Az ülések szó szerinti jegyzőkönyve

2015. október 27., Kedd - Strasbourg

13. A dél-szudáni helyzet (vita)

  President. – The debate is closed.

The next item is the debate on the statement by the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the situation in South Sudan.

  Federica Mogherini, VPC/HR. – Madam President, let me apologize if sometimes I am a little bit too passionate in my statements. Normally it happens at the end of the debates, not at the beginning, so I will try to go back to my normal tone of voice. I would like to start by thanking Parliament for keeping a focus on South Sudan and for organising this debate. I think it is very important that we keep focused on that.

This is a country where huge hopes faded in the space of just a few years. It is a country that could be rich if it fully used its natural resources but, on the contrary, we have a humanitarian situation that is dire. We have some 30 000 people currently risking death by starvation and thousands more that are on the brink of famine, according to UN data. A million people are internally displaced. Over 700 000 have fled the country. It is one of the biggest refugee crises today, and I would like us to focus on the refugee crises that are happening in the world even when they are happening outside our own borders or regions. Innocent civilians continue to suffer human rights abuses. At least 80 civilians were reportedly killed over the last three weeks and a further 150 civilians have reportedly been killed since Friday 23 October in Unity State alone. Meanwhile, humanitarian organisations still have no access to this area. Sexual violence against women and children has reached shocking levels and these crimes go against the commitments made by all parties in South Sudan: commitments to protect its citizens and put an end to the human rights violations.

The people of South Sudan cannot wait. Justice and reconciliation must be central to our efforts to lay the foundation for sustainable peace. For this reason we welcomed the African Union’s decision to publish the Commission of Inquiry’s report and to move ahead with the establishment of the court. The recent peace agreement offers a really unique opportunity, one that cannot be missed. It is an opportunity for South Sudan to move towards a transparent, accountable government: a government that places the interests of the citizen above all else. And, if properly implemented, the agreement will end the fighting. It will install transitional institutions to rebuild the country.

The government’s decision to increase the number of federal states in the country goes against the spirit and the letter of the agreement. The same goes for the reluctance of the opposition to commit to the implementation of the security arrangements. The recent clashes in Unity State and the worrying signs of growing crackdown on civil societies are all very worrying events. Just yesterday in Addis, the parties took a first step to move beyond the current deadlock. This gives us hope that the discussion can get to the next stage. But let me say that a positive conclusion of the dialogue is still not in sight. Only timely implementation of the agreement will lead to real peace, end the suffering of the people of South Sudan and stop the humanitarian tragedy. Spoilers on all sides must understand that there are consequences for their actions, and there will be. There are a number of steps that must be taken now: first, a ceasefire must come into place as a matter of urgency, and second, all obstacles to full and unconditional humanitarian access must be removed immediately. With statehood comes responsibility. Hard work begins now with the implementation of the agreement.

South Sudan cannot afford this agreement to follow the same path of all past broken ceasefire agreements. For that, we need to sustain international pressure and cohesion. We all have welcomed the continued efforts of the International Authority on Development (IGAD) and the African Union in reaching this deal and the constructive engagement of Sudan, Uganda, Ethiopia and Kenya. I met exactly one week ago in Addis with the African Union’s Chairperson, Dr Zuma, and with the Ethiopian Prime Minister. We agreed to keep working together to help South Sudan. In the implementation phase regional unity is essential and plays a key role. With regard to the regional challenges, I recall the conclusions adopted yesterday by the Council of the EU/Horn of Africa Regional Action Plan 2015—2020 which outlines the European Union’s comprehensive approach to address the key issues in the region. It will also need a strong monitoring body representing the South Sudanese civil society together with regional and international players. In this context, the appointment of President Mogae as chair of the joint monitoring body is good news. His leadership will be essential to guide the implementation phase. The EU will continue to stand by the South Sudanese people during the transitional process. We have done so since the outbreak of fighting in December 2013. We worked to bring an end to the fighting and initiate a political transition and we provided massive humanitarian assistance.

In 2014, the Commission’s humanitarian support exceeded EUR 116 million. This year our aid has already reached EUR 107 million. The United Nations calculated that the European Union as a whole, including Member States, funded almost 41% of all humanitarian donations to people in need in South Sudan this year, and in total over 3.1 million vulnerable people benefitted from life-saving assistance in South Sudan this year. But we know very well that humanitarian assistance alone cannot substitute for sound development programmes.

Not only is the EU contributing to humanitarian assistance, it also supports the implementation of the peace agreement across its five pillars. The support will originate mainly from the EDF national programme, but for pillars one and two, namely governance and security, the support will originate from the instrument contributing to stability and peace and the African Peace facility, respectively.

