Volledige tekst 
Volledig verslag van de vergaderingen
Woensdag 10 juni 2015 - Straatsburg Herziene uitgave

14. De situatie in Burundi (debat)
Video van de redevoeringen

  Elnök asszony. – A következő pont a Bizottság alelnökének és az Unió külügyi és biztonságpolitikai főképviselőjének nyilatkozata a burundi helyzetről (2015/2723(RSP)).


  Tibor Navracsics, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Madam President, as you know, there have been a number of emergency debates and resolutions on Burundi in recent months. However, I believe that recent serious events in the country fully justify our addressing this issue once again this afternoon.

As Commissioner Mimica said when he addressed this House in April, it is important for Burundians to know that they have champions in the outside world supporting their ambitions to achieve long-term democracy and resilience. That can only be done with consistent and continuous attention to the needs and aspirations of citizens, not least their human rights and fundamental freedoms.

Since the last debate in this House there have been a number of developments which unfortunately give rise to considerable concern on the part of the EU. You already know that the decision of the ruling party to nominate President Nkurunziza as a presidential candidate promoted a serious division across society and across politics. The situation deteriorated rapidly with the attempted coup on 13 May. The EU condemned the attempted coup. Indeed, we deplore any act of political violence. This is unequivocally not the way to encourage the openness and transparency which Burundi needs to navigate this crisis in a spirit of consensus and reconciliation.

The international community, including the European Union, has obviously been faced with a very challenging situation. As High Representative/Vice-President Mogherini said in her statement following the events of 13 May, our first thoughts must be with the citizens of the country. Their security and safety is paramount, and it is essential the situation does not spin out of control.

These concerns also encompass the regional aspect. From a humanitarian point of view, since the political crisis erupted in Burundi, the wave of refugees fleeing Burundi has been ongoing and increasing in intensity over recent weeks. As of today, almost 100 000 people have sought refuge in neighbouring countries: Tanzania, Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda. The Commission’s Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection Department is closely monitoring the situation and has already released EUR 1.5 million to meet the immediate needs of Burundian refugees arriving in Rwanda last month. Additional humanitarian aid is being considered to cater for the specific needs of refugees hosted in Tanzania, including health assistance to stop the possible surge of diseases and epidemics, notably cholera.

I would like to turn now to the political situation and to our reaction. The EU has been supporting Burundi in its efforts to entrench democracy since the Arusha Agreements put an end to years of civil war and laid the foundations for a new era. This year’s legislative and presidential elections were to be a key step in cementing the long-term democratic development of Burundi. That is why High Representative/Vice-President Mogherini decided to deploy an EU Election Observation Mission, led by the chief observer David Martin MEP. At this point I would like to pay tribute to the dedication and commitment shown by Mr Martin and his team during these difficult weeks.

Overall, we remain convinced that respect for the Arusha Peace Agreement is key for the further stability of Burundi. This is the overarching principle we all need to follow. We cannot ignore the fact that the third-term issue is at the origin and the centre of the crisis, and we continue to urge all, including the President, to put the higher interests of the country first. In order to preserve the best chances for the election to succeed, there is a need for a broad consensus on the issue. The idea of the electoral observation mission and of our financial support to the elections was to contribute to an inclusive, transparent, peaceful, credible and fair process that will give confidence to the political actors and electorate and would ensure acceptance of the outcome.

This remains our objective, but, to reach that objective, some minimal conditions needed to be met. Unfortunately, our assessment was that these conditions were not in place. In particular, we noted continuing restrictions on independent media and freedom of expression and assembly, excessive use of force against demonstrators, a climate of intimidation for opposition parties and civil society, and a lack of confidence in the election authorities. Developments in the last few days have done nothing to ease our concerns.

For this reason we suspended the Electoral Observation Mission and, indeed, our financial support for the elections. We are not alone in questioning the credibility of the elections. Last week, the Catholic Church decided to withdraw from the process and two members of the Election Commission resigned. The African Union (AU) and the East African Community (EAC) are also refraining from sending an electoral observation mission at the moment.

