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Srijeda, 9. rujna 2015. - Strasbourg Revidirano izdanje

12. Uloga EU-a u bliskoistočnom mirovnom procesu (rasprava)
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  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione sulla dichiarazione del Vicepresidente della Commissione/Alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza sul ruolo dell'UE nel processo di pace in Medio Oriente.


  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/ High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Mr President, let me start by saying that the Middle East faces multiple challenges today, and we have discussed some of them this morning. Syria, Yemen, Libya: the list is long. Still, whatever the competing pressures might be, I strongly believe that we cannot put aside the Middle East peace process. It is crucial for the Israelis and for the Palestinians, and it is also crucial for regional peace and security. It is crucial for the international community.

Further deterioration on the ground is happening at the moment, whether in Gaza, Jerusalem or the West Bank, and this has a deeply negative impact on an already-troubled region. The fact that this is the oldest conflict does not make it any less relevant. On the contrary, in a regional situation which is becoming increasingly worrying, this is the piece of the puzzle that we have to look at if we want to start somewhere.

We all know that the conditions for relaunching final-status negotiations are not in place at this moment. There is a deep lack of trust on both sides and wide gaps on what a final deal should look like. But, as we have seen on Iran, with bold thinking, with a creative approach, patient diplomacy and an openness to compromise, and with a lot of teamwork from the international community, even the most difficult issues can be settled. Putting in place the conditions for a resumption of serious talks based on mutual steps is our first priority.

Negative developments on the ground in this very same month only underline the importance of this work. We must not, and we cannot, lose what we have all worked so hard to build since Oslo: the development of institutions of a future Palestinian State through the Palestinian Authority. This includes essential services for ordinary Palestinians and vital cooperation, first of all in the security sector, between Israel and Palestine. But today we have a complete lack of process and prospects and, I would say not least, the presence of Daesh in the region.

We will not live forever in the post-Oslo mode: we cannot take that for granted. If Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas fail to work together now, the future will be dangerous for both Israel and the Palestinians. And for the region it will be even more dangerous than it is now.

A fundamental change in the political, security and economic situation in Gaza, including the end of the closure, is an essential starting point. The parties must urgently make progress towards a lasting ceasefire, based on their agreements in Cairo last year, and reach an agreement which both ends the Gaza closure and addresses Israel’s legitimate security concerns.

Moving towards real reconciliation – national reconciliation – was on the agenda one year ago. It seems not to be on the agenda anymore. I believe, however, that we cannot afford to put aside a national reconciliation process in the Palestinian camp, including Palestinian Authority control in Gaza, starting with the control of border crossings. What we are doing is pushing both the Israelis and the Palestinians to show leadership and to refrain from any action which would lead further away from the two-state solution.

We have revitalised the Quartet in recent months, in line with our commitment to building a new regional and international framework for peace. We have appointed an EU Special Representative to work full-time again on EU efforts to re-open a political perspective for Israel and Palestine. You know him, you have met him, and he is constantly working on this in Jerusalem with all our international partners and with the parties. We work closely, and he personally works closely, with the Quartet colleagues to press both sides, on the one hand, to take courage in setting out improvements on the ground – concrete legal steps that can change people’s lives – and, on the other hand, to try to rebuild trust, of which there may be less today than at any time in the past.

We can aim for measures which empower the Palestinians, strengthen security cooperation and address Israel’s concerns. These are practical, concrete steps which, if implemented on the ground, would move the situation towards, instead of away from, the two-state solution. Of course, such steps cannot be a substitute for resolving the final-status issues. We know that very well, but I believe this is the best way to get there in what is a very tough political climate both on the Israeli side and on the Palestinian side. It can be a way forward and a way out of the stalemate.

However, we are also rethinking the way in which the Quartet has been working, or not working, so far. You know that two out of four of the Quartet envoys – the EU and the UN envoys – are new ones. We have started to work very well together, and also with the other two colleagues. The Arab countries can play a leading role in strengthening and giving incentives to the process. The Arab peace initiative demonstrates the potential, which is even stronger now than when it was launched, for a wider regional settlement to end the conflicts: the Israeli-Palestinian one and the Arab-Israeli one. This is why the Quartet envoys went together to Cairo and Oman and will visit Riyadh in the coming days.

The key Arab countries, and the Foreign Ministers that I met just yesterday, have made very clear to me that they are ready to play their role in this regional and international framework to try to restart the engine of the process. That is why UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has already sent invitations to the Foreign Ministers of the Quartet to meet on the fringe of the General Assembly in New York at the end of the month, and, in the context of the initiative that we have taken as the European Union, has also extended an invitation to the Foreign Ministers of Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia, and to the Secretary-General of the Arab League.

We are working to prepare the ground for a genuine regional framework that can help the parties to take some steps. Again, I know I am not defining the final-status solution, but I believe that, from the situation we face today of complete despair to the dream of hope and a final solution to the conflict, we have to build the bridges that will enable us to get there. We have to create the conditions on the ground, and the political conditions.

We are moving forward to build this credible international and regional framework to support the parties and to regain and rebuild confidence between themselves and in the international community, for we know that this is needed as well. The two parties need to find the courage and the space to start trusting one another but, most of all, they need a regional and international framework in which they can find trust. This too has to be rebuilt. But ultimately it is not going to be the regional or the international framework that resolves the crisis. Only the parties themselves can take the fundamental decisions. They can either advance together in the future, or they can allow the two-state solution to move beyond reach, with all the negative consequences that would bring for both sides and for all of us, including us Europeans.

Leadership is needed, and the European Union is ready. All the major stakeholders agree that we face the same challenges in the region. We face regional threats, including the rise of extremism, terrorism and the failing states. Peace in the holy places would send such a powerful message to the world; you would really have to be blind not to see it.

In the current regional environment we cannot afford to stand still. If we do not move forward, we will see violence coming back again – we are already seeing it from time to time – and we will see the two-state solution become less and less viable, if not impossible. I believe the international community, the Palestinians and the Israelis cannot afford that, because we do not know what is going to come next if we close the window for peace that Oslo opened. The time has come to provide real long-term security and hope for the Israelis and the Palestinians – knowing full well that these words sound empty to both at this moment. The time has come for both sides to make the necessary compromises and, most of all, to show leadership. This is what is needed. The time has come for us to put all our efforts into supporting this process and helping it to start again.

These days call for the whole European Union to play its part, and I am glad that, as I understand it, I will be able to count on the full and united backing of this Parliament for the European Union effort to ensure that this conflict –the oldest one in the region – does not become a forgotten one at a time when we all need, more than ever in the decades ahead, to solve it strategically.


  Elmar Brok, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Frau Vizepräsidentin! Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Da Frau Mogherini und die Europäische Union durch die erfolgreichen Verhandlungen im Zusammenhang mit dem Iran sich neue Autorität erarbeitet haben, kann dieses auch ein gewaltiges Fundament sein für die beiden anderen Krisen in der Region, den Krieg in Irak und Syrien und den Nahostkonflikt. Und das ist ja auch miteinander verwoben!

Ich glaube, dass die Beilegung der Auseinandersetzungen in Syrien, in Irak nur gelingen kann, wenn man jetzt gemeinsam mit den Russen, den Amerikanern, den Vereinten Nationen, teilweise auch unter Führung der Europäischen Union, die Saudis und die Türken und die Iraner an einen Tisch bekommt, um diesen Stellvertreterkrieg zu beenden. Und auch dies hat wiederum damit zu tun, dass dies nur gelingt, wenn das Quartett – mit einer starken Rolle der Europäischen Union darin – in Zusammenarbeit mit der Arabischen Liga oder den Mitgliedstaaten der arabischen Friedensinitiative vorangeht und nochmal einen Anlauf nimmt, um die Zweistaatenlösung zu erreichen. Das Ziel muss sein: ein lebensfähiger Staat Palästina und ein sicherer jüdischer Staat Israel. Und ich glaube, dass es dazu gehört, dass in der Tat beide Seiten bilateral hier etwas zu erreichen haben. Dazu gehören auch ein Ende der settlement-Politik und eine Ende der Gewalt der Hamas.

Gewalt und settlement und all dieses passt nicht dazu, und da müssen auf beiden Seiten bestimmte Dinge entwickelt werden, damit Vertrauen entsteht, aber gleichzeitig müssen die arabischen Staaten, wie auch die Mitglieder des Quartetts auch für das notwendige Maß an Vermittlung und nachfolgender Sicherheit sorgen, damit es im Lande vorangeht. Ferner bedarf es auch der entsprechenden Unterstützung, die wir einem lebensfähigen Staat Israel liefern müssen, für eine funktionierende Verwaltung, für den Kampf gegen Korruption, um so einen wirtschaftlich lebensfähigen Staat zu haben, der seine Rolle spielen kann. Ich glaube deswegen, Frau Mogherini, sollten wir Ihnen gute Wünsche mitgeben für Ihre Reise nach New York, um diese Initiative dort anzustoßen.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)


  Presidente. – Onorevole Elmar Brok, ci sono due cartellini blu per Lei. Le chiedo se vuole rispondere, però voglio informare gli onorevoli colleghi che dopo questa richiesta non potrò accettare più di un cartellino blu per oratore, perché questo andrà a detrimento anche degli interventi su richiesta.


  Molly Scott Cato (Verts/ALE), blue-card question. The joint resolution mentions the large amounts of investment by the EU in Gaza, but the infrastructure this paid for was severely damaged during the 2014 conflict. For example, the north Gaza waste water treatment plant was damaged, meaning that 95% of water in Gaza is now unsafe to drink. I would like to ask Mr Brok whether he agrees, as suggested by the joint resolution, that we urgently need a list of EU-funded projects that were destroyed, with an indication of the cost of that destruction?


  Richard Sulík (ECR), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. Herr Brok, ich kann dem, was Sie gesagt haben, nur zustimmen. Meine Frage ist folgende: Wie ist Ihre Meinung dazu, dass aktuell Frankreich und Großbritannien sich entschlossen haben, die Positionen des Islamischen Staates zu bombardieren, während Deutschland eher eine andere Linie versucht, und zwar zu verhandeln, auch mit Herrn Assad. Wäre es nicht Ihrer Meinung nach besser, wenn zumindest diese drei großen Länder in der Europäischen Union die Kräfte bündeln würden und gemeinsam vorgehen würden?


  Elmar Brok (PPE), Antwort auf zwei Fragen nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. Herr Präsident! Wenn ich auf die letzte Frage eingehen darf. Wenn ich die Franzosen und die Briten richtig verstanden habe, wollen sie ISIS bombardieren, nicht Assad. Da ist, glaube ich, dann ein leichter Unterschied in der Beurteilung.

Hier gibt es eine Arbeitsteilung. Deutschland hat Waffen geliefert an die Peschmerga, um ISIS zu bekämpfen – wirkungsvolle Waffen – und macht auch Ausbildung für die Peschmerga, um beispielsweise gegen ISIS vorgehen zu können. Ich glaube, dass wir eine gemeinsame Herangehensweise haben müssen, um ISIS zu bekämpfen. Ich habe das in meiner Rede zum Ausdruck gebracht: Das Wichtigste wird sein, dass wir die Türken, die Saudis und die Iraner gewinnen, den Stellvertreterkrieg dort zu beenden und sie hier in eine gemeinsame Strategie einbinden, weil die ISIS inzwischen für alle zu einer Bedrohung geworden ist. Hier liegt vielleicht eine gute Aufgabe der Europäischen Union, so etwas zuwege zu bringen. Denn ohne die Beteiligten am Stellvertreterkrieg davon wegzubringen, wird das nicht gelingen. Und wir werden unter dem Alibi eines Religionsstreits einen Kampf regionaler Mächte um Einfluss haben. Dies müssen wir auch mit diesen Ländern gerade gemeinsam bewältigen.

Bei der Vision einer Gaza-Lösung muss man darüber reden, ob das, was Israel gemacht hat, verhältnismäßig war. Aber Israel ist erst mal von Gaza aus beschossen worden. Das wurde zur Kenntnis genommen, das muss man auch dabei sehen. Wir müssen sehen, dass manches von Baugegenständen – Zement – in Gaza nicht für den Bau von Häusern benutzt worden ist, sondern für den Bau von Tunnels. Auch dies muss in eine ausgewogene Bewertung mit einbezogen werden. Jetzt eine Liste aufzustellen, dass dann Israel Kompensation an die Europäische Union zahlen sollte, damit es wieder aufgebaut wird, scheint mir nicht ein Lösungsweg zu sein, mit dem wir hier Fortschritte erreichen, sondern würde nur eine Belebung der Hamas sein, die ja auch ihre politische Autorität aus Ramallah bisher daran gehindert hat, dass die dort auch das Regime hat und das Land beherrschen kann. Die palästinensische Autorität muss die Zuständigkeit für Gesamtpalästina einschließlich Gaza haben. Das scheint mir der sinnvolle Ansatzpunkt zu sein, um hier zu Gesprächen zu kommen.


   Victor Boştinaru, în numele grupului S&D. Domnule președinte, această dezbatere vine la momentul potrivit pentru ca Parlamentul European să poată sprijini Uniunea Europeană în a juca un rol cât mai activ și mai eficace în procesul de pace din Orientul Mijlociu. Acesta se află astăzi într-un impas mai grav ca niciodată și reprezintă o directă amenințare pentru securitatea Uniunii noastre Europene. De aici, nevoia de a reafirma angajamentul nostru pentru un proces de pace în zonă și, în particular, pentru procesul de pace între Israel și Palestina, bazat pe principiile recunoscute ale frontierelor din 1967 și pe faptul că cele două state, Israel și Palestina, trebuie să coexiste în securitate și în pace.

