Ausführliche Sitzungsberichte

Dienstag, 13. Januar 2015 - Straßburg

14. Lage in Libyen (Aussprache)

  Preşedinte. - Următorul punct pe ordinea de zi este Declarația Vicepreședintelui Comisiei/Înaltului Reprezentant al Uniunii pentru afaceri externe și politica de securitate cu privire la situația din Libia. Ca atare, îmi face plăcere, urând un An Nou fericit doamnei Înalt Reprezentant, să îi dau cuvântul să facă introducerea la acest subiect (2014/3018 (RSP)).

  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs. - Mr President, Libya is one of the issues which – when we remember to do so – we say we have to pay more attention to, but then it is not necessarily the case that we are coherent in our actions. That is why I really appreciate the chance of having this debate in Parliament today, and also the resolutions on the table.

I talked just a few minutes ago with Bernardino Léon, the UN Secretary-General’s special envoy for Libya. We have been in permanent contact during these difficult weeks and months, and you probably know very well that tomorrow is a crucial time for Libya. Tomorrow, starting in the early afternoon, Bernardino Léon has convened talks and is holding talks among different parties. Not all the actors have yet decided to participate, but many have, and let me take this chance first of all to praise those on both sides who are participating in the talks in Geneva tomorrow, and also to encourage – and I think this debate could also be a way of doing so together – all those in Libya who have not yet decided to participate in the talks, to do so now or later in the process.

This is an opportunity that the Libyans cannot afford to miss. The strongest message which can come to them from here is: take this opportunity, because we are not sure there will be other opportunities for dialogue in the future. This is going to be the last chance – and I hope it is not going to fade, and so it will the last successful chance – but it could be in any case the last chance to give the country a future in terms of the political process – and also a present in terms of a ceasefire – to stop the violence which, as we know, since the last resolution, the last debate in Parliament (in September if I am not wrong), has deteriorated significantly.

There is no alternative to dialogue; there is no alternative for the international community than to support – when and if it takes place – any decision to move towards a national reconciliation or a national dialogue. This is a decision which is in the hands of the Libyans. Our role can and will be that of supporting a process that needs to start in Libya itself.

I can assure you that the international community, starting from the regional community, is coordinating very strongly now. This has not always been the case in the past, but finally it seems to be the case. We will not only have the international community, with regular meetings of the special envoys, but there will also be the African Union, the Arab League, the European Union itself and obviously the United Nations framework. We will have on Monday a Foreign Affairs Council, where I have decided to put Libya on the agenda to make an assessment of what is going to happen – or is not going to happen – in Geneva in the coming days.

Your debate today will also be an excellent opportunity to contribute, with the resolutions, to the debate of the Ministers on Monday, and I will be particularly pleased to report back to the Ministers about the debate and the decisions of the European Parliament.

In the resolutions there are a number of issues which I might return to in more detail in my concluding remarks, such as the review of the mandate of EUBAM, and other things I know that many of you are interested in. But let me say again that the timing of our discussion today gives us a unique opportunity to send a strong political message to those participating in the talks to go ahead, and to those still in the process of deciding on their participation, not to miss this historic opportunity.

  Mariya Gabriel, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, comme vous l'avez dit, la réunion annoncée à Genève par le représentant spécial des Nations unies en Libye est une chance qu'il ne faut pas gâcher. Je félicite Bernardino Léon pour son action, et je souligne que nous devons continuer à coopérer étroitement avec lui et les Nations unies. J'insisterai sur 3 axes.

Premièrement, un cessez-le-feu et l'établissement d'une feuille de route sont nécessaires pour la reprise de la transition démocratique. Tenir compte des leçons apprises pour surmonter la polarisation extrême requiert les efforts de toutes les parties pour que le dialogue de Ghadamès se poursuive.

Deuxièmement, la perspective régionale est déterminante pour une stabilisation durable. Il faut saluer le rôle positif d'acteurs comme l'Égypte ou encore la Ligue arabe, sans omettre les forces négatives et la nécessité de réponses plus adéquates aux problématiques régionales.

Quant au rôle de l'Union européenne, j'ai trois questions à ce sujet. 2015 serait peut-être l'occasion de faire un bilan de la stratégie de l'UE pour le Sahel. N'a-t-on pas eu une approche restrictive sur le plan géographique et thématique? A-t-on réussi à établir le lien entre sécurité et développement sur le plan opérationnel? Il faut trouver un moyen de mettre un terme à la prolifération des armes et des autres trafics qui ont pris de l'ampleur et continuent de déstabiliser toute la région sahélo-saharienne.

La mission EUBAM: qu'en est-il de la reconsidération de son mandat et de la réattribution des ressources pour prendre en compte l'évolution de la situation actuelle?

Et enfin, je terminerai en rappelant l'urgence d'atteindre un point de non-retour dans le dialogue entre les parties prenantes au conflit. La Libye ne doit pas devenir un bis repetita du cas syrien. Dans ce contexte, l'action, la visibilité et la proactivité du coordinateur de l'UE pour la lutte contre le terrorisme acquièrent une importance d'autant plus grande.

  Victor Boștinaru, în numele grupului S&D. – Domnule Președinte, permiteți-mi să transmit că, dacă timpul este prețios, așa cum spunea domnul Bernardino recent: „time is running out for Libya and for us”, este cu atât mai important să utilizăm timpul pe care îl avem la dispoziție pentru a preveni o disoluție completă a statului libian. Nu doresc să vorbesc despre erorile comise de mai multe dintre statele Uniunii Europene în Libia și în legătură cu Libia în anii din urmă. Dar avem în față o situație atât de gravă și atât de tensionată încât autoritățile acestui stat nu funcționează sau nu funcționează aproape deloc. Suntem aproape de situația tipică a unui failing state. Pe de altă parte avem o situație în care Curtea Supremă a decis să delegitimeze parlamentul și guvernul, ceea ce creează o complicație enormă.

Uniunea Europeană trebuie să acționeze ferm și unit în acest caz, inițiativele singulare ale unor state trebuind evitate pentru că pur și simplu nu mai avem timp să reparăm ceea ce am putea strica. În acest sens cred că: 1) este necesară oprirea de îndată a luptelor dintre milițiile care operează în Libia atât în nume propriu, cât și în numele unor actori externi Libiei; 2) este esențial să prevenim transformarea conflictului din Libia într-un conflict cu largi implicații regionale care pot afecta o situație deja fragilă; 3) să prevenim posibilitatea ca Libia să devină o nouă bază de operațiuni a Statului Islamic știind că deja în Libia sunt implantate elemente ale Statului Islamic.

În acest sens, cred că Uniunea Europeană trebuie să sprijine pe deplin eforturile trimisului special și al Secretarului General ONU pentru o soluție pozitivă și Uniunea Europeană trebuie să coopereze masiv și consistent cu el. Salut declarația dată de Înaltul Reprezentant, doamna Mogherini, și invit în același timp Comisia Europeană să coopereze strâns cu Egiptul, Tunisia, Algeria și Marocul pentru a stabiliza, la nivel regional, situația din Libia.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, as rival governing factions from Libya are meeting in Geneva, under the mediation of Bernardino León, the situation back home remains very precarious. Following the overthrow of the Gaddafi regime, ethnic, tribal and regional divisions have been woven now into a patchwork of rival governments and militias. The legitimately-elected government, having been forced from Tripoli by Islamists in the summer of last year, is now based in the north-eastern city of Al Bayda’. Whilst it claims – that is, the legitimate government claims – to be in control of all but eight of Libya’s largest cities and to remain responsible for approximately 80% of the country’s oil exports, military power is actually being exercised by an ex-Gaddafi general, Khalifa Haftar, in the form of the ‘Dignity’ movement.

Whether one looks to the humanitarian crisis presented by the movement of refugees across the Mediterranean, the allegiance between ISIS and some of the jihadist militias – particularly Ansar al Sharia – or the potential for wider destabilisation of the Sahel region, Libya is a country that the EU cannot afford to ignore. Furthermore, Member States must do more to investigate reports of support for jihadist groups from third countries such as Qatar and Turkey.

  Fernando Maura Barandiarán, en nombre del Grupo ALDE. – Señor Presidente, la situación en Libia está llegando a un punto de no retorno. La celebración de las negociaciones que tendrán lugar en Ginebra la próxima semana representa seguramente —como ha dicho la señora Mogherini— la última oportunidad para que las dos facciones sienten las bases de un alto el fuego y de la formación de un gobierno de unidad nacional que permita avanzar en la pacificación del país y en la estabilización de la región.

Si en Ginebra no se avanza en una solución final al conflicto y en la creación de un Estado sujeto a los principios del Derecho internacional y al imperio de la ley, Libia y parte de la región correrán el peligro de caer definitivamente en el más absoluto de los caos. Un caos, estimados colegas, que, como todos sabemos, creará las condiciones perfectas para que grupos terroristas ligados a Al Qaeda y al Estado Islámico y señores de la guerra tribales encuentren espacio para crecer y crear bases mucho más importantes, con el peligro añadido del contagio a países colindantes.

