Пълен протокол на разискванията

Сряда, 25 март 2015 г. - Брюксел

19. Макрофинансова помощ за Украйна (разискване)

  President. – The next item is the report by Gabrielius Landsbergis, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on macro-financial assistance to Ukraine (COM(2015)0005 – C8-0005/2015 – 2015/0005(COD)) (A8-0056/2015).

  Gabrielius Landsbergis, rapporteur. – Madam President, today we will vote on a small part of EU history. We are voting for EUR 1.8 billion of macro-financial aid to Ukraine, which will be the biggest financial package given by the European Union to any third country. But that alone is not as important as the political message that the European Union is united in its effort to help Ukraine and to back it when the help is most needed.

It has to be noted that our friends as well as our adversaries are looking for cracks in our unity. Ukraine needs our unity in order to sustain clear reasoning for their reforms. Just yesterday, we had an opportunity to talk to the Ukrainian Minister of the Economy. He gave us a cold but clear overview on the reforms that his Ministry and the Government are undertaking. Fighting the oligarchic structures, battling corruption and addressing inefficiency in the public sector are just a few of the points that he raised. It seemed to me that even the critics should have been convinced that Ukraine is doing its utmost to reform itself.

It is chilling to imagine any of our countries going through those sorts of reforms, actually changing dramatically many fields of life that people were accustomed to. That was one reason why a colleague asked if the Minister is sure that the people of Ukraine will keep up with and support the pace of the reforms. We were reassured that, with a clear message from Europe that Europe is standing by them, the people will support and understand the need for reform.

Our foes would rejoice if they saw us disunited and would use it for their propaganda. We already know what they would say: ‘See, Europe cannot help the country that itself wished to sign an association agreement!’

The Council, the Commission, the Committee on International Trade (INTA) and the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) are all calling for agreement on the proposed report without amendments, for one main reason. That reason is that time is of crucial importance here. If we vote ‘yes’ on the report today, the Commission will be able to issue the first tranche of the funds to Ukraine at the beginning of the summer. If we want the country, which is still fighting for its territory, to be able to stabilise its budget and economy, we have to agree on providing the funds as soon as possible.

Of course, I have heard critics say that we are not sure whether the money will be used transparently or whether there are enough incentives for reform in the report. I believe, at this stage, that the Commission has provided for enough controls in the document that would be signed with Ukraine after our vote and following approval by the Council. We are, and will remain, in close contact with the Support Group for Ukraine regarding the reforms and regarding transparency in relation to the funds provided. When the situation in Ukraine stabilises, and I want to believe that it will, we will come back to the debate on how we can help Ukraine on its path to reform.

Dear colleagues, I call on you to support this report as presented without amendments, and to demonstrate our resolution to stand by Ukraine.

  Valdis Dombrovskis, Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, first of all, I would like to thank the rapporteur, Mr Landsbergis and the Committee on International Trade (INTA) for their valuable work on this report and for expediting approval procedures. I would also like to thank the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) for its contribution.

As you know, the Commission submitted its proposal for a macro-financial assistance operation for Ukraine in the context of the enormous political and security challenges in Ukraine, and a deteriorating economic situation. Ukraine is confronted by deep recession: its currency has depreciated strongly, inflation has been rising and international reserves have been declining. This shows that the situation is very acute, and Ukraine badly needs international financial assistance as soon as possible.

Indeed, international donors led by the IMF have wrapped up a new financial aid package for Ukraine, with the most recent IMF extended fund facility, of 11 March 2015, amounting to USD 17.5 billion. The EU is also contributing with its current Commission proposal for macro-financial assistance (MFA) of EUR 1.8 billion in addition to the previous MFA operations of EUR 1.6 billion in loans. It is intended that this MFA operation will be disbursed in three equal tranches, and this is going to be the highest amount of assistance ever disbursed to a third country in such a short period of time.

Of course, a new MFA operation will be subject to the fulfilment of conditions, namely political preconditions concerning respect for democratic mechanisms, human rights and the rule of law. Moreover, Ukraine must satisfactorily implement the IMF programme and, last but not least, must fulfil economic and financial policy conditions to be agreed between the EU and Ukraine in a memorandum of understanding. In this context, potential policy measures in the areas of public finance management, anti-corruption and transparency, the business environment, energy sector reform and financial sector reform are being explored and will be discussed with our Ukrainian partners.

I would stress that timing is of the essence here. Ukraine’s most urgent and important financing needs are in 2015, and the first two of the three tranches under the newly proposed MFA operation should be disbursed this year – i.e. the first tranche before the summer break in mid-2015.

Contrary to its proposal for last year’s MFA operation of EUR 1 billion, which was based on the urgency procedure, with a Council decision as provided for in Article 213 of the Treaty, the Commission has based the present proposal on Article 212 of the Treaty, which provides for a decision under the ordinary legislative procedure. The current Commission proposal follows precisely established practice for MFA operations – practice also reflected in the Joint Declaration of Parliament and the Council of 12 August 2013 on granting MFA.