Doamnă Înalt Reprezentant, ați demonstrat, în anul care a trecut, întregul dumneavoastră angajament, aș spune chiar entuziasmul, pentru a contribui la relansarea procesului de pace și la intensificarea rolului Uniunii noastre în această direcție. Noi vă susținem, iar rezoluția pe care o adoptăm mâine vine să confirme, o dată în plus, dacă mai era nevoie, acest lucru. Orice soluție durabilă pentru conflictul israelo-palestinian se poate realiza doar într-un context regional, cu implicarea actorilor regionali importanți pe care dumneavoastră i-ați menționat - e vorba de Egipt, de Iordania, de Arabia Saudită - și prin cooperarea strânsă între noi și Statele Unite ale Americii și, de asemenea, instituțional, prin cooperarea cu Liga Arabă și relansarea proiectului acesteia, Arab League Peace Plan. În acest context, eu și grupul meu vă acordăm tot sprijinul și aș dori, în această sală, să amintesc că, recent, noi, europenii, am primit un mesaj extrem de pozitiv din Israel. Vicepreședintele Knessetului, deputatul opoziției Hilik Bar, a prezentat documentul său privitor la un proiect de pace, care este impresionant prin curajul, prin viziunea și prin forța de a spune inclusiv adevăruri neconvenabile pentru audiența israeliană. El ne reamintește tuturor cuvintele eroului păcii, Yitzhak Rabin, „You can only make peace with your enemy”. Acest adevăr fundamental este încă valabil astăzi, inclusiv pentru premierul Netanyahu.

Pentru că Parlamentul European a reușit în acest an să contribuie la sprijinirea eforturilor Comisiei, mâine vom adopta o rezoluție care, fapt fără precedent, va fi consemnată de toate grupurile din această sală. Este impresionant, dar, în egală măsură, este cel mai puternic mandat pe care vi-l putem da, doamnă președinte, pentru a contribui ca Uniunea noastră să aducă pacea în Orientul Apropiat. Vă mulțumesc și vă doresc succes.

(Vorbitorul a acceptat să răspundă unei întrebări adresate în conformitate cu articolul 162 alineatul (8) din Regulament).


  Bas Belder (ECR).- "Blauwe kaart"-vraag Collega Boştinaru, u geeft hoog op van het vredesplan van het Knesset-lid Hilik Bar. Ik deel uw achting voor Hilik Bar, want ik ken hem persoonlijk. Mijn vraag is: heeft u de voorliggende gezamenlijke resolutie over het vredesproces in het Midden-Oosten ook aan hem voorgelegd? Zijn naam wordt immers genoemd. Ik trek namelijk ten zeerste in twijfel dat de heer Hilik Bar zich in deze resolutie kan vinden!


  Victor Boştinaru (S&D), blue-card answer. Mr Belder, I had the privilege to negotiate yesterday, in four long hours of tense but incredibly fruitful discussions and negotiations, with all the representatives of the groups in this House, and I can only confirm that by the end of that unprecedented negotiation session, all the political groups had agreed to co-sign this resolution. That being so, it is useless to challenge the support which was expressed by the political groups because they were the ones to decide, through their own political decision-making systems, to co-sign the resolution and to adopt it tomorrow. This will be an amazing demonstration of support for the work of the European Union. Parliament itself can never negotiate, but it can help to provide a strong mandate for the real negotiators, and the brokers of the negotiations, and such a strong message will – I am convinced – be properly heard too by Jerusalem and by Ramallah.


  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. Mr President, the prospects for the MENA region look grim if one were to think of Libya, Syria and Iraq. There is, though, a growing will from regional players to renew the efforts for the Middle East peace process between Israel and Palestine. As Egypt battles terrorist attacks in the Sinai, Saudi Arabia worries about growing Iranian influence after the nuclear deal and Jordan faces every day increasing pressure from the scale of its refugee crisis, as well as those from Palestine – also now from Syria – we can be more optimistic that there is a real common interest now to pursue a deal.

Therefore I welcome the High Representative’s call to the UN Quartet to relaunch the peace process and I do believe that the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative should be used as a blueprint to start from, with the commitment to the two-peoples two-nations approach.

With power shifting in the Palestinian Authority and Hamas reportedly facing pressure now in Gaza from ISIS, there is also reason to believe that those players at the centre of the debate are keen to see progress, for various different reasons as I have outlined. All too often the negotiations are undermined by focusing on the details too early, which is why contentious topics such as the status of Jerusalem, East Jerusalem, which settlements can stay or go, and the right of return for the Palestinians must now be left to the end, following simpler confidence-building initiatives now at the beginning. For instance, in my view, cooperation on the eradication of the ISIS menace, which is a common enemy to all the parties, must be the number one priority.


  Hilde Vautmans, namens de ALDE-Fractie. Het conflict tussen Israël en Palestina, het oudste in de streek, zoals u zelf zei mevrouw Mogherini, geeft mij vaak het gevoel van an eye for an eye en dan wil ik eigenlijk teruggrijpen naar Ghandi, die lang geleden zei: "an eye for an eye makes the world go blind". Hier in dit halfrond mogen wij dat echter niet zijn. Wij mogen niet blind zijn voor wat daar gebeurd is en wat daar nog elke dag gebeurt: nederzettingen hoge muren en prikkeldraden, kinderen die niet naar school kunnen gaan, raketten vanuit Gaza en bommen vanuit Israel. Ik ben er geweest en ik heb het gezien. En eigenlijk moet ik u zeggen: het is een schandvlek dat dit anno 2015 nog steeds aan de hand is.

Ik heb zelden een conflict gezien dat zoveel mensen beroert, dat zoveel mensen doet kiezen in een kamp. Ook hier in onze fracties. En vandaar dat ik de coördinator van harte wil feliciteren en danken. Wij hebben gisteren vier uur onderhandeld en ik ben heel erg blij dat we vandaag tot een akkoord gekomen zijn.

Mevrouw Mogherini, wij hebben elkaar dit weekend in Luxemburg nog gesproken en heel lang gedebatteerd. U bent vandaag of gisteren ongeveer een jaar aan de slag en ik vind dat u uitstekend werk heeft geleverd. Het is zoals collega Brok zei: u heeft met uw akkoord met Iran eigenlijk echt wel getoond dat u een dame bent met moed, met kracht. U heeft heel veel vertrouwen gewonnen. Maar dan leggen wij natuurlijk nu ook een zware last op uw schouders en wij hopen dat u ook hier alles op alles zet om dit conflict tot een oplossing te brengen.

Ik zou willen verwijzen naar het debat van deze ochtend waar voorzitter Juncker toch wel heel erg hard de nadruk heeft gelegd op de aanpak van de asiel- en migratiecrisis. Ik kan het niet helpen, maar ik heb het hier al vaak gehoord: Aylan, het jongetje dat de dood heeft gevonden. Ik zou even willen zeggen: Aylan heeft heel veel vriendjes en heel veel ouders die ook in vrede willen leven. Laten wij hier nu eens alles op alles zetten, het gezond verstand gebruiken, iedereen erachter scharen. Mevrouw Mogherini, u heeft alvast onze steun om naar New York te gaan en ervoor te zorgen dat die twee partijen tot een oplossing komen. Heel veel succes.


  Martina Anderson, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. Mr President, yesterday we had a four-hour negotiation meeting to hopefully secure a joint resolution on the Middle East peace process. The GUE/NGL Group and my party, Sinn Fein, would prefer a stronger worded motion demanding the end of the occupation of Palestine and the release of political prisoners, particularly the PLC members who have been detained.

I think, however, we all agree that the EU should be a dominant political player in the Middle East peace process by advancing meaningful initiatives for a comprehensive solution. High Representative, we believe that Palestine should be placed under international protection and the EU should ensure the full implementation of the recommendations contained in the UN Independent Commission of Inquiry report into last year’s assault on Gaza, including its recommendation to support actively the work of the ICC. The EU should also ensure that no EU funds are allocated to Israeli organisations involved in occupation activities, as a lever to apply pressure on the Israeli Government to re-engage in a meaningful peace process and to work for a two-state solution.

Of concern last week was the information imparted to a joint Palestine and Israel delegation meeting that Israel is not prioritising a peace process. We were informed that it is virtually off Israel’s foreign policy agenda. This is not acceptable, High Representative, and I believe it must be challenged. We wish you all the best.


  Tamás Meszerics, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. Mr President, Madam High Representative, Mr Vice-President, colleagues, we are here again to talk about the Israel-Palestine conflict, and I am willing to bet a substantial part of my income from this House that it is not going to be the last time we discuss the issue.

I will try to refrain from grandstanding and pretending that we, or anyone in this House, could know the exact solution to the conflict. What we know, however, is that the conflict needs to be resolved because a one-state solution – towards which there are some indications that Israel is moving – is a non-solution. My Israeli friends also know that. The reason why we base our position on the two-state solution is not ideological: it is a practical response to thinking about how the alternative would look.

I would like to remind everybody of a brilliant piece by none other than Tony Judd, way back in 2003 in the New York Review of Books, which made waves in Israel as well. Back then he argued that, if the two-state solution was dead, the one-state solution might be coming and the bad news was that it was going to be much more costly for both the Palestinians and the Israelis. It is not a solution that anyone should aspire to, and we are not supporting anything which allows the last hope for a two-state solution simply to evaporate because of inaction.

That is why we have been working very closely with the S&D Group and the rapporteur, and, luckily, after four hours of negotiations we were able to put together a text, which is not ideal from our point of view but which, at least, may provide strong support from this Chamber and offer a strong mandate for what to do next.

The negotiations should resume and should involve both sides and all the parties. At the same time, we should not forget that international law needs to be observed, even by Israel, and if that is not a principled stance on the part of the EU we will not be able to influence the situation. Either we base ourselves on international law and international principles or we will have no impact on our immediate environment. The five-million political community simply cannot afford that, so thank you very much for your efforts, Madam High Representative, Mr Vice-President, and the best of luck to you.


  James Carver, on behalf of the EFDD Group. Mr President, what I have learned in my first year elected to this place is that the problem with the EU’s role in the Middle East is that – to put it bluntly – political opinion often seems to favour one side of the argument. Across many of the different EU institutions, it remains fairly uncritical of Palestine and always puts the onus on Israel. It seems to me that it is carrots for Palestinians and a stick for Israel. Chairing the negotiation of a deal with a state that calls for the destruction of its neighbour, with massive grants of financial aid to Gaza, whilst rockets are still being fired into Israel, is hardly the best approach towards lasting peace.

Central to your involvement, Commissioner, is support for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), with the EU as its largest multilateral donor. But, interestingly, my country, the UK, is not far off matching the total EU contribution. There remains a valid question about UNRWA’s efficiency and what exactly the EU is funding, as well as concerns over UNRWA’s governance. There always appears to be some budget crisis.

Commissioner, I would like to ask what assessments and audit checks the Commission carries out on UNRWA. In the past, UNRWA has regrettably been a byword for corruption and waste.

Finally, there is a question as to what the role of the EU is in the continuing discussions with the Quartet, UN Security Council and various bilateral negotiations. Is there not a danger of confusion with so many actors? Is it the case that the EU wishes to be involved so that it can appear as a player, rather than bringing something constructive to the table?

There needs to be fresh thinking outside the constraints of a two-state solution. In any case, there needs to be a more even-handed approach to Israel. Until such a time, I fear that the stalemate and tragedy on both sides will continue. If Hamas were to renounce its call for the destruction of Israel, it would be the first step on this long, rocky road.


  Presidente. – Io ho ancora richieste di cartellino blu da parte parlamentari che devono intervenire nel corso del dibattito. Se concedo il cartellino blu anche agli oratori, finiamo per concludere il dibattito tra due ore, mi pare impossibile, c'è da rispettare una tempistica, ci sono da rispettare tutti gli oratori dei dibattiti seguenti.

Quindi da questo momento non accetto più cartellini blu da parte di parlamentari che sono già iscritti a parlare e sarò costretto, al termine degli interventi a nome dei gruppi, a far rispettare rigorosamente il tempo assegnato, perché sono tantissimi gli oratori, in questo dibattito, e sono tantissimi anche nei prossimi dibattiti. Per rispetto di tutti i nostri colleghi sarò costretto a togliere la parola a coloro che sforeranno il tempo previsto.


  Κωνσταντίνος Παπαδάκης (NI). Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η εξαθλίωση, o πόλεμος και το αιματοκύλισμα των λαών στη Μέση Ανατολή, η συνεχιζόμενη κατοχή και η σφαγή του παλαιστινιακού λαού απ το Ισραήλ, το ξερίζωμα των ανθρώπων κατά κύματα για να πνίγονται στον υγρό τάφο στον οποίο έχετε μετατρέψει τη Μεσόγειο, όλα αυτά είναι εγκλήματα που φέρουν τη σφραγίδα των ιμπεριαλιστικών επεμβάσεων της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και των συμμάχων της, των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών και του ΝΑΤΟ. Εγκλήματα που διαπράττονται με κάθε είδους προσχήματα, όπως σήμερα με τους τζιχαντιστές που είναι το δικό σας αποκρουστικό δημιούργημα. Οι σημερινές δηλώσεις Juncker, οι απειλές που εκτόξευσε εναντίον τρίτων χωρών, με εργαλείο την απονομή του τίτλου «ασφαλής χώρα», είναι δείγμα της έντασης της επιθετικότητας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και της όξυνσης των ιμπεριαλιστικών ανταγωνισμών για τον έλεγχο των ενεργειακών πόρων και των δρόμων μεταφοράς τους. Αυτοί οι ανταγωνισμοί ενέχουν μεγάλους κινδύνους για τους λαούς και η Ελλάδα εμπλέκεται σε αυτούς. Οι λαοί όμως έχουν τη δύναμη να χαλάσουν αυτά τα σχέδια. Αρκεί να στοχεύσουν σωστά το καπιταλιστικό σύστημα, τα μονοπώλια και τις ενώσεις τους, για να μπορέσουν να πάρουν στα χέρια τους τον πλούτο που μπορούν να παράγουν και να τον καρπώνονται οι ίδιοι .