La Resolución que hoy presentamos no puede ser solo una condena y una descripción de la terrible situación que vive Libia, sino un aviso claro y rotundo de que, si las negociaciones no llegan a buen puerto, la balcanización del norte de África puede ser inevitable y sus consecuencias, no solo en la región, sino en la frontera meridional de la Unión Europea, pueden ser catastróficas, como evidencian las presiones migratorias que sufre la Unión Europea como consecuencia del conflicto.

Debemos, por lo tanto, apoyar y ejercer toda la presión posible para que las negociaciones lleguen a buen puerto y ofrecer toda la asistencia posible también a las autoridades libias para asegurar un futuro próspero y estable tanto al país como a los Estados vecinos, para que puedan controlar de manera efectiva sus fronteras y evitar la expansión del conflicto y sus consecuencias. Si no es así, es posible que debamos estar preparados para pasar de las palabras a los hechos.

  Javier Couso Permuy, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor Presidente, la situación en Libia es de absoluto desastre. Un país destruido, fragmentado y a punto de ser inviable.

Pero ese desastre no es una catástrofe natural. Fue fruto de la intervención de la OTAN. La solución no puede partir de los que generaron ese desastre. Por eso, no solo nos oponemos a cualquier intervención militar occidental, sino que entendemos que, por el bien del pueblo libio, se deben escuchar las propuestas de los países vecinos. La iniciativa de diálogo liderada por Argelia debe ser tomada en cuenta.

Y es la segunda oportunidad. Así se lo hice saber al Sr. Bernardino León. Habríamos evitado esta guerra con otra propuesta de Argelia que contaba con el consenso de las partes. Me gustaría conocer la opinión de la señora Mogherini. ¿Cree que Argelia es un actor capaz de liderar el diálogo entre las partes? ¿No cree que un vecino es un valor añadido en la búsqueda de una solución?

Lo que es inaceptable es que los pirómanos apaguen el fuego. Muchos países, con el apoyo político de este Parlamento, apoyaron la intervención de la OTAN que llevó a la destrucción del país. Por el bien del pueblo libio, este Parlamento y la Alta Representante deben dar un paso adelante y arrimar el hombro con los vecinos de Libia, que conocen muy bien estas guerras inducidas y apoyadas por los que a un lado y al otro del Atlántico se afanan en reordenar Oriente Próximo a golpe de guerra, bombas y sufrimiento.

  Barbara Lochbihler, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Hohe Vertreterin! Die Zivilbevölkerung in Libyen ist immer wieder den Angriffen der konkurrierenden Fraktionen ausgesetzt. Die Menschen werden aus ihren Häusern vertrieben, verletzt, getötet und leben in großer Angst vor neuen Angriffen. Im Herbst sprach die UN-Hochkommissarin für Menschenrechte sogar explizit von Kriegsverbrechen und forderte die sofortige Einstellung dieser militärischen Angriffe, die wahllos direkt auf besiedelte Gebiete ausgeübt werden.

Von außen sollten wir keinesfalls einseitig eine der verfeindeten Gruppen militärisch unterstützen. Denn dies würde den Weg versperren zum Dialog, der absolut notwendig ist, soll nicht der ganze Staat zerfallen. Wir hoffen sehr, dass der für diese Woche angesetzte neue Dialogversuch der UN einen konkreten Fortschritt bringt. Um mehr Druck zu erzeugen, empfehlen wir zudem, die Einnahmen aus den Ölverkäufen zu nutzen, zum Beispiel durch die Einrichtung eines internationalen Mechanismus, dessen Aufgabe es ist, die Einnahmen in großen Teilen zurückzuhalten, damit sie erst einer sich bildenden nationalen Einheitsregierung zur Verfügung stehen.

Die Milizen in Libyen haben sich daran gewöhnt, dass sie für ihr gesetzloses Verhalten, für ihre Menschenrechtsverletzungen nicht zur Verantwortung gezogen werden. Deshalb wäre es auch sehr sinnvoll, eine internationale und unabhängige Untersuchungskommission einzurichten, die die schweren Menschenrechtsverletzungen und Kriegsverbrechen auf allen Seiten dokumentiert und die Täter zur Verantwortung zieht.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Libia, atto finale di una tragedia? La guerra civile per procura sponsorizzata da Emirati, Egitto e Stati Uniti, da un lato e, Qatar e Turchia, dall'altro, ha alimentato le smisurate ambizioni delle fazioni contendenti convinte di raggiungere la vittoria totale. Il risultato è un vero e proprio suicidio economico nazionale. Il calo della produzione e crollo del prezzo del petrolio hanno ridotto le entrate a 19 miliardi dai 59 del 2013. Ora è uno Stato fallito politicamente quanto economicamente.

La politica dei due forni, anzi dei due pozzi, adottata dalla Banca centrale libica è morta e sepolta e il califfato di Derna, terzo incomodo pronto ad approfittarne, ringrazia. Per questo nelle prossime negoziazioni si dovrà prendere atto che la soluzione politica deve necessariamente coinvolgere anche l'Islam moderato in un governo di unità nazionale, altrimenti spianeremo la strada al terrorismo per trasformare la Libia in un jihadistan a pochi chilometri dall'Europa. Possiamo ancora impedirlo se guardiamo al bene di tutti e non solo all'interesse di pochi.

  Diane Dodds (NI). - Mr President, I would like to thank the High Representative for her assessment of the situation in Libya and of the potential within the current talks process. In the middle of the variety of very pressing issues in that particular state, I want to focus the attention of this House for a moment on two in particular.

Firstly, High Representative, I want to thank you for your letter to me of 7 January 2015 regarding compensation from the Libyan authorities for the innocent victims of Irish Republican terrorism in Northern Ireland. The Gaddafi regime funded a campaign of terror and death in Northern Ireland with their partners in the IRA. Negotiations between UK representatives and the Libyan authorities have stalled during the internal fragmentation and violence that Libya is now experiencing. However, the innocent victims of Libyan-sponsored terrorism in Northern Ireland need to see justice and compensation, and we need your support, High Representative, to achieve that. I am asking you to make this a priority of your term of office and to talk and meet with these innocent victims in Northern Ireland. I hope that you can find the time to do this fairly soon.

Finally, the issue of the persecution of Christians who live in Libya. We of course have seen the results of violent extremism in France in the last week. Those are dreadful and sad scenes. However, Libyan Christians have lived with these scenes for a very long time. They need your support; they need the support of this Chamber and of the European Union institutions.

  Santiago Fisas Ayxelà (PPE). - Señor Presidente, ya es la cuarta vez que intervengo en esta Cámara para hablar sobre la situación de Libia y las consecuencias que tuvo la caída de Gadafi en este país, en los países del Sahel y actualmente en Túnez, donde hay más de ochocientos mil refugiados libios que pueden desestabilizar su reciente democracia. Pero ahora no es el momento de los reproches, sino de las posibles soluciones.

La estabilidad de Libia es primordial para Europa, por su proximidad y por la riqueza del país. Hay que solucionar la situación de Estado fallido en la que se encuentra. No tenemos que olvidar el grave riesgo que corremos si permitimos que el islamismo radical se instale, de forma permanente, a las puertas de Europa. Estos días se celebra esta reunión de Ginebra, de todas las partes implicadas, para solucionar desde el diálogo este conflicto.

Y debemos escuchar más a las naciones africanas vecinas, algo que no se hizo cuando cayó Gadafi.

  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il conflitto libico ha ampie ripercussioni sull'economia e la sicurezza di tutto il bacino del Mediterraneo. Il rischio di un'escalation del conflitto a livello regionale è reale. Il caos che oggi è imperante e la massiccia quantità di armi a disposizione possono trasformare il paese in un territorio ideale per l'attività e la formazione di gruppi estremisti, ISIS compreso come abbiamo visto.

In questo quadro è necessario agire, uscendo dallo stato di disattenzione che ha caratterizzato la politica europea per diverso tempo. L'emergenza libica deve essere risolta obbligando tutte le rappresentanze libiche a sedersi al tavolo allargato a partire, certo, da Ginevra sulla base del lavoro che va sostenuto di Bernardino León. Quest'offensiva diplomatica non va assolutamente sprecata, perché è decisiva per trovare una soluzione politica e deve essere facilitata dal ruolo dei paesi vicini e deve essere favorita dall'Europa. Questo è il compito urgente che abbiamo oggi nella piena consapevolezza, da un lato, che per la società politica libica, senza una conclusione positiva dei negoziati, sarà ancora più caos e disastro e, dall'altro, per l'Europa che dopo gli errori fatti non può più sbagliare o si troverà dinanzi una deriva molto pericolosa.

