Doslovný zápis z rozpráv

Streda, 14. januára 2015 - Štrasburg

10. Situácia v Egypte (rozprava)

  Presidente. - L'ordine del giorno reca la dichiarazione del Vicepresidente della Commisione/Alto rappresentante dell'Unione per la politica estera e di sicurezza comune sulla situazione in Egitto (2014/3017(RSP)).

  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. - Mr President, on the situation in Egypt, this is a time that is quite symbolic. If we look back exactly four years ago, Egypt was on the brink of the 25 January revolution, with people taking to the streets calling for dignity, social justice and simply bread – their legitimate political and socio-economic rights. Ever since, the European Union has stood by Egypt and its people, fully supporting these democratic demands.

Today, four years later, Egypt is still in political transition. Eighteen months after the ousting of President Morsi, Egypt is still in transition pending the parliamentary elections planned to start at the end of March, which will be a crucial step in concluding the Constitutional Roadmap. Two steps have been achieved. Egypt has given itself a constitution and it has elected a new President. Both steps were monitored by the European Union with the mission for the presidential elections in May. A delegation of the European Parliament was part of it. Now we would like to see the mission recommendations taken on board, particularly in view of the upcoming parliamentary elections.

Difficulties, however, remain, and I have decided not to send a fully-fledged observation mission this time but, instead, to deploy a smaller Expert Mission (EEM). The purpose of the mission is closely to assess and report on the electoral process, including on the political environment and electoral campaign.

The list of recommendations to be drawn up by this mission will facilitate constructive engagement with the authorities on much-needed reform efforts. But democracy goes beyond elections, and we all know that very well here. A parliament is key to having a legitimate legislator in place to tackle the many tasks of urgent legislative reform – including the law on NGOs and the controversial protest law – and to ensure compliance with the new constitution, which will need to be implemented.

The parliamentary elections are also an important step towards providing a broad base for political engagement that can ensure fundamental rights and freedoms, security and economic reform accepted by the whole of society. Open political engagement and discussion will reduce the risk of radicalisation.

Another challenge is clearly that of the deteriorating security situation spreading beyond the Sinai. We have always affirmed that the European Union stands by Egypt in fighting terrorism. There is no place for violence. The Special Coordinator for Counterterrorism travelled to Egypt in December 2014, and we are looking now into possibilities of holding a dialogue on counterterrorism and security. Let me add that this is not only in Egypt’s interest but also in our own European Union interest.

Seeing the fragility, to say the least, of the situation in the whole region, we welcome and have welcomed Egypt’s re-emergence as an important regional player. In particular, the role that the country played over the summer in reaching a ceasefire in Gaza, facilitating the Israeli-Palestinian talks, and then more recently with the conference for reconstruction in Gaza that was held in Cairo in the autumn, was very important.

Furthermore, Egypt is re-emerging as an important foreign policy player in the League of Arab States, in the African Union and in Sub-Saharan Africa, in particular over the Nile water issues with Ethiopia and in national dialogue efforts with Sudan.

While still in political transition and facing security threats, Egypt also urgently needs to tackle an economic situation that is particularly difficult. Steps taken by the new authorities go in the right direction, with subsidy cuts and large-scale infrastructure projects such as the new lane in the Suez Canal. The EU will continue to support Egypt in addressing its socio-economic reforms. We will participate in the international investment conference planned for March. We will continue to focus our support in the socio-economic field, to help improve living conditions for the most vulnerable among Egypt’s population.

These challenges and the ongoing political transition cannot allow any compromise on human rights. Egypt needs to address its human rights situation, including the lack of political space for dissenting opinion and shrinking space for freedoms of assembly and expression. Too many of the issues that you mentioned in your resolution on freedom of expression and assembly in Egypt last July have not yet been addressed. Only last December we saw another decision by a court to pass preliminary death sentences on 188 defendants. We keep calling on the judicial authorities to respect due process and ensure fair trial. A truly professional and independent judiciary is a key element for functioning and trusted state institutions.

Another concern – a deep concern, as we have said in statements – is the lack of accountability and the continued crackdown not only on the Muslim Brotherhood and affiliates but also on political opponents and liberal activists, illustrated by often disproportionate sentencing. There are too many civilians tried by military courts, and too often, laws such as the new draft anti-terrorism law and the existing NGO law, which does not comply with the new constitution, give too ample a degree of discretion to the executive.

We keep addressing these issues when we meet with our Egyptian counterparts. In particular, I have to thank the Special Representative for Human Rights, Stavros Lambrinidis, a former colleague of some of you, who repeatedly raised these issues with the Egyptian authorities on the occasion of both of his visits to Egypt during 2014. The question for the EU is not whether we should support Egypt – there is no other option but to stay engaged with Egypt – but how best to support its transition. Therefore Egypt, like all our southern and eastern partners, will be closely involved in the review of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP).

The outdated Action Plan with Egypt will need to be re-negotiated, taking into account the ENP review and to better reflect the reality on the ground. We will monitor the parliamentary elections with our experts, as I said, and we will monitor the further implementation of the constitution and, with a view to the upcoming parliamentary elections, the freedom of the press and media. But we will also help Egypt with its economic reform efforts and its fight against security threats. We will work with Egypt too in the context of our own efforts and our own fight against our own security threats.

  Cristian Dan Preda, în numele grupului PPE. – Mulțumesc, domnule Președinte! Mulțumesc, doamnă Înalt Reprezentant, pentru intervenția dumneavoastră! Aș dori să fac, în primul rând, câteva precizări legate de poziția grupului PPE față de rezoluția comună pe care am negociat-o împreună cu celelalte grupuri politice și aș vrea să spun că avem un text foarte detaliat, foarte lung - aceasta pentru că ne-am dorit să introducem în acest text tot ce s-a întâmplat din iulie încoace, din iulie 2014, când am adoptat ultima dată o rezoluție despre Egipt. Aceasta face ca textul să fie greu de urmărit; uneori cifrele nu sunt foarte fiabile, pentru că am citat diverse surse și de aceea aș vrea să plasăm rezoluția într-un context care este descris de mai multe fapte esențiale.

Și, în primul rând, aș numi relația noastră cu această țară în lupta împotriva terorismului - Egiptul este un partener esențial și nu cred că putem neglija acest fapt, așa cum Egiptul joacă un rol geopolitic extrem de important în procesul de pace din Orientul Apropiat. A doua coordonată importantă este, evident, tranziția la democrație, pe care o dorim, pe care o susținem în Egipt, respectarea principiilor statului de drept, respectarea drepturilor omului - toate acestea trebuie să devină o realitate pentru că asta își doresc și cetățenii Egiptului.

În al treilea rând, cred că trebuie să avem în vedere implementarea Constituției care a fost adoptată, care a intrat în vigoare acum aproape un an. Este o Constituție mai bună decât cea dinainte, dar este esențial ca ea să devină un fapt din perspectiva drepturilor fundamentale, în primul rând, cu atât mai mult cu cât avem aceste alegeri pe care le-a pomenit și doamna Mogherini. Subscriu la ceea ce a fost spus despre nevoia implementării recomandărilor făcute de către ultima Misiune de observare, condusă de colegul nostru Mario David.

În fine, aș vrea să abordez chestiunea noilor proiecte legislative care ar putea avea un impact negativ asupra ONG-urilor, știu că este o chestiune controversată în Egipt, dar vreau să fac apel la autoritățile egiptene pentru a aborda aceste proiecte sub semnul deschiderii și nu sub semnul reprimării.

  Victor Boștinaru, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, distinguished colleagues, this is a day to remember. The High Representative staying in this House for more than seven hours is a gesture of respect for Parliament, who welcome and respect this gesture. Now I will switch to Romanian.