  Michèle Alliot-Marie (PPE). Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, cela fait maintenant des années que nous voyons la situation de la sécurité au Moyen-Orient se dégrader régulièrement et je dirais que la situation actuelle est encore pire, puisque nous avons également une déstabilisation quasi totale de la région qui a des conséquences sur d'autres régions. On le voit en Afrique mais on le voit aussi en Europe dans tous les domaines, qu'il s'agisse de la migration d'exilés ou de terroristes.

Madame la Haute représentante, je crois que notre histoire, notre influence, notre capacité à parler avec tous les pays et notre puissance morale autant que militaire nous obligent. Elles nous obligent et elles nous permettent aussi d'agir en fédérant tous ceux qui sont susceptibles de participer au rétablissement du dialogue et au rétablissement de la confiance. Aujourd'hui plus que jamais, je crois que la montée du terrorisme et la déstabilisation de la région exigent des avancées rapides. Il y a de moins en moins de fenêtres de tir pour une action de réconciliation et de paix ou pour une stabilisation de la région. Les bases des solutions sont connues, elles sont d'ailleurs rappelées dans la résolution que nous verrons demain. Le problème, c'est la volonté d'agir et la confiance.

Madame la Haute représentante, je crois que ce qu'il y a de nouveau dans cette résolution, c'est l'unanimité obtenue afin de vous apporter un soutien qui vous permettra effectivement d'agir et d'avoir un rôle moteur pour motiver et pour obliger peut-être certaines parties à revenir autour de la table. Je crois que le problème essentiel c'est effectivement –  je l'ai déjà dit –  celui de la confiance. Pour avoir discuté avec les chefs d'État et avec les ministres des deux pays, on sent bien que les solutions sont reconnues, mais la confiance manque.

Alors, tout le monde a compris aujourd'hui qu'il faut agir. Madame la Haute représentante, vous avez notre appui total au-delà de nos divergences et de nos différences; nous avons voulu le marquer. À vous de nous montrer que nous avons eu raison.


  Richard Howitt (S&D). Mr President, in this debate let us show the responsibility not simply to rehearse old arguments or entrench past divisions. Let us address what we can do now to bring people together for the future, and that should start with welcoming the new and active role being pursued by the High Representative/Vice President. We welcome the confidence which Ms Mogherini has established with the different parties, including the greater engagement to which she has committed herself again today with the Arab partners. When she came to the Committee on Foreign Affairs in July, Mrs Mogherini said Mr Netanyahu had told her that he had recommitted Israel to a two-state solution, and she added that she now expected him to show it. We should join her in that expectation on all Israelis and on all Palestinians.

To our Palestinian friends, we were proud to pass the resolution in favour of a move towards recognition of your state, but we always said that this was not a substitute for direct talks. We hope the successful vote today to name our own delegation, specifically one with Palestine, will be a further such encouragement. We note the efforts last week in Qatar of your chief negotiator to seek Hamas’ participation in a meeting of the Palestinian National Council. We encourage reconciliation, and should consider any further action the EU take can take to help achieve it. In today’s resolution, we will vote for full implementation of the recommendations made in the report of the UN independent commission of inquiry, which identified war crimes of the 2014 Gaza conflict, including to support actively the work of the International Criminal Court. It is right to do so.

Mr President, there will always be those who say nothing will change in the Middle East, but today’s resolution is for peace, for justice and for statehood. There must be no third intifada.


  Mark Demesmaeker (ECR). Wij worden meer dan ooit geconfronteerd met een complexe situatie in een heel brede regio waar verschillende conflicten elkaar beïnvloeden en verergeren. En u heeft gelijk, mevrouw Mogherini, in die regionale context is het oudste conflict het stukje van de puzzel waarmee je moet beginnen. En ik juich daarom uw voornemen toe om een actieve rol te spelen namens de Europese Unie: bouwen aan een regionaal kader, bouwen aan vertrouwen om die partijen de brug te laten oversteken.

Wij staan volmondig achter een twee statenoplossing, waarbij Israël en Palestina naast elkaar bestaan. De erkenning van een Palestijnse staat is noodzakelijk en die is pas zinvol via onderhandelingen met Israël, waarbij ook de internationale gemeenschap ondersteuning biedt. Ik wil u, mevrouw Mogherini, van harte veel moed en werkkracht toewensen in uw nieuwe actieve rol in de bemiddeling om een consensus te vinden die aansluit bij de evenwichtige en genuanceerde houding, waarvoor in het verleden ook werd gekozen. Ik vind het belangrijk dat u de volledige steun krijgt van deze volksvertegenwoordiging, onze steun heeft u alvast.


  Pavel Telička (ALDE). Mr President, the Vice—President has said today that this is a region of multiple challenges, and that is a central part of the puzzle. I could not agree more.

Madam Vice-President, there is something more important that you have said recently: the goal is two states for two peoples, and I think that exactly this wording is quite vital. I do not want to repeat what will be in the resolution – I believe that this is a resolution of support and peace – but what should the EU focus on? The EU should focus on reconciliation between the Palestinians: that is one goal. Second, rapprochement with Israel. The third goal is clearly Gaza: improving conditions there. We should aim at getting the two parties at the negotiating table without any conditions. Having said that, I think our goal should be for the Palestinians to administrate Gaza and, obviously, for the Israelis to cease any other acts regarding the settlements. In such a case, I think that we could agree: we could become a global player, but as a global player we could contribute to a resolution of the crisis. As naive as it may be seen today, I believe that it is achievable.


  Nεοκλής Συλικιώτης (GUE/NGL). Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, η κατάσταση στη Μέση Ανατολή γίνεται ολοένα και πιο επικίνδυνη. Δυστυχώς, η Ένωση με την εξωτερική της πολιτική αποσταθεροποιεί την περιοχή, καθώς στηρίζει τις ιμπεριαλιστικές επεμβάσεις που τροφοδοτούν τις τρομοκρατικές δυνάμεις, αιματοκυλούν τους λαούς και δημιουργούν τα κύματα προσφύγων. Στην καρδιά του δράματος βρίσκεται το Παλαιστινιακό πρόβλημα. Η επίλυση του Παλαιστινιακού θα διαδραματίσει καθοριστικό ρόλο στην επικράτηση της ειρήνης σε ολόκληρη την περιοχή της Μέσης Ανατολής. Αναμένουμε, λοιπόν, από την Ένωση να στηρίξει τον αγώνα του Παλαιστινιακού Λαού για τη δημιουργία ενός ανεξάρτητου, βιώσιμου, κυρίαρχου παλαιστινιακού κράτους, στα σύνορα του 1967, και με πρωτεύουσα την Ανατολική Ιερουσαλήμ. Αναμένουμε να σεβαστεί το διεθνές και ευρωπαϊκό δίκαιο και να ασκήσει πιέσεις στο Ισραήλ για να τερματιστεί ο εποικισμός αλλά και οι πολιτικές του απαρτχάιντ. Πιστεύουμε, κυρία Mogherini, ότι η Ένωση οφείλει να σεβαστεί τις ίδιες τις διακηρύξεις της και να αναστείλει τη συμφωνία σύνδεσης μέχρις ότου το Ισραήλ πάψει να παραβιάζει το άρθρο 2 σχετικά με την ανάγκη σεβασμού των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. Σας καλούμε επίσης να παρέμβετε, ώστε να τερματιστεί το εμπόριο όπλων μεταξύ κρατών μελών και Ισραήλ, με τα οποία όπλα βομβαρδίζεται η Γάζα και ξεκληρίζονται ολόκληρες οικογένειες. Θέλουμε να εμμείνετε στη διασφάλιση του δικαιώματος των προσφύγων για επιστροφή και να καταγγείλετε τις συνεχείς παραβιάσεις ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. Πρέπει να προστατευτούν οι πρόσφυγες και ιδιαίτερα τα παιδιά που γίνονται σήμερα πρόσφυγες για δεύτερη φορά και πρέπει να διεκδικηθεί η απελευθέρωση όλων των Παλαιστινίων κρατουμένων. Πριν από όλα, όμως, απαιτούμε από την Ένωση να προσδιορίσει τους στόχους της εξωτερικής πολιτικής της, να πάψει να γίνεται ουρά ιμπεριαλιστικών πολέμων και των ΗΠΑ και να πάψει να εξυπηρετεί τα συμφέροντα των ΗΠΑ. Η Ένωση πρέπει να εξυπηρετεί μόνο τα συμφέροντα της ειρήνης στην περιοχή.


  Margrete Auken (Verts/ALE). Hr. Formand! Fru Mogherini, tak for redegørelsen og tak for engagementet og tak for at nævne, at denne konflikt ikke bare er den ældste, men at den også er meget vigtig at få løst, ikke mindst hvis Europa skal skabe sig noget troværdighed i området.

Vores dobbeltmoral er altså meget, meget tydelig og nævnes fra mange sider. Vi insisterer kun på, at internationale regler skal overholdes, når det gælder andre, men ikke når det gælder Israel. Det er vigtigt at få sagt, at det ikke drejer sig om to ligestillede parter, nej, den ene part besætter den anden! Hvis man ikke kan se forskel på besættere og besatte, så er der et eller andet galt i hovedet på en. Jeg savner selvfølgelig ikke kun, at vi får sagt helt tydeligt, at besættelsen skal ophæves, men også, at vi får klarhed over, hvilke midler vi faktisk har for at få ting til at virke. Vi har i mange år foldet hænderne og ønsket, det ville gå godt, vi vil gerne bygge tillid, vi vil gerne have folk til at tro på hinanden og så videre og så videre, og intet sker! Jo, der kommer flere og flere bosættelser!

Noget, vi kan gøre, er der faktisk allerede nu, og det bør vi være klar over. Vi har oprindeligt i vores grønne forslag en række ting, der kan gøres, som er retsmidler, ikke straf, ikke BDS, ikke boykot. Det vil altså sige, at vi i et helt andet omfang end i dag skal tage vores egne love alvorligt og leve op til dem og få en ordentlig adskillelsespolitik mellem Israel og de besatte områder, så opmærksomheden ikke kun rettes mod produkter derfra, men også mod alle virksomheder, der har med besættelsen at gøre, også mod universiteter, mod banker, mod alt muligt. Hvis vi dér siger, at dem vil EU ikke have noget med at gøre, fordi de er ulovlige ifølge EU's egne love, er jeg ret sikker på, at der vil ske noget.

Endelig håber jeg, hvis dette ikke bliver taget alvorligt, at vi så får en anden brugbar strategi, der sætter gang i processen, i stedet for blot fromme ønsker og ord.


  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD). Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, gentile Alto rappresentante, vorrei poter guardare al futuro con un po' più di ottimismo per il processo di pace in Medio Oriente, ma purtroppo un po' mentirei a me stesso. Questo, perché la situazione oggi ci dice che il controllo del potere in Israele, quanto in Palestina, è saldamente in mano al partito più pericoloso di tutti: il partito preso!

Ciò è vero in Israele, dove il nuovo governo Netanyahu appare schiacciato dalla sua stessa retorica elettorale, sempre più isolato e in parte ostaggio dei partiti nazionalisti e ultraortodossi che lo sostengono. E così ogni sforzo sembra più catalizzato verso il mantenimento dello status quo. Ostacolare una riconciliazione tra le fazioni palestinesi, tra Hamas e Fatah, per non avere un interlocutore; osteggiare anche l'accordo, così faticoso, sul nucleare iraniano per impedire l'effettiva concretizzazione dei suoi potenziali effetti, quel cambiamento sostanziale di circostanze che forse ci aiuterebbe effettivamente ad avere un serio rilancio dei negoziati, con la collaborazione interessata un po' anche dei paesi del Golfo e della Turchia.

Anche i palestinesi hanno le loro gravi responsabilità, in primis, una classe dirigente ormai lontana anni luce dal popolo che rappresenta; le dimissioni di Abbas sono forse un atto di disperazione o una mossa tattica, ce lo dirà il tempo, ma seminano di certo incertezza sul breve termine. Si resta, quindi, in balia di questo eterno rinvio, mentre Gaza resta un'immensa e desolata prigione a cielo aperto e procedono le colonizzazioni illegali.

Il nostro ruolo non può essere solamente di finanziatori di infrastrutture e progetti peraltro spesso distrutti, è bene coinvolgere i paesi arabi, è bene rilanciare anche il ruolo del quartetto e lavorare sulle condizioni per avere di nuovo la fiducia, ma se non usciamo da questa palude con una politica forte, decisa ed energica su ambo le parti affinché non vi restino, non avremo né una soluzione a due Stati né un'autorità nel contesto e purtroppo semineremo ancora di più il germe dell'estremismo e di Daesh.


  Aymeric Chauprade (ENF). Monsieur le Président, Madame la vice-présidente, le Moyen-Orient est à feu et à sang. Il a sombré dans un chaos indescriptible: destruction des hommes, destruction de la mémoire, destruction des différences au profit du totalitarisme islamique qui s'étend au Moyen-Orient et qui s'infiltre partout en Europe. Le Moyen-Orient saigne et son sang s'écoule à flot maintenant vers l'Europe.

