Full text 
Wednesday, 11 February 2015 - Strasbourg Revised edition

15. Humanitarian crisis in Iraq and Syria, in particular in the IS context (debate)
Video of the speeches

  Die Präsidentin. - Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Vizepräsidentin der Kommission / Hohen Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zur humanitären Krise in Irak und Syrien, vor allem im Zusammenhang mit dem IS (2015/2559(RSP)).


  Christos Stylianides, Member of the Commission on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. - Madam President, honourable Members, I am very grateful that you have added this important point to the agenda and also for suggesting a strong resolution on this matter. Let me express at the outset my outrage at the brutal murder of Kayla Mueller, a dedicated aid worker, by ISIS terrorists. Our thoughts are with the family, friends and colleagues of Kayla Mueller.

Let me repeat in the strongest way possible: the European Union is committed to the fight against Daesh (ISIS) and other terrorist groups which threaten regional and global stability. We must redouble global efforts to put an end to these murders and to find a political solution to the regional conflicts.

Only one word can describe the humanitarian situation in Iraq and Syria: devastation! As a result of both crises there are more than 20 million people in need of urgent humanitarian assistance. This number includes 3.8 million refugees in neighbouring countries: this is a plus of 75% compared to a year ago.

The emergence of ISIS has complicated further the dynamics of the two crises. 3.6 million people are trapped in areas controlled by this and other armed opposition groups. Access for aid workers is heavily restricted and many times becomes impossible.

The continuation of our aid to those most in need is essential. Showing solidarity with Syria’s neighbours is a must. That is why two weeks ago I visited Lebanon and Jordan, together with Commissioner Hahn. These are the two countries which, along with Turkey, have undertaken a huge burden in terms of refugees, especially taking into consideration the size of their population and the fragility of their political situation. We wanted to send a message of our ongoing strong support, especially to the most vulnerable – women, children, the elderly. Let me say once again: we cannot allow a lost generation of Syrian children.

These are messages I repeated previously in Turkey with Federica Mogherini and Johannes Hahn. These are the same message our High Representative conveyed during her mission to Iraq. For my part, I announced a new EUR 136 million aid package to cover urgent needs in Syria and neighbouring countries. This brings the total EU humanitarian funding up to EUR 817 million. These messages of support were very well received.

When I visited Syrian refugees in Lebanon, I saw at first hand the human dimension of this tragedy. I met women with six or eight children whose husbands had disappeared in Syria. I met a 14-year-old boy supporting alone his mother and six brothers and sisters. These are the real faces of war. These people and more depend on our help, not only on words of sympathy but on tangible assistance. And this is precisely what we are delivering.

They were very grateful for what our assistance has done to improve their living conditions, for example by upgrading the local water system to allow access to fresh water. But the painful truth is that the needs are not at all matched by the available resources.

Our funding also contributes to the stability of these countries and the wider region. It is in our own interest to continue to support these countries. This goes beyond humanitarian assistance. We need a comprehensive response, pulling together all European Union instruments: humanitarian aid, relief, longer-term stabilisation.

To that end, the Commission is taking its responsibility. It agreed a EUR 1 billion aid package for Syria and Iraq for the current year and next year as part of the joint communication which was adopted last week. This package strengthens Europe’s political credibility. It shows the EU’s leadership. It will be a testimony to the EU’s commitment during the Kuwait III pledging conference in late March. We count now on our Member States to match this amount.

This package will be to a large extent about humanitarian assistance, recovery and stabilisation measures. But this alone will not put an end to the conflict. Both crises require a political solution. There is a need for measures addressing the root causes of the conflict. That is why the communication includes counter-radicalisation and counter-terrorism measures. This is why education is an important component of the allocated funding.

The barbaric murder of innocent people by ISIS and the brutal attacks in Paris last month further stress the need for a narrative to prevent and counter violent extremism and to counter terrorism. Such measures have been included in the communication.

Most of all, we should continue to advocate the respect of international humanitarian law and the humanitarian principles, and the protection of civilians and relief workers. These are our common universal values. They guide our work and enable humanitarian workers to save lives. We will need your support to achieve our goals. And we must work together to succeed.


  Elmar Brok, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Herr Kommissar, ich danke Ihnen sehr herzlich für die großen Anstrengungen, die Sie unternehmen, um der humanitären Katastrophe in Syrien und Irak entgegenzutreten. Ich war vor wenigen Tagen in Bagdad und in Erbil, bin in Flüchtlingslagern gewesen und habe, glaube ich, ein Gefühl dafür, was da los ist. Wenn ich sehe, was in Syrien und Irak ansonsten noch los ist, wenn ich sehe, was im Libanon und in Jordanien, wo der Auswärtige Ausschuss am Montag hinfahren wird, in den Flüchtlingslagern oder ansonsten mit den Flüchtlingen los ist in einem Land wie Libanon – das bei 4 Millionen Einwohnern 1,3 Millionen Flüchtlinge beherbergt: Das sollten wir auch mal zu Hause in unseren Städten hochrechnen, was das bedeuten würde. Ich glaube, da haben Sie unsere volle Unterstützung.

Aber ich glaube, wir sollten auch deutlich machen, was politisch dort läuft. Wir haben es selten oder in meinem Lebenszeitraum überhaupt nicht erlebt, dass wir es mit einer gewalttätigen Gruppe zu tun haben, die überhaupt kein Interesse daran hat, Verhandlungen über eine Lösung zu führen, sondern die alles und nichts sagt und jeden, der nicht ihrer Auffassung ist – und zwar nicht nur Christen und Jesiden, sondern auch Muslime, die eine andere Auffassung haben –, gnadenlos vernichtet.

Es ist, glaube ich, eine Notwendigkeit, dass wir viele islamische Staaten daran erinnern, sich hier endlich zu vereinen und dem Stellvertreterkrieg, den Teheran und Riad in der Region organisieren, und dem Fehlverhalten unseres NATO-Partners Türkei in manchen Bereichen entgegenzutreten, und dass wir hier versuchen, ein Bündnis zu bilden, um diese gewalttätige Sekte, die menschenverachtend ist, zu bekämpfen.

Ich glaube, dass wir als Europäische Union, dass wir als freie Welt diese Verantwortung übernehmen müssen. Ich glaube nicht, dass die 60 Koalitionspartner das allein machen können. Wir müssen die unmittelbare Verantwortung der Nachbarn – von Türkei bis Katar, von Teheran bis Riad – einfordern, dass sie hier ihren Verpflichtungen nachkommen, um auf diese Art und Weise diesen Vernichtungszug von Da‘ish zu verhindern.


  Victor Boștinaru, în numele grupului S&D. – Domnule Președinte, salutând intervenția dumneavoastră și fiind complet de acord cu ceea a spus distinsul meu coleg Elmar Brok din partea PPE, este adevărat, astăzi suntem confruntați cu cea mai mare criză umanitară din era contemporană. Niciodată la o asemenea scară atât de multe milioane de oameni n-au fost supuși violențelor de toate felurile pe o perioadă atât de lungă de timp și cu consecințe greu de evaluat. În Siria, după violențele lui Assad împotriva propriului popor, au urmat violențele Da'esh-ului (Statului Islamic) în fața unei populații care a fost obligată să își părăsească locuințele și să trăiască în condiții de refugiați. În Irak, milioane de oameni au fost confruntați cu consecințele războiului. Numai în acest an, peste 1,8 milioane de persoane s-au confruntat cu efectele intervenției Da'esh, dar, trebuie să recunoaștem, acolo sunt și greșelile noastre, ale Occidentului, în modul în care am abordat strategic sau am eșuat să abordăm strategic această regiune, măcar din prisma intereselor noastre. În fața atâtor tragedii, cuvintele noastre nu pot ajuta foarte mult, dar pot sprijini Comisia Europeană și comunitatea internațională să facă trei lucruri care mi se par esențiale: o strategie de stabilizare a regiunii în care actorii locali și regionali sunt vitali, cum spunea și distinsul meu coleg de la PPE, domnul Brok, trebuie să ne gândim dincolo de prejudecăți și de clișee, că actorii locali și regionali sunt esențiali în stabilizare, o strategie urgentă pentru a face față nevoilor disperate ale populației în condiții de refugiați și trei, o strategie pentru evoluția post-conflict a acestei zone, care riscă să devină un adevărat deșert umanitar.


  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, the humanitarian crisis in Iraq and Syria has reached catastrophic proportions, with an estimated 200 000 documented killings in the conflict so far. Clearly the Syrian Assad regime is at the root of the problem, but most recently the existential threat to the region and its minority communities, such as the Christians, Mandaeans, Yazidis, Shia Muslims and LGBTI communities, has come from the barbarous and fanatic so-called Islamic State.

Therefore my group welcomes the most recent Jordanian and UAE escalated air force response against ISIS following the horrific murder of a captured pilot. It has been some six months now since the American President Obama gathered together around 60 countries into a military coalition to degrade and ultimately destroy ISIS. In my mind, the three main target priorities for the coalition must be to interdict and destroy IS money-raising facilities, such as oil installations, and destroy their ammunition dumps and their training camps.

Of the more than 3 000 European fighters with IS, sadly over 500 come from my country, the United Kingdom. The UK is a major military power so we must do more from my country to step up the efforts and, along with all the EU states, adopt an uncompromising approach towards EU citizens who have gone abroad to join ISIS and other militant Jihadi groups. We must also coordinate intelligence gathering and sharing and ensure that the laws are in place in our Member States to prosecute those who have committed atrocities, including kidnappings, bombings, false religious conversions and ritual execution of hostages in cold blood.

I would like to take this opportunity also to thank and congratulate the Kurdish Peshmerga and salute their amazing courage and bravery, which has been so evident with the reports confirming their resilience and protection of innocent civilians such as Yazidis, following the recent attacks on them by ISIS, and helping the YPG liberate Kobani in Syria. However, tragically, for the meantime the desperate humanitarian situation continues in the region. EU Member States must do all they can to mobilise the needed resources to the region and help civilians and refugees, particularly in countries like Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey, and to ultimately militarily destroy the evil of ISIS.


  Marietje Schaake, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, a disaster of historic proportions is taking place in our neighbourhood. On top of the Assad regime’s ongoing use of violence, including the use of barrel bombs against their own Syrian citizens, Daesh (IS) has added new dimensions of unbearable horror and suffering to millions of people’s lives – people who want a future for their children, safety and freedom, just like you and I.