Mulțumesc, domnule Președinte! Egiptul este o țară-cheie, o țară extrem de importantă pentru Uniunea Europeană - acest lucru s-a mai spus - și trebuie să subliniem contribuția sa la efortul de încetare a focului în urma conflictului din Gaza. Trebuie să subliniem contribuția Egiptului la lupta împotriva Daesh și a amenințărilor regionale și globale de această natură. Din această perspectivă, Parlamentul European este atât de interesat de evoluția procesului de modernizare și democratizare a țării prietene și de aceea trebuie să ajutăm Egiptul să progreseze. Suntem, desigur, îngrijorați de situația actuală în privința respectării drepturilor omului și a libertăților fundamentale. Înțelegem pe deplin situația complexă creată după Revoluție, ca și gravitatea amenințării teroriste cu care se confruntă Egiptul. O înțelegem acum chiar mai mult după recentele atacuri de la Paris. Salutăm apelul președintelui Sisi pentru modernizarea gândirii islamice, considerăm că aceasta este o încercare curajoasă, care trebuie sprijinită și susținută de către toți cei care vor o lume mai calmă, o lume mai puțin amenințată de terorism. Alegerile parlamentare așteptate de mult timp sunt esențiale pentru a demara procesul de democratizare. Ele trebuie să asigure accesul liber, trebuie să se desfășoare corect și trebuie să fie incluzive, iar, odată desfășurate alegerile, Parlamentul European trebuie să se angajeze într-o cooperare susținută cu Parlamentul egiptean pentru a asigura evoluțiile pe care ni le dorim cu toții.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, since the overthrow of President Mubarak, Egypt has undergone many changes and been gripped by much political turbulence. Following the removal of President Morsi in response to genuine public revolt against his rule and the direction in which he was taking his country, we are now beginning to see stability once again return to that great country. Since then, we have seen the adoption of a new Constitution by referendum, the election of President al-Sisi and, most recently, the announcement of parliamentary elections. These achievements are all to be welcomed.

However, this is just the start of the journey rather than the end. Many internal issues need to be addressed if Egypt is to become the pluralistic Arab democracy that its people wish for and deserve. Whilst my Group welcomes the improvements to the lives of Coptic Christians, in particular, and other minorities, it is crucial that this level of tolerance be exercised in other areas too. Freedom of speech, freedom of expression, the right to peaceful protest and the rule of law are all key tenets of democracy which should also be respected. The large number of citizens who have been charged to date, and who have been detained and sentenced in Egypt for non-violently exercising these rights is a grave cause for concern. Reports that, since July 2013, more than 40 000 people have been detained and an estimated 1 400 protestors killed are extremely worrying. I am also concerned by the crackdown on media freedom and the fact that one of my own London constituents, Sue Turton from al-Jazeera television, a journalist, has been tried in absentia and is now prevented from resuming her job anywhere in the region.

In broader terms, we must not forget Egypt’s role as a leader of the Arab world, and a regional power and actor, and its ability to play a part in finding solutions to the current situation in neighbouring Libya, for example, or in the fight against Islamist terrorism in the wider Middle East and North Africa. As a friend, there is much to be gained from positive relations with this great country of Egypt, and I welcome the interest of this House in seeking to support Egypt in its transition to democracy. This is a great challenge for the country.

  Johannes Cornelis van Baalen, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, Egypt itself made commitments through its new Constitution. In this Constitution, which is better than the previous one, human rights have their place, including equality between men and women. Therefore Egypt has to live up to the commitments it has itself made. I agree with all the previous speakers that we, as the European Union, should be on the side of those people who are fighting for freedom in a democratic way and are now being tried – to our concern – on the basis of emergency laws.

I would recall what Charles Tannock said, that Egypt will play a vital position in the Arab world – and so it should. After the presidential elections we will see parliamentary elections and it would be of great benefit if they were free and fair because this is another milestone in the process leading to real democracy. Let us also see what, apart from being vigilant, we can do to help Egypt to respect human rights, for instance through the European Neighbourhood Programme. Maybe the High Representative can see what we can do together with Egypt to promote human rights.

  Marisa Matias, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Senhor Vice-Presidente, de facto o diagnóstico é muito semelhante. O Egito atravessa um processo difícil e instável e, por isso, as coisas não podem ser vistas a preto e branco. Todos conseguimos identificar as ameaças que estão a ser colocadas aos direitos democráticos no Egito, nomeadamente a liberdade de expressão ou a liberdade de reunião, como a própria Sr.ª Vice-Presidente referiu, mas nós temos que aprender com as lições do passado e, sobretudo, com os últimos quatro anos nesta região e eu penso que é necessário tirar lições dos acontecimentos recentes e a primeira das lições é evitar dar lições.

Temos que saber que o futuro do Egito passa, necessariamente, pelas mãos e decisões do povo egípcio. Neste processo de transição, obviamente que a União Europeia pode apoiar e deve apoiar, pode apoiar como intermediário, como intermediário se as partes assim o entenderem, um intermediário para tentar promover a instauração da paz social.

Eu entendo que a realização das eleições parlamentares é um passo positivo, mas temos que ter em conta que essa organização cabe sobretudo aos egípcios. Temos seguramente objetivos comuns e a Sra. Vice-Presidente referiu, e bem, a nossa questão é saber como apoiar melhor e não entrar num processo de ingerência. Penso que devemos salvaguardar o direito de o povo egípcio decidir o seu destino.

Mas quero também realçar, Senhora Vice-Presidente, para terminar, o seu profundo respeito por esta Casa, tantas horas aqui a debater connosco. É, de facto, uma honra poder contar com um tratamento da Comissão Europeia como aquele que nos está a conceder hoje nesta Casa.

  Judith Sargentini, namens de Verts/ALE-Fractie. – Vier jaar geleden bevrijdden de Egyptenaren - tenminste dat poogden zij - zich van dictator Mubarak. Dat werd in dit Huis toegejuicht, zonder dat de vraag werd gesteld hoe het kwam dat Mubarak zo ontzettend lang aan de macht bleef. Toen verkozen ze Morsi. Dat waren verkiezingen die min of meer redelijk gingen, niet geweldig en ook niet naar onze zin qua uitslag. Want er is geen Europeaan die zegt: “Wat waren wij blij met president Morsi.” Maar het was er wel. Toen gaf Morsi zichzelf extra rechten. Daar waren wij helemaal niet blij mee, want wij hadden afspraken met hem gemaakt over de opbouw van zijn land. Morsi gaf zichzelf extra rechten en de respons was een militaire coup. Dat wilde dit Huis eigenlijk niet zien. Sommige mensen zeiden: “Het is heel erg goed dat er een militaire coup heeft plaatsgevonden.” En nu zitten wij met dat militaire regime.

Ik zeg niet dat het goed was in het verleden. Ik zeg niet dat wij terug moeten naar Mubarak, noch dat wij terug moeten naar Morsi. Maar ik hoor een veranderende toon in dit debat tussen een halfjaar geleden en nu. Nu spreken wij over Egypte als geopolitieke partner, Egypte dat zijn rol in het Middellandse Zeegebied moet spelen en Egypte dat zichzelf moet kunnen beschermen tegen terroristen, zeker in het licht van wat er nu gebeurd is in Parijs.

Die laatste vergelijking vind ik echt stuitend. Het kan niet zo zijn dat wij, omdat wij bang zijn - en wij zijn terecht bang -, zeggen: “ De vrijheid van de Egyptenaar moet maar weer even wijken, want het was eigenlijk wel gemakkelijk dat mijnheer Mubarak zijn mensen een beetje rustig hield.” Want Sisi is Mubarak 2.0.

En op het moment dat de Egyptische ambassade hier drie mensenrechtenactivisten in de aanbieding heeft en iedereen in dit Huis wil spreken, dan zijn wij toch wakker genoeg om te begrijpen dat mensenrechtenactivisten nooit door de ambassade worden aangenomen.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'Egitto è oggi l'occhio di un ciclone che sta scuotendo l'intero Medio Oriente e buona parte del Nord Africa. Nel paese c'è ancora moltissimo da lavorare in tema di Stato di diritto, libertà di espressione, libertà di orientamento sessuale e diritto di assemblea, diritti civili e politici. Non dobbiamo nasconderci, tra amici sinceri il compito è proprio quello di essere uno specchio e portare all'attenzione dell'altro tutte le critiche costruttive necessarie, ma bisogna anche essere oggettivi e riconoscere il grande ruolo svolto dall'Egitto nella lotta al terrorismo, nella conclusione di una tregua tra Israele e Palestina che ha posto fine a un bagno di sangue, la situazione di grande fragilità economica e sociale che affligge il paese, alcuni segnali di distensione e attenzione verso le minoranze religiose. Di certo non basta, ma è già un progresso!

Per questo la tempistica di questa risoluzione non dovrebbe essere letta come un pregiudizio anticipato sulle prossime elezioni, ma interpretata come uno stimolo, un invito a un sano approccio more for more nell'ambito del partenariato meridionale. Se nei prossimi mesi non ci saranno i passi in avanti che sono ormai ineludibili, allora, sarà il tempo di criticare e con tutta la forza necessaria. Questa sera chiediamo invece un grande e immediato sforzo, la liberazione dei giornalisti e dei blogger detenuti nel paese, per ridare la giusta eco al vento di libertà che ne ispirò la rivoluzione.