But this is not the end of the story. If domestic stakeholders agree on acceptable conditions for holding the elections, then we are ready to redeploy the actual observation mission and support the process. This means we now need to concentrate on getting those conditions in place. All parties should engage in good faith in a dialogue to restore the necessary conditions for democratic elections and, primarily, the government of Burundi should reach out to all domestic stakeholders by restoring confidence through concrete measures.

The EU supports all efforts to achieve a peaceful solution to the political crisis in Burundi and especially the work of the East African Community, the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, and the African Union. As you are aware, the East African Community convened an emergency summit in Dar Es Salam on 31 May. I would like to take up some of the conclusions of that summit, because they are important to our approach in the weeks ahead.

We join the East African Community in praising the work of UN Special Envoy, Said Djinnit. In difficult circumstances Mr Djinnit has been facilitating a political dialogue, which is the only way forward. He has our full confidence and it is important that all forces support his efforts. On 5 June the spokesperson of High Representative/Vice-President Mogherini issued a statement calling on all parties in the dialogue to work with Mr Djinnit and with the envoys of the African Union and the East African Community in order to find a consensus on the road ahead. This is the message we are giving out locally, as well as internationally.

We have supported the East African Community’s call for a postponement of the elections and we take note that earlier today a presidential decree was signed fixing a new calendar for the elections. But this timetable will not be relevant unless it is accompanied by urgent and serious efforts to build consensus and to take all the steps needed to make the elections credible.

It is therefore vital now that the East African Community’s conclusions should be followed up with concrete action. This includes a cessation of violence by all parties and the disarming of youth militias. Conditions proposed by the EAC to ensure safety and respect for fundamental freedoms need to be followed up. It is first and foremost for the government to ensure these conditions are met, and to stop the violence.

Obviously the EU will need to review its options in the longer term, but I want to stress the delicacy of the current moment. Delivering successful elections will not be an easy task. All Burundi’s partners need to support African efforts, led by the EAC and the AU, and focus their efforts on calming the political climate. We do this while reminding Burundi and Burundians of the principles which matter to us and to our partnership. The Cotonou Agreement is absolutely clear on the need to respect human rights, democratic principles and the rule of law as essential elements. We must keep this in mind but, at the same time, we need to leave space for Burundians with their regional and African partners to find viable solutions to be current crisis.

I want to end by reiterating an important point made by Commissioner Mimica last month. In the current climate, the Commission has to plan for all possible scenarios and, of course, to consider the adoption of possible additional measures, including those related to EU development cooperation with Burundi. But in all these considerations, we need to give attention to the impact which different measures could have on the extremely poor population and thereby the stability of an already fragile country.

I look forward very much to hearing the views of the honourable Members. Thank you for your attention.


  Joachim Zeller, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Es ist richtig und wichtig, dass wir hier im Europäischen Parlament zum wiederholten Mal in diesem Jahr unseren Blick auf Burundi richten. Nach jahrelangem Bürgerkrieg in diesem Land mit 300 000 Toten hat Burundi 2005 einen zaghaften Weg in Richtung Stabilisierung und Demokratisierung beschritten. Mit den Wahlen zum Parlament und zu einem neuen Präsidenten in diesem Jahr sollte das Land, das immer noch zu den ärmsten der Welt gehört, einen großen Schritt machen in Richtung mehr Demokratie, rechtsstaatliche Verhältnisse und mehr Sicherheit für seine Bürgerinnen und Bürger.