Daesh’s barbaric violence sent two million Iraqis on the run in 2014 alone. We saw them with our own eyes as we visited northern Iraq, but most areas throughout Iraq are not even accessible to humanitarian aid organisations because they are so violent. And we see a downward spiral of despair and suffering that, in turn, helps the success of recruiters for jihadist organisations.

Now minorities are being specifically targeted in a way that can only be seen as attempted ethnic cleansing. Christians, Yazidis, Kurds, Shabak and others, but most of all Iraqis, are in a very bad situation, and their ill-treatment, like that of LGBT people, must stop. For girls and women who are violently abused by militants, there is no specific psychological help. For youth, there is mostly no education. So, I ask you, when does the risk of a lost generation turn into a sombre reality? We cannot allow this to happen.

The situation of refugees and internally displaced persons is already dire. I have seen little children’s feet on frozen ground, but with rising temperatures the risk of epidemics also rises. We need a comprehensive approach because we expect the liberation of Mosul soon, but that will also send many more people fleeing violence again, and even more assistance will be required. If we believe, as I do, that it is in our interest to take action and that domestic and foreign threats are increasingly blurred, we must work not only on increased EU efforts but also with partners, notably in the Middle East, to end the horrors of Islamic State and alleviate the human suffering.


  Javier Couso Permuy, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señora Presidenta, cinco millones de desplazados internos; casi cuatro millones viviendo bajo el yugo del mal llamado Estado Islámico; 235 000 refugiados sirios en Irak.

Son datos que nos dan la dimensión que tiene esta crisis humanitaria en Siria y en Irak. Pero no es nueva. Esta situación no la creó el ISIS, ¿o es que no era verdad que antes en Damasco había un millón de refugiados iraquíes u otro millón en todo el territorio sirio? Hay que hablar de quién empezó esto, con la intervención en Irak —la criminal intervención en Irak—, que propició la destrucción del Estado iraquí, el apoyo a un Gobierno sectario, la desestabilización posterior de Siria.

Esto no ha sido casual. Por lo cual, exigimos al Consejo, a la Comisión, también a la Alta Representante, por la participación de muchos Gobiernos de la Unión Europea, que pongan todos los recursos financieros y humanos para ayudar a los refugiados.

Hay que dejar de financiar a cualquier milicia, porque muchos Gobiernos de la Unión Europea lo han hecho. Hay que dejar de comprar el petróleo de los campos controlados por el Estado Islámico. Hay que dar asilo a los refugiados y, sobre todo, hay que coordinarse con el Gobierno de Irak —un Gobierno no sectario, evidentemente— y con el Gobierno de Siria —porque no entiendo por qué no se coordinan con el Gobierno de Siria—.

Y, por último, apoyar la iniciativa del Enviado Especial de la ONU, el señor de Mistura.

(El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la «tarjeta azul» (artículo 162, apartado 8, del Reglamento))


  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D), blue-card question. – In fact, Mr Couso, it seems that you are greatly missing Mr Saddam Hussein. You are missing a dictator who invaded a neighbour. Is it possible, after all this time, for somebody in this Parliament which supports democracy, rule of law, human rights, etc. to miss Saddam Hussein and attack in such a manner the intervention of the western countries in Iraq? Is that possible?


  Javier Couso Permuy (GUE/NGL), respuesta de «tarjeta azul». – Señor Frunzulică, debería escuchar mis palabras y no leer lo que a usted le dé la gana.

He hablado de la destrucción del Estado iraquí —que no tiene nada que ver con Sadam Huseín— en una intervención ilegal, ilegítima y criminal que ha causado más de un millón de muertos. Por lo tanto, hable usted no de sus deseos, sino de lo que yo digo.

A usted le interesa más que haya ese caos; eso es lo que quiere, acabar con los Estados seculares de la zona. Y luego vienen a contarnos que se expulsa a los cristianos.

Ese «cuarteto» que se reunió para decidir la invasión, que eran católicos y han conseguido la expulsión de los cristianos de Oriente Medio.

¡Tienen ustedes muy poca vergüenza!


  Alyn Smith, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, I would start by commending the fair degree of cross-party working which we have seen in the drawing up of this resolution. I think it is a decent attempt to take stock of where we are in this crisis and to place in context the humanitarian disaster, the risk of radicalisation locally and in our own countries and, indeed, the political acts that have brought us here – because they are all interlinked in various ways. It is important that we realise that the so-called Islamic State is as much a consequence as a cause of how we came to be here. The disastrous intervention in Iraq – and I very much echo a previous speaker’s comments – created the conditions for instability and radicalisation. The politicians responsible for that disastrous, illegal intervention should hang their heads in shame.

The situation in Syria was further exacerbated by those conditions and was ignited, as the resolution also highlights, by the plethora of dreadful abuses by the Assad regime, which themselves feed and fuel the conditions in which extremists can thrive. Those conditions have created a flood of refugees which is almost impossible to cope with, greater than the population of Scotland and threatening to trip the neighbouring countries into anarchy as well.

The resolution also takes account of the dreadful actions of Islamic State, but in part 3, I believe, we indicate a reasonable way out. We must have a coherent strategy: a cohesive response is needed to coordinate all aspects of engagement. Commissioner, I was glad to hear your view, which you have expressed before, that the solution is political. The EU has cleaner hands than most in this discussion, and cleaner certainly than most of our Member States. We support you in your efforts.


  James Carver, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Madam President, the time has come for all of us in this Chamber to move forward from the frequently repetitive debates every parliamentary session, which increasingly sound like a stuck record.

If we genuinely seek a lasting resolution to this regional instability and a tragic humanitarian crisis, then the time has come for Member States and a wider international community, not least moderate Islamic nations, to confront the root of this cancer. Both the Saudi and the Qatari governments must now further face up to their sponsorship, whether indirect or not, of this Frankenstein’s monster that has been created in the form of Islamic State.

Furthermore, the Wahhabi-run schools must be directly tackled and stopped from spreading their doctrine of hate. Unless the Saudis accept their role in allowing the propagation of this fundamentalist ideology, the problem will only expand further, as is already happening, not least in Yemen, the next item on today’s agenda.


  Marie-Christine Arnautu (NI). - Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, la crise humanitaire en Syrie et en Iraq ne fait qu'empirer, les combats s'intensifiant de semaine en semaine. L'assistance humanitaire ne peut se faire correctement qu'en bonne collaboration avec les autorités locales. C'est ce qui est pratiqué en Iraq, que ce soit avec le gouvernement de Bagdad ou avec le gouvernement régional du Kurdistan autonome.

Il est plus que temps d'agir de même avec la Syrie afin d'aider Damas à faire face au désastre humanitaire provoqué par les agissements de groupes terroristes armés, l'État islamique en premier lieu bien sûr, mais aussi le front al-Nosra, le front islamique ou le front révolutionnaire syrien, pour ne citer qu'eux parmi les dizaines de groupuscules qui mettent le pays à feu et à sang.

L'Union européenne et les États membres doivent désormais rouvrir leurs ambassades à Damas, comme le fera bientôt le nouveau gouvernement tunisien. La normalisation des relations diplomatiques avec la Syrie est une condition indispensable non seulement pour instaurer une coopération humanitaire, mais aussi pour reprendre la coopération sécuritaire avec les services syriens afin lutter contre les filières djihadistes qui menacent la stabilité des pays européens.


  Tunne Kelam (PPE). - Madam President, the catastrophic situation in the Middle East is certainly not normal. It has been artificially created by several powers which have been waging proxy wars in the region to gain control of it. Among them, of course, there is Iran, which has been exporting arms, fighters and terrorists in the region.

Islamic State is actually the latest evil incarnation of this process. We must admit our co-responsibility for not supporting change in Syria when this started in its democratic and more modest forms. Delay and hesitancy have favoured radicalisation. The end-of-the-world style results we must face today.

The immediate programme will relieve the needs of the 17 million people in Syria and Iraq who are deserving of it, but an equally immediate challenge is to defeat Islamic State, and this also requires arms and political will, and to create the conditions for displaced persons to return to their homes.


  Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D). - Señora Presidenta, señor Comisario, esta mañana el Parlamento Europeo ha votado y aprobado una Resolución sobre medidas contra el terrorismo. Acertadamente no se ha limitado a un enfoque securitario, sino que ha adoptado una visión global de medidas que hay que tomar para confrontar y prevenir el terrorismo dentro y fuera de la Unión. Entre esas medidas, pone el acento en las medidas educativas contra el adoctrinamiento, en las medidas culturales contra el sectarismo y en las medidas sociales contra la exclusión. No hay que olvidar que una parte importante de los militantes del Ejército Islámico procede precisamente de nuestros propios países.

Fuera de la Unión, estamos ante las dos crisis de las cuatro más importantes que existen en este momento en el mundo. Crisis humanitarias que proceden, como ha señalado el señor Comisario, de la gran devastación que se ha producido en Siria a lo largo de cuatro años de guerra civil, con doce millones de personas desplazadas, o de la que se ha producido en Irak, con cinco millones de personas desplazadas, más de dos millones de las cuales en territorio controlado por el Ejército Islámico.

Tenemos que dar una respuesta inmediata, pero también a medio plazo. Inmediata, apoyando la propuesta de la Comisión de dedicar 139 millones de euros para responder a la crisis humanitaria, y a medio plazo, contribuyendo a la estabilidad en la región, contribuyendo a la buena gobernanza, contribuyendo a que, donde ahora no hay un Estado, haya un poder que sea capaz de estabilizar la realidad y de impedir tanta devastación, tanta guerra, tanto sufrimiento, que en muchas partes ejercen sus propios Gobiernos sobre los ciudadanos y, en otros, situaciones como las del Ejército Islámico.