  Aymeric Chauprade (NI). - Monsieur le Président, il y a un islam acclimaté aux nations, qui inscrit les préceptes coraniques dans les cultures nationales et qui accepte que la loi des États soit supérieure à la charia. Mais il y a aussi l'islam fondamentaliste, qui refuse l'histoire, qui ne reconnaît comme nation que l'oumma et comme constitution que le Coran. Cet islam nous fait la guerre et, dans ce grand combat qui ne fait que commencer, nous avons besoin d'alliés musulmans.

Nos gouvernements européens ont détruit les forces laïques qui tentaient d'acclimater l'islam au pouvoir des États en Iraq, en Syrie, en Libye, faisant partout le jeu des islamistes. Le résultat est catastrophique. Les régimes sur lesquels nous devons nous appuyer sont confrontés à une pression islamiste considérable. Quel serait le niveau d'état de droit de la France dans la situation égyptienne quand on voit l'état de sidération du pouvoir français provoqué par trois terroristes?

Je rappelle que l'Égypte et ses forces de sécurité en particulier ont eu plus de 500 morts dans les dix-huit derniers mois. Abdel Fattah al-Sissi a lancé un appel exceptionnel venant du plus grand pays arabe. Il a demandé que l'islam lui-même soit purgé de sa violence. Il a appelé à une révolution religieuse.

Mesdames et Messieurs, il est trop facile, dans le confort de cet hémicycle, de lancer des leçons de morale à la terre entière. Le temps est venu d'avoir des alliés et d'assumer les différences politiques qu'ils ont avec nous. Ce n'est pas une manipulation de l'émotion, ce n'est pas un slogan infantilisant que les peuples attendent de nous, ce sont des choix politiques et responsables courageux.

Nous, partis souverainistes, avons fait depuis longtemps ces choix parce que notre priorité est que nos peuples vivent en paix et gardent leur civilisation.

  Mariya Gabriel (PPE). - Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, l'Égypte est un des pays qui peut jouer un rôle déterminant dans la stabilisation de la région méditerranéenne et sur bien d'autres questions, comme vous l'avez si bien rappelé. J'insisterai sur cinq éléments.

Tout d'abord, j'insiste sur la mise en œuvre des dispositions constitutionnelles en matière de droits fondamentaux et de libertés fondamentales. Nous savons bien que l'énumération de droits et de principes ne suffit pas. Il faut des actions concrètes, et pas seulement des promesses électorales. Mais comment faire en sorte que les autorités égyptiennes respectent réellement la constitution?

Deuxièmement, la liberté de la presse et d'expression. Ni stabilité ni sécurité ne riment avec une presse emprisonnée. Au contraire, la liberté des médias permettra l'émergence d'une société pluraliste inclusive et démocratique, car elle constitue un des instruments de dialogue au sein de la société. C'est ce dialogue qui permettra de dépasser la polarisation de la société égyptienne.

Troisièmement, il me semble que le dialogue interreligieux pourrait grandement contribuer à réduire les tensions et favoriser le pluralisme. J'encourage le gouvernement égyptien et l'Union européenne à soutenir les initiatives qui promeuvent la compréhension mutuelle et la tolérance religieuse.

Quatrièmement, le rôle des femmes. Sans la participation des femmes, la transition démocratique ne peut être que partielle. Il faut garantir leurs droits, lutter contre la violence faite aux femmes et encourager leur participation dans la prise de décisions politiques. Là encore, il nous faut des initiatives concrètes avec des résultats, avec la participation des hommes et avec la participation de l'Union.

Enfin, la lutte contre la traite des êtres humains. C'est un défi majeur auquel l'Égypte s'attaque, sur lequel nous pouvons coopérer davantage. Nous avons les instruments. Il faut maintenant les rendre opérationnels.

Voilà, les défis sont nombreux. Notre soutien doit être à la hauteur pour enfin renforcer les institutions et la société démocratique égyptienne sans lesquelles, nous le savons, aucune stabilité durable du pays n'est possible.

  Richard Howitt (S&D). - Mr President, I recognise that Egypt is an important partner to the European Union, but tonight we are debating a resolution that is deliberately critical of Egypt. We want our criticisms to be heard.

The mass detention campaign in that country continues to lock up tens of thousands of people. In 2014, ten thousand people were arrested on charges of rioting, sabotage and terrorism. This is not a credible approach to justice and the rule of law. Equally, the Egyptian representative told me that it is the wrong time for us to protest on the use of the death penalty. But Egyptian courts have this year meted out preliminary death sentences to over a thousand supporters of the ousted President, Mohamed Morsi. The point is not that we oppose or agree with the previous President, but that we absolutely disagree – and always will do – with death sentences. All unwarranted detentions are wrong, but Egypt should understand that the damage to its international reputation comes with the continued detention of the three al-Jazeera journalists. No one outside the country believes them to be anything other than bonafide journalists. After the highest court of law overturned their conviction on procedural grounds, they should, frankly, be released and not retried.

My Group also condemns the attack on LGBT rights, represented by the raid on the bathhouse leading to the arrest of 26 allegedly gay people. I am relieved that these charges have now been dropped, but I emphasise that sexual rights must be respected, just like any human rights.

Finally, it is proper for us to question the status and content of the NGO bill and to insist that international foundations and donors can have a proper role in facilitating the free flow of ideas without improper interference in the political choice of the Egyptian people. Partnership should mean partnership.

  Mark Demesmaeker (ECR). - Mijnheer Howitt, u neemt mij de woorden uit de mond. Drie van mijn ex-collega's van Al-Jazeera zitten nog altijd in een cel in Egypte. Ik ben gewezen journalist. Ik zal het blijven herhalen zo lang het nodig is: die mensen horen niét in een gevangenis te zitten, ze hebben gewoon hun werk gedaan en moeten naar huis kunnen gaan, zonder meer!

De controversiële wetten blijven verder afbreuk doen aan burgerlijke vrijheden. Nu is het voor ngo's verboden om fondsen uit het buitenland te ontvangen en wordt de macht van het leger fors uitgebreid. Militaire rechtbanken kunnen nu ook burgers oppakken en vervolgen op basis van de minste aanwijzingen.

Dit alles wordt gelegitimeerd in het kader van de strijd tegen het internationale terrorisme en islamisme. Dat is een strijd die belangrijk is. Maar heiligt het doel nog wel de middelen en is de remedie niet erger dan de kwaal?

Daarom, mevrouw Mogherini, ben ik blij met de nadruk die u legt op mensenrechten en zijn de parlementsverkiezingen van maart en ons toezicht daarop van cruciaal belang.

  Илхан Кючюк (ALDE). - Г-н Председател, г-жо Върховен представител, колеги, днес обсъждаме ситуацията в Египет, точно една година след приемането на новата конституция на страната. Конституционният референдум бе важна първа стъпка към всеобхватен политически процес и Европейският съюз застана зад него.

Но за съжаление след провеждането на президентските избори през юни политическата обстановка в страната остана нестабилна, а методите на власт са твърде силови и несъразмерни по отношение на фактора, който ги е предизвикал. Изолацията на определена част от египетското общество от настоящия политически процес в страната ерозира държавността.

Издаването на смъртни присъди, нарушаването н човешките права, натискът върху гражданските организации и липсата на свобода на словото, довела до арест на студенти и журналисти, действа с дестабилизиращ ефект върху демократичния процес и социално-икономическата обстановка.

Редом с негативните тенденции във вътрешнополитически план, трябва да отчетем активната регионална роля на Египет. Страната успя да посредничи за спиране на войната от 2014 г. между Израел и Газа, полага усилия за диалога в Либия, дава нов импулс на разговорите с Етиопия и Судан за спорния проект "Ренесанс", а през октомври организира международна донорска конференция за възстановяването на Газа.

Ето защо трябва да осъществим диалог и активно да сътрудничим с всички представители на египетското общество.

  Patrick Le Hyaric (GUE/NGL). - Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, ce qui avait été baptisé "Printemps arabe", c'est-à-dire un mouvement populaire cherchant les chemins de l'émancipation et de la démocratie, a manqué d'un vrai soutien politique, social et culturel de la part de nos institutions européennes. C'est l'esprit de liberté et de souveraineté qui aurait dû être soutenu davantage.

