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Τετάρτη 11 Μαρτίου 2015 - Στρασβούργο Αναθεωρημένη έκδοση

13. Δολοφονία του Ρώσου ηγέτη της αντιπολίτευσης Boris Nemtsov και κατάσταση της δημοκρατίας στην Ρωσία (συζήτηση)
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  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Vizepräsidentin der Kommission/Hohen Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zur Ermordung des russischen Oppositionsführers Boris Nemzow und zum Zustand der Demokratie in Russland (2015/2592(RSP)).

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Mr President, I would like to thank this Chamber for the chance to discuss here today something that is extremely serious. I believe, as do you, that we all shared a sense of not only sadness, but also indignation, when we learned on the evening of 27 February of the murder of Boris Nemtsov in Moscow. He was killed just two days before leading a demonstration against the war in Ukraine and the effects of the economic crisis in Russia.

On Sunday last week, tens of thousands of citizens in Moscow, but also in other cities, turned these marches into a tribute to a man who served his country as a deputy prime minister in the 1990s and who since then had relentlessly tried to bring his country forward. All 28 European Union Ambassadors, together with our European Union Head of delegation, were united in attending his funeral on Tuesday, joining an impressive crowd. Let me share here the words expressed by President Schulz on Russia’s refusal to let one of you, Ms Kalniete, into Russia to attend his funeral. The same also happened to other representatives of European Union Member States.

This goes against the spirit of our visa facilitation agreement and follows similar incidents that have happened already. I remember when Ms Harms and Mr Landsbergis received a similar refusal to enter the country. They joined the words of the President of the European Parliament in saying that this is simply not acceptable.

We shall remember Boris as a strong advocate for a modern, democratic and open Russia – a Russia open to the world. He defended values which we all share: respect for human dignity; commitments to democracy and to accountability; belief in civil society as a force. He was opposed to war in Ukraine, and he was gathering evidence on the involvement of Russian troops. Yesterday, here in Strasbourg in this Parliament, I met with Mikhail Kasyanov, who shared his political commitment. For me, it was a way to honour his memory and to express, once again, our sadness at the loss that his family, friends and his colleagues have suffered, and for the gap he leaves in political life in Russia.

But it also gave me a chance to discuss the state of democracy in Russia. Russian citizens deserve no less than a democratic and open Russia. Strengthening political freedoms and supporting the consolidation of democracy are, moreover, objectives set out in the first article of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the European Union and Russia. We support Russian organisations who are working on improving the legal framework in Russia. In our human rights consultations, we have called on Russia – time and again – to establish a level playing field for political parties by allowing opposition parties to play a role and by ensuring diversity of the media.

Looking at the state of democracy in Russia today, we see that freedom of expression is under increased pressure. Opposition parties struggle to exist and to have access to mainstream media. Some have been repeatedly denied registration. The last Duma elections in 2011 were described as ‘slanted in favour of the ruling party’ by OSCE/ODIHR. Remember that the Russian population opposed those practices by taking to the streets, leading to the well—known Bolotnaya Square trials. Individual leaders who emerged from those events are constantly harassed, while others left Russia out of fear for their freedom or for their lives.

This recent assassination brings back to our minds the memories of many others: Natalia Estemirova, Anna Politkovskaya, Stanislav Markelov, Anastasia Baburova, Sergei Magnitsky and Alexander Litvinenko. Journalists, lawyers, intelligence officers, human rights defenders – they had little in common until they became victims of those who portray so—called ‘enemies of the state’ as legitimate targets.

We all know that the conflict in Ukraine has intensified the public discourse against the too—famous Fifth Column. Let us not forget those who face trial in Russia through unfair procedures because of the Ukrainian conflict, such as Nadia Savchenko and Oleg Sentsov, who was arrested in Crimea. The Russian authorities have not only the duty to conduct a full and transparent investigation into the murder of Boris Nemtsov, but they also have to put an end to the climate of suspicion, hatred and intolerance for diversity of opinion. The defence of basic freedoms, including the freedom of expression, is – I would like to remind you in this room – a statutory obligation for all members of the United Nations.

 
  
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  Sandra Kalniete, PPE grupas vārdā. Nelietīgā Ņemcova slepkavība ir Putina sistēmas “hibrīdvēstījums” visai liberāli demokrātiskajai pasaulei: mēs esam gatavi uz visu, lai saglabātu savu diktatūru.

Taču mēs, eiropieši, no pieredzes zinām, ka agri vai vēlu katra diktatūra sevi sagrauj no iekšienes, tāpēc mums jāapbruņojas ar stratēģisku pacietību un jāgatavojas sevi aizstāvēt pret Putina režīma agoniju, kas var ilgt gadiem.

No daudzajiem darbiem es gribētu uzsvērt dažus nozīmīgākos:

– Putina sistēma barojas no mūsu “petrodolāriem”. Tāpēc Eiropas Enerģētikas savienībā mums ir nepieciešami kopīgi gāzes iepirkumi. Tas būs lētāk un taisnīgāk.

– Putina melīgās propagandas mašīna aktīvi pārņem cilvēku prātus. Tāpēc Eiropai ir jārada pretlīdzekļi – kvalitatīvi un pievilcīgi mediji un jāatbalsta žurnālisti, kas raksta krieviski.

– Eiropas valstis gadu desmitiem ir baudījušas “miera dividendes” un nav pietiekami ieguldījušas aizsardzībā. Prezidents Junkers sācis runāt par Eiropas armiju, tāpēc dalībvalstīm būtu jāsāk ar adekvātu aizsardzības budžetu, sasniedzot “divus procentus no IKP”.

Un, visbeidzot, mums ir jāturpina dialogs un saskarsme ar Krievijas cilvēkiem, jāizglīto jaunatne, lai, režīmam sabrūkot, Krievijai būtu moderni un eiropeiski cilvēki, kas spētu valsti izvest no atkārtojošos diktatūru lāsta. Paldies par uzmanību!

(Runātājs piekrita atbildēt uz „zilās kartītes” jautājumu (Reglamenta 162. panta 8. punkts)).

 
  
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  Tibor Szanyi (S&D), Kékkártyás kérdés. Elnök Úr, Képviselő Asszony, tényleg nagyon őszintén, nem kellemetlenkedni akarok. Egyszerűen őszintén teszem fel azt a kérdést Önnek, hogy az Ön néppárti csoportjában ül 12 fideszes képviselő, amely egy olyan párt, amelynek a főnöke, vezetője Orbán Viktor, jelenlegi magyar miniszterelnök, több, TÖBB interjújában, nyilvános megszólalásában példaképének nevezte Vlagyimir Putyint, és példaként nevezte meg azt az orosz utat, amelyet egyébként itt ma elítélünk, és tette ezt az európai úthoz képest. Önök erről nem beszélnek a saját csoportjukon belül?

 
  
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  Sandra Kalniete (PPE), blue-card answer. I will answer your question. Prime Minister Orbán was elected with a great majority by the Hungarian people and no other European Member State can change that. That is why it is important that we have him in our EPP political party, and we have a current and ever—growing dialogue on the values that we share.

 
  
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  Knut Fleckenstein, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir Sozialdemokraten sind bestürzt über den Mord an Boris Nemzow, und wir trauern mit seiner Familie und seinen Freunden und mit allen, die Russland öffnen wollen und dafür eintreten, dass auch die Menschen in Russland ein Leben in mehr Demokratie und mit mehr bürgerlichen Freiheiten führen können. Wir verurteilen den feigen Mord, die Mörder und vor allem ihre Hintermänner. Und wir drängen die russische Regierung, dieses Verbrechen nicht nur gründlich, sondern vor allem auch transparent aufzuklären.

Wir beteiligen uns nicht an Spekulationen, aber wir wissen, dass solche Dinge immer dann geschehen, wenn das Umfeld dazu geradezu einlädt. Die unglaubliche Propagandamaschine, die Verunglimpfung Andersdenkender, die nationalistischen Tendenzen in Regierung und Staat und die NGO-Gesetzgebung – Stichwort: foreign agent – sind nur vier Beispiele dafür, wie man eine Atmosphäre schafft, die solche Taten dann auch in Kauf nimmt. Wer also über den Mord an Boris Nemzow zu Recht entsetzt ist, darf es nicht bei Beileidsbekundungen bewenden lassen, sondern muss sich für rückhaltlose Aufklärung einsetzen und muss vor allem die Lebensbedingungen ändern wollen. Das heißt, er muss für einen freien, offenen Dialog seiner Bürger eintreten, für Medienfreiheit und für Demokratie und eine Atmosphäre der Toleranz. Wir hier im Europäischen Parlament, die eine solche Entwicklung unterstützen wollen, sollten uns dazu klar äußern, aber auch in einem wording, das einen freien, offenen Dialog in Zukunft möglich macht, damit wir etwas mitbewirken können.