  Mirosław Piotrowski (ECR). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Debatujemy nad kolejną rezolucją dotyczącą kryzysu humanitarnego w Iraku i Syrii, szczególnie w kontekście Państwa Islamskiego. Cóż oznacza w tym wypadku kryzys humanitarny? Nie tylko wewnętrzne przymusowe przesiedlenia oraz emigrację miejscowej ludności, ale zaplanowane okrutne mordowanie chrześcijan, a także innych mniejszości religijnych w Syrii i Iraku, o czym przypominamy w artykule 4 i 7 rezolucji przygotowanej przez naszą Grupę Europejskich Konserwatystów i Reformatorów. We wrześniu ubiegłego roku nasza Izba przegłosowała podobną rezolucję, ale problem tylko się pogłębia. Potrzebne są szybkie konkretne działania. Po pierwsze, to zablokowanie wyjazdów ochotników z Unii Europejskiej zasilających szeregi islamskich bojowników, którzy dokonują tych straszliwych mordów. Po drugie, to odcięcie finansowania tzw. Państwa Islamskiego, które płynie nie tylko z Arabii Saudyjskiej. Wobec dotychczasowej bezradności struktur Unii Europejskiej w tym względzie nasz Parlament powinien zachęcić rządy tych krajów członkowskich, które mają dobre kontakty ze sponsorami tzw. Państwa Islamskiego, do zaprzestania tego procederu.


  Fernando Maura Barandiarán (ALDE). - Señora Presidenta, la catástrofe humanitaria que se está produciendo en Siria y en Irak no es solo consecuencia del desarrollo de los acontecimientos que viven esos países. Es también consecuencia de la intervención —o la ausencia de intervención— de la Unión Europea, o de algunos de sus Estados miembros, en esos conflictos.

Y el avance del Estado Islámico no solo es nuestra responsabilidad en buena parte, es también nuestro problema.

O actuamos, y lo hacemos unidos con una sola voz, o corremos el peligro de que el Estado Islámico y, con él, el caos más absoluto se adueñen de una región que se sitúa muy cerca de nosotros, que concierne a nuestra seguridad y que nos afecta también debido a la verdadera masa de gentes, de refugiados que llegan a nuestras costas solicitando nuestra ayuda.

Es nuestro interés, pero también nuestra preocupación, ante el verdadero exterminio de minorías religiosas y étnicas, actuar sobre la base de los valores fundamentales de la Unión Europea y nuestro compromiso permanente con los derechos humanos.

Ante esto, solo vale una respuesta común, una política exterior común, una sola voz en los conflictos que nos conciernen.


  Sabine Lösing (GUE/NGL). - Frau Präsidentin! Unser Kollege Herr Couso hat Recht, dass der Islamische Staat ohne die vorausgegangene westliche Interventionspolitik in dieser Form überhaupt nicht existieren würde. Und dies betrifft nicht nur den Krieg gegen den Irak, sondern auch die Intervention in Libyen und das Agieren in Syrien, was maßgeblich zum Erstarken radikal islamistischer Kräfte beigetragen hat. Auch die repressive Unterdrückung der Sunniten durch die schiitische Regierung im Irak hat maßgeblich zum Erstarken des IS beigetragen. Er muss ebenso unter Druck gesetzt werden wie diejenigen westlichen Verbündeten, die radikal-islamistische Kräfte massiv unterstützen – zuallererst die Türkei und die Golfstaaten.

Was wir außerdem jetzt brauchen, ist endlich eine adäquate Versorgung der Flüchtlinge, vor allem an der türkisch-syrischen Grenze, die Öffnung für einen humanitären Korridor und ein umfassendes Wiederaufbauprogramm sowie ein Sofortprogramm zur Minenräumung. Den Kollegen Tannock möchte ich daran erinnern, dass nicht nur die Peschmerga-Kämpfer sondern auch die der PKK nahen Kämpfer und besonders die Kämpferinnen die Jesiden gerettet und Kobane befreit haben.


  Barbara Lochbihler (Verts/ALE). - Frau Präsidentin! Der Islamische Staat ist für schreckliche Menschenrechtsverletzungen in Syrien und Irak verantwortlich. Durch die Gräueltaten des IS hat sich die Lage weiter zugespitzt. Es wäre jedoch falsch, die Ursachen der derzeitigen Krise in der Region allein auf den IS zu reduzieren. Das Assad-Regime geht weiterhin mit äußerster Brutalität gegen die eigene Zivilbevölkerung vor. Auch andere bewaffnete Gruppen und regierungsnahe Milizen in Syrien und Irak sind für grausame Verbrechen verantwortlich. Die internationale Gemeinschaft muss den Verantwortlichen auf allen Seiten klarmachen, dass sie für ihre Verbrechen zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden.

Ich bin besorgt, dass die EU-Regionalstrategie im Bereich Antiterror-Maßnahmen zu vage formuliert ist, gerade wo es darum geht, Menschenrechtsprinzipien in der Zusammenarbeit mit Staaten in der Region einzufordern. Die erwähnten Benchmarks für Menschenrechte müssen klar definiert werden. Es muss deutlich werden, dass das Verletzen von Benchmarks Konsequenzen für die Kooperation haben wird. Wenn wir bei Antiterror-Maßnahmen nicht die Einhaltung von Menschenrechtsstandards einfordern, werden sich die Fehler der Vergangenheit ohne Zweifel wiederholen.


  Mara Bizzotto (NI). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, nel giugno del 2014 nasce lo Stato islamico, nell'indifferenza del Parlamento europeo. Per mesi l'Europa ha sottovalutato colpevolmente il problema. In luglio feci un'interrogazione rivolta all'Alto rappresentante Ashton, in cui chiesi tra le altre cose se l'ISIS fosse un pericolo per i cittadini europei. Vi leggo la risposta: "Per i cittadini europei non esiste un rischio, a meno che non si rechino in Iraq". Invece, il 7 gennaio l'ISIS è arrivato a casa nostra, ha colpito l'Europa, ha colpito i cittadini europei, ha colpito Parigi.

Secondo Europol, sono 5.000 i combattenti europei in Medioriente che potrebbero compiere attentati terroristici una volta tornati in patria. Siamo in guerra, una guerra di civiltà che dobbiamo vincere. Il nemico ce l'abbiamo in casa, il nemico è il terrorismo islamico che vuole distruggere l'Occidente, vuole distruggere le nostre tradizioni, i nostri valori. Per anni qui dentro avete detto che bisognava dialogare. Basta! Non si può dialogare con chi uccide brutalmente i bambini, bambini che vengono crocifissi e sepolti vivi, o con chi decapita giornalisti. Chiudo con un'esortazione: sveglia Europa! Sveglia! Basta appelli, comunicazioni, informazioni! Servono atti, serve coraggio, coraggio, coraggio.


  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). - Señora Presidenta, la tragedia humanitaria en Siria y también en Irak está llegando a cotas catastróficas, como el Comisario nos relataba muy bien: necesitamos soluciones.

En Siria, tenemos que apoyar los esfuerzos del Enviado Especial, el señor de Mistura, para poner en marcha ese plan de acción que permita la congelación de las hostilidades, al principio en Alepo, y el envío de ayuda humanitaria.

La congelación, aunque fuera parcial, de esas hostilidades debería ser también un buen punto de partida para el lanzamiento de una negociación política y una transición política inclusiva: no es deseable que la alternativa a la perpetuación de Asad en el poder sea únicamente el ISIS.

Y ya que hablo del ISIS, en Irak, afortunadamente, parece perder terreno en el plano militar. Pero también es preciso que el Gobierno del Primer Ministro Abadi se esfuerce lo más posible en favor de una reconciliación entre suníes y chiíes que dé lugar a un Irak inclusivo y global en el que quepan también los kurdos y en el que el único enemigo común sea el ISIS.

La complejidad de la relación, las rivalidades entre países, las líneas de fracción religiosas: todo ello hace difícil la concertación regional e internacional para acabar con la violencia actual. Es preciso contar con la plena colaboración de actores clave de la zona —me refiero a Turquía, a Arabia Saudí, a Irán—, especialmente en lo relativo al control de fronteras, y atajar la financiación de los grupos terroristas, en particular a través del contrabando de petróleo, como ya se ha dicho.

El ISIS es una amenaza gravísima para todos, también para el mundo musulmán. El abominable asesinato del piloto jordano es una trágica prueba. Además de la batalla militar sobre el terreno y de las iniciativas políticas, hay una dimensión ideológica en la que también las fuerzas moderadas árabes y musulmanas deben actuar.


  Josef Weidenholzer (S&D). - Frau Präsidentin! Gemeinsam mit drei Kolleginnen war ich Anfang Januar in der Autonomen Region Kurdistan. Wir wollten uns aus erster Hand über die Lage in den unmittelbar von Da'ish terrorisierten Gebieten informieren. Hier bekommt der abgenutzte und so oft missbrauchte Begriff der „freien Welt“ plötzlich eine elementare Bedeutung, weil hier unsere Freiheit verteidigt wird. Die Schergen der IS haben das wenige Kilometer entfernte Mossul um Jahrhunderte zurückversetzt. Eine verrücktgewordene Truppe ideologisch verblendeter Extremisten setzt sich über alles hinweg, was die Menschheit an zivilisatorischem Fortschritt erreicht hat.

Wir haben mit vielen Menschen gesprochen, nicht nur aus der Politik. Vieles bekomme ich einfach nicht aus dem Kopf, etwa die Gespräche mit jungen jesidischen Frauen und Mädchen, die gekidnappt worden waren und ihren Peinigern entkommen konnten. Sie wurden regelrecht versklavt, verkauft wie Tiere, von ihren Eigentümern misshandelt und vergewaltigt. Manche waren kaum älter als zehn Jahre. Sie mussten Entsetzliches mitmachen und werden wohl ihr ganzes Leben darunter leiden. Dennoch haben es diese 250 Frauen besser als die etwa 5 000 noch immer ihrer Freiheit beraubten Frauen und Mädchen. Sie befinden sich in der Gewalt von Menschen, denen es an Menschlichkeit mangelt, in Staaten, mit denen wir offizielle Beziehungen unterhalten. So haben es uns diese Frauen erzählt. Und diese Menschen verdienen unseren Respekt und unsere Aufmerksamkeit. Sie brauchen unsere Unterstützung.

Schon jetzt ist die Leistungsfähigkeit der Region überstrapaziert. Die europäische Hilfe wird zwar professionell abgewickelt, ist aber dennoch nur ein Tropfen auf den heißen Stein. Hier sind eindeutig mehr Mittel notwendig. Aber auch in Europa haben wir unseren Teil zu leisten, indem wir verhindern, dass Europäerinnen und Europäer sich den Dschihadisten anschließen.