We are now ready to work with a transitional government of national unity. We can help establish the transitional institutions and develop sound policies for rebuilding the country. This will include responsible, transparent and equitable management of South Sudan’s vast resources. It is time that these resources are used for the benefit of the population as a whole. Ratifying the Cotonou Agreement would be a sign of South Sudan’s will to announce its relation with the European Union, but right now it is urgent that all South Sudanese parties commit to implementing the agreement. This is the key step we need now, and this is what we have discussed with the regional players last week as our common horizon to work on this together.

I thank Members very much for their attention and I look forward to hearing their views in this debate, which I consider extremely helpful and useful in our common work.

  Bogdan Brunon Wenta, w imieniu grupy PPE. – Konflikt w Sudanie Południowym i proces pokojowy w tym kraju są kwestiami, które odgrywają ważną rolę w polityce mojej grupy politycznej wobec krajów afrykańskich. Porozumienie pokojowe z sierpnia kończące ponad dwudziestomiesięczną wojnę domową nie stało się remedium na wszelkie problemy tego kraju, który wciąż pozostaje w głębokim kryzysie humanitarnym oraz polityczno-gospodarczym. To porozumienie to jedynie pierwszy, aczkolwiek znaczący krok w kierunku stabilizacji oraz powrotu na drogę rozwoju. Należy z zadowoleniem przyjąć oświadczenie przywódców Sudanu Południowego o utworzeniu hybrydowego trybunału i osądzenie osób odpowiedzialnych za przemoc i nadużycia. Jest to ważne w kontekście ostatnich informacji dotyczących przypadków uprowadzeń i zniewolenia kobiet oraz dzieci jako formy wynagrodzenia dla żołnierzy-bojówkarzy. Zjawisko to jest naruszeniem podstawowych praw człowieka, jak prawo do życia, oraz zakazu trzymania w niewolnictwie lub poddaństwie. Rząd Sudanu Południowego powinien przyjąć wszelkie kroki, aby przeciwdziałać temu procederowi. Chcemy również zwrócić uwagę na złą sytuację humanitarną, jaka panuje w tej chwili w tym kraju. Szacuje się, że w trakcie konfliktu ponad 2 mln mieszkańców opuściło swoje domy, brakuje dostępu do wody pitnej, opieki medycznej, rozprzestrzeniają się choroby. Tylko szybkie i stanowcze działania społeczności międzynarodowej pomogą zapobiec klęsce głodu oraz kolejnej fali uchodźców.

Naszym obowiązkiem jest wspieranie procesu pokojowego w Sudanie Południowym oraz udzielenie wszelkiej możliwej pomocy społeczeństwu tego kraju na ich drodze do pokoju.

PRZEWODNICTWO: RYSZARD CZARNECKI
Wiceprzewodniczący

  Enrique Guerrero Salom, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor Presidente, a causa de la crisis de refugiados que estamos viviendo en Europa, este es el momento de Siria y el momento de Irak, pero como ha señalado la Alta Representante, no podemos olvidar que hay dos crisis de nivel equivalente y de larga duración en África: República Centroafricana y Sudán del Sur; un país con treinta años de guerra, que solo tiene cuatro años de existencia y que en estos momentos tiene dos millones de refugiados.

Todos estos casos son crisis humanitarias causadas por el hombre, por las guerras. Y por esa razón, la principal acción que tenemos que afrontar es justamente dejar atrás la guerra en Sudán del Sur, contribuir como Unión Europea, en conexión con la Unión Africana, con autoridades regionales, con la comunidad internacional, para estabilizar el acuerdo de paz alcanzado el pasado mes de agosto.

En segundo lugar, hay que poner los medios para afrontar las consecuencias de esta crisis. Solamente la mitad de lo que Naciones Unidas pidió para afrontar la situación en Sudán del Sur ha sido aportada por los diferentes donantes.

En tercer lugar, hay que afrontar seriamente la crisis alimentaria. De acuerdo con el ranking de Naciones Unidas, estamos en la crisis de nivel 3, es decir, de catástrofe. Por tanto, trabajar por la paz, poner más dinero, atender la crisis alimentaria y tener acceso a los actores humanitarios.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, since achieving independence in 2011, South Sudan has been in the headlines for all the wrong reasons. As an early proponent myself of the benefits of Sudan’s splitting into two separate states, I am greatly saddened by the internal conflict that has since ensued.

Thousands have died and millions are now internally displaced, with the situation only worsening since December 2013. Following a series of failed ceasefires, it was announced yesterday that the parties from all sides had finally reached agreement as to the details regarding the implementation of measures agreed in August of this year. Reports suggest that these talks are a significant step forward as to resolving some tensions, but we must remain cautious with our optimism. The EU and Member State governments must now support the work of IGAD, the regional body that is mediating the talks along with the African Union. The UN also has announced the deployment of a mission to South Sudan that will investigate human rights abuses against civilians since December 2013, which my group, the ECR, welcomes. But to be absolutely frank, we all miss the late John Garang’s strong leadership. Sadly, he is no longer in the region. He is no longer with us.

