Debašu stenogramma

Trešdiena, 2015. gada 8. jūlijs - Strasbūra

12. Stāvoklis Jemenā (debates)

  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca in discussione comune la dichiarazione del Vicepresidente della Commissione/Alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza sulla situazione nello Yemen (2015/2760(RSP)).

  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, I am grateful for the opportunity to discuss, on behalf of Federica Mogherini, the situation in Yemen with you today. Amidst the turmoil affecting the Middle East, the crisis in Yemen calls for more attention from the international community.

Yemen occupies a strategic position along the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea, at the crossroads of the Horn of Africa and the Middle East, on the route connecting the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean. There is a real and immediate risk of spillover of this crisis in an already troubled region. Furthermore, the latest developments in Hadhramaut show that terrorist organisations like al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, already rooted in Somalia, and more recently also Daesh, are benefiting from the vacuum of state authority in the country to regroup and regain strength. This is a threat for all countries in the region. The regional powers need to choose cooperation and common security issues. The only alternative to a more cooperative regional order is chaos.

Saturday, 4 July marked the 100th day since the exile of President Hadi and the launch of the Saudi-led coalition airstrikes against the continuing advance of Houthi and pro-Saleh forces in Yemen. The country is facing a humanitarian catastrophe, with more than 3 000 Yemenis killed, over 14 000 injured, and 21 million people, or 80% of the total population, in need of humanitarian assistance, and a major food crisis about to unfold. Just to give you a comparison: there are now more people in need in Yemen than in the entire Sahel region. The EU’s position is clear, as portrayed in the Foreign Affairs Council conclusions of April 2015. We have also repeatedly – most recently in a joint statement by the High Representative/Vice-President and Commissioner Stylianides last Friday – made the case that there is no other way out of the current crisis than through an inclusive political process under UN stewardship favouring a genuine and constructive dialogue among the different parties. The continuing advance of the Houthis and forces loyal to ex-President Saleh, in contravention of UN Security Council resolutions, is clearly unacceptable.

But only a broad political consensus based on the parameters set by UN Security Council Resolution 2216 can provide a sustainable solution to the crisis, tackle the threat of terrorist groups and prevent further regional instability. Any long-term solution should address the underlying causes of instability, which are deeply rooted in local historical and socio-economic power structures. The EU fully supports the efforts of the UN Special Envoy, Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed, to recreate trust amongst the parties for a meaningful political deal. The consultations held in Geneva from 15 to 20 June could be a first step towards a return to an inclusive political process. We see a strong case for the gradual approach followed by the Special Envoy, first setting the conditions for a long pause in hostilities, leading to a sustainable ceasefire, coupled with a monitored withdrawal from key cities by the warring forces.

The EU has been reaching out to all the parties in Yemen, including the Houthis. We believe it is critical for all the actors in the conflict to set a realistic path to peace in line with the parameters set by UN Security Council Resolution 2216. Our message to all parties is clear: engage in the UN-led dialogue process, with no preconditions, in good faith. All their legitimate concerns will be duly taken into consideration in a broad political settlement.

The humanitarian impact of the ongoing fighting, bombardments and disruption of essential services on the civilian population, in particular on children, is reaching alarming proportions and exacerbating an already dire humanitarian situation. The targeting of civilian populations and infrastructures, including UN warehouses or hospitals, is also clearly unacceptable. In this volatile environment it is all the more crucial that humanitarian assistance reaches the people of Yemen. The European Union has been steadfast in its support of the UN efforts towards a lasting, predictable and sustainable humanitarian ceasefire. Such a pause should allow the urgent delivery of humanitarian assistance and essential supplies, including fuel, food and basic commodities, according to the principles of impartiality, neutrality and independence. It is essential, to this end, that access to Yemen for commercial shipping be further eased and that measures taken to implement UN Security Council Resolution 2216 be proportional and predictable. A UN-led inspection mechanism should be urgently rolled out to enable faster and more streamlined clearance procedures for ships bound for Yemen. In parallel we are calling on all parties to ensure respect for international humanitarian law and international human rights law, in particular by protecting civilians. Everyone should refrain from direct targeting of civilian infrastructure, notably medical facilities and water systems, and from using civilian buildings for military purposes. It is also of the utmost importance that all parties ensure the safety and security of medical personnel and relief workers and facilitate the passage of aid convoys and ambulances to the most affected populations without discrimination.

