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Debatter
Tisdagen den 19 januari 2016 - Strasbourg Reviderad upplaga

13. Situationen i Syrien (debatt)
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  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca la dichiarazione del vicepresidente della Commissione/alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza sulla situazione in Siria (2015/2517(RSP)).

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs. Mr President, in Syria we are facing the biggest humanitarian tragedy in our region since the Second World War. Six and a half million Syrians are internally displaced, and if the fighting continues these could be the refugees of tomorrow. Around 400 000 Syrians have no access to humanitarian aid, especially in areas that are besieged. We now have 4.6 million Syrian refugees in the neighbouring countries, with chances being high that this number will continue to grow due to intense fighting on the ground.

Starvation inside Syria is used as a means of warfare against the weakest and most vulnerable people on the ground, in particular against women and children. The Syrian Government has now guaranteed humanitarian access in Madaya, but this is far from being enough. In other ongoing sieges, people have been trapped for months, unable to exit, with no access to food, no access to medication and no access to basic services. Several local ceasefires reached in recent months are a reason for hope, for example in the Waer neighbourhood of Homs, but still they stopped far short. The goal of a nationwide ceasefire between the government and the opposition is an urgent one.

The bombings and targeting of civilian areas and structures such as hospitals and schools, in particular by the Syrian regime and its allies, are unacceptable. This is why it is crucial that, in parallel with the efforts to start a political process, we call for all parties to cease all attacks and bombing of civilian targets, to put an end to the sieges of civilian areas and to fully respect international humanitarian law. It would be a disaster if, as we manage hopefully to start the political process, the situation on the ground does not improve; the credibility of the whole process would suffer enormously.

Some progress was made in the fight against Da’esh in Iraq, but less so in Syria. Let me say very clearly that the terrorist group cannot and will most probably not be fully defeated if the civil war in Syria continues. Daesh bases its own survival and its propaganda on sectarian strife and chaos in Syria and in Iraq, and only a united Syria – only a Syria that puts an end to its own civil war and finds ways to reconciliation – will defeat Daesh once and for all.

In these weeks and days, this is somehow a real condition to not only fight, but also to defeat, Daesh. We have worked hard to build such a united front outside Syria and inside Syria, with the European Union playing a crucial role first and foremost for humanitarian reasons, but also because we know very well that ending the war in Syria concerns our own security because it is clearly the condition to better fight against Daesh, and it is in our own interests. The consensus we reached in the International Syria Support Group – first in Vienna with two rounds of difficult but successful talks, and then in New York in December – led to the unanimous adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 2254 last December.

Finally, we managed to unite the international community around a roadmap, endorsing the talks in Vienna, their format and their content, and showing the Syrians and the regional actors that there is unity on the international side to indicate the way forward.

The resolution calls for intra-Syrian talks between the government and the opposition. Preparations are underway and the talks are foreseen to start in Geneva next week. The resolution sets up a schedule of six months for the establishment of inclusive and credible governance in Syria and a target of 18 months for free and fair elections based on a new Syrian constitution with the clarification of the fact that wherever the election takes place it will have to see the Syrians outside Syria taking part in it too.

In parallel with the political process, the resolution also calls for the development of confidence-building measures between parties in conflict and for a mechanism of implementation and the monitoring of ceasefire. This is clearly a very ambitious calendar, a very ambitious agenda, but it is clear that we cannot afford to waste time and we have to set high objectives in order to have some hope that the process starts. As peace gets closer – as the possibility of starting this process gets real – we see that the resistance from the enemies of peace is getting even stronger. I believe we should consider the current phase as a window of opportunity that was not there in the past years. Let me say that this window might not be open forever if we miss this chance, and let me add that I believe that we finally managed to bring all the different regional actors around the same table on the Syrian conflict partly because we managed last July to find an agreement on the Iranian deal, opening the way for the possibility – although not yet the reality – of a different kind of cooperation in the region. We will discuss that in the next debate. The conditions are there again, but the way forward will be bumpy, difficult and challenging for all.

The UN Special Envoy for Syria, Staffan de Mistura, has our full and united support. We have put this issue on the agenda of all the last Foreign Affairs Council meetings – the last one took place just yesterday – and we discussed at length on how, united, we can support the process and the work of Staffan de Mistura. I am in constant contact with him; I met him just a few days ago in Brussels to discuss exactly the preparation of the talks, the way ahead, and how the European Union as such, together with the Member States, in a coordinated way, can further contribute to the implementation of the UN Security Council Resolution.