In view of Ukraine’s urgent financial needs, swift adoption of the current proposal by the co-legislators under the ordinary legislative procedure is very important. Therefore, I am pleased that the International Trade and Foreign Affairs committees upheld the Commission proposal without amendments. I am also pleased that the Council, through Coreper, today agreed to adopt the Commission’s proposal without amendments.

  Jacek Saryusz-Wolski, autor projektu opinii Komisji Spraw Zagranicznych. – Pani Przewodnicząca, Panie Komisarzu! Chcę powiedzieć, że dzisiejsza decyzja, która zapadnie (jestem o tym przekonany) o pomocy makrofinansowej, kolejnej transzy dla Ukrainy w wysokości 1,8 mld euro jest decyzją nie tylko ważną finansowo, jest bardzo ważną decyzją politycznie.

Ukraina pilnie potrzebuje wsparcia, jej stabilność finansowa jest zagrożona. Ukraina nie jest biednym krajem, jest źle zarządzana, potrzebuje reform, toczy wojnę obronną. Straciła już 25% gospodarki i część terytorium – wojna kosztuje dużo. Toczy wojnę i reformuje zarazem – to rzecz bez precedensu w historii europejskiej. Potrzebne jest zatem szybkie i szczodre wsparcie finansowe. Wojna wykrwawia Ukrainę i bez transfuzji finansowej i innej Ukraina sobie nie poradzi. Pomoc Ukrainie to imperatyw polityczny. Największym prezentem dla rosyjskiego agresora byłoby pozwolić na to, ażeby Ukraina uległa bankructwu. Do tego dopuścić nie możemy!

  Adam Szejnfeld, w imieniu grupy PPE. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Ukraina jest stowarzyszona z Unią Europejską, konsekwencją tego powinno być zobowiązanie Wspólnoty do wspierania tego kraju na jego drodze do budowania sprawnej i efektywnej administracji, wspierania rozwoju gospodarczego czy restrukturyzacji przemysłu. Ważne jest także ograniczenie ubóstwa oraz budowanie społeczeństwa obywatelskiego.

Ukraina walczy teraz na wielu frontach, na tym najgorszym, militarnym, także, ale równocześnie musi przeprowadzać bardzo kosztowne reformy społeczno-gospodarcze. Bez pomocy Unii Europejskiej nie poradzi sobie z tymi historycznymi wyzwaniami. W imię więc międzynarodowej solidarności powinniśmy poprzeć zadanie finansowego wsparcia naszego wschodniego sąsiada.

  Victor Boștinaru, în numele grupului S&D. – Doamnă președinte, Ucraina se află în stare de război astăzi, un război de supraviețuire în fața unei agresiuni din partea Rusiei care desfășoară un război hibrid, nedeclarat, dar impus și condus sistematic după ocuparea ilegală a Crimeii. Și acest lucru nu ar trebui să fie uitat și negat de nimeni în această sală.

Ucraina este un partener strategic pentru Uniunea Europeană și pentru lumea euroatlantică. Solidaritatea și susținerea europeană pentru Ucraina trebuie să fie, mai mult ca niciodată, substanțială, constantă și eficientă. De aceea, sunt convins că această finanțare de 1,8 miliarde, aprobată prin procedură de urgență de către Comisia INTA - și sunt convins că astăzi va fi aprobată și de Parlament - răspunde urgenței și păstrează coerența angajamentelor noastre. Ucraina face față unei recesiuni severe, iar criza se va prelungi pentru că este rezultatul unor probleme grave macroeconomice și structurale, agravate de un conflict de lungă durată și previzibil cu durată lungă în viitor.

Și un mesaj pentru guvernul ucrainean și pentru poporul ucrainean: pentru ca aceste reforme dramatice, dureroase să obțină rezultate în timp de război, ele au nevoie de sprijinul poporului ucrainean. Facem apel ca guvernul ucrainean să nu uite nicio clipă că trebuie să conducă aceste reforme cu poporul ucrainean.

  Mark Demesmaeker, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Wij steunen dit voorstel om Oekraïne macrofinanciële bijstand toe te kennen.

Volgende elementen zijn voor ons alvast belangrijk. Dit programma is een reactie op een crisissituatie, veroorzaakt door structurele problemen en verergerd door de Russische agressie. De regering van Oekraïne heeft de verantwoordelijkheid om die lang bestaande structurele problemen, zoals corruptie, selectieve justitie, enzovoort aan te pakken. De conditionaliteit in het MFB-programma moet bijdragen tot de nodige hervormingen.

Er zijn hoopvolle signalen. De Verchovno Rada maakte deze week nog werk van grotere transparantie van het overheidsapparaat. En vandaag werden twee leidinggevende ambtenaren gearresteerd op verdenking van corruptie. De aanpak van het schandaal rond UkrTransNafta toont aan dat oligarchen eindelijk het signaal krijgen dat ze moeten kiezen: hun zaken of de politiek. En dat als zij kiezen voor de zaken, zij niet langer direct deel kunnen uitmaken van de macht. Wij moeten onze Oekraïense vrienden aanmoedigen op die weg verder te gaan. Zo kan en zal onze financiële bijdrage echt een hefboom zijn voor meer democratie, welvaart, rechtszekerheid en perspectief voor de bevolking.