(L'oratore accetta una domanda "cartellino blu" (articolo 162, paragrafo 8, del regolamento))

  Bill Etheridge (EFDD), blue-card question. – Would you agree with me that one of the overriding factors of the problems that we see across the world at the moment, especially with the rise of terrorism and Islamism of an extreme nature, has been brought about by well-meaning interventions by the West, and that Madam Mogherini has got one heck of a tough job to do this right when every example that we see of Western intervention has just made things worse and worse? Would you not agree that this is extremely dangerous territory?

  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D), Risposta a una domanda "cartellino blu". – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ho tentato di dire nell'intervento che alcuni errori sono stati commessi ed è giusto dirlo! È proprio sulla base di questi errori che non bisogna più sbagliare e che bisogna fare un intervento perché il dialogo si affermi e si costruiscano le condizioni per una pace duratura in quel paese. Ne ha bisogno soprattutto l'Europa!

  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR). - Mr President, Madam High Representative, time is running out for Libya, certainly, although I appreciate greatly the efforts undertaken by Bernardino León. Similarly, I appreciate your leadership in this respect.

I am very worried about the emergence of a self-proclaimed caliphate in Darna and around the Al Bayda’ region, and also about disappearances of persons in Libya. We are seeing the next stage of events with radical Islamism there, and surely you need much more insight into this situation as well as cooperation within the European External Action Service.

  James Carver (EFDD). - Mr President, the Western-led bombing to oust Gaddafi was supposed to be a success story for a new kind of warfare. Politicians such as Cameron and Sarkozy wanted us to believe they had devised a surgical military intervention. More, the bombing was supposed to show that European leaders could exert influence in North Africa to match America’s. What blood-soaked European vanity that has turned out to be! Libya is not a failed state. It is no kind of state at all. It is a territory of murder and chaos, of kidnapping and butchery.

The EU should do nothing but stay out. Ms Mogherini’s eurocrats can do no good by meddling in a civil war which Europe helped cause – and with whom would they negotiate anyway? With which set of Islamic extremists or tribal war lords or American favourites? Our interference turned loose chaos in Libya. We must not enter conflicts that are not in the national interests of Member States.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

  Charles Tannock (ECR), blue-card question. – Mr Carver, if you had been Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and you were in a position to decide, what would you have done when you heard Mr Gaddafi say he was going to butcher every man, woman and child in Benghazi? Had Mr Cameron not intervened, and had that massacre taken place, surely the world would have said we got it wrong? It is clear we have huge problems in Libya and the outcome is far from desirable, but what would you have done, given the threat from a paranoid dictator like Muammar Gaddafi?

  James Carver (EFDD), blue-card answer. – Thank you Mr Tannock. What I would have done is that I would have learned from the previous experiences of our former Prime Minister, Mr Blair, and the tragic intervention in Iraq. I would have hopefully used the diplomacy to get to the state of being a prime minister to understand that conflicts in the Middle East need to have a Middle Eastern dimension if it is to be resolved properly. Western influences in the Middle East only leads to further distraction and further problems; it prolongs the issue.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (NI), question "carton bleu". – Monsieur Carver, partagez-vous mon point de vue selon lequel nous sommes intervenus en sortant du mandat que les Nations unies avaient donné aux nations qui sont intervenues?

  James Carver (EFDD), blue-card answer. – Yes I do. I think the whole issue with regard to intervention in Libya on the back of what was happening in other parts of the Middle East was a huge mistake, and yes, I believe we did exceed.

  Gerolf Annemans (NI). - Als parlementslid heb ik Libië bezocht toen het land nog een staatshoofd had dat men moest ontmoeten in een tent, die stond opgesteld in een doolhof van betonnen muren. Het staatshoofd was toen nog een schertsfiguur en de eenheid van zijn land was schone schijn, die bedekt werd door de vage titulatuur van voorzitter van de Jamaharia, een conglomeraat van de revolutie, en door een militaire dictatuur.

De betonnen muren bleken de voorzitter van de Jamaharia niet zozeer tegen de Amerikaanse raketten te moeten beschermen, zoals hij ons probeerde te laten geloven, maar vooral, zoals nu blijkt, tegen de verschillende afschuwelijke en bloeddorstige elementen die op Libische bodem huisden en huizen, en die nooit een eenheid zullen vormen, maar altijd en hoogstens een gedwongen samenraapsel zullen zijn.

Ik hoop dat u beseft hoe weinig kansen u hebt op het creëren van een stabiel land en het lijkt mij ook passend als westerling in het algemeen en als Europa in het bijzonder, een beetje bescheiden te zijn na de enorme mislukking van uw politieke en militaire strategie inzake Libië. De Arabische lente was geen revolutie van democratie, maar een illusie die meer dan wat ook het islamterrorisme heeft versterkt.

  Lorenzo Cesa (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Presidente Mogherini, la crisi libica costituisce un fattore di preoccupazione fortissimo per l'Europa e per tutti noi. In Libia, a poche centinaia di chilometri dalle porte meridionali dell'Europa, è in corso uno scontro sempre più violento e drammatico tra antislamisti e filoislamisti, con la presenza di formazioni che si richiamano a gruppi terroristici e all'ISIS.

Le stragi di Parigi e le minacce nei confronti dell'Europa da parte del Califfato rappresentano un allarme troppo acuto per non moltiplicare ogni sforzo per giungere a una soluzione politica della crisi. La crisi umanitaria che si sta determinando in Libia, con i massicci fenomeni migratori in corso verso la Tunisia e verso le nostre coste del Mediterraneo, deve essere fermata e l'Europa con le Nazioni Unite ha il dovere di assumere un'iniziativa politica forte ed efficace.

Più che con sanzioni sulla vendita di idrocarburi occorre intervenire introducendo un embargo completo sulle armi in quanto troppi paesi stanno alimentando militarmente le parti in causa. Per fermare queste contrapposizioni che si svolgono all'interno della Libia, onorevole Mogherini, è necessario istituire quanto prima un forum permanente tra tutti i soggetti coinvolti per avviare finalmente quel dialogo che favorisca stabilità e pace sociale. L'ipotesi di una divisione della Libia in due Stati sarebbe una sciagura di proporzioni immani e dovrà essere evitata. Di questo sono convinto che tutto il Parlamento europeo sia consapevole e per questo credo che una nostra presa di posizione forte, determinata e univoca sia quanto mai indispensabile e urgente.

(L'oratore accetta di rispondere a una domanda "cartellino blu" (articolo 162, paragrafo 8, del regolamento))

  James Carver (EFDD), blue-card question. – Mr Cesa, do you not appreciate the issue with regard to the wider conflict here and the wider political elements of the many countries involved in the supply of arms to various groups with different interests across what was the state of Libya? How can we have an arms embargo when so many Member States have so many different issues? Is this not a case – picking up on what your colleague Ms Gabriel was saying as the first speaker in this debate – that actually the European Union, the Arab League and the African Union have a far greater position to play with regard to these negotiations than this place that caused so many problems?

  Lorenzo Cesa (PPE), Risposta a una domanda "cartellino blu". – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io penso che qualche errore sia stato commesso inevitabilmente, questo dobbiamo riconoscerlo, ma dobbiamo guardare in faccia la realtà che stiamo vivendo. E noi che stiamo in Italia forse la viviamo più di altri, perché abbiamo sul Mediterraneo da fronteggiare una situazione drammatica avendo l'ISIS a due passi dal nostro paese e quindi penso che l'indicazione che mi sono permesso di dare all'Alto rappresentante Mogherini è quello di contrastare non attraverso l'embargo del petrolio ma attraverso l'embargo delle armi, sia uno strumento assolutamente necessario. Quindi realpolitik in questo momento, stare con i piedi per terra!

  Gilles Pargneaux (S&D). - Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, chers collègues, les preneurs d'otages à In Aménas en Algérie, le chef des djihadistes d'Ansar Dine et les assassins des journalistes français Ghislaine Dupont et Claude Verlon, en 2013 au Mali, ont un point commun: ils se sont tous retrouvés à un moment ou à un autre en Libye pour s'entraîner, se fournir en armes et ainsi perpétrer des crimes terroristes atroces.

Ces trois exemples très concrets dépeignent la réalité de ce qu'est devenue la Libye, un État en déliquescence, qui a cédé la place à un hub terroriste aux portes de l'Europe. Le sud-ouest de la Libye mais également sa frontière est inquiètent, où des groupes ont déjà prêté allégeance à Daïch près de la ville de Derna.

Les solutions miracles n'existent pas en Libye et une intervention armée ne fait pas partie des solutions. Le dialogue politique, encore et toujours, est la seule solution crédible. S'il y a urgence donc, c'est l'urgence à rassembler toutes les forces régionales et les organisations internationales pour qu'un cadre de dialogue intralibyen puisse émerger. Sans cela, la menace de l'instabilité et du terrorisme ne quittera jamais les sables libyens.

Nous comptons sur vous, Madame la Haute représentante, et sur l'ensemble de la communauté internationale.

