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Utorak, 27. listopada 2015. - Strasbourg Revidirano izdanje

12. Stanje u Izraelu i Palestini (rasprava)
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  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione sulla dichiarazione del Vicepresidente della Commissione/Alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza sulla situazione in Israele e Palestina.


  Federica Mogherini, VPC/HR. Mr President, I apologise for being a little late but I was sharing our common work with the Chairs of the delegations; here is one, I was faster than him.

The last time we met here in this chamber to discuss our common work on the Middle East Peace Process and Israel and Palestine was only six weeks ago. Back then we all agreed on something: that the stalemate in the peace process – indeed the lack of a peace process – could only lead to more violence, and this is what we are seeing today. It has happened time and again and it has been happening in dramatic ways in recent weeks. The new wave of violence and terror is affecting innocent Israelis and Palestinians. There is not, and there cannot be, any excuse for terror. Incitement and violence must end. The response of security forces needs to be proportionate and consistent, regardless of who is the perpetrator.

It is now mostly up to the political leaders on the two sides to get out of the current impasse and to show leadership, most of all to show leadership. Showing leadership is much more difficult when the situation gets more difficult, but this is also when it is most needed. Both leaderships have a responsibility to contain the violence and to promote calm. They have an interest in doing this for their own people and they have a general responsibility towards the region and the rest of the word to make sure that the situation does not inflame on the religious level and spread across the globe.

Last week I met with Prime Minister Netanyahu. I met President Abbas in Brussels just yesterday evening to pass on exactly the same message. You need to take leadership, strong positions and first and foremost to try to calm the situation on the ground. And the international community is and will be with you in this respect. They acknowledged that they need to work together in partnership to end the current unrest. And this is something relevant, but also something that needs to be tested for real.

Obviously our thoughts today and in these days are with all the victims, with all the families, with all the people that are suffering on the ground. But as we try to de-escalate the crisis we must not lose sight of the underlying causes of tensions, the frustrations, the sense of insecurity, the lack of hope and the lack of a political horizon. Without that political horizon any de-escalation that we might even achieve – as difficult as that may be – will only last for a limited time, and we will go back again and again to the cycle of violence. We said this last year at the end of the conflict in Gaza. We are here one year later saying the same thing.

Our first priority must be to build the conditions for final status talks based on mutual steps. For this to happen we need significant policy shifts on the ground. We need this policy shift to happen in line with previous agreements that need to start being implemented. We have to find an entry point to the process for it to start again. By this we mean not only restarting the political process, restarting the talks, restarting negotiations. We, the Israelis and the Palestinian people all know very well that talks for the sake of talks, negotiations for the sake of negotiations, would not bring anything real on the ground unless we create real conditions for the people, firstly, to live and, secondly, to live better, their respective lives.

When we talk about this we mean concrete steps in the context of a political process: de-escalating the security aspect, ending violence, implementing concrete steps on the ground in line with prior agreements and creating the conditions for the political horizon. These are three elements we need to work on in parallel with the support of the international community. We mean measures that help the Palestinians take control over their lives and uphold Israel’s security, not just negotiating, not just for the sake of doing something, but to reach concrete results. These goals must be pursued in parallel: de-escalation on the ground, concrete steps to implement agreements that have already been signed and keeping the perspective of the political horizon of the final settlement. These three elements must go together, this is more urgent than ever.

In New York last month and in Vienna last Friday the Quartet’s principles articulated this message loud and clear. It was the European Union’s choice to use the Quartet as a format for the international backing of these efforts. From this recent round of meetings, including with Secretary of State Kerry in Berlin, I retain the commitment of Prime Minister Netanyahu to guarantee the status quo in the holy sites and the desire of all parties to de-escalate the situation on the ground. I also welcome and support Secretary of State Kerry’s initiative to address the situation in the holy sites highlighting the role of Jordan in this, which is key.

In the next few weeks the Quartet envoys will engage directly with the parties. It is now up to the Israeli and the Palestinian leadership to demonstrate, with acts, that their commitment to the two-state solution is real and not fake, not just a slogan. If Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas now fail to work together, if they do not cooperate to stop the violence, if they do not rebuild a credible political process, the situation will only get worse for their own people. The regional context is as tense as it could be, even if this is a sentence we should never say because it could always turn worse.

We do not want to see an old conflict such as this one mix with a newer crisis in the neighbouring countries. The conditions around Israel and Palestine are today much, much more dangerous than they were decades ago. This is a risky time, for the people in Israel and in Palestine alike. And if the leaderships do not understand that now is not ‘business as usual’ in terms of managing this long-established conflict in the way we are all used to – although we never have never got used to a conflict that brings so much death and suffering – and realise that now it more urgent than ever to solve it, then there would be little that the international community could do to support a process. And the mix of old and new, of history and religious elements, at this moment in the region would be explosive, not only for the people involved but for all of us.

Peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians is in the interest of all of us, in the region and beyond. It is for this reason that we invited – again on a European initiative – key Arab countries to join our Quartet meetings. Think of how relevant Egypt can be for Gaza and Jordan for the holy places – something we are seeing every day – and Saudi Arabia for relaunching the Arab peace initiative and adapting it to today’s world.

Only in a renewed regional framework is peace possible. The Arab partners have stressed to me their readiness to work with the Quartet in the coming months. We have already started to work together with them but, like us, they need to see determined leadership by the parties. We can build all the international and regional support imaginable, but they first have to take responsibility for showing leadership in their own societies and communities.

Recent events should serve as a warning. If anyone still believes that we can just manage the current crisis, contain it a little bit and wait for the next one, they are wrong. This is not going to continue like this. Every cycle of violence is going to be worse than the previous one, and this will destroy the Middle East.

So now is decision time. Israeli and Palestinian leaders will have to take a courageous, difficult choice, but this is the only path they have towards peace. They can either move forward or watch cowards prevail in their own societies. This is the message we have been passing on – I have been passing on personally – to the two leaders together with my Quartet colleagues and with my Arab friends. This is the line on which we are all committed to work. I have asked both Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas to receive the Quartet envoys in the coming days – not weeks – to start working together on concrete steps that can immediately be taken on the ground to de-escalate on one side and to improve the living conditions of the people.

We have to find this entry point because in respect of talks, the big horizon today, I do not see the conditions internally in the two societies to allow the leaderships to invest credibly in this at a time when the security situation as it is and while confidence still needs to be built. First and foremost we need to find this entry point, making sure that at the end of the process the two-state solution is preserved and not pre-judged. We have to help them start implementing issues on the ground that can deliver for the ordinary people on both sides who today are seeing their children dying, albeit in different numbers, so that they can start having a future in their lands.


   Mariya Gabriel, au nom du groupe PPE. Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute Représentante, je tiens tout d'abord à vous féliciter pour votre engagement personnel dans ce dossier. Vos messages aujourd'hui sont très clairs, même si on aimerait avoir plus de bonnes nouvelles.

Cela dit, la force de vos messages, c'est le pragmatisme et le réalisme. Comme vous l'avez souligné, les actes de violence et les tensions qui ont resurgi récemment, il faudrait les voir sous un autre angle, et peut-être ne pas seulement dire que cela empêche la reprise des négociations, mais y voir au contraire une possibilité d'engager davantage les deux parties en faveur du peuple. De même, les divisions internes et les opinions extrémistes dans les deux camps ne peuvent pas être invoquées comme des obstacles à des avancées concrètes.

Mais je pense qu'aujourd'hui, il est tout aussi important de souligner que les leaders de chaque partie doivent faire preuve de leur volonté de paix, non seulement face à la communauté internationale, mais aussi dans leurs discours internes en engageant les citoyens vers une solution pacifique à deux États.

Par ailleurs, vous nous avez mis en garde, si le contexte national israélien ou interne palestinien ne semble pas favorable, on doit regarder avec beaucoup de prudence ce qui se passe dans le contexte régional. Mais de nouveau, il y a peut-être des opportunités ici. D'une part, nous avons l'engagement des pays arabes en faveur de la lutte contre le terrorisme, d'autre part, nous avons eu récemment l'accord nucléaire avec l'Iran.

Il faudrait peut-être se demander s'il existe des leviers possibles pour la relance des négociations de paix. Qui plus est, le Quartet a souligné récemment le rôle de la Jordanie, vous l'avez dit aussi. Mais pensons également à l'initiative de paix arabe, lancée en 2002, et à ce qui pourrait en découler.

Je voudrais donc, une fois encore, vous remercier et, en conclusion, vous affirmer que vous pouvez être assurée du soutien plein et entier de cette Assemblée pour toute votre action dans ce dossier.




  Gianni Pittella, a nome del gruppo S&D. Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, purtroppo il conflitto tra Israele e Palestina brucia, brucia ancora e tanto. E finché non si troverà una soluzione, il Medio Oriente sarà come un albero storto, minato alla radice dal conflitto israelo-palestinese. Le violenze di queste settimane ci parlano di una generazione palestinese perduta, nata dopo Oslo, che non ha mai conosciuto la speranza della pace. Il ruolo dell'Unione è quello di far rinascere questa speranza. E non serve quindi la retorica: servono fatti.