  Johannes Cornelis van Baalen, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, like all the previous speakers the ALDE Group will also support this package because Ukraine is in need of this support.

Of course we must be sure that Ukraine reforms – all the other speakers have also said this. Therefore, it would be good, and it is important, that inspectors from both the IMF and the EU are ‘sur place’, that they will be present to advise and to guide.

Ukraine is a country of which a part is annexed and a part is occupied by rebels supported by Russia, and therefore it is an immense task for it to survive. But, in order to survive, it should reform.

  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar! Um es vorwegzunehmen: Unsere Fraktion wird nachher gegen die Makrofinanzhilfe stimmen. Und um auch das gleich klarzustellen: Unsere Fraktion will wie andere, dass die Ukraine ein souveränes und territorial ungeteiltes Land ist. Auch unsere Fraktion will, dass sich die Ukraine zu einem Land mit funktionierenden demokratischen Strukturen entwickelt, aber auch zu einem Land, in dem Menschen sozial gesichert, politisch selbstbestimmt und demokratisch frei leben können, frei vom Einfluss der weiter ungehindert agierenden Oligarchen. Und auch unsere Fraktion sieht, in welcher extrem schwierigen wirtschaftlichen Situation sich das Land und vor allem seine Menschen befinden.

Wir stimmen aber dagegen, weil wir glauben, dass der mit der Makrofinanzhilfe verknüpfte wirtschaftspolitische Kurs bereits in der EU gescheitert ist, Stichwort Griechenland. Wir stimmen dagegen, weil wir nicht akzeptieren, dass sich das Parlament organisiert einer Debatte entzieht, wie man mit der erkennbaren Zahlungsunfähigkeit der Ukraine in Zukunft umgehen will. Wir stimmen auch dagegen, weil wir glauben, dass die ukrainische Regierung eine klare Botschaft dieses Parlaments braucht: So wie Moskau muss auch Kiew alles unterlassen, was den Kern von Minsk II unterminiert. Es kann und darf keine militärische Lösung im Donbass geben. Und vielleicht ist der gestern erzwungene Rücktritt eines eingesetzten Oligarchen durch einen gewählten Oligarchen ein erster Schritt in diese Richtung. Allein, mir fehlt der Glaube!

  Heidi Hautala, Verts/ALE-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, vihreiden / Euroopan vapaan allianssin ryhmä on varauksetta tämän ehdotuksen kannalla, ja katsomme, että on erittäin tärkeää turvata Ukrainan valtion suvereenisuus välttämällä se, että se ajautuisi selvitystilaan. Se olisi kaikkein pahinta, mitä Ukrainan suvereenisuudelle voisi tapahtua.

On kuitenkin tietenkin niin, että tämä makrotaloudellinen apu ei ehkä ole aivan ideaalinen Ukrainan tilanteeseen. Se on välttämätön, mutta haluaisimme nähdä, että jatkossa Ukraina saa enemmän myös ihan suoria avustuksia, jotka sitten osoitetaan näihin reformeihin, jotka koskevat ennen kaikkea instituutioiden rakentamista ja korruption kitkemistä, mutta tämä ehdotus on kuitenkin tärkeä, jotta voidaan estää Ukrainan ajautuminen selvitystilaan.

  Matteo Salvini (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la Lega Nord è assolutamente contraria a questo tipo di intervento. È una scelta sbagliata che alimenta ulteriori risentimenti, che tende a continuare una guerra commerciale contro la Russia che non ha nessun tipo di senso. Nel 2015 con la Russia bisogna dialogare, bisogna commerciare, bisogna cooperare contro il terrorismo internazionale, non bisogna giocare alla guerra.

E poi viene da ridere quando si parla di sovranità di uno Stato che non fa neanche parte dell'Unione europea, quando da quarant'anni uno Stato membro dell'Unione europea, Cipro, è per metà del suo territorio militarmente occupato da quella Turchia con cui qualche europarlamentare che è seduto qua dentro e parla di pace vorrebbe condividere il futuro dell'Unione europea. Io preferirei che questi due miliardi di euro fossero destinati a cittadini europei in difficoltà e non usati per alimentare altre guerre.

  Andrej Plenković (PPE). – Gospođo potpredsjednice, pozdravljam i čestitam našem izvjestitelju kolegi Landsbergisu, zahvaljujem povjereniku Dobrovskisu na predstavljanju ovog paketa makrofinancijske pomoći od 1,8 milijardi eura, još jednog važnog doprinosa Europske unije financijskoj stabilnosti Ukrajine.

Prošli tjedan bili smo izaslanstvo Odbora za proračun, Odbora za obranu sigurnosti i ja kao predsjednik delegacije za Ukrajinu u Kijevu. Shvatili smo vrlo zahtjevnu i tešku situaciju stabilnosti javnih financija Ukrajine, što zbog ratnih troškova, što zbog svih ostalih ekonomskih i financijskih problema u kojima se zemlja u ovome trenutku nalazi.