  Mark Demesmaeker (ECR). - Vier jaar nadat de Arabische lente hoop gaf op een democratischer en vrijer Libië dreigt het land de tweede grote oorlogszone van het Midden-Oosten te worden. Naast de islamitische en seculiere milities is ook IS actief in alle provincies.

In een ruimer geopolitiek beeld zien wij dan weer dat Egypte en de Emiraten lijnrecht tegenover Turkije, Quatar en Soedan staan in hun steun aan die milities. Wij moeten ons dan ook de grootste zorgen maken over de situatie in Libië en absoluut vermijden dat ook buurlanden - ik denk vooral aan Tunesië - ontwricht worden. Wil Libië niet helemaal ten onder gaan, dan is een onmiddellijk staakt-het-vuren nodig en moeten alle relevante spelers snel betrokken worden in een soort nationale overgangsraad, vergelijkbaar met de conferentie die na de revolutie georganiseerd werd. Concrete engagementen vanwege de Europese Unie en vanwege de Arabische Liga zijn hierbij onmisbaar.

Mevrouw de vicevoorzitter, wij steunen uw inzet. Het VN-overleg moet alle kansen krijgen.

  Louis Aliot (NI). - Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs, les crimes odieux que la France a connus sont aussi les enfants odieux, abjects et ignobles de la folle politique menée par la France et l'Europe à la remorque des États-Unis avec l'incroyable prétention de régenter les affaires du monde.

Dans cette Libye sans État, où les milices armées font la loi, le trafic de clandestins, parmi ceux des armes et de la drogue, est en pleine expansion. Ce pays est devenu l'ultime point de passage de l'immigration vers l'Europe. La route de la Méditerranée centrale est devenue la route de la mort et de tous les trafics, comme malheureusement l'Italie peut le constater aujourd'hui.

Alors, chère Madame, nous ne sommes pas convaincus – c'est le moins qu'on puisse dire – par les politiques d'intervention en Afghanistan, en Iraq et en Libye avec tout le flot de morts et de massacres. Les dirigeants changent mais les massacres restent.

Nous demandons donc à la Ligue arabe, à la Turquie et aux pétrodollars des monarchies pétrolières de s'occuper enfin de cette politique qui est dans leur sphère d'influence et de ne pas intervenir directement dans des affaires qui ne sont pas de notre responsabilité.

  Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). - Gospodine predsjedniče, predugo je situacija u Libiji bila na margini pozornosti međunarodne zajednice. Vrijeme je da se to promijeni jer borba između vlasti u Tobruku i islamističkih milicija, i naravno sve veći utjecaj tzv. Islamske države u Libiji, ponovno pretvaraju ovu zemlju u prijetnju za međunarodnu sigurnost. Takva situacija na obalama južnog Mediterana traži snažni angažman Europske unije, u prvom redu njene vanjske službe, ali i razvojne politike posebno u području izgradnje učinkovitih institucija. Upravo su ovakve situacije poput Libije razlog zbog kojeg želimo u novom Globalnom razvojnom okviru uključiti razvojne ciljeve o mirnim društvima i izgradnji institucija. No to je dugoročna strategija. Možda je to ono što se trebalo napraviti nakon smjene Gadafijevog režima no potrebno je sada i trenutno djelovanje. Ovdje je ključna uloga Visoke predstavnice u koordinaciji mogućih aktivnosti država članica, u kontaktima sa SAD-om i NATO-om, ali i s drugim važnim akterima poput Katara ili Ujedinjenih Arapskih Emirata. Važno je, također, snažno podržati i rad izaslanika glavnog tajnika UN-a Bernardina Leona, i drago mi je da je to Visoka predstavnica učinila. Međutim, smatram da se mora otvoriti još jedno pitanje, a to je politika Turske prema islamističkim frakcijama u Libiji, i jasno naznačiti potporu EU-a legitimnim vlastima te Zastupničkom domu u Tobruku.

Na kraju, želim posebno naglasiti kako su i u slučaju Libije kršćani posebna meta islamističkih radikala te je potrebno pronaći način za posebnu brigu i zaštitu kršćanske manjine.

  Bogusław Liberadzki (S&D). - Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Wysoka Przedstawiciel! Podzielam Pani pogląd, jeśli chodzi o diagnozę stanu sytuacji w Libii, a co więcej chciałbym powiedzieć, że podzielam także Pani ocenę i Pani determinację, żeby sprawy rozwiązywać. Podzielam Pani pogląd w sprawach społecznych, sytuacji społecznej, wyjścia dla ludności, które w tej chwili jest bardzo, bardzo skomplikowane, w sprawie sytuacji gospodarczej i politycznej. Podzielam także Pani obawy, że brak jest szans na ustabilizowanie sytuacji wewnątrz Libii bez wsparcia zewnętrznego – bez mądrego wsparcia zewnętrznego. Dlatego wyobraźmy sobie konflikty na tle religijnym, a – w ramach religii – także często wyznaniowym czy obrzędowym, stąd nie podzielam tych głosów, które padały na tej sali, żeby się nie mieszać. Tak, musimy być obecni, to leży także w naszym interesie, to dzieje się zbyt blisko, to jest dla nas gospodarczo zbyt ważne. Ale ważne, żebyśmy w tym wołaniu o porządek i ład byli po prostu skuteczni. Szukajmy takiej formuły, żebyśmy się dobrze zapisali w procesie przywracania pokoju i spokoju w Libii.

  Bas Belder (ECR). - Ook in Libië is er sprake van een groeiende presentie van de Islamitische Staat volgens alarmsignalen uit Amerikaanse militaire kringen. Het betreft niet alleen trainingskampen in geïsoleerde Libische regio´s, maar ook de stad Derna aan de Middellandse Zee. Let wel, Derna bevindt zich op slechts 200 km afstand van de Europese kust.

Ik heb twee eenvoudige vragen aan de hoge vertegenwoordiger:

1. Zijn de Amerikaanse alarmsignalen over de groeiende presentie van jihadisten van de Islamitische Staat op Libisch grondgebied juist? Zijn ze verifieerbaar?

2. En zo ja, op welke wijze denkt de Europese Unie het IS-gevaar vanuit Libië voor eigen continent het hoofd te kunnen bieden?

Ten slotte sluit ik mij graag aan bij de oproep van collega Dodds voor Europese aandacht voor de kwetsbare christenen in Libië.

  Lars Adaktusson (PPE). - Herr talman! I den resolution om Libyen som vi antog den 16 september beskrivs situationen i landet i termer av maktvakuum, våld och politisk instabilitet. I dag är de orden otillräckliga. I dag finns det skäl att tala om anarki och om inbördeskrig.

Samtidigt pågår en annan mänsklig katastrof. Under 2014 räddade den italienska marinen omkring 100 000 flyktingar i Medelhavet, främst från hamnar i Libyen. Men tusentals av de flyende kunde inte räddas, deras bräckliga farkoster nådde aldrig Europas stränder.

När vi nu diskuterar Libyen är det ett par plågsamma fakta som förtjänar att nämnas. Det saknas i dag legala vägar in i Europa. Båtmigranternas utsatthet är den kanske tydligaste och mest tragiska konsekvensen av detta.

Den italienska räddningsoperationen Mare nostrum hade mer än dubbelt så stora resurser som efterföljaren Triton har. Medlemsländernas brist på vilja att hjälpa till är nedslående.

Det är vår skyldighet att tala om detta, om avsaknaden av rättvis ansvarsfördelning mellan EU:s medlemsländer. Det är bara tillsammans, genom gemensam solidaritet, som denna katastrofala flyktingsituation kan lösas.

(Talaren samtyckte till att besvara en fråga (blått kort) i enlighet med artikel 149.8 i arbetsordningen).

  James Carver (EFDD), blue-card question. – Should we not now turn our attentions away from a diplomatic solution, leaving that to the United Nations, Arab League and other such international players, and actually turn our attentions to what this House always professes to be so good at, namely dealing with the humanitarian crises largely caused by European leaders? Would you not agree with me that we should turn our emphasis to actually helping the hundred thousand refugees that you just spoke of?

  Lars Adaktusson (PPE), svar (”blått kort”). – Det är precis det som jag talar om, nämligen att vi kan göra mycket mer från EU:s sida när det gäller att hjälpa de människor som flyr från krig och från förföljelse.

Europa är ett av världens rikaste områden, en av de rikaste delarna av världen. Trots det har vi bara tagit emot en bråkdel av de medmänniskor som flyr från krig och förföljelse. Vi kan göra mycket mer, och framför allt kan vi fördela ansvaret och solidariteten mellan medlemsländerna på ett mycket bättre sätt än vad vi gör i dag.

  Miriam Dalli (S&D). - Ħadt gost nisimgħek tgħid li rridu nkunu koerenti ma' dak li nkunu qegħdin ngħidu għaliex tajjeb li l-Unjoni Ewropea tiffoka l-attenzjoni tagħha fuq il-pajjiżi li hemm mal-fruntiera tal-Lvant, imma ħafna drabi nħoss li għamlet dan a skapitu tal-pajjiżi li hemm mal-fruntieri tagħha fin-Nofsinhar.