 
  
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  Andrzej Duda, w imieniu grupy ECR. Panie Przewodniczący! Anna Politkowska, Aleksander Litwinienko, Natalia Estemirowa czy Siergiej Magnicki to bardzo wąski, niewielki ułamek tych, którzy zostali w ostatnich latach w Rosji w sposób skrytobójczy zamordowani czy też w dziwnych okolicznościach zmarli w więzieniu. Ostatnio Borys Niemcow. Zastrzelony na moście nieopodal muru Kremla, w strefie (chyba nikt nie ma co do tego wątpliwości) bacznie obserwowanej przez rosyjskie służby specjalne, choćby ze względu na ochronę władz Rosji i ich siedziby.

Czy w Rosji w ogóle jest demokracja? Czy w kraju, w którym (nie ma wątpliwości) nie odbywają się uczciwe wybory; w kraju, w którym sądownictwo, mimo zapisów konstytucyjnych, mimo szeregu konstytucyjnych gwarancji także co do przestrzegania praw obywatelskich, jest w zasadzie całkowicie zależne od władzy; w kraju, w którym jest tak rozbudowana propaganda, że trudno odnaleźć gdziekolwiek jakiekolwiek rzetelne informacje o tym, co się dzieje wewnątrz i na zewnątrz tego kraju, gdzie niezależne media i organizacje pozarządowe są dławione, gdzie strach w jakikolwiek sposób sprzeciwić się władzy; w kraju, gdzie ludzie stanowiący rzeczywistą opozycję muszą być dzisiaj przez nas nazywani nie zwykłymi politykami, tak jak to się dzieje w krajach demokratycznych, tylko po prostu bohaterami (bo patrząc choćby na te przykłady, które wymieniłem, tak naprawdę każdego dnia, kiedy mówią jak działa w Rosji władza, muszą liczyć się ze śmiercią) – czy w takim kraju możemy w ogóle mówić o demokracji? Wydaje mi się, że dzisiejsza Rosja z demokracją nie ma już nic wspólnego. Udowadnia to właśnie, w jak drastyczny sposób na co dzień łamana jest rosyjska konstytucja. Udowadnia to fakt, że Rosja przecież jest członkiem Rady Europy i podpisała wszystkie związane z tym zobowiązania, a jak ich przestrzega w sprawach wewnętrznych, wszyscy widzimy.

Ale to nie tylko problem działań Rosji w sferze wewnętrznej, to także problem działań Rosji w sferze zewnętrznej. To pierwsze europejskie państwo, które w sposób zbrojny najechało agresją na inne suwerenne, niepodległe państwo europejskie, zabierając część jego terytorium. Dzisiaj Władimir Putin z satysfakcją mówi, że to on wydał rok temu tajny rozkaz zajęcia Krymu, a przecież rok temu mówił on i politycy rosyjscy, że nie mają z tym w ogóle nic wspólnego. „Zielone ludziki” jednak okazały się rosyjską armią. Dziś wypiera się bezpośredniego uczestnictwa Rosji i żołnierzy rosyjskich w tym, co dzieje się w Doniecku, w wojnie, w której zabijani są mieszkańcy Ukrainy, także cywile. Czy za rok usłyszymy, że jednak to byli rosyjscy żołnierze, którzy oficjalnie zostali tam wysłani przez prezydenta Rosji? Wreszcie ostatnia kwestia, którą chciałbym poruszyć, a mianowicie 5 lat temu doszło do tragedii w Smoleńsku, gdzie rozbił się samolot z polskim prezydentem na pokładzie i ludźmi niezwykle istotnymi w sferze polskiego życia społecznego i politycznego. Wszyscy zginęli. Nie zostało do dzisiaj przeprowadzone rzetelne śledztwo, nie zwrócono Polsce ani wraku samolotu (…).

 
  
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  Johannes Cornelis van Baalen, on behalf of the ALDE Group. Mr President, Boris Nemtsov was our man. His party belongs to the ALDE family, but he is a man we do not claim for ourselves: he belongs to all of us. He – like many others – wanted to make Russia a better place.

Mikhail Kasyanov was here – also a dear friend – and he was quite clear: we in this Parliament should not look into the mirror and say that we have made mistakes or that the enlargement of NATO was a mistake because it provoked Putin. No, that is nonsense. NATO has brought shelter to the countries in Eastern Europe which are now members of the organisation. Also, Putin knows that ‘it stops’ over there.

So the enlargement of NATO did not incite Putin’s policy, which is a long—term policy of crippling the neighbouring countries and of restoring the influence, at least, of the former Soviet Union. It is also about restoring an absence of the rule of law because, even if you do not like a politician, you should respect him or her and that politician should be safe. If you declare that they are enemies of the state, and if a person like Ramzan Kadyrov says that enemies of the state will face a bleak future, that means that you hate democracy and you make it impossible for Russia – a great nation, whose people we love and respect – to have a relaxed and normal relationship with other people.

The international dimension and the internal dimension come together here. It is up to Putin to make sure that those who killed Nemtsov are brought to real justice and that everything is done to clear up this situation. What we should do is to talk with Russians and with human rights organisations because, on the one hand, we have sanctions – and they should stay – but, on the other hand, we are reaching out to the ordinary people in Russia.

 
  
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  Merja Kyllönen, GUE/NGL-ryhmän puolesta. Arvoisa puhemies, hyvät kollegat, Boris Nemtsovin murha toi jälleen kerran meidän eteemme sen vihan ja suvaitsemattomuuden ilmapiirin, joka on laajentunut Venäjällä, mutta sitä esiintyy myös kasvavasti meillä Euroopassa.

Olen erittäin huolissani siitä, että kansalaisyhteiskunta, kansalais- ja ihmisoikeudet, sananvapaus, demokratia ja tasa-arvo kyseenalaistetaan kohta pian kaikkialla. Nämä kaikki, jotka äsken luettelin, ovat sivistyneen yhteiskunnan merkkejä. Vahva yhteiskunta kestää kriittisetkin äänenpainot ilman, että kenenkään tarvitsee kuolla poliittisten mielipiteidensä vuoksi. Rasismille, ulkomaalaisvihalle ja äärioikeistolaiselle liikehdinnälle meidän ei pidä antaa yhtään jalansijaa. On meidän yhteinen vastuumme pyrkiä rakentavaan keskusteluilmapiiriin erityisesti silloin, kun elämme konfliktien keskellä. Ja meidän tulee kunnioittaa Boris Nemtsovin muistoa ja hänen perheensä, ystäviensä ja työtoveriensa suurta surua edes sen verran, että mikään osapuoli ei käytä tätä surullista kuolemaa omiin poliittisiin tarkoituksiinsa. Ei anneta propagandasodalle aseita.

Euroopan unioni on rakentunut rauhan unioniksi. Sen vuoksi, yhtenä syynä, se alun perin perustettiin. Meidän on tehtävä töitä rauhan, demokratian ja ihmisoikeuksien puolesta, väsymättä ja aina.

(Puhuja lupasi vastata työjärjestyksen 162 artiklan 8 kohdan mukaiseen sinisen kortin kysymykseen).

 
  
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  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE), blue-card question. Colleague, I would like to ask whether you would be prepared for your group also to agree to the statement that we should honour the memory of the murdered Mr Nemtsov also by clearly denouncing the environment of hate that has been created against Russian opposition figures by the Kremlin?

 
  
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  Merja Kyllönen (GUE/NGL), Vastaus sinisen kortin kysymykseen. Arvoisa puhemies, meidän ryhmämme on aina valmis tekemään töitä rauhan puolesta ja nimenomaan sen puolesta, että sananvapaus ja ihmisten oikeus mielipiteisiin ja demokratia tässä maailmassa edistyy.

 
  
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  Rebecca Harms, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. Herr Präsident! Meine Fraktion ist wirklich sehr dafür gewesen, dass wir nach dem Mord an Boris Nemzow diese Aussprache haben. Wir sind davon überzeugt, dass der mutige Boris Nemzow, der seinen politischen Mut mit dem Leben bezahlt hat, diese Aussprache und mehr verdient. Wir sind der Meinung, dass wir die Trauer seiner Familie ernst nehmen müssen, dass wir seine eingeschüchterten Freunde ermutigen müssen. Ich denke, dass in der Entschließung, die wir heute verabschieden werden, davon einiges angelegt ist.

Aber warum musste Boris Nemzow sterben? „Die Krise wurzelt hauptsächlich darin, dass Putin eine wahnsinnig aggressive, für unser Land und viele Bürger todbringende Politik eines Krieges gegen die Ukraine begonnen hat.“ Diesen Satz hat Boris Nemzow nur wenige Stunden vor seinem Tod in einem Interview in russischen Medien gesagt. Ganz offensichtlich sind diejenigen, die in Russland versuchen, die Wahrheit nach vorne zu bringen, wieder stark gefährdet. Auf der Trauerkundgebung gab es ein Poster, auf dem stand: „Propaganda tötet! Wer von uns ist der nächste?“ Das zeigt die ganze Herausforderung für die Europäische Union. Präsident Putin hat sein Land in die Vergangenheit zurückgeführt, Oppositionelle gelten als Verräter, sie werden heute wieder behandelt wie Dissidenten. Es ist ein unglaublicher Sprung zurück in die Vergangenheit. Glasnost und Perestroika – wann war das eigentlich? Das liegt ein Vierteljahrhundert zurück!