The EU Humanitarian Aid Office – Echo – has already mobilised EUR 25 million in humanitarian assistance for Yemen to respond to the most urgent needs. We are also engaged in diplomatic efforts to ensure unrestricted access to humanitarian workers and aid relief so that vital assistance can be immediately delivered. More needs to be done, but international assistance will remain a drop in the ocean if commercial shipping cannot resume and bring the 80% of goods that Yemen imported before the conflicts and if Yemini warring factions continue to hamper the delivery of aid. Ultimately, the solution to this crisis has to be a political one, and every day that passes further entrenches polarisations and sees the risk of a protracted conflict with sectarian undertones grow. The EU will remain committed to playing its full role in supporting the UN and in reaching out to the parties and to regional players to set a swift path for peace.

Thank you for your attention and I look forward to hearing your views on that.

  Presidente. – Iniziamo la discussione, un po' intima, ma molto importante e colgo l'occasione per salutare i visitatori del Parlamento europeo.

  Michèle Alliot-Marie, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, le Yémen cristallise effectivement aujourd'hui la plupart des tensions et des rivalités qui existent au Moyen-Orient. Le Golfe Persique pourrait y perdre son équilibre géostratégique, comme vous l'avez souligné. Les déséquilibres dans le Golfe pourraient eux aussi avoir des répercussions sur l'ensemble du Moyen-Orient et dans les pays proches du Golfe d'Aden. Qui peut penser que cette déstabilisation n'aurait pas d'effet sur notre propre situation, sur le plan économique, sécuritaire ou culturelle?

L'Union européenne ne peut donc se désintéresser de ce qui se passe dans ce pays, certes lointain, très mal connu – je l'ai constaté à de nombreuses reprises –,  parce que cela peut aussi avoir des répercussions sur nous. Aujourd'hui, l'Arabie Saoudite, ainsi que huit pays arabes, Bahreïn, l'Égypte, la Jordanie, le Koweït, le Maroc, le Qatar, le Soudan et les Émirats, soutenus par la communauté occidentale, mènent, pour la première fois, une opération militaire conjointe pour s'opposer aux rebelles houtis et au groupe "État islamique". Il faut souligner que c'est la première fois que ces pays qui connaissent souvent des rivalités entre eux se trouvent aujourd'hui coalisés dans la même action.

Pour autant, nous avons bien conscience, comme vous, que l'action militaire ne peut suffire au rétablissement d'un équilibre national, politique et sécuritaire à long terme, tellement essentiel à la stabilité régionale. Il ne faut pas oublier en effet que les pays du Golfe sont nos premiers alliés dans la lutte contre le groupe "État islamique" et contre le terrorisme.

Je vous pose donc la question suivante, que fait l'Union européenne, par elle-même, pour participer à la restauration de la stabilité au Yémen? Il ne s'agit pas simplement d'appuyer telle ou telle initiative. Parce que nous ne sommes pas soupçonnables d'avoir des intérêts financiers ou autres dans la région, nous avons une possibilité d'agir auprès des parties.

Que fait également l'Union européenne pour soutenir efficacement les populations civiles qui sont les premières victimes de tout conflit armé? Avez-vous aussi l'intention de prendre des initiatives afin d'améliorer la situation des femmes dans ce pays, dont on parle peu et qui ont pourtant le statut probablement le plus rétrograde au monde.