  David Campbell Bannerman (ECR). - Madam President, the escalation of armed conflict – thanks to ISIS – across Iraq and neighbouring Syria has resulted in a serious and worsening humanitarian crisis. There have been new and secondary movements of internally displaced people (IDPs) across the entire region. The numbers are really staggering, with approximately three million in Iraq and 7.6 million in Syria.

One issue disclosed at a recent Iraq delegation meeting is that there is very little information on those in ISIS-controlled areas. The real extent of the humanitarian challenge is well hidden. As the brave Peshmerga and Iraqi forces push to regain territory from ISIS, such as at Kobani, so we see the true extent of the underlying damage and deprivation. Many of those internally displaced have been subject to the most unthinkable of crimes, with large numbers of women and children raped or sexually abused by ISIS. There is a great need for counselling support, not just the basics.

As President of the Iraq delegation, I encourage international partners, the Iraqi government and the Kurdistan regional government to redouble their efforts in terms of financial and logistical support in providing essential services, land allocation and site preparation for IDP camps. Our thoughts are very much with the people of Iraq and Syria at this very troubled time.


  Marielle de Sarnez (ALDE). - Madame la Présidente, ce qui se passe en Syrie et en Iraq est un défi considérable lancé à l'Europe, mais aussi au monde et remet en question ce que nous croyons de l'homme et des êtres humains.

Pour le moment, même si, bien sûr, nous faisons tout ce que nous pouvons et même si la situation est difficile et complexe, nous n'agissons pas assez. La mobilisation de l'Europe n'est pas assez forte et la mobilisation internationale, non plus. Il faut agir davantage.

En ce qui concerne l'humanitaire, il faut faire ce qu'on peut: créer des corridors humanitaires, faire en sorte que les vivres arrivent, aider les pays voisins de la Syrie, qui n'en peuvent plus, en particulier le Liban qui connaît une augmentation de 25 % de sa population. Peut-on imaginer ce que cela représente?

Il faut agir sur le plan économique. On doit absolument couper les moyens financiers du groupe "État islamique" et il faut instaurer un embargo sur le pétrole que peut-être, aujourd'hui, nous consommons dans l'Union européenne et, pourquoi pas, en France?

Il faut évidemment agir au plan militaire. L'Union européenne doit s'engager en tant que telle. Elle doit aussi réfléchir à une politique commune de défense.

On doit réagir au plan politique. Il faut hiérarchiser nos ennemis, en particulier en Syrie, et mettre autour de la table l'ensemble des pays du Golfe, l'Iran et la Turquie. On ne peut pas agir seuls, on ne peut pas agir isolément, il faut rassembler plus encore, il faut agir pour lutter contre le terrorisme car la menace – et c'est cela qui fait la complexité de cette guerre – est non seulement extérieure, mais aussi intérieure. Prenons toutes les mesures nécessaires pour lutter contre le terrorisme.

J'ai visité le camp de réfugiés d'al-Zaatari en Jordanie il y a moins d'un an. Nous devons agir pour que ceux qui sont là, ces femmes et ces hommes, ne perdent pas tout espoir. Agissons avant qu'il ne soit trop tard.

(L'oratrice accepte de répondre à une question "carton bleu" (article 162, paragraphe 8, du règlement))


  Edouard Ferrand (NI), question "carton bleu". – Madame la Présidente, ne pensez-vous pas qu'il faille, aujourd'hui, une révision totale des options stratégiques et diplomatiques étant donné que la France, la Grande-Bretagne et les États-Unis ont tout de même été responsables de cette politique dramatique des printemps arabes. Il faut en tirer les conséquences et, désormais, ne plus engager d'action diplomatique avec ces pays-là sans une concertation européenne.

Vous avez formulé un vœu pieux. Bien entendu, il faut agir sur ce qui se passe là-bas. Mais ne pensez-vous pas que les pays européens sont entièrement responsables des crises que vivent le Proche et le Moyen-Orient?


  Marielle de Sarnez (ALDE), réponse "carton bleu". – Madame la Présidente, je tiens à rappeler que les printemps arabes ont traduit l'envie de ces peuples de se libérer et de s'autonomiser et que, de ce point de vue, nous avons été à leurs côtés.

Les puissances occidentales ont-elles une responsabilité à cet égard? Oui, je le crois. L'engagement américain en Iraq, qui n'a heureusement pas été soutenu par la France, a lourdement pesé. Je crois que les interventions précédentes en Afghanistan entraînent aussi leur part de honte et de responsabilité.

L'important est maintenant d'avancer, de se mobiliser. Ce ne sont pas des vœux pieux. Il faut que la communauté internationale tout entière se saisisse de ce danger.


  Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL). - Senhora Presidente, é bem verdade que a crise humanitária no Iraque e na Síria se agravou dramaticamente com o autoproclamado Exército Islâmico e Estado Islâmico. Mas também é verdade que não começou hoje nem ontem. É verdade, sim, que está muito ligado a uma política externa absolutamente desastrosa, muitas vezes levada a cabo pela União Europeia e por Estados-Membros da União Europeia. E é verdade que está ligada com a invasão do Iraque e é verdade que está ligada com o financiamento de grupos de oposição na Síria, desvalorizando totalmente o seu carácter fundamentalista. E é por isso que o futuro tem um coração antigo. Porque, para fazermos bem no futuro, temos que aprender com os erros do passado. E precisamos de fazer muito melhor. Precisamos de deixar de financiar as atividades terroristas, nomeadamente através dos off-shores. Porque é que há o tabu dos off-shores? Precisamos de impedir que se compre petróleo nos territórios que estão ocupados prelo Estado Islâmico a partir dos países europeus. Precisamos de impedir a venda de armas. Precisamos de uma política europeia para os refugiados. Precisamos disto tudo e também, sim, obviamente, de ajuda humanitária. Mas, se não formos ao fundo, continuaremos a fazer declarações e estes debates mil vezes, e cada vez a situação estará pior.


  Bodil Ceballos (Verts/ALE). - Fru talman! Ni började med att nämna den senaste drunkningstragedin i Medelhavet. Det är också den utgångspunkt jag har i den här diskussionen. Det är tusentals flyktingar som dör varje år på vägen till Europa. Miljoner flyr internt eller till länder i närområdet. Bara ett fåtal når Europa, och här tar inte alla länder emot dem. Så det är absolut nödvändigt att alla EU-länder öppnar upp för att ge skydd till bland annat de syriska flyktingarna. Det är också absolut nödvändigt att vi alla bidrar med humanitärt stöd till flyktinglägren i närområdet.

Men de som lider allra mest är barnen och som kommissionären också sade så får vi inte låta en hel generation gå förlorad. Barnen i lägren behöver gå i skola, och det tar också resolutionen upp. De behöver leva ett någorlunda normalt liv mitt i katastrofen, men de kommer också att behöva psykologstöd för många, många år framöver och inte bara tills kriget är över. Vi måste vara beredda att ta vår del av det arbetet när den tiden är här.


  Lorenzo Cesa (PPE). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, il nostro pensiero oggi non può che andare alla giovane americana Kayla, l'ultima di migliaia di persone trucidate dall'ISIS. In altri tempi, come sappiamo, le informazioni sulle violenze commesse dai regimi più sanguinari del pianeta sono sempre arrivate fino a noi in misura frammentata e discontinua. Spesso quegli stessi regimi occultavano le atrocità e le violazioni dei diritti umani da loro commesse. Oggi ci troviamo a fronteggiare una realtà completamente opposta: l'ISIS non nasconde le torture, le decapitazioni, le violenze e gli stupri di massa, anzi li esibisce; non nega la barbarie dei suoi terroristi, ma la sbandiera di fronte al mondo imponendo la legge della Sharia e la crudeltà dei suoi tribunali illegittimi. Le sue vittime sono musulmani e cristiani, bambini e donne, soldati e civili, persone di qualsiasi credo e razza.

Dunque, di fronte a questa spaventosa sfida lanciata contro l'umanità intera, l'Europa deve dotarsi di una propria e forte strategia comune ed è chiamata a farlo subito, in tutte le sue sedi nazionali ed internazionali, superando ogni divisione al proprio interno. Dobbiamo farlo perché prima che essere popolari, socialisti, comunisti, liberaldemocratici, nazionalisti o euroscettici, siamo tutti persone animate da una profonda, ineliminabile, assoluta convinzione: quella che di fronte all'alternativa tra il bene e il male assoluto, tra la vita e la morte, tra il rispetto dei diritti umani e la loro negazione, noi scegliamo e sceglieremo sempre il bene, la vita e il rispetto dei diritti di ogni essere umano. Questo è il senso della risoluzione che mi auguro venga approvata da tutti noi.


  Ana Gomes (S&D). Com mais três membros deste Parlamento, em janeiro viajei de Erbil a Dohuk, no norte do Iraque, falando com autoridades, membros das comunidades cristãs e Yazidis e outras em fuga, refugiados da Síria, visitando campos de deslocados internos, falando com muitas vítimas do terrorismo do DAESH.

Vim muito crítica do insuficiente e mal direcionado apoio que a União Europeia presta na luta vital contra o inimigo comum. Pelo Iraque e pela Síria passa a linha da frente contra o terrorismo, que durante a nossa visita estava a atacar brutalmente em Paris.

A União Europeia tem de construir e coordenar uma estratégia eficaz de apoio à erradicação do Estado Islâmico. Tem de articular o apoio militar prestado por alguns Estados-Membros, reforçar o apoio aos Peshmerga que no Curdistão Iraquiano e na Síria lutam contra as forças terroristas. Tem de exercer a sua influência política junto de potências regionais para impedir que canalizem financiamento, armas e apoio logístico para o DAESH. A iniciativa dessa coordenação tem de partir da Alta Representante, exercendo as suas competências no quadro da política comum de segurança e defesa. Por muito que alguns Estados-Membros estrebuchem, eles têm de ser confrontados com as suas responsabilidades. Só enfrentando o DAESH no Iraque e na Síria podemos de facto preservar a nossa segurança. Ali alimenta-se a radicalização em solo europeu. Teremos mais atentados terroristas na Europa e fora dela contra cidadãos e interesses europeus.