Yesterday, the Foreign Affairs Ministers discussed Syria and our further work on the implementation of this resolution. The European Union and the Member States will provide support to the intra-Syrian talks and the entire transition process in terms of mediation, expertise and consensus—building. We will support the ceasefires, and once the ceasefires are in place – whether local ceasefires or a national ceasefire – we are preparing to step up our aid to the Syrian people. This also includes local governance needs, rehabilitation and reconstruction of the country, because it is key that, as we are trying to do in Iraq, liberated areas or areas in times of ceasefire or peace are immediately supported with humanitarian aid wherever the access of humanitarian aid is possible.

As you know, the European Union is the biggest donor to the management of the Syrian crisis, with almost EUR 5 billion that we have mobilised so far. The Ministers also agreed yesterday on a European Union common approach and preparation towards the upcoming Syria-London conference that will be hosted in London by the UK and co-hosted by Germany, Norway and Kuwait on 4 February. We have already prepared substantial support to Turkey. We are putting together further additional comprehensive support packages for Jordan and Lebanon, not only to support them in their remarkable work in protecting and hosting refugees, but also to strengthen the resilience of the two countries, which has been tested in different ways in each country, and it is a top priority for the European Union to invest in the resilience of these two countries in order to prevent them from facing major security, social, economic or political problems that could turn the crisis in Syria into something even bigger.

In addition, we need to be ready for the fast deployment of humanitarian and civilisation aid once the conditions change inside Syria to make sure that, if and when we get to the point of something close to peace, the country can be rebuilt in all forms.

Later in the evening, we will discuss the current tensions between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Let me just reiterate that I had lengthy discussions with the Foreign Ministers of both countries to convey the message that it is vital that the Syrian talks are protected and that there is no serious spillover of these bilateral tensions over this multilateral process that has finally, and in a difficult way, started. It is also vital that together as Europeans, in a coordinated way, and together with our partners, starting with the United States but also others, we pass on the same message to all the interlocutors in the region.

All those with influence over the warring parties inside Syria should help them walk the difficult path towards peace. Confidence-building measures in particular have to be implemented immediately to create a favourable environment for the talks, and to guarantee that the process is credible and delivers to the Syrian people immediately.

This is a critical phase for the political process. What we agreed on in Vienna and New York with regional and international actors has to become reality on the ground, otherwise it will not fly. Only the Syrian parties and people can make this happen with the help of the international community, which, as I see, is ready to do that.

Last week I met with Riad Hijab, the coordinator of the Syrian opposition’s High Negotiations Committee, and I confirmed the EU’s readiness to support these talks and to provide capacity-building during negotiations and afterwards and during the political transition when it starts. We also support the work of the UN Envoy for inclusive representation in the talks and accompany him in the difficult task of arranging the way in which the talks can be organised. Only a comprehensive representation of Syrian groups will help us to reach the much needed consensus for the way ahead.

Let me also say something that is not normally mentioned: the role of Syrian society in managing the way out of this conflict. I believe the civil society inside Syria will play a major role in the implementation and monitoring of confidence-building measures, for example local ceasefires, and so the civil society in its different parts and ways needs to be brought into the discussion as early as possible, and all minorities and religious groups should have a say. Excluding this or that group on sectarian or ethnic grounds would be a non-starter. Inclusiveness is the only way forward towards national reconciliation and will be the most powerful and the most effective way to defeat Daesh: we have seen this in the past in Iraq. We have to try to avoid the mistakes that were made in previous years.

The work to build a democratic, non-sectarian, inclusive Syria has only just begun, but we are finally heading in the right direction. Peace in Syria is possible, and we have shown in the last year that some incredible things and positive things are indeed possible. The transition can start and Daesh can be defeated.

The international and regional players have finally united after five years, five long years of work to make it possible, and it is now time for the Syrians to take this opportunity to start the transition, to stop the war, and to stop Daesh, and they will need to know – as we have been telling them all – that we will be at their side, continuing to work for the unity of the international community and the region to make this process possible.

I have just received news that relates to the previous discussion: if I may give the good news to plenary, Mr President, the Colombian government and FARC have just announced a Havana agreement on a bilateral ceasefire and a mechanism to implement it. We have just received a call from our ambassador in Bogotá, so do this more often!

 
  
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  Presidente. – Vicepresidente, apriamo sulle sue dichiarazioni sulla situazione in Siria il dibattito. Sentiamo innanzitutto le valutazioni dei gruppi politici.

 
  
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  Mariya Gabriel, au nom du groupe PPE. Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, tout d'abord, merci pour votre engagement et vos messages clairs. Oui, vous l'avez démontré qu'aujourd'hui: l'enjeu, pour l'Union européenne, est de veiller à ce que des progrès soient réalisés à la fois sur le plan politique et sur le plan humanitaire. Dans cette optique, j'aimerais attirer l'attention sur quatre éléments.