Ich kann mich dem Kollegen van Baalen nur anschließen: Wir müssen einen angemessenen Kurs gegenüber Russland finden, gegenüber der Führung. Wir sollten aber auch alles dafür tun, dass wir unsere Kontakte zur Zivilgesellschaft lebendig halten, weil sich unsere Politik gegen das Regime von Präsident Putin richtet, aber nicht gegen Russland.

 
  
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  Valentinas Mazuronis, on behalf of the EFDD Group. Mr President, Boris Nemtsov was the leader of opposition and free thought in Russia. Boris Nemtsov was Russia’s hope to become a democratic state. It is less important who actually pulled the trigger: we must ensure that not only the killers but also those who ordered this assassination are punished.

It is obvious that Boris was killed by forces that spread darkness, aggression and hatred in Russia. It is unfortunate that today it is precisely these forces which are represented by the current Russian leadership. For this reason, the Russian leaders are responsible for the death of Boris Nemtsov. Boris Nemtsov is gone, but let us hope that this tragedy will become a stimulus for the opposition’s unity in Russia. His unfinished work must be continued.

 
  
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  Matteo Salvini (NI). Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'omicidio di una persona va sempre condannato; ovviamente la Lega lo condanna e speriamo che marciscano in galera i colpevoli.

Detto questo, quest'Aula mi spaventa o mi fa ridere. Che titolo ha quest'Aula per processare Putin e il popolo russo? Per decidere chi è democratico e chi invece è un dittatore? Questa Europa non ha niente di democratico. Questa Europa è pericolosa. Questa Europa istiga alla guerra e alla violenza.

Bella roba il sostegno alle primavere arabe, che avete sostenuto e ora in mezzo continente africano e in buona parte dell'Asia comandano estremisti e tagliagole. Bello per voi dialogare con la Turchia, che occupa militarmente uno Stato membro dell'Unione europea da quarant'anni, che mette in galera i giornalisti e che ci riempie di centinaia di immigrati clandestini ogni settimana.

Voi parlate di odio – e non so se avete capito o se siete complici – e schierate missili, carri armati e militari ai confini con la Russia. Voi parlate di lavoro e imponete delle sanzioni economiche inutili e idiote, che danneggiano il popolo russo e migliaia di lavoratori e imprenditori italiani ed europei. Con la Russia si deve dialogare, si deve commerciare, si deve discutere, si deve collaborare contro il terrorismo islamico: voi invece preferite giocare alla guerra, voi invece preferite sostenere guerre commerciali che convengono ad altri.

Vi pagano uno stipendio per occuparvi di Europa, vi pagano uno stipendio per dare lavoro e futuro agli europei, non per andare a esportare la vostra sporca democrazia in giro per il mondo, anche perché quello che avete combinato negli ultimi anni di risultati positivi non ne ha portato neanche uno.

(L'oratore accetta di rispondere a una domanda "cartellino blu" (articolo 162, paragrafo 8 del regolamento))

 
  
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  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE), pitanje koje je podizanjem plave kartice postavio. Gospodin Salvini govorio je o stanju demokracije u Europi i u Rusiji. Htio bih ga pitati jedno jednostavno pitanje. Da li smatra da je Rusija demokratskija država od Italije? Očekujem vaš odgovor.

 
  
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  Matteo Salvini (NI), Risposta a una domanda "cartellino blu". Io credo che la Russia sia sicuramente molto più democratica dell'Unione europea così come oggi è impostata, che è una finta democrazia. L'educazione prevede che a una domanda si possa dare una risposta, poi borbottate fuori davanti a un caffè cortesemente. Vi sto dando il mio parere, se vi può interessare in democrazia.

Io farei a cambio e porterei Putin nella metà dei paesi europei che sono mal governati da presunti premier eletti, che non sono eletti da nessuno ma sono telecomandati da qualcun altro.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). Monsieur le Président, je dois toujours parler après des affirmations comme celle-là. Je suis un peu gêné, mais c'est ainsi.

Je voudrais signaler une coïncidence tragique: le 27 février 2014, le Parlement de la Crimée était occupé. Un an après, jour pour jour, dans les rues de Moscou, tout près du Kremlin, a lieu cet horrible assassinat de Boris Nemtsov. Au fond, il y a un lien fort entre ces deux événements. Ce n'est pas simplement une coïncidence du calendrier, parce qu'on sait que l'auteur politique de ces deux actes est Vladimir Poutine. Même si, effectivement, il y a un an, il feignait d'ignorer complètement ce qui se passe en Crimée, maintenant, pour lui, la question de l'appartenance de la Crimée n'est plus discutable. Pour nous, c'est inacceptable, comme on le sait.

Quant à Boris Nemtsov, on vient d'apprendre que les coupables sont des Tchétchènes. Or, comme le Premier ministre Kasyanov l'a très bien expliqué ce matin lors de la réunion de notre commission des affaires étrangères, cela est pratiquement impossible – c'est un proche de Boris Nemtsov qui nous l'a expliqué – car Boris Nemtsov avait d'excellentes relations avec ce peuple.

C'est donc inacceptable, et on voit dans ce cas précis les deux faces: la face intérieure, à savoir les crimes commis par le régime à l'intérieur, et la face externe du régime de Poutine, agressive, violente mais qui, malheureusement, a fait naître des partisans, comme on l'a vu ici. Ces divisions de l'Europe, c'est une stratégie de Poutine et malheureusement, nous avons des collègues, ici-même, qui tombent dans ce piège. C'est horrible, extrême gauche et extrême droite confondues.

(Le Président retire la parole à l'orateur)

 
  
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  Marju Lauristin (S&D). Mr President, firstly I want to express my deep sorrow for the loss of Boris Nemtsov, a friend of many of us. He was killed not only by the gunmen: he was killed, as has been said, by an atmosphere of hatred; he was killed by this propaganda war launched by Putin against the West, against democracy and against all of us.

We can see how Russia, Putin’s Russia, is shifting towards the darkest times, similar to the 1930s – it is not a coincidence that the murder of Nemtsov has been mentioned already as a parallel with the murder of Sergei Kirov, which was the start of Stalinist dark times in the Soviet Union. We can see too that this new, emerging neo-Stalinism in Russia is characterised by the very skilful use of new media. In the information war, it is one of the strongest tools for the massive brainwashing of young people in Russia and also all over the world. This is a very dangerous trend.

I am sorry to say that Putin’s regime is encouraged by our own reluctance – that of us, the West, democratic public opinion – to recognise the full scale of the threat emerging from these current developments. The European Union should apply relevant counter—measures against this global brainwashing machinery created by Russia because we can see that it is expanding. Now they plan to raise the budget by 40% to be able to communicate not only in English but also in French and German, all over Europe and all over the world.

In this context I also want to give a message of warning to those politicians and journalists who sometimes repeat ideas they pick up from Russia Today and other channels – among them the idea that Baltic countries will be easy targets.

(The President cut off the speaker)

 
  
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  Mark Demesmaeker (ECR). Voorzitter, Boris Nemtsov was één van de belangrijkste bruggenbouwers tussen Rusland en Oekraïne, één van de weinige politici die het autoritaire politieke klimaat in Poetin’s Rusland openlijk en scherp bekritiseerde. Hij noemde het conflict in Oekraïne een pijnlijke broederoorlog en een nutteloze confrontatie met de Europese buren. Hij werkte aan een rapport over de rol van president Poetin in Oekraïne. Vanmorgen hoorden we inderdaad gewezen eerste minister van Rusland, Mikhail Kasyanov, in de AFET commissie. Ook hij kwam tot de conclusie: "Dit was een politieke moord." Er wordt geen kritiek geduld op de rol van president Poetin in Oekraïne. De moord op Boris Nemtsov is als een waarschuwing aan alle andere politieke dissidenten in Rusland.

Even naar het moordonderzoek: de betrokkenheid van Tsjetsjenen roept vragen op. Dat zou de moord op Nemtsov linken aan zijn publieke steun aan Charlie Hebdo. De sterke man van Tjetsjenië, Kadyrov, verdedigde maandag nog de hoofdverdachte van de moord, door hem als een "ware Russische patriot" en een "vrome moslim" af te schilderen, die geschokt was door de karikaturen in Charlie Hebdo. Nemtsov beschuldigde Kadyrov inderdaad geregeld ervan journalisten te intimideren en riep in november op tot een onderzoek naar de betrokkenheid van Tsjetsjeense strijders in Oost-Oekraïne. Maar nóóit, zo bevestigde ook Kasyanov vanmorgen, heeft hij zich uitgesproken tegen moslims of tegen de islam. Integendeel, hij was altijd een pleitbezorger van tolerantie.