Noi condividiamo la sua strategia, signora Mogherini. Lei sta facendo un lavoro oculato e prezioso. È giusto, come sta facendo lei, concentrarsi su due obiettivi. Primo: la de-escalation sul campo. Secondo: la ripresa dell'iniziativa politica. Certo, l'accordo di queste ore sulla conservazione dello status quo sulla spianata delle moschee a Gerusalemme è un passo positivo. Noi non possiamo perdere Gerusalemme.

Indico poi due capisaldi per la ripresa dell'iniziativa politica. Primo: Europa, Israele e Palestina hanno oggi un nemico comune, la violenza estremistica. Che, attenzione, non coincide solo con l'Isis, ma anche con le pratiche di odio delle ali più estreme, palestinesi e israeliane. Secondo: servono due Stati, uno Stato israeliano e una Palestina sovrana che si incontrino lungo i confini del 1967 con scambi di terre e con Gerusalemme capitale di tutti e due gli Stati.

Ma se vogliamo salvare Israele e Palestina dalla guerra, dobbiamo innanzitutto salvarli da loro stessi, o meglio dalle loro forze peggiori, da coloro che lavorano come lavorava nella mitica Odissea Penelope, la moglie di Ulisse, che per evitare nuove nozze, attendendo il marito, disfaceva la tela che costruiva durante il giorno. Ci sono forze, in Israele e in Palestina, che distruggono ciò che si costruisce faticosamente, e quando sembra quasi di toccare il risultato, il goal della pace, quelle forze riemergono e impediscono il raggiungimento dell'obiettivo.

Israele e Unione europea nel 2000 hanno concluso un accordo di associazione, che non riguarda soltanto aspetti materiali, ma in cui entrambe le parti si sono impegnate a rispettare i diritti umani e la democrazia. L'Unione europea deve essere garante di questo impegno e ricordare a tutte le parti il loro compito storico: trasformare il nemico in sodale, il fanatico in moderato, il vendicatore in amico.

(Il relatore accetta di rispondere a una domanda "cartellino blu" (articolo 162,

paragrafo 8, del regolamento))


  Bill Etheridge (EFDD), blue-card question. It may have been an error of translation but it appeared to come through my earphones that just then you made a comparison between Israel and ISIS. It appeared that you compared a beacon of democracy in the Middle East, which is under constant attack, to a barbaric terrorist organisation. If you did not do that could you please clarify, because I am sure you would not want to compare two things which are totally different?


  Gianni Pittella (S&D), risposta a una domanda "cartellino blu". Non ho nessuna difficoltà, caro collega, rileggo la parte che ho scritto, quindi non ci può essere nessun fraintendimento. Europa, Israele e Palestina hanno oggi un nemico comune: l'ISIS, e non solo l'ISIS, ma anche le frange più estreme, sia palestinesi che israeliane. Quindi Israele è una cosa e ISIS è nemico di Israele, nemico della Palestina e nemico di tutti noi.


  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga, w imieniu grupy ECR. Wzrost radykalizmu w świecie islamu stanowi zagrożenie dla nas, ale tym bardziej dla mieszkańców takich miast jak Hebron czy Jerozolima. Porozumienie z Iranem – nuklearne porozumienie – było dla Izraela tym, czym dla mojego regionu kiedyś reset stosunków z Rosją. Pomimo tego, dostrzegając konieczność rozwiązania konfliktu izraelsko-palestyńskiego, zarówno społeczność międzynarodowa (kwartet), jak i premier Netanjahu dokonują licznych gestów. Potrzeba, by to porozumienie również spotkało się z przychylnością ze strony Palestyny – prezydenta Abbasa. Potrzebne jest doprowadzenie obu stron do wspólnego stołu i zrozumienie, że w tak trudnej sytuacji wzrostu zagrożenia porozumienie może być możliwe dla dobra społeczności międzynarodowej i obydwóch państw.


   Hilde Vautmans, namens de ALDE-Fractie. Mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, laat mij starten met u van harte te danken voor uw weer uitstekende inzet en uw drijfveer in dit dossier. Sinds we elkaar in september zagen, is de situatie alleen maar uitzichtlozer geworden. We keuren het geweld van alle kanten af maar begrijpen zeer goed waar de laatste uitbarstingen vandaan komen. De religieuze afspraken op de Tempelberg moeten opnieuw gerespecteerd worden.

Waar staat de Europese Unie eigenlijk? We weten dat u actief met de leiders praat, dat er punten van stabiliteit zijn gevonden. U zat samen met de leden van het Kwartet en het verheugt mij te zien dat er overeenstemming is tussen de Europese Unie en de andere landen. Maar ALDE gelooft dat het tijd is dat u meer initiatief neemt voor beide gebruikelijke bilaterale contacten. Daarom hebben we u, samen met een aantal collega's en ook onze fractieleider, een brief geschreven waarin we u oproepen om een echt vredesinitiatief te ontwikkelen.

Wat wij als liberalen zouden willen zien is dat u de leden van het Kwartet aanspoort om mee hun schouders onder dat Europese vredesinitiatief te zetten. Wij willen dat u de partijen samenbrengt en dat u verder gaat dan de gebruikelijke pendeldiplomatie waarbij niemand zich gehouden voelt om echte toegevingen te doen. Als president Abbas stelt dat de Oslo-akkoorden dood zijn, blaas ze dan nieuw leven in en til ze naar een hoger niveau. Palestijnse en Israëlische burgers willen niets liever dan een perspectief op vrede, met kansen voor hun kinderen.

Het Europees Parlement, mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, staat achter u. Dat hebben we met de resolutie aangetoond. Gebruik uw invloed, gebruik het krediet dat u op korte termijn hebt opgebouwd, om na de Oslo-akkoorden een “Mogherini-deal” te versieren. Onze steun hebt u alvast.


  Martina Anderson, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. Madam President, whilst I welcome any initiative to try to bring peace and stability to the region, the recent joint Israeli and Jordanian proposal will not solve the underlying issues. Nor will it result in a lowering of the tension on the ground. Placing recording devices around the Al-Aqsa Mosque will not assist in creating a shared peaceful Jerusalem, neither will they address the incredible rise in settlers’ violence or the ongoing occupation of the West Bank in the seas of Gaza.

We must not allow Israel to divert attention away from its ongoing breaches of international humanitarian law by turning this into a religious conflict. That is what restricting access to the Al-Aqsa Mosque is designed to do. Placing Palestine under international protection is a necessary first step towards lowering tension and ultimately peace.

Ms Mogherini, the international community must also demonstrate our commitment with action, because talk with talk is simply a lot of waffle, and it will help neither the Palestinian people nor the Israelis.


  Margrete Auken, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. Madam President, I would like to address the High Representative. I am sure that this conflict is in your core address and you have issued a lot of statements again but, again as I heard it now, you are treating the two partners as they are equal. You do not mention the word occupation with one single word. If we do not address the occupation, nothing will happen and the credibility of this House and the EU Institutions will vanish. Since you have been appointed the situation on the ground has gone from very bad to worse, and it can get even worse.

I do not hold you responsible for the decade—long violence on the ground, but I do hold you accountable for not taking the tangible and meaningful steps within your reach. Why have you further delayed the publication of the EU guidelines on the labelling of products for the settlers? Why have you not taken any visible actions in response to the destruction of EU and Member State-funded projects in Area C? Which steps have you taken to create a blacklist of violent settlers and ban their entry – a measure that has been raised by many Member States many times in recent years? Why have we not heard any public statement from your side regarding Israel’s blacklisting of an entire institution, this Parliament, for granting access to the poor people in Gaza? There is a whole range of actions that could be taken by Brussels and yourself immediately and independently from ongoing negotiations. I urge you to now address this occupation.

Let me, last but not least, mention a strong and efficient step to take within EU existing legislation: a consequent differentiation between Israel and the illegal settlements where we cut all collaboration with settlers and settlements. This differentiation is not a boycott; it is a legal means which could boost real credible negotiations.


  Fabio Massimo Castaldo, a nome del gruppo EFDD. Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, terza intifada o durissima escalation: poco cambia in una realtà fatta di morte e di sangue nelle strade. Una realtà in cui il dialogo e il processo negoziale spariscono dal tavolo, sopraffatti dalla retorica estremista di Hamas, da un lato, e dal sionismo di Netanyahu, dall'altro, pronto a misure straordinarie, condannate anche da Ban Ki-Moon, contro la popolazione di Gerusalemme est.

Forse è il punto di non ritorno in una situazione già difficilmente recuperabile. Chi predica il ritorno allo status quo, come Kerry, forse non si rende conto che sta confondendo una soluzione improbabile con la causa certa del problema, perché tra gennaio e settembre già 26 palestinesi sono morti. Lo ha detto anche lei prima, Alto rappresentante, "no more business as usual". Io sono convinto che lei non stia lesinando sforzi nel faticoso lavoro della diplomazia silenziosa, ma sono altrettanto convinto che sia tempo di assumere una posizione pubblica con voce forte e chiara, anche meno equidistante, quando necessario.

