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Τετάρτη 11 Φεβρουαρίου 2015 - Στρασβούργο Αναθεωρημένη έκδοση

16. Η κατάσταση στην Υεμένη (συζήτηση)
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  Preşedinte. - Următorul punct pe ordinea de zi este declarația vicepreședintelui Comisiei, Înaltului Reprezentant, privind situația din Yemen (2015/2557(RSP)).


  Zanda Kalniņa-Lukaševica, President-in-Office of the Council on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. - Mr President, honourable Members, I am grateful for the opportunity to discuss the situation in Yemen with you today.

Yemen occupies a strategic position along the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea. Every day, hundreds of ships headed to Europe pass through the Bab-el-Mandeb strait. Terrorist organisations like al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) increasingly represent a direct threat to European citizens. It is in our own interest to stand by the aspirations of the Yemeni people for a stable and accountable state, preserving the territorial integrity of the country.

When we look back four years ago, Yemen initiated a remarkable transition process, with people taking to the streets calling for dignity, social justice, and their legitimate political and socio-economic rights. Ever since, the EU has stood by Yemen and its people, fully supporting its demands for democratic legitimacy, accountable and participatory public institutions, and a better life for all. Yemenis look to the EU to continue supporting their aspirations, at a moment when the promises of the ‘Arab uprisings’ are in danger of being forgotten.

Today, Yemen’s transition is at grave risk. Its daring economic and fiscal difficulties and persisting security challenges are now coupled with the danger that expeditious solutions might lead the country to more turmoil and to the collapse of state authority. The intensification of terrorist attacks in Yemen, including by al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), cannot be left unchecked. We condemn such terrorist attacks in the strongest terms and reiterate our firm commitment and enduring support to the efforts of the Yemeni authorities and of the international community to tackle terrorist violence, in Yemen and the broader region. Terrorists can only benefit from the weakening of state authority in Yemen.

The last two weeks have proved decisive for the balance of power in Sana’a, with what some would qualify as the final takeover of state institutions by the Houthis after the seizure of the Presidential Palace. In response to what they deemed unacceptable pressure on the Executive, the President and the entire Cabinet of Prime Minister Bahah resigned on 22 January, de facto putting the whole Yemeni transition in jeopardy. We consider that the so-called constitutional declaration unilaterally issued by the Houthis last Friday has no legitimacy.

We now call on all political forces, in particular the Houthis, to take clear responsibility for their actions, starting by unequivocally rejecting violence and coercion as political tools. Undermining state institutions will only result in further instability, to the detriment of all Yemenis. The attacks on officials and the restriction on the movements of President Hadi, Prime Minister Bahah and a number of other Ministers are clearly unacceptable.

But current developments should not be seen in isolation. They are partly the result of initial flaws in the design of the transition – which largely kept traditional power structures untouched. Inaction and lack of resolve on the part of the Executive and traditional political parties, and enduring attempts to undermine the transition process by spoilers, chiefly led by ex-President Saleh, have also been key factors in leading Yemen to the current impasse.

There is no other way out of the current crisis than genuine dialogue and an inclusive political process, and we hope that the announcement of the resumption of broad consultations between Yemeni parties under the auspices of the UN on Monday will bear fruit. Any long-term solution should address the underlying causes of instability, which are deeply rooted in local historical and socio-economic power-structure.

The real test case will be whether Yemeni parties are ready to work together constructively to foster a compromise, safeguarding the transition’s objectives.

We also call on all regional actors to contribute positively to this process. It is critical for the international community to retain its unity, in order to safeguard the foundations of the Yemeni transition and restore stability, while preserving Yemen’s territorial integrity.

It is our belief that the framework provided by the Gulf Cooperation Council Initiative, the outcomes of the National Dialogue Conference (NDC) and the Peace and National Partnership Agreement should remain the reference points for the Yemeni transition. We therefore urge all actors to work constructively towards a swift finalisation of a new constitution. This constitution should meet the legitimate aspirations of the Yemeni people, reflect the NDC outcomes, and preserve the unity and territorial integrity of Yemen, to which the EU is strongly attached.