De belangrijkste verdachte staat in dit Rusland buiten verdenking. Het regime van Poetin heeft jarenlang een klimaat van wantrouwen en haat tegen dissidenten gecreëerd. Hij noemt de oppositie de "vijfde colonne". Ondertussen wordt de ultieme vrees van de oppositie werkelijkheid: de huurmoordenaars zijn gearresteerd, maar de opdrachtgevers blijven op vrije voeten. Ik roep de Russische oppositie op zich zeker niet te laten verzwakken. Wij van onze kant - en ik citeer opnieuw Mikhael Kasyanov - moeten duidelijk tonen aan Poetin dat we onze waarden zullen blijven verdedigen en beschermen en zullen vasthouden aan onze democratische principes!

(De spreker stemt ermee in te antwoorden op een "blauwe kaart"-vraag (artikel 162, lid 8, van het Reglement)

 
  
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  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D), blue-card question. I would like to ask our colleague and friend: do you not think that there are lots of rifts between the European Union countries concerning a common foreign and security policy? Do you not see that there are European leaders that are approaching Russia in a different way and do you not think it is time for unity, solidarity and common positions towards Russia between the European Union countries?

 
  
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  Mark Demesmaeker (ECR), “blauwe kaart”-antwoord. Ik ben het volmondig met u eens. Ik zou het zelf niet beter kunnen verwoorden. Wij hebben inderdaad behoefte aan een eensgezinde stem en ik heb eigenlijk ook mijn toespraak daarmee geëindigd. Wij moeten tonen - maar moeten dat inderdaad eensgezind doen - dat wij inderdaad achter onze democratische principes blijven staan, met respect ook voor de internationale rechtsorde. Met die duidelijke boodschap moeten we ook met Poetins Rusland dialogeren. We moeten die boodschap duidelijk brengen en ook daarnaar handelen.

 
  
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  Petras Auštrevičius (ALDE). Mr President, the picture of the body of Boris Nemtsov lying in front of the Kremlin was a message someone chose to send in such a shocking way. This message is for us who represent democracy and values and who knew Boris personally – knew him as a man of exceptional courage and strength.

But, first and foremost, this is a brutal reminder for those in Russia who are still trying to save their country from sliding into the darkest ages of its past. The parallel with the USSR of blood and terror of the 1930s is appalling and the message is that the dark times may become the unfortunate reality of Russia tomorrow. Everyone who perceives Russia as a European state and nation is a spy, whoever speaks about corruption is an enemy, and whoever has his own opinion is a traitor. No one can feel safe – anyone could be next.

It is clear that the atmosphere of hatred towards the West and of hostility to the open—minded people of Russia made it possible for this to happen. It is a logical outcome of the policy line pursued in the last 15 years, namely Putinism. Today, by respecting the memory of Boris Nemtsov, we should not forget the fate of Nadia Savchenko. Putin, free Savchenko!

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (NI), question "carton bleu". Monsieur le Président, lorsque je vous entends, et vu mes positions, j'ai l'impression d'être exactement dans la même situation.

À partir du moment où j'exprime un point de vue qui est opposé à votre assemblée, je suis absolument diabolisé. Posez-vous donc la question pas seulement du côté de la Russie, posez-vous aussi la question de votre assemblée et de la manière dont votre assemblée réagit dès qu'elle rencontre un peu d'opposition qui lui est faite simplement pour rappeler la vérité des faits. Parce que ce que j'affirme, c'est ce qu'affirme notre président, entre autres français.

 
  
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  Petras Auštrevičius (ALDE), blue-card answer. I believe we have common sense and we know the colours of black and white. This is not painting in different colours; we know who is waging war in Ukraine. Those soldiers have insignia and armoured vehicles and we recognise those tanks and colours. Please do not try to get away from the truth; face it and you will be freed.

 
  
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  Jiří Maštálka (GUE/NGL). Nikdy jsem nezapomněl na svá setkání s Borisem Němcovem. Jeho vražda přidala těmto vzpomínkám shakespearovský nádech. Byl zavražděn člověk, který nadevše miloval život a uměl tak žít. Uměl si užívat vítězství, ale uměl i prohrávat. Byl velkým a šťastným dítětem. Byl také člověkem své doby a účastníkem ruského osudu.

Nechci jitřit emoce, kterých je v tomto sále většinou více, než je zdrávo. Musím ale říci, že onen negativistický reflex, kterým někteří západní politici a novináři reagují snad na všechny informace z Ruska, je v daném případě krajně nevhodný.

Boris Němcov byl opozičním politikem, který měl rád Rusko. Byl v opozici ne proto, že chtěl sjednotit svět proti Rusku, ale proto, že měl jiný názor než Kreml na cestu ke kvalitnímu životu v Rusku. Jeho představy se z nejrůznějších důvodů ocitly na okraji zájmu veřejnosti. To ale neznamená, že jednou nemohou být úspěšnou vizí, to je politický život.

Jsem hluboce přesvědčen, že Boris Němcov by nesouhlasil, kdyby jeho smrt byla zneužita k šíření protiruské hysterie.

 
  
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  Tamás Meszerics (Verts/ALE). Mr President: this is yet another tragedy on which we are entitled to speak and we need to speak. The death of Boris Nemtsov is not just the murder of a politician. Politicians can be murdered for many different reasons all around the world. When politicians are murdered in Russia it is usually a political murder.

Of course, what we demand from the Russian authorities is the swift and timely revelation of all the facts they know, but we have the suspicion that this may not extend to telling the whole story. After all, the official report on the murder of Sergei Kirov is still that a lone murderer was responsible.

There have been other cases, like the murders of Anna Politkovskaya and numerous others, which raise the question as to how far the Kremlin is actually willing to go in preventing atrocities happening to opposition politicians. If standing in elections as an opposition candidate puts your life at risk, and if standing up for values and criticising the policies of your government puts your life or your freedom at risk, then this calls into question the degree of democracy in the country concerned. If Russia is a democracy then it should respond to acts of terror like this in the way that democracies do.

France stood up after the Charlie Hebdo attack and unequivocally said that the appropriate response was to strengthen freedom of expression, to strengthen the rule of law, and to strengthen individual political freedoms for everyone in the country in order to prevent any repeat. This is what we require from Russia. This is what we ask of Russia. We cannot and will not decide for Russia what kind of political system its people wish to live under, but Russia deserves better.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (NI). Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, notre Parlement, à défaut d'avoir une vision de l'avenir et de la paix dans notre unité, a déjà jugé. Nous avons des députés qui sont à la fois policiers et juges.

Boris Nemtsov venait à peine d'être lâchement assassiné que notre président de la commission des affaires étrangères condamnait déjà "la Russie et les goulags de Poutine". J'aurais aimé qu'il soit avec moi lorsque je combattais les vrais goulags bolcheviques.

Boris Nemtsov n'est pas le leader de l'opposition en Russie. Il représente 4 % des électeurs exprimés. Le leader de l'opposition, c'est le parti communiste, qui représente 20 %. L'ultranationaliste Jirinovski fait, lui, 9 %. Ces partis sont totalement opposés à l'Europe actuelle et Poutine, croyez-moi, par rapport à eux, est franchement un modéré. Nous ferions mieux de soutenir les accords de Minsk et de paix et de ne pas répondre aux provocations.

 
  
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  Elmar Brok (PPE). Herr Präsident! Herr Schaffhauser, ich bedaure, dass ich für Positionen eintrete, die Ihnen wesensfremd sind: für parlamentarische Demokratie, für Toleranz, für Pluralismus, für Meinungs- und Medienfreiheit, dafür, dass man kein Klima der Angst erzeugt, dass man in einer Stadt nicht Poster aufhängt, auf denen Menschen für vogelfrei erklärt werden, weil sie Vaterlandsverräter sind. Das waren auch alles Positionen von Boris Nemzow. Von Ihnen, von dem ja erzählt wird, dass er der Geldbriefträger zwischen Putin und Le Pen ist, erwarte ich kein anderes Statement, da ist wahrscheinlich Ihre Rede auch Bestandteil des Honorars, das Sie von Putin bekommen haben für Ihre Partei.

Ich möchte nur zum Ausdruck bringen, dass hier eine Atmosphäre in einem Land möglich ist …

(Zwischenrufe von Herrn Schaffhauser ohne Mikrofon.)

Herr Schaffhauser, ich habe das Problem, dass ich Sie weder mit noch ohne Kopfhörer verstehe, weil ich Ihre Aussagen ohnehin nie verstehen kann!

