale și regionale la definirea strategiilor naționale de dezvoltare poate contribui la identificarea corectă a provocărilor specifice, reducând sarcinile administrative. Precizez că acordurile de parteneriat stipulează implicarea autorităților menționate și consultarea cu mediul economic, academic și societatea civilă. Creșterea investițiilor în mediul antreprenorial, sprijinul pentru crearea de noi întreprinderi și activități independente reprezintă pârghii vitale pentru dezvoltarea IMM-urilor. Însemnătatea acestui raport este deosebită deoarece îmbunătățirea ocupării și dezvoltarea specializată reprezintă rezultate măsurabile ale acestor investiții.
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. - Em junho de 2010, o Conselho Europeu aprovou a estratégia Europa 2020, a estratégia da UE para um crescimento inteligente, sustentável e inclusivo. A política de coesão é um instrumento fundamental para a concretização da estratégia Europa 2020, com uma longa tradição de elaboração e implementação de programas regionais e urbanos integrados, em parceria com as autoridades regionais e locais, os agentes económicos, os parceiros sociais e a sociedade civil. Pode conferir à Europa 2020 o apoio ativo das autoridades regionais e locais de que necessita para ser coroada de êxito. Por outro lado, a avaliação do impacto das políticas de coesão é essencial para aferirmos a eficácia da sua execução, daí que os relatórios agora avaliados podem ajudar a que no futuro as políticas sejam mais bem direcionadas e tragam mais frutos.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Ce rapport n'est absolument pas critique sur la corrélation entre la politique de cohésion et la stratégie Europe[nbsp ]2020, dont l’objectif est de passer d'une politique de relative solidarité à une politique pompeusement résumée à « l'efficacité/compétitivité ». Tout ceci annonce de mauvais jours aux politiques sociales en Europe pour les sept années à venir. La rapporteure ne met aucunement en relation les choix politiques d’austérité décidés par l’Union européenne et ses gouvernements et la précarisation et paupérisation de nos concitoyens. Une telle hémiplégie politique est consternante. Ainsi, elle s'inquiète des écarts de développement qui demeurent entre les régions, des forts taux de pauvreté, rappelle l’importance du Fonds social européen, mais demande dans le même temps à continuer la « bonne gestion efficace », les « consolidations budgétaires » et autres balivernes libérales. Je remarque néanmoins qu’elle émet quelques réserves sur les sanctions macroéconomiques qui coupent les fonds aux régions si les gouvernements ne respectent pas la doxa néolibérale européenne. Sans suite, je vote contre.
Radvilė Morkūnaitė-Mikulėnienė (PPE), raštu. - ES Sanglaudos politika 2007–2013 metais ir šiuo laikotarpiu įgyta patirtis bei pamokos, išmoktos po padarytų klaidų turi tapti pagrindu Sanglaudos politikos įgyvendinimui naujuoju Finansinės perspektyvos laikotarpiu. Turime lėšas naudoti kuo efektyviau, kadangi problemų daugėja, o lėšų, deja, ne. Todėl raginu lėšas kreipti visų pirma į mūsų pačių ateitį: jaunimo gebėjimų ugdymą bei nedarbo mažinimą, kuriant ir skatinant kurti naujas vietas jaunimui. Juk būtent jaunoji karta turės užtikrinti ES socialinės politikos įgyvendinimą ateityje.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. - Em junho de 2010, o Conselho Europeu aprovou a Estratégia Europa 2020, que tem por base um conjunto de ações e mecanismos que visam um crescimento inteligente, sustentável e inclusivo da União Europeia. Por conseguinte, as autoridades regionais e locais podem prestar uma importante contribuição para esta estratégia, através de ações sob a sua própria responsabilidade e iniciativa. Voto positivamente este relatório, porque a política de coesão é um instrumento fundamental para a concretização da Estratégia Europa 2020, destacando-se o seu importante papel na elaboração e na implementação dos diversos programas regionais e urbanos integrados, assim como as respetivas parcerias entre autoridades regionais e locais, agentes económicos, parceiros sociais e a própria sociedade civil. A política de coesão pode ainda conceder à Europa 2020 o apoio ativo das autoridades regionais e locais determinante na prossecução dos objetivos 2020.
Sandra Petrović Jakovina (S&D), napisan. - Kohezijska politika Europske unije je poluga održivoga gospodarskoga rasta EU-a te ključan instrument Unije pri postizanju plana Europa 2020. Stoga sam podržala ovo izvješće i pozdravljam pozitivne učinke iste vidljive u mnogim regijama i državama članicama. No iako smo svjedoci ubrzanja provedbe kohezijske politike, smatram od iznimne važnosti razmotriti slučajeve neprovođenja programa unutar danog razdoblja te razumjeti probleme s kojima se pojedine regije suočavaju, kako bi se olakšalo daljnje provođenje programa.
Stoga se slažem da je važno uzeti u obzir potrebe mnogih manje razvijenih regija, kojima je pomoć u vidu ulaganja najpotrebnija. Zalažem se za jačanje teritorijalne dimenzije upravljačkog sustava kohezijske politike kako bi se osigurao stvarni dijalog i usklađenost različitih razina upravljanja, a time i doprinijelo uspjehu strategije Europa 2020.
Tonino Picula (S&D), napisan. - Podržavam izvješća o napretku na području kohezijske politike i strateško izvješće iz 2013. o prethodnom programskom razdoblju. Izvješća identificiraju problem narušene globalne konkurentnosti europskoga gospodarstva uslijed razdoblja recesije. Nacionalne restriktivne fiskalne politike u takvim uvjetima bile su nužne, no posljedice ekonomske kontrakcije osjećati će se godinama, a dostatnost javnih sredstava za provedbu strategije Europa 2020. nije sigurna. Izražavam zabrinutost zbog narušene socijalne slike građana u slabije razvijenim državama i regijama EU-a te ovom prilikom želim upozoriti na važnost ekonomskog nesankcioniranja takvih država.
Ovisnost ekonomskog razvoja nekih država o sredstvima kohezijske politike ne smije se zanemariti jer globalna konkurentnost europskoga gospodarstva ovisi upravo o tim državama, stoga pozivam na dosljedno poštivanje načela solidarnosti u novom programskom razdoblju kohezijske politike. Više od 8 milijardi eura raspoloživih sredstava u razdoblju do 2020. godine ključno je za gospodarski razvoj Hrvatske. Smatram da kohezijska politika u Hrvatskoj može biti kvalitetan pokretač ekonomske aktivnosti kroz poticanje zapošljavanja mladih i tržišta rada te promicanje održivoga gospodarstva i rasta.
Andrej Plenković (PPE), napisan. - Kohezijska politika ili kako je još zovemo politika solidarnosti, druga je po izdašnosti u Europskom proračunu a cilj joj je smanjiti regionalnu nejednakost i učiniti gospodarski razvoj održivim u kontekstu globalizacije i dinamičnijeg rasta svih regija EU-a, a posebno prema NUTS II regijama. Kako bi dobili potpunu i jasnu sliku o napretku u provedbi kohezijske politike i napretku prema ostvarenju utvrđenih ciljeva te izvukli jasne pouke iz proteklog razdoblja, potrebna je maksimalna angažiranost država članica u vidu prikupljanja podataka, praćenja i ocjenjivanja koje se treba temeljiti na pouzdanim podacima.
Stoga, podržavam izvješće zastupnika Savisaara-Toomasta o sedmom i osmom izvješću Komisije o napretku na području kohezijske politike EU-a i strateškom izvješću iz 2013. o provedbi programa za razdoblje 2007. – 2013. i smatram kako je potrebno usmjeriti napore i povećati ulaganja na regionalnoj i lokalnoj razini na važnim područjima kao što su stvaranje novih radnih mjesta, malo i srednje poduzetništvo, zapošljavanje (posebno mladih), mobilnosti radne snage, osposobljavanje, istraživanje, održivi promet, okoliš. Iz financijske omotnice u razdoblju 2014. – 2020. za Hrvatsku je predviđeno oko 8,092 milijardi eura za kohezijsku politiku, a imajući na umu da smo nova država članica i obzirom na trenutno lošu gospodarsku situaciju, pred nama je izazov.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. - In favour. Our Group managed to insert the following into the compromise amendments: references to the general principles of partnership and multi-level governance (recital[nbsp ]I) and emphasis on further action to be taken to reinforce the territorial dimension of the governance system of cohesion policy (paragraph[nbsp ]7); enhancing resource efficiency (paragraph[nbsp ]17); and particular attention to be paid to the cultural and creative sectors (paragraph[nbsp ]19).
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. - La politica di coesione deve continuare ad essere un meccanismo efficace per realizzare gli obiettivi previsti dalla Strategia Europa 2020, finalizzati ad ottenere una crescita intelligente, sostenibile e inclusiva. Questo potrà avvenire solo cooperando costantemente per l'attuazione dei programmi regionali e urbani integrati, in cooperazione con le autorità regionali e locali, i principali attori economici, le parti sociali e la società civile.
Vilja Savisaar-Toomast (ALDE), kirjalikult. - Lugupeetud juhataja, lugupeetud kolleegid! Mul on hea meel, et toetasite ühiselt tänasel hääletusel ühtekuuluvuspoliitika raportit, mille raportöör mul oli au olla. Tänan kaasraportööre hea koostöö eest ning komisjoni ametnikke suurepärase toe eest raporti koostamisel.
Ühtekuuluvuspoliitika rahastamise ja selle tulemuste efektiivsuse analüüs on vajalik paremate ja toimivate lahenduste leidmiseks käesoleval eelarveperioodil. Eri meetmete rakendamisel ja analüüsimisel peab silmas pidama regioonide ja piirkondade erinevusi. Ei saa märkimata jätta, et see, mis töötab ühes kohas, ei pruugi saavutada soovitud tulemust teises piirkonnas, mistõttu on vaja suuremat paindlikkust vahendite kasutamise osas. Oluline on ka muuta hindamise aluseid - edukuse mõõdupuuks ei saa olla kasutatud vahendite hulk, vaid pigem nende vahenditega saavutatud tulemused. Vahendeid võib-olla lihtne kulutada, kuid oluline on töökohtade loomine ja eri piirkondade vahelise ebavõrdsuse vähendamine.
Ovidiu Ioan Silaghi (ALDE), în scris. - Am votat în favoarea raportului referitor la cel de al 7-lea și cel de al 8-lea raport intermediar al Comisiei privind politica de coeziune a UE și raportul strategic 2013 privind implementarea programului 2007-2013. Evaluarea joacă un rol esențial în dezbaterea politică și în procesul de învățare, însă chiar dacă furnizarea datelor de monitorizare și a informațiilor legate de implementare îmbunătățește calitatea obiectivelor fixate, calitatea neuniformă a rapoartelor privind progresele înregistrate îngreunează totuși, în multe cazuri, conturarea unei imagini complete și exacte a progreselor făcute în realizarea obiectivelor la nivel regional și local. Criza economică, financiară și socială a stopat procesul de convergență agravând în acest fel disparitățile dintre regiuni și punând capăt unei lungi perioade în care disparitățile regionale, în baza PIB-ului pe cap de locuitor și a șomajului în UE, au scăzut în mod considerabil, afectând, în primul rând, regiunile mai slabe din Uniune. În acest context, este foarte important ca atât Comisia, cât și statele membre să crească investițiile în domeniul antreprenorial, susținând înființarea de noi întreprinderi și activități independente pentru a crea cât mai multe locuri de muncă.
Sergio Paolo Francesco Silvestris (PPE), per iscritto. - La crisi economica ha avuto forti ripercussioni sociali, rischiando di invertire il processo di convergenza e aumentare le differenze tra le regioni europee. La stessa percentuale della popolazione europea a rischio povertà è andata aumentando negli ultimi anni, motivo per cui concordo nel dire che il Fondo sociale europeo (FSE) deve giocare un ruolo di pivot nel ridurre le disparità in termini di capitale umano fra le regioni e nell'aiutare a innalzare i tassi di occupazione.
La politica di coesione deve giocare un ruolo chiave nel contesto del prossimo quadro finanziario pluriennale 2014-2020, concentrandosi sugli investimenti a livello locale e regionale in settori importanti quali la creazione di posti di lavoro, le PMI, l'occupazione (in particolare l'occupazione giovanile), la mobilità del lavoro, la formazione e l'istruzione, la ricerca e l'innovazione, le TIC, il trasporto sostenibile, l'energia sostenibile, l'ambiente, la promozione della capacità istituzionale degli enti pubblici e di un'amministrazione pubblica efficiente, lo sviluppo urbano e le città.
Concordo infine nel dire che, mentre la politica di coesione si è spesso concentrata sull'assorbimento, è importante mettere in luce che la valutazione si deve svolgere nel monitoraggio delle azioni e nella definizione degli obiettivi, mirando a rendere tale politica il più efficiente possibile.