While undergoing dramatic developments in its political transition and facing security threats, Yemen also urgently needs to tackle its economic situation. The government of Prime Minister Bahah had presented a solid programme in this regard, and a number of courageous steps had been taken to conclude an agreement with the IMF – in particular as regards lowering the fiscal burden represented by fuel subsidies. Decisive actions are needed to improve fiscal sustainability and fight corruption in the public administration, in support of those most in need.

The severe humanitarian crisis may further deepen if political stability is not restored. Almost 16 million Yemenis (more than 60% of the total population) are currently in need of humanitarian aid, including 10.6 million suffering food insecurity and 13.4 million without access to safe water and sanitation. Widespread consumption of and addiction to qat – a mildly narcotic leaf – has a disastrous impact on water use, labour productivity, health and the crowding-out of food crops.

EU humanitarian assistance in 2014 reached EUR 124 million (including also EUR 33 million from the Commission). And the EU is committed to continue its support for the Yemeni people. It is essential that all parties safeguard humanitarian principles and ensure humanitarian access on the ground.

Ladies and gentlemen, the EU stands by the Yemeni people at this critical juncture and reaffirms its commitment to continue supporting Yemen in its transition.


  Cristian Dan Preda, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président, j'ai été membre de la délégation du Parlement européen qui s'est rendue à Sanaa en mai 2012: c'était une période d'optimisme quant à la transition politique. La solution qui a été négociée après dix mois de contestation et qui a abouti au départ de l'ex-président Saleh – en toute impunité – et à l'arrivée au pouvoir du président Hadi, puis au dialogue national et finalement à un gouvernement transitoire, ont fait croire que la stabilité était garantie au Yémen.

Certains disaient même que la transition négociée, à la yéménite pourrait servir de modèle pour d'autres pays arabes. Depuis quelques semaines, l'optimisme n'a plus lieu d'être à Sanaa, car c'est l'inverse du résultat escompté il y a deux ou trois ans qui se produit. Ce que nous voyons, c'est que le modèle n'a pas porté ses fruits, et certains disent même que la transition a complètement échoué au Yémen, car la violence développée par la branche armée des houthis – nous montre que, maintenant, tout est bouleversé: il n'y a plus d'autorité légitime à Sanaa et nous sommes déboussolés devant cette terrible spirale de la violence.

La solution évidente: tout doit passer par une démarche politique, par un référendum constitutionnel, par l'organisation d'élections et par un dialogue politique véritable qui soit inclusif: cela a toujours été le point de vue européen.

Je voudrais terminer par une remarque d'ordre plus général. Il s'agit de nouveau d'une offensive chiite, d'un mouvement qui veut faire croire qu'une révolution, qu'un bouleversement de l'état des choses est possible, or nous le savons très bien d'expérience: les offensives chiites mènent à l'instabilité à long terme.


  Richard Howitt, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, whether we call what has happened in Yemen a coup or not, those now in government have called themselves a revolutionary council and, of course, there are deep concerns about the role of Iran. Nevertheless, Europe must maintain lines of communication and support the UN-led mediation efforts. The alternatives are worse. Clearly, this morning’s news of the closure of the British and other embassies is a further potent sign of the failure of the rule of law in the country. It is only a month since in this chamber we gave a memorial for the Charlie Hebdo attack, and we should recall how responsibility for it was claimed by al-Qaida in Yemen.

This is a country where we all need to have some humility. I remember Baroness Ashton in this Chamber saying Yemen was the model for the EU’s comprehensive strategy. President Obama called it a model for the United States counter-terrorism strategy. I know diplomats who say we have devoted considerable help to Yemen but not sufficiently to enable the domestic government to have the capacity to deliver on the reform aspirations of its people.

In 2012 I was with Mr Preda and I went and sat in the tents in Sana’a’s Freedom Square, listening to the hopes of the young protestors. I have heard the Yemeni children saying that they have nightmares about the sound of drone attacks – the same stories my own mother told me about the V2 bombs from the Second World War – and I wonder whether the existing efforts are truly countering terrorism or are instead in danger of fuelling it.