Wir müssen deutlich machen, dass eine Atmosphäre erzeugt wird, die solche Kriminalität fördert. Wenn jemand für vogelfrei erklärt und als Vaterlandsverräter bezeichnet wird, dann passieren solche Morde. Und zufälligerweise richten sich diese Morde immer gegen Oppositionspolitiker. Und zufälligerweise kommen die Täter immer aus dem Kaukasus. Und zufälligerweise findet man nie die Hinterleute. Das ist ein System, das wir nicht akzeptieren können, und das muss gebrandmarkt werden.

Boris Nemzow hat sich für die territoriale Integrität ausgesprochen. Er hat sich dafür ausgesprochen, dass Russland sich an die Verträge hält, die dieses Land abgeschlossen hat. Und dafür hat er büßen müssen. Wir haben hier einen Mann, den wir zu ehren haben als einen Demokraten, als einen mutigen Menschen, als einen Menschen, der für die Rechte anderer eingetreten ist. Davor verbeuge ich mich!

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Herr Schaffhauser! Sie sind direkt angesprochen worden. Sie haben jetzt aufgrund der Geschäftsordnung die Gelegenheit, eine halbe Minute lang den vom Kollegen Brok angesprochenen Sachverhalt zu beantworten.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (NI). Monsieur le Président, je ne demanderai qu'une seule chose – et je souhaite que nous restions amis – je demande à mon collègue M. Brok de retirer ce qu'il a dit. Sinon, évidemment, je devrai lui faire un procès – que je gagnerai – pour ce qu'il a dit, qui est absolument diffamant.

Donc, cher collègue, êtes-vous prêt ou non à retirer ce que vous avez dit de diffamant?

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Dazu kann der Kollege Brok am Ende der Debatte Stellung nehmen. Wir setzen jetzt die Debatte fort im Gedenken an Boris Nemzow.

(Zwischenruf Schaffhauser: Non, il veut parler…)

Herr Brok, wollen Sie jetzt sofort Stellung nehmen? Bitte sehr, Herr Kollege!

 
  
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  Elmar Brok (PPE). Ich habe ein Faktum dargelegt, ich habe formuliert, dass erzählt wird, dass Sie in diesen Finanzgeschäften von Putin und Le Pen eine Rolle gespielt haben. Nichts anderes habe ich zum Ausdruck gebracht.

 
  
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  Liisa Jaakonsaari (S&D). Arvoisa puhemies, Venäjän oppositiojohtajan Boris Nemtsovin todellakin raukkamainen murha on seurausta siitä kiihkeästä propagandasta, jota Venäjällä on harrastettu niin sanottua länttä kohtaan. Siinä kollega Marju Lauristin sanoi aivan oikein.

Euroopan unioni ja Venäjän suhteet ovat nyt hankalat ja tietyssä rasituskokeessa. Vielä jokin aika sitten, pari vuosikymmentä sitten, Euroopan unioni tuki Venäjää WTO:n jäseneksi, ja tavoitteena oli yhteinen tavoite, demokraattinen ja moderni Venäjä. Ja nyt huomaamme, että Venäjästä on tullut autoritaarinen ja aggressiivinen maa, jolle länsi on vihollinen.

Tätä aikoinaan tuskalla rakennettua EU:n ja Venäjän yhteistyötä ei saa kuitenkaan enää huonontaa. Meidän pitää yrittää, tietenkin harrastaa itsekritiikkiä, mutta ei syyttää itseään, sillä ratkaiseva doktriinimuutos on tapahtunut Venäjällä.

On suuri harmi, että nämä välit ovat nyt niin huonot, koska Euroopan, Venäjän ja koko kansainvälisen yhteisön ponnisteluja tarvitaan terrorismin torjumiseksi, ilmastonmuutoksen hillitsemiseksi, ja myös arktinen yhteistyö edellyttää jo sitä, että tehdään enemmän yhteistyötä kuin tähän saakka.

 
  
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  Marek Jurek (ECR). Panie Przewodniczący! Jak świat może być bezpieczny, jak my możemy być bezpieczni i jak sami Rosjanie mogą być bezpieczni, jeżeli w Rosji ciągle przedmiotem kultu publicznego jest komunizm i komunistyczna przeszłość? To nie chodzi tylko o to, że ten kult ma miejsce na Placu Czerwonym w Moskwie. W najmniejszych miastach Rosji są pomniki Lenina. Dzierżyński, jeden z największych zbrodniarzy w historii ludzkości, jest patronem rosyjskich służb specjalnych. Imperialistyczna polityka Stalina jest ciągle publicznie broniona przez władze rosyjskie.

Panie i Panowie! Potępienie komunizmu jest potrzebne nie tylko nam, nie tylko Europie, chociaż nam też jest potrzebne. Jest potrzebne samej Rosji, jest potrzebne Rosjanom i szczególnie tym, którzy najbardziej tam cierpieli.

 
  
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  Kaja Kallas (ALDE). Mr President, I join colleagues in expressing my deepest condolences to the family and friends of Boris Nemtsov. His name has very sadly been added to the far—too—long list of Russian politicians and journalists murdered for speaking out against the system.

I grew up during Soviet times with stories from my mother who was deported to Siberia in a animal wagon when she was just six months old; of my grandfather who was sent to a prison camp; of my grandmother who lost two children during the war. Every family in our country has a similar story and so do Russian families. I still remember the fear of wondering what might happen to my father who opposed the regime. Therefore, I understand the fears that the opposition in Russia might have.

Speaking up in Russia for democracy, fundamental freedoms and respect for the rule of law takes lots of courage. Opposing Putin’s regime takes a lot of courage. I wanted therefore to express my admiration for those who speak out in Russia, but also to remind ourselves that, as politicians of Europe, where we have no reason to be afraid, we do not have any excuse for not speaking out against what is happening in Russia and in Ukraine.

 
  
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  Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE). Mr President, I want to honour the memory of our friend Boris Nemtsov by quoting what he said in this House in a meeting on 16 February 2011 when he was our guest. He said: ‘Putin killed the democratic state’. There is a very good record of all that he said here on that day. He was here in Parliament to call for support for the forthcoming Duma and presidential elections, and many of us were participating with the democratic opposition in order to find ways to make sure that once again those elections would not be stolen. But, as we know, they were stolen. I think that the tragic and undoubtedly political murder of our friend Boris Nemtsov must now lead to a reset of the European Union’s relationship with the democratic forces in Russia, and this is what we are calling for in the resolution to be voted on tomorrow.

We must give recognition to the incredible courage of the Russian democratic opposition, which is now standing against Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. We certainly have a reason now to recognise this and have more and more visible contacts with them, otherwise the rest of democracy will die in Russia.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  Bill Etheridge (EFDD), blue-card question. That was a very interesting speech, very well made. I note that you say we need to be more supportive and understanding of the democratic opposition in Russia, which is absolutely right. But I wonder if you would agree with me that there is a slight danger, if we take too hard a line against a tyrant like Mr Putin, that it actually only helps to strengthen him, by building up his strongman position, if outside forces appear to be too strongly pushing against him? What is your view of that?

 
  
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  Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE), blue-card answer. I believe that our friends in the democratic opposition in Russia very much count on our support and they also count on the meetings that they have at a high level with Ms Mogherini and Mr Juncker, which now happened, I believe, with Mr Kasyanov here. So, my answer is that we shall not leave these courageous people alone in their fight.

How to deal with Putin? I think the message that Mr Kasyanov gave this morning in the Committee on Foreign Affairs is very worth listening to. He said: follow consequently your line.

 
  
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  Gabrielius Landsbergis (PPE). Mr President, a long list of opposition members who have been killed during recent years has been made longer after the death of Boris Nemtsov. These people are the casualties of war for a right to oppose the government, for a right to tell the truth, for a right to have your own opinion. All of them were murdered for their beliefs. It might also raise a question: is there a next target?

The murder of Boris Nemtsov might bring the Kremlin regime ever closer to the point of no return for Russia. We might never know the exact truth about this murder. But it is obvious that the Kremlin is responsible for creating an atmosphere of hatred, impunity, unlawfulness and terror. This is a scary message to the West. Information that Mr Nemtsov was working on a report on Russian soldiers’ involvement in Ukraine is even more disturbing.

There are two possible impacts that this murder might have on Russian society. One, it can increase fear. Another, that it can consolidate like—minded people under the banner for change. If this is the case, then there is hope for Russia. The EU must not remain silent. We must encourage, help and protect all those who fight for democracy. Europe has to be their safe haven, their shelter, if they should seek it.

 
  
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  Boris Zala (S&D). Mr President, the murder of Boris Nemtsov is not just a shocking crime, it is a reflection of the poisonous state of Russia’s politics, marked by paranoia and nationalist hatred. Of course, it is still possible that common sense will prevail in the Kremlin, but it looks more likely that Russia will head toward international isolation, economic autarchy and a closed dictatorship with an ultra—nationalist, ultra—conservative and militarist ideology.