Današnja poruka je važna politička poruka solidarnosti, jedinstva Europske unije i želje da pomognemo zemlji čiji veliki dio proračuna odlazi na troškove rata, troškove obrane i stoga smatram da je ovih 1,8 milijardi eura dodatan doprinos kontinuiteta naše jasne političke podrške Ukrajini u teškoj situaciji kada je suočena s agresijom od strane Ruske federacije.

  David Martin (S&D). – Madam President, of course I agree with those who say that, in a time of war and given the capital flight that Ukraine is facing, we have no option but to give them support and to express our solidarity with the people of Ukraine.

However, I think it is vital that we do not just give the money, but that we insist, as the Commission has indicated it will, that human-rights reforms are genuine in Ukraine, that corruption is properly tackled in Ukraine, that democracy is properly embedded in Ukraine and, above all, that the money does not end up in the pockets of oligarchs.

I have heard people say that, of the EUR 1.83 billion, a billion will go to the people of Ukraine and EUR 0.83 billion will end up in the pockets of the oligarchs. That cannot be allowed to happen, so the Commission must monitor this money very closely.

We will hear, of course, that the situation in Ukraine at the present time is difficult, but I think the message we have to send as a parliament is that the crisis Ukraine is living through at the present time should be the catalyst for fundamental reform, not the excuse for postponing it.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Jako wiceprzewodniczący Parlamentu Europejskiego odpowiedzialny za politykę wschodnią chciałem podziękować Panu Komisarzowi, panu wiceprzewodniczącemu Komisji, za jego wkład. Myślę, że Pan lepiej niż wielu innych komisarzy czuje sytuację w tym regionie Europy. Na pewno lepiej niż pański rodak, Piebalgs, który odpowiadał za politykę energetyczną i bronił Nordstreamu, co naprawdę było kiepskim pomysłem.

Tak, pomoc dla Ukrainy jest potrzebna. Proszę nie opowiadać bzdur o jakiejś wojnie, którą toczymy z Rosją: to Rosja napadła na kraj sąsiadujący z Unią Europejską. Takie są fakty. Pomoc ekonomiczna jest niezbędna, jeżeli nie chcemy Ukrainy, ukraińskiego społeczeństwa zepchnąć ponownie w kierunku Moskwy. Ta pomoc po prostu Ukrainie się należy. I to chciałem mocno podkreślić.

  Kaja Kallas (ALDE). – Madam President, more than a year ago Ukrainians were protesting in Kiev for closer European integration. A few weeks ago some were back on the streets but for different reasons: heating price increases, inflation and the collapse of the currency.

It is our responsibility, as partners and allies of Ukraine, to provide financial support but it is also our responsibility to help Ukraine with long-term rather than short-term solutions. These solutions are reforms – reforms to restore confidence by reinforcing the rule of law, tackling corruption and taking measures to improve the business environment.

My country, Estonia, went through these painful reforms for the long-term benefits of a sustainable future. Only Ukraine, as a sovereign country, can deliver these reforms but, as the European Union, we need to ensure that we provide the right assistance that will contribute to changing Ukraine for the better and transforming Ukraine’s future.

  Marcel de Graaff (NI). – Er moet absoluut geen geld naar Oekraïne. U en ik weten maar al te goed dat deze regering twee miljard euro nodig heeft om de oorlog tegen Oost-Oekraïne voort te zetten. De regering in Oekraïne deugt in geen enkel opzicht. Zij heeft geen enkel respect voor het zelfbeschikkingsrecht van volkeren waaronder de bevolking van Oost-Oekraïne en de Krim. Zij bombardeert burgers in Oost-Oekraïne met honderden doden tot gevolg, een oorlogsmisdaad waarvoor zij vervolgd moet worden. Zij bemoeilijkt het onderzoek naar het neerhalen van vlucht MH17 waarbij 298 mensen zijn omgekomen. Zij geeft geen enkele verklaring voor de inmiddels zes politieke opponenten van het regime die de afgelopen twee maanden zijn omgekomen.

Ik vraag de Europese Commissie: maak u niet medeplichtig aan de oorlogsmisdaden van dit regime. Ga niet in oorlog met Rusland en gooi geen zuur verdiend belastinggeld in de zakken van deze corrupte bende.

  Jarosław Wałęsa (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Ukraińska gospodarka znalazła się w stanie poważnego kryzysu spowodowanego przez długotrwałe problemy strukturalne, które w ostatnim czasie zaostrzyły się w wyniku konfliktu zbrojnego. W obecnej sytuacji wsparcie finansowe dla Ukrainy jest niezbędne, ale musi iść w parze z głębokimi reformami. I pomoc, którą oferujemy, pomoc ze strony Unii Europejskiej, powinna być ukierunkowana na wzmocnienie najbardziej wrażliwych sfer gospodarki ukraińskiej.