Mais qui a détruit les États-nations qu'étaient l'Iraq, la Libye et la Syrie? Qui a détruit les gouvernements arabes qui avaient soumis le religieux au politique, maintenaient la cohabitation pacifique entre les communautés ethno-religieuses, permettaient aux femmes d'accéder à l'autonomie et à la dignité? Qui a réveillé partout le djihadisme de l'islam? Qui a créé ce monstrueux État islamique qui transforme les enfants en égorgeurs et détruit nos héritages multimillénaires? Qui soutenait le fondamentalisme islamique en Afghanistan à la fin des années 1980? Qui le soutenait en Yougoslavie en 1990? Qui, en 1999, bombardait la Serbie, de tous temps un rempart contre l'expansion islamique en Europe? Qui, aujourd'hui, arme les milices néonazies et les bataillons de djihadistes tchétchènes qui massacrent des villageois russophones dans l'est de l'Ukraine? Qui soutient le communautarisme islamique et la construction de mosquées partout en Europe? Qui veut obliger les nations d'Europe centrale et orientale à se détourner de leur civilisation en acceptant l'immigration musulmane? Qui? Vous le savez tous, c'est l'euro-atlantisme par la tyrannie de l'émotion neutralisant la raison des peuples, par les bombes de l'OTAN et par la submersion migratoire. Beaucoup d'entre vous ici serez complices, devant l'histoire, de la lente destruction de notre civilisation, la civilisation européenne et chrétienne.


  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). Κύριε Πρόεδρε, ένας νεαρός Σύριος είπε, σε συνέντευξη που έδωσε, «σταματήστε τους πολέμους και εμείς θα σταματήσουμε να φεύγουμε απ την πατρίδα μας». Πώς όμως θα σταματήσουμε τους πολέμους που προκαλούν οι ΗΠΑ όταν, ως Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, εμπλεκόμαστε οι ίδιοι σε αυτούς, πολέμους που δημιουργούν πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες οι οποίοι δεν πηγαίνουν, βεβαίως, στις ΗΠΑ αλλά έρχονται στην Ευρώπη, πολέμους στους οποίους στηρίζουμε, κατά τεκμήριο, τη λάθος πλευρά; Στη Συρία, παραδείγματος χάριν, εξακολουθούμε να θέλουμε να ανατρέψουμε τον Assad που μάχεται εναντίον του ISIS τη στιγμή που οι αντικαθεστωτικοί έχουν σχεδόν εκμηδενιστεί στρατιωτικά. Ανεχόμαστε την Τουρκία που στέλνει κρυφά όπλα στον ISIS. Ανεχόμαστε την Τουρκία που φέρνει λαθραίως χιλιάδες μετανάστες στην Ελλάδα, ανάμεσα στους οποίους υπάρχουν εγκληματίες τζιχαντιστές. Ανεχόμαστε τη Σαουδική Αραβία που βομβαρδίζει την Υεμένη και τέλος, ανεχόμαστε την Τουρκία που, αντί να μάχεται εναντίον του ISIS, βομβαρδίζει τους Κούρδους μαχητές, δηλαδή τη μόνη χερσαία δύναμη που έχει σημειώσει στρατιωτικές επιτυχίες εναντίον των τζιχαντιστών. Εάν δεν αλλάξουμε την πολιτική μας, ποιαν απάντηση μπορεί να δώσουμε στο νεαρό Σύριο;


  Mariya Gabriel (PPE). Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, l'Union dispose aujourd'hui des moyens institutionnels et de votre engagement personnel nécessaire pour jouer un rôle plus important et surtout décisif. Il y a trois éléments que je voudrais souligner.

Premièrement, nous devons être unis et fermes. Nous devons être unis car les États membres ont la responsabilité de respecter votre travail et celui de notre représentant spécial et d'éviter des actions unilatérales affaiblissant l'action européenne. Nous devons être fermes à l'égard des colonies qui sont illégales selon le droit international et de la poursuite de cette politique qui est tout sauf favorable à la reprise des négociations de paix.

Deuxième élément, le rôle de l'Union est d'identifier et de rassembler des partenaires modérés, intéressés et déterminés par et pour la paix au Moyen-Orient. Il faut trouver ces acteurs aussi bien parmi les Palestiniens et les Israéliens que parmi les autres pays de la région. La réconciliation intra-palestinienne et les efforts sincères des voisins arabes sont nécessaires. Il faudra tirer tout le profit de la politique européenne de voisinage dans ce domaine, et je pense en particulier au rôle des jeunes générations.

Enfin, troisièmement, la stratégie de l'Union au Moyen—Orient doit être pluridimensionnelle, régionale et réaliste. Elle doit être pluridimensionnelle et régionale car il y a des défis autres que le conflit strictement israélo-palestinien: les flux migratoires, la guerre civile au Yémen, en Syrie et en Iraq, sans oublier l'État islamique. Elle doit être réaliste car les problèmes de la région qui menacent aussi la sécurité et la stabilité européenne ne vont pas simplement s'évanouir avec l'aboutissement de la paix israélo-palestinienne.

Donc, oui à l'audace et à la patience. Vous avez notre soutien, car l'Union européenne, grâce à vous, saura faire preuve de détermination pour pouvoir enfin trouver une perspective à long terme pour cette région.


  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, parliamoci chiaro, anche nell'attuale fase ancora intrisa di pessimismo, l'analisi dei dati della realtà ci ricorda che la soluzione dei due Stati non ha alternative. Tempo fa, Shimon Peres ebbe a dire che non è vero che non c'è luce in fondo al tunnel in Medio Oriente, tutt'altro! Affermava che la luce c'è, il problema è che non c'è il tunnel.

La sua era una considerazione amara che ritorna in mente a ogni ripetersi delle difficolta tra Israele e Palestina e dinanzi al fatto che il conflitto, con minore o maggiore intensità, non si è mai interrotto. Ed è questa percezione di intangibilità del conflitto, di fatalità indipendente dagli sforzi del mondo, che porta qualcuno a cercare soluzioni alternative, a pensare che, prima ancora di percorrerlo, bisogna trovare il tunnel buono.

Ma la verità è che una soluzione alternativa non c'è, perché di vie praticabili per la pace, ne esiste soltanto una. Il tunnel c'è, ma bisogna convincere israeliani e palestinesi a imboccarlo. Infatti, quali saranno le condizioni della pace fra israeliani e palestinesi è noto da anni, forse da decenni, su queste formule si sono articolate tutte le diverse trattative di pace, da Madrid a Oslo, da Camp David a Taba, dalla roadmap a Ginevra.

La spinta al processo di pace, quella dei due Stati, sono le indicazioni chiare della risoluzione del Parlamento europeo. Capisco le difficoltà che lei stessa, signora Alto rappresentante ha descritto, ma all'Unione europea spetta il compito di mettere in campo un'azione più forte e incisiva per quest'obiettivo. Del resto, dobbiamo essere consapevoli che, se vogliamo spegnere gli incendi che divampano in Medio Oriente, questo è il primo passo decisivo da compiere.


  Bas Belder (ECR). De lidstaten van de Europese Unie zijn vandaag in een ware wedloop met elkaar verwikkeld om goede zaken te doen met de Islamitische Republiek Iran, die als staatsideologie de vernietiging van de joodse staat Israël onderschrijft en nastreeft.

Over de rol van de EU in het vredesproces in de regio gesproken: Iran mobiliseert en traint Palestijnse terreurorganisaties voor die beoogde vernietiging van Israël.

Hoge Vertegenwoordiger, welke vredesrol speelt de EU eigenlijk tegenover Teheran en zijn Palestijnse trawanten. Leg mij dat nu eens even duidelijk uit! Want u wilt toch het laatste stukje land in de regio niet meeslepen in de huidige orkaan van teugelloos geweld?


  Ivo Vajgl (ALDE). Spoštovana visoka predstavnica, vi ste nas danes prepričali o tem, da si resnično želite priti v sfero tistih, ki lahko premaknejo stvari.

Najbrž je moralo priti tako daleč, da smo soočeni s katastrofo, katastrofo beguncev, da smo razumeli, da obstaja vzročna povezanost med vojnami, intervencijami, iluzijami, na katerih je temeljila politika Zahoda na Bližnjem vzhodu, in med posledicami, s katerimi smo soočeni danes.

Vendar mislim, da bistveno je spoznanje to, ki ste nam ga vi izpričali s tem, ko ste rekli:„Gremo v boj za mir.“ Mir je najbolj bistvena stvar.

Prva stvar, s katero se boste pa soočili vi, bo prepričati dosedanje velike igralce, med njimi ni bilo Evropske unije, da Evropa lahko doda vrednost k mirovnemu procesu, tako na Bližnjem vzhodu, med Palestinci in Izraelci, tako v celoti Bližnjega vzhoda in, rekel bi, tudi širše.


  Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL). Senhor Presidente, Senhora Alta Representante, este é, de facto, o conflito mais antigo do Médio Oriente e tem tido consequências irreversíveis e, por isso, eu gostava de falar de um relatório que saiu há uma semana, um relatório das Nações Unidas, para que não tenhamos mais uma consequência irreversível.

O estudo das Nações Unidas divulgado no início de setembro alertou para o facto de a Faixa de Gaza poder tornar-se inabitável em menos de cinco anos em resultado das três guerras que se sucederam. A água, a agricultura, as casas, os hospitais, as escolas, foi tudo destruído. O mesmo estudo revelou que as condições socioeconómicas no território estão no nível mais baixo desde 1967. O mesmo estudo mostra que a situação é insustentável após 8 anos de bloqueio económico. O mesmo estudo refere que, nos quatro primeiros meses de 2015, Israel voltou a reter as receitas aduaneiras, o que representaria 75% das entradas de dinheiro na Faixa de Gaza.

Em nenhum conflito a História se faz a preto e branco. Mas é verdade que este não é um conflito qualquer e que há um Estado opressor e que tem tido tratamento preferencial. Também esta semana houve um outro relatório que mostra que as vendas de armamento dos países europeus ao Estado de Israel continuam a aumentar. Num dos países esse aumento representou 1/3 da faturação, 1/3 de lucro e representa, aliás, despesas de 660 milhões de euros.

Senhora Alta Representante, poderemos, algum dia, neste Parlamento falar de processos de paz sem pôr fim ao negócio das armas? Eu confesso que apoio, e apoio o seu esforço. Mas nós temos que terminar com o processo do negócio das armas porque não há processo de paz que rime com o negócio de armas.


  Bodil Valero (Verts/ALE). Herr talman! Mellanöstern står i lågor, men vi pratar om den enda fredsprocess som ändå pågår, även om den fredsprocessen är så gott som död. Det kommer också tvåstatslösningen att vara väldigt snart om vi inte agerar väldigt snabbt.

Detta blir man väldigt varse när man besöker Israel och Palestina, vilket jag senast gjorde i juli i år, mitt i den värsta hettan, 50 grader varmt i Jordandalen, där bosättarna får köpa vattnet för cirka 7 shekel och beduinerna för 37.

Vi ska diskutera EU:s roll här i fredsprocessen. Jag menar att vi kan göra det genom att vara väldigt tydliga när det gäller just bosättarna och deras produkter. Att göra en klar åtskillnad mellan vad som är Israel och vad som är bosättarna. Vi har folkrätten fullständigt med oss i det, och vi kan göra skillnad.

Vi besökte byn Sosia, som också är rivningshotad. Där har man tryckt ner en bil i vattenbrunnen för att palestinierna aldrig mer ska kunna få rent vatten och då vara tvingade att köpa vatten via Israel också i det fallet.


  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (ENF). Monsieur le Président, je prendrai aussi une partie du temps que mon collègue n'a pas pris, mon groupe étant d'accord sur ce point.

La destruction du Proche et du Moyen-Orient est due tout d'abord à la destruction de l'Iraq et à cette guerre inutile en Iraq, à la gestion confessionnelle qui a ensuite été faite de l'Iraq, à la destruction par la suite de la Libye, à l'interventionnisme – également français, il faut le dire – ainsi qu'à la destruction de la Syrie. Tous ces actes ont été commis en raison du droit d'ingérence que l'Occident ainsi que l'Union se donnent pour manifester un impérialisme, soi-disant au nom des droits de l'homme et de la démocratie mais, malheureusement, en réalité, au service d'intérêts extérieurs contraires à nos intérêts européens. Il faut également y voir la volonté des États-Unis de créer un chaos profitable pour empêcher la création d'une Union eurasienne et eurocontinentale.

Face à cela, je tiens quand même à souligner, par rapport aux critiques qui sont faites à l'égard d'Israël, que ce pays est un pôle de stabilité et de démocratie et que si nous tenons effectivement à en faire également un pôle de guerre, avançons dans cette idée des deux États. On verra alors quel sera également le résultat pour Israël qui, actuellement, comme je le souligne, est le seul pôle de stabilité et de démocratie.

Dans ces conditions, il est scandaleux, irresponsable et digne, pour ma part, du crime de haute trahison d'empêcher les États de contrôler les flux de migrants dans lesquels l'État islamique, qui s'en vante, a lui-même revendiqué l'infiltration de ses combattants, qui seront demain un facteur d'instabilité du Proche et du Moyen-Orient qui gagnera notre continent. Il est irresponsable que des régimes comme l'Égypte ou la Syrie subissent des déstabilisations et, en fin de compte, des méthodes – il faut le dire – d'apprentis sorciers venant aussi – précisons-le – de la Commission.

Pour couronner le tout, nous soutenons et vous, le Parlement et la Commission, soutenez la Turquie alors que ce pays vient d'attaquer les Kurdes d'Iraq qui se battent contre l'État islamique. Par contre, vous êtes et nous sommes en grande partie restés sourds aux cris d'agonie des minorités chrétiennes d'Orient. Où étaient nos larmes face à ces milliers de femmes et d'hommes vendus comme esclaves, violés et décapités? Notre moraline se résume à exiger des peuples européens abandonnés, oubliés et sans défense d'accueillir toute la misère des guerres impériales que nous avons soutenues.