If that happened it would be entirely Mr Putin’s fault, or even his design, but European foreign policy is completely unprepared for this future. It lacks the experience, instruments or language for a relationship of this kind. The only precedent, the Cold War, is not a viable paradigm. It is time that the EU started to think about a strategy for stable co—existence with an isolated and blatantly aggressive Russia.

 
  
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  Kazimierz Michał Ujazdowski (ECR). Panie Przewodniczący! Chylimy głowę, oddajemy cześć Borysowi Niemcowi, modlimy się za niego, ale nade wszystko trzeba odpowiedzieć na pytanie o źródła tej polityki. Jest dla mnie jasne, że jej źródłem jest nienawistna polityka prezydenta Putina, który, jak powiedział przed chwilą pan poseł Marek Jurek, dziedziczy tradycję państwa komunistycznego, które mordowało przeciwników politycznych. Jaka powinna być nasza reakcja? Po pierwsze, nie ma podwójnych standardów, zawsze powinniśmy się upominać o wolność, o przestrzeganie prawa międzynarodowego. Były podwójne standardy wobec Rosji i one powinny zniknąć. Powinniśmy z odwagą przeciwstawiać się złu. Wreszcie pan poseł Etheridge pyta, czy nie powinniśmy być łagodniejsi wobec Putina. Nie, całe doświadczenie polityki europejskiej pokazuje, że tylko twardość zapobiega dyktaturze, tylko twardość chroni bezpieczeństwo naszego świata – tego uczyła Pana i Europę Margaret Thatcher. I taką politykę powinniśmy uprawiać.

 
  
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  Pavel Telička (ALDE). Mr President, may I start by saying that I fully agree with Elmar Brok. Mr Schaffhauser, who is no longer present, should know that I endorse Mr Brok’s words and that if he is taking Mr Brok to court then I would like to sit beside him. That is my first remark.

Yesterday in this House we had a very impressive guest, Mr Kasyanov, and I would like to mention a few quotes: ‘large features of Russian democracy are gone’; ‘Russia is no longer a democracy’; ‘there is no civil war in Ukraine because there is no reason for a civil war in Ukraine – the Russians are not oppressed’; ‘the murder of Boris Nemtsov was a murder which was demonstrative and with political motivations’. These are the strong and very clear words of someone who is on the domestic political scene, someone who had the courage to come here.

For me, there is a clear linkage between what is going on domestically in Russia and what is going on beyond Russia: they are two sides of the same coin. I would appreciate it, Ms Mogherini, if we could at some point have a serious debate on the strategy towards Russia, showing that we have a clear stance, with our hands in our pockets if they move one step forward. At the same time, we should have positive incentives for Russian civil society – for businesses, students and researchers. This is how we need to act, and this should be our strategy in broad terms.

 
  
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  Tunne Kelam (PPE). Mr President, this murder is not a separate case; it is part of a system that is, in our friend Kasyanov’s words, moving from an authoritarian regime to a classic fascism regime of the 1930s. This regime has launched war against the civilised world but at the same time it has started war against its own civil society. The labelling of civil activists in state—controlled propaganda as internal enemies has created an atmosphere in Russia that is pregnant with violence and murders.

Mr Putin has to take responsibility for it directly or indirectly. Russia has now reached a turning point, but I think Mr Putin’s miscalculation must have been the unexpected unity of the EU reaction. Sanctions have started to make their impact. Now we should not be hesitant about them; the black list has to be extended to media persons who are responsible for spreading hatred, lies and aggressive nationalism.

Putin’s aggression has to be stopped in Ukraine. This means forcing him to retreat from conquered areas to prove that aggression does not pay off, because otherwise the war in Europe will expand. I also call on all of us, especially our High Representative, to do our utmost to get freedom for two hostages: Nadia Savchenko – still on the verge of dying – and Eston Kohver, both kidnapped from their own territory.

 
  
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  Brando Benifei (S&D). Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la retorica patriottica del presidente Putin pretende dalla comunità internazionale il riconoscimento politico dello status di grande potenza alla Russia contemporanea. La tragica barbara uccisione del leader politico Boris Nemtsov a due giorni della manifestazione liberale organizzata dalle opposizioni costituisce un nuovo banco di prova. Sull'indipendenza e l'imparzialità del sistema giudiziario russo, sulla garanzia e la tutela dello Stato di diritto gravano da troppo tempo dubbi consistenti e pesanti.

Auspichiamo dunque indagini tempestive e trasparenti e processi equi, che finalmente smentiscano una reputazione controversa, anche per via di alcuni altri omicidi citati dall'Alto rappresentante Mogherini – penso in primo luogo ad esempio a quello di Anna Politkovskaya.

Come Unione europea crediamo in una società civile forte e democratica, pluralista, partecipativa ed è un obiettivo per il quale lavoriamo anche con i nostri partner, quindi anche con la Russia. La franchezza e l'apertura del dialogo con la Federazione russa rendono necessario un nostro interessamento per questa drammatica vicenda.

 
  
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  Beata Gosiewska (ECR). Borys Niemcow to jedna z wielu ofiar krwawych rządów Władimira Putina. Niebawem minie 5 lat od śmierci polskiej elity na czele z prezydentem Lechem Kaczyńskim, którzy zginęli 10 kwietnia 2010 r. w Rosji, nad Smoleńskiem, lecąc na obchody 70-rocznicy ludobójstwa dokonanego na polskich oficerach w Katyniu. To skandal, że przyczyny tej katastrofy również bada Putin, a Polska w dalszym ciągu nie odzyskała czarnych skrzynek i wraku samolotu T-154M, tylko prowadzi dochodzenie na podstawie kopii materiałów preparowanych przez Rosję Putina. Pragnę przypomnieć, że w Parlamencie Europejskim prowadzi się prace nad drugą petycją w sprawie uczciwego zbadania przyczyn tragedii smoleńskiej, pod którą zebrano prawie milion podpisów.

Szanowni Państwo! Unia Europejska przez swoją bierność jest współodpowiedzialna za śmierć ofiar rządów Putina. Najwyższy czas podjąć zdecydowane działania wobec człowieka, który sobie kpi i na oczach całego świata łamie elementarne zasady międzynarodowego porządku prawnego.

 
  
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  Ivo Vajgl (ALDE). Umor Nemcova je hud udarec ruski opoziciji in hud udarec evropski demokraciji, našim pričakovanjem, da bo tudi Rusija po avtoritarnem obdobju Putina stopila na že uhojeno pot demokracije.

Mi smo v Rusiji poznali demokrate, bili so naši partnerji že pred dvajsetimi leti. In potem smo jih nekako izgubljali iz oči. Mogoče smo se jim premalo posvečali, mogoče je bila karizma avtoritarnega voditelja močnejša od prepričljivosti novih politikov, demokratičnih politikov, demokratične alternative v Rusiji.

Mihail Kasjanov nam je včeraj sporočil, da ima dovolj poguma in da imajo njegovi prijatelji dovolj poguma. Moramo jim pomagat. Sporočil pa nam je tudi to, da Rusija ni Putin, da je Rusija pripravljena biti naš partner in da se moramo pazit, da ne razvijamo v atmosferi, ki je emocionalno nabita, nekaj, kar bi bilo usmerjeno proti Rusiji kot taki. Rusija je naš sosed in tudi naš potencialni strateški partner.

 
  
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  Jaromír Štětina (PPE). Jméno Borise Němcova je jeden z vrcholků ledovce. I další mají svá jména: Navalnyj, Politkovská, Naďa Savčenková... Hluboko pod nimi v temnotě putinovského samoděržaví jsou skryty desetitisíce jmen a osudů, o nichž víme málo. Nejsou to jen vraždy a kriminály, je to celý nový pronásledovaný ruský disent, nová ruská diaspora, nekonečné vyšetřovací vazby, silácké znásilňování osudů. Ledovce, které nevidíme.

Loni v létě byl na letišti Šeremetěvo zatčen arménský podnikatel a filantrop Levon Hajrapeťjan. Opakuji to jméno, Levon Hajrapeťjan. Byl obviněn z blíže neurčených hospodářských přečinů. V mnohatýdenní vyšetřovací vazbě málem zemřel. Advokátům se podařilo Hajrapeťjana přemístit do domácího vězení. To trvá už půl roku.

Levon Hajrapeťjan mi sdělil, že je majoritním vlastníkem týdeníku Sobesednik, který uveřejnil zásadní rozhovor s Němcovem. V něm Němcov deset dní před svou smrtí předpověděl, že to bude Putin, kdo bude odpovědný za jeho smrt.

Dámy a pánové, pohleďme i do neznámých hlubin ruského ledovce bezpráví.

 
  
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  Georgi Pirinski (S&D). Mr President, there is absolutely no doubt that the dastardly murder of Boris Nemtsov is one of those killings that have the potential to change the course of events, if not of history.

I would invite colleagues to look back to the morning after the murder and the message sent by a no less well—known figure, Sobchak, at the murder scene when she said ‘let us all stop’. What she meant was: let us all back down. I think she struck a note in Russian society which woke up to the understanding that a very dangerous line had been crossed, and that each and every citizen in Russia has to think about what is going to happen. War has been mentioned many times in this debate. We have to think very carefully as to our input, and in which direction events will evolve.