  Richard Howitt, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, it is right that in this debate we put first and foremost our concern for the devastating humanitarian catastrophe occurring today in Yemen. The United Nations declared its highest level of humanitarian emergency, with over 80% of the country’s population in need of assistance. Prior to the conflict, more than one-third of the population – some 11.5 million people – suffered from food insecurity. Today, two million more have joined the starving. The UN envoy said the country is now just one step away from famine.

It is a crisis for children, in which 1.8 million have lost access to education and one in three fighters are children. So our resolution makes the case for a humanitarian pause, backing the UN Secretary—General and marking the observance of Ramadan. My group stands with all who condemn violence on all sides – from the Houthis, al-Qaida and Daesh/ISIS. For us, however, this includes concerns about the humanitarian consequences of the bombing and of the blockade by the Saudi-led coalition.

Regarding the request for military intervention from former President Hadi – someone whose term-of-office has expired and who had explicitly resigned – was that request more legitimate than the request of former President Yanukovych in a different sphere? In any case, that request to the Security Council was based on UN Charter Article 51, which concerns the defence of the country under external attack, and that cannot make it legal in this case.

Our resolution calls on all regional actors to contribute to a return to stability. We call for an inclusive political process, which ends the polarisation of peoples based on religious sectarianism. Our resolution also understands that development must play an important role in what is the Arab world’s most impoverished country, if conflict resolution is to succeed in the long term. But this resolution is very much about the short term: to stop the targeting of civilians, to halt and then end the violence, to support all efforts towards a negotiated political solution, and to bring humanitarian relief in order to end the hunger and the suffering.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, Yemen is an example of the Arab Spring gone badly wrong after the 2011 uprisings against the then President, Ali Abdullah Saleh, and of a poor country caught up in a proxy war between Iran militarily supporting fellow Shia Houthis and Sunni Saudi Arabia supporting the ousted government of President Hadi, now exiled to Riyadh. Saudi Arabia has intervened militarily with air power against the Houthi advances on Aden, and they in turn are supported by the previously ousted strong man, President Saleh. The country has become a humanitarian disaster zone, with more than 3 000 people killed, more than half of them civilians, including women and children, as a result of the Saudi bombing campaign aimed at driving back the insurgents and restoring the elected, legitimate Hadi government.

There have been allegations of gross violations of international humanitarian laws by all sides. Matters are further complicated by piracy in the Gulf of Aden, and al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, active in many parts of the country. The EU has little role beyond supporting humanitarian aid; and of course I call, on behalf of my group, on all sides to return to the negotiating table and desist from further hostilities.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

  James Carver (EFDD), blue-card question. – Mr Tannock, thank you for accepting my blue card. Despite our obvious political differences, will you join me in supporting a cause that I know we are both very keen on? That is re-recognition for Somaliland – a stable country across the other side of the Gulf of Aden. Will you also join me in paying tribute to the great work that the Somalilanders are doing – specifically in the Port of Berbera – in helping refugees who have fled from southern Yemen?

  Charles Tannock (ECR), blue-card answer. – Thank you very much, Mr Carver, because yes indeed, I think that Somaliland does deserve re-recognition. It has been democratic, it has upheld the rule of law and it is a stable polity which has fought piracy and combated Islamist terrorism. So for all those reasons, and the historical fact that it was once a British protectorate called British Somaliland and is entitled under the UN Charter and traditions to be an independent state, there is a very strong case to be made.

But of course the debate today is not about Somaliland per se, although that is dear to my heart. The debate today is about what is happening in Yemen, and there has been, of course, a humanitarian crisis and disaster, as I have said in my speech, and many of the refugees have fled across the Gulf of Aden to Somaliland, to the port of Berbera, where I know the government in Hargeisa are doing their utmost possible to rehouse and accommodate this influx of refugees. But yes, thank you to the Government of Somaliland for doing that.