Die EU war bereit – der Kommissar hat es gesagt – diesen Prozess zu unterstützen, und hat bereits sechs Millionen Euro für die Durchführung der Wahlen zur Verfügung gestellt. Eine Wahlbeobachtermission der EU und des Europäischen Parlaments stand bereit, die Durchführung der Wahlen zu begleiten. Durch die Ankündigung des derzeitigen Präsidenten Nkurunziza, unter Missachtung der Verfassung Burundis für eine dritte Wahlperiode zu kandidieren, scheinen alle Bemühungen gefährdet zu sein, in Burundi freie und faire Wahlen durchführen zu können. Demonstrationen der Zivilgesellschaft in der Hauptstadt Bujumbura werden gewaltsam unterdrückt, mehr als zwanzig Todesopfer sind bereits zu beklagen, mehr als 100 000  Bürgerinnen und Bürger Burundis, darunter viele Kinder, sind geflohen und haben das Land verlassen. Und die Jugendorganisation der Partei des Präsidenten, Imbonerakure , terrorisiert alle Menschen, die im Verdacht stehen, in Opposition zur Regierungspartei zu stehen. Ein Militärputsch ist bereits gescheitert, und der im Arusha-Vertrag gefundene Kompromiss zwischen den ethnischen Gruppen der Hutu und Tutsi droht aufgelöst zu werden. Einflussreiche Institutionen, wie die katholische Kirche, haben sich aus der Vorbereitung des Wahlprozesses zurückgezogen.

Das auch vom Kommissar erwähnte Gipfeltreffen der ostafrikanischen Gemeinschaft hat eine Verschiebung der Wahlen empfohlen. Allerdings hat dieses Gipfeltreffen keine Stellung bezogen zu dem Anliegen Nkurunzizas, für eine dritte Wahlperiode zu kandidieren, was mittlerweile natürlich auch zu einer Gefährdung für die ganze Region beitragen kann, denn im nächsten Jahr sind Wahlen in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo, im Jahr 2017 in Ruanda. Und auch dort könnte es dazu kommen, dass die Präsidenten verfassungswidrig für eine dritte Wahlperiode antreten. Gleichzeitig werden viele Flüchtlinge aus Burundi mittlerweile zur Belastung für die Nachbarländer Kongo, Ruanda und Tansania.

Wir sollten als Europäische Union in Zusammenarbeit mit den Vereinten Nationen und den Staaten der Afrikanischen Union handeln und alles tun, dass noch in diesem Jahr freie Wahlen in Burundi stattfinden können. Die Möglichkeiten für eine Einflussnahme sind vorhanden. Wir könnten die bisherigen finanziellen Zuwendungen an die Regierung von Burundi stoppen; wir sollten allerdings den Flüchtlingen in den Flüchtlingslagern helfen. Und wir sollten unseren Willen aufrechterhalten, einen demokratischen Wahlprozess in Burundi zu unterstützen.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)


  Bill Etheridge (EFDD), blue-card question. Mr Zeller, I was wondering, listening to that speech, whether you think that EU taxpayers, just recovering from what was probably one of the deepest recessions for many generations, would be universally happy and delighted to hear that we are spending their money and time in places like Burundi when they are still going through some hardship themselves? Do you think that would be greeted with universal joy by the taxpayers of Europe?


   Joachim Zeller (PPE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. Wie Sie wissen, ist es eine vornehme Aufgabe der Länder Europas, den Entwicklungsländern – dazu gehört auch Burundi – zu helfen, wenn sie den Weg zur Demokratie beschreiten wollen. Das war auch die Absicht der Entwicklungshilfe. Deswegen war meine Forderung, dass wir zunächst einmal – so lange sich die Verhältnisse dort nicht geklärt haben – alles, was bisher an Zahlungen geleistet wurde, stoppen. Einige der Mitgliedstaaten wie Belgien und die Niederlande haben das bereits getan.


  David Martin, on behalf of the S&D Group. Madam President, firstly let me say that I welcome the fact that the Commission and the External Action Service have announced EUR 1.5 million to assist the refugees. It is clear that the instability in Burundi is not the fault of its neighbours, and its neighbours should not pay the price of that instability. So any assistance we can give is very welcome.

Can I also thank the Commissioner for his kind comments on my role as the Chief Observer and reciprocate by saying that, while in Burundi, I was very impressed by the level of engagement of both the External Action Service and the Commission in trying to find constructive solutions to the very serious problems that Burundi faces. While I was there, Article 8 discussions took place and Article 96 actions were seriously considered, so I welcome the fact that we are fully engaged in the country.