Today we are looking at what increasingly threatens to be another failed state, and the lessons of Yemen are twofold. First, we must make the right diplomatic responses now to do all we can to avoid the country sliding down even further. But second, if we want to protect our own people and promote our own principles, where reform is under way in the Arab world, we have to do more and better to support it when we can. The failures of a failed state are our failures too.


  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! W jednym z najmniej rozwiniętych państw świata, z ogromnymi obszarami biedy (które rzeczywiście miało ogromne perspektywy rozwoju pomimo też wielkich wpływów terrorystycznych) trzeba niezwykle uważnie wprowadzać bardzo drastyczne reformy. Wydaje się, że zniesienie dopłat paliwowych bez jednoczesnych natychmiastowych osłon społecznych było jedną z pożywek rebelii Houthi. To prawda, że w tej chwili musimy się zjednoczyć. To prawda, że pod auspicjami Narodów Zjednoczonych powinien być prowadzony dialog. Trzeba jednak pomyśleć o rozsądnym wdrażaniu wymogów związanych z członkostwem w Światowej Organizacji Handlu i w tej chwili musimy wziąć pod uwagę, że zamiast pozytywnego rozwoju mamy w Jemenie państwo, które stanowi jedno z najpoważniejszych zagrożeń dla światowego bezpieczeństwa.


  Javier Couso Permuy, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor Presidente, Yemen ha sido un indicador fiel de las tendencias generales en la región, desde la independencia del país, pasando por el intento de establecer un Estado socialista, la reunificación autoritaria en 1990 o la Primavera Árabe.

Ahora, tras la toma de Saná por parte de los hutíes, estamos ante el final del experimento de la Primavera Árabe, que en este país supuso la expansión, el refuerzo de Al Qaeda, una campaña desastrosa de ataques de vehículos aéreos no tripulados por parte de Estados Unidos y la descomposición del Estado yemení y de su ejército.

Estados Unidos, Francia y Reino Unido han ordenado la evacuación de sus embajadas, pero me gustaría aconsejar que no sacáramos conclusiones precipitadas.

La pregunta no es quién tiene el poder en la capital y si es uno de los nuestros. La pregunta que debemos hacernos es si quien recibe nuestro apoyo es aquel que promueve la estabilidad fuera de faccionalismos, sectarismos o integrismo.


  Barbara Lochbihler, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Ich begrüße, dass sich der Rat „Auswärtige Angelegenheiten“ mit der Situation im Jemen beschäftigt. Die Schlussfolgerungen enthalten zentrale Forderungen. Der von den Huthi-Rebellen verhängte Hausarrest gegen den zurückgetretenen Präsidenten und Mitglieder seines Kabinetts ist inakzeptabel. Entscheidend ist es nun, die Bemühungen um einen politischen Dialog zu verstärken, denn nur auf dem Verhandlungsweg ist eine dauerhafte Lösung zu erreichen. Dabei ist es notwendig, alle relevanten Akteure mit einzubeziehen. Problematisch ist jedoch, dass die Schlussfolgerungen des Rates bezüglich des Scheiterns des Übergangsprozesses eine zentrale Ursache nicht benennen, nämlich die seit Jahren herrschende Straflosigkeit. Sie trägt zur Instabilität des Jemen entscheidend bei und muss daher auch als eine zentrale Ursache des Konflikts benannt werden.

Etliche Menschen starben bei den Protesten im Jemen 2011 und 2012, als der frühere Präsident Salih seine Macht an den Vizepräsidenten Hadi übergab. Dafür erhielt Salih im Gegenzeug umfassende Immunität vor Strafverfolgung für Verbrechen, die er in den Jahren seiner Regierungszeit verantwortet hat. Obwohl Hadi die Etablierung einer Untersuchungskommission für die während der Aufstände begangenen Menschenrechtsverletzungen anordnete, wurde diese nie etabliert. Eine Folge der absoluten Straflosigkeit war, dass Salih und seine Unterstützer weiterhin erheblichen Einfluss ausüben konnten und damit den Übergangsprozess behinderten. Deshalb ist es wichtig, was die EU jetzt tut, diese Reforminitiativen wieder aufzugreifen und auch die UN darin zu unterstützen.