Nieħu gost nara li aktar pajjiżi qed jaqblu li bi qbil bejn il-fazzjonijiet għandu jkun hemm il-possibilità ta' azzjoni favur iż-żamma tal-paċi mmexxija mill-Ġnus Magħquda biex terġa' tkun stabbilita s-sigurtà fil-pajjiż.

Kellna lil Malta li pproponiet dan u huwa inkoraġġanti li issa l-Italja qalet li lesta tieħu rwol ewlieni taħt l-awspiċi tal-Ġnus Magħquda favur iż-żamma tal-paċi fil-Libja. Ma nistgħux nagħlqu għajnejna għal dak li qed jiġri. Ma nistgħux inħallu aktar ċittadini innoċenti jkomplu jsofru jew addirittura jinqatlu.

M'għandniex il-lussu li nħallu t-terroriżmu, il-fanatiżmu u l-ideoloġiji estremi jiffermentaw. Huwa veru; huma l-Libjani nfushom li jistgħu jagħmlu d-differenza imma l-Unjoni Ewropea għandha r-responsabilità li tiffoka bis-serjetà fuq dak li qed jiġri fil-Libja u fil-pajjiżi tan-naħa tan-Nofsinhar tal-fruntieri tagħna.

  Tomasz Piotr Poręba (ECR). - Panie Przewodniczący! Niespełna 5 lat temu uwaga Europy i świata koncentrowała się na możliwości zmiany sytuacji społeczno-politycznej w Afryce Północnej i na Bliskim Wschodzie i z nadzieją patrzyliśmy na tę możliwość. Dzisiaj z tej nadziei niewiele zostało, a Libia jest tego dobrym przykładem, bo i wojna domowa, i totalna destabilizacja polityczna kraju, zapaść gospodarcza, szalejąca przestępczość – to jest właśnie dzisiaj wizerunek Libii. Dlatego moim zdaniem jako Unia Europejska przy współpracy innych organizacji międzynarodowych powinniśmy jednak wziąć na siebie ten obowiązek, aby zrobić wszystko i jak najszybciej doprowadzić do opanowania sytuacji wewnętrznej w Libii.

Ma to przede wszystkim bardzo istotne znaczenie strategiczne: to kraj, który leży w bardzo ważnej części świata, zwłaszcza w kontekście zagrożenia fundamentalizmem islamskim. Niepokój budzi prześladowanie na tle etnicznym, religijnym, głównie chrześcijan, dramatyczna sytuacja ludności cywilnej i uchodźców. Moim zdaniem, nie ma na co czekać i musimy na poważnie zacząć rozmawiać o Libii, i poważnie zacząć ten kraj wspierać.

  Lara Comi (PPE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ad oggi la Libia appare come una delle aree più calde del mondo: il paese è lacerato da pesanti scontri armati tra milizie di fazioni contrapposte e le forze governative, in alcuni casi con bombardamenti aerei. Si sono verificati attentati suicidi, sequestri di cittadini occidentali, esiste una larghissima e pesante presenza di gruppi estremisti islamici e jihadisti, responsabili di attentati, uccisioni di civili e atti di guerriglia. In Libia la presenza dell'ISIS è attiva e fortissima.

L'impossibilità per le forze dell'ordine governative di garantire un effettivo controllo del territorio ha avuto come conseguenza, oltre a un alto numero di vittime, un volume enorme di profughi che cercano di spostarsi verso i confini europei, in particolare italiani, come dimostrano gli 826 sbarchi di migranti avvenuti nel 2014 sulle coste italiane per un totale di 141.000 persone. Tutto questo alle porte dell'Europa, l'Europa deve intervenire, dobbiamo intervenire insieme e insieme dobbiamo trovare una soluzione e cercare di aiutare queste persone all'interno del loro paese. A quasi quattro anni dalla caduta di Gheddafi non c'è alcun controllo delle frontiere e su questo noi dobbiamo anche comprendere chi è profugo e chi è clandestino e dobbiamo anche avere una maggior rapidità nell'identificazione di queste due tipologie di persone.

  Ana Gomes (S&D). - É urgente travar a guerra civil e o agravar da crise humanitária dentro da Líbia e na vizinhança, com milhares de refugiados, o risco de catástrofes ambientais por centrais petrolíferas a arder e barrar a utilização do território líbio como santuário de organizações terroristas, como a que acaba de nos golpear, criminosamente, em Paris. É a segurança regional, europeia e global que estão sob a ameaça de um Estado falhado na Líbia.

Chegou a hora de nos juntarmos a países africanos que pedem uma intervenção militar internacional, devidamente mandatada pelo Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas e articulada com parceiros regionais: a Liga Árabe, a União Africana.

É urgente ter uma missão de paz da ONU que ajude a devolver condições de segurança para fazer cumprir um acordo político entre todas as fações líbias, como o representante especial da ONU, Bernardino Léon, vem porfiadamente promovendo.

Um tal acordo entre líbios é possível! E também eu espero que ocorra amanhã! Mas não devemos ignorar que hoje, na Líbia, se joga uma guerra por procuração, envolvendo as mesmas potências que estão por detrás do chamado Estado Islâmico, qualquer que seja a variação da hidra terrorista.

A União Europeia tem de usar a sua influência política e diplomática contra essa interferência e tem de redirecionar a sua própria missão e o BAM (Missão de Assistência Fronteiriça), no quadro da Política Comum de Segurança e Defesa, para responder às reais necessidades de segurança da Líbia.

É preciso que integre uma missão de paz da ONU, que tem que ter como prioridade a recolha das armas, o desarmamento, a desmobilização e a reintegração das milícias e grupos armados, e a formação de instituições de segurança sob controlo do Estado.

A Europa também tem responsabilidades na degradação a que se chegou na Líbia pós-Khadafi, até por não dar prioridade à reforma do setor de segurança. Alguns Estados-Membros recusaram atuar coordenadamente, competindo entre si para promover interesses próprios. A União abdicou de os coordenar. É urgente que a Alta Representante os confronte, mude este legado e dê estratégia, eficácia e coerência à ação da União Europeia na Líbia e na região, como, de resto, a Senhora Mogherini hoje, aqui, reconheceu que era necessário.

(O orador aceita responder a uma pergunta "cartão azul" (n.º 8 do artigo 149.º)).

  Jonathan Arnott (EFDD), blue-card question. – We have seen in Afghanistan that military intervention without a clear military objective can often lead to unintended consequences. We have seen in Iraq that the despotic regime of Saddam Hussein was replaced – if that is possible – by something worse. If we are seeking military intervention now: first of all, why? Secondly, what lessons have been learned from Afghanistan and Iraq?

  Ana Gomes (S&D), blue-card answer. – Mr Arnott, I do not know whether you ever set foot in Libya. I did, and I did in the middle of the war against Gaddafi, and I saw that this was no Iraq. This was no invasion like in Iraq in 2003; this was a real people’s revolution, albeit aided by an international intervention – with a UN mandate, by the way. I was there even last December and I was speaking to Libyan parties in the region, in Tunis, and I know that the people of Libya at this moment really welcome such an intervention, because they think this is the only way to have what they need, which is a reform of the state that Gaddafi simply did not have. So we have our responsibilities, and one of our responsibilities is to protect the people of Libya, to correct our mistakes, and that is why I say, together with African neighbouring countries, that we need a UN-mandated international intervention according to international law for peace and for saving people, the people of Libya.

  Branislav Škripek (ECR). - Mr President, as we know, the situation in Libya is at the moment chaotic, as different groups are fighting each other to get power. This is a very bad situation for every citizen, but I would like to stand up for one group of them, who are only half a per cent of the population but a group who suffers the most – the Christians. The situation for Christians is horrible due to different fundamental Islamist groups fighting each other and, moreover, the current official government does not tolerate Christians at all.

Christians are kidnapped, beheaded, beaten, put under huge psychological pressure, forced to convert to Islam and heavily discriminated against. According to the brand new World Watch List compiled by Open Doors, the situation is getting worse and worse. Besides this, destabilised countries and regions fighting with Islamic extremists cause considerable problems in Europe. European recruits who are fighting for these groups are afterwards coming back to Europe and becoming a real threat for us. Therefore, I would like to urge the High Representative to pay special attention to helping and protecting minorities, and especially Christians.

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). - Domnule Președinte, sunt, așa cum au spus și alți vorbitori, aproape patru ani de când a început revolta libiană împotriva regimului lui Gaddafi și situația este astăzi foarte proastă în această țară. Nu puține sunt analizele care avertizează asupra riscului ca Libia să fie un „stat eșuat”. Este foarte clar că, pe de o parte, polarizarea societății, pe de alta, exacerbarea violenței au dus la război civil - aceasta este, cred, expresia cea mai bună pentru a caracteriza situația din Libia, iar aceasta se întâmplă la nici 500 de kilometri de frontierele Europei.