Certes, à quoi sert-il alors de pleurer de manière orchestrée sur une photo pour faire croire aux peuples européens que nous avons du cœur? Où est notre cœur quand la souffrance généralisée des autres peuples est là et qu'on s'en tient à une image? L'Union a trahi, l'Union sera jugée par les peuples et par l'histoire.


  Γεώργιος Κύρτσος (PPE). Κύριε Πρόεδρε, το πρόβλημα αυτή την περίοδο κατά την άποψη μου οφείλεται στο ότι οι σχέσεις του Ισραήλ με την Παλαιστινιακή Αρχή επηρεάζονται περισσότερο από ό,τι κατά το παρελθόν από εξωγενείς παράγοντες. Η ουσιαστική εξαφάνιση του λεγόμενου αραβικού εθνικισμού και του αραβικού σοσιαλισμού, τον οποίον εξέφραζαν διάφορα καθεστώτα κατά το παρελθόν, έχει ενισχύσει την πτέρυγα των ακραίων ισλαμιστών στο Παλαιστινιακό Κίνημα και σε αραβικές χώρες. Τούτο σημαίνει ότι η ηγεσία του Παλαιστινιακού Κινήματος δυσκολεύεται να κάνει τους αναγκαίους συμβιβασμούς με το Ισραήλ διότι δεν θέλει να κατηγορηθεί για προδοσία. Από την πλευρά του, το Ισραήλ, το οποίο είναι η μόνη πραγματικά δημοκρατική χώρα στην περιοχή και συνεπώς πρέπει να είναι πάντα ο προνομιακός εταίρος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, αισθάνεται ότι απειλείται από την ανάπτυξη των δυνάμεων των ισλαμιστών, από την αστάθεια στην Αίγυπτο, από την ουσιαστική διάλυση της Συρίας και του Ιράκ προς όφελος του λεγόμενου ισλαμικού κράτους και από την πολιτική του Ιράν. Η πρόταση ψηφίσματος κινείται προς τη σωστή κατεύθυνση αλλά οφείλουμε να διευρύνουμε τη δράση μας, όπως ακριβώς είπε το πρωί ο Πρόεδρος της Ευρωπαϊκής Επιτροπής, κ. Juncker, προκειμένου να δημιουργήσουμε θετική δυναμική στην ευρύτερη περιοχή ώστε να μπορέσουν να συνεννοηθούν Ισραηλινοί και Παλαιστίνιοι. Χρειαζόμαστε, λοιπόν, περισσότερη Ευρώπη στη συγκεκριμένη περίπτωση, με την έννοια μιας πραγματικά κοινής εξωτερικής πολιτικής, εάν θέλουμε να επηρεάσουμε θετικά την ευρύτερη περιοχή ώστε να φτάσουν τα δύο μέρη στον ιστορικό συμβιβασμό που περιγράφουμε, δυστυχώς χωρίς να βλέπουμε αποτέλεσμα, εδώ και δεκαετίες.


  David Martin (S&D). Mr President, I of course agree with the High Representative that there can be no successful Middle East peace process unless the international community – including ourselves – promotes responsible action on both sides.

However, I am afraid the actions we continue to witness from the Israeli Government are not conducive to peace. The settlement building continues, despite being a blatant breach of international law. The European Union response – your own response – is right and correct in the form of words, but failing in terms of any action. By our inaction, I think we give tacit support to an illegal occupation. The EU-Israel Association Agreement has, under Article 2, provisions for a formal human rights dialogue. We need to begin that dialogue immediately. If Israel refuses to halt the settlement building, we should move to suspend the Association Agreement. Trade preferences are carrots and sticks. If we are afraid to use the stick when facing such disregard for international law, then our claims to have values in our foreign policy become empty words.

What is interesting, though, is that while the institutions drag their heels our citizens are demanding the opportunity to take action. They are demanding to have mandatory labelling on products so that they can choose to boycott products coming from the occupied territories. So I welcome the news that the Commission will soon publish its proposal for labelling guidelines, but these must be mandatory guidelines showing that these are goods from illegally occupied territories. Mandatory labelling is essential, both for giving consumers accurate information on what they buy and to take seriously our obligations for a fair – as well as free – trade policy.


  Jan Zahradil (ECR). Mr President, I think that the European Union on that point should not be perceived as biased. Unfortunately, some steps put us into a biased position, such as the labelling of products or today’s vote on the name change of the delegation. If we agree with the ‘two states, two peoples’ principle, we should actively engage in bringing both sides to the negotiating table with no preconditions, because they are very risky and we should send some signals to the Palestinian side.

We should condemn the recent rockets fired by Hamas or other military groups. We should say to the Palestinian side that they are a unified voice. It is a vital condition for reaching a solution. We should tell them that they must take greater responsibility and assume their governmental functions in the Gaza Strip, including security and civil administration, and we should urge them to hold democratic general elections. We should also take broader regional security challenges into account. Otherwise, we will get nowhere.


  Fernando Maura Barandiarán (ALDE). Señor Presidente, señora Alta Representante, una vez más venimos a esta Cámara para aprobar una Resolución sobre la situación en Oriente Próximo. Resoluciones que cada vez tienen menos peso, por la falta de peso político y capacidad de actuación que la Unión tiene en asuntos exteriores; resoluciones que demasiado habitualmente acaban en papel mojado. Sin embargo, la Resolución que discutimos hoy se acerca un poco más a la realidad sobre el terreno.

Al contrario que en resoluciones pasadas, esta Cámara ya no se olvida de la irrefutable existencia de una población dominada por una fuerza ocupante, en contra del Derecho internacional, ni de la falta de voluntad política de las partes en la región para aceptar la existencia del contrario. Pero sí parece que olvidamos ―aunque lo ha mencionado la señora Matias― el hecho incuestionable de que, si no se levanta el bloqueo de Gaza, Gaza dejará de ser habitable en cinco años. Y esto no lo digo yo: lo dice un informe reciente realizado por las Naciones Unidas.

Hay que forzar cuanto antes un statu quo que permita congelar el conflicto y levantar el bloqueo.


  Javier Couso Permuy (GUE/NGL). Señor Presidente, señora Mogherini, estamos acostumbrados a la sobreactuación, la agresividad o el doble estándar con los derechos humanos con determinados países, pero hacemos la vista gorda con otros, por ejemplo, con Israel. Más de veintiséis resoluciones de las Naciones Unidas incumplidas, crímenes señalados por el Derecho internacional, genocidio, guerra, lesa humanidad, agresión... Doscientos niños y niñas presos, más de 400 detenidos administrativos en prisión indefinida sin juicio, legalización de la tortura o un Estado de apartheid.

¡Claro que podemos hacer cosas desde la Unión Europea! Somos el mayor socio de Israel. Podemos condicionar el acuerdo de asociación al cumplimiento del artículo 2: respeto de los derechos humanos, prohibición de la exportación de armas e importación de armas entre Israel y la Unión Europea, suspender la cooperación en el marco de la Agencia Europea de Defensa o cumplir la prohibición de vender productos de asentamientos ilegales. Todo para llegar a la paz, a una paz justa con las fronteras del 67.


  Jan Philipp Albrecht (Verts/ALE). Mr President, in order to solve this conflict, first of all, it does not make sense to just replicate the conflict here in Europe and give advice only on the basis of party affiliation to one side, but in order to solve the conflict it also does not help to put half efforts into solving the conflict. So I am very much in favour of putting full effort into the solution of this conflict by a pathway where we remove the hurdles from these peace negotiations, by lifting the blockades as one very important step, also by strengthening the back of the Palestinian Authority, reaching unity for the fundament of the Palestinian State and making the responsibilities clear to both sides with regard to violent groups, which are undermining the peace process.

I think that the European Union could give a very big effort to this and put this peace process into a position to solve it, and I think that it is urgent. As has been said by some colleagues, these are partners; these are partners we can talk to. The Palestinian Authority as well as the Israeli Government, but also Egypt and Jordan: partners we have to negotiate intensively with now, because there are other actors in the region which are not at all working for stability in the Middle East, and that has to be tackled altogether.

So we have to use the moment to solve the big task and the big challenge of this conflict which is underlying and which, of course, is a hurdle to a further solution of conflicts which are urging us to quick action at the moment to solve also the situation of those people living in these regions.


  Lars Adaktusson (PPE). Mr President, this debate is intended to include an exchange of views on how the EU can contribute to a renewed peace process in the Middle East.

Let me address those blaming Israel for the non-existent negotiation talks, those who also pave the way for an EU boycott of Israeli products and those who name Israel an apartheid state. By doing this, you are not contributing to a constructive EU role in the current situation. A trustful relationship is based upon mutual confidence and trust. A one-sided EU position will not facilitate peace dialogue between Israelis and Palestinians.

Today’s joint resolution has a fairly balanced approach. Despite this, I fear that the preconceptions we have seen over the years have already damaged the credibility of the EU. Israelis have noted the spread of anti-Israeli sentiments and anti-Semites in Europe. This needs to be confronted.

Let us be clear: the only liberal democracy in the Middle East will never be a bigger problem than the evil dictatorships and terrorist groups in the surrounding region.


  Ioan Mircea Paşcu (S&D). Mr President, for most of the time the dominant factor in the Middle East has been – and to a certain extent still is – the Arab-Israeli conflict. The two-state, two-peoples solution has been, and still is, the only conceivable – and therefore acceptable – way to try and solve it.

However, in the wake of the Arab Spring, a new conflict has appeared, this time intra—Arab, between the Shias and the Sunnis. The recent advances of ISIS in Syria, where the civil war goes on unabated, and Iraq – as well as in Libya, where things were further complicated by the political division of the country – suggest an ample de—structuring process with dangerous and unpredictable consequences: the accompanying instability in a much larger area of the Middle East. Its reverberations within the Muslim communities in Europe and the current migrant tsunami are consequences we already have to face.

Under the circumstances, it will only be a question of time before this new conflict becomes dominant, pushing the old Arab-Israeli conflict into a secondary position, thus forcing us to revisit our traditional policies and alliances in an attempt to adapt ourselves to the new landscape in the area. Of course, that will not mean abandoning the efforts to solve that old conflict, only that the target and the reference framework we would be forced to operate in will be broader and different in nature.


  Branislav Škripek (ECR) Pán predsedajúci, vážená pani vysoká predstaviteľka, ďakujem veľmi pekne za Vaše vyhlásenie, musím Vám však položiť otázku. Prečo tu hovoríme takmer výlučne o Izraeli a palestínskom ľude, ale názov to má úloha Európskej únie v mierovom procese na Blízkom východe? Ja sa teraz prihováram, aby Európska únia zohrala aktívnu úlohu v ďalšom mierovom procese v onej oblasti, konkrétne na severozápade Sýrie v kantóne Gozarto alebo Rodžava. Je tam demokratická samospráva, ktorá plne rešpektuje ľudské práva a demokratické princípy, ktoré je potrebné, aby Európska únia podporovala, ale nielen slovami, ale aj konkrétnymi skutkami. Ohľadne konfliktu v Izraeli Vás chcem povzbudiť, aby ste dokázali primäť partnerov na najvyššej úrovni opäť zasadnúť za stôl spoločne. Je to absolútne nutné, pretože počúvame, že palestínske vedenie chce zrušiť platnosť dohody z Osla a zjavne obviniť Izrael z toho, že nedokázal zabezpečiť mier. Ak sa to naplní, bude to pre celú oblasť obrovský krok späť. Šanca na mier bude zmarená Palestínčanmi a my musíme zaistiť, že sa tak nestane.


  Marielle de Sarnez (ALDE). Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, ce conflit israélo-palestinien – tout le monde le sait ici – existe maintenant depuis 67 années. Or, le contexte régional n'aura probablement jamais été aussi dégradé depuis le début de ce conflit.

Où que l'on regarde, vers les frontières d'Israël et de la Palestine, vers la Syrie où aujourd'hui œuvre l'État islamique, vers la Jordanie avec ses centaines de milliers de réfugiés, vers le Liban plus déstabilisé que jamais ou vers l'Égypte qui vit aussi des moments difficiles, nous voyons bien, c'est peut-être le paradoxe de ces situations, que c'est probablement le moment de prendre une initiative. C'est pourquoi je soutiens ce que vous êtes en train de faire au nom de l'Union européenne.

Je vous demande vraiment de réfléchir à un nouveau cadre de négociations qui soit plus efficace que celui du quartette. Il faut qu'on repense le cadre régional et international de l'action que nous pouvons, nous Européens, promouvoir. Effectivement, c'est paradoxal mais c'est probablement le bon moment pour que l'Union européenne reprenne l'initiative.


  Miloslav Ransdorf (GUE/NGL). Pane předsedající, už je to mnoho let, co jsem četl knihu Šimona Perese The new Near East a tam se mluví o tom, že spojení izraelské technologie a kapitálu s arabskými zdroji by mohlo vést k tomu, že by se tato oblast změnila v jednu z nejdynamičtějších na světě.

Místo toho se každý rok dává padesát miliard dolarů i více za zbraně, mizí voda a vytváří se jedna z nejhorších ekologických katastrof vůbec na celém světě. Myslím si, že je strašně důležité, aby mírový proces pokračoval, protože ten by pomohl i zastavit uprchlickou krizi a pomohl by zlepšit situaci všech národů v tomto regionu.

Kdysi Jean-Paul Sartre, který má letos dvojí výročí, řekl, že cesta k dohodě by byla možná, protože levice by se určitě dohodla. Ale kde najít v muslimském světě funkční, akceschopnou a nadějnou levici? Možná to je úkol pro evropskou diplomacii, stejně jako to, aby se zdroje obou znepřátelených stran spojily. Myslím si, že šance na to pořád ještě je.