Zmiany te muszą dotyczyć uzyskania stabilizacji fiskalnej, poprawy wskaźników ekonomicznych, ale również kwestie walki z korupcją, podatki, poprawa sytuacji sektora finansowego oraz środowiska biznesowego. I koncentrując się na tych powyższych obszarach, Unia Europejska z pewnością zwiększy swój wkład w łagodzenie trudności finansowych na Ukrainie i przyczyni się również do wsparcia celów Unii Europejskiej w zakresie promowania stabilności gospodarczej i rozwoju na Ukrainie, a także poszerzy nasze zrozumienie polityki naszych wschodnich sąsiadów. Najbardziej istotnym elementem jest jednak to, żeby nasza pomoc wzmocniła zobowiązania rządu Ukrainy w zakresie wprowadzania reform gospodarczych.

  Alessia Maria Mosca (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la situazione in Ucraina rimane preoccupante economicamente e socialmente nonostante i recenti sviluppi. L'Unione europea non può ritrarsi ora da un aiuto per la crescita del paese e per questo troviamo che sia necessaria la concessione dell'assistenza. L'assistenza finanziaria proposta dalla Commissione può permettere un contributo al nuovo pacchetto di aiuti internazionali all'Ucraina, sia direttamente che indirettamente, grazie alla mobilitazione e al contributo di altri partner. Siamo convinti che gli interessi di politica commerciale debbano essere coerenti con quelli di politica estera e che in questa fase sia necessario continuare a lanciare un segnale forte nei confronti di un popolo in difficoltà.

La concessione dell'assistenza finanziaria vuole anche essere un segnale al governo ucraino perché continui nelle riforme strutturali. Abbiamo avuto segnali sul maggiore livello di attenzione che viene prestato alla lotta contro la corruzione e alla riforma del fisco e della pubblica amministrazione. Siamo convinti che siano passi nella giusta direzione, che devono includere un sempre maggior numero di cittadini come beneficiari.

  Jean Arthuis (ALDE). – Madame la Présidente, je rentre d'une mission conjointe de la commission des budgets et de la sous-commission "sécurité et défense" à Kiev. En Ukraine, la crise est sur tous les fronts. La guerre n'a pas cessé, le coût humain est lourd: des morts chaque jour et des centaines de milliers de migrants qui fuient la zone des combats. L'économie se contracte, l'inflation explose, la monnaie s'effrondre.

Le nouveau gouvernement ukrainien et sa majorité parlementaire ont la volonté de mener des réformes en profondeur mais ils ont besoin d'une aide efficace et de moyens financiers. Certes, nous saluons les équipes européennes qui nous représentent sur le territoire. Nous les avons rencontrées mais elles ne sont pas seules: de nombreuses institutions internationales sont sur place. C'est dire, Monsieur le Commissaire, si nous avons besoin d'une coordination entre les donateurs et prêteurs internationaux, mais aussi d'une coordination au sein des services de l'Union européenne, à Bruxelles, d'abord, et entre Bruxelles et Kiev. Nous devons aussi simplifier nos procédures, réduire nos délais de prise de décisions et de paiements afin de pouvoir répondre en temps réel aux urgences manifestes.

Quand il y a le feu dans la maison, on ne discute pas le prix de l'eau.

Dans ce contexte dramatique, l'Union européenne doit accepter le leadership de la coordination et veiller au bon équilibre entre la rigueur des aides et l'acceptabilité des mesures de conditionnalité par le peuple ukrainien, un peuple courageux mais en souffrance, un peuple qui attend des résultats pour retrouver l'espoir et la confiance en l'avenir.

Monsieur le Commissaire, mes chers collègues, l'Ukraine est, à tous égards, l'épreuve de vérité pour l'Union européenne.

  Dariusz Rosati (PPE). – Madam President, I fully support the draft decision to extend macro-financial assistance (MFA) to Ukraine, and for a number of reasons. First, we should provide support to a neighbouring country which is struggling with a massive economic and humanitarian crisis and is the victim of outright military aggression from Russia. This is not only our moral obligation, it is also a very sensible political decision because we are providing support to a pro-European, pro-reform and democratic government and, in this way, we contribute to our own security. Second, the decision to extend MFA is a manifestation of our European solidarity. It is also a sign of our sense of responsibility for stability in the region. It is a sign of our willingness to play an important role in our neighbourhood.

Having said that, I have to call on the Commission to make sure that the money is spent on support for the reform process and on state-building in Ukraine because we have to make sure that this assistance benefits all the people of Ukraine.

  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Gospođo predsjednice,

Podržavam stajalište izvjestitelja da se, bez amandmana i dodatnog odugovlačenja, što prije osigura financijska pomoć Ukrajini čije će se gospodarstvo ove godine smanjiti za 6 %. Nacionalna valuta hrivnja imala je prošle godine najozbiljniji pad vrijednosti na svijetu od 38 %. 

Milijun ljudi je napustilo domove, milijun i pol živi u teškim uvjetima na području sukoba, 20 % industrijskog potencijala nije moguće koristiti jer se nalazi na okupiranom području, a čak 1 700 000 djece je pogođeno krizom čiji se kraj ne nazire.

Procjenjuje se da zemlja za oporavak treba barem 50 milijardi eura.