Așa cum știm, pe lângă autoritățile legitime de la Tobruk, avem autorități auto-proclamate la Tripoli și Misrata – culmea!, locuri care simbolizau altădată rezistența împotriva lui Gaddafi. Avem, pe de altă parte, pretenții rivale pentru controlul asupra băncii centrale, a companiei petroliere naționale ș.a.m.d. și de aici situații cu totul și cu totul absurde - acum câteva zile am văzut aceasta în cazul solicitanților maltezi de vize - sau situații de-a dreptul tragice - în urmă cu 10 zile, mai precis pe 4 ianuarie, un petrolier grec a fost atacat în portul Derna și un grec și un român, de asemenea, și-au pierdut viața. Asta se întâmplă în Libia: absurd și tragic într-un război civil.

  Javi López (S&D). - Señor Presidente, como bien se está diciendo, vivimos la situación más grave desde la caída de Gadafi: un conflicto político gravísimo, caos institucional y violación de derechos humanos. Esto en un país, como se ha comentado, que está a pocos kilómetros de la Unión Europea, en el que la Unión Europea tiene una gran responsabilidad histórica y con el que comparte retos comunes. A un paso de la guerra civil, a un paso de un nuevo Estado fallido y esto muy muy cerca de nosotros.

Como ha comentado la Alta Representante, creo que es importante felicitar a Bernardino León (el Alto Representante de las Naciones Unidas en Libia) por su trabajo, apoyar la labor de reconciliación entre las facciones que está desarrollando y pensar que la solución pasará por ser política, por apoyar los derechos humanos en el país, buscando un gobierno de unidad nacional que dé paso a la reconciliación nacional: nuestro objetivo en la zona.

  Kosma Złotowski (ECR). - Panie Przewodniczący! Dziś Libia jako państwo praktycznie nie istnieje. Na fali arabskiej wiosny także w Libii wybuchły rozruchy skierowane przeciwko długoletnim rządom Mu’ammara Kaddafiego. Były to rządy krytycznie ocenianie przez Unię Europejską. Kaddafi z pewnością nie był demokratą. Z pewnością wspierał terroryzm, ale po amerykańskiej interwencji z kwietnia 1986 roku radykalnie tę działalność ograniczył. Był groteskowy, to prawda, ale Libijczykom zapewniał pewien rodzaj pokoju i spokoju. Rozruchy z 2011 roku były zbyt słabe, żeby zmienić władzę w Libii. Państwa demokratyczne postanowiły pomóc Libijczykom. Przeprowadziły akcję „Świt Odysei”. Operacja ta miała błogosławieństwo ONZ, Unii Europejskiej i doprowadziła do zmierzchu Kaddafiego i jego władzy, ale żadnego świtu nie ma. W Libii trwa noc wewnętrznych konfliktów. Był plan obalenia Kaddafiego, ale co dalej? Nikt z tych, którzy brali udział w obalaniu Kaddafiego, nie ma pomysłu, nie ma nawet ochoty, by cokolwiek dla Libii zrobić. Życzę powodzenia pani komisarz, ale obawiam się, że spodziewać się możemy kolejnego fiaska. Morał z tego taki, widzimy to już kolejny raz, że łatwe interwencje militarne kończące się zwycięstwem mogą doprowadzić do klęski polityki i klęski tych, w imieniu których się interweniuje, a ironią losu jest to, że żaden z interweniujących nie odnosi z tego korzyści.

  Antonio López-Istúriz White (PPE). - Señor Presidente, hoy por hoy, la situación en Libia sigue siendo extremadamente grave y es urgente que se llegue al diálogo entre todas las partes enfrentadas.

Hablamos de una crisis que nos afecta a todos. La crisis en Libia supone una amenaza para la Unión Europea, para el Mediterráneo, para el Sahel y para África en su conjunto, dado el corredor de tráfico de armas, drogas y crimen organizado, en general, que une Libia, Níger, Chad y Mali.

Este ambiente es propicio para que surjan movimientos radicales. Organizaciones como el EI pueden medrar con mayor facilidad y reclutar gente. Cabe destacar, en este aspecto, la cada vez mayor presencia del EI en suelo libio, donde ya ondea la bandera negra en la ciudad de Derna. Por desgracia, esta ciudad ha sido históricamente un vivero de terroristas, como sabemos bien los españoles por los terroristas asesinos de ETA y también del IRA de Irlanda del Norte, que se entrenaron en esa zona. Para revertir la situación hay que promocionar el diálogo. Saludo los esfuerzos realizados por el Representante especial de las Naciones Unidas, Bernardino León, que ha conseguido traer de nuevo el diálogo a las partes enfrentadas.

Y no quiero, por último, sino referirme también —lógicamente— a la cuestión humanitaria. Una crisis humanitaria que está viviendo el país, con cientos de miles de desplazados y de refugiados y que afecta a toda la región. Me enorgullece que seamos, querida Vicepresidenta, el primer donante internacional y celebro los esfuerzos de la Unión Europea al respecto. No obstante, todavía hay mucho que hacer para que coordinemos políticas entre todos, sur y norte, y para que el apoyo que prestamos sea efectivo ante la ola de refugiados.

Por último, destaco lo discutido en la Conferencia de Madrid de septiembre del año pasado: hay que preservar la unidad, soberanía y democracia de Libia.

  Josef Weidenholzer (S&D). - Herr Präsident! Unter der immer mehr um sich greifenden Auflösung staatlicher Strukturen in Libyen leidet vor allem die Zivilbevölkerung. Dort wo rechtsstaatliche Instrumente fehlen, sind die Menschen der Willkür ausgesetzt. Der Katalog der sich daraus ergebenden Menschenrechtsverletzungen ist unüberblickbar: Kidnapping, Freiheitsberaubung, Folter und körperliche Misshandlungen, vorsätzliche Zerstörung der Lebensgrundlagen und Hinrichtungen.

Die Missachtung der Menschenrechte ist in Libyen zur Regel bei der Austragung von Konflikten geworden, nicht nur, weil es keine funktionierende Staatlichkeit gibt, sondern vor allem, weil jene, die sich über alle menschlichen Standards hinwegsetzen, keine Bestrafung befürchten müssen. Daher ist es notwendig, dass der Internationale Strafgerichtshof seine Tätigkeit aufnimmt und Kontosperren und Einreiseverbote gegen alle Kriegsverbrecher verhängt werden. Eine entsprechende Resolution des UN-Sicherheitsrats würde bereits jetzt ein solches Vorgehen ermöglichen.

Procedura „Catch the eye”

  Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE) - Situácia v Líbyi sa v posledných mesiacoch značne zhoršila. Vystupňovaným násilím trpia všetky zložky civilného obyvateľstva v krajine vrátane žien a detí a menšín žijúcich v Líbyi vrátane kresťanov, ako tu bolo spomínané. Útoky na civilné obyvateľstvo považujem za osobitný prejav krutosti a fanatizmus, ktorý nemá miesto v civilizovanom svete. Nedávne udalosti si preto vyžadujú, aby Líbya urýchlene prijala opatrenia na zvýšenie vnútornej bezpečnosti, kroky proti rozširovaniu sa terorizmu a zaviazala sa vnútornú situáciu riešiť mierovou cestou.

Medzinárodné spoločenstvo a obzvlášť Európska únia musia plne podporovať nastolenie inkluzívneho celospoločenského dialógu v Líbyi založeného na vzájomnom porozumení, rešpekte a vôli riešiť situáciu. Dialóg je nevyhnutným predpokladom konštruktívneho procesu stabilizácie krajiny. Podporujem preto vyvíjanie politického a diplomatického tlaku na krajinu za účelom jej transformácie na fungujúci demokratický štát.

  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D). - Mr President, the first thing that we have to bear in mind, if we want to deal effectively with the critical situation of Libya, is that our priority must be to protect civilians whose lives are being threatened and whose access to food and water has been limited since the start of the civil war. I therefore fully agree with the statement that the solution must be political and not military, based on dialogue between all parties, carried out throughout the mediation of the United Nations, and with more involvement of the European Union, as the situation in Libya is influencing Europe’s security.

We Europeans must step up our efforts to help stabilise the region. We must underline the need to implement a ceasefire and secure the withdrawal of forces. We must push for the establishment of a transitional government that is inclusive of all factions and tribes, in order to prevent the spread of terrorism and to weaken and disarm local armed groups.

The situation in Libya continues to deteriorate. Violence is escalating in the territories not under government control. Restoring stability in Libya will not be possible without broad-based political reconciliation. This must be our goal.