  Alyn Smith (Verts/ALE). Mr President, the EU acting as the EU is actually in a much stronger position than many of our Member States to intervene within this crisis. We have cleaner hands than most and a clear set of values upon which we are founded and exist to promote, so it is those values enshrined in international law that we need to be consistent in upholding. I will not repeat comments made by other colleagues, I will focus specifically on labelling of settlement produce because I think this is a small but psychologically significant lever that is entirely at our control and which I think does have a disproportionate effect within Israel.

Let us be clear. Israel has a right to exist and has a right to expect security within its own borders. It does not have a right to illegally occupy Palestinian land or allow settlers to illegally occupy Palestinian land and exploit it for their profit.

Ms Mogherini, I was very pleased to hear you announce just last Saturday that the EU will be pressing on with labelling of illegal produce. Could you give us some more details of that, and a timescale whereby our citizens and our consumers can expect to see illegally-produced produce properly marked as such?


alelnök asszony


  Pavel Svoboda (PPE). Vážená paní předsedající, myslím, že není sporu o tom, že rolí Evropské unie v mírovém procesu na Blízkém východě má být role neutrálního a spravedlivého mediátora. Cílem tohoto procesu má být existence dvou států. A já jsem rád, že izraelský premiér se k tomuto řešení znovu nedávno přihlásil. Pokud jde o palestinskou samosprávu, je třeba trvat na tom, aby taky budoucí palestinský stát bezpodmínečně uznal existenci státu Izrael.

Tento budoucí palestinský stát také musí být spravován takovou administrativou, která bude skutečně schopna spravovat celé své území včetně hranic. Administrativou, která bude schopna zajistit bezpečnost a rozvoj na svém území. Uskutečnění cíle dvou států je možno dojít pouze vyjednáváním. Terorismus takovým nástrojem není. A proto i Evropská unie musí kontrolovat, aby její finanční podpora nekončila právě u teroristů. To by bylo více než kontraproduktivní. Konec konců je potřeba i z naší strany brát na vědomí, že Izrael v současné situaci Blízkého východu je důležitým a přirozeným partnerem právě proto, že to je demokracie.


  Maria Arena (S&D). Madame la Présidente, le Moyen-Orient nous préoccupe et la discussion de ce matin sur les politiques migratoires nous a rappelé combien cette région est proche de l'Europe. Elle nous a aussi rappelé que l'Union européenne a un rôle important à jouer dans la gestion des conflits. Alors, l'incapacité depuis plus de 40 ans à mener à bien le processus de paix dans le cadre du conflit israélo-palestinien a conduit à une injustice flagrante vis-à-vis des Palestiniens mais également à une insécurité ou une sécurité fragile pour les Israéliens.

Selon les Nations unies, et plusieurs de mes collègues l'ont dit aujourd'hui, dans la bande de Gaza, la vie ne serait plus possible d'ici cinq ans, et ce en raison des nombreuses guerres et politiques de blocus qui ont été menées. La politique des gouvernements israéliens successifs envers la Cisjordanie, les colonies mais aussi les postes de contrôle sont des politiques de l'humiliation vis-à-vis des peuples palestiniens. Par conséquent, nous devons bien entendu, en tant qu'Europe, réagir à ces situations et réagir de manière constructive naturellement.

De quels outils disposons-nous aujourd'hui? Nous avons, dans le cadre de ces résolutions, un certain nombre de propositions, notamment des propositions sur l'étiquetage, qui ne constituent pas un boycott, mais visent simplement à faire respecter la réglementation et le droit, y compris par le gouvernement israélien.


  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). Уважаема г-жо Председател, уважаема г-жо Могерини, уважаеми колеги, все по-безпощадно ясно е, че този конфликт вече не може да бъде разглеждан сам по себе си.

Въпреки своята дълга история и въпреки трудностите в него, все по-ясно е, че този конфликт се превръща в съставна част от много по-големия сблъсък, който се развива на територията на Близкия изток, а именно – конфликтът между терористичните организации на сунитския ислям, обединени и оглавявани от организацията Ислямска държава, която кооперира всички останали терористични организации, като например Хамас в Палестина и воюва на няколко фронта.

Без да се разреши този проблем, без да се разреши този конфликт няма решение и за другия.

Единственият начин да бъде поставен ясно на масата въпросът е да се каже истината за това какво е Ислямска държава, кой я финансира, кой я организира и кой има интерес от нея и тези истини трябва да се казват, защото иначе няма никакъв начин да бъде търсено и да бъде намерено мирно решение за цяла Европа.


  Σοφία Σακοράφα (GUE/NGL). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, ένα χρόνο μετά την τελευταία σφαγή στη Λωρίδα της Γάζας συζητούμε ακόμη για το ρόλο της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης στις ειρηνευτικές διαπραγματεύσεις. Διαπραγματεύσεις όμως ουσιαστικά δεν υπάρχουν. Η λύση των δύο κρατών φαντάζει δύσκολη και η πολιτική της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης συντελεί στο να γίνει ανέφικτη. Πως να υπάρξουν διαπραγματεύσεις όταν το Ισραήλ έχει εμπράκτως αποδείξει ότι δεν θέλει καμία λύση; Για όποιον δεν το καταλαβαίνει, αναφέρω τα εξής: το Ισραήλ παρέδωσε το 40% των εδαφών που προβλέπονταν για το Παλαιστινιακό κράτος σε εποίκους, το Ισραήλ προβαίνει κάθε τρία χρόνια σε ανθρώπινες εκκαθαρίσεις στη Γάζα, το Ισραήλ δεν αποδέχεται τη λύση των δύο κρατών, όπως έχει δηλώσει δημόσια ο κύριος Netanyahu. Όλα τούτα συμβαίνουν μάλιστα τη στιγμή που η εξεταστική επιτροπή των Ηνωμένων Εθνών μιλάει για εγκλήματα πολέμου του Ισραήλ και για την χωρίς προηγούμενο υλική ισοπέδωση της Λωρίδας της Γάζας, καταλογίζοντας ευθύνες στην κυρίαρχη στρατιωτική και πολιτική ελίτ του Ισραήλ. Εν τω μεταξύ, μετρούμε 5 εκατομμύρια Παλαιστίνιους πρόσφυγες σε άθλιους καταυλισμούς, μετρούμε 750 χιλιόμετρα Τείχους ύψους δώδεκα μέτρων και αντικρίζουμε συνθήκες απαρτχάιντ στη Γάζα. Αναρωτιόμαστε ακόμη για το ρόλο μας; Μα τον προβλέπει και τον επιβάλλει η διεθνής έννομη τάξη που διατεινόμαστε ότι σεβόμαστε. Ο ρόλος μας είναι ένας και μοναδικός: να υποχρεώσουμε άμεσα το κράτος του Ισραήλ να σεβαστεί τις διεθνείς Συνθήκες και τις αποφάσεις των διεθνών οργανισμών, να το υποχρεώσουμε να γκρεμίσει το Τείχος, να σταματήσει τον αποκλεισμό της Γάζας, να σταματήσει τους εποικισμούς και να απελευθερώσει τους παράνομα κρατούμενους. Κυρία Mogherini, όσο συναινούμε με τη στάση μας στην ατιμωρησία του Ισραήλ, τόσο τα ψηφίσματα μας θα είναι χάσιμο χρόνου, όπως περιφρονητικά τα χαρακτήρισε ο ίδιος ο κ. Netanyahu.


  Arne Lietz (S&D). Frau Präsidentin! Sehr geehrte Hohe Vertreterin Frau Mogherini! Der israelisch-palästinensische Friedensprozess ist durch IS und Syrienkrise in den Hintergrund geraten. Das liegt auch daran, dass von einem Friedensprozess zurzeit eigentlich keine Rede sein kann. Im Moment gibt es zwischen Israelis und Palästinensern keine offiziellen Verhandlungen.

Dazu brauchen wir, wie Sie bereits sagten, vertrauensbildende Maßnahmen für und zwischen den Verhandlungspartnern. Ich bin Ihnen sehr dankbar, dass Sie sich intensiv für die Wiederaufnahme von Friedensgesprächen einsetzen, und das tun Sie seit Beginn Ihres Mandats und verdienen dafür unsere volle Unterstützung. Nicht nur dieses Haus, sondern auch ganz Europa muss mit einer Stimme sprechen. Nur so können wir unser ganzes Gewicht für das Ziel einer Zweistaatenlösung in die Waagschale werfen.

Ein großes Hindernis auf dem Weg dahin ist die israelische Siedlungspolitik. Der ständige Neu- und Weiterbau von Siedlungen auf palästinensischem Gebiet macht eine Friedenslösung jeden Tag schwieriger. Ich wünsche Ihnen erfolgreiche Verhandlungen und komme gerne zurück auf Ihre Eingangsworte, dass wir bei der Irandiplomatie bereits gesehen haben, dass es möglich ist, die kompliziertesten und schwersten Themen anzugehen. Dafür viel Kraft und viel Erfolg! Herzlichen Dank, Sie haben unsere Unterstützung.


  Mirosław Piotrowski (ECR). Dziękuję bardzo. Debatujemy na temat roli Unii Europejskiej i jej zaangażowania na Bliskim Wschodzie. Wymierne efekty tej polityki są widoczne w postaci ciągle wzbierającej fali uchodźców i osób za uchodźców się podających z tego regionu świata. Trzeba jasno powiedzieć, że w polityce tej Unia Europejska nie tylko nie odniosła sukcesu, ale poniosła fiasko. Należało być wcześniej bardziej aktywnym i współdziałać, na przykład ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi, bo brak skutecznej aktywności na zewnątrz odbija się czkawką.

Jeśli odpowiedzią Komisji Europejskiej na falę uchodźców jest uruchomienie legalnego kanału ich przepływu do Europy, by wszystkie osoby ubiegające się o azyl od pierwszego dnia mogły pracować w Europie, jak powiedział dzisiaj w Parlamencie Europejskim przewodniczący Komisji, jak zestawić to z kolejną przekazaną dziś przez niego informacją, że właśnie w Unii Europejskiej bez pracy pozostają obecnie dwadzieścia trzy miliony jej obywateli? Tego nie da się pogodzić i właśnie dlatego potrzebne jest większe zaangażowanie Unii na rzecz uchodźców, ale tam, na miejscu, we współpracy z krajami sąsiadującymi.

(Mówca zgodził się odpowiedzieć na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki (art. 162 ust. 8 Regulaminu))


  Jonathan Arnott (EFDD), blue-card question. Do you agree with me that, in terms of migration and the refugee crisis in Europe, one of the biggest problems is that for every refugee in Europe, there are 25 to 30 refugees currently in Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan?

Furthermore, do you accept that there is an issue with economic migration in the UK because, in the last year up to June 2015, only 4% of those coming into the UK were refugees and 96% were economic migrants?


  Mirosław Piotrowski (ECR), odpowiedź na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. Dziękuję bardzo. Tak jak powiedziałem w swoim wystąpieniu, chcę raz jeszcze podkreślić, że część z tych osób to uchodźcy, a część przybywających w tej grupie to osoby podające się za uchodźców, i wśród nich z pewnością będą także terroryści. Dlatego jest to tak istotny problem zarówno dla Wielkiej Brytanii, o której pan mówił, jak i dla innych państw członkowskich, również Polski, z której sam pochodzę.


  Sergio Gaetano Cofferati (S&D). Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, gentile signora Alto rappresentante, del suo grande impegno per la pace in Medio Oriente, come lei sa, si scontra con un peggioramento costante delle condizioni. Se vogliamo che l'obiettivo dei due Stati non scompaia, bisogna rapidamente invertire questa tendenza. Questo vuol dire, però, individuare delle priorità all'azione diplomatica. Lei ha opportunamente parlato di fiducia e di leadership. Nessuna delle due si radica dove il dolore è sovrano.

Allora, bisogna proprio partire da lì. Per questa ragione è fondamentale fermare e superare il conflitto, a partire dal blocco della Striscia di Gaza dove i problemi umanitari, in particolare quelli che riguardano i bambini, sono davvero drammatici e inaccettabili e, contemporaneamente, però credo che sia importante dare all'Agenzia delle Nazioni Unite che si occupa dei rifugiati le condizioni materiali per lavorare. Soltanto in questo modo si possono creare condizioni che consentiranno alla comunità, a partire dall'Unione europea, di dare un contributo effettivo alla ricerca dell'avvio di un nuovo negoziato.


  Joachim Starbatty (ECR). Frau Präsidentin! Meine kurze Rede ist ein Stoßseufzer. Im Jahr 1968, ein Jahr nach dem Sechstagekrieg, habe ich Israel im Rahmen einer Studienreise besucht. Ich sah ein pulsierendes Land! Ich sah historische Städte, die wir seit unserer Kindheit kennen: Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Tel Aviv, Akkron, Hebron, Nazareth und den See Genezareth. Ich sah Jungen in Jerusalem und in der West Bank mit wachen Gesichtern und klugen Augen. Ich dachte, das verspricht doch Zukunft. Und heute sind wir weiter denn je von dieser Hoffnung entfernt.

Ich gewinne den Eindruck, dass Politiker auf beiden Seiten den Ausgleich torpedieren, weil sie vom Status quo profitieren. Als Jitzchak Rabin ermordet wurde, verloren Israel und Palästina einen Hoffnungsträger für Ausgleich und Frieden. Israel und Palästina brauchen einen neuen Jitzchak Rabin! Was kann die EU tun? Vielleicht kann sie, um ein Wort von Madame Mogherini aufzugreifen, Brücken bauen für einen neuen Jitzchak Rabin. Das wäre mein Traum für diese wunderbare Region und ihre tapferen Menschen.