As the Commissioner has said, the immediate cause of the unrest in Burundi is the decision of President Nkurunziza to try to seek a third term, and that is clearly – no matter what he has forced his own constitutional court to say – in breach of the Arusha Agreement. And the consequence of his attempt to achieve a third term has been violence on the streets – not by the demonstrators, but by government-backed militias, the Imbonerakure – who have tried to put down these peaceful demonstrations and forced demonstrators off the streets. The first thing that needs to happen in Burundi is that the official security services need to rein in this unofficial militia.

The second thing, if we are going to have real elections in Burundi, is there has to be space for the opposition to campaign, and in the short 5-day period I spent there, it was clear to me that government-backed parties were able to hold rallies and encourage supporters, while any attempt by the opposition to get public space was ruthlessly put down.

A third thing that needs to happen – and the Commissioner mentioned this – is we need to make sure that the media is reopened. I have to say, I saw a level of cynicism I have rarely seen anywhere when, on the one hand, firstly they banned the radio stations and refused them permission to broadcast, then in the attempted coup, the radio stations were blown up and it was impossible for them to broadcast, and then the government said ‘now you are free to broadcast’ – having destroyed the facilities needed to actually carry out any broadcasting.

So the conditions for credible elections do not look good; they need to be restored. I understand today Burundi has announced that the elections will now take place on 29 June and 15 July. If they do restore conditions for credible elections I would recommend we go back to Burundi, but at the present time it is not possible for the European Union to observe these elections.


  Louis Michel, au nom du groupe ALDE. Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, nous ne devons évidemment pas continuer à fermer les yeux face aux troubles, au chaos et aux massacres observés au Burundi.

Les radios et les chaînes de télévision indépendantes ont été détruites par la police pour réduire au silence l'opposition politique. Des journalistes sont entrés dans la clandestinité, d'autres ont fui le pays, des leaders de l'opposition sont en exil et aucune lumière n'a été faite sur l'assassinat de Zedi Feruzi, leader du parti de l'opposition, abattu par des hommes armés le 23 mai 2015. En outre, pour légitimer la répression, le pouvoir a déclaré que les manifestations étaient désormais assimilées à l'insurrection contre l'ordre légal. Enfin, ce qui me paraît encore plus grave, on réveille la fibre ethnique, sachant pourtant qu'il y a 21 ans, ce phénomène avait provoqué de véritables drames et une véritable catastrophe.

Deuxièmement, j'ai eu l'occasion de participer aux accords d'Arusha en 2001, au nom de la présidence de l'Union européenne, et je puis affirmer que la décision de M. Nkurunziza de participer à ces élections présidentielles est clairement totalement contraire aux accords d'Arusha. Donc selon moi, il est disqualifié.

Que doit faire la Commission? Je pense que nous avons vraiment la possibilité d'être efficaces et que l'Union européenne doit annoncer fermement que le gouvernement qui serait issu d'élections organisées dans de telles conditions d'illégalité ne serait pas reconnu par nos institutions. Il faut exiger l'arrêt immédiat de la répression aveugle contre les opposants, l'ouverture sans délai de l'espace médiatique, le retour au pays des leaders d'opposition en exil, la libération inconditionnelle de tous les prisonniers politiques et l'arrêt immédiat du harcèlement contre la société civile. Il faut aussi menacer de fermer les comptes bancaires détenus à l'étranger par les personnalités responsables de la répression exercée contre les manifestants, et brandir de façon explicite la menace de poursuites judiciaires internationales.

M. Nkurunziza est disqualifié, il ne peut plus être président. Il faut le dire. Vous avez la capacité réelle de le dire et d'avoir une influence sur la question.