Γεώργιος Σταυρακάκης (S&D), γραπτώς. – Υπερψήφισα την έκθεση ιδίας πρωτοβουλίας σχετικά με τις απόκεντρες περιφέρειες, τα διαρθρωτικά ταμεία και τα άλλα προγράμματα της ΕΕ, μια έκθεση που αναγνωρίζει όλα τα προβλήματα που σχετίζονται με τις εξόχως απόκεντρες περιφέρειες και υπενθυμίζει την ανάγκη για μια πραγματική και βαθιά αλλαγή στη νέα περίοδο προγραμματισμού. H ΕΕ θα πρέπει να χρησιμοποιήσει καλύτερα τα πλεονεκτήματα και τις ευκαιρίες που οι εξόχως απόκεντρες περιφέρειες μπορούν να προσφέρουν στην Ένωση, δεδομένου ότι σε ζητήματα, όπως η αντιμετώπιση της κλιματικής αλλαγής, η έρευνα και τεχνολογία και οι σχέσεις της Ένωσης με τρίτες χώρες, οι περιφέρειες αυτές είναι κεντρικής σημασίας για τα σχέδια ανάπτυξης της Ένωσης και τις προοπτικές της. Από την άλλη μεριά, η ΕΕ ωφελεί να ενισχύσει τις εν λόγω περιφέρειες, καθώς πλήττονται από σοβαρά και μόνιμα φυσικά και δημογραφικά προβλήματα, τα οποία εμποδίζουν την ανάπτυξή τους. Ως εκ τούτου, είναι ουσιώδους σημασίας να υπάρξουν και να προωθηθούν συνέργειες μεταξύ των διαρθρωτικών ταμείων και όλων των άλλων ταμείων, στρατηγικών και πολιτικών της Ένωσης για να μπορέσουν να εκπληρωθούν οι προοπτικές τόσο της Ένωσης όσο και των εξόχως απόκεντρων περιφερειών.
Davor Ivo Stier (PPE), napisan. - Podržao sam ovo izvješće i uglavnom se slažem sa stavovima izvjestiteljice o napretku kohezijske politike EU-a. Ekonomska i socijalna kriza zaustavila je pozitivan trend u kojem su se regionalne nejednakosti unutar Unije prije početka krize smanjivale i istodobno najjače pogodila slabije regije. Kohezijska politika kao izvor javnog ulaganja, posebno na lokalnim i županijskim razinama čini više od polovice svih javnih ulaganja u velikom broju zemalja članica.
Slažem se s ocjenom izvjestiteljice kako u kriznim vremenima proračuni lokalnih i županijskih uprava nisu dostatni za razvojne i infrastrukturne projekte, stoga lokalne zajednice sredstva kohezijskih fondova trebaju ukalkulirati u svoje razvojne planove i koristiti njihove pogodnosti za razvoj. Snažno podržavam stav koji proizlazi iz ovog izvješća kako Komisija i države članice trebaju povećati ulaganja u poduzetništvo, pokretanje tvrtki i samozapošljavanje te kao i izvjestiteljica pozdravljam socijalnu komponentu kohezijske politike u kojoj se potiču vrijednosti obitelji (naročito velikih obitelji i pronatalitetnih politika), te zaštita i skrb za majke, naročito one samohrane i starije osobe.
Kay Swinburne (ECR), in writing. - As an MEP representing Wales, which benefits greatly from cohesion policy funding, I was able to support this report, which assesses the implementation of cohesion programmes for 2007-2013 and looks at how we can best contribute to EU 2020 objectives through the use of ERDF and ESF in 2014-2020. I have spoken many times in this Chamber about the importance of smart, targeted deployment of funds to generate the maximum benefit for our regions and I strongly believe that this is something that we must do better in my own constituency in this new 2014-2020 period.
Dubravka Šuica (PPE), napisan. - Podržavam ovo izvješće jer znamo da je kohezijska politika druga financijski najznačajnija zajednička politika Europske unije. Za financijsko razdoblje od 2007. do 2013. ona je iznosila 308 milijardi eura od 864,3 milijarde eura ukupnoga proračuna EU-a. Politički značaj kohezije je ključan za projekt ujedinjene Europe. S početnog naglaska na postizanje ujednačenog razvitka unutar EU-a, cilj kohezijske politike se s vremenom usmjerio ka jačanju globalne konkurentnosti europskoga gospodarstva. Europsko vijeće odobrilo je strategiju „Europa 2020.” koja ističe ključne ciljeve koje EU želi postići do 2020. godine. Kohezijska politika u budućem razdoblju nastupa nakon velike gospodarske i ekonomske krize.
Ispred nas je veliki izazov kako pokrenuti gospodarstvo i osigurati gospodarski oporavak i povratak stopama rasta. Širenje regionalne nejednakosti usporava razvoj kohezijske politike i pokazuje da su problemi mnogo izraženiji u nekim zemljama Europske unije. Budući kohezijski programi moraju staviti poseban naglasak na smanjivanje tih razlika te na stvaranje novih radnih mjesta. Dolazim iz Hrvatske, koja se nalazi na samome europskome vrhu po stopi nezaposlenosti koja iznosi 21,6% (383 000) te po stopi nezaposlenosti mladih koja iznosi poražavajućih 52%. Zbog toga smatram ovu temu izuzetno bitnom i fokus na kohezijsku politiku mora biti maksimalan.
Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – Sous l'effet de la crise, on assiste à une forte augmentation de la proportion de la population menacée de pauvreté ou d'exclusion sociale, qui vit dans le dénuement matériel, subit la dégradation de l'environnement et des conditions de logement précaires, ou connaît une intensité de travail très faible et est menacée d'exclusion et de précarité énergétique.
Le Fonds social européen concourt à la réduction des écarts de capital humain entre les régions et à l'augmentation des taux d'emploi, car, parallèlement et de manière complémentaire au Fonds européen de développement régional, il contribue à la concrétisation de certaines des grandes priorités actuelles de l'Union, à savoir celles consistant à dynamiser l'emploi des jeunes et le marché du travail, à favoriser une économie et une croissance durables, à réduire le nombre de jeunes en décrochage scolaire, et à lutter contre la pauvreté, la discrimination et l'exclusion sociale.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. - Am votat pentru rezoluţia referitoare la cel de al 7-lea și cel de al 8-lea raport intermediar al Comisiei privind politica de coeziune a UE și raportul strategic 2013 privind implementarea programului 2007-2013. Politica de coeziune continuă să reprezinte principala sursă de finanțare publică a UE în contextul cadrului financiar multianual 2014-2020. Noul cadru al politicii de coeziune subliniază necesitatea de a concentra investițiile la nivel regional și local pe un număr restrâns de domenii considerate cele mai importante, cum ar fi crearea de locuri de muncă, IMM-urile, ocuparea forței de muncă (în special în rândul tinerilor) mobilitatea forței de muncă, formarea și educarea, cercetarea și inovarea, TIC, transportul sustenabil și eliminarea ambuteiajelor, energia sustenabilă, mediul, promovarea capacității instituționale a autorităților publice și a administrației publice eficiente, dezvoltarea urbană și orașele. Considerăm că politicile de consolidare bugetară sunt insuficiente pentru a stimula creșterea și a promova investițiile care generează locuri de muncă de calitate și durabile. De aceea, se impun măsuri de sprijinire a economiei și de încurajare a progresului. Invităm Comisia și statele membre să crească investițiile în domeniul antreprenorial, al înființării de noi întreprinderi și al activităților independente, ca mijloc de a crea mai multe locuri de muncă.
Ruža Tomašić (ECR), napisan. - Pohvaljujem izvjestitelja na vrlo realističnom i izbalansiranom izvješću koje razmatra 7. i 8. izvješće Komisije o napretku, te strateško izvješće 2007. - 2013.
U potpunosti se slažem s izvjestiteljevom tezom da je kohezijska politika značajno narušena ekonomskom, financijskom i socijalnom krizom, koja je ne samo zaustavila napredak onih država članica Unije koje imaju slabije ekonomske pokazatelje, nego dapače dodatno produbila razlike u BDP-u i nezaposlenosti između bogatijih i siromašnijih država članica EU-a.
Posebice pozdravljam poziv Odbora EMPL, čiji sam punopravni član, koji potiče princip supsidijarnosti u provedbi kohezijske politike Unije, i to kroz poziv da se isto najučinkovitije adresira na lokalnoj i regionalnoj razini. Stoga sam glasovala za.
Inese Vaidere (PPE), rakstiski. - Eiropas Komisijas pārskati par kohēzijas politikas ieviešanu liecina, ka ekonomiskās krīzes ietekmē ir padziļinājušās atšķirības starp ES dalībvalstīm kopumā un starp konkrētiem reģioniem tajās. Daudzās dalībvalstīs struktūrfondu un Kohēzijas fonda finansētajiem projektiem ir bijis grūti nodrošināt nacionālu līdzfinansējumu. Vienlaikus atkarība no kohēzijas politikas finansējuma ir palielinājusies. Piemēram, Latvijā kohēzijas politikas finansējums (3,2 miljardi latu 2007.-2013. gadā) veido aptuveni 70 % no kopējām publiskajām investīcijām.
Diemžēl nākas secināt, ka kohēzijas politikā uzsvars līdz šim vairāk ir ticis likts uz kopējo līdzekļu apguvi, nevis konkrētu rezultātu sasniegšanu, kas uzlabotu dzīvi vietējā un reģionālā mērogā. Tādēļ balsojumā atbalstīju šo EP ziņojumu, kas aicina nodrošināt pašvaldību un reģionu pienācīgu iesaistīšanos nacionālo stratēģiju izveidē, izvairoties no administratīva sloga palielināšanas. Īpaši svarīgi tas ir attiecībā uz konkrētu problēmu un uzdevumu definēšanu, lai līdzekļi tiktu novirzīti uz tām jomām, kur tie sniegtu lielāko atbalstu uzņēmīgiem cilvēkiem un radītu jaunas darbavietas. Ziņojumā EP aicina likt uzsvaru uz tādiem projektiem, kas nodrošina ilgtspējīgu nodarbinātību un sociālu integrāciju, īpaši veicinot mazo un vidējo uzņēmumu darbību, kas ir ļoti nozīmīgi Latvijā.
Justina Vitkauskaite Bernard (ALDE), in writing. - The 7th and 8th progress reports on the EU Cohesion policy and the Strategic Report 2013 on programme implementation 2007-2013 tackle the issue of regional development and the best ways for it to increase cohesion and economic growth within Europe and achieve sustainability. These reports also seek ways to improve Cohesion Policy while creating more jobs and generating growth opportunities at local and regional level. One such means of improvement is investment at regional and local level in areas such as job creation, SMEs, training and education. Another way, as is stated in the reports, is by ensuring efficiency and synergies between the EU budget and the national budgets and the reinforcement of the territorial dimension of the governance system of Cohesion Policy. I welcome the importance of this report for the future of Cohesion Policy and I believe that all these steps are vital for achieving its best application. I also believe that Lithuania can contribute to these objectives by improving reporting systems, better introduction of indicators and better use of the monitoring and evaluation tools available in the context of the current legislative framework.
Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. - Der vorgelegte Bericht beschäftigt sich mit dem siebten und achten Fortschrittsbericht der Kommission zur Europäischen Kohäsionspolitik, den Fortschritten, die bisher erzielt wurden und den Verbesserungsansätzen, die noch weiterverfolgt werden müssen. Die Berichterstatterin zeigt sich kritisch und weist darauf hin, dass die Kommission und die Mitgliedstaaten besonders hinsichtlich der Ungleichheit der Regionen, der Haushaltskonsolidierung und der Überwachungs- und Bewertungsinstrumente ihre Vorgehensweise noch verbessern müssten. Da die Berichterstatterin auf relevante Kritikpunkte hinweist, kann dieser Bericht durchaus befürwortet werden.
Iuliu Winkler (PPE), în scris. - Am votat Raportul referitor la cel de al 7-lea și cel de al 8-lea raport intermediar al Comisiei privind politica de coeziune a UE și raportul strategic 2013 privind implementarea programului 2007-2013. Exprim întreaga mea apreciere pentru colegii mei, raportori, raportori pentru aviz, pentru cei care au amendat documentul, pentru munca pe care au depus-o în evaluarea efectelor politicii de coeziune în statele membre, dar și în formularea de recomandări către acestea în vederea eficientizării folosirii finanțărilor europene aferente acestei politici. Cred că acest raport poate constitui un bun punct de referință pentru perioada de programare 2014-2020 pentru politica de coeziune, cu atât mai mult cu cât aceasta va debuta pe fondul celei mai grave recesiuni din Europa din ultimii 50 de ani.
Anna Záborská (PPE), písomne. - Vítam iniciatívnu správu Výboru pre regionálny rozvoj o pokroku v oblasti súdržnosti. Nadväzuje na hodnotiace správy Komisie, ktoré potvrdzujú, že v dôsledku finančnej krízy sa opätovne zväčšujú rozdiely medzi jednotlivými európskymi regiónmi, predovšetkým na[nbsp ]osi sever – juh, ale tiež medzi starými a novými členskými štátmi. Podporujem snahu zvrátiť tento trend, a preto som podporila aj predloženú správu. Zároveň však pripomínam, že regionálna súdržnosť je založená na[nbsp ]európskej solidarite, ktorú ohrozujú najmä množiace sa snahy vstupovať do[nbsp ]právomocí vyhradených pre členské štáty.
Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. - Este relatório é uma ode à Estratégia Europa 2020, e um relatório da subjugação da política de coesão a esta estratégia. Começa por atribuir à crise a suspensão do processo de convergência. No entanto, não refere que existiam regiões que há muitos mais anos do que a dita crise não caminham para a convergência, antes pelo contrário, tentando assim ilibar as políticas da EU das suas consequências desastrosas. O relatório contém alguns aspetos positivos que perdem a sua dimensão quando inseridos no seio das estratégias e políticas da UE que geram a sua própria destruição e agravamento, como por exemplo no que toca ao potencial das PME em termos de criação de emprego e à melhoria do acesso ao financiamento e as condições de financiamento para as PME, assim como dar especial atenção aos sectores cultural e criativo e uma breve referência às regiões ultraperiféricas que surgem apenas como contextualização do que se pretende para a coesão territorial, ou expressa ainda preocupações com a situação do emprego dos jovens, todos em prol da dita estratégia UE 2020, chegando mesmo a ser contraditório perante os efeitos que esta como outras políticas da UE têm nestes mesmos sectores.