U takvoj situaciji 1,8 milijardi eura o kojima ovdje raspravljamo je skroman, ali važan prilog pokušajima Ukrajine da zaštiti svoje stanovništvo koje pogoršanje gospodarske i socijalne situacije ugrožava više nego agresija.

 EU treba položiti ukrajinske ispite jer je Ukrajina pitanje budućnosti europskog projekta, pitanje određivanja vrijednosnih više nego zemljopisnih granica. Ukrajina je dio Europe po oba kriterija i zbog toga zaslužuje našu punu podršku!

Catch-the-eye procedure

  Frank Engel (PPE). – Madam President, tonight we are discussing EUR 1.8 billion, whereas we know that Ukraine is very likely to need EUR 50 billion, and there is another EUR 17 billion or so coming from the International Monetary Fund. Ukraine is facing massive liquidity problems. Ukraine is on the verge of bankruptcy, and I am absolutely certain that the bankruptcy of Ukraine would be worse than a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. It would be tantamount to that.

We will need to go further than this and we know it, and we should not focus on conditionalities which we know Ukraine will not be able to meet. When you are at war, you do not reform the state and save up for winter at the same time. We will have to be much more creative than we currently are. We might even have to conceive of things like opening up the European Stability Mechanism for Ukraine. At the end of the day, either we will be serious or Ukraine will go down.

  Jean-Paul Denanot (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, en votant cette aide macro-financière, nous devons avant tout penser au peuple ukrainien qui a souffert et souffre encore de la guerre, de la crise politique mais aussi de la crise économique.

Il est évident que l'Union européenne doit venir en aide à l'Ukraine mais il est tout aussi évident que cette aide doit s'accompagner de réformes et notamment de celle concernant la lutte contre la corruption dans tous les domaines - y compris celui de la délivrance des diplômes universitaires - qui dénature la démocratie.

  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-жо Председател, уважаеми г-н Комисар, уважаеми колеги, безспорно икономиката на Украйна се намира в изключително тежко състояние, безспорна е тежката икономическа криза и обезценяването на валутата на държавата. От тази гледна точка този заем може би е жизненоспасяващ и необходим, но бих помолил и докладчика, и Комисаря за едно много строго следене на разходите на тези средства, за да отидат те там, където са необходими, а не в ръцете на тези, които и в момента, в днешния ден водят помежду си война по улиците на украинските градове.

И още нещо бих помолил: нека този заем бъде свързан със сериозни задължения от страна на украинското правителство за реформи, особено в сферата на запазването на човешките права на националните малцинства, които в държавата Украйна всъщност са повече от дори от коренното население.

Напомням още веднъж, само броят на българското малцинство там е повече от половин милион.

  Urmas Paet (ALDE). – Madam President, it is of the utmost importance that we grant Ukraine the third macro-financial assistance package of EUR 1.8 billion. This may not be the end of Ukraine’s needs and we must be ready for that.

Ukraine needs to go on with its reforms, the most crucial ones being the fight against corruption, reforming the security forces and the taxation system, and making the business environment better. Trust must be restored in the banking sector, avoidance of tax payments must be resolved and transparency enhanced. We need to move on with the consultations on a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) and this should not lead to the further postponement of the EU-DCFTA beyond 1 January 2016.

Of course, Ukraine’s future depends on when and how the conflict can be resolved in eastern Ukraine. Therefore the sanctions against Russia must be prolonged until the Minsk Agreements are fully implemented. If necessary, sanctions must be broadened. And the occupation of Crimea has to stop.

  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL). – Senhora Presidente, a União Europeia encoraja a Ucrânia para concretizar projetos de reformas. Tal expressão até poderia ser comovente senão soubéssemos que reformas estão previstas. É a tal condicionalidade que muitos países que receberam a troica já conhecem tão bem: privatizações, livre circulação de capitais para alargar o mercado interno, reformas laborais mais condicentes com o paradigma moderno da União Europeia e do FMI, chamada mão de obra barata e sem direitos.

Aliás, tanto era a vontade da União Europeia de “ajudar” a Ucrânia que até apoiou e incitou um golpe veiculado por forças nacionalistas, fascistas e neonazis, situação que desembocaria, naturalmente, na calamidade económica e social, consequência da guerra. E, mais uma vez, um pretexto para a União Europeia ajudar o povo ucraniano. Com amigos destes, quem é que necessita de inimigos?

  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (NI). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, j'aurais trois remarques à formuler.

Premièrement, vous avez souligné à maintes reprises que le pays était en guerre. Selon les statuts internationaux du FMI, il est interdit d'intervenir en Ukraine car – vous l'avez dit – le pays est en guerre. J'ai juste pensé que notre Assemblée s'en tiendrait à l'état de droit, mais ce n'est pas le cas.

Deuxièmement, notre aide doit être assortie de conditions. Nous affirmons qu'il faudrait maintenir les sanctions à l'égard des Russes pour être sûrs qu'ils appliqueront les accords de Minsk. Selon moi, la contrepartie est vraie: nous ne devons soutenir et aider Kiev qu'à condition que Kiev respecte les accords de Minsk, ce qui n'est pas le cas aujourd'hui.

