Ausführliche Sitzungsberichte

Montag, 23. November 2015 - Straßburg

12. Menschenrechte in den Handelsverhandlungen zwischen der EU und Vietnam (Aussprache)

  President. – The next item is the debate on the oral question to the Commission on human rights in EU-Vietnam trade negotiations by Bernd Lange and Marietje Schaake on behalf of the Committee on International Trade (O—000116/2015 – B8-1106/2015)(2015/2821(RSP)).

  Bernd Lange, Verfasser.– Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin! In der nächsten Woche, am 2. Dezember, wird der Premierminister Vietnams nach Brüssel kommen und das Handelsabkommen unterzeichnen. Ich denke, das ist ein sehr gutes Abkommen, was zwischen Vietnam und der Europäischen Union ausgehandelt worden ist. Es hat einen sehr deutlichen, aber asymmetrischen Reduktions-Fahrplan für die Zölle, man hat sich über Standards geeinigt, 169 GIs sind akzeptiert worden von Vietnam – 169 GIs – daran sollten sich andere Partnerländer mal ein Beispiel nehmen. Über die öffentliche Beschaffung hat man sich geeinigt, und es ist im Grunde ein level playing field geschaffen worden. Insofern wirklich ein bemerkenswertes Abkommen. Und auch in diesem Abkommen ist in der Präambel eindeutig Bezug genommen worden auf die Charta der Vereinten Nationen von 1945 und auf die Allgemeine Erklärung der Menschenrechte von 1948. Also: In dem Handelsabkommen ist ein klarer Bezug zur Frage der Menschenrechte und der Sicherung der Menschenrechte.

Damit ist auch außer Frage, dass das Partnerschafts- und Kooperationsabkommen, das 2012 auf den Weg gebracht worden ist, mit dem Handelsabkommen eine rechtlich verbindliche Verknüpfung hat und damit die Menschenrechtsklausel aus dem Partnerschafts- und Kooperationsabkommen auch für das Handelsabkommen relevant ist.

Ich glaube, meine lieben Kolleginnen und Kollegen, darüber sind wir uns alle einig, dass natürlich Menschenrechte und Handel unmittelbar zusammengehören. Ich kann mir schlechterdings keine Handelsbeziehung vorstellen, wo Menschenrechte nicht respektiert werden. Übrigens: In dem TPP-Abkommen, das ja Vietnam auch unterzeichnet hat, ist explizit der Fortschritt bei der Menschenrechtsentwicklung mit der Marktöffnung gekoppelt, also ein Automatismus entwickelt worden.

Menschenrechte gehören also zum Handel dazu. Wenn man sich jetzt Vietnam anschaut, wissen wir alle, dass Vietnam ein sehr dynamisches Land ist, in einem Transformationsprozess ist und Herausforderungen mit sich trägt und viele Fragen von Menschenrechten auch zu thematisieren sind, insbesondere zum Beispiel die Frage der Meinungsfreiheit.

Als Instrument ist natürlich – im Rahmen der Klausel im Partnerschafts- und Kooperationsabkommen und verbunden mit dem Handelsabkommen – der Menschenrechtsdialog zu sehen. Und da liegt ein bisschen der Hase im Pfeffer. Die Frage, wie man diesen Menschenrechtsdialog verbessern kann, damit er vielleicht ein Stück weit tatkräftiger wirkt. Vielleicht in fünf Punkten die Frage, ob wir Verbesserungen brauchen, also die Frage der Zieldefinition für den Menschenrechtsdialog, brauchen wir konkrete milestones in den Gesprächen. Manchmal, habe ich das Gefühl, plätschern die Gespräche etwas dahin.

Zweitens: Wie kann es besser gelingen, auch die Zivilgesellschaft in den Dialog einzubinden? Wir haben das Civil Society Forum, wir haben Domestic Advisory Groups. Ich glaube, aus dem Handelsabkommen werden sich auch unabhängige Gewerkschaften entwickeln, können wir klare Regeln zur Einbindung garantieren und auch materielle Unterstützung, wo eben die Zivilgesellschaft nicht die entsprechenden Mittel hat.

Drittens können wir die Kohärenz der EU noch verbessern, sowohl was auf der Ebene der Kommission und des EADS passiert, aber auch auf den verschiedenen Ebenen der Verhandlungen und Gespräche, dass es wirklich eine Kohärenz in der EU-Politik gibt.

Viertens: Wie sieht es mit der Evaluierung des Menschenrechtsdialogs aus? Kann man da noch bessere Benchmarks, Indikatoren einziehen? Und fünftens die Transparenz – das ist ein Lieblingsthema von uns, dass man auch beim Menschenrechtsdialog sicherlich Transparenz noch stärken kann.

Also: Einige Fragen, wie man diesen Menschenrechtsdialog stärken kann, gerade bezogen auf Vietnam, aber angesichts der Handelsstrategie natürlich für weitere Abkommen auch.

  Cecilia Malmström, Member of the Commission.– Madam President, the Commission is, as you know, committed to promoting and protecting human rights in all our engagement with third partners, including, of course, with Vietnam, which we are discussing tonight. With this aim, we organised a Stakeholders’ Consultation in May, and the summary paper of the discussion published thereafter highlights the stakeholders’ suggestions for improving the situation of human rights issues and underlines our commitment to transparency and to regular and continued engagement with civil society.