10.3. Optimalizácia rozvoja potenciálu najvzdialenejších regiónov (A7-0121/2014 - Younous Omarjee)
Schriftliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. - Aprovo o presente Relatório, pois visa propor uma mudança de abordagem modernizada e atual face à realidade das RUP, de forma que as políticas de investimento nas RUP sejam aplicáveis a novos domínios, tendo em vista o desenvolvimento sustentável. Considero importante esta mudança de esfera que leva a que o confinamento das RUP vá para além das áreas da política regional e agrícola e as insere no conjunto das políticas europeias, tirando o melhor partido das mesmas. O apoio da União Europeia às Regiões Ultraperiféricas vai para além da solidariedade europeia, constitui um apoio, para benefício de toda a União Europeia, permitindo atingir objetivos de crescimento como um todo, projeção no mundo e participação na resolução dos grandes desafios mundiais. Quer se trate do diálogo com os países ACP, da luta contra as alterações climáticas, da salvaguarda da biodiversidade, da proteção dos recifes de coral, da saúde, da conservação da línguas regionais ou da diversidade cultural, a União Europeia só tem a ganhar com as suas Regiões Ultraperiféricas para atingir os propósitos a que se propõe. E as regiões ultraperiféricas espanholas, portuguesas e francesas encerram em si os desafios e as ambições de uma União em constante desenvolvimento.
Sophie Auconie (PPE), par écrit. – Les 9 régions ultra-périphériques (RUP) de l'Union européenne (dont les 5 régions françaises d'outre-mer que sont la Guadeloupe, la Martinique, la Guyane, la Réunion et Mayotte) représentent à la fois un défi de cohésion territoriale et sociale mais aussi de nombreuses opportunités à saisir. J'ai voté pour ce rapport d'initiative qui rappelle la place essentielle des RUP et propose de nouvelles perspectives de développement à travers les politiques européennes.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. - Balsavau už šį siūlymą, kurio tikslas – atokiausių regionų vystymosi skatinimas. Siūlymu siekiama, kad investavimo atokiausiuose regionuose politika apimtų naujas sritis ir būtų sudaromos galimybės jas tvariai plėtoti. Siekiama atokiausiems regionams sudaryti geresnes sąlygas naudotis įvairiais Sąjungos fondais. Pritariu, kad Europos Sąjungos politika, be kitų priemonių, specialiomis mokestinėmis ir muitinės priemonėmis prisidėtų prie atokiausių regionų ekonominio vystymo ir prie darbo vietų kūrimo. Įgyvendinant programą „Horizontas 2020“, strategiją „Energetika 2020“, programas LIFE+ ir „Erasmus“, transeuropinius energetikos, transporto ir telekomunikacijų tinklus nebereikėtų atskirti nutolusių užjūrio regionų nuo programų prioritetų ir tikslų. Įgyvendinant bendrą žemės ūkio politiką, bendrą žuvininkystės politiką, vidaus rinką ir nustatant jų veikimo taisykles, svarbu atsižvelgti į atokiausių regionų geografinį, ekonominį ir klimato išskirtinumą. Įgyvendinant Sąjungos prekybos, išorės ir vystymosi politiką užjūrio regionai turėtų būti taip pat svarbūs, kaip ir likusi ES dalis.
Marino Baldini (S&D), napisan. - Trenutni kontekst gospodarske i socijalne krize ima posebno ozbiljne posljedice na najudaljenije regije Europske unije te je potrebno poduzeti odgovarajuće mjere u nadolazećem razdoblju planiranja. Jedinstvenost najudaljenijih regija je u tome da, iako se istovremeno nalaze unutar i izvan Unije, tvore cjelinu koju treba podupirati i promicati provedbom zajedničkih politika, otvaranjem novih radnih mjesta te poreznim i carinskim instrumentima u promicanju ekonomske osnove. Smatram da najudaljenije regije imaju potencijala u području upravljanja i očuvanja biološke raznolikosti, prilagodbi na klimatske promjene i razvoju obnovljivih izvora energije. Zbog toga pozdravljam sinergiju s programom LIFE+ koji za rozdoblje od 2014. do 2020. godine nastoji sufinancirati inovativne projekte za očuvanje okoliša.
Također podržavam sinergiju s programom Obzor 2020. koji podupire istraživanje, inovacije i razvoj tehnologije te odluku Komisije o uključivanju najudaljenijih regija u transeuropske mreže s ciljem povezivanja istih s europskim kontinentom. Pozdravljam prijedlog gospodina Omarajee o razvoju potencijala najudaljenijih regija radi trajnog jačanja gospodarskog i društvenog razvoja. Nadalje, podupirem članak 349. koji omogućuje najudaljenijim regijama da pronađu mjesto u programima Unije koje im i pripada.
Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. - Am votat în favoarea acestui raport deoarece pune accentul pe valorificarea potențialului regiunilor ultraperiferice. Aceste regiuni pot reprezenta o pârghie pentru dezvoltarea economică în sectoarele cu o înaltă valoare adăugată, cum ar fi sectorul agroalimentar, biodiversitatea, energia regenerabilă, astrofizica, industria aerospațială, etc. Însă pentru realizarea tuturor obiectivelor, cred că reducerea deficitului de accesibilitate şi a efectelor altor constrângeri specifice ale acestor zone este prima prioritate pentru aceste regiuni. Aceasta ar putea reprezenta și o soluție la problemele legate de excluziunea socială cu care se confruntă oamenii care trăiesc în aceste zone.
Fabrizio Bertot (PPE), per iscritto. - La relazione sull'ottimizzazione del potenziale delle regioni ultraperiferiche (RUP) propone nuovi spunti di riflessione su come ripensare in chiave geostrategica le politiche che uniscono l'UE e le RUP. Ritengo opportuno che gli investimenti nelle RUP sondino nuovi terreni e consentano lo sviluppo sostenibile di queste regioni integrandole maggiormente all'interno di un quadro europeo. I rapporti tra UE e RUP, infatti, sono un forte segnale sia della solidarietà europea esistente, sia di una volontà di supporto reciproco e vantaggioso per entrambe le parti. Le RUP rappresentano una sfida cruciale per il futuro dell'UE perché rispecchiano il ruolo che essa vuole ricoprire nel mondo in materia di cambiamento climatico, biodiversità, tutela delle lingue regionali, ambiente, ecc. Il fine ultimo è anche quello di coinvolgere in un futuro non troppo lontano le RUP nei grandi progetti per creare un tessuto forte, tale da mantenere sempre forti i rapporti tra queste zone e l'UE. Le RUP vanno considerate come un'opportunità da cogliere e non come uno svantaggio: ciò implica che l'UE dovrà dare un'impronta più pragmatica alle relazioni con queste zone, tenendo conto anche delle loro peculiarità geografiche, geoeconomiche e climatiche.
Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. - Condivido le posizioni sostenute nella relazione Omarjee. Ritengo che le regioni ultraperiferiche svolgano un ruolo importante nel conseguimento degli obiettivi fissati nei programmi dell'Unione europea. Per questo motivo ho inteso sostenerla col mio voto.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. - Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, nes juo Parlamentas prisideda prie diskusijos dėl regioninės sanglaudos politikos atnaujinimo. Šiame Parlamento pranešime siekiama pasiūlyti žengti toliau, nei leido iki šiol sukurtos ir jau baigiančios išsikvėpti vizijos, taikyti kitokį metodą, kad investavimo atokiausiuose regionuose politika apimtų naujas sritis ir būtų sudaromos galimybės jas tvariai plėtoti. Pranešime raginama ne tik palankiai vertinti ir pripažinti Sąjungos užjūrio regionų pranašumus, bet ir konkrečiai juos išnaudoti. Įgyvendinant programą „Horizontas 2020“, strategiją „Energetika 2020“, programas LIFE+ ir „Erasmus“, transeuropinius energetikos, transporto ir telekomunikacijų tinklus siūloma nebeatskirti nutolusių užjūrio regionų atskirti nuo prioritetų ir tikslų. Atkreipiamas dėmesys, kad įgyvendinant bendrą žemės ūkio politiką, bendrą žuvininkystės politiką, vidaus rinką ir nustatant jų veikimo taisykles, ateityje reikės geriau atsižvelgti į atokiausių regionų geografinį, ekonominį ir klimato išskirtinumą. Antraip nei BŽŪP, nei BŽP, nei vidaus rinka nebus pajėgios tvariai ir darniai integruoti atokiausių regionų į Europos Sąjungą.
Vito Bonsignore (PPE), per iscritto. - Approvo nel complesso la relazione ed esprimo un voto favorevole. Segnalo come particolarmente interessanti le indicazioni di cui ai punti 2- 4, 7, 17, 19, 22, 34, 35, 39, 40, 41, 48-50, 56, 57, 61-63, 71 e 72. Nei confronti delle RUP l'Unione ha obblighi di carattere storico, politico e morale. Giustamente il relatore ha evidenziato i fenomeni che mettono sotto tensione, in queste regioni, i normali meccanismi della vita e dell'economia (dalla concorrenza al mercato del lavoro) e che richiedono risposte mirate, fondate sulle specifiche caratteristiche dei territori. Ci sono infatti molteplici storie di successo in queste regioni in ambiti quali la green economy e lo sviluppo sostenibile, la politica di vicinato, le specializzazioni in industrie di nicchia o la crescita di veri propri hub economici, e non soltanto nel settore del turismo.
Merita attenzione inoltre, nelle sue implicazioni strategiche, la constatazione del relatore che alcune RUP rappresentano uno snodo ineludibile tra l'Europa e altri continenti. Facendo leva su queste specificità, in ossequio alle sue responsabilità di cui sopra, e attraverso un migliore coordinamento e l'inclusione in programmi e politiche già deliberate, l'Unione europea potrebbe in effetti convertire alcuni dei problemi aperti nelle RUP in altrettante opportunità.
Philippe Boulland (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté pour le rapport intitulé "Optimiser le développement du potentiel des régions ultrapériphériques en créant des synergies entre les Fonds structurels et les autres programmes de l'UE" car il permettra d'aider les RUP en mobilisant les différents fonds mis à leur disposition.
Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. - Ottimizzare il potenziale delle regioni ultraperiferiche e la loro integrazione nei programmi europei deve essere visto dall'Unione europea come un obiettivo di medio termine da raggiungere entro il 2020. Questi territori devono essere considerati come un potenziale "bacino" che l'Unione deve sfruttare in termini di turismo, biodiversità, ricerca e innovazione. Mi sono espressa quindi a favore del provvedimento che invita la Commissione a rinforzare l'ammissibilità delle regioni ultraperiferiche a beneficiare dei fondi strutturali europei, al fine, ad esempio, di migliorare il loro inserimento nelle tratte dei trasporti europei. Solo in questa maniera sarà possibile promuovere lo sviluppo di tali regioni, che porterà quest'ultime a trarne un beneficio, il quale andrà a riflettersi sull'intera UE.
Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce texte qui vise à rationaliser l'utilisation des Fonds structurels et des autres programmes de l'Union européenne pour favoriser le développement des régions ultrapériphériques. Il me semble tout à fait pertinent de chercher à élaborer des synergies entre ces fonds et ces programmes pour optimiser leur efficacité. Aussi, pour les programmes européens pour la jeunesse par exemple, le programme Erasmus pourrait davantage être mis à contribution pour dynamiser le développement d'une société de la connaissance, dans des régions trop souvent laissées à la marge de certaines politiques européennes.
William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD), in writing. - UKIP is against this use of taxpayers’ money.
Tamás Deutsch (PPE), írásban. - A legkülső régióknak nyújtott uniós támogatás nem csupán a szolidaritásról szól, hanem ezen régiók felzárkóztatásán keresztül segíti az Uniót növekedési céljai elérésében. Bár a legkülső régiók kontinenstől való távolsága és számos földrajzi sajátossága jelentős probléma, az Uniónak lehetőséget kell ebben látnia. A jelentéstevő úgy látja, hogy az Unió nem tulajdonít kellő jelentőséget a legkülső régiók felzárkóztatásának. Tekintettel arra, hogy a kohéziós politika az uniós szolidaritás legfőbb megtestesítője, fontosnak tartom, hogy elsősorban a leginkább rászoruló régióknak nyújtson támogatást.
Rosa Estaràs Ferragut (PPE), por escrito. - El informe de iniciativa realiza un análisis de las regiones ultraperiféricas desde una perspectiva de aprovechamiento de su potencial en materias como el turismo, la investigación de la biodiversidad o la innovación aeroespacial. No se dejan de lado los principales problemas que azotan a estas regiones: la necesidad de vivienda y el alto desempleo, especialmente entre los jóvenes. En consecuencia, el informe pide a la Comisión que refuerce su accesibilidad y la integración con las redes de transporte y comunicaciones europeas, para fomentar así la creación de empleo, mediante los distintos programas europeos (FEDER, LIFE +, Erasmus, etc.) teniendo en cuenta las especificidades de las RUP en la elaboración de estos programas. También recomienda mejorar las relaciones y estimar el impacto de los acuerdos comerciales con terceros países limítrofes en las RUP, lo que, sin duda, es positivo.
Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. - Este relatório de iniciativa refere-se ao potencial das regiões ultraperiféricas e à sua integração em programas europeus, incluindo Europa e Horizonte 2020. As regiões ultraperiféricas possuem condições geográficas, idiossincrasias culturais, faunas e floras específicas, riquezas naturais e produções agrícolas e pecuárias de elevadíssima qualidade que merecem ser protegidas e incentivadas, sendo certo que não dispõem da mesma capacidade de solidez e de regeneração económica da União Europeia continental, requerendo uma atenção especial e respostas específicas para os seus problemas específicos. A União Europeia deve apoiar estes postos avançados da cultura e civilização europeias, assegurar às suas populações níveis adequados de rendimento, proteger as suas principais culturas e produções e apostar em novas formas de desenvolver e promover as suas riquíssimas potencialidades, tais como as respeitantes aos recursos marinhos. As RUP têm um enorme potencial turístico, científico (em particular nos campos da sismologia e vulcanologia) e de inovação (aeroespacial). Cabe à União, em conjunto com os Estados-Membros e os governos das RUP, combater os altos índices de desemprego, e reforçar a acessibilidade e integração nas redes de transportes e comunicações europeias, promover a criação de emprego e melhorar o seu acesso aos programas europeus.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne. - Pomoc, ktorú poskytuje Európska únia najvzdialenejším regiónom, nie je iba vyjadrením solidarity, ale aj sledovaním naplnenia vlastných cieľov. V novom programovom období je nutné uskutočniť systematické a hlboké zmeny, aby sa investičná politika v[nbsp ]najvzdialenejších regiónoch otvorila aj novým oblastiam a zachoval sa tak trvalo udržateľný rozvoj. Európska únia musí lepšie využiť aktíva a príležitosti, ktoré jej najvzdialenejšie regióny ponúkajú, a zamerať sa na ich lepšie využite, pretože poskytujú Európskej únií základ pre budovanie spoločnej budúcnosti, v[nbsp ]ktorej sú zahraničné subjekty neoddeliteľnou súčasťou plánov rozvoja. Politika súdržnosti a sektorov poľnohospodárstva rybárstva musí byť podporená aj ostatnými fondmi a stratégiami politík Európskej únie s cieľom dosiahnuť stanovené priority v najvzdialenejších regiónoch. Odstránenie bariér, prekážok a obmedzení je nevyhnutné pre plnohodnotné zapojenie najvzdialenejších regiónov do systému ostatných politík Európskej únie.
María Irigoyen Pérez (S&D), por escrito. - No hay duda de que las regiones ultraperiféricas tienen necesidades especiales que deben contar con un trato diferenciado y de conjunto mediante la aplicación de políticas comunes y el establecimiento de sinergias entre todos los instrumentos, fondos y programas de la Unión. Solo así se podrá dar respuesta a las elevadas tasas de desempleo, especialmente entre los jóvenes, que se ven forzados a emigrar, y al incremento de la exclusión social y la pobreza que sufren las regiones ultraperiféricas. Por ello, urjo a la Comisión a impulsar: - la creación de foros bianuales entre los actores europeos implicados con el fin de evaluar la eficacia de los programas emprendidos y las reformas necesarias; - el desarrollo de las energías renovables en las regiones ultraperiféricas con el fin de alcanzar la autonomía energética; - las sinergias con la política pesquera común, la política agrícola común, el Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo y la política exterior de la UE, así como el mecanismo «Conectar Europa», los programas Civitas y Horizonte 2020, el futuro programa COSME y el instrumento de microfinanciación Progress. Debemos ser ambiciosos y proporcionar a estas regiones y a sus ciudadanos el mayor bienestar.
Jarosław Kalinowski (PPE), na piśmie. - Tereny należące do Unii, ale oddalone od kontynentu tysiące kilometrów, są w niełatwym położeniu. Utrudnia to integrację ze Wspólnotą i kontakt z krajem, do którego przynależy terytorium. Wsparcie dla takich obszarów to nie tylko nasz obowiązek, ale również długoterminowa inwestycja. Obecnie instytucje unijne nie pamiętają o tych terytoriach, wielokrotnie nie zamieszczając ich na mapach przedstawiających Unię. A przecież u podstaw Wspólnoty stoi solidarność i pomoc słabszym. Chciałbym zwrócić uwagę szczególną na trudną sytuację rolnictwa na najbardziej oddalonych obszarach. Mam na myśli strukturę gospodarstw oraz ograniczony rynek zbytu. Aby wesprzeć rozwój należy pobudzić wewnętrzną produkcję, zastępując przywóz. Trzeba wykorzystać potencjał zarówno obecnej tam egzotycznej i oryginalnej kultury, oferującej jedyne w swoim rodzaju towary. Należy także chronić je, pamiętając o chronionych i zastrzeżonych nazwach pochodzenia oraz lokalnych oznaczeniach. Oczywiście nie samo rolnictwo i żywność jest lokomotywą dla najbardziej oddalonych obszarów. Aby regiony te rozwijały się prawidłowo potrzebne są skoordynowane działania oparte na unijnych strategiach. Źródeł potencjału jest nieskończenie wiele, a dzięki takiemu sprawozdaniu możemy zrobić wiele dobrego dla tych obszarów.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. - Investire nelle regioni ultraperiferiche e prendere coscienza sia dei loro contributi sia del loro ruolo significa investire nella costruzione di un'Unione europea all'avanguardia. Bisogna quindi continuare a promuovere e sostenere sinergie tra i fondi strutturali per le RUP e tutti gli altri fondi e le altre strategie e politiche dell'Unione. Il sostegno dell'Europa alle sue regioni ultraperiferiche non è la semplice espressione dell'attuazione di una solidarietà europea, bensì un sostegno vantaggioso per tutta l'Unione ai fini della realizzazione dei propri obiettivi in termini di crescita, influenza a livello mondiale e partecipazione alla risoluzione delle grandi sfide globali.
Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), în scris. - Am votat în favoarea Raportului privind dezvoltarea optimă a potențialului regiunilor ultraperiferice prin crearea de sinergii între fondurile structurale și alte programe ale Uniunii Europene. Salut noua perspectivă în relația dintre Uniunea Europeană și regiunile sale ultraperiferice, inclusiv intenția Comisiei Europene de a implementa politici care încurajeze crearea de locuri de muncă sustenabile și creștere economică în aceste regiuni. De aceea, consider de bun augur modul concret în care raportul detaliază sinergiile dintre fondurile structurale disponibile regiunilor ultraperiferice și diferitele programe de finanțare administrate direct de Comisia Europeană sau de către agențiile europene. Și regiunile ultraperiferice trebuie să aibă posibilitatea de a accesa programele de finanțare de la Bruxelles, ca de exemplu, programul LIFE Plus, Orizont 2020, COSME sau programele europene de tineret. Așa cum constată și raportul, de multe ori, regiunile ultraperiferice au rămas pe dinafară, neputând accesa aceste linii de finanțare. Mai multe decât atât, pe cele mai multe hărți care prezintă programe și politici europene, regiunile ultraperiferice lipsesc, dovedind astfel că se se află nu doar la periferia UE și ci la periferia atenției Uniunii.
Ivana Maletić (PPE), napisan. - Cilj ovog Izvješća je optimiziranje potencijala najudaljenijih regija i u većoj mjeri njihovo uključivanje u programe EU-a, osobito Europa 2020. i Obzor 2020. Sve do danas politika EU-a prema najudaljenijim regijama temelji se na pružanju osnovne podrške kroz razne kohezijske politike i potpore s područja poljoprivrede i ribarstva, stoga treba usvojiti novi pristup koji će kroz EU investicije u nova područja poticati održivi razvoj u tim regijama i proširiti mogućnosti van postojećih okvira. To bi uključivalo područje turizma, obnovljivih izvora energije, telekomunikacije, bioraznolikosti, istraživanja (seizmologije i vulkanologije) i inovacija (zračni prostor). Najudaljenije regije pate od nedostatka stambenog prostora i visoke nezaposlenosti stoga je potrebno poboljšati transportne veze i komunikacijske mreže u ostatku Europe s ciljem poticanja stvaranja novih radnih mjesta te razmotriti financijska sredstva i ulaganje kako se daljnje razvijanje ne bi otežavalo.
Podržavam ovo Izvješće jer bi u budućnosti zajednička poljoprivredna politika, zajednička ribarska politika i interna tržišna pravila trebala više uzimati u obzir specifične geografske, geo-gospodarske i klimatske značajke najudaljenijih regija. To bi se omogućilo i snažnijim uključivanjem u europske programe poput programa Feder, LIFE + i Erasmus, jer u suprotnom željena, nesmetana i olakšana integracija u EU-u neće biti ostvariva.
David Martin (S&D), in writing. - I voted in favour of this report because it relates to problems in the EU’s outermost regions and it recommends that the EU uses these regions to the best of their assets to promote jobs and growth in those regions.
Véronique Mathieu Houillon (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport sur l'optimisation du potentiel des régions ultrapériphériques, notamment dans les domaines du tourisme, de la biodiversité, de la recherche et de l'innovation avec l'aérospatiale. Néanmoins, afin de favoriser la création d'emplois dans ces régions, il faudrait renforcer l'accessibilité des régions ultrapériphériques et leur insertion aux réseaux de transports.
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. - A história das políticas que unem a União Europeia e as Regiões Ultraperiféricas fez-se até hoje através da execução de uma política central e essencial de solidariedade, através dos instrumentos da política de coesão e de apoio aos setores agrícola e das pescas. O presente relatório visa propor, através da superação das visões atuais, por vezes ultrapassadas, uma mudança de abordagem, para que as políticas de investimento nas RUP se abram a novos domínios e permitam o seu desenvolvimento sustentável. Tal obriga-nos a abandonar o confinamento das RUP apenas às políticas regionais e agrícolas para as inserir ao máximo no conjunto das políticas europeias e tirar o melhor partido das mesmas. O apoio da União Europeia às suas Regiões Ultraperiféricas não representa a simples expressão da solidariedade europeia. Constitui um apoio, para benefício próprio de toda a União Europeia, à consecução dos objetivos em termos de crescimento, projeção no mundo e participação na resolução dos grandes desafios planetários. Daí o meu voto favorável.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – L’Union européenne a entamé un travail de prise en compte des régions d'outre-mer comme parties intégrantes de l’UE. Cela se vérifie par la mise en place d’un cadre institutionnel comme le droit communautaire. L’Union distingue deux catégories de collectivités d’outre-mer : les régions ultrapériphériques (RUP) et les pays et territoires d’outre-mer (PTOM), la France étant le seul État membre à avoir les deux. Il s'agit ici d'améliorer l’intégration pleine et entière des RUP au sein de l’Union, tout en dénonçant sa considération « misérabiliste » vis-à-vis de l’outre-mer. Le rapporteur soutient la synergie entre les Fonds structurels européens et les programmes spécifiques à l’éloignement et à l’insularité des DOM notamment. Je vote pour.
Younous Omarjee (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Mon rapport présente un ensemble de solutions pragmatiques dans le but d’accroître la participation des Régions Ultrapériphériques (RUP) à tous les fonds et programmes de l’Union européenne. Il appelle la Commission européenne à plancher sur des solutions visant à sortir les RUP de leur isolement, et rappelle que les RUP peuvent contribuer de manière significative à la réalisation des objectifs que l’Union européenne s’est elle-même fixée d’ici à 2020.
C’est un renversement d’approche que j’ai demandé au Parlement européen d’entériner par la mise en avant d’une vision proactive, tournée sur l’avenir, la recherche, l’innovation, la création d’emplois et la lutte contre le chômage des jeunes. J’ai bien évidemment voté en faveur de mon rapport qui a été adopté à une très large majorité (446 votes pour, 73 votes contres, 47 abstentions). En fin de législature, ce vote est un signal politique fort pour les RUP envoyé par l’ensemble des députés du Parlement européen.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. - O apoio da UE às suas RUP constitui um apoio para benefício próprio, e inclusive para o conjunto da própria União Europeia, na realização de objetivos em termos de crescimento, projeção no mundo e respetiva participação na resolução de grandes desafios internacionais. O artigo 349.º do TFUE reconhece as dificuldades e as especificidades características das RUP, como o seu isolamento e afastamento geográfico do continente europeu. Não obstante, essas mesmas regiões são igualmente um motivo de projeção das fronteiras europeias a nível mundial, sendo pois necessário reivindicar um estatuto que permita uma verdadeira discriminação positiva dessas regiões. Neste sentido, o conjunto das estratégias e instrumentos europeus devem colmatar o défice de integração das RUP no espaço europeu, além de que os diversos programas de investimento europeus, como o Horizonte 2020, Energia 2020, POSEI, LIFE+, Erasmus, redes europeias de energia, de transportes e de telecomunicações, entre outros, devem incluir as regiões, pois as potencialidades das RUP podem contribuir significativamente para a UE atingir os objetivos que fixou para 2020. Por esta razão, votei positivamente a presente resolução que visa a sinergia entre os diversos programas da UE em prol das regiões e respetivos Estados-Membros.
Sandra Petrović Jakovina (S&D), napisan. - Podržala sam ovo izvješće jer nam je potreban novi, proaktivni pristup prema španjolskim, portugalskim i francuskim najudaljenijim regijama. Ne samo zato što će snažnije uključivanje najudaljenijih regija pomoći Europskoj uniji kao cjelini da dosegne postavljene ciljeve do 2020., već i zato što je ulaganje u najudaljenije regije ulaganje u svjetsku i međunarodnu dimenziju Unije.
Europska unija temelji se na zbližavanju i nedopustivo je zadržavanje ovih regija na marginama, te je u tom pogledu posebno važan postavljeni cilj povećanja mobilnosti studenata iz ovih regija i njihovo uključivanje u europske programe za studentsku razmjenu.