  James Carver, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, the situation in Yemen is particularly dire, with today’s news that the US, France and the UK have all closed their embassies over major security concerns. The recent coup d’état is one further event in a long line of political crises stretching back decades.

Protests led by the Southern Democratic Assembly, who seek an independent, Aden-led South Arabia, have remained peaceful, despite further violence breaking out across the country. I believe it vital to support their democratic aspirations for self-determination to help secure a safe, sovereign area in this crucially important strategic point. What the region needs now, more than ever – just like across the Gulf of Aden in Somaliland – is a beacon of hope to show what proud moderates and globally-engaged people can achieve. In South Arabia and Somaliland we can have that possibility.


  Georg Mayer (NI). - Herr Präsident, geschätzte Kollegen! Nur eines vorweg: Ich komme aus dem Landtag Steiermark. Da war es zum Beispiel verboten, wie eine Kollegin das vorher gemacht hat, vom Blatt abzulesen. Das würde uns vielleicht auch hier helfen.

Eines jetzt aber dazu: Es tut sich ein neues schwarzes Loch auf in einem der ärmsten Länder dieser Welt. Als ob wir nicht genug schwarze Löcher und als ob wir nicht genug Problemfelder auf dieser Erde hätten, sehen wir das jetzt im Jemen. Die Situation ist seit Jänner dramatisch verändert. Die Lage hat weitreichende Auswirkungen auch und vor allem natürlich auf uns Europäer. Trennen Sie sich einmal von der Illusion, geschätzte Kollegen, dass wir am Ende des Tages alle Flüchtlinge aus Arabien und aus den Problembereichen dieser Welt aufnehmen können! Jemen ist ab jetzt – da können Sie sicher sein – von besonderem Interesse für alle möglichen terroristischen Organisationen, die sich dort tummeln.

Dieses Beispiel Jemen ist wieder ein Musterbeispiel mehr, wie schädlich und zum Nachteil Europas jegliche Einmischung der Amerikaner in allen Teilen dieser Welt ist. Ganz besonders betrifft das auch die Ukraine.


  Afzal Khan (S&D). - Mr President, today, 11 February, marks the fourth anniversary of the uprising of the Yemeni people demanding their rightful democratic and civil state. The recent violence and illegal takeover by Houthi militants and the resignation of the Executive threatened the territorial integrity of the country and the stability of the region, making an already dire humanitarian situation worse. Sixty-nine percent of the population rely on some form of humanitarian aid. These problems are likely to intensify as the instability continues. All parties, especially the Houthi movement who are now in control, must return to genuine dialogue and inclusive negotiations. They must take clear responsibility for their actions, rejecting violence and oppression as political tools.

Only a broad political consensus can provide a sustainable solution to the current crisis, and security is an essential prerequisite for the success of the transition. All parties need to cooperate to protect civilians and show immediate and unhindered humanitarian access on the ground. Sadly, although the EU is the leading humanitarian aid donor it plays a minor diplomatic role in Yemen. This must change. Outside power must stop fuelling violence by equipping and funding armed groups. The EU must facilitate the process of state-building in Yemen, promote the political dialogue and democratic reform and help in improving the security situation. We must stand by the people of Yemen at this critical juncture.


  Alyn Smith (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, we are obliged to remain engaged within this region and we are obligated to the people of Yemen for three main reasons. Firstly, as ever, it is worth remembering that the problems of today are rooted in the legacy of empire – in Yemen’s case toxic legacies of the Ottoman and British Empires. Secondly, it is the right thing to do. There is a humanitarian disaster where we can assist the UN’s efforts. If we do not, I do not see anybody else stepping up to the plate in any serious way to state-build. Thirdly, if we do not, Yemen will continue even more to become a breeding ground for radicalisation and terrorism against each other and indeed against us.