I can confirm that issues relating to human rights have been addressed in the context of the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement negotiations, with the aim of embedding respect for human rights in the agreement, and also with a view to enhancing its positive impact and minimising the risk of adverse impacts. I have also personally discussed matters with the Minister.

The preamble of the agreement reaffirms the EU’s and Vietnam’s commitment to key international human rights principles and instruments. There is also an institutional and legal link between the Free Trade Agreement and the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with Vietnam. These links ensure that respect for human rights underpins EU-Vietnam bilateral relations, including the FTA, and enable us to take measures considered appropriate in the event of a breach of the agreement. The FTA also contains provisions ensuring the transparency and inclusiveness of the decision-making process and any legal proceedings, thereby strengthening the enabling environment for the respect of human rights, democracy and the rule of law in Vietnam.

With regard to labour rights, the FTA includes an ambitious chapter on trade and sustainable development, and that includes not only respect for all core labour standards and ratification of fundamental ILO Conventions and their implementation, but it also pays special attention to corporate social responsibility and fair and ethical trade schemes.

The monitoring of human rights development in Vietnam is, of course, very important. This will continue to be done primarily through the institutions and structures set up in the PCA framework, including the human rights dialogue – and there will be a meeting in a couple of weeks again. We also have a dedicated instrument, the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights, as you all know.

The implementation of the commitments undertaken will be followed up in both the EU and Vietnam through the mechanisms and institutions established therein, as well as through the existing EU civil society dialogue and with ex-post evaluations of the FTA.

I strongly believe – and I think Mr Lange said the same – that trade liberalisation and human rights can and must go hand in hand. The new Communication on trade and investment that the Commission published a couple of weeks ago makes it clear that EU trade policy must be for all: citizens; consumers; workers; the self-employed; small, big and medium-sized companies; and the poorest people in the developing countries. It must deliver growth, jobs and innovation, but it has to be responsible, and that means that EU trade policy must defend European values. It has to be effective at delivering economic opportunities and it has to be transparent and open to public scrutiny. Human rights are therefore a very important part of this trade strategy.

The Commission wants to ensure that trade policy contributes to the advancement of human rights in the EU and in third countries, in conjunction with our other policies – foreign policy and development cooperation. Let me assure you of the importance of finding this balance between engagement and conditionality. The Commission is, as you know, convinced that the policy of engagement is more effective than a policy exclusively based on conditionality, even if that can also play a role. Engagement allows us to engage and to create channels for dialogue, keeping them open with a lot of stakeholders involved. We intend to make full use of those channels to promote change on the ground in Vietnam.

Thank you very much for your contribution to this, and you can be sure that we will keep you informed very closely about the development once the agreement is finally concluded.

  Santiago Fisas Ayxelà, en nombre del Grupo PPE.– Señora Presidenta, señora Comisaria, tres años después de la firma del Acuerdo Marco Global de Asociación y Cooperación entre la Unión Europea y Vietnam en 2012, el pasado agosto se llegó a un entendimiento sobre el Acuerdo de Libre Comercio ―por cierto, con un país comunista―. Para la Unión Europea este Acuerdo tiene gran relevancia económica, pues se espera que incremente y facilite el acceso a un mercado con una previsión de crecimiento del PIB del 6 % en el año 2015 y que creará, además, nuevas oportunidades para la inversión.

El Acuerdo de Libre Comercio tiene una relación vinculante con el Acuerdo Marco Global de Asociación y Cooperación, que incluye cláusulas sobre derechos humanos. Este nexo garantiza que estos principios deben regir las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y Vietnam, abarcando también las relaciones comerciales.

Han pasado veinticinco años desde el establecimiento de relaciones diplomáticas y, en este período, hemos podido observar una progresiva mejora en la situación de los derechos humanos en Vietnam. Es cierto que aún existen deficiencias; en particular, sigue aplicándose la pena de muerte y existen acoso a activistas de la sociedad civil, restricciones a los medios de comunicación y limitaciones de la libertad religiosa. Tenemos que condenar estas prácticas y presionar para su rápida erradicación, pero no debemos olvidar que Vietnam está dando pasos en la buena dirección.

Vietnam es actualmente miembro del Consejo de Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas y en 2014 ratificó la Convención contra la Tortura y la Convención sobre los Derechos de las Personas con Discapacidad. Hay que seguir vigilando la situación de los derechos humanos en Vietnam sin olvidar que el llamado mejor amigo de la Unión Europea en la ASEAN sigue siendo un aliado prometedor para la Unión Europea en Asia.

  Alessia Maria Mosca, a nome del gruppo S&D.– Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Commissaria, l'accordo commerciale fra l'Unione europea e il Vietnam, che verrà chiuso il 2 dicembre, ha un'importanza fondamentale per vari motivi. Il negoziato è particolarmente importante, non solo per i rapporti commerciali tra i due paesi, ma anche più in generale, per il rapporto tra l'Unione europea e l'ASEAN e per la politica commerciale comunitaria. È un accordo strategico per queste ragioni ma anche come ha già ricordato il presidente Lange per il contenuto e per la qualità delle trattative.