  Petr Ježek, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, there are not many places in the world where the situation is worse than in South Sudan, where people suffer so much. Therefore, I also welcome the agreement on the resolution of the conflict signed in mid—August. It is an ambitious agreement which seeks to secure a permanent ceasefire and to put an end to impunity but also to manage better the country’s oil revenues. However, although the content is good, we all know that the worrying part is that commitment to this deal it is extremely weak and the fighting continues. Political leaders in South Sudan clearly do not care much about their own population but rather, I am afraid, about their villas and bank accounts outside the country.

I believe that a sustainable deal on ceasefire and other elements will only be achieved if we use the threat of targeted sanctions against the political leaders who do not stick to the agreement. The EU should reconsider imposing the arms embargo as well. On the positive side, I am glad that the African Union has released today the report of its Commission of inquiry on South Sudan. My questions to you, Vice President/High Representative, are what is the EU strategy to make sure South Sudan’s warring parties stick to the agreement, and not only to the ceasefire agreement but also to the other provisions regarding impunity and oil management? Also, you mentioned civil society, but does the EU plan to work closely with local grass—roots organisations to monitor the effective implementation of the agreement? And again, what is the strategy here?

  Javier Couso Permuy, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor Presidente, señora Mogherini, otra vez hablamos de datos terribles: más de 50 000 muertos, más de dos millones de refugiados, y no, no es una catástrofe natural.

Los antecedentes son importantes y no puedo olvidar que la secesión fue alentada por Estados Unidos e Israel. Es curioso cómo se juega al caos creativo según convenga. Detrás, como siempre, no estaban los derechos humanos, sino el control de los principales yacimientos de petróleo, para evitar que China pudiera acceder a ellos. O también la balcanización de la zona, lo que me recuerda al plan Yinon.

Las atrocidades cometidas han obligado o han impulsado un embargo de la ONU, que hasta Estados Unidos está observando. Por el contrario, Israel lo sigue violando reiteradamente.

Señora Mogherini, creo que la Unión Europea debe emplearse a fondo para que se obligue a cumplir este embargo de armas o el paso de mercenarios; apoyar, por supuesto, la misión de la ONU que acaba de empezar en la zona; apoyar ese diálogo regional del que usted hablaba y, sobre todo, tratar de garantizar que no haya expolio de los recursos energéticos, que es lo que está detrás de esta terrible situación.

  Jordi Sebastià, en nombre del Grupo Verts/ALE. – Señor Presidente; muchas gracias, señora Alta Representante, por estar aquí, en este Parlamento Europeo. La veo bastante a menudo y eso quiere decir que nos tiene en cuenta, y nosotros se lo agradecemos ampliamente.

Ha habido un acuerdo de paz en Sudán del Sur, firmado en agosto de este mismo año, pero todos sabemos que no funciona. Siguen los combates. Cincuenta y siete muertos solo a principios del mes de octubre, la mayoría de ellos niños. Como miembro de la Comisión de Derechos de la Mujer e Igualdad de Género de este Parlamento, no dejo de sentirme absolutamente aterrado por las atrocidades que vamos descubriendo, cómo las mujeres son utilizadas como arma de guerra, sistemáticamente violadas. Mujeres y niñas.

El silencio de Europa no es tolerable en esta cuestión, porque eso nos haría cómplices. Le pedimos implicación. Le pedimos implicación profunda, le pedimos una voluntad muy fuerte por el embargo de armas, denunciando a aquellos países, como Israel, que, como ha comentado mi colega, no lo están respetando. No sanciones con la ayuda humanitaria, puesto que de ella dependen los ciudadanos de aquel país, pero sí una implicación segura y fuerte, para exigir que se apliquen los acuerdos de paz, que se establezca esa Corte híbrida de Justicia que debe juzgar los crímenes de Derecho universal, y también para que se establezca esa Comisión de Verdad, Reconciliación y Reparación.

Si se implica con toda esa fuerza, si Europa está presente allí, sepa, señora Alta Representante, que nos tiene a su lado.

  James Carver, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, bearing in mind the rampant desire within this place to move towards a common foreign policy, I would be interested to hear whether the High Representative places any real confidence in the South Sudan leadership – both governmental and opposition – to deliver the agreement in good faith. After all, these are the same leaders who were responsible for downing UN helicopters in 2012 and 2014 and the 2013 attacks on both a UN convoy and the UNMISS camp at Akobo. Then there are the continuing arrests and detentions of IGAD monitoring staff whilst UN staff and contractors continue to be abducted. Is there any evidence, Commissioner, of the Lord’s Resistance Army working inside South Sudan in tandem, or whether former Vice-President, Riek Machar, enjoys military support from them, as rumours indicate?