Dans un contexte où des ingérences extérieures dans la région, comme l'intervention en Libye, ont libéré des forces de la barbarie fondamentaliste, l'Égypte a connu plusieurs soubresauts dans lesquels la liberté n'a pas gagné, bien au contraire.

Le musellement de toutes les oppositions et de la presse et les exécutions après des jugements de masse ne sont pas acceptables. Nous devons tendre davantage la main vers le peuple égyptien et prendre en compte la dimension régionale de ce grand pays qui a été longtemps l'un des phares culturels de la région de même qu'un élément facilitateur, particulièrement pour le dialogue israélo-palestinien.

Un processus plus suivi doit être engagé avec ce pays pour jeter les bases d'une politique de codéveloppement durable de chaque côté de la Méditerranée.

  Eva Joly (Verts/ALE). - Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, chers collègues, ce n'est pas la première fois que nous discutons ici de la situation en Égypte.

Malheureusement, et alors que certains osent encore parler de transition démocratique, la situation n'a cessé de s'aggraver. L'Égypte compte aujourd'hui plus de 15 000 prisonniers politiques dont un tiers sont des militants non religieux et 147 sont nos collègues.

En tant qu'ancienne magistrate, je ne peux que dénoncer le manque d'indépendance du système judicaire égyptien. Une soi-disant justice, qui n'est plus que l'instrument de la répression aveugle et indiscriminée de l'État. Alors que ceux qui étaient hier aux commandes d'un système sophistiqué de corruption et d'abus de biens publics sont acquittés, de jeunes militants pacifiques, dont Yara Sallam et Sanaa Seif, sont condamnés, avec vingt-trois autres personnes, à deux ans d'emprisonnement. Leur seul crime est d'avoir manifesté afin de dénoncer des lois liberticides adoptées par le régime en place.

L'Égypte doit rapidement retrouver le chemin de la transition démocratique sous peine de laisser mourir les espoirs nés de la révolution.

  Amjad Bashir (EFDD). - Mr President, Egypt is still reeling from the effect of the Arab Spring. It relies heavily on the tourist industry, and I can testify to that having been there myself. Any perception of instability or danger drives away tourists and increases poverty and despair. Sadly that industry now lies in ruin. About a year ago the country’s military dictatorship issued death sentences against 188 defendants, including journalists, political opponents and innocent protestors. The trials were deeply flawed.

Freedom House, a much respected international organisation, recently issued a very disappointing report ranking Egypt as one of the worst countries in terms of free society. It noted with concern the lack of political and civil rights, and another charitable organisation, Open Doors, has stated that Egypt lacks any religious liberty. We now learn with shock and horror that the dictator Hosni Mubarak has been cleared of all charges of conspiracy in the killings of hundreds of protestors and the embezzlement of huge sums of money desperately needed by Egypt’s citizens.

Egypt’s record with its neighbours and especially Ethiopia is appalling. It denies them the fundamental right of access to the waters from the Nile, although in fact 85% of the water has Ethiopia as its source.

  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Herr Präsident! Vorab ein herzliches Dankeschön der Frau Mogherini und ein Kompliment für ihre Ausdauer, dass sie sich die Zeit genommen hat.

Das Verfassungsreferendum von 2014 in Ägypten hat eine Verbesserung der rechtlichen Situation der Minderheiten, insbesondere auch der Christen, gebracht – aber leider nur dem Papier. Das Leben der Kopten ist nach wie vor ein sehr schwieriges. Der rechtliche und der gelebte Schutz klaffen deutlich auseinander, und weiterhin stehen Übergriffe auf koptische Kirchen und ihre Mitglieder auf der Tagesordnung.

Besonders dramatisch ist die Situation in der Region Assiut, wo Kopten laufend entführt werden, ohne Bezahlung eines Lösegeldes leider auch ermordet werden. Noch in anderen Bereichen werden die Kopten massiv benachteiligt. Nach jüngsten Studien werden Christen in vielen Bereichen wie Rechtsprechung, Ausbildung, soziale Dienstleistung und Versorgung kontinuierlich diskriminiert. Deshalb verwundert es auch nicht, dass Ägypten auch im Jahr 2014 im Weltverfolgungsindex traurigerweise noch unter den 25 Topnationen liegt.

Es ist daher die Pflicht der Europäischen Union, sich der Minderheiten, insbesondere der christlichen Minderheiten, im Nahen Osten ernsthaft anzunehmen und von Ägypten den tatsächlichen und nicht nur den rechtlichen Schutz der Christen einzufordern und für eine weitere Zusammenarbeit dies auch zur Bedingung zu machen. Denn wer sonst in Europa sollte sich um diese Minderheiten kümmern? Ich glaube, das ist unsere Aufgabe hier: Schutzfunktion zu übernehmen.

  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). - Señor Presidente, señora Mogherini, Egipto es para la Unión Europea un socio muy importante de la vecindad mediterránea, como ya se ha dicho. Ocupa tradicionalmente un lugar de liderazgo en todo el mundo árabe, que habitualmente ha tenido en Egipto un auténtico país de referencia. La orilla sur del Mediterráneo y Oriente Próximo atraviesan hoy una situación muy difícil. Son numerosos los enfrentamientos y los conflictos que proliferan en todo este amplio espacio: pensemos en Libia, en el todavía abierto conflicto árabe-israelí, la cuestión de Gaza, la situación en Siria e Irak o el nuevo desafío que supone el EIIL.

Necesitamos, por consiguiente, un importante actor internacional y regional como Egipto que colabore con nosotros en la búsqueda de soluciones en todos estos desafíos, incluido el que supone el terrorismo yihadista, desgraciadamente tan de actualidad estos días.

Necesitamos a Egipto para el restablecimiento de la paz y la estabilidad que pide toda esa región. Señorías, creo que Egipto sabe perfectamente que entre las señas de identidad irrenunciables de la Unión Europea se encuentran lo que llamamos el Estado de Derecho, la democracia pluralista, la división de poderes y el respeto de los derechos humanos y libertades individuales, incluidas la igualdad y la no discriminación. Para nosotros, son valores que consideramos universales y nos gustaría que sean compartidos y disfrutados también por todos los egipcios.

La nueva Constitución egipcia recoge estos derechos pero, desgraciadamente, como ya se ha dicho, no ha habido el desarrollo legislativo necesario para su implementación, mientras que se mantienen además leyes que no están el línea con ese texto constitucional.

Por consiguiente, el Parlamento que nacerá de las elecciones del próximo mes de marzo tendrá una importantísima tarea legislativa que desarrollar. Espero que esas elecciones discurran en un clima de diálogo y apertura, y sean lo más inclusivas posible.

Egipto es un socio relevante de la Unión. Debemos ayudarle en su proceso de transición hacia la democracia y también ayudar a los numerosos ciudadanos egipcios que todavía tienen ante sí muy numerosos problemas.

  Josef Weidenholzer (S&D). - Herr Präsident! Es besteht kein Zweifel, dass die Entwicklungen in Ägypten für Europa von elementarer Bedeutung sind, und es ist nicht gleichgültig, was in diesem bevölkerungsreichen und wirtschaftlich potenten Mittelmeeranrainerstaat vor sich geht.

Natürlich ist Stabilität und Berechenbarkeit im Interesse aller Seiten und es ist auch wertzuschätzen, dass sich Ägypten darum bemüht. Stabilität muss aber auf Nachhaltigkeit ausgerichtet sein. Die Politik der gegenwärtigen Regierung As-Sisi, die durch eine Militärcoup an die Macht gelangt ist, ist leider vorrangig an kurzfristigen Resultaten orientiert. Sie bedeutet eine mehr oder minder unverblümte Fortsetzung der bis zum Arabischen Frühling bestehenden Repressionspolitik.

Zivilgesellschaftliche Aktivitäten, egal ob sie aus dem säkularen Sektor oder den Kreisen der Muslimbruderschaft kommen, werden mit autoritären Mitteln unterdrückt. Die rechtliche Grundlage stellt ein Gesetz vom Dezember 2013 dar, das sich euphemistisch das Recht auf öffentliche Versammlungen, Umzüge und friedliche Demonstrationen nennt. Dazu kommt die Praxis, Zivilisten immer häufiger vor Militärgerichte zu stellen.