Tonino Picula (S&D), napisan. - Podržavam ovo izvješće i slažem se sa stavom Odbora za regionalni razvoj da je za uspjeh različitih strategija EU-a potrebno uskladiti i dopuniti strukturne fondove i fondove za ulaganje u najudaljenije regije, čime bi se tim regijama omogućilo ravnopravno sudjelovanje u izazovima konkurentnog tržišta EU-a. Najudaljenije regije zbog ograničenih kapaciteta ne privlače dovoljnu podršku za financiranje unutar fondova i programa EU-a, no pomoć takvim regijama je od velikog značaja za države članice i lokalno stanovništvo. Takve su regije nerijetko isključene iz prioritetnih prometnih, telekomunikacijskih i energetskih koridora, a time su im uskraćena sredstva financiranja iz instrumenta za povezivanje Europe.
U 2013. godini Hrvatska je postala nova članica EU-a, a time je Uniji pridruženo više od 1 100 otoka i strateški važan ekstrateritorijalni dio EU-a na jugu Hrvatske. Ovim putem pozivam Europsku komisiju da prihvati hrvatski projekt povezivanja ekstrateritorijalnog dijela Hrvatske pelješkim mostom kako bi južni, strateški važan dio Hrvatske izašao iz prometne izolacije, a čime bi se ispunio kriterij za ulazak Hrvatske u Shengenski prostor. Također, htio bih istaknuti važnost prilagodbe klasifikacije regionalnih zračnih luka, te pozdravljam novi, pozitivan stav Komisije kojime se prema novim smjernicama dopušta financijska pomoć malim regionalnim zračnim lukama.
Maurice Ponga (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce rapport d'initiative sur les régions ultrapériphériques. Ce rapport souligne avec pertinence le rôle que peuvent jouer ces régions ultramarines, notamment en matière de recherche ou encore d'innovation au niveau européen. En effet, les régions ultrapériphériques peuvent servir de laboratoire et de pôle d'excellence européen dans plusieurs secteurs. Il est donc important que l'ensemble des fonds et des programmes européens soient utilisés de manière idoine en favorisant les synergies. Je regrette cependant que le rapport n'invite pas à plus de synergies avec les pays et territoires d'outre-mer qui partagent de nombreuses caractéristiques et problématiques avec les régions ultrapériphériques.
Franck Proust (PPE), par écrit. – Les régions ultrapériphériques font partie intégrante de l'Union européenne. Elles sont une véritable richesse pour la présence européenne dans le monde entier. Ces régions ont un potentiel remarquable dans la recherche et dans la technologie dans plusieurs domaines tels que l'aérospatiale, les énergies renouvelables ou encore la recherche maritime. Cependant, elles font partie des régions européennes qui souffrent d'un taux très élevé de chômage, particulièrement chez les jeunes. La fuite des compétences est monnaie courante dans les régions ultrapériphériques de par ce taux élevés de chômage, mais également de par l'insuffisance des formations proposées.
L'Union européenne ne doit en aucun cas délaisser ces régions, et doit au contraire les aider à faire face aux défis qu'elles rencontrent. Je suis dès lors très heureux d'avoir voté en faveur de ce rapport. En effet, il propose de leur élargir le champ d'action d'entre-aide solidaire de l'Union afin qu'elles deviennent dans les faits partie intégrante des stratégies et des politiques de l'UE. Bien qu'éloignées, ces régions demeurent européennes et doivent être traitées en tant que telles.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. - Abstention. The report is not very balanced and puts forward a considerable number of requests for additional money, additional structures, specific programmes and measures (derogations) as well as flexibility in EU legislation for the outermost regions. The report tackles a series of EU programmes and strategies: Horizon 2020, competition, biodiversity, youth, TENs, maritime policy, CAP, external policy, poverty and social exclusion, COSME and Creative Europe.
Licia Ronzulli (PPE), per iscritto. - È necessario superare il modello attuale dei rapporti fra Unione europea e regioni ultraperiferiche, basato su una politica centrale essenzialmente di solidarietà, per realizzare un rapporto completamente nuovo, dove gli investimenti in queste aree vengano ampliati permettendone uno sviluppo sostenibile. Solo in questo modo esse potranno uscire dal loro isolamento ed entrare nel cuore delle politiche europee.
Ovidiu Ioan Silaghi (ALDE), în scris. - Am votat în favoarea raportului referitor la dezvoltarea optimă a potențialului regiunilor ultraperiferice prin crearea de sinergii între fondurile structurale și alte programe ale Uniunii Europene deoarece vizează depășirea viziunii actuale propunând o abordare absolut nouă prin care politicile privind investițiile în regiunile ultraperiferice să devină deschise pentru noi domenii și să favorizeze dezvoltarea durabilă a acestor teritorii. Consider deosebit de important să încurajam investițiile pe termen lung și să promovam potențialul de inovare al regiunilor ultraperiferice pentru a le întări în mod sustenabil potențialul economic și social și pentru a spori șansele de reușită ale diferitelor strategii ale Uniunii. După cum se știe, criza economică și socială are efecte deosebit de grave în regiunile ultraperiferice ale UE, în special în ceea ce privește competitivitatea și ocuparea forței de muncă. Prin urmare, pentru a răspunde necesității de creștere economică și pentru a face față problemei șomajului, trebuie luate măsuri urgente și adecvate în următoarea perioadă de finanțare și programare. Este important să avem o abordare pragmatică, astfel încât să fie eliminate constrângerile, obstacolele și blocajele din toate politicile Uniunii, pentru a permite regiunilor ultraperiferice să participe la acestea pe deplin.
Sergio Paolo Francesco Silvestris (PPE), per iscritto. - La relazione auspica un vero e proprio ribaltamento della concezione delle politiche relative alle RUP, al fine di valorizzarle e sostenerle, riconoscendone la peculiare natura. Nei diversi settori politici il relatore chiede che le RUP siano trattate con la stessa attenzione che viene dedicata alle altre regioni, un principio senza dubbio apprezzabile e condivisibile, utilizzando un approccio pragmatico. Concordo con questa visione, data la particolarità geografica, sociale ed economica che caratterizza queste regioni. Tuttavia non si deve dimenticare che ogni regione presenta delle peculiarità, motivo per cui le RUP, pur meritando la dovuta attenzione, non devono altresì minare l'attenzione che deve essere dedicata anche alle altre regioni europee, in special modo quelle più povere o particolarmente colpite dalla crisi.
Γεώργιος Σταυρακάκης (S&D), γραπτώς. – Υπερψήφισα την έκθεση ιδίας πρωτοβουλίας σχετικά με τις απόκεντρες περιφέρειες, τα διαρθρωτικά ταμεία και τα άλλα προγράμματα της ΕΕ, μια έκθεση που αναγνωρίζει όλα τα προβλήματα που σχετίζονται με τις εξόχως απόκεντρες περιφέρειες και υπενθυμίζει την ανάγκη για μια πραγματική και βαθιά αλλαγή στη νέα περίοδο προγραμματισμού. H ΕΕ θα πρέπει να χρησιμοποιήσει καλύτερα τα πλεονεκτήματα και τις ευκαιρίες που οι εξόχως απόκεντρες περιφέρειες μπορούν να προσφέρουν στην Ένωση, δεδομένου ότι σε ζητήματα, όπως η αντιμετώπιση της κλιματικής αλλαγής, η έρευνα και τεχνολογία και οι σχέσεις της Ένωσης με τρίτες χώρες, οι περιφέρειες αυτές είναι κεντρικής σημασίας για τα σχέδια ανάπτυξης της Ένωσης και τις προοπτικές της. Από την άλλη μεριά, η ΕΕ ωφελεί να ενισχύσει τις εν λόγω περιφέρειες, καθώς πλήττονται από σοβαρά και μόνιμα φυσικά και δημογραφικά προβλήματα, τα οποία εμποδίζουν την ανάπτυξή τους. Ως εκ τούτου, είναι ουσιώδους σημασίας να υπάρξουν και να προωθηθούν συνέργειες μεταξύ των διαρθρωτικών ταμείων και όλων των άλλων ταμείων, στρατηγικών και πολιτικών της Ένωσης για να μπορέσουν να εκπληρωθούν οι προοπτικές τόσο της Ένωσης όσο και των εξόχως απόκεντρων περιφερειών.
Kay Swinburne (ECR), in writing. - I opposed this report because I believe that the Treaty provision concerned grants an unfair advantage to three Member States, even though all Member States have their own peripheral regions and yet cannot benefit from such exemptions.
Dubravka Šuica (PPE), în scris. - Podržavam ovo izvješće jer predlaže mijenjanje pristupa kako bismo ulaganjima u najudaljenije regije EU omogućili tim regijama održivi razvoj i veće uključivanje u zajedničke programe Europske unije. Moramo ulagati u najudaljenije regije i podignuti svijest o njihovom doprinosu te o tome gdje se nalaze. Time ulažemo u budućnost cjelokupne Europske unije. Najudaljenije regije su vrlo često gotovo namjerno izuzete iz velikih projekata kojima je cilj strukturno i materijalno povezati Uniju i sve njezine dijelove. Vrlo često se događa da geografski najudaljenijim područjima Europska unija pridaje periferno značenje. Takav pristup moramo promijeniti i Europska unija mora promicati integraciju svih dijelova Unije. Trgovinska politika, vanjska politika te politika razvoja Unije ne bi smjele smatrati prekomorske zemlje regijama od manjeg značaja za Uniju. Prekomorske zemlje produžetak su Unije u svijetu, njihovi gospodarski interesi ne mogu neprekidno biti žrtvovani u korist kontinentalnih obzira. Slažem se da je naš je zadatak ne samo štititi najudaljenije regije u Europi, nego ih prije svega unaprijediti i učiniti uspješnima.
Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – L'histoire des politiques unissant l'Union européenne et les régions ultrapériphériques s'est faite jusqu'à ce jour par la mise en œuvre d'une politique centrale et essentielle de solidarité, via les instruments de la politique de cohésion et de soutien aux secteurs agricole et de la pêche.
Par ce rapport, il s'agit de proposer, à travers le dépassement des visions actuelles, parfois épuisées, un renversement d'approche pour que les politiques d'investissement dans les RUP s'ouvrent à des champs nouveaux et permettent leur développement durable. Cela doit nous obliger à sortir de l'enfermement des RUP dans les seules politiques régionales et agricoles pour les insérer au mieux et tirer le meilleur de l'ensemble des politiques européennes.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. - Este documento do Parlamento Europeu pretende desenvolver como será possível otimizar o potencial das Regiões Ultraperiféricas através da criação de sinergias entre os fundos estruturais da UE e mesmo com outros programas da União. Assim, enquanto Relator Sombra, pelo Grupo do PPE, deste texto, votei favoravelmente as suas propostas, tendo em conta, nomeadamente, que este surge num momento em que se inicia um novo período programático e financeiro até 2020.
Ruža Tomašić (ECR), napisan. - Glasala sam protiv ovoga prijedloga iz razloga što smatram da je diskriminirajuće davati određene prednosti najudaljenijim regijama Francuske, Španjolske i Portugala. Iskoristila bih ovu priliku kako bih izrazila svoje žaljenje što takav nepravedan pristup nalazi svoje temelje u samom Ugovoru o funkcioniranju Europske unije. Svaka se država članica mora nositi s izazovima i problemima vezanima uz svoje izolirane regije, ili one odsječene ili prometno slabo povezane s ostatkom Europe, te se zbog toga zalažem za sveobuhvatni pristup takvim regijama i protivim povlaštenom tretmanu arhipelazima, otocima te izoliranim regijama u amazonskoj šumi.
Sveobuhvatni pristup trebao bi uzet u obzir naravno takozvane najudaljenije regije, ali i otočne regije te planinske i rijetko naseljene regije kopnenog djela Europske unije, a dodatne napore koje bi mogli pretpostaviti velika udaljenost ili poseban položaj najudaljenijih regija trebale bi preuzeti i snositi države članice kojima pripadaju.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. - Am votat pentru rezoluţia referitoare la dezvoltarea optimă a potențialului regiunilor ultraperiferice prin crearea de sinergii între fondurile structurale și alte programe ale Uniunii Europene. Regiunile ultraperiferice (RUP) sunt alcătuite dintr-un ansamblu de arhipelaguri, din insule și dintr-o regiune situată în pădurea amazoniană care se caracterizează prin constrângeri comune specifice, care le diferențiază de alte zone geografice din Uniune, prezentând caracteristici speciale (regiuni insulare, montane și cu densitate scăzută a populației). Consider că îmbunătățirea accesului RUP la diferitele programe și fonduri ale Uniunii conduce, pe termen scurt și pe termen lung, la beneficii pentru întreaga Uniune. Solicităm ca investițiile efectuate prin intermediul serviciilor de interes economic general în domeniul TIC, al transporturilor, al apei și al energiei să devină o prioritate în aceste regiuni și susținem un cadru mai coerent privind ajutoarele de stat acordate RUP în vederea realizării obiectivelor Strategiei Europa 2020. Considerăm că RUP au potențialul de a se afla în fruntea cercetării și a tehnologiilor în domeniile vizate de obiectivele programului Orizont 2020, cum ar fi spațiul, domeniul aerospațial, biotehnologiile, observarea riscurilor naturale, cercetarea în domeniul marin, biodiversitatea, energia din surse regenerabile, sănătatea, adaptarea la schimbările climatice și transporturile inteligente.
Derek Vaughan (S&D), in writing. - Outermost regions often face their own, unique problems and the EU should make better use of the assets and opportunities in these regions to provide a basis for the regions to play a central role in the EU’s future. I supported this own-initiative report because I believe that creating synergies between EU structural funding and other EU programmes in the outermost regions will bring numerous benefits and ensure that outermost regions are fully involved in EU policy and funding. I firmly believe that the only way to increase the part played by outermost regions in EU policy and funding is to strive to remove the obstacles that they currently face.
Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport d'initiative de mon collègue et ami de la GUE/NGL, Younous Omarjee, sur l'optimisation du développement du potentiel des régions ultrapériphériques (RUP) par la création de synergies entre les Fonds structurels et les autres programmes de l'Union européenne. Derrière ce nom très technique, il s'agit en fait d'améliorer l'insertion des régions ultrapériphériques dans l'ensemble des politiques européennes, en favorisant notamment une approche plus durable en matière de développement. Ce rapport est une bonne initiative puisqu'il s'agit de rappeler aux institutions que les RUP ne peuvent plus être mises sur le bord du chemin et considérées comme un handicap par ceux qui font l'Union européenne de demain.
À cette fin, ce rapport invite notamment la Commission à se pencher sur les surcoûts et le problème de la vie chère dans les RUP et à en tenir compte dans l'élaboration des politiques européennes. Il invite aussi à construire une meilleure accessibilité aux régions ultrapériphériques, notamment en réduisant la fracture numérique, ou encore en mettant en place un certain nombre de mesures, telles que la création d'un cadre d'investissement pour les logements sociaux afin de lutter contre la pauvreté et l'exclusion au sein des RUP.
Justina Vitkauskaite Bernard (ALDE), in writing. - The outermost regions are a strong asset for the EU. The support of the outermost regions by the EU can be beneficial for the whole EU as it can create a basis for overcoming the challenges that the EU is facing now in terms of sustainability and regional development. The outermost regions open many perspectives to the EU and contain a lot of potential for increasing cohesion and economic growth throughout the EU. That is why the proposed set of measures aimed at creating synergies between the European Structural and Investment and other European Union programmes is needed. Such synergies can unveil the potential of the outermost regions and can open up many opportunities for them. I welcome this report and its importance for the development of the outermost regions. Many issues mentioned in the report are also relevant for Lithuania. Synergies and international cooperation have to be promoted in order to diminish the substantial economic and social disparities between the regions. Long-term investment should be encouraged and investment promoted in order to ensure that the outermost regions become regions of excellence. In that case the EU will be able to benefit from it as a whole.
Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), schriftlich. - Der vorgelegte Bericht beschäftigt sich mit dem Potenzial der sich in äußerster Randlage befindenden Regionen. Man weist auf die Tatsache hin, dass diese Regionen zu oft in Vergessenheit geraten, obwohl sie eine Verlängerung der EU in der Welt darstellen. Deswegen sollten sie einen höheren Stellenwert erhalten, und die angesprochenen Synergien der Strukturfonds könnten diesen Fortschritt unterstützen. Es sollten mit den Synergien der Strukturfonds auch genaue Richtlinien und Verordnungen eingebracht werden, um Missbrauch und Mehrfachzahlungen vorzubeugen. Aus diesem Grund sollte dieser Bericht mit Bedacht abgewogen werden.
Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. - O relatório estabelece o ponto de partida da política para as RUP à luz dos objetivos fixados pela União, para executar a estratégia Europa 2020 para o crescimento, a estratégia Horizonte 2020, a estratégia Energia 2020, os programas LIFE+ e Natura 2000, as redes transeuropeias de telecomunicações, de transportes e de energia. Nem tudo é bom, nem tudo é mau mas, contudo, são mais gravosos os conteúdos da estratégia UE 2020, da Energia 2020 (integra o pacote da completa liberalização do mercado da energia em todos os Estados-Membros até 2015) do que o benefício gerado pelo LIFE+ e Natura 2000. Convida a Comissão a aumentar a integração e o desenvolvimento das RUP no mercado interno e no que respeita à resposta a catástrofes naturais é referida a necessidade de desenvolver e aplicar as capacidades de intervenção humanitárias, apelando à criação de uma força europeia de segurança civil. Contudo, o relatório apresenta aspetos positivos, pretendendo reforçar a estratégia europeia para as RUP, tendo em conta os seus condicionalismos estruturais e permanentes, identificando os importantes objetivos do emprego (tendo estas regiões as maiores taxas de desemprego, particularmente entre os jovens), a inclusão social, a luta contra a pobreza e a educação, referindo aspetos ambientais e da preservação e reabilitação da biodiversidade, entre outros.
10.4. Hodnotenie financií Únie (A7-0068/2014 - Michael Theurer)
Schriftliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung
Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. - Aprovo o presente Relatório, considerando que o relatório de avaliação a que se refere o artigo 318.º do TFUE contribui para a capacidade analítica da autoridade orçamental com base na experiência de acontecimentos passados. Colocando a tónica nos principais objetivos da União, tal como definido pela própria Comissão, deverá proporcionar uma avaliação global e politicamente relevante das políticas da União. A Comissão deverá explicar de modo simples, conciso e global a forma como as despesas da UE contribuem para a concretização dos objetivos gerais da Estratégia Europa 2020 e das metas das iniciativas chave. Considero que, nestas condições, o relatório de avaliação será considerado o elo em falta entre a avaliação do desempenho e a auditoria do desempenho. Contribuirá igualmente para reforçar a cultura do desempenho na gestão financeira da União e para preparar a transição para um orçamento efetivamente baseado no desempenho.
Roberta Angelilli (PPE), per iscritto. - La possibilità per il Parlamento di valutare le finanze dell'UE in base ai risultati conseguiti offre allo stesso l'opportunità di valutare tanto i risultati conseguiti a livello delle politiche quanto la legittimità delle operazioni finanziarie. Gestire correttamente i fondi dell'Unione ed evitare gli sprechi sono delle priorità. Sebbene siano stati fatti progressi, si auspica che la Commissione accolga gli inviti del Parlamento e illustri in maniera semplice, concisa e generale in che modo la spesa contribuisce al raggiungimento degli obiettivi globali della strategia Europa 2020. In questo senso, la relazione di valutazione delle finanze dell'UE in base ai risultati conseguiti contribuirà altresì a rafforzare la cultura del risultato nella gestione finanziaria dell'Unione e a preparare la transizione a un bilancio realmente basato sui risultati.
Elena Oana Antonescu (PPE), în scris. - Autoritățile bugetare au nevoie de predictibilitatea eficienței obiectivelor asumate. Acest lucru nu se poate realiza fără o evaluare eficientă a performanței obiectivelor operaționale angajate pe baza modului în care cheltuielile publice au contribuit la atingerea respectivelor obiective. Având în vedere cele de mai sus, sunt în favoarea adoptării prezentei propuneri de rezoluție. Conformitatea și performanța, auditul și evaluarea în vederea întocmirii cât mai corecte a bugetelor publice ține de construirea unui sistem eficient și performant al descărcării de gestiune a Comisiei Europene. Este foarte important să reținem, de la un exercițiu bugetar la altul, care sunt pilonii care pot fi îmbunătățiți, iar construcția bugetelor curente în funcție de performanța bugetelor trecute este imperativă. Măsurile cuprinse în raport pot conduce nu numai la creșterea eficienței funcționării instituțiilor europene, ci și la cea a transparenței lor, un element extrem de important pentru cetățenii europeni.
Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D), raštu. - Balsavau už šį siūlymą, kurio tikslas – pristatyti Sąjungos finansinių rezultatų vertinimą. Biudžeto įvykdymo patvirtinimo priemonių rinkinys papildytas nauja priemone – Sąjungos finansų įvertinimu pagal pasiektus rezultatus. Komisija šiuo atžvilgiu rengia metinį pranešimą. Šiame įvertinimo pranešime daugiausia dėmesio skiriama finansiniams rezultatams. Dėl šio pokyčio bus lengviau pereiti nuo veikla grindžiamo prie rezultatais grindžiamo biudžeto sudarymo. Pranešime, susijusiame su 2011[nbsp ]m. pateiktos tik įvairių programų ir įvairius laikotarpius apimančių vertinimų santraukos ir nepateikta išsamaus 2011[nbsp ]m. Komisijos įgyvendinant politiką pasiektų rezultatų vertinimo. EK atliktas vertinimas turėtų būti Audito Rūmų informacijos šaltinis. Pritariu, kad Audito Rūmai kasmet atliktų EK vykdomo vertinimo proceso auditą. Taip pat svarbu, kad Komisija savo valdymo plane apibrėžtų įvairius tikslus ir rodiklius, atitinkančius Audito Rūmų reikalavimus informacijos tinkamumo, palyginamumo ir patikimumo požiūriu, ir taip kurtų naują organizacinę kultūrą, paremtą rezultatais.
Elena Băsescu (PPE), în scris. - Am votat în favoarea acestui raport deoarece verificările privind gestionarea corectă a fondurile Uniunii Europene sunt deosebit de importante. Profit de ocazie și pentru a saluta introducerea evaluării finanțelor Uniunii pe baza rezultatelor obținute. Mai mult, Parlamentul European va avea posibilitatea, dar și datoria de a face o evaluare obiectivă a rezultatelor politicilor, și, în special, a operațiunilor financiare. Aceste evaluări au un rol esențial în întocmirea bugetului în funcție de performanțe, în special atunci când este însoțită de stimulente sau de principii bugetare alternative.
Mara Bizzotto (EFD), per iscritto. - La relazione Theurer fornisce una valutazione delle finanze dell'Unione equilibrata e condivisibile. Ho quindi inteso votare in suo sostegno.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. - Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, nes juo Parlamentas prisideda prie naujos ES biudžeto įvykdymo patvirtinimo priemonės – Sąjungos finansų įvertinimo pagal pasiektus rezultatus – vystymo. Pranešime Parlamentas pabrėžia, kad veikla grindžiamas biudžeto sudarymas tebėra pagrindinis principas, kurio turi būti laikomasi rengiant Sąjungos biudžetą. Dėl šios priežasties apgailestauja, kad, pavyzdžiui, 2014–2020[nbsp ]m. programavimo laikotarpio pasiūlymai, susiję su žemės ūkiu ir sanglauda, iš esmės ir toliau yra grindžiami sąnaudomis, todėl juose prioritetas vis dar skiriamas atitikčiai taisyklėms, o ne veiklos rezultatams. Todėl dar kartą ragina Komisiją savo Sąjungos finansinių laimėjimų vertinime naudoti konkrečią informaciją apie valstybių narių laimėjimus. Tik tai padės biudžeto valdymo institucijai kasmet susidaryti aiškų vaizdą apie tikrąjį pagrindinių Sąjungos tikslų pasiekimo mastą.
Biljana Borzan (S&D), napisan. - Ugovor o funkcioniranju Europske unije (UFEU) dodao je novi instrument za davanje razrješnice - ocjenu financija Unije na temelju postignutih rezultata. Instrument ocjena namijenjen je utvrđivanju i objašnjavanju rezultata i učinaka postupaka te pronalaženju drugih rješenja. Time bi se instrumentom doprinijelo donošenju odluka i time dodatno poboljšao postupak.
Temeljem članka 318. ugovora, Komisija priprema godišnje izvješće u tom pogledu. Smatram da se treba ukazati na to da proračunsko tijelo treba svake godine imati jasno viđenje o tome u kojoj su se mjeri ostvarili glavni ciljevi Unije. To viđenje se može dobiti najprije ocjenom glavnih financijskih programa, zatim poprečnom ocjenom na temelju programskih izjava o operativnim rashodima. Pomoću njih je moguće ocijeniti u kojoj su mjeri programi pridonijeli ostvarenju ciljeva strategije Europa 2020. Također sam mišljenja da ocjena Komisije treba služiti kao izvor informacija i poticaj Revizorskom sudu.
Zaključno podržavam ovo izvješće te bih željela potaknuti Komisiju da u budućnosti u svojoj ocjeni financijskih postignuća Unije iskoristi posebne informacije o postignućima država članica.
Philippe Boulland (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté pour le rapport Theurer sur l'évaluation des finances de l'Union fondée sur les résultats obtenus: un nouvel outil de la procédure de décharge améliorée de la Commission européenne. Conformément à l'article 318, la Commission élabore un rapport annuel à ce sujet. Dans la mesure où il se concentre sur les résultats financiers, ce rapport d'évaluation complète l'approche en matière de conformité développée par la Cour des comptes européenne. Il offre au Parlement la possibilité d'évaluer les réalisations politiques, et non uniquement la légalité des transactions financières.
Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE), por escrito. - Voto favoravelmente o presente relatório porque salienta que a orçamentação por atividades ainda constitui o princípio fundamental na elaboração do orçamento da União; manifesta a sua preocupação com o facto de o Tribunal de Contas concluir, no seu relatório anual de 2012, que em muitas áreas do orçamento da UE o quadro legislativo é complexo e que não é dada suficiente atenção ao desempenho, e lamenta que as propostas sobre a agricultura e a coesão para o período de programação 2014-2020 permaneçam essencialmente orientadas para as despesas e, portanto, ainda centradas no cumprimento das regras em vez do desempenho.
Lara Comi (PPE), per iscritto. - L'estensore di questa proposta di relazione di iniziativa è il presidente della commissione per il controllo dei bilanci del Parlamento europeo. Il testo votato rappresenta, dunque, una visione di sintesi sul più ampio argomento del bilancio dell'UE. Sono perfettamente d'accordo con il relatore nello sfruttare questo nuovo strumento previsto dal trattato sul funzionamento dell'Unione europea per spronare ulteriormente le Istituzioni a comportarsi nel pieno interesse dei cittadini. Già le Istituzioni, a onor del vero, per il loro funzionamento, costano in proporzione meno delle più grandi associazioni benefiche del mondo. Per di più, l'attenzione all'utilizzo delle risorse pubbliche è tale e tanta da non lasciare molto spazio agli sprechi.