Finally, given the excellent work undertaken by IGAD, could she comment on the EU’s engagement with IGAD on Southern Sudan, and more widely in the Horn of Africa? Does she feel that such EU engagement further complicates their operation on the ground and raises possible duplication of work?

  Edouard Ferrand, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, Madame la Haute Représentante, le Soudan est une des plus jeunes nations du monde et à ce titre, c'est l'un des derniers pays chrétiens d'Afrique.

Après deux millions de morts et plus de quatre millions de réfugiés, le Soudan vit peut-être aujourd'hui ses derniers moments. Certes, cet accord est plutôt bienvenu, mais je compte sur vous pour faire de ce pays un État viable.

Nous devons néanmoins demeurer vigilants, car cet accord nous appelle à deux réflexions. D'abord, il ne faut pas oublier la barbarie historique de Khartoum, barbarie qui sévit toujours aujourd'hui, notamment par son ingérence militaire. Ensuite, le Soudan du Sud ne peut pas être livré au mondialisme économique du fait des richesses de son sous-sol.

À travers ces deux constats, il faut justement veiller à ce que les ingérences extérieures, qu'elles soient politiques ou économiques, ne soient pas aujourd'hui les derniers espaces de vie pour le Soudan.

  Mariya Gabriel (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute Représentante, oui, les derniers mois montrent que la vigilance et une mobilisation constante de la communauté internationale s'imposent pour de réels progrès vers la paix au Soudan du Sud. J'aimerais insister sur quatre éléments.

Premièrement, l'engagement réel des parties au conflit est nécessaire, aussi bien dans le cadre de l'accord de paix du 26 août que dans celui du document signé lundi sous l'égide de l'Union africaine. Pour le volet sécuritaire, les deux parties doivent s'abstenir de prendre des mesures contradictoires à l'esprit du processus de paix.

Deuxièmement, le rôle des partenaires régionaux du Soudan du Sud et de la communauté internationale reste clé. D'une part, pour l'IGAD et l'Union africaine, afin de suivre de près la mise en œuvre de l'accord, et d'autre part, pour faire face à l'horreur humanitaire. La communauté internationale doit continuer son aide aux personnes déplacées et menacées par la famine. La protection des enfants doit aussi rester une priorité de l'aide internationale pour ce pays aujourd'hui et demain.

Troisièmement, la lutte contre l'impunité. C'est un élément déterminant pour la construction du Soudan du Sud, y compris dans la démobilisation des forces armées et la création d'une armée unique. Les auteurs de graves violations des droits de l'homme ne doivent pouvoir ni réintégrer l'armée ni faire partie d'un gouvernement de transition, notamment quand on sait l'ampleur des violences sexuelles dans ce conflit.

Enfin, l'Union doit continuer de garder ouverte la possibilité pour le Soudan du Sud de ratifier l'accord de Cotonou, qui constituera un outil de plus pour la construction démocratique de cet État.

  Linda McAvan (S&D). – Mr President, I would like to say to the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative that she ended the last debate by apologising for being passionate. I do not think you should apologise, Madam, because passion shows you care, and when you care you will get things done. I hope very much that by raising the issue of South Sudan tonight we are showing that we care and are asking you to help us do something about what has become one of the world’s forgotten crises.

You mentioned some of the difficulties. NGOs on the ground have written to MEPs talking about thousands of civilians killed, thousands of women raped and children abducted. This weekend the UN agencies – the World Food Programme, the Food and Agriculture Organization and UNICEF – warned of imminent famine. So we have got to do something. You are trying to up the diplomacy, putting pressure on the warring factions to come back to the table and to respect the ceasefire.

But what do we do if they will not agree? What can we do about it? How can we get tough? Colleagues spoke about arms embargoes, sanctions, and sanctions against the right people; not at the low level, but the most senior representatives. Can we have sanctions and will they bite? Have they been discussed with our partners, like the United States, and also can we have projects to give women a voice in this country? If they had a voice, I think some of the policies could change.

Finally, just to say, as I said at beginning, we need a sense of urgency about this because it is a forgotten crisis but if we do not act soon that forgotten crisis will soon be on our television screens in the form of starving children, in the form of more women being raped. It is a very familiar scene from Africa, but it is one we could avoid if we act now.

  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR). – Po wielu miesiącach krwawych walk prezydent Salva Kiir podpisał porozumienie pokojowe, któremu towarzyszyły jednak liczne naruszenia zawieszenia broni. Doceniam inicjatywę społeczności międzynarodowej, presję, którą wywierała, negocjacje, inicjatywę IGAD+, graczy regionalnych. Doceniam pracę w Radzie Bezpieczeństwa na rzecz dostosowania mandatu Narodów Zjednoczonych dla misji pokojowej i również chęć zaangażowania narodowego kontyngentu Wielkiej Brytanii. Sądzę jednak, że potrzebna jest zgoda Rady Bezpieczeństwa na ukierunkowane sankcje, ponieważ działania – podział administracyjny kraju – podjęte przez władze Południowego Sudanu świadczą o tym, że nadal brak jest dobrej woli do realizacji porozumienia.