  Marietje Schaake, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues. The poor people of Yemen have suffered structurally from a lack of inclusive democratic governments, and the tensions and violence that that have resulted, for the past decades. Thousands have been killed and many more injured in the latest eruption of violence alone that started in the spring of this year. A report that the Saudi-led coalition is using cluster bombs should be investigated thoroughly by the United Nations and must have serious consequences, if confirmed. Independently-led investigations should also look at other crimes committed to assess whether these amount to crimes against humanity.

The people of Yemen deserve justice, and a de-escalation of violence is needed to restabilise the country. There should be more respect for human life, and the human suffering must end. We therefore call on all parties engaged in this conflict to stop the use of violence, because while people suffer, al-Qaeda, so-called Islamic State, and other terrorist organisations benefit and grow amidst the chaos in Yemen.

Ongoing insecurity is further stifling humanitarian efforts, leading to historic and tremendous chaos and crisis. As we can see, a toxic downward spiral is unfolding. The terrorists are going as far as recruiting children for their activities and using them as soldiers, and I think that that is disgraceful. We must work through and ensure that there is dialogue and de-escalation. But there is a political solution, including a more constructive role by regional actors, which – as many colleagues have pointed out – are very much involved in the situation in Yemen, leading to more and more violence. The EU should also reconsider its partnerships with some countries in the Middle East in this context.

Foreign actors should stop the interventions, as I mentioned. They should stop adding fuel to the fire. We, as Europe, must support any UN efforts to lead in a dialogue that can lead to a peaceful and political solution to this terrible conflict. But the EU itself should do more and take a leadership position in ensuring that these UN efforts succeed.

  Javier Couso Permuy, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor Presidente, nos encontramos ante un conflicto que está causando un sufrimiento terrible pero que, además, nos ejemplifica el caos de la zona, ese caos que llegó con la guerra de delegación y con las intervenciones unilaterales. Y es un sufrimiento que estamos viendo, sin que pase prácticamente nada.

Observamos cómo una coalición liderada por Arabia Saudí —curiosamente, Arabia Saudí, una dictadura teocrática que es nuestra amiga porque nos interesa— está bombardeando con armas prohibidas y está desarrollando un bloqueo naval que afecta a los civiles.

No se puede salir de esta situación por la vía militar. Por eso reivindicamos una solución política inclusiva, el levantamiento del bloqueo naval, el alto el fuego, el cese de los bombardeos, el cese del suministro de armas y la investigación del Reino Unido, Francia, Alemania y España, por si han incumplido el Código de Conducta de la Unión Europea en materia de exportación de armas.

  Alyn Smith, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, I very much appreciated the Commissioner’s comments about the long-term political solution being the only way that we can resolve the situation in Yemen. We cannot allow it to become a forgotten conflict because the turmoil, as colleagues have said, only helps Daesh and extremists and creates the perfect breeding ground for them.

This motion focused on what must be done in the short-term to ensure that humanitarian efforts are able to proceed, and I very much endorse comments about a pause being necessary in the fighting to allow humanitarian efforts to go forward. But we must also scrutinise the Saudi-led coalition, and we must scrutinise the actions of it, not least because many of our Member State governments – not least the United Kingdom – are assisting in every way possible, short of actual military intervention. The tactics are questionable; the legality of the action is also debatable; and we must ensure that this remains scrutinised by us, because we cannot allow this to simply play out while we watch from the sidelines and the people of Yemen continue to suffer.

  James Carver, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, two weeks ago I hosted an event in Brussels with a delegation from the Southern Movement, an umbrella group bringing together the different political parties seeking an effective split, returning to the post Yemeni unification borders before 1990. The main speaker was Mr al-Jifri, a former South Yemeni Vice-President, who gave a detailed update of the tragic situation on the ground. He spoke passionately about the increasing humanitarian crisis, the fact that the international aid reaching Yemen is being distributed through Hodeidah port in the north, whilst Aden port in the south literally misses the boat. He also spoke of the increasing casualties and underlined how Yemen’s infrastructure has been completely obliterated.