Alle Maßnahmen, die auf dieser Basis gesetzt werden, tragen dazu bei, dass Unzufriedenheit um sich greift und damit genau das Gegenteil dessen bewirkt wird, was man eigentlich erreichen will: Stabilität gerät dabei immer mehr ins Wanken. Zudem sollte Ägypten daran erinnert werden, dass es sich in seiner per Referendum beschlossenen Verfassung ausdrücklich dazu verpflichtet hat, alle internationalen Menschenrechtsübereinkommen einzuhalten.

  Dawid Bohdan Jackiewicz (ECR). - Panie Przewodniczący! Chciałbym zwrócić Państwa uwagę na szczególną sprawę, na sytuację Koptów, egipskich chrześcijan, którzy stanowią 10% populacji Egiptu i są najliczniejszą chrześcijańską mniejszością na Bliskim Wschodzie. W ostatnich tylko kilkunastu miesiącach w Kairze zaatakowanych zostało wiele kościołów, szkół i domów koptyjskich. Przejawem dyskryminacji na tle religijnym w dalszym ciągu jest m.in. brak dostępu do wysokich stanowisk w administracji, wojsku, blokowanie budowy kościołów, ale także oznaczanie sklepów koptyjskich czarnym znakiem „x”, aby odróżnić je od sklepów muzułmańskich. Członkowie duchowieństwa, jak też działacze koptyjscy bezskutecznie zwracali się do władz Egiptu z prośbą o zapewnienie im ochrony.

Co więcej we wrześniu 2013 r. to właśnie służby bezpieczeństwa zaatakowały wioskę Jabal Al-Deir, splądrowały ją, a mieszkańców pobito. Zaznaczam na tym przykładzie, że to nie Bractwo Muzułmańskie było odpowiedzialne za ten atak, ale właśnie funkcjonariusze państwowi. Jest to bez wątpienia efekt islamizacji kraju za rządów Mursiego, która doprowadziła wręcz do zmiany konstytucji i do ustanowienia Egiptu państwem islamu. Dziś funkcjonariusze państwowi, których obowiązkiem jest ochrona wszystkich obywateli, prześladują ich za wyznania religijne inne niż islam. Nadszedł czas, aby społeczność międzynarodowa przestała przymykać oczy na prześladowania chrześcijan w Europie i głośno, zdecydowanie opowiedziała się za ich prawami. O to właśnie apeluję do pani komisarz Mogherini.

  Ivo Vajgl (ALDE). - Našli ste prave besede v uvodu, pravo ravnotežje med pomembnostjo države Egipt, tudi za nas, tudi za regionalni mir, za stabilnost, in seveda med našimi pričakovanji od takšne države. Mi se ne moremo odreči najvišjih pričakovanj, ko gre za uresničevanje pravne države, človekovih pravic – individualnih in kolektivnih.

Vendar pa, ko pišemo resolucije – in rekel bi, da je ta naš dokument nekoliko ostrejši, kot si ga mogoče Egipt zasluži v tem trenutku in kot si ga mi želimo –, ko pišemo takšne resolucije, moramo vedeti, da takšno državo, kot je Egipt, na Bližnjem vzhodu potrebujemo. Na turbulentnem Bližnjem vzhodu.

In moramo znati ceniti potencial, ki ga takšna država lahko pomeni pri reševanju stabilnosti, boju proti terorizmu in celi vrsti drugih strateških interesov naše celine in sveta. Zato mislim, da je prav, da pričakujemo, tudi v Egiptu, da se bo razvijal v demokratično smer, da bo uresničeval svojo ustavo in da bo imel demokratične volitve z izvoljenim parlamentom.

  Lynn Boylan (GUE/NGL). - Mr President, as we heard yesterday, the Egyptian Foreign Minister has said there is a possibility that the three al-Jazeera journalists could be pardoned. I would ask you to spare a thought for their cellmate, Irish teenager Ibrahim Halawa, who has been imprisoned without trial since August 2013.

Ibrahim, at 17, was a child when first arrested following the protests in Cairo and has since been deemed a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International and Reprieve. Denied urgent medical attention for a gunshot wound to his hand following the protest, he is now permanently disfigured. He has been badly beaten and subjected to solitary confinement in prison. His trial has been postponed three times and today he still faces a mass trial, along with 493 other prisoners with whom he has been jointly charged, despite a complete lack of evidence. I would like to take this opportunity to remind the High Representative of my requests to meet to discuss Ibrahim’s case and the urgent need for his immediate and unconditional release.

  Alyn Smith (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, I think we are all agreed that Egypt is a vital strategic partner within the region. I think we are also agreed, as we say in this resolution, that Egypt has a considerable way to go in meeting our norms, and we have a duty to the Egyptian people to be frank about the shortcomings in their governance. We have a duty to the Egyptian people, who took such enthusiastic part in the Arab Spring and the revolution, not to dash their hopes and let them down. Ms Mogherini, I am very impressed by your comments, as ever, this evening. You have a common agenda with us and I hope that we are in a position to strengthen you in your dealings with the Egyptian authorities.

I would echo the previous comments made about political prisoners, journalists, LGBT people, and particularly the NGO rule as NGOs in Egypt are now in a very dangerous position. I would also specifically raise with you paragraph 17, in which we call on Egypt to cooperate with all UN human rights external organisations and mechanisms, and paragraph 6, where we go one better and call on Egypt to ratify the Rome Statute and start the process towards accession to the International Criminal Court. Have you raised that point with them? What would be your attitude towards it? It strikes me as a worthwhile effort to encourage them in that direction.

  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η απειλή η οποία προέρχεται από την τρομοκρατική δραστηριότητα των τζιχαντιστών είναι πολύπλοκη και πολυδιάστατη. Οι ομάδες που πραγματοποιούν τις τρομοκρατικές επιθέσεις στις μεγάλες ευρωπαϊκές πόλεις δεν αποτελούνται μόνον από κατοίκους των πόλεων αυτών. Έχουν συνεργάτες και ομοϊδεάτες σε μουσουλμανικές χώρες της νότιας κυρίως γειτονίας της Ευρώπης.

Εάν επιθυμούμε να περιορίσουμε ή να εξαλείψουμε το φαινόμενο αυτό, θα πρέπει να βοηθήσουμε τις κυβερνήσεις των χωρών αυτών να απαλλαγούν από τους τζιχαντιστές στην χώρα τους, ούτως ώστε να μη μπορούν αυτοί να έρχονται στην Ευρώπη. Για να το επιτύχουμε αυτό θα πρέπει να τους βοηθήσουμε να βρουν την χρυσή τομή ανάμεσα στην ασφάλεια και στην προστασία των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων.

Μία από αυτές τις χώρες για τις οποίες η τζιχαντική τρομοκρατία αποτελεί απειλή είναι η Αίγυπτος. Εκεί, οι τζιχαντιστές δολοφονούν, πραγματοποιούν απαγωγές και στοχοποιούν χριστιανούς ιερωμένους, κυρίως τους ελληνορθόδοξους μοναχούς των Μονών του Όρους Σινά. Για αυτό και το κράτος αντιμετωπίζει τον κίνδυνο αυτόν τόσο με νομοθετικά μέσα όσο και με στρατιωτικά μέσα. Στο σύνταγμα της χώρας χαρακτηρίζονται ως εγκλήματα η τρομοκρατία και η διακίνηση ατόμων. Συνεπώς, η συνεργασία της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης με την Αίγυπτο θα συμβάλει στο να αντιμετωπισθεί η τρομοκρατία εκεί και να αισθανόμαστε περισσότερο ασφαλείς εμείς στην Ευρώπη.

  Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). - Gospodine predsjedniče, jasno je da Europska unija mora podržati stabilnost Egipta, a isto tako, podržati i potaknuti daljni razvoj procesa demokratizacije zemlje. Ta dva spektra nisu kontradiktorna, nego komplementarna. Izgradnja učinkovitih, inkluzivnih institucija, promocija dobre vladavine, poštivanje ljudskih prava, borba protiv korupcije moraju biti prioritet u suradnji s Egiptom, pogotovo ako to gledamo i sa spektra europske politike razvojne suradnje. Bez napretka u izgradnji vladavine prava je nemoguća učinkovita borba u protiv terorizma i radikalizma koji su u ovom trenutku doista glavna prijetnja za stabilnost i razvoj Egipta.

Kratkoročno, prioritet mora biti osigurati stabilnost zemlje, jer je to za Europsku uniju od strateške važnosti, ako želimo spriječiti stvaranje pojasa kaosa na južnom Mediteranu, od Sirije do Libije koji bi najizravnije ugrožavao sigurnost našeg kontinenta. Ali isto tako smatram da je dobro, da je potrebno upozoriti na demokratske deficite, na nedostatke u Egiptu i to ćemo, između ostalog, učiniti izglasavanjem ove rezolucije.