  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (ENF). – Madame la Commissaire, pour Ebola, nous nous sommes mobilisés. 11 000 personnes, et là nous parlons de 100, 200 fois plus de morts. La situation du Soudan du Sud n'est malheureusement qu'un cas d'école du chaos que la politique européenne – en fait la politique occidentale sous le leadership des Américains – laisse sur son passage.

Dans un ensemble tribal complexe entre Dinka et Arabes, amplifié par les divisions religieuses internes, divisions religieuses internes également au Soudan du Sud, il fallait maintenir à tout prix l'unité du Soudan. Cependant, quand il s'agit d'appuyer la politique américaine, la remise en question des frontières et la partition de pays sont possibles et soutenues par l'Union. On a donc toujours un double langage. En l'occurrence, je ne change pas, je suis toujours pour l'unité nationale. Le Soudan du Sud pourrit désormais, on pourrait même se diriger vers une partition dans la partition.

C'est sous l'égide de l'ONU et de l'Union africaine qu'une solution au conflit sera trouvée. Soutenons le gouvernement transitoire d'union nationale, mais la division du Soudan fut une erreur.

  Andrej Plenković (PPE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, poštovana visoka predstavnice Mogherini, prije svega pozdravljam potpisivanje mirovnog sporazuma u Jubi iz kolovoza između snaga vlade Južnoga Sudana i pobunjeničkih skupina čime se trebao okončati dvadesetomjesečni oružani sukob u ovoj najmlađoj afričkoj zemlji.

Međutim, sigurnosne tenzije nakon potpisivanja sporazuma diljem zemlje, uključujući glavni grad, su i dalje zabrinjavajuće i dovode u pitanje distribuciju humanitarne pomoći. Tome nije pridonijela niti odluka predsjednika Kiira o novoj teritorijalnoj podjeli jer je suprotna tekstu i smislu sporazuma. Odluke o ustrojstvu države mogu se donijeti jedino političkim dijalogom suprotstavljenih strana.

U mjesecima koji dolaze pred Južnim Sudanom ključne su zadaće obnova, tranzicija, unapređenje demokratskih institucija, a trenutni prioritet očuvanje mira, rješavanje vrlo teške humanitarne situacije te adekvatno suočavanje s ostalim izazovima ovog postkonfliktnog društva. Potrebno je uspostaviti učinkovit sustav procesuiranja najtežih ratnih zločina, suzbijanja organiziranog kriminala te pružanja pomoći žrtvama seksualnog nasilja te vojnog iskorištavanja djece.

Unija u tom kontekstu mora podržati punu provedbu mirovnoga sporazuma te strateški pridonijeti izgradnji ove slabe države po svim međunarodnim kriterijima. 300 milijuna eura humanitarne pomoći je bitno kroz 2015., a budući da ima još 4 milijuna pothranjenih ljudi, 2 milijuna koji su morali napustiti svoje domove, a dvije trećine stanovništva ovisi o humanitarnoj pomoći, mislim da zajedno s Afričkom unijom i drugim organizacijama moramo dati dodatni doprinos međunarodnoj humanitarnoj katastrofi u Južnome Sudanu.

  Ana Gomes (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, a catástrofe humanitária no Sudão do Sul é resultado de um conflito não sanado, em parte instigado do exterior, na própria região, representada no IGAD. Não vale a pena fingir que não é assim.

A comunidade internacional não pode continuar a silenciar o grau de destruição, de atrocidades e de perda de vidas humanas, como tem feito a União Africana, designadamente demorando o relatório sobre as atrocidades a que se referiu Federica Mogherini.

Os países europeus que apoiaram a cisão do Sudão em 2011 não podem agora assobiar para o ar, não podem não fazer todos os seus esforços para que haja paz, segurança, para que a União Africana e as Nações Unidas consigam um cessar-fogo, mecanismos de reconciliação nacional, justiça de transição. E isso implica sanções direcionadas e um rigoroso embargo de armas.

É urgente assegurar o acesso humanitário imediato a todas as zonas para resgatar e salvar feridos, mutilados, pessoas em risco de serem chacinadas na violência indiscriminada ou dizimadas pela fome. Não podemos fechar os olhos às atrocidades que acontecem enquanto falamos: mulheres a serem usadas como arma de guerra, crianças a serem forçadas a combater e depois violadas, castradas, postas dentro de edifícios a arder. Já chega do infame silêncio.