Siamo il primo partner commerciale per Israele, potenza occupante con grandi responsabilità. Siamo anche il principale donatore per la Palestina: possiamo, anzi dobbiamo, fare la differenza. Prendiamo l'iniziativa come Unione europea con una missione di pace e di protezione dei civili nei territori occupati, autorizzata dall'ONU e a comando europeo. Tutti coloro che credono nella pace ce ne renderanno merito. Il Movimento 5 Stelle ve lo propone; non sarà una strada facile, ma sarà forse l'inizio della strada giusta.


  Mario Borghezio, a nome del gruppo ENF. Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, credo anch'io che sia necessaria un'azione molto più incisiva e anche sotto certi aspetti spettacolare da parte di questa Unione europea che – non me ne voglia l'Alto rappresentante – porta a casa dei risultati direi poco visibili, poco concreti. Un esempio su tutti: sotteso a questa intifada delle coltellate, c'è un incredibile odio religioso da entrambe le parti: e cosa si è fatto per coinvolgere i capi religiosi?

La storia ci insegna che la convivenza in Palestina fra ebrei e musulmani nei luoghi santi è stata possibile per secoli, e allora è proprio da lì che bisogna partire. Io ho l'impressione che non seguiamo le strade giuste, che non facciamo intervenire coloro che possono imporre a queste persone disperate delle scelte diverse. Continuate a parlare della soluzione dei due Stati, ma siete veramente convinti o è la vostra ipocrisia che vi fa credere che i due leader credano veramente nella soluzione dei due Stati?

Io credo che si debbano trovare delle vie molto più incisive e molto più risolutive. Stiamo dimostrando ancora una volta che l'Europa non vede la realtà, e la realtà è molto pericolosa e apre la strada a soluzioni estreme e pericolose per tutti e quindi anche per noi.


  Diane Dodds (NI). Madam President, it has been my long-held belief that we must respect Israel’s sovereign right to defend its borders and people from terrorism. It is also essential that we are mindful of the pain and suffering felt by those in Gaza. As a consequence, we must do all that we can to help bring stability and a lasting peace to the region.

Yet what we have seen in recent weeks has been an upsurge in the number of senseless knife attacks carried out indiscriminately by Palestinians. That some as young as 16 years of age are involved in such attacks is deeply worrying for the future of the region. While we must remain an independent arbiter in this conflict, it is essential that the quest for balance does not equate with appeasement or inaction. We must stand with those committed to democratic principles and tackle the inherent incitement to violence so engrained in the region.

Next week marks 20 years since the assassination of former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, who notably once said ‘Yes to peace, no to violence’. Two decades on, his words ring more true than ever. Let us stand with those who want peace, and let us ensure that our actions give neither credence nor comfort to those engaged in violence.


   Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute Représentante, il y a moins de deux mois, nous avons débattu ici et adopté un texte approfondi sur le rôle de l'Union dans le processus de paix du Proche-Orient et, aujourd'hui, nous revenons à ce débat et nous y revenons pour une raison très simple: parce qu'il y a cette vague de violences.

Il faut dire que dans le contexte actuel du Proche-Orient, traversé par des tensions croissantes et des conflits dans le voisinage d'Israël, ces violences récentes ne font qu'accroître l'instabilité de la région. C'est pour cette raison que j'invite les dirigeants palestiniens à cesser cette incitation à la violence et à s'opposer publiquement à l'extrémisme et aux différents actes qui sont perpétrés contre la partie israélienne; autrement, nous ne sortirons pas du cercle vicieux de la haine et des divisions.

J'ajouterais aussi que la reprise du dialogue direct est essentielle, parce qu'il faut une solution politique et qu'on ne peut pas accepter ce que Mahmoud Abbas dit depuis des mois et des mois: qu'il est trop fatigué pour entrer dans ce dialogue. Il doit être établi très clairement que la solution est politique.


  Victor Boştinaru (S&D). Madam President, last time when discussing the perspective of the peace process and the role of the EU we were showing full, unconditional support for your action. Now, when discussing the crisis, the two sides in Israel are only numbering the deaths and wounded people in their camps.

We are, of course, highly concerned about the new wave of escalation somehow precipitated between the Israelis and Palestinians over the past weeks. The criminal actions and the retaliations not only bring additional affliction to the population, but they are endangering the peace process. The only conclusion to the stabbings, car rammings and shooting attacks is that the reality on the ground is not viable today. Violence always leads to more violence. Only positive steps, cooperation and concrete engagement on the ground could bring security improvements and reassurance for the population on both sides.

Therefore I welcome your recent efforts, including cooperation with the US Secretary of State, John Kerry, and the role of some EU foreign ministers and a very united and effective Quartet Principles’ meeting in Vienna, which shows the need to speak united, to speak in a single voice, in order to be relevant for the two sides. And equally we reiterate, together with you, that the two leaders have to show responsibility, to show restraint in leadership, to contain the rhetoric that could easily inflame the situation not only on the ground, but also in the whole region. The security situation on the ground is different today, and it is much more dangerous than ever before if the conflict will still remain unaddressed, unresolved.

We continue to support a two-state solution that must guarantee full respect for the dignity of the individuals on both sides and the rights of ethnic and religious minorities as equal citizens in their countries in both states. Without negotiations there is no solution; without solution there will be no peace and the violations will only continue.

One final call on the Palestinian friends: please stop your divisions and please start building your legitimate leadership to be our interlocutor. For peace and talks and negotiations we need interlocutors on both sides.


  Charles Tannock (ECR). Madam President, let us be clear here that the lone-wolf attacks being committed by Palestinians against Israeli soldiers and civilians are terrorist attacks. We must uphold the right of Israel to defend itself against such attacks and the rights of Israel in respect of the fact that the perpetrators are responsible for them, and not in any way able to claim this is a legitimate attack on innocent civilians. They are jihadi extremists espousing an ideology that is inspiring the actions of more, unfortunately.

As US Secretary Kerry speaks of the possibility of a third Intifada now and with the increasing exchange of rocket attacks within Israel and the West Bank, the situation is looking ever more fragile. De-escalating tensions is vital and the international community must reassert the need for a return to peace talks, particularly the Arab peace initiative put forward in 2002, as the best item on the table as we speak. So I commend the High Representative’s idea of inviting all sides to talks under the Middle East Quartet mandate. Furthermore, concluding the Middle East peace process with a viable two-state solution would be a huge step in defeating the poisonous ideology espoused by ISIS that is also ravaging the region.


  Javier Nart (ALDE). Señora Presidenta; señora Mogherini, abruma pensar que están ustedes pensando que el problema es la violencia. La violencia solamente es el síntoma, el problema es la ocupación. Cincuenta años de ocupación no es una situación normal. Es humillación, es explotación, es una vida imposible para personas que han crecido, nacido y siguen creciendo y naciendo en la ocupación. Tras ello, se crea el camino de Oslo, que es el camino a ninguna parte. El plan de Oslo tiene ya casi veinticuatro años de vida y no lleva a ninguna conclusión, porque significa la imposible ecuación de que el carcelero está negociando con su prisionero.

Si usted contempla el mapa de Palestina del 47, del 67, el actual y después de Oslo, verá que Palestina va convirtiéndose progresivamente en nada. Y ante ello, pensar que la solución es la negociación entre las partes es no darse cuenta de que, tras Oslo, la colonización se ha duplicado en los territorios. Esta es la realidad, no la política ni las palabras.

En consecuencia, frente a una negociación bilateral imposible, que los años han demostrado que es imposible, lo que tiene que hacer la comunidad internacional es tomar su responsabilidad y establecer un plan definitivo sobre dos Estados que signifique el fin de la ocupación, con fronteras reconocidas y seguras, sobre los parámetros del 67, teniendo en cuenta que la comunidad internacional tendrá que aceptar la violación de la Cuarta Convención de Ginebra, esto es, la colonización, y establecer un cambio de territorios aparentemente equivalente, esto es, legalizar lo que ya significa una violación de la legalidad internacional. Pero esto es el realismo.

Mientras no establezcamos una sólida acción por parte de la comunidad internacional y de la Unión Europea, que es el principal socio de los dos, seguiremos hablando todos los días de violencia, que es hablar de nada.

(El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la «tarjeta azul» (artículo 162, apartado 8, del Reglamento))


  Tibor Szanyi (S&D), Kékkártyás kérdés. Ön említett ötven évvel ezelőtti okokat. Nyilván vannak a teremben, akik még akár 100, 200, 500, akár 1000 évre visszamenő okokat is tudnak sorolni. De miért gondolja, vagy miből gondolja azt, hogy ezekért a történelmi okokért pont a főképviselő lenne a felelős? Én azt gondolom – és remélem egyet is ért velem, és ez a kérdésem is, vajon egyetért-e velem –, hogy most kell elkezdeni és most kell tárgyalóasztalhoz ülni, és nem pedig azzal, hogy bármelyik fél egy egyoldalú lépéssel indítson bármilyen irányba.


  Javier Nart (ALDE), respuesta de «tarjeta azul». La historia me apasiona, pero me apasiona mucho más la vida del presente. Y la vida del presente significa que cualquier persona que imagine que vivir bajo la ocupación es una situación normal es que piensa que la vida normal significa la vida bajo la opresión.