Per questo, può essere un modello per futuri accordi e proprio per questa ragione è fondamentale monitorarne, con estrema attenzione, tutti gli aspetti, anche quelli riferiti al capitolo sullo sviluppo sostenibile che sta acquistando sempre più importanza anche alla luce della strategia sul commercio della Commissione europea.

È proprio per tale ragione che abbiamo formulato questa interrogazione alla Commissione: per poter disporre di maggiori informazioni, di informazioni più precise e dettagliate e ringraziamo la Commissaria, per quelle che già oggi ha voluto condividere con noi, perché riteniamo fondamentale che ci sia un miglioramento del monitoraggio, in generale, del rispetto dei diritti umani con i paesi con cui sigliamo accordi, durante la fase di implementazione e perché ci siano nuovi modelli di valutazione d'impatto, con un maggior coinvolgimento della società civile nei negoziati.

Siamo convinti del fatto che gli accordi commerciali siano ancora più efficaci se sono uno strumento utile, anche a migliorare la situazione sociale delle controparti. Ecco perché quindi riteniamo che non si possano concludere accordi che non tengano in debito conto questa dimensione.

  Joachim Starbatty, im Namen der ECR-Fraktion.– Frau Präsidentin! Vietnam ist ein dynamisches, junges Land, 90 Millionen liebenswürdige Einwohner und vor allen Dingen ein Land, das nicht auf Arbeit wartet, sondern sich Arbeit schafft. Das habe ich in Vietnam immer wieder festgestellt.

Wir haben eine kommunistische Regierung, eine kommunistische Partei, die aber nicht nur den Sozialismus will, sondern über Staatsinterventionen den nationalen Wohlstand steigern will. Sicherlich, und das weiß man: Die Leute können frei reden und frei handeln, solange sie nicht die Obrigkeit stören.

Jetzt kommen die Menschenrechte ins Spiel: Ich finde es falsch, bei den Menschenrechten immer auf der normativen Schiene zu arbeiten ihr müsst es tun. Man sollte einen anderen Ansatz wählen, und zwar einen analytischen Ansatz. In einer Welt der Globalisierung, wenn man aus dem Nachmachen herauskommt und selber etwas schaffen will, dann braucht man Menschen, die nachdenken können. Nachdenken, verhandeln kann man nur, wenn es Menschenrechte gibt. Man sollte den Vietnamesen klar machen, dass es in ihrem eigenen Interesse – aus einem analytischen Grunde – wichtig ist, dass sie zu Menschenrechten kommen.

  Marietje Schaake, on behalf of the ALDE Group.– Madam President, Madam Commissioner, the ALDE Group welcomes the fact that this trade agreement and trade negotiations, which are the first of their kind between the EU and a developing country, Vietnam, have been concluded. We think it is a good agreement.

Trade, as an element of the broader EU foreign policy agenda, is one of the more concrete instruments and one where Parliament plays a leading and important role. But we should also think of development policies. We see, too, that citizens are increasingly and actively getting involved with this discussion, and we welcome this. People in Europe are very clear that they want to see human rights at the top of the European foreign policy agenda.

I believe that human rights are key. I think that the EU has both the opportunity and the responsibility to lead in ensuring that universal human rights are respected worldwide. While trade must be an important lever, it cannot in and of itself be the solution to end all suffering and problems. Listening to the public debates, people sometimes have very high hopes of the impact that trade can have. But realistically, we must do what we can.

I see this ambition and vision – tying trade and values – clearly reflected in the Commission’s new Trade for All agenda. Besides the anticipated boost to development and economic well-being, building on Vietnam’s efforts to lift people out of poverty, I would like to know what short-term measures are anticipated. How does the Commission address human rights in the context of trade and how does monitoring look after the agreement enters into force? There is a lot that has to be improved in Vietnam. Free expression, free association, freedom of assembly are all controlled and under pressure; torture and beatings unfortunately happen too regularly; and minorities, journalists, bloggers and opposition figures suffer as a result of this.

In conclusion, these many challenges cannot be solved through trade alone. We need to work and build on the human rights dialogue and show political leadership. I look forward to continuing this discussion and monitoring the impact this trade agreement will have on human rights in Vietnam. I will continue to address it in other ways as well.

  Lola Sánchez Caldentey, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL.– Señora Presidenta, la Comisión ha llegado a un principio de acuerdo para un Acuerdo de Libre Comercio con Vietnam y esto nos sorprende profundamente, pues no se han seguido en absoluto las sugerencias de este Parlamento, ni las recomendaciones del propio Defensor del Pueblo Europeo.

Se ha llegado a un acuerdo sin ni siquiera haber llevado a cabo una evaluación de impacto sobre los derechos humanos en línea con la recomendación de las Naciones Unidas, que tanto el Defensor del Pueblo como esta Cámara pedíamos. Es cierto que el Acuerdo incluye el tradicional capítulo sobre desarrollo sostenible, pero todos sabemos que es insuficiente. No son más que bonitas palabras sin marcos efectivos para su cumplimiento. ¿Qué garantiza que las partes cumplan sus obligaciones? Nada.