Também no plano humanitário temos que fazer mais e melhor pelo apoio às populações. Em Estados-Membros que, por exemplo, dão vistos seletivos para cristãos, melhor fora que investissem no apoio humanitário e desenvolvimento para que os cristãos, os Yazidis e outras minorias não só tenham as escolas que faltam nos campos de refugiados como sintam que têm futuro no Iraque. Para eles, para as pessoas e para as suas culturas milenares pré-islâmicas, como nos disseram padres caldeus e assírios. Melhor fora também que se empenhassem em ajudar a libertar as jovens mulheres e crianças traficadas e escravizadas pelos terroristas e acolhessem aquelas que conseguiram escapar e que precisam de tratamento. Para isso é preciso urgentemente uma representação da União Europeia em Erbil. Nós precisamos também absolutamente de uma estratégia articulada de políticas internas que não continuem a financiar, a promover a radicalização dos jovens, mais de 3 mil jovens europeus que no Iraque e na Síria, hoje, espalham o terror contra as populações e que também já atuam aqui perto das nossas fronteiras, na Líbia.


  Jan Zahradil (ECR). - Paní předsedající, když hovoříme o humanitární krizi v Iráku a v Sýrii, měli bychom také vzít na vědomí, jak negativní roli v celé této oblasti sehrálo angažmá Íránu, který se pokouší být regionální mocností v této oblasti, který pronikl do státních struktur v Iráku, podporoval sektářské násilí v Iráku, které se stalo jedním z katalyzátorů vzniku tzv. Islámského státu, a dále samozřejmě se Írán spojoval i s Asadovým režimem v Sýrii, což je další katalyzátor vzniku Islámského státu. Nemluvě o spojení Íránu s hnutím Hizballáh v Libanonu nebo jeho posledních aktivitách v Jemenu. Myslím, že musíme mít odvahu si také říci, že řešení situace v tomto regionu bude spočívat v redukci vlivu Íránu v tomto regionu. Znamená to tedy, že nemůžeme považovat Írán za našeho spojence v boji proti Islámskému státu. Nemůžeme přistoupit na žádné nabídky výměny jeho podpory za ústupky např. u íránského nukleárního programu a měli bychom se snažit především redukovat vliv Íránu v Iráku. Jedním z takových příkladů by mohl být i osud utečeneckého tábora Liberty, kde se zdržují příslušníci íránského Hnutí odporu, které bohužel má u irácké vlády statut teroristické organizace, přestože bylo z tohoto seznamu odstraněno Evropskou unií i Spojenými státy. Tady je třeba sjednat nápravu.


  Pavel Telička (ALDE). - Madam President, a lot has been said in describing the situation and there is very little I could add as it has been described precisely and eloquently. One word: really very grave. I would like to express my appreciation for the Commissioner’s personal efforts and I am thinking also, Commissioner, of the efforts of your staff and also the financial package that you have further disclosed.

But I am afraid that this is not sufficient. I think that we need to be aware that we need the strong and united commitment of the European Union and the Member States to be politically engaged in the areas of crisis, and if need be, to be engaged in military terms, wherever it is meaningful, wherever needed and wherever it will lead to a concrete result. I think that this commitment at the moment is insufficient and is missing.

The second point I would like to raise, and it has already been described by many previous speakers, is that there are countries in the region which can play a positive political role, but there are also countries which can play a role in financial aid. This is also something where probably we have to be more efficient in exerting the influence that we have. I would even say that maybe the time to seek a donor conference is coming, because the European Union is really bearing the main burden at the moment and the Member States partly so.

So I very much welcome your efforts, Commissioner, but I would stress political engagement, wherever needed, military engagement, and once again, influence on the regional powers, on the countries in the region, politically and financially.


  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου (GUE/NGL). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, νομίζω ότι δεν υπάρχει κανένας σ’ αυτή την αίθουσα που ξέρει πραγματικά τι πρέπει να κάνουμε για τον λαό της Συρίας και του Ιράκ. Γι’ αυτό είναι που αναλωνόμαστε σε περιγραφή των δεινών αυτών των ανθρώπων. Δεν χωράει λοιπόν συζήτηση πως η ανθρωπιστική βοήθεια προς τον λαό της Συρίας και του Ιράκ πρέπει να αυξηθεί χωρίς χρονοτριβές και να προσφέρουμε πραγματική βοήθεια στους ανθρώπους. Είναι υποχρέωσή μας, ως Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και κράτη μέλη, να ασχοληθούμε σοβαρά με το ζήτημα, για να διασφαλίσουμε ότι θα έχουν τουλάχιστον τα στοιχειώδη για τη διαβίωσή τους.

Δεν πρέπει ωστόσο να ξεχνάμε, αναζητώντας τα αίτια αυτού του μεγάλου κακού, τη βασική ευθύνη για την κατάσταση που επικρατεί σήμερα. Τη φέρουν από κοινού οι Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες και κράτη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης: αυτοί που το 2003, στο όνομα της καταπολέμησης δήθεν της τρομοκρατίας, ξεκίνησαν έναν πόλεμο που κρατάει μέχρι τις μέρες μας και έχει αποσταθεροποιήσει πλήρως ολόκληρη την περιοχή της Μέσης Ανατολής. Αυτοί που με τις πράξεις και τις παραλείψεις τους εξέθρεψαν αυτό που ονομάζουμε σήμερα Ισλαμικό Κράτος. Και αναγκαζόμαστε σήμερα να συζητάμε τα στοιχειώδη της ανθρώπινης ύπαρξης. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να δείξει νέα κατεύθυνση προς τον τομέα αυτό.


  Agustín Díaz de Mera García Consuegra (PPE). - Señora Presidenta, en Siria e Irak se han destruido hospitales de campaña y escuelas, se han dañado el servicio de agua y el de electricidad. El Daesh continúa con auténticas atrocidades: abusos sexuales, esclavitud, violencia cruel, secuestros, ejecuciones, bombardeos indiscriminados. Incluso han ordenado comenzar con la mutilación genital femenina de todas las mujeres menores de 49 años.

Nos encontramos ante una constante violación de los derechos humanos y del Derecho internacional humanitario. El Daesh, en su clara intención de expandirse, ya ha puesto un pie en Libia, lo que no hace nada más que incrementar la situación crítica humanitaria.

Los más vulnerables necesitan alimentos, agua, sanidad y escuela, y 139 millones de euros es una importante cantidad, pero es una cantidad insuficiente. Me remito a lo que dice el ACNUR: hay que repartir y ayudar a los seis países vecinos, que son los más tocados por el dedo de la solidaridad. En Líbano, 1,1 millones; en Turquía, 1,6; en Jordania, 621 000; en Irak, 235 000; en Egipto y norte de África, 160 000. Esos son los 3,8 millones de refugiados sirios. Pero, además, en Irak tenemos 5,2 millones de personas que necesitan ayuda humanitaria, y 2,1 millones de personas tienen la condición de desplazados internos.

Nosotros debemos hacer mucho más.


  Elena Valenciano (S&D). - Señora Presidenta, señor Comisario, queridos colegas, ya está siendo descrita por los anteriores intervinientes la situación política y humanitaria desastrosa que existe en Irak y en Siria y que puede ser comparada ya a las grandes catástrofes de nuestra historia.

Voy directa a la cuestión de los derechos humanos, porque creo que debemos lanzar un aviso a todos los actores que están pisoteando los derechos humanos en la región, rebasando todos los límites. Al Daesh, desde luego, pero no solo; también a Asad, porque Asad se está librando porque tenemos ante nuestros ojos un horror mayor, pero no vamos a olvidar ni debemos dejar pasar las violaciones, los abusos, las masacres y las muertes hechas espectáculo.

Si existe una estrategia para acabar con el terrorismo, para acabar con el Daesh, deberíamos empezar a conocer las caras de quiénes son. Sabemos mucho de su comunicación y de su estrategia, pero necesitamos conocer las caras porque me temo que, además de muchas muertes y mucho dolor, están consiguiendo esconder sus caras.

Me gustaría insistir en la propuesta que mi Grupo incluye en la Resolución, que es la de mandatar al Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para que vaya en misión a Irak, para que podamos identificar los crímenes que se están produciendo contra la humanidad para llevar a sus responsables ante los tribunales, porque no ganaremos la guerra contra el terror entregando como moneda de cambio los derechos humanos.


  Branislav Škripek (ECR) - Pán komisár, ďakujem vám veľmi pekne za vaše úsilie, ktoré ste vynaložili na riešenie humanitárnej krízy v Iraku a Sýrii, zvlášť v kontexte so strašným pôsobením Islamského štátu. Všetci vieme o zverstvách, ktoré páchajú, nie je treba o tom teraz viacej hovoriť.

Chcem zdôrazniť, že humanitárna situácia sa nedá oddeliť od bezpečnostnej situácie a tá zasa nemôže byť nahliadaná mimo politického kontextu. Veď v konečnom dôsledku všetka humanitárna pomoc musí byť prepojená a smerovať k bezpečnému politickému prostrediu.

Ako zrejme viete, niektoré skupiny v tejto oblasti, menovite chalcedónski, syriackí a asýrski obyvatelia, Turkméni a Jezídi podpísali minulý október v EP v Bruseli spoločné vyhlásenie o miestnej autonómii a samospráve pod kurdskou regionálnou vládou v Iraku.

Mal som tú príležitosť predsedať tomuto stretnutiu a bola to skutočne vzácna atmosféra a ja si myslím, že je veľmi dôležité vziať tieto demokratické iniciatívy vážne na vedomie, pretože oni sami najlepšie vedia, čo ľudia v ich regióne skutočne potrebujú. Som veľmi rád všetkému úsiliu, ktoré ste doteraz vynaložili pre túto spoluprácu.

V závere vás, pán komisár, úctivo žiadam, aby ste naďalej vyhľadávali tieto miestne autority daných menšín a brali ich ako oficiálnych partnerov vo vašom úsilí pre vyriešenie tejto humanitárnej krízy.