Tras cincuenta años de ocupación y veintitantos años de vía de Oslo, que es el camino a ninguna parte, cualquier persona con alguna experiencia se dará cuenta de que la solución no reside en negociaciones imposibles entre las partes, sino en que la comunidad internacional determine el fin de la ocupación, que es el fin de la humillación. Y esta palabra, «humillación-ocupación», la dijo Barack Obama en la conferencia que dio en El Cairo hace cuatro o cinco años.


  Patrick Le Hyaric (GUE/NGL). Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute Représentante, il n'y a aucune issue sérieuse pour les peuples palestinien et israélien sans respect du droit international. Et ce droit international ne sera respecté que si l'Union européenne agit de concert avec les États-Unis et un certain nombre de pays arabes.

Il faut d'ailleurs cesser de faire de fausses symétries. De quelle violence parle-t-on ici? Il y a là-bas un colonisateur et un colonisé. Il y a là-bas un peuple qui a son État: le peuple israélien. À l'autre, on refuse un État, on lui vole les terres et l'eau, on l'humilie, on lui démolit ses maisons, on l'emprisonne, on lui construit un mur, on le bombarde comme à Gaza. Il n'y aura donc pas de paix si on ne s'attaque pas à l'occupation des colonisations israéliennes.

L'Union européenne doit le dire et agir en conséquence, c'est-à-dire suspendre l'accord d'association et les programmes associant des sociétés israéliennes, souvent militaires d'ailleurs. Par ailleurs, vous pouvez, Madame la Haute Représentante, dans l'intérêt des deux peuples, agir pour créer une force de protection internationale pour le peuple palestinien, sous l'égide de l'ONU, qui du même coup constituera une sécurité pour les populations israéliennes.

(L'orateur accepte de réponde à une question "carton bleu" (article 162, paragraphe 8, du règlement.))


  James Carver (EFDD), blue-card question. You raised a point calling for international action to be taken by the United States, by the European Union and by Arab states. Bearing in mind that many of those Arab states do not actually recognise the State of Israel, and you speak of security and confidence for the Israeli people as well, how can such action genuinely offer security and safety for the Israeli people? It is a huge contradiction.


  Patrick Le Hyaric (GUE/NGL), réponse "carton bleu". Madame la Présidente, de toute façon, quand on ne veut pas régler une question, on utilise les arguments que vous êtes en train d'utiliser en ce moment.

Il suffit de réunir le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies et de suivre l'immense majorité des pays qui, désormais, ont décidé de reconnaître l'État palestinien. Par ailleurs, ce que nous demandons, et l'Union européenne comme les États-Unis ont la clé de ce problème en associant un certain nombre de pays arabes – ils l'ont fait dans le passé, c'est le cas notamment de l'Égypte –, c'est de nous mettre autour d'une table, de protéger le peuple palestinien, de reconnaître l'État de Palestine et de commencer la décolonisation. C'est la condition de la paix.

(L'orateur accepte de réponde à une question "carton bleu" (article 162, paragraphe 8, du règlement.))


  Javier Nart (ALDE), pregunta de «tarjeta azul». Señor Le Hyaric, quería preguntarle si conoce la iniciativa saudí de hace unos años, y otra más antigua, que es la iniciativa de la Liga Árabe, en la que se propuso a Israel el pleno y absoluto reconocimiento, la normalización absoluta de todas las relaciones culturales, comerciales, fronteras abiertas, como cualquier otro país, sencillamente si cumplían algo tan básico, que estamos todos pidiendo, como es la retirada de los territorios ocupados.


  Patrick Le Hyaric (GUE/NGL), réponse "carton bleu". Madame la Présidente, j'ai bien entendu parler de ces différentes initiatives, je les soutiens. Tout ce qui contribuera à reconnaître l'État de Palestine et contribuera à la sécurité des deux peuples, à la création de l'État de Palestine dans les frontières de 1967, avec la reconnaissance de Jérusalem-Est comme capitale, et non pas ce qui se fait aujourd'hui, c'est-à-dire créer les conditions pour sortir Jérusalem du futur État palestinien, toutes ces initiatives, nous les soutenons bien évidemment.


  Pascal Durand (Verts/ALE). Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute Représentante, vous avez condamné les violences sur les civils, d'où qu'elles viennent, et vous avez eu raison de le faire et nous vous soutenons totalement. Simplement, ces violences ont une cause, et une cause première, et vous en avez appelé à la responsabilité des deux parties et vous avez également eu parfaitement raison de le faire. Mais ne nous dédouanons pas de notre propre responsabilité.

En l'état, la cause première, c'est celle de l'occupation d'un territoire et de la négation des droits fondamentaux d'un peuple. C'est cela, la cause première des violences. Et l'Union européenne a un accord privilégié d'association avec l'État d'Israël. Pour aucun pays sur la planète, l'Union européenne n'accepterait que ses financements servent à coloniser des territoires occupés ou à de la recherche sur des armes ou des drones.

Alors, je vous le demande solennellement, Madame la Haute Représentante: quand l'Union européenne va-t-elle enfin accepter de réviser cet accord de coopération avec l'État d'Israël pour qu'on mette un terme à cette occupation et à ce développement des colonies dans les territoires occupés?


  Marcel de Graaff (ENF). De haat en de moordlust van Palestijnen tegen het joodse volk is de afgelopen weken opnieuw tot uitbarsting gekomen. Terecht wees premier Netanyahu op de historische continuïteit hiervan. Deze golf van moordlust heeft niets te maken met de betwiste gebieden, niets met nederzettingenbeleid en niets met de glorieuze rol van de Tempelberg voor het joodse volk. De premier wees terecht op de kwalijke ideologie van de terroristische Moslimbroederschap en van de moefti van Jeruzalem, al-Husseini. Deze laatste nam actief deel aan de Armeense genocide, organiseerde pogroms in Jeruzalem en pleitte er in 1941 bij Adolf Hitler voor om alle joden in Europa uit te roeien.

Het antisemitisme behoort tot de kernwaarden van de islam. De bescheiden reactie van Israël toont aan dat het een baken van humaniteit is in de beestachtige wereld van de islam. Daarom moet de EU elke financiële steun aan Palestijnen stoppen. Israël verdient onze onvoorwaardelijke steun.


  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). Señora Presidenta, este mes vivimos un preocupante recrudecimiento de la violencia y de la tensión en Jerusalén, que, además de un trágico balance de muertos, aumenta la pérdida de confianza entre las partes. El proceso de paz está en grave peligro, totalmente paralizado. La comunidad internacional, de nuevo, se ha movilizado. Estos días han proliferado las reuniones, incluidas las del Consejo de Seguridad, la del Cuarteto en Viena, las protagonizadas por el secretario de Estado Kerry; y usted, señora Mogherini, se ha reunido recientemente, o muy recientemente, con Netanyahu y Mahmud Abás.

Yo celebro sus esfuerzos para tratar de restablecer la calma, como nos ha dicho, y la seguridad sobre el terreno, así como de gradualmente poner en marcha un nuevo proceso político. Desde luego, no cabe alternativa al diálogo dirigido a una solución política negociada entre las partes. La parálisis o el bloqueo no es una opción. Se trata no de gestionar, sino, a ser posible, de solucionar el conflicto, y las partes deben evitar toda acción que lo haga imposible.

Pero, por otra parte, la experiencia de estos años nos muestra que las partes, por sí solas, son incapaces de alcanzar ese objetivo. Necesitan impulsos de la comunidad internacional y necesitaremos que esa negociación bilateral vaya acompañada de una arquitectura internacional en la que estén implicados no solo el consenso de la comunidad internacional, sino también los principales actores de la región. Y, en este sentido, el formato del Cuarteto ampliado será la fórmula más adecuada para acompañar esa negociación que haga posible un acuerdo definitivo y el fin del conflicto.

Pero, desde luego, en primer lugar —y usted lo ha dicho—, se necesita voluntad política; en primer lugar, de las partes, que tienen que percatarse de que la situación actual de bloqueo a nadie beneficia y de que, en fin, hay que evitar más frustración, más violencia, en una región en la que lo que sobran son conflictos y terror.


  Richard Howitt (S&D). Madam President, the High Representative has the Socialist and Democratic Group’s support when she calls for talks in days not months, and says that this is decision time and that there must be no fake commitment to a two–state solution.

On the religious layer to the conflict, it seems that the preservation of the status quo may have been saved. But is this not a further example of us diffusing yet another additional aspect to the conflict – new provocations, temporary solutions – making us part of the cycle of violence rather than our contributing to solving its underlying causes?

On the violence itself, Ms Mogherini is right to recognise that the different sides experience different numbers of deaths, but as I listen in my own despair to the despair which fuels the violence, when I hear the rapidity with which commentators talk about a third Intifada, I want to note today that this is not yet organised violence and if the international community puts the same rapidity into seeking solutions as to predictions of a third Intifada, perhaps that would do best to avert it.