Troisièmement, nous avons interrompu un processus électoral normal pour nous retrouver ensuite avec un pays en faillite: 10 000 morts, 100 000 réfugiés, un pouvoir d'achat divisé par quatre et ce n'est pas fini!

Votre aide ne changera rien à cette situation!

  Elmar Brok (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Vizepräsident! Gerade Ihre letzte Bemerkung macht es deutlich: Wir haben hier Leute auf der Rechten, die die russische Aggression befördern, und wir haben Leute auf der äußersten Linken, die sie bejubeln. Aus diesem Grund müssen wir erkennen, dass es hier darum geht, dass ein Land in Europa Freiheit genießen muss und dass die wirtschaftliche Hilfe, die wir heute beschließen wollen – ich danke der Kommission für den Vortrag –, von uns weiter aufgebaut werden muss, damit dieses Volk eine Chance hat. Hier geht es nicht um normale makroökonomische Hilfe, hier geht es um den Freiheitskampf eines Volkes, den wir gegen die rechten und linken Befürworter einer Diktatur unterstützen müssen für die Freiheit ganz Europas.

  Monika Smolková (S&D). – Ukrajina sa už dlhodobo nachádza vo veľmi zlej hospodárskej situácii a vojnový konflikt tento problém ešte prehĺbil. Preto poskytnutie makrofinančnej pomoci Ukrajine Parlament podporil s podmienkou, že táto pomoc bude neustále monitorovaná, aby sa finančné prostriedky použili v prospech zníženia chudoby obyvateľov. Súčasne musia predstavitelia nášho susedného štátu urýchlene prijať opatrenia na boj proti rozšírenej korupcii a podvodom a na zlepšenie daňovej disciplíny. Táto pomoc nie je prvá a určite ani posledná. Keď sme v roku 2010 schvaľovali Ukrajine makrofinančnú pomoc, súčasťou uznesenia bola aj podmienka dôkladného vykonávania nevyhnutných štrukturálnych reforiem či opatrenia, ktoré má prijať Ukrajina v oblasti predchádzania a boja proti podvodom a korupcii. Dnes je rok 2015 a my opäť žiadame od Ukrajiny to isté. Preto je na mieste otázka: budeme vedieť kontrolovať toky tejto pomoci v prospech obyvateľov ťažko skúšaného ľudu Ukrajiny, a nie na ich oligarchov? Pán komisár, prosím Vás, odpovedzte.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

  Valdis Dombrovskis, Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, first of all I would like to thank the European Parliament for its broad support for the Commission’s proposal, which we could see in the debates. It is important that we are moving forward with financial assistance to Ukraine, given the worsening security and economic situation there.

Some colleagues raised the question of whether this financial assistance is sufficient, and quite clearly we will need to discuss further steps, further support, further involvement, with Ukraine in the coming months and years. It is certainly a step forward. Some colleagues also raised the question of the purpose of this macro-financial assistance. It has been outlined very clearly that this assistance can be used only for non-military purposes, but I would like to underline once again the urgency of this decision, in view of Ukraine’s immediate financing needs and the need to make this disbursement to Ukraine before the summer break.

As you know, amendments to the Commission proposal could trigger a second reading and significantly delay the adoption process. Therefore, on the basis of the valuable work done by the rapporteur and the Committee on International Trade (INTA), I count on your support for this important financial assistance programme to Ukraine in these difficult times, and I urge you to vote today in favour of the Commission’s proposal without the 12 amendments tabled last week.

The President of the Commission, Mr Juncker, is going to Kiev next week and hopes to be able to deliver the good news in person. Thank you for your attention and, I hope, for your support.

  Gabrielius Landsbergis, rapporteur. – Madam President, I have to say that I am very optimistic. I hear the unanimous voice of support for Ukraine from so many groups in the House, and I hope that in a few moments we will all be proud Members of a European Parliament which made the right decision. We thank you again for all your support and wisdom.

(Sustained applause)

  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will be held shortly.

Written statements (Rule 162)

  Dita Charanzová (ALDE), in writing. – Today we send a strong message to the people of Ukraine and to Ukraine’s neighbours that despite these extremely difficult times, the European Union will continue to support its partner. Since political developments in early 2014, the extreme vulnerability of the Ukrainian economy must also be addressed to secure a peaceful and prosperous future for all Ukrainians. Although Ukraine’s troubles remain far from over, I am confident that this assistance will nonetheless make a difference in providing much-needed help to balance the country’s budget.