  Miloslav Ransdorf (GUE/NGL). - Paní předsedající, základem problémů v této oblasti byla snaha Spojených států vyvážit demokracii nejdříve zbraněmi a potom činností tajných služeb. Myslím si, že to je základní omyl, protože demokracie se nedá nějakým způsobem nadekretovat. Demokracie je výsledkem dlouhého vývoje právního státu a občanské společnosti. A teprve koncem tohoto vývoje je ustavení demokracie. Myslím si, že přijdeme na to, že daleko přiměřenější pro současnou dobu je podpora sekulárních nacionalistických režimů v této oblasti. Sekulárních nacionalistických režimů, které jsou pro nás daleko přirozenějším partnerem než režimy, které jsou tak či onak ovlivněné islamismem. Myslím si, že bude přehodnocena, po mém soudu, i pozice EU vůči Asadovu režimu v Sýrii, který je sekulární a je garancí, řekl bych, občanských hodnot.


  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). - Paní předsedající, já jsem se domníval, že hovoříme o humanitární krizi, nikoliv o školení, jak dospět k demokracii. A myslím si, že v tomto sále snad není nikdo, kdo by neodsoudil působení IS, a já se domnívám, že samozřejmě by bylo nejlépe, kdyby došlo ke spojenecké sjednocené vojenské akci proti IS s mandátem Rady bezpečnosti. Bohužel se tak zatím neděje a humanitární krize narostla do obrovských rozměrů a stejně tak narostl IS do podoby organizace státního útvaru. Disponuje zdroji jak lidskými, tak vojenskými i finančními a myslím si, že bychom měli v tuto chvíli volat všechny státy EU, ale i naše spojence ke společné akci na zastavení všech těchto zdrojů, tedy jak lidských, tak vojenských i finančních. Můžeme samozřejmě analyzovat příčiny vzniku Islámského státu, ale to nevyřeší situaci, která je nyní aktuální a které by členské státy EU, ale samozřejmě, jak říkám, i spojenci Evropy měli věnovat náležitou a rychlou pozornost. A trochu mi vadí, že díky IS jako by zapadají

další problémy, které se pojí s mezinárodním terorismem. A režimy, které mezinárodní terorismus podporují, ať to byly v minulosti či v současnosti země jako Írán a další. Já bych byl rád, kdyby na tyto země rovněž vybyl určitý čas, nikoliv v této diskusi, ale v některé z dalších.


  Afzal Khan (S&D). - Madam President, I should like to thank the Commissioner for the work that he is doing. The Syrian conflict is now entering its fifth year and there is still no end in sight. The brutality of ISIS has been horrifying. Their acts of barbarity have no religious justification and are war crimes against humanity. Seven million refugees, especially children, are under threat from the winter months right now. It is imperative that funding of the humanitarian emergency is top priority and all necessary actions are taken to ensure the safety and protection of the most vulnerable.

It is, however, even more crucial that we sever the problem from the roots. Despite the tragedy facing Syrian civilians under ISIS rule, the ruling Assad regime is responsible for far more deaths, displacements and destruction. Were it not for the Assad regime, ISIS would never have been able to take root in Syria. Even the elimination of ISIS will not end the radicalised opposition groups, and Syria has new groups which are likely to emerge to fill the void. This happened in Iraq where authoritarian and divisive rule opened the door for the emergence of ISIS.

The international community must realise that the only way forward for Syria and to defeat ISIS is to address the root cause of the conflict, namely the Assad regime. That is also largely responsible for the humanitarian crisis facing the country. The EU must increase its pressure on the regime and help restore peace and security in the country and thus in the region.


  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). - Г-жо Председател, уважаеми колеги, уважаеми г-н Комисар, впечатлен съм от Вашата дейност, от усилията, които сте положили, за което Ви поздравявам. Действително в момента в Ирак и в Сирия ние имаме напълно разрушени държави, ние имаме една рухнала инфраструктура, ние имаме една изчезнала държавност, ние имаме липса на елементарни потребности, ние имаме градове и общества, в които няма ток, няма вода, няма пътища, няма училища. Всички тези неща са ясни и се виждат.

Причината обаче за тях е друга. И причината е ясна - те не са се случили от само себе си. Това не е просто природно бедствие. И затова само с хуманитарни дейности няма да може да бъде решено. Причината за тази хуманитарна катастрофа всъщност е наличието на една ултрарадикална, ултрарелигиозна държава халифат, каквато е „Ислямска държава“. Тази държава, този халифат преследва язиди, преследва кюрди, преследва православни, преследва ранни християни, преследва шиити мюсюлмани. Този режим е заплаха за живота на хората в тези територии, както и в Европа. С тях трябва да се борим.


  Cornelia Ernst (GUE/NGL). - Frau Präsidentin! Im Januar war ich gemeinsam mit Kollegen der ALDE und der S&D-Fraktion im irakischen Kurdistan. Wenn ich dort eines begriffen habe, dann, dass wir Europäer die Aufgabe haben, den Opfern der Da‘ish-Faschisten unsere Unterstützung zu gewähren. In dieser Region leben 5,3 Millionen Menschen, und hinzugekommen sind in wenigen Monaten zwei Millionen Flüchtlinge, durchweg Minderheiten aus dem Irak, die jetzt in Zeltstädten oder auf den Straßen leben. Vor allem die Kinder sind bedroht. 5 000 jesidische Frauen und Kinder wurden gekidnappt, 2 000 Männer wurden ermordet. Die Jesiden erleben einen erneuten Genozid; 2000 Jahre Geschichte sollen ausgelöscht werden.

Was wir jetzt brauchen, sind wirklich klare Botschaften. Wir brauchen internationalen Schutz für die Religionsgemeinschaften und Minderheiten im Irak. Wir brauchen Gelder für die Flüchtlingscamps und Schulen für die Kinder, die es nämlich momentan überhaupt nicht gibt. Wir brauchen finanzielle Programme, Programme, die dem Wiederaufbau der Dörfer der Jesiden, der Schabak und anderer Minderheiten, auch der Christen, dienen. Wir brauchen Unterstützung für die gekidnappten Frauen.

Lassen Sie mich mit einem Wort des Bischofs von Erbil enden, der gesagt hat: Helfen Sie uns, machen Sie, dass wir im Irak bleiben können, lassen Sie uns versöhnen mit den Sunniten!


  Eduard Kukan (PPE) - Je smutnou realitou, že Sýria a Irak sa stali v ostatnom čase synonymami pre humanitárne krízy. Občianska vojna v Sýrii trvá štyri roky. Humanitárna kríza približne rovnako dlho. Na jej ilustráciu by sme mohli použiť desivé štatistiky. Predrečníci ich spomenuli, nebudem ich preto opakovať. Odpoveďou Asadovho režimu na tieto čísla je popretie akejkoľvek zodpovednosti.

Akoby to nestačilo, Sýria s Irakom sa ocitli v ďalšom konflikte. Stoja v ňom proti extrémistickým skupinám Islamského štátu. ISIS predstavuje dramatické problémy pre Sýriu, Irak, celý región, ale aj pre Európu. Používa teroristické taktiky, rozvracia štáty, vyháňa ľudí zo svojich príbytkov. Je priamou hrozbou pre našu civilizáciu. Vidíme to doma, v pristupujúcich krajinách, u našich priamych susedov.

Alarmujúce je aj to, že mnohí bojovníci za Islamský štát sú cudzincami a z tzv. západného sveta. K tejto realite sa musia zodpovedne postaviť všetky členské štáty Európskej únie. Máme novú stratégiu, ktorou mobilizujeme jednu miliardu eur pre Sýriu a Irak v nasledujúcich dvoch rokoch.

Už teraz sú v Sýrii aj Iraku celé generácie ľudí, ktorých životy sú úplne zničené. Treba myslieť aj na to, čo nás bude čakať po skončení vojny v Sýrii, ako prispejeme k rekonštrukcii absolútne zdevastovanej krajiny, ako navrátime jej obyvateľom ľudskú dôstojnosť.

(Rečník súhlasil, že odpovie na otázku položenú zdvihnutím modrej karty (článok 162 ods. 8 rokovacieho poriadku)).


  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE), pitanje koje je podizanjem plave kartice postavio. – Poštovani kolega Kukan, vi ste dobar poznavatelj situacije na Balkanu, jer znam da ste šef Delegacije za Srbiju. Poznajete dobro situaciju na Balkanu, Albaniji, ali i u Bosni i Hercegovini. Moje pitanje ide za tim što ste spomenuli, da ima puno opasnosti među našim susjedima, u našim zemljama. Ja želim ovdje apostrofirati problem Bosne i Hercegovine gdje vlasti kažu da oko tri tisuće potencijalnih terorista danas boravi na tlu Bosne i Hercegovine.

Moje je pitanje: Da li dijelite moju zabrinutost i da li pozivate i vi Komisiju i sve europske institucije da pomognu Bosni i Hercegovini?


  Eduard Kukan (PPE), odpoveď na otázku položenú zdvihnutím modrej karty Ja som už vo svojom vystúpení povedal, že za túto situáciu môžu a mali by sa k nej zodpovedne postaviť členské štáty Únie. Bosna a Hercegovina je jednou z ašpirujúcich krajín na budúce členstvo v Európskej únii a rovnako ako ostatných štátov, sa to dotýka aj jej. Títo potenciálni bojovníci, ktorí môžu v budúcnosti bojovať za Islamský štát, a preto návrh cteného kolegu, aby sa Komisia zaoberala touto situáciou, si myslím, je dobrý, realistický a podporujem ho.


  Gilles Pargneaux (S&D). - Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, permettez-moi, en ce début d'intervention, de dire mon malaise. Depuis le début de ce débat, j'entends de belles paroles, de beaux discours de compassion et de solidarité vis-à-vis de toutes celles et de tous ceux – notamment des enfants, des femmes – qui sont torturés et tués en Syrie, dans cette guerre civile, dans ce génocide qu'ils subissent, sous le joug du dictateur qu'est Bachar el-Assad.

J'entends aussi beaucoup de belles paroles prononcées envers celles et ceux qui sont tués en Iraq et ailleurs, en Libye maintenant, par l'organisation "État islamique", qui sévit dans son expansionnisme meurtrier.

Et puis, finalement, j'ai toujours l'impression qu'on a peu de solutions et je voudrais vous dire, Monsieur le Commissaire: allez plus loin! Allez plus loin dans l'aide humanitaire. S'il fallait comparer notre situation à celle du Liban, dont 18 % de la population sont des réfugiés, cela reviendrait à accueillir 15 millions de personnes en France, 90 millions en Europe! Alors allons-y! Dégageons plus d'aide alimentaire, plus d'aide humanitaire! Retournons ensuite à la table des négociations pour qu'il soit mis fin à ce génocide perpétré par Bachar el-Assad en Syrie.