  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-н Председател, г-жо Могирини, колеги, арабската пролет се превърна в ислямистка зима. Цялото Средиземноморие, Африканският рог, Близкият изток са в ислямистки хаос. Единствено Египет засега успя да преодолее тази турболенция, тази дезинтеграция и да спре походът на ислямистите към властта. Но Либия е пример за това как фабрикуването на революции в Африка и Азия може да се превърне в бумеранг и да се върне върху собствените ни глави.

Днес според всички колеги в залата Либия вече не е държава. Това е територия, разделена не на 2, не на 3, а на не по-малко от 10 части. Правителство контролира едва една десета от територията. Триполи, Дарна, Мисрата и териториите на юг към границата с Чад и Судан се контролират от различни ислямистки групи, безспорно свързани с Ислямска държава. На територията на Либия беше обявен и халифат.

Г-жо Могерини, това, което трябва да направи Европейският съюз, е да изработи ясна позиция и желание какво иска да постигне в Либия. Трябва да разберем, че не може да се преговаря с терористи, трябва да разберем, че сме във война с Ислямска държава.

  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Herr Präsident! Die Lage in Libyen ist eine Tragödie dank des Einmischens, des militärischen Eingreifens auch des Westens. Es herrscht Chaos im Land, und es ist nicht gelungen, die zahlreichen Stämme und die Milizen in das Sicherheitssystem zu integrieren. Damit steigt auch die Zahl der Bootsflüchtlinge kontinuierlich an. 130 000 Menschen kamen in der ersten Jahreshälfte 2014 nach Europa, doppelt so viele wie noch im Vorjahr, alleine 118 000 davon trafen in Italien ein.

Eine aktuelle Studie zeigt, dass die Reiseplanung nach Europa für viele Flüchtlinge – wie interessant! – via Facebook beginnt. Dahinter verbirgt sich ein ausgefeiltes System mit Informationen, wie man Grenzen am besten überwinden kann und wie man nach geglückter Einreise mit guten Informationen auch das Asylverfahren bewegen kann, und Tipps, um Behördenwege in den Einreiseländern zu umgehen.

Wir müssen daher gemeinsam an einer Strategie arbeiten, um einerseits Libyen unter die Arme zu greifen und diese illegale Einwanderung nach Europa zu stoppen, aber natürlich auch, um die Wurzeln dieser Konflikte zu lösen, denn die Menschen fliehen ja vor Konflikten, und da müssen wir eingreifen.

  Tomáš Zdechovský (PPE). - Pane předsedající, paní komisařko, já bych chtěl přispět do této diskuse konstruktivním způsobem. Na místo kritiky toho, co se stalo, bychom se měli ptát, co můžeme my jako Evropané udělat pro Libyi? V první řadě bychom měli požadovat příměří a obnovení pořádku a bezpečnosti a strany konfliktu k tomu vést. Za druhé, Libye jako stát musí zůstat celistvá a za třetí, Evropská unie by měla zabránit dodávání zbraní do Libye a zvyšování eskalace celého konfliktu. Vážená paní komisařko, podle mě stabilita Libye znamená stabilitu Itálie i stabilitu celé Evropské unie.

  Afzal Khan (S&D). - Mr President, Libya is in the midst of a bitter civil war. Around 400 000 people are internally displaced, and humanitarian access to those affected remains a challenge. Thousands of others are risking their lives fleeing instability in an attempt to reach European territories. Libyan people want and deserve peace. They should not be held hostage by a small minority that seeks to win this conflict by military means.

I welcome the Geneva talks. The conflicting parties should put the national interest above all other considerations and work towards resolving their differences and building a national unity government for Libya. Outside powers must stop perpetuating the conflict and fuelling violence by equipping and funding armed groups. They must adhere to the September statement against interference and play a positive role by pushing their allies in Libya towards reconciliation.

The EU must support the achievement of these goals and remain fully committed, without taking any sides, to assisting the Libyan people to resolve the crisis and ensure unity, governability and institution-building, so as to achieve peace and stability for all Libyans.

  Victor Negrescu (S&D). - Domnule Președinte, se discută despre situația din Libia de foarte mult timp, dar, din păcate, am observat prea puține acțiuni concrete. Libia este o țară cu un potențial enorm, distrusă de un conflict intern, care nu îi afectează doar pe libieni, ci tot restul lumii, uneori indirect, alteori, cum s-a întâmplat recent, direct. În urmă cu câteva zile, un marinar român și unul grec au fost uciși în Libia, după ce o rachetă lansată de către un avion de vânătoare al armatei libiene a explodat la bordul navei pe care aceștia se aflau. Armata libiană și-a justificat atacul prin prisma faptului că vaporul s-a apropiat prea mult de un port aflat în mâinile unor insurgenți separatiști. Vedem, astfel, cât de tensionată este situația. Marinarul român ucis, din Galați, avea 22 de ani și se afla la primul lui voiaj și, cu siguranță, spera ca Europa și țara sa să-i asigure protecția, oriunde s-ar afla.

Profit de acest context pentru a transmite sincerele mele condoleanțe familiei și a vă ruga pe dumneavoastră, cei care decideți, să acționați concret, în memoria acestor victime și a altor mii de persoane care și-au pierdut viața în Libia. Este nevoie de o acțiune concretă a Uniunii Europene și să apelăm la Consiliul de Securitate al Națiunilor Unite și inclusiv la forțele internaționale de menținere a păcii pentru a rezolva situația din Libia.

  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D). - Nestabili ir militarizuota Libija yra didžiulė grėsmė tiek regioniniam, tiek visos Europos saugumui. Nors visa pasaulio bendruomenė, kaip ir Europos Sąjunga pasisako už taikų konflikto sureguliavimą, tačiau iki šiol realiai apčiuopiamų rezultatų nepasiekta. Labai gaila, kad jau šiais metais žlugo sausio 5 dieną turėjusios įvykti numatytos taikos derybos, kurioms tarpininkauti turėjo Jungtinės Tautos. O situacija šalyje drastiškai blogėja ir į tai turi būti tinkamai atsižvelgta. Ketveri metai nesiliaujančio smurto yra pernelyg daug, todėl prisidedu prie kolegų raginimo Vyriausiajai įgaliotinei aktyviai tartis ir ieškoti būdų su tarptautine bendruomene kuo skubiau stabilizuoti padėtį šalyje ir apsaugoti taikius gyventojus.

  Inés Ayala Sender (S&D). - Señor Presidente, quería volver a reivindicar el papel que está desarrollando el señor Bernardino León en las conversaciones con las partes que quieren ir a Ginebra, pero le querría decir a la señora Mogherini que hemos vivido ya una gran esperanza y una cierta frustración en algún otro país cercano a Libia —en el caso de Túnez—, por lo que le querría hacer la siguiente pregunta.

La señora Mogherini ha planteado que esta oportunidad debe ser aprovechada por aquellos que todavía no van a ir a Ginebra —aunque deberían animarse a ir—, pero ¿de qué manera aquellos que sí que han ido a Ginebra podrán decir que ha valido la pena ir a Ginebra? ¿Qué hay, además, para quienes han ido a Ginebra con respecto a aquellos que no han ido? ¿Está la Unión Europea...? ¿Podremos asegurar de alguna manera que vale la pena empezar a negociar o a hablar con la Unión Europea?

(Sfârşitul procedurii „Catch the eye”)

  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. - Mr President, many of the Members used the term ‘failed state’, and I have to say that sometimes I think we are beyond that. That is why those who spoke of the need to use the limited time we have – and it might be days or hours, not weeks or months – to avoid total collapse are right.

Libya is a rich country in terms of resources, but it is still a country that can represent a perfect storm: a perfect mix of risks. Let me name just a few of them: one of the highest concentrations of arms per square metre; oil and gas revenues, so potentially a lot of money ready to be used by different actors; an instrumental use of religion to spread acts that are close to terror; no control of land or sea borders, so a flow of asylum seekers, refugees and migrants that is not under the control of any authority on the ground. Here we have a humanitarian catastrophe, an environmental disaster ready to happen, as some of you mentioned, and a risk of spill-over into the neighbouring countries.

Think of Tunisia, of how many refugees Tunisia is receiving constantly. We always concentrate – and being of Italian nationality, I do it myself very often – on how many people we are receiving in Europe, but let us just think about how many people the neighbouring countries are receiving in more difficult situations than those of our European Union Member States.

So we are right to be extremely worried, and we should have no illusions about the facts. I am sorry many of your colleagues have left, but there should be no illusion that we can stay away from Libya. We could stay away from Libya, but Libya is not going to stay away from us. The question is how to make sure that we lend a rational helping hand to try and avoid the country’s total collapse, because this is going to affect us in one way or another.

Let me express my condolences to, and solidarity with, the families, and also the authorities of Greece and Romania, for the loss of two members of the crew of a tank that was attacked a few days ago. On the same day I was on the phone to the Foreign Ministers of Romania and Greece to express my condolences, and this shows exactly that, one way or another, this is going to affect our security and the security of the region and the security of the world. So, even if we wanted to stay away – and I am not sure that would be the right and wise thing to do in any case – I do not think it would be possible.