The fact is that, despite our fairly recent efforts as a European Union, Yemen is not a functioning state. It is this failure of corruption and failure to provide basic services that has so disenfranchised and disengaged the people of Yemen and we must continue to engage in state building. It is not as though we do not have the expertise and resources to that. We have put forward a number of ideas with this. We must be in for the long haul.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))


  James Carver (EFDD), blue-card question. – Mr Smith, as someone who seeks independence for your own nation from a bigger United Kingdom, do you understand the aspirations of the South Arabian people who seek – after such distress and this long history of being in a situation where a largely Sunni part of the Yemen is currently under the control of a new Shia group – do you understand, actually, that perhaps independence might be a good option for South Arabia here?


  Alyn Smith (Verts/ALE), blue-card answer. – I certainly do support independence for Scotland because I can speak on behalf of the people of Scotland in this Chamber and a substantial proportion of Scotland. I think it is dangerous to say that that logic applies to every place in every circumstance, and international law is really quite clear that we deal with these matters, on their merits, according to the reality on the ground.

I myself am fairly relaxed about constitutional change but that must be managed by the international community peacefully and democratically achieved, and with the support of precisely those organisations like the European Union which must engage in state-building, because the problem that we have in Yemen is rooted in the fact that the people of Yemen see nothing in Sana’a, or indeed any other capital that they are looking to, to actually support them.


  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, terzo millennio, il millennio delle guerre per procura e dell'ipocrisia della cosiddetta comunità internazionale. Da una presunta transizione democratica siamo piombati nel bel mezzo di una catastrofe. Il modello Yemen è ormai un lontano ricordo, anzi si avvia a essere una nuova Siria, l'ennesimo tassello del mosaico della violenza in Medioriente.

Anche noi abbiamo le nostre responsabilità, perché nel grande gioco del Medio Oriente, di questa regione, continua lo scontro tra Iran e Arabia Saudita e alleati per la supremazia nella scacchiera regionale. Avviene a Sana'a, ma avviene anche a Beirut, a Bagdad e a Damasco. Le grandi potenze continuano a scommettere su entrambi gli schieramenti, spostandosi con una certa disinvoltura secondo le circostanze, e nel frattempo le popolazioni locali coinvolte sono soltanto pedine sconfitte, sacrificate e dimenticate senza che nessuno abbia il coraggio di riconoscere che alla base si tratta meramente di un'instabilità voluta e finalizzata a riscrivere i rapporti di forza. Forse qualcuno nel Golfo sarà tentato di liquidarla dividendo lo Yemen in Yemen del nord e Yemen del sud, ma non certo con questo si troverà la soluzione adeguata, e nel frattempo nel nostro silenzio i contendenti vengono armati pesantemente in attesa dello scontro risolutivo.

Non dobbiamo scegliere quale fazione ci vada più a genio, ma difendere l'unica fazione e l'unica vittima: la popolazione civile. Non basta aiutare i profughi, bisogna anche estirpare questa malattia, questo gioco perverso delle guerre per procura. Ecco perché nel conflitto houthi-salafiti, ovvero il grande gioco tra Teheran e Riad, dobbiamo intervenire ed essere durissimi contro chi finanzia e arma le due fazioni, chiunque sia, e ripeto chiunque sia. Perché finché tolleriamo guerre settarie per interesse siamo noi stessi anche adepti del settarismo.


  Mario Borghezio (NI). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, nel caos totale dello Yemen, la notizia della chiusura di varie ambasciate occidentali fa il paio con un'altra poco prima della dichiarazione del capo degli houthi di annunciare un consiglio presidenziale, che in realtà è un consiglio rivoluzionario, che dovrebbe creare un nuovo Parlamento, una nuova Costituzione. Non si capisce nulla di quella che è la situazione. Una sola cosa è molto chiara: il fallimento delle politiche occidentali e, in particolare, l'assoluta inconsistenza della politica dell'Unione europea.