  Ramona Nicole Mănescu, în numele grupului PPE. – Vă felicit, domnule comisar, pentru implicarea dumneavoastră în criza umanitară fără precedent. Atrocitățile comise de ISIS au dus la tragedia a milioane de oameni. Acest val de refugiați nu se va opri aici, vor fi încă mulți alții care vor părăsi zonele de conflict și avem datoria de a-i susține cu alimente, cu adăpost și asistență medicală. Nu trebuie, însă, să uităm nici de sprijinul de care au nevoie statele din regiune, cele care primesc refugiați, cum sunt Liban și Iordania. Pentru a rezolva, însă, criza umanitară, trebuie să ne ocupăm serios și coordonat de amenințarea teroristă. Să luăm acum măsuri urgente, concrete și ferme în combaterea terorismului. De prea mult timp, reacția noastră în regiune este doar o reacție și nu suntem proactivi. Cum vor putea fi acești refugiați reintegrați în societate? Cum putem contribui la construcția unei infrastructuri în care civilii din Siria și Irak să poată trăi, cum ne asigurăm că aceste conflicte nu vor reapărea? Prioritatea imediată este, într-adevăr, acordarea asistenței refugiaților, dar și elaborarea unui astfel de plan pentru un viitor sustenabil în regiune.


  Arne Lietz (S&D). - Frau Präsidentin! Die Terrororganisation Islamischer Staat ist eine existenzielle Bedrohung für die Menschen in Syrien und Irak und auch über die Region hinaus. Das menschenverachtende Vorgehen der Terroristen hat eine kaum fassbare Not verursacht. Die bisher zur Verfügung gestellten Mittel reichen nicht aus. Ich begrüße daher besonders die Ankündigung der Hohen Vertreterin, die EU-Hilfen weiter aufzustocken.

Es ist gut und wichtig, dass Frau Mogherini uns eine EU-Strategie für die Region vorgelegt hat. Denn die EU und die EU-Mitgliedstaaten müssen gemeinsam vorgehen. Und wir müssen einen umfassenden Ansatz entwickeln, der die ganze Region einbezieht.

In Syrien ist noch immer das Assad-Regime an der Macht, dessen grausame Unterdrückung den Bürgerkrieg verursacht hat. In die diplomatischen Bemühungen für eine Lösung des Konflikts muss Russland mit einbezogen werden. Denn Russland hat Assad aktiv unterstützt und hält noch immer seine schützende Hand über das Regime.


  Francisco Assis (S&D). - Senhora Presidente, não é com grandes proclamações morais ou apenas com elas, nem tão-pouco com exercícios de imputação de responsabilidade histórica, que nós contribuiremos para a resolução deste gravíssimo problema com que estamos confrontados. Não nos iludamos, esta é uma das questões mais graves que se colocam hoje ao sistema internacional. Temos, desde logo, uma gravíssima crise humanitária, e quero saudar os esforços que a Comissão está a desenvolver no sentido de acudir a essa mesma crise, porquanto isso constitui uma prioridade absoluta. Mas estamos perante uma grave questão política que tem que ser olhada em toda a sua complexidade.

Nós estamos perante uma região que atravessa um processo de profunda desestruturação, e ela não pode ser avaliada de uma forma simplista. Há problemas que têm origem interna ao mundo islâmico. Há problemas que resultaram de algumas intervenções externas ao longo de muito tempo. Não apenas as mais recentes, mas ao longo de muitas décadas. E a União Europeia tem esta obrigação, até porque esta é uma região próxima da zona do conflito, tem esta obrigação de olhar para este problema e procurar resolvê-lo, tendo em consideração toda a sua complexidade e apostando sobretudo na dimensão política na resolução do problema.


  Eugen Freund (S&D). - Madam President, you will probably agree that hardly anything has changed since I last addressed this issue here in the House. If anything, things have gotten worse, not better. This is a shame and a tragedy. It is a shame, as the international community is standing idly by in light of ongoing fighting in Syria, where we have stopped counting the dead.

The first 100 000 deaths made huge headlines. The next 200 000 did not illicit even a shrug. It is also a tragedy with far-reaching consequences. What we are getting in not serving these unfortunate people is a more and more traumatised young generation. In a few years’ time they will resort to the same violence and terror that is the route of many tragic events we have witnessed recently. So it is in our immediate interest to call on all powers in Syria and Iraq and beyond to bring to an end the fighting and suffering of the peoples in the region.


  Goffredo Maria Bettini (S&D). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è in gioco in Siria e in Iraq la vita di milioni di persone. Tutte le energie vanno messe in campo e coordinate. Abbiamo detto genocidio che devasta regioni dove l'Occidente nel passato ha promosso guerre imperdonabili. Genocidio è una parola impegnativa, che esige conseguenze adeguate. Ma un punto deve essere chiaro: la minaccia non riguarda solo il Medioriente ma punta anche al cuore dell'Europa, semina odio nelle cellule sparse dei nativi delle nostre città. Per questo non basta che l'ISIS sia contenuto, esso va sconfitto liberando i territori che ha conquistato con la forza, riportando la pace e una possibilità di convivenza tra tutti.


Vice-PresidentCatch-the-eye procedure


  Csaba Sógor (PPE). - Mr President, almost everything has been said about the humanitarian situation. I would like to touch upon two elements that need to be addressed just as urgently as humanitarian needs if we want to ensure that the region will still house its rich mosaic of peoples in the years to come.

First of all, heritage sites need to be protected immediately. Through the destruction of heritage, the identities and histories of minorities and communities are erased. Peoples’ identities and claims that they have a right to be there are tied to the presence of monuments and religious-historical buildings which stand as proof of their presence in the land. It is also documented that IS partially funds its operations through looting and selling archaeological artefacts.

Secondly, the issue of the disputed territories urgently needs to be addressed if we wish to see the future of Iraq taking place within the internationally agreed borders. Had diplomatic efforts succeeded in the past, there would not have been the current stalemate between Erbil and Baghdad, and IS might have been defeated earlier because of increased trust and joint operations between the two parties.


  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D). - Mr President, the advance of jihadist fighters across a wide band of territory in Syria and Iraq has fuelled a massive humanitarian crisis in the region which, I might say, is unprecedented. Fighters from Islamic State – which we should always call Daesh because they are not a state – in Iraq and Syria are terrorising the civilian populations and persecuting religious and ethnic minorities.

The situation in Iraq is part of the larger crisis unfolding in the region mainly as a result of Syria’s civil war. Civilians continue to be displaced, as a result of the conflict, to refugee camps where they often have to deal with a shortage of food and medicine. A resolution of the humanitarian crisis requires not only the military defeat of Daesh in Iraq and Syria, but also a political solution that creates a cross-sectarian coalition against jihadism.

I could say that, in order to have a final positive result, the coalition should also address the interests of the Sunni Iraqi groups and tribes that have aligned with Daesh and should garner the support of regional powers like Iran and Saudi Arabia.


  Urmas Paet (ALDE). - Härra eesistuja, juba Süüria kodusõda tekitas selle sajandi suurima humanitaarkatastroofi ja nüüd on sellele lisandunud ka ISILi õudused Iraagis ja Süürias. On oluline, et Euroopa riigid paneksid selgelt piiri omaenda kodanike ISILi ridadesse võitlema minemisele. Me saame seda oma kogemuse näol aidata teha ka meie partnerriikidel: näiteks Kesk-Aasia riigid on selle teemaga suures mures. Tuleb teha senisest tugevamat koostööd loomulikult ka Araabia riikide ja Türgiga, nii võitluses ISILiga kui ka põgenike abistamises. Põgenikud – nende abistamine peab olema Euroopa Liidu humanitaarabi prioriteet. Vajadusel tuleb arenguabi vahendeid ka suunata ümber humanitaarabiks, et nende inimeste kannatusi vähendada.

Ja lõpetuseks – tuleb kehtestada rahvusvahelised piirangud, mis toimiksid nii relvamüügile kui ka raha ülekandmisele ISILile. Aitäh.


  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mentre noi giustamente stiamo recriminando la catastrofe umanitaria siriana e irachena e votiamo risoluzioni, anche peraltro giuste e condivisibili, e cerchiamo di affrontare la questione, a Washington, in questo momento, l'orologio torna indietro di tredici anni con la richiesta del Presidente Obama di farsi autorizzare dal Congresso per l'uso della forza totale contro l'ISIS, anche impiegando truppe di terra. Si ritorna quindi alla causa vera della nascita di Daesh, vale a dire operazioni militari compiute nel corso degli ultimi decenni senza la volontà di impegnarsi politicamente non per esportare la democrazia come se fosse un barattolo di pomodori, ma per aiutare quei paesi a farla crescere in modo spontaneo.

Purtroppo, non sento in quest'Aula una vera soluzione, che sarebbe quella di adottare sanzioni sensate verso chi in questo momento ancora vende, commercializza e trasporta il petrolio illegale dell'ISIS, una strategia chiara nei confronti dei paesi che noi chiamiamo alleati e che finora hanno sostenuto una posizione ambigua, quantomeno in tutta questa vicenda. Le bombe ammazzano gli uomini, non sconfiggono le idee. L'incubo di Daesh è anche il sonno della ragione dell'Occidente.


  Gianluca Buonanno (NI). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, a me piacerebbe che tutta l'Europa potesse vedere l'immagine di quest'Aula. Noi siamo 751 e qua ci sono non più di quaranta persone che discutono di questi argomenti e poi, voi, la casta, andate in giro a dire che l'Europa si preoccupa di tutto e poi non si preoccupa dei nostri poveri e dei nostri anziani, ma si preoccupa di tutt'altra cosa, fa le guerre, fa le alleanze con gli Stati Uniti e poi viene qua a piangere. Siete degli ipocriti! Siete degli ipocriti! Siete come quel detto che c'è in Italia che dice: "il bue dà del cornuto all'asino". Siete uguali, perché finita tutta la cerimonia, lo spettacolino, uscite e il vostro problema è: dove si mangia? Cosa di beve? Dove vado a comprare i vestiti? A voi non ve ne frega un tubo di quello che succede in giro. A voi interessa solo avere il sedere al caldo.