  Jeppe Kofod (S&D). - Hr. formand! Mange tak til Federica Mogherini for klart at tale om de helt grundlæggende og store udfordringer, vi står over for, hvad angår menneskerettigheder og demokrati i Egypten. Jeg er selv lige vendt hjem fra Egypten efter at have talt med politiske partier, med pressen, med ngo'er, med medier og med tænketanke, og beskeden fra Kairo er helt klar: Nu må EU vise, at vi tager menneskerettigheder, demokratikamp, ytringsfrihed og mediefrihed alvorligt. Det, vi ser i øjeblikket, er, at præsident al-Sisis greb om civilsamfundet, om demokratiet, om menneskerettighederne er så hårdt, at mennesker ikke kan få lov til at ytre sig, at folk bliver kastet i fængsel, og man ser sig om mod resten af verden for at se, om vi kan hjælpe.

Vi vil ikke have en situation i Egypten, hvor det, der var det arabiske forår mod demokrati, menneskerettigheder og større åbenhed, i realiteten blot bliver et generationsskifte i militærstyret. Det er der mange, der frygter i øjeblikket. Mange siger, at situationen er værre end under Mubarak. Derfor opfordrer jeg til, at man klart fra EU's side kræver en ændring af straffelovens artikel 78, således at menneskerettighedsaktivister og politiske modstandere ikke f.eks. risikerer livsvarig fængsel for at modtage udenlandsk støtte. Dette burde ikke kunne lade sig gøre. Vi skal gøre op med den situation, der er i Egypten.

  Jan Zahradil (ECR). - Pane předsedající, paní Mogheriniová, vláda prezidenta as-Sísího je určitě daleko od toho, aby mohla být považována za ideální. Na druhou stranu je to vláda, která zabránila chaosu, která zabránila ekonomickému rozvratu, která zabránila kolapsu státu. A ukazuje se, že v zemích arabského jara, v zemích Maghrebu a Mašreku, vlastně máme dvě možnosti. Jedna možnost je vláda pevné ruky tak, jak to předvádí prezident as-Sísí, druhá možnost je spojení parlamentní demokracie s převládajícím ideologickým a náboženským směrem v zemi, tedy s islámem tak, jak to předvádí třeba Tunisko nebo Maroko, vlastně nejlepší příklad toho je samo Turecko.

Samozřejmě, že ta druhá cesta je lepší než ta první, ale měli bychom si jako Evropané zvyknout, že ani jedna z těchto cest nevede a nepovede k tomu západnímu modelu demokracie, na který jsme zvyklí, včetně dodržování všech lidských a občanských práv. V každém případě ale obě tyto cesty jsou pořád lepší, a to řádově lepší, než to, co vidíme v Iráku, Libyi nebo Sýrii. A s tím bychom měli počítat, měli bychom s tím pragmaticky pracovat a já věřím, že paní Mogheriniová, protože se tímto tématem zabývala, to zvládne.

  Paloma López Bermejo (GUE/NGL). - Señor Presidente, en 2010 millones de egipcios y egipcias ocuparon la plaza Tahrir y las calles de todo Egipto reclamando derechos sociales y libertades.

Cuatro años después asistimos a una oleada de represión en el país, con más de ochocientos muertos en la masacre de la plaza Raba y detenciones de miles de personas, condenas a muerte en macrojuicios masivos, encarcelamiento y represión de opositores, sindicalistas, periodistas, estudiantes y activistas, detenciones y opresión por razón de género u orientación sexual.

Valoramos los llamamientos del Presidente Al Sisi a la moderación de los imanes en su discurso y también el positivo intento de parar la masacre israelí contra la población palestina. Instamos a Egipto a que abra el paso de Rafah para poder aliviar el sufrimiento de los palestinos encarcelados a cielo abierto en la franja de Gaza. Pero no se pueden cerrar los ojos ante la situación de los derechos humanos en el país priorizando las razones de carácter estratégico.

El ejército egipcio vuelve a recibir financiación de los Estados Unidos. El FMI reanuda sus contactos y la Unión Europea parece más preocupada por profundizar en el libre comercio con el país. Esto ya sucedió en el pasado. No debemos repetir la historia. El futuro de Egipto debe estar en manos del pueblo egipcio, sin injerencias. Estas injerencias tampoco pueden ser de la Unión Europea.

  Klaus Buchner (Verts/ALE). - Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Hohe Vertreterin! In Ägypten werden zurzeit die Menschenrechte in dramatischer Weise mit Füßen getreten. Deshalb beschließen wir ja morgen auch die Entschließung. Aber das allein genügt nicht. Die Situation ist so, dass die Muslimbrüder mit aller Macht versuchen, wieder an die Regierung zu kommen. Sie machen bewaffnete Demonstrationen, morden und entführen.

Wichtiger ist auch, dass ein großer Teil der ägyptischen Bevölkerung hungert. Und das ist die Chance für die Muslimbrüder, die eine minimale Hilfe leisten und deshalb großen Zuspruch bekommen.

Deshalb meine dringende Bitte: Es darf nicht bei dieser Entschließung bleiben, sonst wird sie nichts bewirken. Wir müssen die Gründe für die Schwierigkeiten annehmen und müssen die Hilfen für die Regierung aufstocken, sodass die Wirtschaft wieder in Schwung kommen kann. Deshalb meine dringende Bitte an Sie, Hohe Vertreterin: Schauen Sie, dass die Mittel aufgestockt werden, damit die Wirtschaft wieder in Schwung kommen kann.

  Bogdan Brunon Wenta (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Wysoka Przedstawiciel! Fala arbitralnych aresztowań, przerażające przypadki tortur wobec zwolenników byłego prezydenta Mursiego i innych dysydentów są dowodem na pogarszającą się sytuację praw człowieka w Egipcie. Powszechne są również doniesienia o znikaniu ludzi zatrzymanych przez policję i wojsko. Egipski wymiar sprawiedliwości doznał poważnych porażek w ciągu ostatniego roku, kiedy ogłoszono kilka politycznie umotywowanych wyroków. Seria masowych wyroków śmierci po rażąco niesprawiedliwych procesach wobec zatrzymanych oskarżonych o przemoc ujawnia wady wymiaru sprawiedliwości. W wielu przypadkach oskarżeni nie byli obecni na rozprawach, a prawnikom wielokrotnie uniemożliwiano zaprezentowanie linii obrony i przesłuchanie świadków.

Egipski wymiar sprawiedliwości pokazał ze strasznymi konsekwencjami, że nie jest w stanie wymierzać sprawiedliwości. Pomimo powtarzanych obietnic obecnego i poprzedniego prezydenta o respektowaniu rządów prawa, w ciągu ostatniego roku przerażające naruszenia praw człowieka były kontynuowane na niewyobrażalną skalę. Równocześnie służby bezpieczeństwa otrzymały przyzwolenie, aby bezkarnie te prawa łamać.

Na wszystkich poziomach Egipt pokazuje, że zawodzi pod względem praw człowieka. Dlatego Unia Europejska nie może godzić się na ich łamanie. Kluczowe w tej kwestii jest zdecydowane działanie i odwrócenie tej sytuacji poprzez rozpoczęcie niezależnego bezstronnego śledztwa w sprawie wszystkich doniesień o naruszeniach praw człowieka i wysłanie silnego przekazu, że łamanie tych praw nie będzie tolerowane.

  Afzal Khan (S&D). - Mr President, after the military takeover, violations of human rights have reached alarming proportions in Egypt. The current Government led by President Sisi has undermined the democratic journey of Egyptians and is making the issue of radicalism worse by the day. More oppressive Sisi-led government policies will result in more support for ISIS. A quarter of the Middle East lives in Egypt, so what happens there will affect the rest of the region.

Unlawful killing, imprisonment, torture – targeting journalism in particular, as witness the case of the treatment of Al Jazeera’s three reporters, who need to be released immediately – and the stifling of civil society are now regular in Egypt. Those responsible for human rights abuses must be held accountable for their actions. The EU cannot turn a blind eye to what is happening. It must use all its available tools to stop this. We must stand in solidarity with the detainees and harassed civil society in Egypt. Only by building a truly pluralistic society that is respectful of the diversity of views can we ensure long-term stability and security in Egypt.