Anche il bla bla contenuto nelle dichiarazioni dei ministri degli Esteri recentemente riunitisi proprio su questo problema non ha nulla di concreto. Continuiamo a parlare a ruota libera di diritti umani, ma non riusciamo a incidere, non riusciamo a renderci conto che lo Yemen è l'esempio più significativo di un processo di divisione in atto ad opera spesso di milizie contrapposte con violenza in vari paesi arabi, con la costituzione di aree substatuali e di agglomerati di tipo comunitario. È una rivoluzione totale, di fronte alla quale c'è l'assenza della politica europea. L'Europa non sta capendo niente di quello che succede in questi paesi.


  Jeppe Kofod (S&D). - Mr President, by all accounts the international community, or at the very least the western powers, are closing up shop in Yemen. Today the American Embassy officially closed in Sana’a. The British Embassy has followed suit and a few hours ago the French Embassy also announced that it would close for security reasons.

It is a well-known fact that Yemen has been a hotbed of insurgency and terrorist training for many years but now events are coming to a crescendo. The Houthi have taken the capital and effectively it is a coup d’état. Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula remains as active as ever throughout Yemen. Yemen is truly revealed to be not only a failed state, but a failed state with no one to turn to except perhaps Iran, Saudi Arabia or Al-Qaeda, depending on which partisan group wins the ongoing power battle.

The European Union must stand ready to take up even greater responsibilities in the Yemen crisis. A closed embassy always leaves a vacuum in its place – a vacuum for the European Union, and we must do what we can to fill it.

I therefore ask both the Commission and the Council what concrete steps will be taken in the EU to put pressure on the Houthi and to help guide the Yemeni people towards a path of political stability? What initiative will be enacted to ensure that Yemen does not sink further into civil partisan warfare?


  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). - Στις 22 Ιανουαρίου, με την παραίτηση του προέδρου της κυβερνήσεως, Χάντι, που υποστηριζόταν από τη Δύση, και την κατάληψη της εξουσίας από τους αντάρτες Χούτι, έληξε στην Υεμένη ένας εμφύλιος πόλεμος που διαρκούσε από το 2004. Όμως είναι ορατός ο κίνδυνος να συνεχισθούν οι εχθροπραξίες υπό τη μορφή της συρράξεως μεταξύ των σουνιτών που υποστήριζαν τον πρόεδρο Χάντι και των σιιτών που υποστηρίζουν τους Χούτι.

Η κατάσταση στην Υεμένη είναι λογικό να δημιουργεί ανησυχίες στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, διότι η χώρα αυτή, εκτός από τη στρατηγική σημασία που έχει η γεωγραφική της θέση, θεωρείται και το κέντρο της Αλ Κάιντα στην Αραβική Χερσόνησο. Για τον λόγο αυτό, παλαιότερα, αμερικανικά αεροσκάφη, σε συνεργασία με τις κυβερνητικές δυνάμεις, βομβάρδιζαν τις θέσεις της Αλ Κάιντα. Τώρα που ενδέχεται να σταματήσουν αυτές οι επιθέσεις, υπάρχει κίνδυνος να ενισχυθεί η Αλ Κάιντα και ένα μεγάλο μέρος του σουνιτικού πληθυσμού να καταλήξει στους ακραίους ισλαμιστές.

Έχουμε και ανθρωπιστική κρίση: 77.000 άτομα είναι πρόσφυγες στη χώρα τους και πολλά παιδιά χρησιμοποιούνται ως στρατιώτες.

Πρέπει η Δύση, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, να φροντίσει ούτως ώστε να δοθεί σταθερότητα στην περιοχή και παράλληλα να μην επιτρέψει στους τρομοκράτες να διεισδύσουν με τη μορφή προσφύγων στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.


  Neena Gill (S&D). - Mr President, it is with deep concern that we note the developments in Yemen, and with the UK and US and other Western nations withdrawing their missions from Yemen, I think the situation is set to get worse.