The pressing issue that must be addressed across the globe is the need for a correct diplomatic approach towards achieving a credible ceasefire so that the tragic humanitarian crisis that my colleagues across the House spoke about can be addressed as a matter of priority. I was astounded to learn of another issue that needs addressing urgently, and that is how someone who is taking part in the official dialogue might not actually be representing the very organisations that they claim to speak on behalf of. Certainly the Southern Movement delegates who attended my event left me with the distinct impression that they were currently unrepresented and that incorrect actors are currently at the table, incorrectly claiming to act for them.

Now more than ever, the world has regrettably to accept the increasing divide across the Middle East between Sunni and Shia Islam. Yemen today is a tragic example of this. Accordingly, should not the international community honestly consider whether a unified Yemen is a viable long-term solution? I genuinely believe that the possibility of eventually – and I say eventually – dividing Yemen through its pre-unification borders is an option worth proper consideration. Have we learned nothing from the mistakes made a century ago by the Sykes-Picot Agreement?

  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já jsem tu debatu velmi pozorně poslouchal, poslouchal jsem komentář a vystoupení pana komisaře. Děkuji mu za to, že téma uvádí tady dnes na plénu. My zde debatujeme o situaci v Sýrii, situaci kolem Islámského státu, situaci v Iráku a na Jemen se trošku zapomíná. Přitom ta situace tam, z pohledu občanské války, velmi připomíná situaci právě například v Sýrii.

To, co tady bylo řečeno, já podtrhuji, je to mimořádně strategické území. Území, kde pokud bude občanská válka pokračovat, tak může dokonce přerůst v další mezinárodní konfrontaci mezi šíity a sunity a to bych považoval za mimořádně nebezpečné. Je proto třeba vyvinout maximální úsilí, aby se občanská válka zklidnila.

Já sám osobně jsem trochu skeptický k tomu, že se podaří konflikt v nějakém bližším horizontu uklidnit, respektive vyřešit. Ale alespoň utlumení toho konfliktu by bylo podle mého názoru velmi prospěšné. I z toho důvodu, že narůstající občanská válka vede k tomu, že posilují teroristické organizace působící na území Jemenu. A to je mimořádně znepokojivé. Je třeba si uvědomit, že oslabení či likvidace centrální vlády v Jemenu, boje, které tam probíhají, posilují al-Káidu, posilují Islámský stát a je to scénář pro nás mimořádně nebezpečný.

Apeluji tedy na Evropskou unii, aby posilovala politický dialog, ale hlavně aby řešila humanitární krizi, která je podle mého názoru mimořádně závažná, trpí statisíce lidí.

  Afzal Khan (S&D). – Mr President, a hundred days into the conflict, the security and humanitarian situation in Yemen is further deteriorating. I regret all loss of life in this conflict. I am concerned that violence has the potential to turn into a regional, sectarian conflict. Should this happen, it will further destabilise the Middle East and threaten Europe’s own security and economic interests. The EU, a champion of democracy and human rights, has the moral responsibility to help Yemen and its people.

First, we need to end the violence, a humanitarian ceasefire to deliver aid to 80% of Yemen’s population; but the EU can only do so much. I therefore call on the regional powers, Saudi Arabia and Iran in particular, to show true leadership by assuming responsibility for the well-being of all Yemeni citizens. Weak governance, corruption, unemployment and unlimited social services have all been underlying causes of conflict in Yemen. The EU should use its international experience in institution-building and democratisation to train a new Yemeni government that would fairly represent and effectively govern all its citizens.