  Afzal Khan (S&D). Madam President, the Middle East peace process began with the signing of the Oslo Agreement over 21 years ago. Since then many have lost faith that peace between Palestinians and Israelis is possible. Aggressive expansion of Jewish settlements in occupied Palestinian territory has radically altered the geographical map. Experts warn that territory for a viable peace based on a two-state solution is vanishing before our eyes. Once upon a time, Europe was riven with war; it took two World Wars and the loss of millions of lives before we understood the futility of war and began our own peace process. The suffering of Palestinians does not need to continue. We do not need another generation of young Palestinians with lifelong hatred in their hearts. We are running out of time, but not out of options. Let us use all our tools, diplomatic and economic, to create incentives so that this time peace has a real chance. It is for everyone’s good, including our own. Mrs Mogherini, good luck. You have our full support and endorsement.


  Arne Gericke (ECR). Frau Präsidentin! Frau Hohe Vertreterin! Ich danke Ihnen Frau Mogherini, als neue EU-Außenbeauftragte sind Sie das Gesicht einer neuen weltpolitischen Rolle Europas. Europa hat eine besondere Verantwortung gegenüber Israel. Europa steht im Friedensprozess an der Seite Israels, dem einzigen Rechtsstaat der Großregion. Im Gegensatz zu meinen Kollegen weiß ich, dass Benjamin Netanjahu für Israel wieder der palästinensischen Übergangsregierung Friedensgespräche angeboten hat. Und zwar mit klarem Bekenntnis zur Zweistaatenlösung – zwei Staaten für zwei Völker. Umso weniger hilfreich empfinde ich die Diskussionen hier im Haus, bei denen Israel als Aggressor oder Besatzungsmacht bezeichnet wird. Maßnahmen wie die Kennzeichnungspflicht für Produkte aus israelischen Siedlungen im EU-Binnenmarkt sind eine Fortsetzung der Isolation Israels.

Und ich warne uns vor politischer Naivität gegenüber dem Iran. Erst heute hat Irans Führer Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in Online-Medien prophezeit, dass Israel die nächsten 25 Jahre nicht überleben wird. Einer weiteren tiefen Kooperation mit dem Westen erteilte er eine Absage. Freuen wir uns nicht zu früh, bleiben wir ein verlässlicher Partner Israels, so schaffen wir Frieden. Also keine Kennzeichnungspflicht!

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)


  Bill Etheridge (EFDD), blue-card question. Thank you for that speech. I agreed with very much of it. Do you agree with me that attempts to label Israeli products and, in some cases, for European countries and European towns to boycott Israeli products, are totally counterproductive and totally missing the point that Israel is actually the real democracy in the area and has made a remarkable achievement to maintain that status in the light of the circumstances it faces? Would you agree with that?


   Arne Gericke (ECR), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. Ich glaube, dass Israel eine große Aufgabe hat in dieser Region. Ich weiß, dass der Gazastreifen an die Palästinenser übergeben worden ist. Gab es dort Gewächshäuser, gab es dort Wasseranlagen, die sind zerschlagen worden von den neuen Bewohnern, die dort sind. Was die Kennzeichnungspflicht betrifft: Ich habe mal für einen Bekleidungswarenladen gearbeitet. Dort haben wir für Kuwaitis neue Labels eingenäht in die Waren. Auf denen stand: Dieses Produkt stammt nicht aus Israel, und die Materialien stammen auch nicht aus Israel. Was sind wir? Wofür verkaufen wir uns? Ich denke, Israel hat das so nicht verdient.


  Eugen Freund (S&D). Madam President, we have a choice in the Middle East, and the choice as I see it is that we can continue to observe the situation as it deteriorates day by day, or we can act – and I am glad, Madam High Commissioner, that you are choosing the latter. With every year that has passed, the state of the region has got worse. That applies to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the aftermath of the war in Iraq, and the blood-letting in Syria. Even now, when we are confronted with the results of our inaction – thousands and thousands of refugees from the area – we seem to be paralysed. So it must be obvious to all of us: not engaging ourselves will not end the crisis. But what can we do? I totally agree with you: we must bring together the main actors – those on the front lines and those pulling the strings from afar – and discuss how to terminate the conflict. I know this is easier said than done, but not even trying will not bring any results. The European Union has the power; now is the time to act.


  Kati Piri (S&D). Wij zijn nog steeds toegewijd aan de twee statenoplossing, maar deze lijkt op dit moment verder weg dan ooit, sterker nog, langzaam worden er feiten op de grond gecreëerd die een twee statenoplossing niet meer mogelijk maken. Daarom is urgente actie nu absoluut nodig. De EU zal moeten beginnen met het wegnemen van een financiële prikkel die het bouwen van de nederzettingen in bezette gebieden biedt. Ik verwelkom dan ook de aankondiging dat u snel met een voorstel komt over de etikettering van producten uit illegale nederzettingen.

Daarnaast vraag ik de Hoge Vertegenwoordiger om aan te dringen bij de Israëlische autoriteiten om de blokkade van Gaza op te heffen. De situatie voor mensen daar wordt met de dag schrijnender. Ik juich het toe dat u een actievere rol wil spelen om de Israëli's en Palestijnen weer aan de onderhandelingstafel te krijgen. Alle wortels en stokken staan u wat mij betreft daarbij ter beschikking.


  Boris Zala (S&D) Kolegovia, situácia na Blízkom východe sa zásadne zmenila. Sýria ako štát neexistuje. Irak ako štát neexistuje. Palestína ako štát neexistuje. Líbya je nefunkčným štátom. Celý región si vyžaduje nové geopolitické usporiadanie. Európska únia má ambíciu byť lídrom pri usporiadaní mierového procesu medzi Izraelom a Palestíncami. Ale to je možné len vtedy, ak Európska únia sa stane lídrom v novom geopolitickom usporiadaní celého blízkovýchodného priestoru. Dnes palestínsko-izraelský problém nie je centrálnym problémom Blízkeho východu, je súčasťou tohto celkového geopolitického riešenia a to je šanca pre Európsku úniu, aj pre Izrael, aj pre Palestínu. Ak sa Izrael a Palestína stanú spojencami v novom geopolitickom usporiadaní, vtedy je možnosť rýchleho mierového procesu na Blízkom východe a na to sa môže zamerať práve naša komisárka Mogherini.


  Brando Benifei (S&D). Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sono contento di potermi rivolgere nuovamente in quest'Aula all'Alto rappresentante Federica Mogherini su un tema sul quale ha dimostrato sin dall'inizio grande impegno e determinazione. Quasi un anno fa, eravamo qui per discutere del riconoscimento dello Stato di Palestina da parte di Stati membri dell'Unione europea. Un momento importante, ma come disse lei stessa allora "non sufficiente".

A un anno di distanza, la leadership palestinese è debole, Israele ha un nuovo governo, il governo più a destra di sempre, anche se devo ricordare positivamente il coraggioso piano proposto da Erik Bahr e la fortunata esperienza della joint Arab List e abbiamo la situazione a Gaza, sempre più disastrosa sia per chi ci vive sia per le prospettive di sicurezza di Israele e della regione.

Ora lei è qui per ricevere un impulso a proseguire la difficile opera di mediazione e di pressione politico-diplomatica che è necessaria. L'Unione può svolgere un ruolo fondamentale, il Parlamento la sostiene pienamente nel compiere tutti gli sforzi necessari di concerto con Ferdinando Gentilini, seguendo le indicazioni emerse dalle conclusioni del Consiglio dello scorso 20 luglio, attraverso un processo multilaterale che coinvolga tutti gli attori regionali. La pace, la sicurezza e la stabilità sono i nostri obiettivi e possiamo raggiungerli con azioni da parte nostra che tengano insieme con intelligenza i principi e la difesa dei diritti umani e la costruzione (l'oratore viene interrotto).


  Tibor Szanyi (S&D). Valóban itt az ideje, hogy az Európai Unió nagyobb és érdemibb szerepet vállaljon a közel-keleti békefolyamat előmozdításában. Fontosnak tartom, hogy az Európai Parlament határozott támogatásban részesítse azt az aktív elkötelezettséget, amelyet Mogherini főképviselő asszony tanúsít a békefolyamat elősegítésében. Ugyanakkor az EU hatékony külpolitikai fellépésének alapvető feltétele a hitelesség és a pártatlanság. A határozati javaslat – okkal – nagy súlyt fektet a palesztin lakosság biztonsági, emberiességi és politikai helyzetének javításában előttünk álló európai feladatokra. Fontosnak tartom, hogy az EU erőfeszítései hasonló súllyal kezeljék a Gázából és más palesztin területekről kiinduló terrorcselekmények megelőzését, a Hamasz befolyásának visszaszorítását s az ezt szavatoló ütőképes palesztin adminisztráció felállítását a mielőbbi választások nyomán. A mindenkori izraeli kormányzatot és politikáját lehet szeretni vagy nem szeretni – én például a jelenlegit nem nagyon szeretem –, de Izrael szuverenitásának és állampolgárai legitim biztonsági érdekeinek érvényesítése a hiteles és eredményes EU közel-keleti politika tartós elemét kell, hogy képezze.


  Julie Ward (S&D). Madam President, I would like to thank to all my colleagues who have worked on this timely resolution on a complex situation. The peace process is taken to mean political negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. But the process of making peace – real, vibrant and viable peace – depends on real people and real communities.

I would therefore like to highlight the work of civil society organisations, artists, academics and activists who are striving to build coexistence and dialogue between communities; organisations who seek to build tolerance, understanding and openness. These include the Israeli-Palestinian Bereaved Families Forum, made up of parents who have lost a loved one in the war and work together for peace, EcoPeace/Friends of the Earth Middle East, who connect Israelis and Palestinians in a fight for the environment, and Breaking the Silence, who are Israeli veterans who explain the wrongs of the occupations to Israeli society.

The EU must take into account this grassroots work and these organisations. But the real question is how can EU institutions conduct a dialogue on the preservation of the two-state solution?

(The President cut off the speaker)


  Ana Gomes (S&D). É imperativo reinstaurar o processo de paz entre Israel e a Palestina. É preciso, para isso, que a União Europeia se empenhe a fundo, vencendo as resistências de alguns Estados—Membros no objetivo de concretizar a existência de dois Estados para a convivência pacífica entre os dois povos. Enquanto Israel bloquear o regresso às negociações, a ocupação ilegal, a humilhação e a violência prosseguirão, podendo desembocar em nova guerra. Se Israel continuar a impedir um Estado da Palestina viável está a condenar-se à autodestruição. A alternativa a dois Estados é um único Estado, ideia que cada dia seduz mais jovens palestinos e israelo-árabes e aí, das duas uma, ou teremos um Estado de Israel antidemocrático ou um Estado em que os judeus estarão em minoria. Se quer democracia e paz, Israel tem de se comportar como ator responsável e construir confiança com a liderança palestina reabrindo as negociações. A Europa não pode dar-se ao luxo de continuar alheada. Contamos consigo, Senhora Mogherini, conte connosco.


  Javi López (S&D). Señor Presidente, como bien sabemos, el deterioro sobre el terreno en Oriente Próximo es total.

Cada vez estamos más lejos de la solución que buscamos, la única solución posible: dos Estados en la región. Y, por eso, es imprescindible que se ocupen de esta tarea la Unión Europea y la comunidad internacional, haciendo dos cosas: primero, aumentando el precio que paga Israel por mantener el statu quo, un statu quo que va acompañado de una ocupación que dura más de cincuenta años, asentamientos ilegales, un muro que es una vergüenza para todos, el bloqueo de Gaza, check-points, detenciones arbitrarias, grandes violaciones de los derechos humanos. Para ello, disponemos de dos grandes herramientas: el Acuerdo de asociación o nuestras relaciones comerciales ―el etiquetaje es un ejemplo― y, a la vez, un empoderamiento a la parte palestina, como el reconocimiento del Estado de Palestina, que tiene que ir acompañado y condicionado por el uso de la no violencia.

En Oriente Próximo o empujamos la historia o la historia va a pasar por encima de nosotros.


„Catch the eye”


  Patricija Šulin (PPE). Na splošno je v mirovnem procesu ključnega pomena obojestransko zaupanje in spoštovanje. Sama pa podpiram rešitev dveh držav za dva naroda. Glede predlagane resolucije pa moram reči, da je neuravnotežena, in v kolikor bo ostala nespremenjena, je ne bom mogla podpreti. Vsak kovanec ima dve plati in v vsakem procesu sta prisotni najmanj dve strani. Zato ne more biti samo ena stran kriva za vse, kot želi prikazati ta resolucija.

Zame kot članico Odbora za nadzor proračuna je pomembno tudi tudi, kako se porablja evropski denar. V tem kompleksnem dogajanju so žal velikokrat prisotne nevladne organizacije, ki dobivajo sredstva tudi iz evropskega proračuna, pri katerih obstaja sum, da v ozadju delajo stvari, ki močno škodijo mirovnemu procesu na Bližnjem vzhodu, kot je denimo spodbujanje antisemitizma in pozivanje k uničenju Izraela kot države.


  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D). Madam President, I still believe it is very important that, once again, we declare our support for a two-state solution with an independent democratic Palestinian state living side-by-side with Israel and its other neighbours. At the same time, the security of Israel has to be guaranteed because Israel also represents a pillar of stability and democracy in the Middle East.

I welcome the efforts of the UN Security Council, notably the initiative taken by France to resume peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians through a resolution setting a framework and a timetable for this process, and support the call for a comprehensive European Union peace initiative to be presented at an international peace conference. Our priority should be to ensure full respect for the rights of the people living in this area, whose personal safety and living conditions have been threatened for decades by conflicts in the Middle East, some of which remain ongoing.