Ms Mogherini, you were right to talk to us about Palestinians and Israelis respecting and implementing past agreements, but that has to go for Europeans too and I join with colleagues in welcoming the commitment you gave to the Committee on Foreign Affairs to finally publish the guidelines on labelling of produce from illegal settlements. Tonight I ask you to set a deadline for this to be completed. My group believes that refraining from doing so does not advance the prospects of talks, but doing so shows that the failure to advance the peace process has consequences from us too.

Last week I talked with Muslim community representatives in my own region in the towns of Cambridge, Harlow and Luton and they told me once again what we should understand: the grievances are not only felt in Israel and Palestine. Deradicalisation within Europe is connected to deradicalisation for Palestinians and makes European action for de–escalation more urgent.

Finally, I join with those who remember with sorrow the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin on the twentieth anniversary this week of that bloody act. His daughter said in a speech at Mr Rabin’s graveside yesterday: ‘there is no peace process’. There is no peace process. Let us hear and agree with her words and let us create one.


  Geoffrey Van Orden (ECR). Madam President, with so much conflict in the Middle East, at least we could take some comfort from the fact that, for some time, Israel was not being blamed for the conflicts that were going on. Now we see this new ingredient of Israel and Palestine being dropped into the inferno yet again. I have to say that this is not by accident: I see the hand of Hamas and others at work here, throwing petrol on the fire.

Ms Mogherini, you will know from your conversations that Mr Netanyahu has repeatedly said that he is willing to engage in negotiations and the peace process without conditions. I wonder, when you saw Mahmoud Abbas on Monday, did you actually put this to him? Did you condemn the Palestinian violence, which has brought about the murder of a number of Israelis? Did you remind him, by the way, of the extent to which his Palestinian Authority is reliant on EU funding? Did you urge him to immediately take up the Israeli offer of an unconditional resumption of negotiations?

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))


  Margrete Auken (Verts/ALE), blue-card question. Two questions. I was a little bit surprised – do you think it is Hamas who has caused us to talk about and mention the occupation? And calling for the occupation to be part of the solution, because if we do not do that, I think that it is the whole of international society, including the US, recognising that this is an occupation. Secondly, when you talk about ‘unconditional’, do you say when we, the international society, ask Israel to stop the illegal settlement building, is that unfair when we call for a true negotiation?


  Geoffrey Van Orden (ECR), blue-card answer. Look, we can go on and go round and round in circles all the time on these issues. The fact is, there is an offer on the table to re—open negotiations. Let us resume those negotiations. And you say: is the hand of Hamas there? Of course it is, because these people, they only live off the violence that exists amongst the Palestinians. The Palestinian people want to live in peace and prosperity. They have been let down by their leaders over many, many decades now and it is time to get over this particular problem. Israel and Palestine together, they could create a really vibrant successful two-state solution in that part of the world. Think of all the benefits that would flow from that. But you have got to stop the terrorism, stop the extremism and get back to the negotiating table.


  Pavel Telička (ALDE). Madam President, I wonder how much this debate differs from the last one that we had, or from the one before that. I am afraid that the next debate will be a repetition. One time it will be about rockets, then terrorist attacks and then new settlements. Each of us will have his or her own perception of what is going on. I say to Ms Mogherini that I very much appreciate what she said in terms of the responsibility of Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas. We need to see delivery from both of them. I wonder also, in this respect, when finally President Abbas will be able to administrate Gaza.

Having said this, in terms of evaluation of what is going on, I very much agree with you. I also very much appreciate what you said in terms of the three elements and the entry point. My only question is: if one, the other or both fails on delivery, do we have the courage, the ability and, the unity to provide the right reaction? I believe we have the means and that we should have the other elements as well. I very much trust in your leadership in that, together with the Quartet, we will manage to get these two sides to enter direct negotiations. One has already declared readiness, the second one should do so soon as possible. Unless they deliver, we should have another proper answer.


  Νεοκλής Συλικιώτης ( GUE/NGL). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, πρέπει να δούμε κατάματα το πολιτικό αδιέξοδο. Είκοσι ένα χρόνια μετά, η αίσθηση είναι πως το Όσλο έχει πεθάνει. Η κατοχή συνεχίζεται και εδραιώνεται επί του εδάφους. Πώς μπορείτε να κάνετε δηλώσεις ίσων αποστάσεων όταν ο πάνοπλος ισραηλινός στρατός, οι έποικοι και οι ακροδεξιοί Ισραηλινοί καλύπτονται μέχρι και από την κυβέρνηση Νετανιάχου; Όταν σκοτώνουν ένα παιδί στα Ιεροσόλυμα επειδή έριξε μια πέτρα ή ένα κορίτσι στη Χεβρώνα, στον δρόμο για το μάθημα των Αγγλικών, ή ένα γιατρό που προστάτευε τους συμπατριώτες στη Χεβρώνα; Όταν εκατό χιλιάδες παλαιστίνιοι κάτοικοι των Ιεροσολύμων κινδυνεύουν να απολέσουν τα δικαιώματά τους μένοντας εκτός του τείχους της ντροπής;

Αλήθεια, πώς θα αντιδρούσε ο κόσμος στα κράτη μέλη της Ένωσης, αν τον απόκλειαν από τα ιστορικά του μνημεία, τους χώρους λατρείας, του έκλεβαν τη σοδειά, τον ταπείνωναν καθημερινά; Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και η διεθνής κοινότητα να αναλάβει τις ευθύνες της πριν είναι αργά. Χωρίς άρση της κατοχής δεν υπάρχει ειρήνευση. Θα υπάρξει και τρίτη και τέταρτη Ιντιφάντα, όσο υπάρχει κατοχή.

Κυρία Mogherini, θέλετε ειρήνη; Πρέπει να πιέσετε το Ισραήλ, να παγοποιήσετε τη συμφωνία σύνδεσης, να σταματήσετε τη χρηματοδότηση ισραηλινών επιχειρήσεων από το πρόγραμμα «Ορίζοντας 2020», να απαγορεύσετε άμεσα το εμπόριο όπλων με το Ισραήλ. Φτάνει πια η ατιμωρησία! Φτάνει η σιωπή και η συνενοχή σας!



  Lars Adaktusson (PPE). Madam President, the High Representative has been addressing the issue of the stabbings in Israel by saying it is vital that Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas show leadership and promote calm. With all due respect, when innocent Israeli civilians are being killed in repeated terror attacks, the High Representative of the European Union needs to do better.

Recent statements by the Palestinian President emphasise the importance of speaking out. President Abbas has claimed, and I quote, ‘The Al-Aqsa mosque is ours [...] we bless every drop of blood that has been spilled for Jerusalem.’

Two questions must be raised. When will the High Representative loudly and clearly condemn the Palestinian stabbings of Israeli civilians? When will the Commission deal with the hateful propaganda and anti-Semitism of the Palestinian leadership?


  Ioan Mircea Paşcu (S&D). Madam President, in the context of the current Sunni-Shia conflict, the old Arab-Israeli conflict, which until recently dominated the scene, has become only one component – and not even the main one – in a much more complex situation.

Absolutely, if unattended, this conflict has the potential to make things even worse in that troubled area, but to continue to focus exclusively on it, ignoring the larger picture, is a recipe for failure. I agree that without any prospects, the new generation of Palestinians living in camps, with parents who moved in decades ago, get angrier and angrier. But equally we should reject categorically the current wave of stabbings and violence against the Jewish population.

Unfortunately, sometimes some of us, convinced that the Palestinians are always right, no matter what, forget to equally condemn sincerely such violence, creating an increasingly strong impression that the EU is biased against Israel, whom we might need tomorrow more than we think today – as we did with Turkey. Credible even-handedness is key to the success of our commendable efforts to push the parties into a final deal.


  Branislav Škripek (ECR). Madam President, in debates on this issue I often hear a lot of criticism toward Israel, but only a little towards Palestine. This surprises me. How come that a democratically—elected government gets nothing but criticism and an authority with a president who was officially chosen until 2009 and still is in function gets all kind of support? Unfortunately, I notice as well that what Mr Abbas says abroad is quite contrary to his domestic statements.

Publicly, Mr Abbas is urging a renewal of the peace process. Domestically, he awarded this week a cartoonist who promotes hate and violence. Publicly, Mr Abbas said this week that the current situation is extremely serious and grave and that the young people have no hope. Domestically, he promotes hate in the press and makes no effort to stop this violence or to give anyone hope. We need to unmask these lies from the Palestinian Authority.

Ms Mogherini, Will you force the authorities to stop the hatred against Jews in the Palestinian media, and the militant preachers who really stir up hate amongst the youth and the people of Palestine? We need to stop this.


  Martina Michels (GUE/NGL). Frau Präsidentin, Frau Mogherini, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Konflikt zwischen Israel und Palästina scheint immer mehr politisch außer Kontrolle zu geraten. Leidtragender von Gewaltausbrüchen ist wie immer vor allem die Zivilbevölkerung auf beiden Seiten. Sowohl Abbasˊ Ankündigung, sich nicht mehr an das Abkommen von Oslo gebunden zu fühlen, als auch Netanjahus jüngste Aussagen in völliger historischer Verklärung erschweren unseren Einsatz für eine faire Zweistaatenlösung und unseren konsequenten Kampf gegen jede Form von Antisemitismus.