  Marie-Christine Vergiat, au nom du groupe GUE/NGL. Madame la Présidente, depuis notre dernier débat, après l'annonce du président Nkurunziza signalant qu'il entendait briguer un troisième mandat, les violences ne cessent de s'aggraver: plusieurs dizaines de morts sont à déplorer et plus de 90 000 Burundais ont fui le pays, les journalistes et les chefs de file de l'opposition étant les premières victimes. Le 23 mai dernier – cela a été dit – Zedi Feruzi, dirigeant d'un petit parti d'opposition, a été assassiné.

Aujourd'hui, les principaux dirigeants de l'opposition sont soit à l'étranger, soit dans la clandestinité. Les élections ont été reportées in extremis début juin. La commission électorale a publié un nouveau calendrier qui ne réglera rien. Cette commission est d'ailleurs totalement disqualifiée puisque deux de ses membres sont en fuite et qu'elle doit prendre ses décisions à une majorité des quatre cinquièmes. L'opposition a immédiatement rejeté le nouveau calendrier et posé plusieurs conditions à l'organisation des prochains scrutins, dont la mise en place d'une nouvelle commission électorale et le désarmement des milices progouvernementales, notamment des Imbonerakure. Les autorités burundaises se retranchent derrière de faux-fuyants institutionnels, prétendant que, pour des raisons constitutionnelles, les élections ne peuvent plus être reportées.

La communauté internationale s'est-elle suffisamment mobilisée? Certes, la CAE a demandé le report des élections. La mission électorale de l'Union européenne a-t-elle encore un sens? Peut-elle encore se déclarer prête à se déployer si les conditions nécessaires pour des élections pacifiques, inclusives et crédibles sont réunies? Au vu de ces violences et de ce calendrier, c'est impossible.

L'envoyé spécial de l'ONU est de plus en plus contesté et les autorités burundaises restent sourdes. Le fragile équilibre d'Arusha est plus que jamais menacé et le pays risque de nouveau de basculer dans la guerre civile. La montée des tensions s'accompagne effectivement de discours ethnicistes inquiétants. Le mouvement protestataire est présenté comme une cabale tutsie, c'est tout dire.

Alors que le pays dépend à 50 % de l'aide internationale, l'Union européenne ne devrait-elle pas utiliser aussi des pressions financières? Les fonds de l'Union – plus de 400 millions – ne devraient-ils pas être réorientés vers la société civile, comme vient de le faire le gouvernement belge? Il est urgent d'agir concrètement afin d'empêcher un nouveau massacre.


  Maria Heubuch, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. Frau Präsidentin! Die Lage in Burundi ist sehr ernst, es wurde zur Lage bereits sehr viel gesagt. Es ist wieder einmal das Ergebnis des starren Festhaltens eines Autokraten an der Macht. Die Wahl wurde jetzt aufgrund des Drucks der regionalen Organisationen EAC verschoben. Das ist ein Erfolg für die EAC. Aber es löst nicht das fundamentale Problem der Bewerbung des Präsidenten für eine dritte Amtszeit. Und dieses Festhalten an dieser dritten Amtszeit gefährdet auch den Friedensprozess in Burundi. Denn nach dem Arusha-Abkommen ist nun mal nur eine einzige Wiederwahl möglich.

Jetzt bleibt die Frage: Was kann die internationale Gemeinschaft hier tun? Sie muss verstärkt die burundischen Medien beobachten, vor allem der Internationale Strafgerichtshof. Und sie muss insbesondere auf die Medien achten, die wie 1994 in Ruanda dieses ethnische Problem, diesen Völkerhass schüren, den es zwischen Tutsi und Hutu auch in Burundi gibt. Diese ethnische Spannung darf doch nicht durch die Medien weiter angeheizt werden.

Der Internationale Gerichtshof sollte auch eine Untersuchung starten zu den schweren Menschenrechtsverstößen in Burundi, besonders von Seiten der Regierungsmilizen. Hier hilft das einfache Verurteilen durch die internationale Gemeinschaft nicht.