A União Europeia deve estar na primeira linha a exigir que o Conselho de Segurança aja para pôr fim à barbárie que envergonha toda a Humanidade. Gostava de acreditar, como Federica Mogherini, que a IGAD pode resolver este problema, tal como o processo de Cartum pode funcionar para nos ajudar a resolver a outra crise de refugiados que temos à nossa porta, mas infelizmente não acredito.

  Mark Demesmaeker (ECR). – Zuid-Sudan is zowat de jongste staat ter wereld, maar in 2011 werd het eigenlijk geen staat. Het werd een gewelddadige kleptocratie, gevangen in een kluwen van regionale belangen en allianties van en tussen buurstaten en allerlei rebellengroepen. De bevolking heeft alleen nog maar gruwel en straffeloosheid gezien.

Er is nu een vredesakkoord. De strijdende partijen hebben toezeggingen gedaan om deel te nemen aan een overgangsproces. Vergeef me mijn scepsis, maar zonder sterk internationaal engagement blijft het ook deze keer een papieren vrede. Zijn wij met onze partners in de regio klaar voor zo'n engagement om erop toe te zien dat wapenhandel en plunderingen van natuurlijke rijkdommen ophouden, dat de gestolen goederen worden bevroren en teruggegeven, en dat wie zich te buiten is gegaan aan misdaden ook verantwoording aflegt en gestraft wordt? De Unie kan niet anders dan een actieve rol opnemen. Het moet meer zijn dan business as usual. Er is behoefte aan sterke bemiddeling, gerichte ontwikkelingssamenwerking en, indien nodig, financiële en andere sancties tegen de hoofdrolspelers. De EU moet niet altijd lief zijn. Lief is een woord dat ik in verband met Zuid-Sudan nog niet ben tegengekomen.

  Joachim Zeller (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Hohe Vertreterin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wieder einmal eine Debatte im Parlament über die Lage im Südsudan. Die wievielte eigentlich? Das Positive daran ist sicherlich, dass wir unsere Augen nicht von dem Schicksal der Menschen in diesem Land abwenden. Ende August kam es nun wieder zu einem Friedensabkommen zwischen den Führern der verfeindeten Gruppen, dem Präsidenten Salva Kiir und dem ehemaligen Vizepräsidenten Riek Machar. Nur, das wievielte Friedensabkommen war es denn bereits seit dem Ausbruch des Bürgerkrieges? Trotzdem – und die hohe Vertreterin hat darauf hingewiesen – geht das Töten weiter. Anscheinend ist das Morden dort bei vielen bereits zum Selbstzweck geworden. Und wenn man gesehen hat, dass bereits Kinder nichts anderes mehr kennen, dass eine ganze Generation nur in Krieg und Gewalt herangewachsen ist, dann sieht man, dass es dort auch eine humanitäre Katastrophe ist. Auf den Hungertod von Zehntausenden, auch durch die Dürre hervorgerufen, die jetzt dort herrscht, ist bereits hingewiesen worden.

Das jüngste Friedensabkommen zwischen den Konfliktparteien wurde nur durch starken außenpolitischen Druck erzeugt. Aber Präsident Kiir sprach noch am Tag der Unterzeichnung des Abkommens von einem erzwungenen Friedensabkommen – kein gutes Zeichen. Deshalb darf der Druck auf die Machthaber im Südsudan nicht nachlassen, und die EU und auch ihre Mitgliedstaaten sollten sich an die Seite der USA stellen und Sanktionen gegen die führenden Leute im Südsudan nicht mehr ausschließen, wenn sie dieses Friedensabkommen nicht umsetzen und ihren Bürgern nicht endlich Frieden geben.

  Kashetu Kyenge (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, riconosciamo gli sforzi compiuti dall'Unione Africana e dall'IGAD nel promuovere l'accordo di pace in Sud Sudan. Un accordo tuttavia minacciato dalle diffidenze di governo e ribelli e dalle violenze che continuano in questo Stato. Milioni di sud sudanesi soffrono ormai da troppo tempo, mentre alla guerra rischia di aggiungersi una gravissima carestia. Dobbiamo garantire un accesso sicuro alle organizzazioni umanitarie che operano nell'area, fornendo così l'aiuto necessario alla popolazione.

Pace, signor Presidente: questa è la speranza che ha accompagnato la nascita del Sud Sudan, un paese nato dalle macerie di una guerra civile senza fine. Pace non solo per il popolo sud sudanese, che soffre da decenni, ma per l'intera regione dell'Africa orientale. Non ci può essere tuttavia pace senza giustizia. Per questo è fondamentale in questo contesto l'istituzione di una Corte ibrida che faccia luce sui crimini commessi e dissolva lo spettro dell'impunità, che rischia di accompagnare questo conflitto. Infine vorrei ringraziare l'Alto rappresentante Federica Mogherini per il lavoro svolto sul tema della pace.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE). – Mr President, I would like to thank Ms Mogherini sincerely for her passionately positive message in reminding us of our constructive role and of the need for a reality check to help heal conflicts abroad.