  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). - Г-н Председател, колеги, г-жо Комисар, ситуацията в Египет продължава да бъде особено обезпокоителна. В резултат от вълната от метежи, известни като Арабска пролет, правителството в Кайро беше свалено след вълна от насилие и кръвопролития. Арабската пролет се превърна в дълга ислямистка зима и заплахата една от най-големите арабски държави да бъде превзета и овладяна от ислямисти все още е актуална. Мюсюлмански братя е ислямистка организация, една от първите такива в новото време.

Те са в тесни връзки с останалите ислямистки бойни групи и са основна заплаха за мира и сигурността в региона. По време на ислямистките метежи в Египет бяха избити и изгонени стотици хиляди християни, копти и православни и бяха разрушени техни градове, имущества и домове. Все още са под заплаха и християнски светини.

Ако овладеят властта в Египет, Мюсюлмански братя ще представляват сериозна военна заплаха за Европа и държавата Израел и ще се превърната в поредното звено от ислямистката атака срещу Европа и нашата цивилизация, редом с Хамас, Ислямска държава, Боко Харам, Аш Шабаб ал муджахедин, Съвета на ислямските съдилища, Ал Кайда и други.

Не случайно е сътрудничеството между Мюсюлмански братя и неосоманисткия и проислямистки режим на президента Ердоган в Турция.

Уважаема г-жо Комисар, моят въпрос към Вас е: Какво прави комисията, за да подкрепи днешното правителство в Египет и да се противопостави на ислямистката заплаха на Мюсюлмански братя?

  Miguel Viegas (GUE/NGL). - Passados quatro anos de ilusões, com inúmeras atrocidades cometidas contra a população, temos novamente à frente da mais populosa nação árabe aqueles que, na prática, nunca deixaram de mandar no Egito. As forças armadas egípcias são, de facto, a instituição mais poderosa do país e o Ocidente sabe disto. Não é por acaso que o regime egípcio foi largamente suportado pelos Estados Unidos com um subsídio médio anual de 1,8 mil milhões de dólares que dura há décadas. Apenas Israel e a Colômbia recebem mais. Ao mesmo tempo que o governo vai às compras para abastecer o seu exército, o povo tem fome de pão e sede de democracia e de direitos sociais. O nosso apelo é para que deixem aquele povo decidir o seu futuro e cessem de apoiar as oligarquias locais em função dos interesses geoestratégicos do Ocidente.

  Francesc Gambús (PPE). - Señor Presidente, señora Vicepresidenta, en enero de 2012 una revolución popular derrocó a Mubarak. Egipto se sumaba a la primavera árabe, una primavera a la que no ha seguido el verano. Y es que las realidades complejas siguen empecinándose en resistirse a las soluciones simples.

La sociedad egipcia era compleja en tiempos de Mubarak, era compleja en tiempos de Morsi y es compleja en tiempos a Al-Sisi. Y en su complejidad, Egipto era y es un pueblo amigo de la Unión Europea, porque siempre ha sido un elemento de moderación y equilibrio que ha sintonizado y sintoniza con los objetivos y las ambiciones de la Unión en Oriente Próximo.

Eso no significa que, ante determinadas medidas tomadas que socavan los derechos humanos y las libertades, no debamos alzar la voz para hacer saber a Egipto que debe rectificar y volver a la senda del afianzamiento democrático y el Estado de Derecho. Al contrario, hay que poder decírselo con la franqueza de los amigos, pero también con la comprensión y la calidez de quien quiere que el amigo siga siendo amigo —mejor amigo, si cabe—. Y ahí tenemos un programa de vecindad al que hay que dar todo el sentido.

Entiendo y comparto la preocupación del Parlamento sobre el devenir de los acontecimientos en Egipto, igual que aprecio síntomas de mejoría —y ahí tenemos las elecciones de marzo como una oportunidad—. Por ello, les confieso que tengo mis dudas sobre la necesidad de una tercera resolución del Parlamento Europeo en menos de un año sobre la situación en Egipto, especialmente en estos momentos.

¿Hay que ser enérgicos con Egipto? ¿Hay que hacer lo necesario para que Egipto sea una democracia con todos sus estándares? Sí, claro, como en todos los lugares del mundo. Pero es fundamental poder hacerlo sin estropear ese gran motor de moderación y equilibrio que ha sido y debe seguir siendo Egipto en la región.

  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sappiamo tutti che l'Egitto è un paese chiave nella regione, un paese che ha giocato e può giocare un ruolo importante. La vicinanza al focolaio dello Stato islamico rende maggiormente delicata la posizione di questo paese e credo che dobbiamo esserne consapevoli e usare il giusto equilibrio nel posizionamento politico.

Per questo, non ho dubbi nell'affermare che è decisivo che si concluda positivamente in Egitto il processo di transizione democratica, perché è la migliore risposta che può essere fornita alle sfide di oggi, in particolare quelle poste dal terrorismo, e non quella invece di limitare la libertà e i diritti, ma al contrario di consolidare democrazia e diritti. In definitiva, proprio perché riteniamo l'Egitto importante nel quadro regionale, abbiamo bisogno di un Egitto che assuma i principi democratici come elemento costitutivo della sua azione futura.

  Fernando Ruas (PPE). - Pela importância que o Egito representa é natural que acompanhemos a sua situação com preocupação. Nesta secular nação prevalecem ainda alguns dos problemas que levaram à revolução primaveril de janeiro de 2011.

De facto, o elevado desemprego jovem, o desemprego das mulheres, a pobreza crescente, a elevada iliteracia, as tensões religiosas e as dúvidas e sérias preocupações que são expressas pela comunidade internacional sobre o estado geral da democracia e do Estado de direito fazem ainda parte da realidade do mais populoso país árabe.

Contudo, e apesar deste cenário, olhamos com esperança para o futuro do Egito e dos egípcios. Desde logo porque brevemente teremos eleições legislativas, o que implica sempre a abertura de novas janelas de oportunidade, num cenário de maior estabilidade política. Depois porque se evidencia uma recuperação económica que poderá levar o PIB a crescer 3,5% em 2015.

Espera-se, agora, das autoridades egípcias o escrupuloso respeito pelos princípios universais a que se obrigaram e naturalmente que esperamos da União Europeia, através da Sr.ª Alta Representante, um olhar atento sobre o processo eleitoral e uma atenção redobrada no âmbito da aplicação da política europeia de vizinhança.

  Ana Gomes (S&D). - A liderança egípcia tem uma escolha a fazer: quer integrar a comunidade internacional como Estado de Direito e ser um ator responsável na região do Médio Oriente e Norte de África ou quer manter um Estado opressor do seu povo, pondo na prisão jornalistas, incluindo os da Al Jazeera, ativistas políticos e de direitos humanos, homossexuais, enquanto liberta o corrupto ditador Mubarak. O Egito pode ter hoje uma Constituição que fala em direitos humanos, direitos das minorias, direitos das mulheres, mas essa Constituição não está a ser aplicada. Esses direitos elementares estão a ser grosseira e massivamente violados. A justiça não funciona independentemente.

No Mediterrâneo, e além dele, bem precisaríamos de um Egito forte, influente, credível. Mas isso não se consegue estrangulando a democracia. Pelo contrário, cada Mubarak fabrica o seu Morsi e eles reaparecerão mais tarde ou mais cedo. A escolha europeia é mais por mais. Tem um reverso: é menos por menos. Perderemos todos no Mediterrâneo e além dele se da grandeza dos faraós, do iluminismo islâmico da Al-Azhar, da esperança renascida na Praça Tahrir pouco restar no Egito hoje amordaçado pelo General Al-Sisi.

  Ελένη Θεοχάρους (PPE). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, φυσικά υπάρχει τεράστιο δημοκρατικό έλλειμμα στην Αίγυπτο, μια χώρα που διαδραματίζει πρωταγωνιστικό ρόλο στη Μεσόγειο και στον αραβικό κόσμο και συνιστά εταίρο της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Σήμερα η Αίγυπτος δίνει τη μάχη μαζί με τη Δύση ενάντια στην τρομοκρατία και μπορεί να αποτελέσει σταθεροποιητικό παράγοντα της περιοχής μαζί με την Κύπρο, το Ισραήλ και την Ελλάδα. Αποτελεί σημαντικό εταίρο σε ζητήματα ασφάλειας και ανάπτυξης. Ειδικά σε μία περίοδο όπου οι πολιτικές επενδύσεις της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης στην δικτατορική Τουρκία του Ερντογάν καταρρέουν.