Consideramos fundamental además que se preste atención al potencial impacto que el Acuerdo tendrá en cuestiones de género. Es fundamental que la política comercial de la Unión Europea no vaya en contra de nuestros objetivos en materia de igualdad de género. También es crucial que se aborde el tema de la responsabilidad corporativa en materia de violaciones de derechos humanos y estándares sociales y medioambientales.

No podemos seguir permitiendo la impunidad total de las grandes corporaciones en detrimento de los derechos de la gente y del planeta. Sin estos elementos, el acuerdo con Vietnam será un nuevo fracaso de la política europea, con consecuencias dramáticas, como siempre, para la gente.

  Ska Keller, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion.– Frau Präsidentin! Die Menschenrechte zu schützen, das liegt im Kern der Europäischen Union und des europäischen Projektes und sollte auch im Kern der europäischen Handelspolitik liegen.

Da sieht es ja in Vietnam gerade nicht gut aus mit den Menschenrechten. Vietnam liegt ganz hinten, wenn es um die Pressefreiheit geht. Nichtregierungsorganisationen sind verboten, genauso wie politische Parteien oder Gewerkschaften. Gerade hat die Kommission ihre neue Handelsstrategie vorgestellt, die ja in vorbildlicher Weise Menschenrechte ganz nach vorne stellt. Aber es geht eben auch darum, wie wir das in unserer Handelspolitik ganz konkret umsetzen.

Da haben wir bei Vietnam noch einiges nachzuholen, denn wir haben zum Beispiel keine Folgenabschätzung für die Auswirkungen des Handelsabkommens auf die Menschenrechte vor Ort in Vietnam. Da hätten wir doch als Grüne einige Fragezeichen anzumelden, gerade wenn es um die Anwendung von Investorenschutz geht. Bei diesem Abkommen haben wir solche menschenrechtlichen Vorgaben nicht gesehen. Deswegen ist ganz wichtig, dass wir konkret kucken, was wir in Vietnam mit Handel verbessern können, wenn es um die Menschenrechte geht. Da haben wir zwar bisher gute Worte, aber diesen Worten müssen eben auch Taten folgen.

  Tiziana Beghin, a nome del gruppo EFDD.– Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Commissaria, la situazione dei diritti umani in Vietnam è spaventosa. Il potere è gestito con fermezza da un partito unico che sopprime tutte le libertà individuali e collettive. La libertà d'associazione, d'assemblea, d'espressione sono tutte sistematicamente violate; la tortura è diffusa e il governo fa ricorso al lavoro forzato per la produzione di beni destinati all'esportazione.

E l'Europa cosa fa? Decide di premiare questo campione di democrazia, firmandoci un accordo di libero scambio. Un accordo che poteva essere usato come strumento di pressione per ottenere vere riforme democratiche e difendere i diritti dei cittadini vietnamiti.

Invece, ci ritroviamo ancora una volta a fare accordi con dei dittatori, per giunta, usando come merce di scambio, l'agricoltura europea: i nostri agricoltori vedranno 80.000 tonnellate di riso vietnamita entrare senza dazi nel nostro mercato, come già avviene per il riso cambogiano e del Myanmar in virtù degli EBA.

Questa è la politica commerciale basata sui valori? No, signora Commissaria, io non credo.

  Christofer Fjellner (PPE). – Fru talman! I augusti blev frihandelsavtalet mellan EU och Vietnam färdigt efter tre års intensiva förhandlingar. Det är ett viktigt och bra avtal för Vietnam. EU är trots allt Vietnams näst största handelspartner efter Kina.

Detta avtal är verkligen ett avtal för tillväxt i ett land som behöver utveckling. Jag är fast övertygad om att handel är det bästa sättet att ta sig ut ur fattigdom. Det är så Sverige och alla andra EU-länder blev rika. Kan vi erbjuda andra länder möjlighet att få göra samma resa genom att öppna våra marknader så är det givetvis bra.

Men som alltid när fattigdomsbekämpning kommer på tal i samband med frihandel så säger motståndarna att det är precis tvärtom. Att handel hotar mänskliga rättigheter, arbetstagare och miljö och att frihandeln sker på befolkningens bekostnad. Det är ju inte sant! Låt mig bara konstatera att vietnameserna själva vill ha detta avtal. Jag tycker, ärligt talat, att det är lite patetiskt när man försöker hävda att man vet bättre än vad de själva vet vad som är bra just för Vietnam.

Dessutom innehåller detta avtal starka, bindande skrivningar om just mänskliga rättigheter, miljö och arbetstagares rättigheter. Jag tror inte att det är där skon klämmer. Sanningen är att protektionister alltid hittar en annan ursäkt än att vara protektionister, för att försöka hindra frihandel och öppna gränser. Jag tror att detta är ytterligare ett exempel. Precis som vi såg när det gällde Burma, när Aung San Suu Kyi vädjade till oss att sänka deras tullar, så var man emot. När det gällde Pakistan och Malala stod här och vädjade, så var man emot. Nu är man emot när det gäller Vietnam, för man tror sig veta bättre än de fattiga vad som är rätt för dem. Dessa är den nya tidens imperialister.