  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Pogłębia się chaos w Jemenie i kraj ten zaczyna coraz bardziej przypominać Libię i wcześniejsze przykłady państw, o których zdarzało się mówić, że są państwami upadłymi. Kierowana przez Arabię Saudyjską interwencja arabskiej koalicji nie odnosi swoich skutków. Spowolnieniu uległ ostatnio, podobno na prośbę prezydenta Hadji, proces negocjacyjny pod kierunkiem szejka Ahmeda, przedstawiciela Narodów Zjednoczonych ds. Jemenu. Dochodzą do nas informacje medialne o toczących się rozmowach w Omanie. Miejmy nadzieję, że wszystkie te wysiłki przyniosą skutek, ponieważ Jemen to państwo, w którym cierpią bardzo biedni ludzie. Jest tam prawdziwy kryzys humanitarny i w najbliższym czasie rolą Unii Europejskiej, wysokiej przedstawiciel, wszystkich instytucji Unii będzie zorganizowanie wielkiego planu pomocy humanitarnej dla ludności Jemenu.

  Ana Gomes (S&D). – O Iémen está muito perto do conflito sectário incontrolável e a comunidade internacional, em particular a União Europeia, tem de intensificar esforços diplomáticos no sentido de conseguir o cessar das hostilidades. O preço a pagar, se não agirmos, é o caos, insuportável sofrimento humano, a destruição de Património da Humanidade e o contágio da violência a países vizinhos, em toda a região do Médio Oriente.

Não podemos ficar de braços cruzados e calados quando vemos o conflito no Iémen possibilitar o avanço de grupos terroristas na região, como o Estado Islâmico ou a Al—Qaeda na Península Arábica, avanço facilitado pela ofensiva saudita que, além de indiscriminadamente penalizar a população civil no Iémen, está a bloquear o acesso humanitário ao país, votando milhares à fome e ao desespero.

É por isso que a União Europeia tem que exigir o levantamento do embargo naval imposto pela Arábia Saudita e apoiar os esforços diplomáticos da ONU e do Omã na procura de uma trégua conducente a um acordo de paz.

Ao mesmo tempo, é preciso que a Sra. Alta Representante Mogherini exija aos Estados—Membros que cumpram as suas obrigações, à luz do Direito Internacional e das próprias regras europeias, no que respeita à exportação de armas e material militar para países que as usam na repressão e na violência contra civis, como é o caso, infelizmente, da Arábia Saudita.

Procedura "catch-the-eye".

  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já bych chtěl za prvé ocenit sousedské státy Jemenu, které přijaly uprchlíky, jimž se podařilo překročit Adenskou úžinu. Myslím si, že tento jejich postup je nutno ocenit a že kontrastuje s některými názory, které zazněly v případě uprchlíků právě na půdě tohoto parlamentu anebo od některých členských států Evropské unie včetně mého.

Za druhé bych chtěl říci, že ta humanitární krize, která nastala v Jemenu, by měla být řešena samozřejmě nejlépe diplomaticky, ale především prvotním požadavkem na vyvolání humanitárního příměří, to znamená, aby přestaly boje vedené jak ze strany povstalců al-Káidy a ostatních skupin, tak i ze strany koalice vedené Saúdskou Arábií. Myslím si, že to, co by bylo nejpodstatnější, je vyvinout diplomatické úsilí k ustavení nové jemenské vlády, jež bude ustavena na základě průniku všech sociálních skupin v rámci Jemenu.

  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D). – Mr President, Yemen is in the grip of its most severe crisis in years, caused by conflicts and underlying problems of – please note – unequal access to power and resources mainly. It is not a conflict between the two wings of the Islamic faith.

The recent developments carry grave risks for the stability of the Horn of Africa, the Red Sea and the wider Middle-East region. I am seriously concerned by the rapidly deteriorating political, security and humanitarian situation in Yemen. This could greatly exacerbate regional tensions and increase the possibility of a large-scale war in the area. According to the WHO’s latest figures, we are more than entitled to worry about the situation in Yemen. The unnecessary loss of lives cannot go on. I back the EU’s position and its commitment to support Yemen and the Yemeni people, and I encourage and support, by all means possible, the negotiating process taking place.