  László Tőkés (PPE). - Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Ronald Reagan egykor a gonoszok birodalmának nevezte a szovjet kommunizmust. A történelem bebizonyította, hogy az ateista diktatúrát csak egyesült erővel lehet legyőzni. Tom Lantos egyik utolsó beszédében a XX–XXI. század három totalitárius rendszerét sorolta fel, s a nácizmus, valamit a kommunizmus nyomába lépő iszlám fundamentalizmus ellen hirdetett harcot.

A globális fenyegetést jelentő diktatúrákkal szemben csak világraszóló teljes összefogással van esélyünk szembeszállni. Ennek a nemzetközi küzdelemnek kell élére állni a keresztény Európának, hitbeli szolidaritással vállalva közösséget a humanitárius katasztrófa által sújtott iraki, szíriai keresztényekkel, és valamennyi üldözöttel. Isten igéje is erre buzdít bennünket: „Nyisd meg a te szádat, amellett, aki néma, és azoknak dolgában, akik adattak veszedelemre!”


  Nicola Caputo (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, oggi discutiamo della più grande crisi umanitaria dai tempi della Seconda Guerra mondiale. Una crisi ulteriormente aggravata dalle atrocità e dalle violenze perpetrate dal cosiddetto Stato islamico, che ha lanciato una campagna di sistematica pulizia etnica, rendendosi responsabile dei crimini di guerra orribili che hanno gettato nel terrore le popolazioni del nord della Siria e dell'Iraq, costringendo migliaia di persone alla fuga.

Vista la complessità del problema, diventa quindi sempre più importante che la strategia dell'Unione europea preveda un approccio integrato capace di combinare aspetti militari, politici, umanitari e di sviluppo. Mi auguro quindi che, con il lancio della nuova strategia per sostenere la Siria e l'Iraq, l'Unione europea riuscirà non solo ad assicurare assistenza umanitaria, ma anche a dare il suo contributo nella lotta all'estremismo presente nella regione e ad assicurare ai paesi confinanti, in particolare la Giordania e il Libano, il necessario supporto affinché possano far fronte all'afflusso dei rifugiati.


  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). - Gospodine predsjedniče, kada smo prije nekoliko mjeseci ovdje govorili o situaciji na Bliskom istoku onda sam sve pitao da li znaju što je Vukovar, što je Srebrenica, i da li su prije tragedija koje su se dogodile u Vukovaru i Srebrenici ikad čuli za ta mjesta. Tada smo razgovarali o mogućem padu Kobanea. Na sreću, to se nije dogodilo. Kobane je danas slobodan, ali strahovita politička kriza, strahovita humanitarna kriza i dalje, na žalost svjedoci smo toga, raste iz dana u dan.

Zato, vjerujem da je neophodna krajnje odlučna sinergijska akcija svih onih koji zajednički mogu riješiti problem na Bliskom istoku. Tu naravno, osim Europske unije, uključujem i Tursku, uključujem i Rusiju, uključujem i Sjedinjene Američke Države. Očekujem da naša Komisija upravo u tom pravcu djeluje, sinergijom svih onih snaga koje mogu riješiti problem na Bliskom istoku.


(Încheierea intervențiilor la cerere)


  Christos Stylianides, Member of the Commission on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. - Mr President, honourable Members, thank you for your remarks, your suggestions and, of course, your support. I am fully aware that the crises in Syria and Iraq are both likely to stay with us for years to come, unfortunately. I will continue to work closely with my fellow External Relations Commissioners to ensure that the EU’s response will remain strong. It will remain substantial. It will remain tangible.

As one of the world’s leading donors in both these crises, the European Union has a strong responsibility to take action. And action we are taking! Ending the suffering of the millions of people affected by these two terrible crises is not only a moral imperative but also – as all of us have said – very much in our own interest. We need stability in our neighbourhood in order to have stability inside our Union. It is obvious. That is why all of us have already agreed on a comprehensive approach as the European response.


  Preşedinte. - Vă anunț că s-au primit șapte propuneri de rezoluție depuse în conformitate cu articolul 123 alineatul (2), votarea va avea loc mâine și închidem dezbaterea.

Declaraţii scrise (articolul 162)


  Gerard Batten (EFDD), in writing. A previous speaker said that IS must be defeated militarily. Yes, but ideas cannot be defeated by military means alone. The root cause of the problem is an ideological one at the heart of the Islamic religion, and it can only be won by moderate Muslims overcoming the extremists. The first step in doing so is for moderate Muslims to reject those religious texts in the Qur’an that encourage or excuse violence. For example: ‘Kill infidels wherever you find them. Make war on infidels. Strike terror into the hearts of infidels’. Moderate Muslims know very well that in the eyes of the fundamentalist extremists they too qualify as ‘infidels’ as much as the unbelievers. The moderate Muslims of the world have a vested interest in bringing their religion into the modern world. The savages of IS will still be savages but their spurious ideological justifications for violence and bestiality must be removed. That can only be done when their fellow Muslims remove the ideological ground from under their feet.


  Raffaele Fitto (PPE), per iscritto. Ci troviamo di fronte alla più grave crisi umanitaria dalla fine della Seconda Guerra mondiale. Secondo l'Alto Commissariato Onu per i rifugiati più di tre milioni di siriani sono fuggiti dalla guerra civile. È una situazione disperata a cui dobbiamo rispondere con responsabilità e senza tentennamenti. L'Unione europea deve fare tutti gli sforzi possibili per coordinare i paesi limitrofi alla Siria e all'Iraq, al fine di collaborare per coalizzarsi contro l'IS, e non far cadere il Medio Oriente nel gorgo delle barbarie.


  Michela Giuffrida (S&D), per iscritto. La crisi siriana è un'ebola politico. Contagia e uccide e non si trova il vaccino. Ha già provocato 220 mila morti dal 2011, 3,2 milioni di rifugiati. Non c'è una crisi umanitaria più grande di quella siriana in termini di strazio, è un genocidio Gli aiuti finanziari non sembrano essere mai sufficienti. Accolgo con estremo favore la nuova strategia globale presentata dell'Alto rappresentante Federica Mogherini per la Siria e l'Iraq. Speriamo che questi nuovi fondi vengano utilizzati davvero per i siriani e gli iracheni in difficoltà, laddove difficoltà significa morire di fame, subire atroci violenze, vivere sotto assedio. Non dimentichiamo poi che spesso l'inferno dei migranti inizia in Siria e termina drammaticamente nel Mediterraneo. Tragedie che si ripetono e sembra non abbiano fine.


  György Hölvényi (PPE), írásban. Az elmúlt héten az Aid to the Church in Need nemzetközi segélyszervezettel öt napot töltöttem Irakban. A helyszínen fél tucat menekülttábort jártunk be, ahol számos otthonából elüldözött családdal találkoztunk. Tudjuk, hogy az Iszlám Állam okozta helyzet rendkívül bonyolult. Mégis nagyon világos az, hogy mi a teendőnk nekünk, Európaiaknak. A nemzetközi közösségnek mindent meg kell tennie azért, hogy a menekültek minél hamarabb visszatérhessenek szülőföldükre. A helyszínen tapasztaltak alapján tudom, hogy ehhez óriási közös erőfeszítésre van szükség. Személyesen külön is bízom abban, hogy Mogherini asszony mindent megtesz az Unió és a tagországok fokozott humanitárius szerepvállalásáért. A válság súlyosságát ismerve azt is látnunk kell sajnos, hogy katonai megoldás nélkül nem lehet békét teremteni Észak-Irakban. Ha Európa és a nemzetközi szervezetek nem tudnak sikeresek lenni a segítségnyújtásban, akkor nagyon komoly, akár visszafordíthatatlan humanitárius katasztrófával kell szembesülni a térségben. Bízom benne, hogy lesz ehhez elég erőnk, közösen a helyi közösségekkel: muszlimokkal, keresztényekkel vagy jazidokkal. Meg kell őriznünk a Közel-Keleten egy kétezer éves keresztény kultúrát, amelyet most a teljes felszámolás veszélye fenyeget.


  Philippe Juvin (PPE), par écrit. Les atrocités commises par Da'esh ont provoqué de véritables crises humanitaires en Syrie et en Irak. Épuration ethnique et religieuse, exécutions, persécutions, enlèvements, conversions forcées, réduction en esclavage d'enfants et de femmes, tortures, sont quelques exemples des crimes abominables perpétrés par Da'esh. Ces crimes contre l'humanité ne peuvent rester impunis. Nous, Européens, devons aider à éteindre ces foyers de l'extrémisme qui constituent une menace pour la sécurité de l'ensemble de la région, mais aussi pour celle du monde entier. Nous devons notamment agir afin de stopper le flux de combattants étrangers qui partent chaque jour rejoindre les rangs de cette organisation terroriste. Nous devons également renforcer notre coopération sécuritaire avec nos partenaires dans le cadre de la politique de voisinage et dans le cadre euro-arabe. Enfin, nous devons renforcer notre aide humanitaire aux populations civiles.

Ainsi, je me félicite de la stratégie globale présentée par la Commission et la haute représentante le 6 février visant à débloquer 1 milliard d'euros supplémentaire pour le financement des nombreuses initiatives politiques, sociales et humanitaires en cours, et visant à lutter contre la menace posée par Da'esh.


  James Nicholson (ECR), in writing. The advance of ISIS over the past number of months has shocked the world as we see the group commit some of the most extreme barbaric acts of terror. The rise of ISIS has compounded an already desperate humanitarian situation in Iraq and Syria, both devastated by years of civil war and sectarian violence. Millions in Iraq and Syria have been displaced as ISIS makes advances – adding to those who have already been displaced as a result of the Syrian civil war. In both countries, civilians are inevitably caught up in ISIS violence – from forced conversions to brutal executions. ISIS terrorists are being targeted in both countries by a US-led coalition, though air-strikes have not done enough to eradicate the threat. The UK Government is supporting international efforts to combat the ISIS threat and the UK Parliament has voted in support of air strikes against ISIS targets in Iraq. Another deeply troubling element to the ISIS threat is the number of British and other EU nationals who have been radicalised and have chosen to join with ISIS and fight in Iraq and Syria. This poses a major domestic security threat if or when such ‘foreign fighters’ return home.

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