The same applies, of course, for South Sudan because the refugee crisis we are facing in Europe should not prevent us paying attention to the similar tragedy that South Sudan is facing. True, it is still unclear if there is enough political goodwill to implement a ceasefire but I welcome the EU’s willingness to step up our engagement. Our absolute priority is to secure a credible peace and implementation of the Cotonou Agreements: without that, even humanitarian aid will not reach those in need, and South Sudan will face hunger.

We hope to do our utmost to enable this war—torn country to move towards stability, security and national reconciliation.

  Jarosław Wałęsa (PPE). – Mr President, four years after the independence referendum, the army still conducts military operations in the disputed areas and the tragic consequences of these operations affect the civilian population. The EU must continue with the increased development assistance to meet South Sudan’s needs, ensuring that the safety of the people is the first and foremost consideration. It is vital to make sure that the support gets to where it is needed most.

It is unfortunately true that the current conflict was easy to predict – so why is it that we could not avoid it? Why do we have to repeat the same patterns in different parts of the world? Why is it that, first, comes the desire for freedom, and later it is defeated by bloody greed. This lesson has still not been learned, and we have to remember that.

Pytania z sali

  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in quest'Aula abbiamo parlato più volte della difficile situazione del Sudan, un paese che fa registrare violazioni diffuse e sistematiche dei diritti umani, il cui governo continua a reprimere le libertà fondamentali, anche attraverso la pratica di arresti arbitrari di giornalisti e leader di partiti politici. Negli ultimi giorni sono stati uccisi in una sola contea, nello Stato di Unity, 80 civili, e tra questi 57 bambini. Nel Sud Sudan, secondo la denuncia degli organismi dell'ONU (FAO, UNICEF e World Food Programme), oltre 30 000 persone rischiano di morire di fame e altre decine di migliaia sono a rischio carestia.

Dall'inizio del conflitto nel Sud Sudan, quasi due anni fa, è la prima volta che il cosiddetto modello integrato per la classificazione del rischio dell'emergenza alimentare dell'ONU registra il livello 5, quello della catastrofe, il più alto nella scala da uno a cinque, per tutte le fasce della popolazione. Se non si vuole che la situazione precipiti ulteriormente, è necessario che l'Europa e la comunità internazionale si mobilitino anche in collaborazione con l'Unione Africana per favorire la riconciliazione nazionale e per sostenere un processo di ricostruzione politica e istituzionale del paese.

  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, το Νότιο Σουδάν, παρότι έχει πολλές πλουτοπαραγωγικές πηγές, εν τούτοις ο πληθυσμός του ζει κάτω απ’ τα όρια της φτώχειας. Ταυτόχρονα, απ’ το 2013 βρίσκεται σε εμφύλιο πόλεμο μεταξύ των φυλών Νούερ και Ντίνκα. Επιπλέον, σύμφωνα με τον ΟΗΕ, στο Νότιο Σουδάν το μεγαλύτερο μέρος του πληθυσμού βρίσκεται σε κίνδυνο λιμού· αυτή τη στιγμή υποσιτίζεται.

Επιπλέον, 2.2 εκατομμύρια άνθρωποι έχουν εκτοπιστεί εντός και εκτός της χώρας και έχουν πέσει, μεγάλος αριθμός από αυτούς, θύματα των νοτιοσουδανών στρατιωτών.

Τη στιγμή λοιπόν που ο ΟΗΕ κάνει έκκληση για ανθρωπιστική βοήθεια στην περιοχή, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση θα πρέπει να συμβάλει στην οικοδόμηση του νέου Νότιου Σουδάν. Παράλληλα, θα πρέπει να υποστηρίξει τη δράση των ανθρωπιστικών οργανώσεων, δίνοντας χρηματοδότηση για να παρέχουν τρόφιμα και υγειονομική περίθαλψη στον πληθυσμό. Τέλος πρέπει να εφαρμοστεί η ειρηνευτική συμφωνία που υπογράφτηκε στην Αντίς Αμπέμπα τον Μάιο του 2014 για μόνιμη κατάπαυση του πυρός.

  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). – Gospođo Visoka povjerenice, imate našu potpunu podršku za ono što činite, ali zaista vas iskreno pozivam da se usmjerite na dva ključna momenta. Jedan je kažnjavanje svih zločinaca.

Iz područja Europe gdje je nedavno bio rat prije samo nešto više od 20 godina, odakle ja dolazim, znam što znači kažnjavanje zločinaca, istjerivanje pravde, jer oni koji su zloupotrebljavali žene, oni koji su zloupotrebljavali djecu i oni koji su činili ratne zločine, njih zaista treba izvesti pred lice pravde.