Tuttavia, come è giusto che sia, questa relazione non si concentra tanto sulle singole voci di costo quanto sul raggiungimento dei risultati, che è ciò che davvero conta, e specifica a livello metodologico questa scelta. Approvo il lavoro svolto dal relatore e ho votato a favore, nella convinzione che questo strumento sia e debba continuare ad essere un atto autentico di rappresentanza della volontà dei cittadini e del loro interesse, incarnando lo spirito vero di un Parlamento.
William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD), in writing. - This report is somewhat critical of the EU’s finance and budgeting procedures and does suggest a need for improvement especially with regard to the input (i.e. expenditure) focus of regional and agricultural policy to the neglect of performance. For us, of course, it goes nowhere near far enough in its criticism. For this reason, our position is against.
Rachida Dati (PPE), par écrit. – Je me félicite du vote de ce texte qui concrétise la mise en application d'un nouvel outil introduit par le traité sur le fonctionnement de l'Union européenne dans la procédure de décharge budgétaire. Celui-ci permet au Parlement européen de mieux exercer son pouvoir de contrôle politique de l'action publique européenne au moment de l'évaluation des finances de l'Union. Il me semble notamment important que le Parlement insiste sur le fait que la Commission doit s'appuyer sur des informations précises pour les résultats des États membres au moment de l'évaluation des finances.
Christine De Veyrac (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur de ce texte qui permet d'évaluer de manière saine les finances de l'Union européenne. De ce fait, je ne peux que partager la volonté de renforcer la culture de la performance applicable à la gestion financière de l'Union. Ceci permettra de préparer la transition vers un budget réellement axé sur les performances.
Tamás Deutsch (PPE), írásban. - Az Alapszerződés egy új zárszámadási eszköz alkalmazását teszi lehetővé, az úgynevezett eredményorientált pénzügyi értékelést a különböző uniós politikák területein. Az Európai Bizottság a 318-as cikk alapján az éves jelentését már ezen értékeléssel együtt köteles elkészíteni. Ennek értelmében az Európai Parlament Költségvetési Ellenőrző Bizottsága a jövőben az elért eredményeket és az uniós politikák hatékonyságát is figyelembe fogja venni a mentesítés megadása során. A parlamenti jelentés kéri az Európai Bizottságot, hogy a jövőben az éves jelentését ennek megfelelően készítse el. A jelentést nagy többséggel fogadtuk el a szakbizottságban és a plenáris szavazáson is támogattam a jelentés elfogadását.
Diane Dodds (NI), in writing. - I find it somewhat ironic that this Parliament is today debating how the European Union`s finances should be evaluated in times ahead. This comes after the European Court of Auditors previously refused to give a clean bill of health to the EU’s accounts for the 19th successive year. Vast amounts of taxpayer money continue to disappear into a black hole, seemingly with little care or scrutiny, and it is right to say that this appalling situation cannot continue. Families and businesses in my constituency, Northern Ireland, deserve better. The reality is that if this situation occurred in a private business, the board and directors would be accused of serious financial impropriety. But instead of tackling the problem, we now see the Committee failing to accept that value for money should have a role in evaluation. This is disgraceful. As economic uncertainty continues to affect households and businesses right across Northern Ireland, running scandals such as this illustrate why there is a need for fundamental change in the relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union.
Diogo Feio (PPE), por escrito. - Em 2011, o Parlamento Europeu exigiu que fosse revista a política da Comissão Europeia relativamente à elaboração do relatório anual sobre o estado das finanças da União. Assim, este relatório passará a fazer uma divisão clara entre as políticas internas e externas da União, nomeadamente centrado na prossecução dos objetivos da Estratégia UE 2020. A partir de agora, deverá haver uma avaliação que permita realmente comparar os objetivos traçados e o sucesso das medidas implantadas para esse fim, permitindo uma avaliação comparativa do sucesso das políticas europeias.
Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne. - Európska komisia musí predložiť Európskemu parlamentu a Rade hodnotiacu správu o stave financií založenú na dosiahnutých výsledkoch. Hlavným cieľom podávania predmetnej správy je zvýšená možnosť Európskeho parlamentu v jeho možnostiach posudzovať zákonnosť a politické ciele finančných operácií. Európska komisia prvú takúto hodnotiacu správu predložila za rok 2010, ktorá nebola zo strany Európskeho parlamentu a Dvora audítorov prijatá pozitívne vzhľadom na jej nedostatky v oblasti obmedzeného rozsahu. Európska komisia pri ďalších správach zaznamenala určitú mieru pokroku, avšak stále existujú určité nedostatky v oblasti cieľov a ukazovateľov v súlade s požiadavkami Dvora audítorov v súvislosti s hodnotením výkonnosti zhrnutím dosiahnutých výsledkov, ktorými jednotlivé útvary prispeli k hlavným politikám Európskej komisie.
Giovanni La Via (PPE), per iscritto. - Così come sottolineato nella relazione, ritengo che la valutazione effettuata dalla Commissione sulle finanze dell'Unione dovrebbe servire come strumento di informazione e ispirazione per la Corte dei conti e, inoltre, per informare il Parlamento nel quadro della sua relazione annuale e invitarlo a tenerne conto in sede di definizione del proprio programma di audit delle prestazioni. In tal senso, accolgo favorevolmente l'invito ad una maggiore trasparenza sulle attività di rendicontazione e di monitoraggio del lavoro svolto a livello istituzionale europeo.
Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE), în scris. - Am votat în favoarea rezoluției Parlamentului European referitoare la evaluarea finanțelor Uniunii pe baza rezultatelor obținute: un nou instrument pentru procedura îmbunătățită de descărcare de gestiune a Comisiei Europene. Mă bucură faptul că recomandările Parlamentului European au fost incluse de Comisia Europeană în cel mai recent raport privind evaluarea finanțelor Uniunii. Însă, deplâng faptul că, în raportul său, Comisia Europeană a prezentat rezumatele unei serii de evaluări ale programelor comunitare în domeniile tematice, în loc să se axeze pe realizarea obiectivelor și pe eficacitatea politicilor sale. După cum a constat și Curtea de Conturi, în ciuda îmbunătățirilor aduse, rapoartele nu furnizează dovezi suficiente în privința rezultatelor politicilor Uniunii Europene. Ori, astfel de informații sunt importante pentru a ne urmări modul în care bugetul UE face posibilă îndeplinirea obiectivelor Strategiei Europa 2020. Nu în ultimul rând, salut intenția Comisiei Europene de a-și structura raportul de evaluare în funcție de noul cadru de performanță pentru cadrul financiar multianual 2014-2020.
Monica Luisa Macovei (PPE), în scris. - Am votat pentru modificarea structurii de realizare a raportului care evaluează finanțele Uniunii Europene pe baza rezultatelor proiectelor întreprinse de către Comisia Europeana la finalul fiecărui an de activitate. Conform articolului 318 din Tratatul privind funcționarea Uniunii Europene, Comisia Europeană are obligația de a prezenta, pe lângă raportul financiar, un raport de evaluare a finanțelor, bazat pe rezultatele obținute în proiectele care trebuie să realizeze obiectivele Strategiei Europa 2020. Raportul de evaluare a fost realizat, până acum, pentru anii 2010 și 2011. Cu toate acestea, din niciuna dintre evaluări nu reiese dacă fondurile sunt investite sau nu în mod eficient în proiectele inițiate de către Comisia Europeană. Consider necesară implementarea urgentă a unei noi structuri de realizare a raportului de evaluare pentru a putea consolida transparența în modul în care sunt folosite finanțele Uniunii Europene. Solicit Comisiei Europene să facă schimbările necesare până la publicarea următorului raport de evaluare.
Ivana Maletić (PPE), napisan. - Podržala sam izvješće o ocjeni financija Unije u kojem je kao novost dodan novi instrument u postojeće alate proračunskog rasterećenja, a riječ je o ocjeni dosadašnjeg financiranja Europske unije na temelju postignutih rezultata financiranja kroz fondove.
Budući da se ocjena usredotočuje na financijske rezultate u prethodnim razdobljima ovo izvješće procjene nadopunjuje pristup razvijen od strane Europskog revizorskog suda. Komisija bi trebala objasniti na jednostavan i sažet način kako rashodi EU-a doprinose ostvarivanju ciljeva strategije Europa 2020. i ciljeva njihovih glavnih inicijativa. U tim uvjetima izvješće o ocjeni bit će karika koja nedostaje između procjene i revizije te sam ga s posebnom pažnjom podržala.
Véronique Mathieu Houillon (PPE), par écrit. – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport sur l'évaluation des finances de l'Union, qui constitue un nouvel instrument en matière de décharge budgétaire avec un rapport fourni par la Commission européenne sur l'évaluation des finances de l'Union. Pour donner des éléments pertinents au Parlement en tant qu'autorité de décharge, le rapport de la Commission devrait apporter des éléments transversaux pour mesurer les résultats des politiques internes en fonction de l'objectif stratégique "Europe 2020".
Nuno Melo (PPE), por escrito. - O Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da União Europeia (TFUE) acrescentou um novo instrumento ao conjunto de instrumentos da quitação orçamental: a avaliação das finanças da União baseada nos resultados obtidos. Nos termos do artigo 318.º do Tratado, a Comissão deve apresentar um relatório anual sobre esta matéria. O referido relatório de avaliação, que incide sobre o desempenho financeiro, complementa a abordagem de conformidade desenvolvida pelo Tribunal de Contas Europeu nos capítulos 1 a 9 do seu relatório anual. Oferece ao Parlamento Europeu a oportunidade de avaliar as realizações políticas e a legalidade das transações financeiras. Esta mudança facilita também a transição da orçamentação por atividades para a orçamentação baseada no desempenho. Este novo instrumento é essencial para a avaliação do desempenho das finanças da União. Só com uma boa utilização dos recursos é possível atingir os objetivos propostos. Daí o meu voto favorável.
Jean-Luc Mélenchon (GUE/NGL), par écrit. – Ce rapport sans portée législative vante les efforts de la Commission Barroso pour « évaluer » l’impact des dépenses de l’Union européenne. Il se réfère pour cela à une hallucinante déclaration de José Manuel Barroso en 2011. Le président de la Commission avait affirmé que le budget européen serait désormais déterminé « non pas en se basant sur les rubriques traditionnelles déterminées par la bureaucratie et les électeurs, mais en prenant en considération les faits et les objectifs [...], de sorte à tirer le meilleur parti possible de chaque euro dépensé ». Cette profession de foi technocratique et antidémocratique résume l’esprit de « l’évaluation des résultats » des dépenses vantée par ce rapport. Cette évaluation est illégitime du moment où les objectifs évalués ne sont pas déterminés démocratiquement. Si des objectifs d’intérêt général étaient fixés, par exemple en termes de progrès social ou d’égalité devant les services publics, le bilan de cette Commission serait désastreux. Pour être enfin au service des peuples, les finances de l’Union doivent être complètement refondées démocratiquement, comme le reste des traités. C’est la condition fondamentale pour que les citoyens consentent à nouveau à l’ordre juridique européen qu’ils rejettent aujourd’hui massivement. Je vote contre ce rapport antidémocratique.
Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE), por escrito. - O presente relatório de avaliação a que se refere o artigo 318.º do TFUE contribui para a capacidade analítica da autoridade orçamental de retirar ensinamentos adequados do passado. Colocando a tónica nos principais objetivos da União, tal como definido pela própria Comissão, deverá proporcionar uma avaliação global e politicamente relevante das políticas da União. A Comissão deverá explicar, de modo simples, conciso e global, a forma como as despesas da UE contribuem para a concretização dos objetivos gerais da Estratégia Europa 2020 e das metas das iniciativas emblemáticas. Nestas condições, o relatório de avaliação é o elo em falta entre a avaliação do desempenho e a auditoria do desempenho e contribuirá igualmente para reforçar a cultura do desempenho na gestão financeira da União e para preparar a transição para um orçamento efetivamente baseado no desempenho. Por estes motivos, votei favoravelmente o presente processo.
Tonino Picula (S&D), napisan. - Po prvi put u 2013. godini Europski parlament je savjetovao Komisiju o tome kako dizajnirati izvještaj o ocjeni financija Unije na temelju postignutih rezultata. Na dan 3. srpnja 2013. Parlament je zatražio od Komisije da osnuju radnu skupinu sastavljenu od predstavnika Komisije, Parlamenta, Vijeća i Revizorskog suda kako bi ispitali mjere za provedbu proračuna na temelju rezultata i izradili akcijski plan u tom pogledu. Time bi se financijski ciljevi povezali s ciljevima Unije.
Također bi planiranje troškova trebalo doživjeti promjenu, odnosno trebala bi se dogoditi tranzicija s planiranja troškova temeljeno na aktivnosti na planiranje troškova temeljeno na rezultatu. Podržavam prijedlog izvjestitelja koji poziva Komisiju da uključi u svoja izvješća informacije o postignućima država članica te inzistira na sjedinjavanju obrazaca na globalnoj razini i njihovom povezivanju s ciljevima EU Strategije 2020. Revizorski sud bi trebao pratiti napredak postignut od Komisije u stvaranju i upravljanju rizikom i procesima unutarnje kontrole, te formulirati preporuke utvrde li se ikakve manjakvosti.
Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), in writing. - In favour. The Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) has added a new instrument to the toolbox of budgetary discharge: evaluation of the finances of the Union based on results achieved. Pursuant to Article[nbsp ]318 of the Treaty the Commission is to prepare an annual report in this respect. Since it focuses on financial performance this evaluation report complements the compliance approach developed by the European Court of Auditors in Chapters[nbsp ]1 to 9 of its annual report. It offers Parliament the opportunity to assess policy achievements and the legality of financial transactions. This shift will also facilitate the transition from activity-based budgeting to performance-based budgeting.
Γεώργιος Σταυρακάκης (S&D), γραπτώς. – Σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 318 της Συνθήκης της Λισαβόνας, η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή οφείλει να "υποβάλλει στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο και το Συμβούλιο έκθεση αξιολόγησης των οικονομικών της Ένωσης βασιζόμενη στα αποτελέσματα που έχουν επιτευχθεί", ιδίως σε σχέση με τη διαδικασία της απαλλαγής. Για το οικονομικό έτος 2012, η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή υπέβαλε την τρίτη έκθεση αξιολόγησης λαμβάνοντας υπόψη τις διάφορες συστάσεις του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου στις προηγούμενες δύο εκθέσεις, μεταξύ άλλων, τη σύνδεση μεταξύ των διαφόρων προγραμμάτων της ΕΕ και των στόχων της στρατηγικής "Ευρώπη 2020". Υπερψήφισα την έκθεση ιδίας πρωτοβουλίας σχετικά με την αξιολόγηση των οικονομικών της Ένωσης, η οποία έρχεται ως απάντηση στην έκθεση της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής. Είναι ιδιαιτέρως σημαντικό η έκθεση τη Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής να εξηγεί με απλό και συνοπτικό τρόπο πώς οι δαπάνες της ΕΕ συνεισφέρουν στην επίτευξη των στόχων της "Ευρώπης 2020" σε ενωσιακό και παγκόσμιο επίπεδο. Επιπλέον, το Ευρωπαϊκό Ελεγκτικό Συνέδριο θα πρέπει να παρακολουθεί την πρόοδο που έχει σημειωθεί από την Επιτροπή στον σχεδιασμό και τη λειτουργία των διαδικασιών διαχείρισης κινδύνων και εσωτερικού ελέγχου, καθώς και να διατυπώνει συστάσεις εάν εντοπιστούν τυχόν ελλείψεις, και να υπάρχει αναφορά για αυτά τα ζητήματα στην έκθεση της Επιτροπής.
Kay Swinburne (ECR), in writing. - I voted in favour of this resolution, which concerns the evaluation report of the Union’s finances, based on the results achieved; a new instrument in the toolbox of budgetary discharge, introduced by the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.
Dubravka Šuica (PPE), în scris. - Slažem se s ovim nacrtom izvješća o ocjeni financija Unije na temelju postignutih rezultata. Profesorica sam i dugo sam radila u prosvjeti gdje je ocjena edukativan instrument namijenjen utvrđivanju i objašnjavanju rezultata. U ovom kontekstu, moramo razlikovati ocjenu od revizije financijskih rezultata i uspjeha, s obzirom da ocjenu provode upravna tijela, a reviziju nadležni revizori. Ocjene su bitne kako bismo mogli identificirati i razumjeti rezultate te razmotriti, ukoliko je potrebno, alternative u donošenju odluka. S obzirom na ekonomsku i gospodarsku krizu u kojoj se nalaze određene članice Europske unije, uključujući Hrvatsku, smatram ovu temu izrazito bitnom i mislim da su nam ocjenjivanje financija Unije i rezultati tog ocjenjivanja vrlo važni.
Marc Tarabella (S&D), par écrit. – Le traité sur le fonctionnement de l'Union européenne (traité FUE) a doté la procédure de décharge budgétaire d'un nouvel outil: l'évaluation des finances de l'Union fondée sur les résultats obtenus. Conformément à l'article 318 du traité, la Commission élabore un rapport annuel à ce sujet. Dans la mesure où il se concentre sur les résultats financiers, ce rapport d'évaluation complète l'approche en matière de conformité développée par la Cour des comptes européenne dans les chapitres 1 à 9 de son rapport annuel. Il offre au Parlement européen la possibilité d'évaluer les réalisations politiques, de même que la légalité des transactions financières. Cette modification facilitera également la transition d'une budgétisation par activité vers une budgétisation axée sur les performances.
Nuno Teixeira (PPE), por escrito. - O Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da União Europeia (TFUE) introduziu um novo instrumento do conjunto de mecanismos da quitação orçamental: a avaliação das finanças da União, com base nos resultados obtidos. Nos termos do artigo 318.º do Tratado, a Comissão Europeia deve apresentar um relatório anual sobre esta matéria. Este é um documento que incide sobre o desempenho financeiro e oferece ao Parlamento Europeu a oportunidade de avaliar as realizações políticas e a legalidade das transacções financeiras. Assim, o principal objectivo do processo de quitação é aferir se os fundos da UE foram correctamente geridos e se a totalidade das receitas e despesas constam no balanço. Paralelamente a este relatório anual da Comissão Europeia, o Parlamento examina também os relatórios aprovados pelo Tribunal de Contas que incidem na boa gestão de diferentes sectores ou políticas. Este é um documento que contribui para que, a longo prazo, seja preparado um orçamento efectivamente baseado no desempenho do Parlamento Europeu, sendo por isso essencial. Por estes motivos, votei a favor deste relatório.
Ruža Tomašić (ECR), napisan. - Podržavam ovu Rezoluciju Europskog parlamenta jer utvrđuje temeljna načela kojima bi se Komisija trebala voditi pri izradi izvješća o ocjeni učinaka predviđenih člankom 318. Ugovora o funkcioniranju Europske unije koji daje priliku Parlamentu kako bi bolje izvršio svoju ovlast političkog nadzora rada europskih tijela javne vlasti.
Također, dijelim zadovoljstvo koje izražava Rezolucija o stavu Komisije u svom posljednjem izvješću o ocjeni financija Europske unije, gdje je uzela u obzir određene preporuke koje je Parlament iznio u okviru odluka o davanju razrješnice. S druge strane, dijelim zabrinutost i žaljenje što u mnogim područjima programi EU-a nisu dovoljno usmjereni na uspješnost nego se usredotočuju na poštovanje pravila.
Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D), în scris. - Am votat pentru rezoluţia referitoare la evaluarea finanțelor Uniunii pe baza rezultatelor obținute: un nou instrument pentru procedura îmbunătățită de descărcare de gestiune a Comisiei Europene. Considerăm că, datorită axării sale pe finanțele Uniunii pe baza rezultatelor obținute, raportul de evaluare prevăzut la articolul 318 din TFUE completează abordarea bazată pe conformitate, prezentată de Curtea de Conturi la capitolele 1-9 din raportul său anual și oferă Parlamentului posibilitatea de a-și exercita într-un mod mai eficace competența de control politic al acțiunilor autorităților publice europene. Salutăm intenția Comisiei de a-și structura raportul de evaluare în funcție de noul cadru de performanță pentru următorul cadru financiar multianual și de a-și baza raportul pe acest cadru. Consideram că un astfel de cadru de performanță ar trebui să includă următoarele trei elemente principale: realizarea obiectivelor de program (rezultate), buna gestiune a programului de către Comisie și statele membre și modul în care rezultatele programului și buna gestiune contribuie la realizarea obiectivelor principale ale Uniunii. Solicităm Comisiei să prezinte Parlamentului European și Consiliului raportul de evaluare a finanțelor Uniunii pe baza rezultatelor obținute, astfel cum este prevăzut la articolul 318, al doilea paragraf din TFUE, înainte de 30 iunie din anul următor exercițiului financiar care face obiectul evaluării.
Oleg Valjalo (S&D), napisan. - Drago mi je da, u vremenu kada su mediji Europski parlament i ostale institucije Europske unije podvrgnuli skrupuloznoj analizi troškova, i mi sami pokazujemo stalnost političke volje da naše financije vodimo bolje i odgovornije, kako na razini Unije općenito, tako i u svakom našem pojedinačnom programu i svakoj našoj zajedničkoj aktivnosti.
Izvješće kolege Michaela Theurera pozitivan je pomak u smjeru boljega upravljanja zajedničkim financijama, jer u pitanju davanja razrješnice uvodi novi instrument za ocjenu cjelokupnih financija Europske unije. Taj je novi instrument temeljen na postignutim rezultatima i to je, u odnosu na stare prakse, ne samo ohrabrujuće, nego je i pohvalno, pozitivno i dobro.
Naime, s godinama postaje sve vidljivije da naš zajednički problem nije kako za pojedini program ili pojedinu aktivnost odvojiti više proračunskoga novca, nego kako novac koji smo odlučili odvojiti za neki program ili aktivnost potrošiti što bolje i što efikasnije. Drugim riječima, borimo se s problemom da naš zajednički novac ne bacamo u vjetar, nego da ga potrošimo na sustavan način, usmjeren kvalitetnom i što uspješnijem postizanju unaprijed zadanih ciljeva. Novi instrument za ocjenu financija Unije trebao bi doprinijeti poboljšanju uspješnoga izvršenja našega proračuna i zato sam vrlo rado podržao ovo izvješće.
Derek Vaughan (S&D), in writing. - The effectiveness of EU spending is vitally important and especially so at a time when Member States and regions are facing tough economic decisions. In order to ensure that money is being spent effectively and efficiently, programme evaluation is key. This own-initiative report, which I support, calls on the Commission to refer to the achievements of Member States. It also highlights that the Court of Auditors should monitor the progress made by the Commission and make recommendations when needed. Article 318, which this report refers to, will be a useful tool to compare the effectiveness of EU spending in terms of achievements and performance, which I hope will have more of an emphasis on project outcomes that have a positive effect directly on citizens.
Angelika Werthmann (ALDE), in writing. - I voted in favour of the report, as it gives the European institutions an additional instrument to work with and better evaluate how the European Union’s financial means are being used by the Member States, simply by bearing in mind and taking into consideration the experiences and results achieved in the past. The report states that, using this new evaluation method, the European Parliament can ‘assess policy achievements and the legality of financial transactions’ and ‘reinforce the performance culture in the financial management of the Union and prepare’ the way to ‘a performance-based budget’. I think the European Union and its citizens are entitled to know how the finances of the Union are used. In my view, ‘transparency’ is more than welcome in this case.
Iuliu Winkler (PPE), în scris. - Salut adoptarea Raportului referitor la evaluarea finanțelor Uniunii pe baza rezultatelor obținute: un nou instrument pentru procedura îmbunătățită de descărcare de gestiune a Comisiei Europene. Consider că acest raport de evaluare (prevăzut la articolul 318 din TFUE) contribuie la capacitatea analitică a autorității bugetare de a extrage informații relevante din experiența acumulată. Am votat acest raport considerând că este veriga lipsă dintre evaluarea performanței și auditul de performanță, dar și că va contribui la consolidarea culturii performanței în cadrul gestiunii financiare din UE.
10.5. Zavedenie celoúniového interoperabilného systému eCall (A7-0482/2013 - Philippe De Backer)
Francesca Barracciu (S&D). - Ogni giorno decine di persone perdono la vita sulle strade italiane. Nella mia regione, la Sardegna, lungo la sola statale Sassari-Olbia 100 vite sono state spezzate negli ultimi vent'anni.
Molto è stato fatto in termini di prevenzione e i risultati sono sotto gli occhi di tutti. Il numero delle vittime della strada si è dimezzato negli ultimi dieci anni. Per poterci avvicinare il più possibile allo zero ci sono ancora ampi margini di miglioramento sul fronte della tempestività dei soccorsi. A tal proposito, dal 2005 la Commissione ha invitato, sinora invano, le case automobilistiche ad implementare il servizio elettronico di chiamata di emergenza eCall sui loro veicoli.
Oggi, approvando questa relazione, abbiamo reso il sistema obbligatorio per tutti i nuovi veicoli immatricolati dal 2015. Questo rappresenta, a mio avviso, un esempio classico di quanto l'intervento dell'Unione possa essere un tangibile e concreto beneficio per i cittadini comunitari e per quanti vivono in Europa.
Roberta Angelilli (PPE). - L'approvazione della relazione sul sistema eCall è un chiaro segnale di sostegno da parte del Parlamento europeo al tema della sicurezza stradale.
Nel 2012 sulle strade dell'Unione europea si sono verificati oltre 1 milione di incidenti stradali con 28.000 vittime e più di 1 milione e mezzo di feriti. Ovviamente il sistema eCall non anticipa gli incidenti e non li riduce, però può mettere a disposizione procedure d'intervento molto rapide. Infatti, i tempi si riducono di circa il 50% nelle zone rurali fino al 40% nelle zone urbane e si può contribuire alla riduzione fino al 20% degli ingorghi che si formano in queste situazioni.
Inoltre, tale sistema può garantire un intervento adeguato soprattutto quando, durante un incidente, le persone in stato di shock non riescono a comunicare la loro posizione.
Anna Záborská (PPE). - Ako lekárka podporujem zavedenie systému, ktorý môže zachrániť mnoho ľudských životov na európskych cestách. No kladiem si otázku, či by takýto systém nemal byť súčasťou politiky zdravotného poistenia, prípadne poistenia motorového vozidla. Zastávam názor, že starostlivosť o riziko spojené s[nbsp ]jazdou autom by nemala byť právomocou Európskej únie, ale predovšetkým majiteľa vozidla. Škoda, že Komisia nenavrhla legislatívu, ktorá by zavedenie zariadení e-call v motorových vozidlách založila na poistných bonusoch. Namiesto toho sme sa rozhodli ísť cestou povinnosti pre výrobcu, a teda cestou opatrovateľského štátu.