Frau Mogherini, Sie fordern zu Recht, dass Netanjahu und Abbas Leadership an den Tag legen und bei der Deeskalation der Gewaltspirale vorangehen. Sie wollen, wie Sie sagten, einen Eintrittspunkt finden für die Wiederaufnahme von Verhandlungen. Dann folgen Sie doch zum Beispiel der neuesten Initiative von israelischen Schriftstellern und arabischen Intellektuellen unter dem Motto „Israel braucht kulturelle Brücken statt Boykotte“. Und bitte schön: Wenden Sie dieses Denken bitte gleichermaßen auf alle Nachbarn Israels an. Denn wenn Hass und Vernichtungsphantasien unwidersprochen mit Annäherung oder wirtschaftlicher Zusammenarbeit belohnt werden, rückt eine Konfliktlösung keinesfalls näher. Aber das, liebe Frau Mogherini, braucht eben konkrete Schritte statt Aufrufe und Appelle.

(Die Rednerin ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)


  James Carver (EFDD), blue-card question. Thank you for taking the blue card. Would you not accept that Israel is taking such steps to build cultural bridges, as demonstrated with regard to the agreement that has been agreed through Jordan with regard to the Temple Mount and the Western Wall?


  Martina Michels (GUE/NGL), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. Herr Kollege, wenn Sie zugehört hätten, dann hätten Sie feststellen können, dass das genau mein Petitum ist, auch kulturelle Werte in die Debatte miteinzubeziehen.

Der jüngste Aufruf von Schriftstellern und Intellektuellen, das ist zum Beispiel ein ganz konkreter Weg, der dazu führen kann, dass Brücken gebaut statt Konflikte geschürt werden.


   Gilles Pargneaux (S&D). Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute Représentante, comme vous l'avez rappelé excellemment avec beaucoup d'humanité dans votre propos liminaire, rarement l'espoir n'a été aussi faible dans ce conflit israélo-palestinien et, pourtant, il faut garder le cap vers la paix, et vous le faites. Il faut aussi donner une chance à la paix, trouver une solution à deux États, et je crois que votre détermination est totale, Madame la Haute Représentante.

Pour gagner notre combat, votre combat pour la paix, il faut non seulement que les deux parties fassent preuve de leadership, comme vous l'avez rappelé, mais aussi que nous-mêmes bien sûr aidions à la compréhension mutuelle des parties, que nous puissions accompagner la réconciliation palestinienne et définir collectivement les compensations dont chaque partie aura besoin pour signer un accord de paix.

Le Quartet tout autant que le leadership américain ont atteint leurs limites, il était temps de trouver d'autres solutions, et le fait d'associer nos partenaires arabes est sans conteste un atout indéniable.

Pour conclure, au sein du Quartet et avec nos partenaires arabes, je pense que vous êtes, Madame la Haute Représentante, le point d'équilibre, le centre de l'Union pour faire gagner la paix, et nous vous soutenons.


  Zdzisław Krasnodębski (ECR). Pani Przewodnicząca! Myślę, że można się zgodzić z wszystkimi, którzy na tej sali mówią, że bardzo wiele, a może nawet najwięcej zależy od polityki Izraela i otwarcia perspektyw na przyszłość dla Palestyńczyków. Ale jak wiemy do pokoju potrzeba obu stron i ataki nożowników na osoby cywilne powinny zostać przez nas ostro potępione, a tutaj niektórzy koledzy zachowują się w tej sprawie bardzo powściągliwie i zamiast tego słyszymy, czy mamy do czynienia z idealizacją strony palestyńskiej. Wydaje mi się także, że Unia powinna powstrzymać pomoc dla tych organizacji palestyńskich, które odrzucają normalizację stosunków z Izraelem. Przypomnę, że Palestinian NGOs Code of Conduct obliguje palestyńskie organizacje pozarządowe do tego, by nie wspierały działalności na rzecz normalizacji ani na płaszczyźnie polityki bezpieczeństwa, ani na płaszczyźnie polityki kulturowej i rozwojowej. Mimo to otrzymują one fundusze z Unii. Myślę, że czas zmienić tę politykę i skończyć z polityką fałszywych symetrii.


  Afzal Khan (S&D). Madam President, the latest developments in the escalation of Israeli-Palestinian violence will not bring about peace. Israeli and Palestinian leaders need to use their authority to curb, rather than incite, the current wave of violence. There is no sense of future with Israel systematically eating away at Palestinian land. There is a feeling among Palestinians that no one cares. The two-state solution is at risk of being lost; it must not remain a dream.

Violence only brings about more violence. The great danger is that it will turn into a religious conflict. There is a lack of attention from the international community. We, the EU, cannot turn our backs on this. People are crying out for a solution: we must give them hope. It is the right of every human being to live with dignity, peace and security: two States living side by side in peace and security.

Ms Mogherini, as my colleague, Mr Carver, asked: when do you plan to adopt and publish the EU guidelines on the labelling of settlement products?


  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση θα πρέπει να λάβει σοβαρές πρωτοβουλίες για την εμπέδωση της ειρήνης στη Μέση Ανατολή. Ο εμφύλιος πόλεμος στη Συρία και οι συγκρούσεις στο Ιράκ έχουν δημιουργήσει τις τεράστιες προσφυγικές εισροές προς την Ευρώπη. Όμως δεν πρόκειται να υπάρξει βιώσιμη λύση στη Μέση Ανατολή χωρίς την επίλυση του Παλαιστινιακού σύμφωνα με τις αποφάσεις του ΟΗΕ. Γιατί μόνο έτσι θα μπορέσουν να συμβιώσουν ειρηνικά οι Ισραηλινοί και οι Παλαιστίνιοι. Όμως η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν έχει ανταποκριθεί στις σύγχρονες αυτές προκλήσεις. Εν πρώτοις, τα ποσά χρηματοδότησης που περιλαμβάνει ο προϋπολογισμός της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης για το 2015, δεν επαρκούν για τις ανάγκες του τοπικού πληθυσμού και ιδίως για την αντιμετώπιση της ανθρωπιστικής κρίσης στη Γάζα. Δεν υπάρχουν επίσης τα ευρωπαϊκά κονδύλια για την τόνωση της ανάπτυξης στην περιοχή, την αύξηση των επενδύσεων, τη δημιουργία θέσεων εργασίας, το χτύπημα της φτώχειας, που αποτελεί λίπασμα για την ενίσχυση των τζιχαντιστών. Επομένως, κυρία Mogherini, πρέπει να εντείνετε τις προσπάθειές σας προκειμένου να φέρετε γύρω από το τραπέζι τις ενδιαφερόμενες πλευρές, προκειμένου να υπάρξει λύση στην περιοχή. Διότι η ένταση και η βία ενισχύει μόνο τους τζιχαντιστές και το ΝΤΑΕΣ.


  Maria Arena (S&D). Monsieur le Président, Madame Mogherini, merci pour les mots que vous avez prononcés, et aussi pour votre engagement dans ce dossier.

Alors, le sentiment de désespoir qui prévaut aujourd'hui ne peut pas être une fatalité, vous l'avez dit. Ces derniers jours, vous avez multiplié les efforts dans les différentes rencontres que vous avez faites, mais vous avez dit aujourd'hui aussi que, concrètement, nous devons faire plus. Nous devons faire plus pour soutenir la relance du processus politique palestinien, mais nous devons aussi faire plus pour arrêter immédiatement les colonisations illégales de la part des Israéliens.

Alors, ce sont deux conditions minimums et nécessaires pour la reprise du dialogue. Ce sont aussi deux conditions au sujet desquelles l'Union européenne a le pouvoir d'en faire davantage. Nous avons évoqué tout à l'heure les lignes directrices concernant les produits des colonies. Je pense que c'est quelque chose que nous devrions activer au plus vite pour pouvoir avancer dans ce dossier.


  Arne Lietz (S&D). Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrte Hohe Beauftragte! Die Situation in Israel und Palästina ist im höchsten Maße besorgniserregend.

Ich unterstütze mit Nachdruck den Aufruf unserer EU-Außenbeauftragten Frau Mogherini zu einer Deeskalation an beide Seiten – Israelis und Palästinenser. Ich danke Ihnen sehr für die skizzierten Schritte, die Sie vorhin aufgezählt haben, wie diese Verhandlungen jetzt weiter voranschreiten müssen. Es ist gut, dass Sie, Frau Mogherini, zusammen mit US-Außenminister Kerry und Außenminister Frank-Walter Steinmeier in der letzten Woche intensive Gespräche mit allen Beteiligten geführt haben.

Ich bin froh, dass die Einigung auf eine Kameraüberwachung auf dem Jerusalemer Tempelberg ein erster Schritt zur Beruhigung der Lage gewesen ist. Eine nachhaltige Deeskalation kann jedoch nur gelingen, wenn beide Seiten auch in ihrer Rhetorik abrüsten. Ich habe es daher sehr bedauert, dass der israelische Premier vor seinem Deutschlandbesuch letzte Woche den Großmufti von Jerusalem als Hauptverantwortlichen für die Ermordung der Juden in Europa bezeichnet hat.