  David Martin (S&D). – Madam President, firstly, I agree with Bernd Lange that this is a very good agreement in economic terms for the European Union and for Vietnam and it should see growth in both regions.

Is the human rights situation in Vietnam perfect? No – as other speakers have said, far from it. Whether this free trade agreement will help or hinder the human rights situation in Vietnam is probably the more important question, and I happen to agree with the Commissioner that constructive engagement is the way to improve the human rights situation in Vietnam. Thanks to this EFTA, we will now have an opportunity for a robust ongoing human rights dialogue with the Vietnamese.

I hope we will also see a very effective domestic advisory group set up. That, to my mind, is a crucial point: we have to make sure that we fund a domestic adviser group, involve civil society in Vietnam and get regular reports about the situation there, particularly the labour situation. We must make sure that the ILO conventions are being implemented, that trade unions are allowed to operate, and that there are safeguards at the workplace. But we cannot do that if we do not have this FTA or the PCA. If we are not engaged with Vietnam, we will have no basis on which to speak with the Vietnamese. So I repeat: good for economics and also potentially good for human rights in Vietnam.

  Julie Girling (ECR). – Madam President, respect for human rights develops; it does not just happen because a country ratifies international agreements or they are bombarded with demands from potential trade partners. Human rights evolve, and fostering trade is a vital part of enabling that evolution. ASEAN is the EU’s third largest trading partner and Vietnam is growing in importance within ASEAN, with a vibrant economy. So I welcome this agreement, which I believe will lift people out of poverty in Vietnam and enable them to engage vigorously in improving their own political and human rights in their own country in good time.

I look at human rights sites monitoring Vietnam and of course I am dismayed at what I see sometimes. But hectoring and then withdrawing is not the answer. I am pleased to see this agreement finalised. Let us engage constructively continuing our dialogue, provide governance assistance and get on with seeing this FTA become successful.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D), blue-card question.– I would like to ask our colleague, Ms Girling, what would happen if a policy combining engagement and strong, tough conditionality had to be embedded by the European Union in the strategy for relations with all developing countries, including Vietnam.

  Julie Girling (ECR). – Regrettably I did not really understand the beginning of the question, so it is difficult for me to reply.

  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D), blue-card question.– Let me try again. The question was: a policy of both engagement and strong, tough conditionality should have to be embedded by the European Union in the strategies of relationships with developing countries, including Vietnam. Do you understand now?

  Julie Girling (ECR). – Sorry, Madam President, I still do not understand that English.

  President. – I am going to ask you perhaps to speak to each after the session and try to reach an understanding.

  Barbara Lochbihler (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, during my visit to Hanoi this month I saw a capital with a lively growing economy and remarkable results in achieving many of the Millennium Development Goals, but I also learned about the absence of free trade unions and increased pressure on human rights activists, and that the country ranks 175 out of 180 countries in the 2015 Press Freedom Index.

The changes that come with more trade and with free trade agreements do not automatically lead to a society without economic inequalities, without human rights violations and with strong labour rights. Therefore, I welcomed very much that the Commission already in 2012 committed itself to systematically carrying out human rights impact assessments for free trade agreements, which it expressed in the EU Action Plan for Human Rights and Democracy.

In April 2014, this Parliament urged the Commission to carry out as soon as possible a human rights impact assessment. Despite several reminders, open letters and so on, and even strong criticism from the EU Ombudsperson that the fact of not doing so would amount to maladministration, the Commission refused to follow this recommendation. The main reason recently given was the lack of time and the fact that the Commission does not want to delay the conclusion of the free trade agreement. But the Commission committed to including a human rights impact assessment in the next ex—post evaluation.

UN experts this summer voiced clear concerns over the adverse impact of free trade and investment agreements on human rights and also called for ex—ante and ex—post human rights impact assessments. I do not think that any explanation of sustainability criteria in the EU Free Trade Agreement with Vietnam will be sufficient. The Commission should do nothing less than a thorough human rights impact assessment.

  Ignazio Corrao (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Commissario, io ho ascoltato alcuni interventi e devo dire che non sono per niente d'accordo con la felicità con cui si accoglie questo accordo di libero scambio con il Vietnam.

Io credo che quando si parla dell'amore nutrito da quest'Assemblea nei confronti del neoliberismo, ci si mette delle belle fette di prosciutto sugli occhi, anche davanti a violazioni dei diritti umani, che sono gravissime nel caso del Vietnam, perché stiamo parlando di un paese che è al 175° posto per libertà di stampa, dove non possono essere fondati dei partiti politici nuovi, dove non ci possono essere sindacati liberi, dove sono vietate le associazioni e le organizzazioni non governative, dove il governo utilizza dei cosiddetti teppisti per reprimere i difensori dei diritti umani.

E quando diciamo che attraverso un accordo di libero scambio intendiamo migliorare tali condizioni, ci sbagliamo, perché un accordo che privilegiava i diritti umani l'avevamo già stipulato nel 2012, un accordo di partenariato e cooperazione, con il risultato che le violazioni dei diritti umani sono peggiorate nel tempo.