Herr Kommissar, Sie haben Cotonou angesprochen. Über Cotonou hätten wir die Möglichkeit, jetzt die Entwicklungshilfe zu suspendieren, Herr Zeller hat es gesagt. Wie ist Ihre Position dazu? Sieht die Kommission vor, hier zum Beispiel die Budgethilfe in direkte humanitäre Hilfe umzuwidmen? Sie haben es dargelegt: Wir brauchen hier Geld für die Flüchtlinge, wir brauchen Geld für die Cholerabekämpfung. Da könnte man das Geld aus der Budgethilfe nehmen, um auch die Regierung in Burundi unter Druck zu setzen. Wenn wir zusätzliches Geld reinschieben, glaube ich kaum, dass das die burundische Regierung unter Druck setzen wird. Was werden Sie über die Wahlbeobachtung hinaus unternehmen, um den Dialog der Regierung, der Opposition und der Zivilgesellschaft

(Die Präsidentin entzieht der Rednerin das Wort.)


  Fabio Massimo Castaldo, a nome del gruppo EFDD. Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, lotta per la democrazia o resa davanti all'ennesima deriva dittatoriale dell'Africa nera. Questo è il dilemma del popolo del Burundi, silenziato nelle radio e nelle televisioni, coraggiosamente presente nelle piazze mentre lancia il suo grido di protesta contro un uomo autoritario, Pierre Nkurunziza, accecato dalla sede di potere al punto di rompere la legalità costituzionale, domandando un terzo mandato presidenziale, forzandolo con un tentato colpo di Stato, che è contro il diritto, contro la logica, contro il buonsenso e soprattutto contro il bene del suo popolo.

Certo, almeno possiamo dire che polizia ed esercito stanno reagendo in modo tutto sommato accettabile, che la composizione più equilibrata tra tutsi e hutu sta vanificando i tentativi di Nkurunziza di fomentare un conflitto etnico, rievocando gli spettri del genocidio. Gli accordi di Arusha, almeno in questo stanno tenendo, ma al collasso del paese provato dall'inflazione galoppante, senza più soldi in cassa per gli attentati e con più di 100.000 rifugiati e con un esercito molto presto, senza paga è un collasso che sta dietro l'angolo.

Il report della nostra missione, ci dice che in verità nessun dialogo credibile è in piedi tra il governo attuale e l'opposizione: troppo debole e frammentata. A Dar es Salaam i leader africani e orientali sono stati troppo ambigui e tentennanti e i veri difensori della democrazia sono solo gli attivisti della società civile. L'arrogante pretesa di Nkurunziza si basa proprio su questa timidezza, su questa pavidità, loro e nostra.

Perché se Nkurunziza sapesse che siamo tutti coesi del non riconoscerlo in Europa, in America e in Africa, forse si farebbe da parte. Se ci fosse una stretta e inflessibile condizionalità, si permetterebbe quindi elezioni credibili e democratiche. Alle volte prendere tempo vuol dire anche perdere tempo e noi questo tempo non lo abbiamo. Mandiamo un messaggio coerente, senza se e senza ma. Manchiamo i nostri mattoni per la pace con la coerenza e mettiamoci la faccia. Se servirà qualcuno volontario per quella missione: io ci andrò.

(L'oratore accetta di rispondere ad una domanda "cartellino blu" (articolo 162, paragrafo 8 del regolamento)


  David Martin (S&D), blue-card question. I agree with much of what you said. I just want to make a point. When I was in Burundi the only people trying to turn this into an ethnic conflict were the Government. This is a political dispute. This is about political power, and we should not play their game of turning this into an ethnic conflict. I wonder if you would agree with that?


  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD), Risposta a una domanda "cartellino blu". Collega grazie per la domanda. Sono assolutamente d'accordo con lei. Infatti, quello che dicevo prima, è che giustamente per questo punto di vista gli accordi di Arusha hanno funzionato. È il governo, è Nkurunziza, che sta cercando di rifomentare il conflitto etnico per invece nascondere la sua sede di potere, e quindi noi dobbiamo fare quanto è in nostro potere per mantenere la barra dritta ed evitare che questo gioco del presidente possa prendere piede e possa trovare consenso e soprattutto inchiodarlo una volta per tutte, alle sue responsabilità. Grazie.