  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D), písomne. – Je nespochybniteľné, že ukrajinské hospodárstvo potrebuje pomoc, pretože je vážne zasiahnuté dlhodobými štrukturálnymi problémami v dôsledku ozbrojeného konfliktu. Kedže Ukrajina stratila prístup na medzinárodné trhy pre financovanie dlhu, tak medzeru vo vonkajšom financovaní môže vyplniť iba dodatočná makrofinančná pomoc zo strany Európskej únie, pretože Ukrajina bude potrebovať kapitál, aby uskutočnila všetky reformy a stabilizovala domácu politickú situáciu. Na jednej strane musím preto privítať akýsi záväzok a pripravenosť Európskej únie podporovať krajiny, ktoré sa vydávajú na cestu reforiem v čase hospodárskych a polických ťažkostí, no na druhej strane je veľmi dôležité, aby sme boli schopní odsledovať, ako sa použijú poskytnuté finančné prostriedky, a to najmä na Ukrajine, ktorá má zásadný problém s korupciou a klientelizmom. Ak teda Európska únia nastúpila cestu plnej podpory Ukrajine, musíme ukázať, že sme ochotní a pripravení pomôcť a že vieme konať rýchlo, zodpovedne a stáť za svojimi politickými a hospodárskymi záväzkami. Je však veľmi dôležité, aby európska solidarita nebola len slepá, ale podporená reálnymi výsledkami a krokmi, pretože ekonomická a hospodárska situácia v našich členských štátoch tiež nie je veľmi uspokojivá a veľa občanov má právom pocit, že Európska únia by mala najskôr vyriešiť naliehavé hospodárske problémy vo svojom vnútri a až potom pomáhať navonok.

  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE), napisan. – Prijedlog Europske komisije kojim se dodjeljuje dodatnih 1.8 milijardi eura makrofinancijske pomoći Ukrajini važan je i presudan u više pogleda. Ukrajina je zemlja strateške važnosti za Europsku uniju, ali i za zemlje krajnjeg istoga starog kontinenta, koje nisu članice EU-a, zbog geopolitičkih razloga, te radi krhke političke stabilnosti i trenutno izvanredno zaoštrenog odnosa s Rusijom. Europska unija osjetila je posljedice ukrajinske krize kako na ekonomskoj, tako i na socijalnoj razini. Nedvojbeno je da su Ukrajini potrebne neophodne gospodarske i društvene reforme u vidu ublažavanja negativnih učinka krize i radi poticanja sveobuhvatnog rasta. Smatram da se navedenim sredstvima od 1.8 milijardi eura ide prema podršci Europske unije i njenih tijela, pokretanju strukturnih reformi i demokratskih procesa kako bi se spriječilo dodatno pogoršanje dugogodišnje ekonomske recesije i stagnacije uzrokovane raznim sukobima i okupacijama, te otvorio put istinskim promjenama. Ističem također plodnu djelotvornost zajedničkog i koordiniranog pristupa u ostvarivanju cjelovitog plana pomoći koji može, indirektno, biti katalizator za mobilizaciju dodatnih financijskih sredstava. Vjerujem da mehanizam makroekonomske financijske pomoći, koji predstavlja izuzetan odgovor Europske unije sličnim kriznim situacijama i koji je dostupan i drugim partnerima EU-a, može doprinijeti stabilnosti istočnog europskog susjedstva i ubrzati proces oporavka Ukrajine.

  Илхан Кючюк (ALDE), в писмена форма. – Уважаеми колеги, решението за отпускане на макрофинансова помощ е от изключителна важност за провеждането на политически и икономически реформи в Украйна. Отношенията ни с Украйна се развиват в рамките на Европейската политика за съседство и ние трябва да подкрепим усилията на правителството по пътя на реформите.

Военният конфликт, който доведе до нарушаването на суверенитета и териториалната цялост, се отразява пагубно на украинска икономика. Голяма част от нея беше фокусирана в анексирания от Русия полуостров Крим, както и в държаните от сепаратистите Донетска и Луганска област. В резултат на това, икономиката на страната се сви с повече от 20% през последната година, а преките бюджетни разходи във връзка с конфликта влошават допълнително платежния баланс и ликвидността на Украйна.

В този контекст, смятам отпускането на финансова помощ за напълно навременна мярка, защото нуждите на страната от външно финансиране са значително по-големи от първоначално определените. От своя страна, властите в Украйна трябва да потвърдят ангажимента си за реформи в съответствие с рамката, предвидена от Споразумението за асоцииране, и да представят ясен план за действие.

  Indrek Tarand (Verts/ALE), in writing. – Helping Ukraine in rebuilding its economy and providing advice regarding structural reforms is a very important and honourable task, since these solid building blocks are a necessity for a sustainable future for Ukraine. Unfortunately, our efforts to help Ukraine in the long term would be largely undermined if France were to provide Mistral warships to Russia. Right now, the French are waiting for an improvement in the conflict, like an effective ceasefire or at least a temporary stagnation in its perpetual escalation, in order to be able to deliver these warships to Russia. This is the wrong attitude towards this problem, since we have to keep in mind the bigger picture. Even if we make progress towards solving the conflict in Ukraine, we must remember this was not an isolated incident in Russia’s aggressive expansionism in the region. Unless regime change happens in Russia, there will never be a right time to provide military equipment to a country that does not respect the territorial integrity of its neighbours, and where opponents of the regime are murdered. Since France cannot sell these warships to Russia at any time in the near future, a different buyer for these ships has to be sought.