Per questo io direi che dovremmo voltare veramente pagina quando parliamo di simili accordi.

  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR).– Κύρια Πρόεδρε, θέλω να θέσω το εξής σοβαρό ζήτημα στην Ολομέλεια. Το έχω θέσει και άλλη φορά. Η Ολομέλεια συνεδριάζει για να μπορούμε να συμμετέχουμε στις συζητήσεις. Αφιερώνεται αυτή η εβδομάδα του Στρασβούργου στην Ολομέλεια. Δεν μπορούμε να έχουμε ταυτόχρονα συνεδριάσεις των επιτροπών και ιδίως συνεδριάσεις και ψηφοφορίες σε επιτροπές. Αυτή τη στιγμή, 7 η ώρα το απόγευμα, καλούμαι να συμμετάσχω σε ψηφοφορία σε κοινή συνεδρίαση των επιτροπών LIBE και PETI για ένα σοβαρό θέμα που είναι το FRONTEX.

Διαμαρτύρομαι, διότι εγώ θέλω να συμμετάσχω και στη συζήτηση. Δεν μπορεί λοιπόν το πρόγραμμα των επιτροπών να μας αφαιρεί το δικαίωμα συμμετοχής στην Ολομέλεια. Παρακαλώ να μεταφέρετε αυτό το θέμα στον Πρόεδρο κ. Schultz και να επισημανθεί στους προέδρους των επιτροπών ότι αυτή η εβδομάδα είναι εβδομάδα Ολομέλειας και όχι ψηφοφοριών σε επιτροπές. Οι ψηφοφορίες στις επιτροπές, σε άλλη εβδομάδα στις Βρυξέλλες.

  President. – We take note of your comments and we will pass them on to Mr Schulz. Now we continue with our debate.

  Pedro Silva Pereira (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, quero, em primeiro lugar, saudar a conclusão do acordo de comércio livre com o Vietname, que é um importante parceiro da União Europeia no contexto do Sudeste Asiático. Este é o primeiro acordo de comércio de nova geração com um país em desenvolvimento e pode, por isso, ser um modelo para futuros acordos com os países da ASEAN. Mas o comércio não é um fim em si mesmo, e a própria estratégia comercial e de investimento da União sublinha a necessidade de os acordos comerciais promoverem os valores europeus e, em particular, os direitos humanos.

Ora, nós temos boas razões para estarmos preocupados com o respeito pelos direitos humanos no Vietname, em particular quanto à liberdade de expressão. E esta casa insistiu em que a Comissão Europeia aplicasse uma abordagem baseada na condicionalidade dos seus acordos comerciais.

Queria, por isso, perguntar à Senhora Comissária que progressos houve no Vietname em matéria de direitos humanos desde o início das negociações comerciais e que lições devemos aprender com este processo — se podemos considerar, se a Comissão pode considerar que este acordo com o Vietname respeitou, efetivamente, o princípio da condicionalidade em matéria de direitos humanos numa agenda comercial?

  Jan Zahradil (ECR). – Vážená paní předsedající, paní komisařko, dovolte mi říci, že jako stálý zpravodaj výboru INTA pro dohodu o volném obchodu Evropská unie-Vietnam jsem nepodporoval položení této ústní otázky a zařazení nebo vyvolání této debaty. Nicméně ocitl jsem se ve výboru v menšině a to samozřejmě respektuji.

Domnívám se, že otázce lidských práv byla během vyjednávání o této obchodní dohodě věnována velká pozornost, že závazky, které tam jsou popsány, jsou také dostatečné a že Vietnam je dodrží. A je také naším úkolem dohlédnout na implementaci té dohody. A jsem přesvědčen, že teď se musíme soustředit na finální fázi ratifikace dohody. Já jsem velmi rád, že dojde příští týden k jejímu symbolickému podpisu.

V neposlední řadě mi dovolte zdůraznit, že jsem také rád, že se nám tady v Evropském parlamentu podařilo založit skupinu přátel Evropská unie-Vietnam, ve které jsou zastoupeny úplně všechny poslanecké skupiny, což je skutečně výjimka, a já věřím, že tato skupina napomůže hladkému průběhu ratifikace této dohody.

  Neena Gill (S&D). – Madam President, I welcome this FTA. It has important potential in terms of jobs and growth, not least for the EU in the current context of TPP, but also for Vietnam. But it is clear that this potential can only be realised if appropriate measures are taken to maximise positive, and prevent negative, impacts on human rights.

Vietnam does face significant challenges in this field, whether it is forced evictions of farmers or imprisonment of those seeking better labour rights. Therefore, could the Commission explain why it is not possible to undertake a proper ex-ante human rights impact assessment so we can understand a roadmap for addressing our concerns and improving the solution? It is also evident that the usual mix of instruments will not do the trick. Not only do they have their shortcomings, which have been widely documented; but can we really just blindly transpose this approach onto the most far-reaching FTA that has ever been achieved with a developing country?