  Nότης Μαριάς (ECR). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η αποκατάσταση της ειρήνης στη Μέση Ανατολή είναι κρίσιμη τόσο για τους λαούς της περιοχής, όσο και για την ίδια την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, διότι μόνο έτσι θα μπορέσει να ανακοπεί το τεράστιο ρεύμα προσφύγων που κατακλύζει τα νησιά του Αιγαίου και την υπόλοιπη Ευρώπη. Ταυτόχρονα, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να λάβει μέτρα προκειμένου η Άγκυρα να σταματήσει να διευκολύνει τα δουλεμπορικά κυκλώματα που διακινούν χιλιάδες πρόσφυγες από τη Συρία προς την Ελλάδα.

Κυρία Mogherini, δράττομαι της ευκαιρίας να ενημερώσω εσάς και το Σώμα ότι o ελληνικής καταγωγής Σπύρος Χακαμπιμάνα, αξιωματικός της Αστυνομίας του Μπουρούντι, βρίσκεται φυλακισμένος από τις 27 Ιουνίου διότι αρνήθηκε να δολοφονήσει διαδηλωτές. Η ζωή του βρίσκεται σε κίνδυνο και ζητώ την άμεση παρέμβασή σας για την απελευθέρωσή του. Σύμφωνα με επιστολή που μου έδωσαν οι δικηγόροι του, υποβλήθηκε σε βασανιστήρια επί 10 ημέρες, ενώ οι συνθήκες που επικρατούν στη φυλακή στην οποία κρατείται στο Μπουρούντι είναι άθλιες. Γνωρίζουμε εξάλλου τις συνεχείς παραβιάσεις ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων στο Μπουρούντι, το οποίο έχει επανειλημμένα καταδικαστεί με ψηφίσματα του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου. Παρακαλώ για την παρέμβασή σας.


  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). Gospođo Mogherini, imam jedno jednostavno pitanje: je li Europska unija spremna na jednu novu globalnu inicijativu, nazovimo je Oslo II, jer Oslo I je svakako dalo veliku nadu? Jesmo li spremni krenuti u jednu veliku diplomatsku ofenzivu, kao što ste to već učinili u drugim prilikama, na čemu Vam želim naravno čestitati, i pokušati zaista otvoriti jednu veliku novu regionalnu priču za Bliski istok?

Imamo li partnera u tome? Žele li zemlje s kojima smo inače partneri u nekim velikim poslovima biti zajedno s nama i svoj utjecaj upotrijebiti da se učini jedan novi veliki iskorak na Bliskom istoku? I pitanje, postoji li još uvijek realno mogućnost stvaranja dviju država, Izraela i Palestine, što je po mom dubokom uvjerenju jedino ispravno rješenje, ali pitanje je je li to zaista još moguće? Nadam se da ću dobiti Vaš odgovor.


  Jordi Sebastià (Verts/ALE). Señora Presidenta, señora Alta Representante, cuando un gobierno segrega a una parte de la población, la priva de sus derechos básicos, bloquea las comunicaciones entre sus comunidades, impide su acceso a muchos lugares, detiene arbitrariamente a sus miembros y la despoja de sus tierras, está aplicando una política que tiene un nombre muy conocido: apartheid.

Esto es lo que aplica el Estado de Israel contra la población palestina, con una intención muy clara: impedir que la solución de los dos Estados, que este Parlamento ha secundado, se pueda convertir en realidad.

La Unión Europea es un actor fundamental en la zona y tiene la capacidad de ser contundente para evitar esta política. Puede sancionar y puede también frenar sus inversiones. Y lo haría de una manera legítima, porque Israel vulnera las resoluciones internacionales y continúa estableciendo sus colonias en los territorios ocupados. Si realmente apostamos por una solución de dos Estados como única garante de la paz y los derechos humanos, debemos ser valientes y mostrar una voz europea única y fuerte, que condene de forma inequívoca la política israelí del apartheid.

Señora Mogherini, le estamos dando nuestra confianza, pero le pedimos también firmeza. Gracias.


  Franz Obermayr (ENF). Herr Präsident! Die Unentschlossenheit der Union produziere ein gefährliches Machtvakuum im Nahen Osten, prophezeite eine bekannte deutsche Zeitung bereits vor zweieinhalb Jahren. Und heute ernten wird die Früchte dieser katastrophalen Außenpolitik. Höhepunkt ist die traurige Bilanz von zirka 4 Millionen Flüchtlingen aus dem Syrienkonflikt.

Die europäische Außenpolitik hat sich, leider Gottes, als unfähig erwiesen, entschieden auf Krisen zu antworten. Und ich mache Frau Mogherini heute überhaupt keinen Vorwurf. Sie hat keine Schuld an diesen Fehlern der Vergangenheit. Wir machten den Fehler, anderen Staaten nach unseren europäischen Maßstäben Vorgaben zu geben, mischten uns in innerstaatliche Angelegenheiten ein, was letztlich zur Destabilisierung ganzer Regionen geführt hat. Wir haben Situationen herbeigeführt, oder mit herbeigeführt, in denen weitaus mehr Menschen nun leiden und sterben als unter den vorherigen Regimen. Dabei müssen wir heute erkennen, wie wichtig der Nahe Osten und der Mittlere Osten für unsere eigene Sicherheit und Stabilität sind.

Meine Damen und Herren, mit einer solchen Außenpolitik wird Europa sicherlich nicht ernst genommen, wir müssen hier eine andere Außenpolitik machen. Ich appelliere hier wirklich dringend an Frau Mogherini, denn sonst bleiben wir das, was wir sind, international bei unseren Partnern eine lächerliche Nummer.


  Krisztina Morvai (NI). Madam President, I have a couple of straightforward questions for Ms Mogherini, and I would appreciate straightforward answers. Firstly, to our knowledge as the European Union, who financially supports Islamic State? Secondly, in particular, who buys oil from Islamic State? Thirdly, what kind of concrete efforts has the European Union made so far to identify those states or companies who obviously commit crimes under international law, and what kind of efforts has the European Union made in order to bring them to justice? These are the questions which have to be answered in order not to see more shocking pictures of Syrian children dying in the sea.


„Catch the eye” vége


  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs. Madam President, first of all let me say to the last two speakers that maybe they came into the Hemicycle at the wrong time, because we are discussing the peace process between Israel and Palestine. We were discussing the Syrian and migration issues this morning. Let me – even if it is not my role – maybe apologise to members of the public who are probably following this debate more closely than some of the Members of this Hemicycle.


Let me thank you all for the support that you are expressing for the European Union’s stand and action when it comes to the Middle East Peace Process. Let me thank you sincerely for that. I think that a united position of this Parliament is going to contribute in a way that, as some of you know very well, is important; some others might not imagine, but it is going to count a lot. Let me also say, as sincerely as I always try to be, that some of your expectations might need to be carefully looked at. I do not want to downsize any of the expectations, but the work is going to be long and very difficult.

It is true that we have an opportunity, as the European Union, because on this issue we are more united than we believe. Even though we are facing multiple crises all around us, I have been discussing and working on this very same issue with the Foreign Ministers of all the 28 Member States for the last four meetings of the Foreign Affairs Council, and we have unanimous conclusions and different stands, different political views, different histories of the countries that are members of the European Union, but we have a united policy on the European Union’s role when it comes to the Middle East Peace Process. So I will put all my energy and determination, as I have been doing since the beginning of my mandate, into trying to, as I said, restart the engine of this process and avoid the vacuum that we have been facing now for more than one year.

However – and I would count on your support in doing this, and on our unity – results will be difficult and will take time, that is if we manage to get results. Maybe the first steps will be very limited results, or sometimes we will have negative results and then sometimes positive results. Difficult deals and agreements take time and patience. This is just because I have heard a lot of good luck messages. I take this with enthusiasm, as you know, but we have to be realistic about the fact that the starting point today is a very difficult one for us to be realistic on regarding the situation in front of us. I think Antonio Panzeri described it, taking the words of a former President in the best possible way.

I see our role as trying to help the parties to find the tunnel at the end of which there is light, and at the same time keeping the light at the end of the tunnel alive, because this is not to be taken for granted. We have these two challenges, these two works, in my view, to do: helping the parties to come together and find the right way, because there is no alternative, no substitute for direct talks – we have to be very clear about that – and keeping the perspective of peace and of the two states, the perspective towards which we are working. Because yes, there are doubts in the international communities, in the parties themselves, that this perspective of the two-state solution and of the peace process is still there. Our work has to be focused on this.

And new initiatives: given this framework, the picture is not rosy; it is not encouraging at all. I think our role is to build conditions to get to initiatives. We can always have big international conferences. What is difficult is to prepare the big initiatives and to make sure that these initiatives then have results. Conferences after conferences after conferences do not solve the problem. The real point is now trying to rebuild a modicum of trust and trying to put an agenda on the table that can allow the parties to take some steps forward instead of some steps back, which is exactly what is happening today: reverse the process.

I am sorry, I did not want to give you a cold shower, but we are talking about something extremely ambitious and extremely difficult, even if we take these minimum goals in front of us, and obviously something that I referred to in my opening remarks: building this regional and international framework. I am really convinced that if we have one way of playing our role to the full, as Europeans in the Middle East Peace Process, it is in partnership with our partners in the region, starting from our Arab friends. Because here we have two different conflicts and crises: one is between the Palestinians and the Israelis, but the other one is between the Israelis and the Arab world at large, and you cannot imagine – or some of you imagine and know very well – that from the Far East to Latin America this is an issue that, if it is not solved, contributes to creating radicalisation and also hate. So we have a global responsibility that we can play with our global partners.

Indeed, we do have an opportunity: the Iranian deal that we will discuss, hopefully, in a couple of hours gives us a little bit of credibility in the sense that it is something that shows that multilateralism and diplomacy can work and lead to results, and our unity also gives us a chance. It is also our consistency that gives us a chance to play a role. One of you mentioned something that it is very important to me, and I thank those who raised it, because I did not mention it at the beginning and I take the chance to do so now: our work with international organisations, and in particular with UNRWA. We faced a major crisis over the summer. UNRWA was clearly desperately saying that the danger of not re—opening the schools for Palestinian kids was very real, and it is thanks to the European Union’s additional financial support that we managed to avoid the situation whereby Palestinian children in the camps were not able to go to school at the beginning of the school year. We avoided this, and in this way made a very important contribution. This is also an important role that the European Union plays. I well remember saying to the Hemicycle the very first time we had a debate on the Middle East Peace Process that we have to be not only a payer but also a player. Continuing to be a payer is also relevant in the conditions we are facing. So this is something that we have to maintain.

Some of you asked about the labelling. I can share with you what I shared with the ministers at the weekend. I recently asked the services of the Commission, in particular DG TRADE, to complete and finalise the work on the European guidelines. It is not a matter of taking new decisions – decisions were taken long ago – but a matter of implementing them in a European way. So there is no decision needed: it is an implementation thing that for me has to do primarily with transparency for our consumers. It is not a boycott. I know very well that there are different positions in this room about that. My institutional and political starting point is that this is a decision that we owe to our citizens and our consumers, because they have the right – and the legal right, according to our European rules – to know the origin of the products they buy or that they decide not to buy. It is a matter of transparency for me. Also because I believe – and we discussed this the last time we were here in this room discussing the peace process – that our role is to try to facilitate and to build bridges. This means, as one of you mentioned, not taking one side, even if we see the limits of both sides. Some of us see more the limits of one or the other or both. I think there is no one in this room who does not see any limit of any of the two parts. Still, our role – if you want to play a role – in re-starting the process and bringing it to some positive result is to build bridges, to build confidence, to engage and not to punish.

This is my stand. This is something that we do in full respect and, as always, that is the basis for the European Union’s action in international and foreign policy, in full respect of, and compliance with, international law. That is why my reaction to every step forward that is taken on the settlement is always immediate, because this is something that we do not and could not recognise in international law. This is illegal – but boycotting is another story. I hope I was clear: it is a matter of transparency that we owe to our consumers.

Let me finish by saying that in trying to have a role in bringing the parties together, the sense of unity that can come from this Parliament is essential, because again, if we are not able among us Europeans to find a unified vision of the Middle East Peace Process, how can we ask the parties in the conflict itself to find a common vision and how can we aspire to facilitate the mediation? Showing that we can find common ground – and I know that each of you has a particular point of view – gives us strength like nothing else.

I would like to thank you for your support and for your expectations, even if I would ask you to keep them under control, especially regarding the timing. I would also encourage you to go forward in finding common ground, because this is also the basis for us to ask the parties to find common ground themselves.


  elnök asszony. – Hat állásfoglalásra irányuló indítványt juttattak el hozzám a vita lezárásaként.

A vitát lezárom.

A szavazásra 2015. szeptember 10-én, csütörtökön kerül sor.

Írásbeli nyilatkozatok (162. cikk)


  Cătălin Sorin Ivan (S&D), in writing. The situation in the Middle East concerns Europe as a whole. The de-escalation of the conflict between Israel and Palestine and the resumption of credible peace efforts must occur as a matter of urgency. As such, I salute the two-state solution with regards to the 1967 borders and Jerusalem as the capital of both states. I would like to further welcome the recent steps taken by Israel to ease restrictions on Gaza. However, I condemn the rocket fire by militant groups into Israeli territory. It is vital for the EU to work with the Israeli, Palestinian, Egyptian and Jordanian authorities to prevent the re-arming of terrorists in the Gaza Strip. Achieving peace in the Middle East is a key priority for EU foreign policy and crucial for regional stability and security.

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