The question is: what do we do to support a positive process? Many of you – almost all of you – mentioned what should be the outcome of a process: a Libya that is not divided, an immediate ceasefire, a structured dialogue for some kind of national reconciliation, getting to a national unity government or some sort of transition structure that can guarantee some kind of government for the country.

But, as we list these elements of a framework – or a horizon – we also have to be clear that even the talks which are taking place tomorrow in Geneva, even the simple convening of a meeting, present huge difficulties that we could not have imagined. It is just by working on this every day, almost every hour, that you realise how difficult it is even to decide who to invite to a meeting, who ought to sit at which table, how to set the agenda, and how to define the next steps. Even calling for a meeting is a major diplomatic challenge, so we are not under any illusion about the difficulties of the exercise.

We have to bear that in mind as we reflect on the next steps, namely the role of the neighbours and the role of the European Union. Many of you asked about the role of Algeria, for instance, or other countries in the neighbourhood. First of all, we have to be aware that there is not a single attitude among the neighbours: there are different attitudes among different neighbours, and the neighbours are very different from one another. That is why I believe – and again I would say that the role of the European Union in this is to go hand in hand with the United Nations, because we need a United Nations framework – that in order to shape all these differences in the neighbourhood, which are crucial, into something that it makes sense to support, the exercise has to be undertaken along with the appropriate organisations. That is why the effort we are making is not an EU-Libya one, but rather an EU-Arab League and EU-Arab League-African Union one, with different formats of the neighbours – and I will not trouble you with all the different formats – constantly talking to everyone, and especially to those with different attitudes, be they Egyptians, Emirates, Turkish, Algerians or Qataris or representatives of some of the African countries that are neighbours as well.

I said at the beginning that, maybe for the first time now, we are seeing a slightly more constructive and positive attitude among the neighbours in their totality. This is maybe because we are all realising that we are running out of time and that this is the last chance for us too – for the regional community and for the international community – to show some sense of responsibility for what is happening there. The only way of keeping the region united is by working on this multilateral level and with this approach. When it comes to the role of the European Union, I believe it has to be better defined. We will see the day after tomorrow whether these efforts for dialogue are going to produce something or not.

We can put a lot on the table there. We have different scenarios on the table, and when I say it depends on the Libyans to define the scenario, the kind of instruments the European Union will be able to put in place also depends on the Libyan reaction. If we have the start of a process of dialogue and reconciliation or a united government, and then a ceasefire starting to take place, then obviously the European Union could work towards measures and instruments to monitor achievements on the ground. We have to think of the review of the mandate of Libya, for sure. The mandate will expire in May, so we have time, and that is exactly why we are holding this discussion with the Ministers on Monday, with some options on the table as to what we can do in one case – positive developments we can monitor and support – or, in the event of a total lack of positive development, as to the kind of instruments with which we could press for a possible engagement, or as to implementing, or working on implementing fully, some of the UN Security Council resolutions which, for the moment, are on paper but not fully implemented.

We are living currently in a strange bubble, which is the fact that we have this 24-48 hours, with this last chance of dialogue, hopefully, taking place, to see if this starts a positive dynamic.

We will have to be flexible. We use that word sometimes in different scenarios, and in foreign policy too, you have to be flexible. You have to have clearly in mind what your potential is – and we have a huge potential in all scenarios. We have to take stock of what will happen – or not – in Geneva in the coming hours, and define how we can best either push, in one direction, or support the results that the Libyans achieve once this happens.

Obviously we also have to get ready to act if the scenario is the worst possible one. We are working on that as well. That is not something I would discuss today, and I thank you for not having that discussion today, because today is the day of sending to the Libyans, and to the region and to the rest of the international community, a clear message: this is the last chance for dialogue, and we should not and cannot waste it.

Whatever you can do afterwards, you get ready to do. You always have to get ready for the worst-case scenario, but today is the day of pushing for the worst-case scenario to be avoided, and the responsibility for that lies in the hands of the Libyans, even as we speak.

Thank you for a good debate. I think a message can come strongly from here to the Libyans that we are ready to support them because we care, because we know it is in their interest, and also in our interest and in the interest of the region’s stability. We have instruments to do that but, again, the decision has to be their own decision. I really hope that the message from here comes clear and strong to all parts of Libya in the coming hours: that national dialogue and common engagement need to take place. There is no alternative to that. All other options take Libya a step closer to total collapse, and we cannot afford that, and the Libyans cannot afford it.

  Preşedinte. - Propunerile de rezoluție care vor fi depuse în conformitate cu articolul 123 alineatul (2) din Regulamentul de procedură vor fi anunțate ulterior.

Declaraţii scrise (articolul 162)

  Therese Comodini Cachia (PPE), in writing. – I express my solidarity with the Libyan people and I am deeply concerned about the suffering of the civilian population in Libya. The ongoing fighting is perpetuating the serious violation of human rights and causing a dramatic escalation of violence. Libya is in chaos, and this poses a threat to the stability of the entire region.

The EU must clearly condemn all those who are responsible for violence and selective killings, kidnappings, torture and other grave human rights violations against civilians. It is urgent to find a negotiated political solution with the formation of a united and inclusive government, so the EU must continue to back the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) in moving forward with the Ghadames Process with a view to bringing the parties in the conflict together in a national dialogue.

The EU must assist Libya in building national dialogue and, with the Member States, must support Libya in state building, institution building and the reform of the justice system. The EU must assist Libya in resuming a democratic transition which promotes the rule of law and the protection of human rights.

  Marijana Petir (PPE), napisan. – Humanitarna katastrofa, požari koji mogu izazvati ekološku katastrofu i potencijalna blokada međunarodne zračne luke samo su dio svakodnevnice s kojom su suočeni stanovnici Libije. Zbog izuzetno teške situacije sve veći broj ljudi u potrazi za boljim životom odlazi put Europe plaćajući krijumčarima vrlo visoke iznose, a ovi ih potom ostavljaju na pučini na tzv. brodovima duhovima bez vode i hrane. Premda su osnovni uvjeti za razvoj Libije vrlo dobri i država ima naftne zalihe koje su dovoljne za otprilike sljedećih šest i pol desetljeća, s druge strane državne institucije u Libiji praktično ne funkcioniraju. Islamisti se otvoreno protive izabranoj vladi, a ekstremisti šire teror. Napori međunarodne zajednice koja i dalje poziva na dijalog sukobljenih strana nisu dali rezultate. Prijetnje Islamista u Libiji, prijetnje su svima nama. Institucije Europske unije moraju pomoći osigurati mir i stabilnost u Libiji jer je to preduvjet stabilnosti cijele regije. Ujedno zbog stalnih napada na kršćane u Libiji kao i na druge vjerske manjine kojima se krši pravo na vjeroispovijest, potrebno je uvesti prilikom sklapanja novih bilateralnih ugovora između EU-a i država članica s Libijom učinkoviti monitoring poštivanja ljudskih prava u Libiji.

  Alfred Sant (S&D), in writing. – I believed that we outsiders who are friends of Libya had better allow the Libyan people to find their way to stability and peace by themselves. Recent developments have persuaded me that it could be helpful if friends of Libya suggest the political structures that they feel could best serve Libya's future interests. I have heard Sakharov prize winner Mr El Senussi relate the events of 2014 and his proposals for a new constitution are most likely to provide a stable settlement that is fair to all interested parties. This is for a federal arrangement, similar to the system in operation during the fifties and early sixties of the previous century. It would allow space for all interests to participate under equal conditions, bringing together traditional and modern, religious and secular elements. It would offer scope for reintegration into the society to those who presently feel completely alienated. It may sound futile to discuss now possibilities for future constitutional structures. But if one wishes to find a way out of the current impasse, one needs to first show that it can exist. The vision promoted by Mr El Senussi would be a most attractive option for a future Libya.

  Indrek Tarand (Verts/ALE), par écrit. – Nous avons négligé nos engagements sous la PSDC, le Conseil de Thessalonique, ainsi que les missions de Petersberg et l'objectif global d'Helsinki (datant des années quatre-vingt-dix). Ainsi, confrontée à la situation en Libye, l’Union Européenne est impuissant et incapable de prendre action pour aider cet État défaillant. Cependant il n’est pas trop tard pour remédier ce défaut. Notamment la France est encore en possession de deux bateaux Mistral qui n’ont pas été livrés à la Russie. En considérant le climat politique actuel il serait insensé de remettre ces bateaux à la Russie. Cependant ces bateaux pourraient être utilisés en tant que plateforme pour coordonner la résolution de conflits dans la zone méditerranéenne. Dans le cadre de la PSDC, l’acquisition de ces navires formera une base solide pour les forces de défense de l’Union. Ceterum censeo, nous devons être à la hauteur de la situation.

Elnökváltás: GÁLL-PELCZ ILDIKÓ asszony
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