 
  
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  Michael Gahler (PPE). Herr Präsident! In Russland werden keine politischen Freunde Putins ermordet, sondern seine politischen Gegner. Es ist tragisch, dass die russische Regierung eine innenpolitische Atmosphäre geschaffen hat, in der man den zuständigen Behörden keinen Glauben schenken kann, dass sie die Ermittlungen zum Mord an Boris Nemzow nach Recht und Gesetz durchführen. Zweifel bleiben, egal was behauptet wird, auch, weil der Präsident persönlich öffentlich im vergangenen Jahr mehrfach gelogen hat.

Wir ehren Boris Nemzow dadurch, dass wir gemeinsam für die demokratischen Werte eintreten, für die auch er gestanden hat. Das heißt konkret, dass wir zusammenbleiben als Europäer in unserer Haltung gegenüber Russland, in unserer Haltung in Bezug auf die Ukraine, in unserer Haltung der Unterstützung einer demokratischen Zivilgesellschaft, in unserer Unterstützung der Menschen, die sich trotz großen Drucks auf die Straße wagen und für ein anderes Russland eintreten.

 
  
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  Richard Howitt (S&D). Mr President, the Parliament regularly – and rightly – draws attention to places where people anywhere in the world lose their life because of their political beliefs or because of the defence of human rights.

Today we mourn the death of Boris Nemtsov. We express concern that he may have died partly because he was prepared to be a different voice within Russia on the current situation in Ukraine. We say that because that is what he said himself in July last year in relation to death threats that he was receiving then. If international visitors are blocked from attending even the funeral, it gives little confidence that the investigation can be open to external scrutiny and will meet international standards. It is also difficult to believe in the guilt of the alleged suspect who has been arrested and accused of being a terrorist when that person has a record as a loyal deputy commander of an elite counter—terrorism unit in Chechnya.

To those in Russia watching or reading this debate, we support forces of democratisation in your country, as in all countries. To those in government, that does not mean that we are against you. Indeed, in this resolution we reiterate that we wish to restore relations with you. But this has to be based on respect for democratic values and the rule of law, principles which are mutual obligations as fellow members of the Council of Europe and signatories of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights. As my group has said before, in an atmosphere where nationalistic fervour is being generated, we have to be careful of the language we use in order not to add to that further, but to challenge it. But we will speak out. Boris Nemtsov may have been silenced by an assassin’s bullet but we will not be silenced.

 
  
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  Gunnar Hökmark (PPE). Mr President, the murder of Boris Nemtsov is a tragedy for the family, but also for Russia. We have every reason to be horrified not only by this assassination, but also by the developments we can see in Russian society. But we need not to be horrified by Russia; we need to be decisive and realistic. What we need is to be sure that we react every time democracy is reduced; every time this regime turns against its citizens. We also need do what we can in order to secure transparency for all Russian citizens who need Russian—language broadcasting. They need to know that those who are doing wrong are going to get the right reactions from this House and the European Union.

 
  
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  Othmar Karas (PPE). Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Jeder Mord macht uns betroffen. Aber Boris Nemzow ist Opfer des Systems, das in den letzten Monaten und Jahren in Russland immer faschistoider geworden ist. Es deutet alles darauf hin, dass es sich um einen politischen Mord handelt, einen Mord gegen freies Denken, Sprechen, Handeln, gegen demokratische Entwicklungen, gegen die universellen Grund- und Freiheitsrechte. Es ist ein Mord an einem Menschen, der gesagt hat, dass der Krieg mit der Ukraine mit Putin anfing, weil er eine Wiederholung des Maidan in Moskau fürchtete, um zu demonstrieren, dass eine Revolution im Chaos endet und die Menschen die Staatsmacht nicht auf diese Art und Weise beseitigen können. Ich meine, Boris Nemzow wäre ein würdiger Sacharow-Preisträger des Europäischen Parlaments, der Bürgerkammer Europas.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye-Verfahren

 
  
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  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD). Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il brutale omicidio di Boris Nemtsov è un crimine atroce e come tale va condannato senza mezzi termini e alla sua famiglia esprimo le mie condoglianze e la nostra vicinanza.

Non potrà neanche mai essere nostra intenzione tacere su qualsiasi minaccia alla libertà di espressione o ancora al pluralismo e alla libertà dei media, così come su ogni lesione di diritti umani, in Russia e ovunque essa si trovi. La nostra coerenza ce lo impone. Purtroppo però non vedo tutto questo ardore e questa passione e presenza da parte di tanti colleghi quando discutiamo, il giovedì mattina, delle risoluzioni d'urgenza, proprio sui diritti umani o quando votiamo su dossier come conflict minerals.

È un peccato che ci siano diritti umani più "umani" degli altri, è un peccato davvero: ma a cosa serve oggi tutta questa feroce retorica da Guerra Fredda che molti avete evocato? Avete mai pensato che proprio questa demonizzazione finisce esattamente per essere il miglior sostegno alla retorica nazionalista di Putin, che ne è semplicemente l'altro lato della medaglia?

Io oggi alla Russia chiedo di effettuare indagini credibili e di garantire veramente un giudizio terso e imparziale, non solo per Nemtsov ma anche per tutti gli altri casi controversi e irrisolti. Ma anche noi dobbiamo astenerci da pregiudizi e creare un'atmosfera ancora più cupa.

 
  
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  Urmas Paet (ALDE). Lugupeetud eesistuja! Kõigepealt sügav kaastunne Boriss Nemtsovi lähedastele ja kogu Vene ühiskonnale, kuid paraku pole see ainus karm juhtum Venemaal viimasel ajal. Pool aastat tagasi röövis Venemaa Eesti territooriumilt politseiametnik Eston Kohveri, kes on ikka Moskva Lefortovo vanglas. Venemaa on röövinud juba pool aastat tema elust, ta on eemal oma lastest, perest ja lähedastest, tema tervislik seisund halveneb ja tulevik on täiesti ebaselge. Siiani pole Venemaa kuulda võtnud Eesti, Euroopa Liidu, Euroopa Nõukogu ega paljude teiste riikide soovi ja nõudmist Eston Kohver vabastada ja kodumaale saata.

Ettevalmistatav Euroopa Parlamendi resolutsioon käsitleb samuti seda teemat ja soovib Kohveri kohest vabastamist. Kuid Eston Kohveri röövimise juhtum on üks paljudest selgetest ja nähtavatest inimõiguste rikkumistest, mida Venemaa on viimasel ajal toime pannud. See on samas reas Ukraina piloodi Savtšenko, opositsiooni ja kodanikuühiskonna ahistamisega.

 
  
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  Igor Šoltes (Verts/ALE). Tudi sam se pridružujem tistim, ki obsojamo umor. Umor pomembnega opozicijskega politika, ki je pravzaprav zadal kar hud udarec nekemu upanju, da se dialog z Rusijo kljub temu lahko začne na višji ravni.

In tu se večkrat postavlja vprašanje, ne samo eno, več vprašanj, kot imamo seveda odgovorov, kaj se v resnici dogaja z demokracijo v Rusiji. In mislim, da se moramo tudi vprašati, ali se demokracijo lahko vsili, ali jo je potrebno torej na nek način vsiliti drugi državi z ustreznimi metodami. In mislim, da to postavlja tudi pod vprašaj smiselnosti sankcij in pa škodo, ki smo si s tem povzročili tudi sami. Mislim pa, da seveda moramo nape... vse sile vzeti v zakup zato, da z dialogom dosežemo višjo stopnjo tudi spoštovanja človekovih pravic v Rusiji.

 
  
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  Zdzisław Krasnodębski (ECR). Panie Przewodniczący! Muszę powiedzieć, że jak słucham tutaj wypowiedzi wielu kolegów, to mam wrażenie, że są to spóźnione żale. Ktoś przez lata karmił tego potwora, którego dzisiaj krytykujemy. Zabójstwo Niemcowa jest tylko kolejną eskalacją w całym ciągu zdarzeń. Dotychczasowe reakcje przez wiele lat na te wydarzenia nie były stosowne, np. na agresję w Gruzji. Przez wiele lat Unia i wiele państw członkowskich żywiły złudzenia co do sytuacji w Rosji, możliwości liberalizacji czy modernizacji Rosji. Wydaje mi się, że gdybyśmy byli w tej Izbie, także w innych instytucjach unijnych, czy też w wielu państwach członkowskich bardziej stanowczy, być może do tej dzisiejszej sytuacji by nie doszło i dzisiaj w zasadzie powinniśmy nie poprzestawać na słowach, tylko zastanowić się nad tym, jakie podejmować rzeczywiście skuteczne działania, żeby sytuację zmienić.