  Jonathan Arnott (EFDD). Madam President – a procedural point under Article 191. Earlier today, my colleague Steven Woolfe stood up to request the closure of the sitting for the rest of the plenary in protest at the disgraceful way in which things were done to close down debate here. We do believe that something should be done, but we would now like to propose a compromise motion on behalf of the EFDD group. We would like to propose that the sitting now be suspended for the rest of the day, simply to give us time to reflect on the undemocratic way that things have been done.


  Elnök asszony. – Köszönöm képviselő társam hozzászólását. Ma az ülés már egyszer felfüggesztésre került, úgyhogy erre most nem tudunk sort keríteni, de vettük a kérését és továbbítjuk is ezt a felvetést. Megadom a szót a függetlenek közül Bay képviselő úrnak egy percben.


  Nicolas Bay (NI). Madame la Présidente, depuis 1972, la guerre civile fait rage au Burundi, avec de trop rares périodes de paix. Comme au Rwanda voisin, la majorité hutue et la minorité tutsie perpètrent massacre sur massacre, nous rappelant que les sociétés multiethniques sont souvent des sociétés multiconflictuelles. Les subdivisions ethniques et politiques de ces deux camps, qui sont loin d'être homogènes, n'arrangent rien.

Pourtant, la situation s'était plutôt calmée ces dernières années, notamment grâce aux efforts de l'ex-président Pierre Buyoya, un tutsi qui avait su faire la paix avec les Hutus via les accords d'Arusha. Hélas, en briguant un troisième mandat présidentiel, Pierre Nkurunziza a ranimé de vieilles oppositions, contrairement au sage Buyoya, qui avait su céder sa place. M. Nkurunziza semble vouloir s'accrocher au pouvoir, alors que la Constitution lui interdit de se présenter une troisième fois.

Le feu qui couve sous les cendres risque de repartir de plus belle, mais outre le fait que je conteste à l'Union européenne ce droit d'ingérence dont elle abuse au détriment des États membres – les Hongrois en savent quelque chose –, je m'interroge surtout sur la capacité qu'auraient les institutions européennes à agir efficacement pour la résolution de conflits si complexes et si lointains.


  Elnök asszony. – Látom, hogy további ügyrendi hozzászólása lenne, nyilvánvalóan most el szeretném mondani, hogy van lehetőség az ülés félbeszakítására. Tájékoztatom, hogy a hivatkozott cikk szerint nincsen erre lehetősége. Valamivel ki szeretné egészíteni? Ugyanazt a cikket olvassuk mind a ketten, nyilvánvalóan erre lehetőség lenne, ha itt most 40 képviselő feláll és kéri az ülésnek az elhalasztását, amire kétlem, hogy van lehetősége, illetve a vita előtt. Tessék, Képviselő Úr!


  Jonathan Arnott (EFDD). Madam President, the rule states that: ‘The sitting may be suspended or closed during a debate or a vote if Parliament so decides on a proposal from the President or at the request of a political group or at least 40 Members. Such a proposal or request shall be put to the vote immediately.’ That was done at 12 o’clock today. It is not being done now. Please do it now.


  Elnök asszony. – Köszönöm Képviselő Úr újabb felvetését. Még egyszer mondom, ugyanazt a cikket olvassuk. Szeretném látni, hogy 40 képviselő támogatja ezt a felvetést.

Nyilvánvalóan Önök is ugyanazt látják, amit én, hogy nincs 40 képviselő. Az elnök nem kéri, kérheti valamely politikai ... (az elnök nyugalomra inti az őt megszakító képviselőket) ... vagy valamelyik képviselőcsoport nevében kérhetik. Melyik képviselőcsoport nevében szeretné kérni? És ki szeretné kérni a képviselőcsoport nevében? Parancsoljon, terjessze elő!


  Jonathan Arnott (EFDD). Madam President, I said that in my original speech. I made the request on behalf of the EFDD. I am repeating myself now. You are required to put this to the vote immediately, Madam President. You are now playing for time.