We need to engage constructively with the Yemeni parties in order to enable the de—escalation of the crisis. I am working on the efforts made by the United Nations, and I would highlight the need for a coordinated humanitarian action to contribute to the UN’s revised humanitarian appeal. I strongly believe that only a broad political consensus among the parties, attained through inclusive negotiations, can provide a sustainable solution, restore peace and preserve the unity, sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Yemen.

  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η κατάσταση στην Υεμένη παραμένει έκρυθμη και επικίνδυνη, με τη χώρα να βυθίζεται στο χάος. Κύριε Επίτροπε, παρακολουθώντας και διαβάζοντας τον Τύπο το τελευταίο εξάμηνο, ο απολογισμός στην Υεμένη είναι ο εξής: ένοπλες συγκρούσεις, αιματοχυσία, στρατιωτική επέμβαση εκ μέρους της Σαουδικής Αραβίας, ναυτικός αποκλεισμός, απομάκρυνση του προσωπικού του ΟΗΕ και των ξένων διπλωματών για λόγους ασφαλείας, διώξεις λόγω θρησκευτικών πεποιθήσεων, μια τεράστια ανθρωπιστική κρίση, πείνα, ασιτία, χιλιάδες πρόσφυγες, οι οποίοι φεύγουν για να γλιτώσουν και πηγαίνουν στις γειτονικές περιοχές. Ταυτόχρονα συγκεντρώνονται γιατί θέλουν να φτάσουν στην Ευρώπη. Aκόμη και στην Ελλάδα πλέον έχουμε προσφυγές από την Υεμένη. Ταυτόχρονα επωφελούνται από αυτή την κατάσταση οι τζιχαντιστές. Επομένως το ερώτημα, κύριε Επίτροπε, είναι τι κάνει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Όπως ανέφερα και χθες σε άλλη ομιλία μου, η στενότερη συνεργασία με διεθνείς οργανισμούς όπως ο ΟΑΣΕ και ο ΟΗΕ θα μπορούσαν να βοηθήσουν να επέλθει η ομαλότητα στην Υεμένη. Χρειάζεται πολιτική λύση για την Υεμένη.

  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). – Signor Presidente, se mi permette vorrei dire che non sono qui in Aula per intervenire ma se il gruppo ALDE dispone solo di un minuto, io la pregherei di dare la parola all'onorevole Izaskun Bilbao Barandica. Mi scuso ma mi pare di capire che siano previsti quattro oratori… Se fossero cinque va bene altrimenti la pregherei di dare la parola alla collega Izaskun Bilbao, perché ha chiesto la parola prima di me.

  Presidente. – A noi non risulta che l'onorevole abbia chiesto la parola. Se vuole, io le do la parola. Ma la posso dare anche a lei.

  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, ono što je sasvim sigurno – stojimo pred još jednom nevjerojatnom humanitarnom krizom. I toga moramo biti potpuno svjesni. Jer ova situacija koja se danas dešava u Jemenu neće završiti preko noći.

Vidimo da postoje razne vojne intervencije, razne milicije, paramilitarne skupine koje djeluju u Jemenu. Kaos je potpun. Europa stoji pred još jednim velikim izazovom velike potrebe za humanitarnom pomoći.

Milijuni će ljudi biti gladni, puno će djece biti u prilici da neće znati kako preživjeti sutrašnji dan. Zato pozivam Europsku komisiju da uloži maksimalne napore kako bismo uspjeli doći do toga da pozovemo sve sukobljene strane za stol. To je jedina garancija da će sukobi možda malo jenjavati i da ćemo izbjeći humanitarnu katastrofu pred kojom, sada, nažalost definitivno stojimo.

  Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE). – Señor Presidente, Yemen vuelve a ser noticia por ese largo conflicto que desangra una de las naciones más pobres del mundo y porque, el pasado mes de marzo, comenzaron los bombardeos y crece, hasta límites insoportables, el sufrimiento de la población. En el escenario están todos los horrores inimaginables: los niños soldado, el tráfico de seres humanos, el ataque a escuelas y hospitales y la especulación con los bienes de primera necesidad. Por eso, apoyamos una inmediata pausa humanitaria para resolver esta situación de emergencia que dé paso a un diálogo, sin condiciones previas, bajo el paraguas de las Naciones Unidas y ponga fin definitivo a un conflicto que dura ya demasiado tiempo.

Reclamamos ayuda humanitaria inmediata para los miles de afectados y una investigación internacional de las vulneraciones de los derechos humanos. Hay que promover una cooperación activa para reconstruir el país y el recuerdo de todas las víctimas. Y permítanme aquí una mención especial de los siete turistas vascos y catalanes que hace justo ahora ocho años murieron en un ataque de Al Qaeda en Marib y que testifican la longevidad de este conflicto.

(Fine della procedura catch-the-eye)

  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, as I said earlier, we all share the same goal: a durable cessation of hostilities and the resumption of UN-facilitated inclusive negotiations between the parties. In times of regional turmoil and ongoing sectarianism, this conflict can only increase instability and chaos. A negotiated ceasefire in Yemen, on the other hand, could help to build confidence that can contribute to the resolution of other issues in the Middle East. Only a broad Yemeni-led political consensus, responding to the legitimate grievances of all segments of Yemeni society, will provide a sustainable solution to the crisis.

I remain convinced that confidence-building steps should be urgently agreed, including an immediate humanitarian pause with commensurate disengagement of armed forces in all areas including Aden, Taiz and Marib. This would allow international aid organisations to deliver urgently-needed food, medicine and fuel to citizens throughout Yemen.

The lack of progress towards the resumption of an inclusive political track and the absence of steps towards de-escalating the conflict carry the risk of a greater regional conflagration, with serious consequences for the Gulf region, the Horn of Africa and, ultimately, Europe. Therefore, the time has come for all sides to restart the process of negotiations without preconditions, in order to restore legitimate state authority over the country for the benefit of its people. It is the joint responsibility of all Yemeni parties and regional players, with the help of the international community, to work towards this goal. Once again, the European Union remains committed to playing its full part in this process.

  Presidente. – Comunico di aver ricevuto sette proposte di risoluzione a conclusione di questa discussione.

La discussione è chiusa.

Dichiarazioni scritte (articolo 162)

  Alessia Maria Mosca (S&D), per iscritto. – La grave crisi politica nello Yemen va avanti da molti mesi e ha finito presto per trasformarsi in una crisi anche sociale ed economica e l'Unione europea non può limitarsi al ruolo di osservatore: bisogna agire sul piano politico ma anche su quello concreto dell'aiuto umanitario. Ricordiamoci che lo Yemen ci è molto più vicino di quanto siamo portati a pensare: i rifugiati yemeniti – ma anche tutte le persone che dal Corno d'Africa sono emigrate in Yemen negli scorsi anni – si rivolgeranno ora all'Europa per avere protezione e asilo, andando ad aggravare un fenomeno che già allo stato attuale non riusciamo ancora a gestire in maniera soddisfacente.

Non solo: lo Yemen è terra d'addestramento dei foreign fighters, come testimoniano le indagini su uno dei due autori della strage di Charlie Hebdo a Parigi. Due motivi per i quali, non dovesse bastare l'imperativo morale di aiutare una popolazione allo stremo, dovremmo muoverci al più presto.

Infine, sul piano pratico, l'Unione europea deve chiedere un impegno pubblico, da parte di tutti i soggetti coinvolti, perché vengano garantiti dei corridoi di passaggio degli aiuti umanitari in tutte le regioni del Paese. Ancora oggi, infatti, intere regioni risultano impossibili da raggiungere.