Als Historiker ist es mir besonders wichtig, dass die Verantwortung der Deutschen am Holocaust nicht relativiert wird. Ich bitte Sie darüber hinaus, sich bei den Verhandlungen dafür einzusetzen, dass die EU-Parlamentarier Zugang zum Gazastreifen bekommen. Die EU ist es, die UNRWA stark unterstützt, und es ist sehr wichtig, dass wir selber einen Eindruck gewinnen, wie unsere humanitäre Unterstützung vor Ort tatsächlich entwickelt wird beziehungsweise welche Erfolge sie erzielt hat und wie wir sie verbessern können.


Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot


  Milan Zver (PPE). Zastoj v mirovnem procesu med Izraelom in Palestino je odprl vrata novemu valu nasilja, ki so ga sprožile radikalne palestinske skupine. To se sicer dogaja v senci sirske vojne, a ga nikakor ne smemo podcenjevati, saj lahko doseže velike razsežnosti.

Nasilje rodi nasilje, obe strani nosita odgovornost, ki pa ni enaka. To, da Hamas podpira zadnje teroristične napade na Izrael, da spodbuja načrte terorističnih napadov na zahodne banke, da noče priznati Izraela, vse to ne spodbuja miru in stabilnosti. Izrael ima pravico do samoobrambe.

Nujno se morata obe strani vrniti k mirovnim pogajanjem na podlagi koncepta dveh držav. Izrael je že nešteto krat izrazil pripravljenost tudi za neposredna pogajanja, brez postavljanja vnaprejšnjih pogojev, a ga predsednik Abas odklanja.

Vse bolj se kaže potreba, da EU redefinira svoj donos do reševanja tega vprašanja in da pogojuje svojo pomoč palestinski strani z njeno vrnitvijo za pogajalsko mizo.


  Nicola Caputo (S&D). Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, nelle ultime settimane stiamo assistendo con preoccupazione all'esplosione di un nuovo ciclo di violenze in Israele e Palestina, e qualcuno l'ha già definita la nuova Intifada. Ci auguriamo di no. Ci auguriamo di non trovarci di fronte ad un nuovo, sanguinoso conflitto in quella terra già martoriata. Intanto dall'inizio di ottobre sono già decine le vittime, e la cosa più preoccupante è la natura quasi inedita di questa nuova escalation di violenza, sintomo di una frattura ormai profondissima che rende ancora più arduo il cammino verso una pacificazione tra le due etnie che si contendono la Terra Santa.

La risoluzione del conflitto arabo-israeliano deve essere una priorità dell'Unione. Gli sforzi importanti e costanti dell'Alto rappresentante Mogherini per individuare punti di mediazione stanno iniziando a dispiegare i loro effetti. Ma non siamo ancora riusciti a sviluppare una politica efficace ed autonoma nel processo di pace. L'Unione europea non può, infatti, che svolgere un ruolo centrale per il raggiungimento di una pace globale, basata su una visione di una regione in cui due Stati democratici, Israele e Palestina, vivono fianco a fianco in un clima di riconciliazione e con confini sicuri e riconosciuti.


  Arne Gericke (ECR). Frau Präsidentin! Seit September beobachten wir eine neue Welle der Attacken von palästinensischen Terroristen gegen die israelische Zivilbevölkerung. Gleichzeitig erleben wir wieder eine richtige Kampagne, in der Lügen aufgebaut werden und einfach richtige Mythen erzählt werden, die sich gar nicht an der Wahrheit orientieren. Ich denke, wir sollten sehr genau darauf achten, was wirklich passiert. Ich denke, Israel hat seine Politik gegenüber dem Tempelberg nicht verändert. 2014 sind Millionen auf den Tempelberg gegangen und haben den besucht. 3,5 Millionen waren Muslime, 200 000 waren Christen, 12 000 waren Juden. Und nur Muslimen ist es erlaubt, dort zu beten. Ich denke, Israel leistet hier vieles, um die Heiligtümer aller Glaubensrichtungen zu verteidigen. Es gibt kaum ein Land, das drei Feiertage hat: Freitag Samstag, Sonntag. Dabei möchte ich es erst einmal belassen.


  Javier Couso Permuy (GUE/NGL). Señora Presidenta, señora Alta Representante, estamos viviendo otro capítulo terrible de la ocupación, que ya dura demasiado tiempo. A un lado, tenemos individualidades que cometen actos terribles, pero producto de una desesperación profunda, tras sesenta y ocho años de ocupación. Al otro lado, tenemos una respuesta que aviva el fuego. Hemos visto ejecuciones extrajudiciales, permitir linchamientos. Hemos visto cómo se vejaba a heridos, e incluso a asesinados, y hemos visto cómo se ponían incluso cuchillos a personas contra las que se había disparado. ¿Es esta una reacción ponderada, discriminada, proporcionada?

Yo le concedo a usted, señora Mogherini, que tiene interés en solucionar este problema. Pero la UE tiene capacidad para presionar a su socio. Hacen falta medidas concretas, porque hay un ocupante y hay un ocupado. Y hay Resoluciones de la ONU, como la 242, que dicen simplemente que se deje de ocupar los territorios y se permita un país en Palestina.


  Ernest Maragall (Verts/ALE). Señora Presidenta, señora Mogherini, usted ha dicho, y estoy de acuerdo, «it’s no business as usual». Es verdad, reconocemos su tenacidad y su correcta apelación a la recuperación del diálogo. Pero estará usted de acuerdo en que corremos el riesgo de quedarnos en la expresión de buenas intenciones.

La cuestión no es lo que la Unión Europea pida o solicite a Israel y a Palestina. La cuestión es cómo la Unión Europea actúa, cómo interviene, con o sin Cuarteto, qué decisiones toma para influir y condicionar el proceso. Por eso, aquí seguimos hablando en términos de práctica corresponsabilidad de ambas partes, como si Palestina no fuera una sociedad ahogada, limitada en sus movimientos y reducida a la pura subsistencia.

Por eso le hago algunas preguntas para añadir a las que ya se le han hecho sobre etiquetas, sobre territorios del área C o sobre demoliciones de proyectos europeos. Primera, ¿cómo piensa gestionar la relación con la comunidad árabe en Israel? ¿Cuándo piensa reunirse con entidades como, por ejemplo, el Mossawa Center?

Segunda, ¿cree usted que sería adecuado incluir a Iehava y otros grupos de colonos violentos en la lista de prohibición de visados europeos? ¿Cómo va a impedir la atribución de fondos Horizonte 2020 a las fábricas de armas y material militar en Israel?


  Σωτήριος Ζαριανόπουλος ( NI). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η θηριωδία του ισραηλινού κράτους, τοπικού χωροφύλακα του ιμπεριαλισμού, με δεκάδες δολοφονημένους Παλαιστίνιους στα τελευταία γεγονότα στηρίζεται από τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες και την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Υποκριτικά ψελλίζουν ευχές, όμως στην πράξη τηρώντας ίσες αποστάσεις από θύτη και θύμα, όπως και τα ψηφίσματα του Ευρωκοινοβουλίου, υπονομεύουν κάθε προοπτική για βιώσιμο κυρίαρχο παλαιστινιακό κράτος. Εκπροσωπώντας επιχειρηματικά συμφέροντα στην περιοχή των πετρελαίων, όπου οι ανταγωνισμοί οργιάζουν, σπέρνουν πολέμους, εξαθλίωση, προσφυγιά, εμπλέκουν σε επικίνδυνες καταστάσεις όλους τους λαούς της περιοχής σε συνεργασία με κυβερνήσεις, όπως η ελληνική, που, αντί να αναγνωρίσει το παλαιστινιακό κράτος, αναβαθμίζει τη στρατιωτική και οικονομική συνεργασία με το Ισραήλ.

Η προοπτική για τερματισμό της ισραηλινής κατοχής –γιατί αυτή είναι το πρόβλημα–, για κυρίαρχο βιώσιμο παλαιστινιακό κράτος στα σύνορα του 67, με πρωτεύουσα την Ανατολική Ιερουσαλήμ, διάλυση των εποικισμών, επιστροφή των προσφύγων, απελευθέρωση των πολιτικών κρατουμένων, θα δικαιωθεί με την πάλη του παλαιστινιακού λαού στην πατρίδα του, αλλά και τη διεθνή αλληλεγγύη των λαών. Σε αυτή την αλληλεγγύη καλεί και πρωτοστατεί το Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα Ελλάδας.


  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D). Madam President, I am deeply concerned about developments in Israel and Palestine, which are threatening to make a two-state solution impossible. Stabbings, car rammings and shooting attacks are making it clear that the situation is becoming more and more unstable and difficult. Both sides need to explore together ways to stop violence: to calm the situation down, to show leadership and to make sure that there is no further loss of life.

Our objective must remain a two-state solution with a democratic and viable Palestinian state living side-by-side with Israel in peace and security. For this it must receive all necessary guarantees from its other neighbours concerning its security and stability. If an agreement to finally end the conflict is reached, the door would be open for development and cooperation in the area. At the same time, everybody is speaking about two sides: I think, Ms Mogherini, that we must encourage the Palestinians to form a common side, and by this I refer to the Fatah and Hamas movements. They have to find a bridge and come to the negotiations as a united side.