  Elnök asszony. – (az elnök nyugalomra inti a képviselőket és türelmüket kéri) Ki kíván ellene szólni?


  Elena Valenciano (S&D). Señora Presidenta, esto es una falta de respeto a esta Cámara. Si a estos colegas no les interesa la situación en Burundi, lo único que tienen que hacer es abandonar el hemiciclo.

Aquí estamos hablando de una situación muy grave y ellos no tienen capacidad para cambiar la agenda. Nos importa hablar de Burundi y de lo que está sufriendo la gente en ese país. Y si no les interesa, que se levanten y se vayan.


  Elnök asszony. – A kérdésem az volt, hogy kíván-e valaki ellene szólni az ülés megszakításának vagy nem? Kíván-e valaki mellette szólni? Ugye van még idejük egy demokratikus vitára, vagy továbbra is kiabálni akarnak? Nem adok szót. Annak adok szót, aki mellette kíván szólni, egy másik képviselő.

Akkor lesz a „vote”, kedves Képviselő Úr, ha megnyitom a szavazás lehetőségét. Majd ha megnyitottam, akkor szavazunk róla. Van valaki, aki ellene kíván szólni? Mellette kíván szólni?

Legyenek türelmesek! Sokkal türelmesebbek, mint ahogy eddig viselkedtek, mert igaza van a képviselő asszonynak, hogy Önök nem tisztelik a Házat, pedig arra kérem Önöket, hogy tegyék meg! Képviselő Úr, ne kiabáljon! Türtőztesse magát és viselkedjen úgy, ahogy a Háznak a tisztessége megkívánja. Köszönöm Képviselő Úr, hogy oly hangosan beszél, hogy természetesen mikrofon nélkül is hallom.


  Pavel Telička (ALDE). Madam President, are these honourable Members running the show now? Are they giving me the floor?

I say this to them: I can understand that you need to utilise every opportunity to draw attention to yourself. You are telling Madam President that she is a disgrace. I must say that I had expected a lot from this group, but the way you are performing here today is really a disgrace. If you look at it, you are like small kids utilising the opportunity when there is a debate. We have got a Commissioner here. We have got a serious debate on a serious issue.

You are an absolute disgrace in terms of disrespect to the situation. I have not finished yet, sir. Your absolute disrespect for the situation in Burundi, a situation which is absolutely grave, with people being killed, a situation that is dramatic. You do not even allow the debate on the issue to be finished. Are you serious about that? You do not have a single bit of respect for the situation to finish the debate, to have some kind of conclusion and to be able to vote. Are you not ashamed? Let this debate finish at least, you kids.

You are not silent because you admitted that this is disgraceful from your side. You do not have ten minutes for what is happening today in Burundi. It is an absolute disgrace, and if you want to reflect on undemocratic behaviour, then please leave and reflect – and take your time. That would be the best message.


  Elnök asszony. – Köszönöm Képviselő Úr hozzászólását!

Olyan hangosak a képviselő társaim, hogy én ezt nem hallottam, de ha Ön hallotta, természetesen ezt jegyezzük. Megadom a szót Képviselő Asszonynak és utána pedig döntést hozok.


  Tiziana Beghin (EFDD). Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, queste sono le modalità operative del Parlamento europeo, non quelle che abbiamo scelto noi. Anche questa mattina è stato posposto un dibattito che era assolutamente importante per la vita di circa 800 milioni di cittadini europei e statunitensi.

Noi ci adeguiamo alle regole che voi state portando avanti. La regola dice che si parla una persona contro una persona pro. Mi pare che ciò sia stato fatto quindi chiedo adesso al Presidente di aprire al voto.


  Elnök asszony. – Képviselő Társaim, tájékoztatom Önöket, hogy szavazásra fog sor kerülni. Természetesen nem most, fél órára az ülést felfüggesztem és utána szavazással folytatjuk.

(A vitát 17.45-kor felfüggesztik és 18.15-kor folytatják)

Juridische mededeling - Privacybeleid