Από κοινού οι χώρες της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου μπορούν να αποτελέσουν πηγή ενέργειας για την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Συνεπώς, η στενή συνεργασία της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης με την Αίγυπτο χαλά τους σχεδιασμούς των φανατικών ισλαμιστών, ειδικά μέσα από την ενίσχυση των δημοκρατικών θεσμών και των θρησκευτικών ελευθεριών, όπως και η έκθεσή μας εισηγείται. Να μη ξεχνάμε ότι κανείς δεν είναι τέλειος και ακόμη και μέσα στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχουμε δημοκρατικά ελλείμματα. Αλλά η Αίγυπτος χρειάζεται τη στήριξη και την ενίσχυση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης για να αναπτύξει τη δημοκρατία της και να την κάνει καλύτερη. Η σταθερότητα στη χώρα θα συμβάλει στη βελτίωση της δημοκρατίας, στην ενίσχυση των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, στην καταπολέμηση της τρομοκρατίας, στη σταθερότητα της περιοχής.

  Neena Gill (S&D). - Mr President, as we have already heard this evening, Egypt’s High Court yesterday overturned the only remaining conviction against the former President Mubarak. Given that earlier charges for killing protestors have been scrapped as well, four years of hard sacrifices made by the Egyptian people seem to have been in vain, all the more so given that, under President Sisi, hundreds are sentenced to death in mass trials, activists are punished for peaceful protests and NGOs are facing stiff repression.

In August 2013, around 1000 peaceful protestors were killed in events that were on a par with what happened in Tiananmen, but unlike Tiananmen the world does not know the names of those squares. This crackdown is only pushing greater numbers into the arms of the terrorist organisation so, if we fail to act, this will ultimately hurt Egyptians as well as EU citizens. I would like to ask the High Representative what her strategy is on this. Given also that western technology and equipment are enabling the authorities to repress citizens, a useful first step would be to consider whether there ought to be a ban on exports of such items to Egypt and similar countries.

  Monica Macovei (PPE). - Domnule Președinte, în ultimul an, în Egipt, peste 16 000 de oameni au fost arestați, inclusiv cei care au ieșit în stradă să protesteze. Mulți au fost condamnați la moarte. Asistăm la condamnări în masă tot mai frecvente, jurnaliști sunt arestați, după cum știm cu toții, și mare parte a populației trăiește în foamete și nu are niciun fel de tratament medical în caz de nevoie. Este inacceptabil și trebuie să fim fermi față de Egipt! Ajutăm autoritățile din Egipt numai dacă respectă drepturile omului, dacă opresc execuțiile și condamnările la moarte, dacă eliberează prizonierii politici. Dacă Egiptul este un partener important pentru Uniunea Europeană, cum s-a tot spus astăzi în plen, atunci da, Egiptul înseamnă în primul rând oamenii, oamenii care suferă și care astăzi așteaptă ajutorul nostru.

  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. - Mr President, I thank everybody very much for the debate and also for your signs of appreciation of my being here in this plenary. I have to say at the ninth hour that I really think you need to review the working procedures of this plenary – not for me but for you.

For me it is not just a duty; I do not know what you are used to but for me it is normal to be in the room when there is a debate concerning my issues. It is also often very interesting and a pleasure to listen to the debate because I think this feeds into my work most usefully. Let me also say that I will be here tomorrow morning too so we will meet each other again, those of you who are here, and that means that when I said during my hearing that I will work with Parliament, I meant it, and I find it also normal.

So no need to compliment me on that. That is just my duty and that is just normal. But, I really encourage the Presidency to work on a more rational way of holding parliamentary work, for the sake of the parliamentary work itself.

Having said that, I believe that the discussion on Egypt tonight – obviously this is the only one I have attended out of the three you have had over the last year – has been a good sign of the balance between two different things. On the one hand, there is the regional role that Egypt can play – and has played – when you talk about the Middle East crisis, and can play even more on many different issues that are also core issues for our regional and foreign policy. On the other hand, there is Egypt’s internal transition, which is something that we need to support and encourage – and encourage to move in a certain direction, the direction that you mentioned of full respect for their own commitment and their own Constitution. And it is a transition.

I would not agree with those of you who said that the Arab Spring has turned into an Islamic winter. First of all, the Islamic winter would not exactly be the case in Egypt. We might discuss whether that were an Islamic autumn or a non-Islamic winter but when we apply these categories to Arab countries we are being a little bit ungenerous.

It took many decades, if not centuries, for Europeans to go through transitions, and our transitions were also painful, non-linear, contradictory, sometimes difficult, and history is like that. So it is difficult to imagine now what the outcome will be but I would not declare closed after just a few years a season that was encouraging and full of hope in the Arab world.

And among the Arab Spring experiences we have certainly some – and I would say many – success stories, whether the institutional transitions that were positive ones, as in the case of Tunisia and others, or the rising up of civil society movements that are really of value for the countries and societies concerned. So I think we need to develop a more complex reading of the situation there.

I shall not respond to all the questions that you have raised – partly because that would probably take another nine hours and that would definitely be too much – but I want to mention two things. The first concerns a specific case raised by a Member who has now left the room, but I still want to mention it because I discussed this case just the day before yesterday in Dublin with the Irish Foreign Minister, and that is the case of Ibrahim Halawa, an Irish citizen who is in detention in Egypt. We are following the case and I wanted to inform you that I am following it closely, not only with the services and the delegation there, but also with the Irish authorities, and we discussed it just the day before yesterday.

Secondly, to those of you who asked me if I have raised one or another issue with the Egyptian authorities, I want to inform you that I still have not had an official meeting with the Egyptian authorities in my first two months in post. I have had the opportunity to meet with the Egyptian President and the Foreign Minister in a different capacity on several occasions, but not yet in my current position.

Obviously there are a number of things that we are passing as messages, through our services, but I also want to give you the news that, yes, I will be planning and looking for an early date for official meetings with the Egyptian authorities because, following the suggestions made by a large majority of you, we need to find this balance of encouragement and engagement with Egypt at a direct level and I will be more than ready to do so in the near future.

  Presidente. - La discussione è chiusa.

Vi comunico che le proposte di risoluzione presentate conformemente all'articolo 123, paragrafo 2, del regolamento saranno notificate successivamente.

La votazione si svolgerà domani, giovedì 15 gennaio, alle 12.30.

Before the next and last debate, I want to thank you for your work today, Vice-President Mogherini. This link with the Commission and the Council is crucial for the European Parliament. Thank you very much for your engagement.

Credo che la dimostrazione che ha dato oggi faccia onore a Lei e all'istituzione che rappresenta. Avendo lavorato parecchi anni, anche su quei banchi, conosco quanto sia difficile, ma anche importante per il Parlamento, avere interlocutori attenti e responsabili.

Dichiarazioni scritte (articolo 162)

  Jonathan Arnott (EFDD), in writing. – Egypt is a country rightly proud of its historical and cultural traditions. It is dependent upon tourism for the growth of its economy. But recent events, and the erosion of civil liberties and human rights, have led to a decline in the tourist industry. Who is harmed by this? It is not the government, or those in power in Egypt, but the people of that country who lose much of their source of income. Death sentences issued to 188 defendants appear to have been handed down in many cases for non-lethal offences and without what we might consider a fair trial. I hope that Egyptian authorities will reconsider the direction in which their administration is travelling.

  Edouard Ferrand (NI), par écrit. – Le 6 janvier dernier, le président égyptien Al Sissi a assisté à la messe Noël à la cathédrale Saint-Marc du Caire en présence du patriarche copte Tawadros II. Mers chers collègues, quel geste fort et inédit! Que de chemin parcouru! Car faut-il rappeler qu’en 2011, la nuit du Nouvel An avait été ensanglantée par un attentat contre une église d'Alexandrie qui avait fait des dizaines morts parmi les fidèles. S’en suivit une violente persécution des Coptes organisée, entre autres, par les Frères musulmans portés par un «Printemps arabe» qui avait toutes les faveurs du Parlement européen. Je conclurais par ces mots du Président Al Sissi: «Il est important que le monde nous voie comme "des Égyptiens"; et vous noterez que je ne dis que "des Égyptiens". Il n’est pas acceptable que quelqu’un demande: tu es un Égyptien de quelle religion?» Voilà un message de paix, de tolérance qui mérite notre soutien sans faille, à plus forte raison depuis les attentats islamistes terroristes qui ont frappé mon pays.