This week we also heard from a former CIA director that Al-Qaeda in the Arab Peninsula is even bigger than IS, and AQAP is making fast progress on a technological front. Therefore, when the EU Heads of State or Government discuss counter-terrorism tomorrow they need to include measures that increase coordination of intelligence amongst us, with respect to Yemeni Al-Qaeda, and have a plan for concrete action to support UN-sponsored national dialogue and support building a stronger state.

It is also important that we do not just get a dialogue with a single interlocutor at the cost of inclusiveness. Failure to have all the groups on board is why we are where we are in Yemen today. I ask why the talks that began on Monday are already faltering; this indicates the gravity of the task ahead of us.

\*(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8)).


  Paul Rübig (PPE), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Herr Präsident! Meine Frage an Neena Gill ist, ob sie glaubt, dass der Golf-Kooperationsrat in diesem Bereich eine Rolle übernehmen kann, und welche Rolle für den GCC hier angebracht wäre.


  Neena Gill (S&D), blue-card answer. – Thank you Mr Rübig – absolutely. It is only time that prevented me from mentioning the GCC. I think it is important that, along with the national dialogue, we also include the GCC, so I think the more players that are involved, the greater the possibility that we could find some kind of possible solution.


Intervenții la cerere


  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D). - Mr President, in fact I am addressing the Council about the tremendously difficult situation of Yemen, a country which is falling into chaos and where different regions are breaking away from each other. This is a hugely difficult situation, taking into consideration the new training bases operated by Al-Qaeda and Daesh in Yemen. At the same time, we are seeing a new situation where the Shia are taking power in Yemen – the Houthis. This probably could fuel the support of Saudi Arabia for the Sunni tribes in Yemen. Finally, we might see a new situation, as happened in Iraq when a new government in Iraq could not – or would not – do the right thing to approach the Sunni tribes in order to establish a national way for the country.


  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). - Г-н Председател, уважаеми колеги, уважаема аудитория, Йемен е класически случай, класически пример за провалена държава. Провалена държава такава, каквато е Сомалия, провалена държава такава, каквато вече е и Ирак, такава, каквато вече е и Сирия. Там, където има провалени държави, има възход на радикалния сунитски тероризъм. Такива са милициите „Боко Харам“, такава е и милицията „Муджахидин Аш Шабаб“, такава е и „Ал Кайда“ на Арабския полуостров, разположена в Йемен.

Това е истинската заплаха и за държавността в Йемен, това е истинската заплаха и за Европейския съюз и за европейската цивилизация. Тъй като разположената в Йемен терористична организация, както виждате, има възможност да организира бойни нападения, има възможност да оперира на територията на Европейския съюз. На това трябва да обърне внимание Европейският съюз. Тази терористична организация трябва да бъде контролирана, за да има мир.


  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). - Gospodine predsjedniče, znamo što hoćemo, znamo što nećemo, ali na žalost često ne znamo kako. To nam se dogodilo u niz navrata i na žalost, pogotovo kada govorimo o arapskom svijetu, na neki način dolazimo u situaciju da jednostavno ne znamo kako.

Ovdje govorimo o mnogim aspektima krize u Jemenu, političkoj, sigurnosnoj, ali ponovno na žalost govorimo i o humanitarnom aspektu situacije u Jemenu. Naravno, nerazriješene političke krize, političke situacije, dovest će nas ponovno u situaciju da se ovo bezvlašće koje danas imamo u Jemenu pretvori u nešto što će ugroziti naše strateške i sigurnosne interese.

Zato, pozivam Komisiju, pozivam Vijeće i pozivam naše saveznike da zaista čim prije razriješimo situaciju u Jemenu jer ćemo imati ponovno situaciju kao u mnogim drugim još gorim i kriznim zemljama nego što je danas Jemen.


  Ignazio Corrao (EFDD). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, siamo passati dallo Yemen che era un modello per l'Occidente nella lotta ad Al Quaeda, uno Yemen indipendente, uno Yemen socialista, a uno Yemen che è piombato nel caos. Parliamo, come hanno detto molti colleghi, di uno Stato fallito, uno Stato che rischia di cadere in mano al terrorismo. Stiamo parlando addirittura di uno Yemen in cui rischiano di essere chiuse le ambasciate occidentali.