Some argue that the Commission’s timid approach to human rights is exactly why it is important that under the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement there is a communication mechanism between the European External Action Service (EEAS) and Parliament on the implementation of the PCA and capacity—building to enhance the settlement of complaints by the affected communities.

This is not about trying to undermine the FTA or pointing the finger at the Vietnamese Government. This is about common sense – that prevention is more effective and less expensive than cure – and about casting a successful foundation for a strong, lasting, strategic relationship with one of our key partners in south-east Asia, especially in the current geopolitical context.

Catch-the-eye procedure

  Franc Bogovič (PPE). – Človekove pravice so proces in osnova za to, da lahko ljudje živijo človekove pravice, da – najprej – niso lačni, da imajo delo, da se lahko izobrazijo in da so na koncu tisti, ki zahtevajo človekove pravice.

Takšen trgovinski sporazum bo dal in daje dostojanstvo ljudem v Vietnamu do dela in prepričan sem, da bomo v tem procesu prišli tudi do večjih zahtev po človekovih pravicah. Tisti, ki prehitro pričakujejo, da se bo v nekem državnem sistemu, ki je zaostal, kjer so lačni in ubogi ljudje, da se bodo tam začele izvajati človekove pravice na visokem nivoju, naj se spomnijo, kako smo iz tega mesta in še od marsikod drugod po človekovih pravicah spraševali in zahtevali za ljudi v Iraku, Libiji in Siriji, danes se pa vprašajmo, kako imajo ti ljudje izpolnjene človekove pravice. Niti pravice do življenja nimajo.

Človekove pravice so proces, zato podpiram ta postopek, kajti pripeljal bo do večjih človekovih pravic v Vietnamu.

  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dopo due anni e mezzo di intense negoziazioni, l'Unione europea e il Vietnam, hanno raggiunto un accordo di principio per la firma del trattato di libero scambio. L'accordo permetterà di aumentare gli scambi commerciali con una delle economie più dinamiche dell'Asia: un accordo che potrebbe rivelarsi utile, dunque, per entrambe le economie.

Tuttavia, restano molte e forti preoccupazioni per le violazioni dei diritti umani nel Paese. Ventiquattro organizzazioni indipendenti, per la maggior parte della società civile vietnamita, alcune internazionali, hanno elaborato e diffuso un rapporto che richiama l'attenzione sulle violazioni dei diritti umani avvenuto in Vietnam nel 2014. Il documento include abusi sulla libertà di religione o di credo.

Il Trattato conterrà una clausola vincolante in base al quale esso potrà essere sospeso in casi di gravi violazioni dei diritti umani. La Commissione deve vigilare sul rispetto dei diritti umani nel Paese e chiedere il rispetto degli impegni presi nell'accordo, in modo da determinare un effettivo e non solo enunciato miglioramento dei diritti umani in Vietnam.

  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR).– Κυρία Πρόεδρε, με τη συμφωνία Ελευθέρων Συναλλαγών που υπογράφηκε τον Αύγουστο 2015 ανάμεσα στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και το Βιετνάμ εξαλείφονται οι τελωνειακοί δασμοί στο εμπόριο προϊόντων, υπηρεσιών και επενδύσεων και προβλέπεται αύξηση του ΑΕΠ της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης άνω του 2%. Στα πλαίσια των μεταξύ τους διαπραγματεύσεων, Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και Βιετνάμ υποτίθεται ότι έχουν δρομολογήσει ένα διαρθρωμένο διάλογο που αφορά στην προστασία των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων που πρέπει να είναι και η βάση κάθε εμπορικής συμφωνίας, σύμφωνα με τη Συνθήκη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.

Ωστόσο, η συμφωνία αυτή δεν δίνει δεκάρα για τις παραβιάσεις των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων που λαμβάνουν χώρα σήμερα στο Βιετνάμ και κάνει όπως και οι άλλες εμπορικές συμφωνίες, η ΤΤΙΤ και η TISA, που το μόνο τους ενδιαφέρει είναι να αποσκοπούν στην κερδοσκοπία των μεγάλων πολυεθνικών επιχειρήσεων σε βάρος των μικρομεσαίων και έτσι οδηγούν στη μείωση της απασχόλησης στις χώρες που εφαρμόζονται.

Γι’ αυτό λοιπόν θα πρέπει να έχουμε προώθηση συμφωνιών οι οποίες να μην πλήττουν την απασχόληση και τους εργαζόμενους και να σέβονται τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα.

  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). – Gospođo predsjednice, čude me argumenti nekih naših kolegica i kolega u ovoj sali danas kada govore da ne treba potpisati ovaj sporazum, jer se ne poštuju ljudska prava u Vijetnamu.

Uglavnom znamo da se ne poštuju ljudska prava u Vijetnamu, ali iste kolegice i kolege često koriste argumente da ne trebamo izvoziti naš oblik demokracije, zapadnu demokraciju, poštivanje ljudskih prava u druge zemlje i ne trebamo ništa drugima nametati.