 
  
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  Gerard Batten (EFDD). Mr President, in 2006 I enjoyed a pub lunch in London with Boris Nemtsov. Also present at that lunch were Alexander Litvinenko and Boris Berezovsky. These three had certain things in common. They were political opponents of President Putin and are now all dead. Two were murdered and one died in suspicious circumstances.

Mr Nemtsov, of course, is just the latest in a long line of politicians and journalists murdered in Russia and abroad. The finger of suspicion and the trail of polonium—210 always leads back to President Putin. Any Russian brave enough to oppose Putin’s gangster regime risks their liberty and life. How can we support them? The hope of democracy in Russia is almost crushed. The world has to understand what it is dealing with in Mr Putin. The best short-term hope for everyone is that some of his more moderate colleagues can be prevailed upon to depose him, and the West must encourage them to do this.

 
  
 

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Mr President, I will start with the wise words of Ms Kalniete, who said that we need strategic patience and bold work towards Russian society. I would start from here, because I think there is a unifying line in this Hemicycle – I always try to look for such lines – and this is the need for our strong, constant commitment to engage with Russian society. I think we need to do that when it comes to people—to—people contacts, and we need to do it when it comes to young people in Russia. I also had the chance to discuss this yesterday with our Russian friend. There is a risk of losing entire parts, major parts, of Russian society – especially the young generations – to the idea that Europe is not an enemy. Europe is a space for cooperation and democracy, for the Russian people too. I think this is something we have to build, especially in these difficult times.

To those of you who called for an overall strategy towards Russia from the European Union, let me welcome very much these words. Let me welcome very much this plea which some of you have raised in this Chamber and which reflects some of the national parliaments’ thinking. I was happy to discuss that with Members of the House of Lords in London recently. You might be aware of their recent report on the crisis Ukraine, but also on relations of the European Union with Russia. I think there is a need to collectively think on how we engage – as some of you have mentioned – on our positive tools to engage with the Russian population. We do not have to be afraid of this discussion, just as Boris was not afraid of thinking of difficult things in the difficult conditions he was operating in politically.

We also have to ask ourselves the difficult questions and one of these difficult questions today is: how do we effectively, in the best possible way, support dynamics in Russian society, or at least prevent them from being completely removed from public debate?

I will come back to ask for your support when engaging in this difficult exercise, because we have to be clear. Some of you have mentioned very clearly that we have, on the one hand, a strong and sound policy that also includes sanctions. On the other hand, maybe we have to say it more clearly and more boldly: what do we do with the Russian people and with Russia as a big state that is not only its leadership? This part of our work will need courageous, consistent and maybe thinking a little bit ‘out of the box’ in the coming months. However, we should not necessarily be trapped by the rhetoric that we use – it is not only rhetoric, it is also action and we need that – but we need to complement that with our positive actions towards the Russian population. Some of you also mentioned very openly the need to keep channels of dialogue open. If we do not do that, it is clear that we will hear more and more about that.

I will close with one point that was mentioned by many: the need to increase our strategic communication to counter propaganda. We have started this work. It is obviously not and it will never be about counter—propaganda, because it is not in our DNA or in our political understanding. This is not something we can do or will be interested in doing. However, it is a matter of supporting media freedom and freedom of expression. It is also a matter of providing accurate information to large sections of the Russian—speaking population in Russia and in our own countries. We have started to work on that. We will discuss that too in the European Council, in the Foreign Affairs Council in the coming months. This is an area in which the European Union has an added value: working to support those who are doing an excellent job when it comes to transparent and full information, and to support a greater explanation of European values and principles in all parts of the European continent.

 
  
  

Elnökváltás: GÁLL-PELCZ ILDIKÓ
alelnök asszony

 
  
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   Hét állásfoglalásra irányuló indítványt juttattak el hozzám ehhez a vitához, melyeket az eljárási szabályzat 123. cikkének (2) és (4) bekezdésével összhangban nyújtottak be.

A vitát lezárom.

A szavazásra 2015. március 12-én, csütörtökön kerül sor.

Írásbeli nyilatkozatok (162. cikk)

 
  
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  Dita Charanzová (ALDE), in writing. Boris Nemtsov’s death is a tragedy. As one of the few outspoken and independent voices in Russian politics, his murder represents a devastating blow to hopes for democratization in Russia any time soon. The Russian leadership was afraid of Nemtsov, and I fear that his murder will be taken as a sign that no criticism will be tolerated. The climate of hostility towards the political opposition in Russia is alarming. It is Russia’s duty to thoroughly and independently investigate this murder. I truly hope that the Russian authorities will demonstrate respect for the rule of law throughout this process, and through this demonstrate a turn in their hostile attitudes towards the opposition. I truly hope that Nemtsov’s tragic death, rather than marking a point of no return, will be a wake—up call to the Russian authorities to cease provocative and aggressive state rhetoric against the voices of the opposition.

 
  
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  Eugen Freund (S&D), schriftlich. Wenn wir heute um den ermordeten russischen Politiker Boris Nemzow trauern, trauern wir auch um eine treibende Kraft in Russlands Opposition, die das Land demokratischer und zivilisierter machen wollte. Er stellte eine Verbindung zwischen Russland und westlichen, europäischen Standpunkten dar, und er hat sich klar gegen den Ukraine-Konflikt ausgesprochen. Wir müssen nun dringender denn je mit einer geeinten europäischen Stimme gegen diesen Rückschritt Russlands, gegen den Verlust von Meinungs- und Medienfreiheit und gegen eine Stimmung des Hasses und der Intoleranz sprechen. Jetzt ist es wichtig, nicht nur transparente Ermittlungen zu fordern. Die lange Liste ermordeter Oppositioneller und die aktuellen Foltervorwürfe zeigen, dass dies in den meisten Fällen erfolglos bleibt. Wir müssen vor allem versuchen, den Kontakt mit denjenigen aufrechtzuhalten, die in Russland für Demokratie, offenen Dialog, Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Demokratie kämpfen. Das Land ist auf dem Weg in eine Isolierung, die ihm selbst schadet. Die EU hat die Vorgänge in Russland klar abzulehnen, wir müssen aber versuchen, im Dialog zu bleiben, um ein weiteres Abdriften zu verhindern, und ein modernes Russland fordern, das auf internationale Zusammenarbeit und Toleranz baut.

 
  
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  Enrico Gasbarra (S&D), per iscritto. L'uccisione dell'oppositore e leader politico russo Boris Nemcov lascia un'ulteriore profonda ombra sullo stato della democrazia in Russia. Mosca è un partner economico e politico decisivo per l'Unione europea, proprio per questo non è possibile tollerare il progressivo sgretolamento delle libertà politiche nel Paese. Il Parlamento esprime nuovamente il proprio sostegno alle forze democratiche in Russia schierate a favore di una società aperta e di un programma riformista.

Il Parlamento giustamente insiste nuovamente per esortare il Consiglio a definire una politica unitaria nei confronti della Russia sottolineando la priorità dei diritti umani e la necessità di gesti concreti che pongano fine alle repressioni contro la libertà di espressione, di riunione e di associazione. Lo avevamo già affermato recentemente in occasione della risoluzione d'urgenza sui diritti umani in merito al caso Navalny: la Commissione e il Servizio europeo per l'azione esterna elaborino un programma di sostegno più ambizioso a favore della società civile russa in Russia e individuino nuove opportunità per avviare un dialogo per promuovere i valori della democrazia, i diritti umani e lo Stato di diritto.

Proprio in questa fase di programmazione degli strumenti finanziari dell'Unione, si faccia ogni sforzo per incrementare l'assistenza finanziaria a favore della società civile russa attraverso lo Strumento europeo per la democrazia e i diritti umani, nonché i finanziamenti destinati alle organizzazioni della società civile e agli enti locali, come pure a includere il Forum della società civile UE-Russia nello strumento di partenariato al fine di garantire un sostegno a lungo termine sostenibile e credibile.

 
  
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  Indrek Tarand (Verts/ALE), in writing. It is difficult to believe, that the assassination of the leader of the opposition Boris Nemtsov, right after he promoted a rally condemning the war in Ukraine, and just before he was due to publish a report containing evidence of Russian involvement in the war, is coincidental. It is the latest in a series of high-profile murders of anti-corruption activists, human rights campaigners, and critics of the regime. Even the slightest possibility of providing Mistral warships to Russia in the foreseeable future has to be forgotten, since the number and severity of breaches of human rights, rule of law, and principles of democracy have done nothing but increase exponentially. Amidst the constant flow of grim news emanating from Russia, let us not forget that Russian authorities are still illegally detaining several government officials from neighbouring countries such as Ukrainian MP Nadia Savchenko and Estonian security officer Eston Kohver. The EU has to strongly condemn the kidnapping of Mr Kohver, and demand his immediate release, not only for the well-being of the individual concerned, but because the EU cannot afford to send the signal that its Member States’ citizens and officials can be abducted from EU territory with impunity.

 
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