In mezzo sono passati la Primavera araba e il vento degli houtisti che hanno preso il potere sulla città di Sana'a e dietro di questo c'era, come diceva bene il mio collega Castaldo, la guerra per procura. C'è da capire che posizione hanno, in questa situazione dello Yemen, l'Iran e l'Arabia Saudita – e credo che questo sia il nostro tema di discussione – e in che modo fanno piombare nel caos altri paesi le altre potenze. È chiaro che noi dovremmo cercare una risposta diplomatica, però il problema è come se non andiamo a dialogare con i corretti interlocutori.


  Nicola Caputo (S&D). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la gravissima situazione dello Yemen, precipitata negli ultimi giorni nel vuoto politico, desta profonda preoccupazione. Il paese è da sempre una roccaforte di Al-Qaeda, spaccato tra una maggioranza sunnita e una consistente minoranza sciita. Ora si trova sull'orlo della guerra civile e nel caos generale, dove trovano terreno fertile gli estremisti di Al-Qaeda.

Il Consiglio di sicurezza delle Nazioni Unite ha espresso preoccupazione per la situazione in Yemen, mentre molti paesi discutono della possibilità di chiudere le sedi diplomatiche a seguito della situazione d'incertezza e d'insicurezza nel paese. In questa situazione pesa un sistema politico al collasso, che non concede vie di fuga al vortice della povertà, e le tensioni in corso in questi ultimi giorni aggravano ulteriormente una situazione già tragica, rendendo difficile anche per gli operatori umanitari raggiungere la popolazione.

L'Europa dovrebbe essere capace di prevedere e intercettare crisi umanitarie e politiche di questa portata che potrebbero avere anche conseguenze imprevedibili. L'Europa non può sottrarsi al suo ruolo e deve far sentire la sua voce, ma concretamente.


(Încheierea intervențiilor la cerere)


  Zanda Kalniņa-Lukaševica, President-in-Office of the Council on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. - Mr President, I very much welcome the discussion we have just had, particularly at this critical juncture, where the very existence of Yemen as we know it is under threat. The coming weeks and months will be decisive in showing in which direction Yemen is heading. We will monitor developments very closely.

I know that our views and analysis of the situation coincide. The EU has no other option but to stay engaged in support of Yemen and its transition. As we have said before, Yemen’s failure would pose a direct threat to the EU, to our allies and to a broader stability in an already troubled region.

When we come to answer Mr Kofod’s question, I would like to stress that the European Union can only play a useful role if it works closely with the regional partners, namely the Gulf countries and Saudi Arabia, and with the United Nations.

Four years ago, Yemenis courageously took to the streets to end the three-decade long rule of President Saleh and called for dignity, accountability and security. The process initiated in 2011 led to an inclusive consultative process, resulting in remarkable and unprecedented recommendations. Yemen has to fulfil the promises of its transition. Yemen, the region and the international community cannot afford failure or the disintegration of the Yemeni state, and the EU will continue to stand by Yemen.


  Preşedinte. - Dezbaterea a fost închisă.

Declaraţii scrise (articolul 162)


  Andi Cristea (S&D), în scris. Yemenul este un actor deloc de neglijat în ecuația geopolitică a Orientului Mijlociu. Tranziția din Yemen a eșuat, iar procesul politic a căzut victimă competiției dintre elite. Toate forțele politice, în special Houthis, trebuie să își asume responsabilitatea pentru acțiunile lor și să respingă violența și coerciția ca instrumente politice. Doar un consens politic larg în cadrul principalelor grupuri politice, stabilind o cale reală către un referendum constituțional și alegeri libere, poate oferi o soluție durabilă pentru criza actuală. Este necesar ca toate părțile să stabilească un dialog real și să participe la negocieri intense, pentru a contribui la o finalizare rapidă a unei noi Constituții care să răspundă aspirațiilor legitime ale poporului yemenit.

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