Ja ovaj sporazum doživljavam, poštovana gospođo povjerenice, prije svega kao želju EU-a da se bori protiv siromaštva u Vijetnamu, jer je to jedna od nasiromašnijih zemalja na zemaljskoj kugli. Zato i podržavam ovaj sporazum svjestan činjenice da će tema ljudskih prava, danas i vjerojatno sutra, biti daleka tema u tom istom Vijetnamu, ali borba protiv siromaštva jest jedna od obaveza EU-a. U tom kontekstu imate i moju podršku.

  Csaba Sógor (PPE). – Elnök Asszony, az Európai Unió ma is az emberi jogok biztosításának és tiszteletben tartásának értékein alapul, ezt az alapelvet pedig a harmadik országokkal folytatott különböző együttműködési formái során is érvényesítenünk kell. Ugyanakkor nem lehetünk elvakult idealisták sem, akik azt mondják, hogy addig nem működünk együtt bizonyos országokkal vagy térségekkel, ameddig az emberi jogi rezsimjük nem éri el az EU-ban érvényesülő szintet. Ehhez azt is hozzá kell tennünk, sok esetben mi magunk sem járunk elő jó példával, ami az emberi jogokat, jelesül a kisebbségi jogokat illeti. Az Európai Unió intézményei épp annyira tehetetlenek a tagállamok, mint a harmadik országok vonatkozó politikájának befolyásolása terén. Sőt, még mintha óvatosabb is lenne a Bizottság a tagállamok gyakorlatának bírálatával, mint harmadik országok feddésével. Azt gondolom, ez semmiképpen sem erősíti hitelességünket a világban.

  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D). – Madam President, I absolutely agree on the need to make sure that human rights-related issues have been correctly addressed by the Commission during the negotiations with Vietnam on a free trade agreement. Considering the concerns about the human rights situation in Vietnam – particularly with regard to freedom of expression, the right of assembly, the right of association, media freedom, the right to disagree, freedom of religion, etc. – I believe that the Commission should monitor human rights developments in Vietnam and draw on input from independent civil society in order to uphold the commitments made in the agreement. I support the negotiations, as trade agreements have demonstrated the potential for economic growth and jobs on both sides. However, it is fundamental that the Commission address the relationship between trade liberalisation and improving human rights in trade negotiations in the future, including in the new trade strategy that it plans to put forward.

  Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE). – Dohoda o voľnom obchode s Vietnamom, ktorá nadväzuje na Dohodu o partnerstve a spolupráci, mohla byť takým čítankovým príkladom o tom, ako Európska únia môže požadovať od svojho nového obchodného partnera presadzovanie aj ľudských práv, tak ako ich my vnímame v Európe.

Myslím si, že je to veľmi dôležité, aby sme si povšimli ľudí so zdravotným postihnutím, aké tam majú práva. Že ľudia sa vôbec nemôžu slobodne zhromažďovať. Že tam neexistujú nezávislé odbory. Že Saigon, ktorý bol kedysi multikulturálnym príkladom krajiny, kde boli zastúpené aj mnohé náboženstvá, dnes sloboda náboženstva je v tejto komunistickej krajine stále pošliapavaná.

Komisia by mala byť ďaleko dôslednejšia pri presadzovaní tohto obchodného dokumentu a vymôcť na partneroch taký prístup k ľudským právam, aký by sa aj nám páčil.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

  Cecilia Malmström, Member of the Commission.– Madam President, of course, trade alone cannot solve all of the world’s human rights problems, but it can make a contribution by enhancing respect for human rights and fostering sustainable development. That is what we are committed to doing in our agreements, especially the one that we are discussing tonight – the agreement with Vietnam.

Nobody denies that there are severe problems relating to human rights in Vietnam. You have listed many of them, and I could add a few more. They are there and they are serious. That is why we need to address them and why we are engaging with the Vietnamese authorities. There have been some improvements – far from enough – but the Vietnamese authorities seem to be willing to engage with us.

That is why we have developed tools for doing this. We have the legal link between the FDA and the partnership agreement. We will make evaluations, especially looking at the human rights situation. We do have the human rights dialogue that the EEAS is conducting. There will be another meeting in a couple of weeks, and we will set up advisory groups with civil society in order to monitor this on the ground with people who are there and are familiar with the daily situation.

To explain all this, we will by the end of this year – in a couple of weeks – publish an ad hoc Commission paper explaining how the existing measures of the partnership agreement and the negotiated measures of the free trade agreement will contribute to human rights empowerment with the flanking measures that we will put in place and how the human rights I mentioned will be assessed once the latter agreement has entered into force.

All this will, of course, be public and transparent so that you can follow and contribute to the dialogue. There is a conditionality clause in all of our agreements to cover very serious breaches, but we prefer whenever possible to work on engagement and to try to establish forums for dialogue to see if we can make improvements. If we have no agreement with Vietnam, we will, of course, say no to all such forums. I am not sure whether that would contribute to empowering the people of Vietnam.

This agreement will be finally concluded next week. Very shortly after that it will be published so that you can read it and make your own assessment. Then, during the whole translation and legal procedure, there will be plenty of time for discussion, and the Commission is ready to enter into that dialogue with you. I can assure you once again that we will keep you informed at all stages and are always ready to take your input, ideas and views into account and to have a dialogue with you on this.

  President. – The debate is closed.