  Σοφία Σακοράφα ( GUE/NGL). Κυρία Mogherini, τι το διαφορετικό ή τι το καινούργιο μας παρουσιάσατε στη σημερινή συζήτηση; Μήπως το Ισραήλ σταμάτησε τις ανθρώπινες εκκαθαρίσεις, τους εποικισμούς, τις παράνομες φυλακίσεις, το απαρτχάιντ, την κατοχή στη Γάζα; Όχι φυσικά, το αντίθετο συμβαίνει.

Καθημερινά η κατάσταση στη Μέση Ανατολή επιβεβαιώνει με τον τραγικότερο τρόπο την παταγώδη αποτυχία και το αδιέξοδο της πολιτικής σας για ειρήνευση στην περιοχή. Τη στιγμή που ο κ. Νετανιάχου επαίσχυντα δηλώνει ότι ο Χίτλερ παρασύρθηκε από ένα παλαιστίνιο μουφτή για τα εγκλήματα που διέπραξε, εσείς μιλάτε γενικά για ανασυγκρότηση και ηπιότερη ρητορική.

Επιτέλους, είναι ύβρις προς τους χιλιάδες νεκρούς να συνεχίσουμε να συζητάμε με αυτό το περιεχόμενο, χωρίς να κάνουμε τίποτα. Εφαρμόστε τουλάχιστον τις ρήτρες των συμφωνιών και τις αποφάσεις που ήδη έχετε πάρει. Αναστείλετε άμεσα τη συμφωνία σύνδεσης και σταματήστε να χρηματοδοτείτε την ισραηλινή πολεμική βιομηχανία από τα κοινοτικά προγράμματα. Ίσως τότε να έχει νόημα οποιαδήποτε συζήτηση, αλλιώς το κράτος τρομοκράτης της περιοχής θα συνεχίσει τη δολοφονική πολιτική του και θα σας περιφρονεί.


  Miguel Viegas (GUE/NGL). Senhor Presidente, o que os palestinianos querem é muito simples: o fim da ocupação, um Estado livre, independente e viável, com as fronteiras de 1967 e com Jerusalém Leste como sua capital.

O Governo de Israel mantém há décadas a promoção do terrorismo de Estado, mantém uma gigantesca ação de sequestro de todos os recursos palestinianos, através de colonatos, expropriação de terras, controlo da água, comprometendo assim qualquer possibilidade de criação de um Estado palestiniano. Ao mesmo tempo, mantém a pressão através de uma sucessão ininterrupta de ações provocatórias, com checkpoints, detenções arbitrárias, assassinatos seletivos. A situação em Gaza é intolerável.

O papel desta assembleia só pode ser o de pugnar pela legalidade internacional e pelo respeito pelos direitos humanos. O Parlamento Europeu deve condenar, de forma inequívoca, a construção de colonatos na Cisjordânia. O Parlamento Europeu deve suspender todos os acordos de cooperação com Israel até que parem as atrocidades. O Parlamento Europeu deve usar toda a sua influência e todas as suas prerrogativas para contribuir para uma solução política e pacífica do problema.


(Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot päättyvät)


  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Madam President, as one speaker said during this debate, we always have the same debate. And let me say very frankly, as I always tend to be, when we say this is not time for business as usual, that is also for us. Because here we see again and again, even within political families and within the groups, the same split. Some of you ask me to speak with a stronger voice when we condemn acts of terror, which we do, and some of you ask me to have a stronger voice when we call for the end of occupation, which we do. We do both.

Please have a look – a serious one – not only at my statements, but also at the most recent statement of the Quartet of just a few days ago, which means that these are common positions, not only of the whole European Union united, but also of the international community through the Quartet. This is a common position that we have built. Let me say that the common position of the European Union and of the international community through the Quartet is much more united than Members are able to manage within their own political groups.

This is not the time for us only to call for something or to condemn something. Do we realise that we are in a serious, dramatic situation which could be the end of the Oslo framework? So, if I hear readiness from both sides to work together, to restart talks and to work together in implementing some measures on the ground, I ask you in this room what you think our role as the European Union is: to condemn and to call for something or to try to bring them to do it?

I believe our role is the second one, partly because I do not see many actors pushing to play this role at this moment. There are plenty of other crises competing with this one, and we Europeans are one of the few still focusing very much on this. But we have to do it with the right approach: trying to help them to get out of this bubble. I am also a historian through my studies and I love history, but the problem we have here is that there is too much history. If someone does not help the parties and the people – the Israelis and the Palestinians – and not only them, but the whole region, to get out of the bubble of history and try to look at how to manage the common future they have committed to, nobody else will do it.

So I believe our role is a diplomatic one, which is not a nice exercise in good intentions. It is very hard. It is very tough. It is not naïve. It is a reality check that we have to make here. We risk losing the Oslo framework. Someone said at the beginning of the debate – I think it was Gianni Pittella – that we are losing generations. There are generations in Israel and in Palestine who do not believe in those two states anymore. On both sides, there are young people who believe either in no state at all or in one state only. I believe that the Oslo framework is still a valid perspective for both, with all that goes with it.

But we are at the edge. It is not going to continue like this. So this is what I am trying to do: passing the message to the leadership – and hopefully also to the people, but that is not only my job – that if you say you want two states, either you do something now or it is gone. We do not have the safety net of a plan B. We will have to reinvent it if we leave the Oslo framework. It is no longer about what we call for or what we condemn. If it is done, it is a totally different story. The world does not need another complication in the region. That is why, of all the conflicts we have, to me this is one of the most urgent because its global ramifications go everywhere in the world and the presence of the holy sites makes it even more serious. It is, paradoxically, also a conflict that, if there is enough political will, can be resolved, because they have been discussing for decades how it should look in the end, and there is – as someone rightly pointed out – an Arab peace initiative that can provide a regional framework for security and for peace.

I would invite you to go back to the spirit with which you discussed this issue in September, which was a constructive and useful one that gave us strength last month to gather the international community behind our proposals and our positions and to bring the parties to start looking at whether we can do something together. There are moments where violence is higher, like this one, that could also be the turning point in a crisis because the parties realise that they are risking too much internally. Violence in Israel also comes from the inside. The situation inside the West Bank means that, in my view, both leaderships realise that it is in their interests to tackle this seriously. I might be wrong: it could be that this does not lead anywhere, and then we will need to see, together with our friends in the rest of the international community, what we do about that.

But my role at the moment – and I will ask you, as Europeans, to be united on this – is to try to see if there is one chance for the two sides to start doing

something useful on the ground instead of having their people killing each other, and to facilitate this to happen because we are not going to have many chances in the future. I feel a sense of urgency and that a dramatic moment has come. I do not think that this is just another chapter of a long story. The situation is different today.

We can come back in another month or another month and a half and discuss our statements, our options, our condemning, whatever. In the meantime, we need to try to bring them together again, together with Arab friends and together with the international community. But this is our work and I am sure that this Parliament will support this effort. This is a crisis where the European Union has a lot to spend in terms of political capacity. I said this exactly one year ago in the hearing in the Committee on Foreign Affairs. This is the crisis where we are the biggest player if we want to transform the money we have spent and the economic, political and cultural relations we have with both sites into political capital. This is what we are strongly building. Obviously this is not completely in our hands because peace cannot be imposed from the outside, but what can be done from the outside is the facilitation and the push for a serious shift of policy to happen. I think that in these dramatic conditions the parties all have interests in doing this for real.



  Puhemies. – Keskustelu on päättynyt.

Kirjalliset lausumat (työjärjestyksen 162 artikla)


  Karol Karski (ECR), na piśmie. Szanowni Państwo! Eskalacja arabsko-izraelskiego konfliktu w ostatnich dniach, nazywanego już „trzecią intifadą” i istotnie przybierającego wymiary wojny religijnej, jest z wielkim niepokojem i troską obserwowana również w Polsce, w kraju, któremu nigdy nie były obojętne losy Ziemi Świętej. Rozumiejąc, że winnych znaleźć można zawsze po obu stronach konfliktu, chcemy jednak docenić fakt, że to strona izraelska deklaruje obecnie gotowość do rozmów bez warunków wstępnych. Wciąż z nadzieją czekamy na podobną gotowość władz Palestyny, chociażby w postaci zgody na stały monitoring Wzgórza Świątynnego. Doceniając zaangażowanie międzynarodowe w ramach kwartetu bliskowschodniego, chciałbym zaapelować, by działania te ograniczały się raczej do stworzenia pozytywnego środowiska do wznowienia rozmów pokojowych, bez narzucania stronom gotowych rozwiązań. Zaufajmy premierowi Netanjahu, który jest w stanie działać skutecznie również bez rad ministra Ławrowa. Na koniec, w imieniu narodu polskiego, pragnę złożyć wyrazy współczucia rodzinom żołnierzy i ofiar cywilnych zamordowanych w ostatnich atakach nożowniczych i oczekuję, że władze autonomii palestyńskiej w sposób zdecydowany potępią tę formę przemocy.

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