I drugo je ono što ionako činimo, ali očito moramo uložiti dodatne napore. Pitanje je, je li 300 milijuna eura dovoljno, očito nije. Humanitarna pomoć je zaista ono ključno što u ovom trenutku očekujemo da učinite kako bi ona došla zaista do svake osobe koja u Južnom Sudanu tu humanitarnu pomoć i te kako iščekuje.

  Miguel Viegas (GUE/NGL). – Senhor Presidente, a situação do Sudão do Sul representa ainda um resquício do período colonial onde a tática, ainda atual, consistia em dividir para reinar.

A criação, em 2011, do Sudão do Sul é indissociável da presença de importantes reservas petrolíferas. Só desta forma conseguimos perceber como nascem os conflitos fratricidas, travestidos de guerras religiosas. As armas não caem do céu, são fornecidas às fações em guerra por interesses poderosos, cuja origem nem sequer é difícil descortinar. Provavelmente não é por acaso que a Glencore International, gigante das matérias-primas, conhecida pelo seu desprezo pelos direitos humanos, domina hoje a produção de petróleo naquele país. Esta empresa, sediada na Suíça, está implicada numa sucessão de escândalos relacionados com fraude e evasão fiscais, tráfico de armas, etc..

A solução para este conflito só pode residir no respeito pela soberania do povo do Sudão do Sul, no seu direito a dispor dos seus recursos. Implica, por isso, cessar de forma imediata todo o fornecimento de armas, sendo esta uma condição absolutamente necessária para qualquer processo de reconciliação minimamente consistente.

  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, un raccolto annuale molto scarso, 30 000 persone a rischio di morte per fame, un terzo della popolazione sull'orlo di una catastrofe umanitaria, migliaia di bambini soldato, massacri etnici, uso sistematico di torture e violenza sessuale, l'arma più ignobile per destabilizzare il nemico, come ci insegna Denis Mukwege. Nella guerra violentissima tra i Dinka di Kiir e i Nuer di Machar non ci sono buoni e cattivi, ma solo una lotta di potere senza limiti e centinaia di migliaia di vittime innocenti, in un paese che ha già avuto 2,5 milioni di morti e centinaia di migliaia di orfani e profughi nella precedente guerra civile con il Sudan.

La notizia della nuova firma per proseguire l'implementazione degli accordi di pace a Giuba è un barlume di speranza, ma lo spettro dell'odio etnico e di una frammentazione ancora maggiore degli interessi legati all'estrazione dei ricchi giacimenti di idrocarburi e allo sfruttamento dell'acqua, oggetto del desiderio – tra i tanti – degli appetiti cinesi, bastano e avanzano a metterci in guardia.

La più giovane nazione del mondo ha bisogno non delle armi e delle grandi multinazionali, ma dell'esperienza e del sostegno, anche economico, della vecchia Europa per sostenere l'accordo di pace, per costringere le parti a cooperare e per imparare a camminare sulla via della democrazia, e questo passa anche dalla lotta all'impunità. Non permettiamo a cinesi, arabi e tanto meno a noi stessi di farne una colonia da sfruttare. Quel cattivo esempio, l'abbiamo già dato per secoli. Se non possiamo riparare agli errori del passato possiamo almeno impedire quelli del futuro.

(Koniec pytań z sali)

  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, I promise I will be less passionate, but not because I care less – on the contrary, because one has to be reasonable enough not to overstate the case, and also because I really appreciate the debate we have had here this evening. I have found it helpful in relation to the work we have to do.

On the one hand – conscious of the fact that we have a role to play in this crisis, but that our role is very much in support of and in coordination with the regional players, starting with the African Union – I completely agree with all of you who mentioned the work with regional and international players as the strong point of our action in this crisis. There are two sides to the task. Firstly, the humanitarian side needs to remain the focus of our work: we have a responsibility, as by far the leading humanitarian contributor in the crisis, and again I would underline the need to keep our attention focused on humanitarian refugee crises that are apparently far away from our borders. Moreover, this is not only a matter of moral responsibility and human responsibility, it is also a matter of investment in stability and in the future for a large part of the world’s population.

Secondly, on the political track, with regard to the implementation of the agreement, I would point out that this is an agreement signed under difficult circumstances, in a very fragile situation. As I said in my opening statement, the international community must continue, and we must continue, to support the people of South Sudan as the implementation of the peace process begins.

More than anything, the leaders of the country have to exercise full responsibility. On both sides – as many of you mentioned – there are spoilers. There are interests opposing the agreement, and they must be told loud and clear that if they do not implement the agreement they will be held responsible for the consequences of their actions. That message has to come clearly and in unison from all of us. Only a concerted effort by political leaders will bring an end to the suffering of the people in South Sudan and enable them to live in peace.

I believe the signing of the agreement offers space and an opportunity for that, but implementation is, as we can see, extremely difficult. Our work with our African partners is pushing in this direction.

  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.