Premièrement, le fonds fiduciaire "Madad" et la contribution des États membres. Nous le savons: pour gérer la situation humanitaire, il faut agir aujourd'hui, mais aussi anticiper demain. Les États membres doivent tenir leurs promesses et ne pas oublier que c'est, là aussi, une réponse à la crise des réfugiés qui les occupe tant.

Deuxièmement, en vue des pourparlers à Genève, il est clair que l'évolution de la situation sur le terrain doit refléter l'engagement de toutes les parties dans ce processus politique, non seulement comme gage de bonne foi, mais aussi pour éviter toute déconnexion entre les aspirations des Syriens et les accords obtenus entre les représentants participant aux négociations en amont de la transition.

Troisièmement, la question cruciale de la composition de la délégation de l'opposition et des participants aux négociations. Deux remarques: d'une part, les divisions entre les membres du groupe international de soutien sur cette question ne doivent pas nuire au processus entre Syriens – la résolution du Conseil de sécurité de décembre 2015 est claire sur ce point; d'autre part – mais je sais que l'envoyé spécial de Mistura y prête une attention particulière –, la participation des femmes, élément clé par principe, est comme un investissement pour l'avenir de la Syrie.

Enfin, l'échange de vues que vous avez eu hier avec le ministre des affaires étrangères de la Jordanie, tout comme le dialogue soutenu avec le Liban, sont des points très positifs. Comme vous l'avez dit: gérer les crises, oui; investir dans des partenaires clés dans la Méditerranée, doublement oui, et ce au-delà de la crise des réfugiés. Cela aussi relève de la situation en Syrie, dont nous tirons des enseignements.

 
  
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  Victor Boştinaru, în numele grupului S&D. Domnule președinte, războiul civil din Siria intră în al șaselea an, deja. Și săptămâna trecută am asistat îngroziți la tragedia de la Madaya, care a oferit încă o mostră a nebuniei pe care războiul, violența, confruntarea o pot aduce într-o țară. Am trăit cu imaginea copiilor sirieni murind de foame și am fost fericiți când, într-un final, un convoi umanitar a reușit să pătrundă într-un oraș asediat, în care aproape 40 de mii de persoane trăiau foamea de luni de zile. Alte orașe de la frontiera de vest a Siriei sunt în aceeași situație. Reiterez aici declarația Secretarului General ONU, Ban Ki-moon: „utilizarea înfometării ca armă este o crimă de război și va trebui să fie tratată astfel”.

Este evident că avem nevoie de o soluție politică imediată și aceasta poate fi posibilă doar prin implementarea Acordului de la Viena și a Rezoluției 2254, care au fost adoptate cu sprijinul substanțial al Uniunii Europene și al dumneavoastră. Avem nevoie de o soluție politică știind că doar aceasta poate crea condiții pentru o pace durabilă. Bombardamentele, inclusiv cele rusești, care distrug fără discernământ ținte civile, construcții și, de asemenea, țintesc în opoziția moderată sunt contraproductive.

O soluție politică trebuie să implice, așa cum ați menționat, Iran, Turcia, Rusia, Arabia Saudită, ceilalți actori locali și regionali și, în acest sens, salut efortul ONU pentru confidence-building measures și doresc succes Conferinței donatorilor pentru Siria, care va avea loc la 4 februarie.

Știm foarte bine că pacea în Siria este garanția pentru înfrângerea Daesh, este garanția pentru reducerea fluxului de refugiați și este în egală măsură garanția că această nebunie a violenței, pe care Daesh a generat-o, va fi înfrântă. Vă doresc succes!

 
  
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  Bas Belder, namens de ECR-Fractie. Twee kwesties wil ik aansnijden in de Syrische tragedie. De uithongering van minstens 400.000 burgers in belegerde gebieden en de ontrechting van de christelijke minderheid door de Syrische Koerden.

Madaya is synoniem geworden voor bewuste uithongering van de burgerbevolking voor oorlogsdoeleinden. Daaronder lijden evenzeer de burgers van Fou'ah en Kafraya (bij Idlib), Nubl en Zahra (bij Aleppo) en Deir al-Zor, waar 200.000 Syriërs worden belegerd door de Islamitische Staat. Wat ik vandaag gehoord heb over wat daar gebeurt is schrikbarend. Al deze plaatsen liggen in gebieden waar toestellen van de anti-IS-coalitie vliegen, waaronder die van enkele Europese landen.

Mijn vraag - die ik ook aangeleverd krijg uit de regio zelf - aan de Hoge Vertegenwoordiger: Waarom worden hier uitsluitend door de Russen voedselpakketten gedropt en hoor je niets over Europa?

Voorts vraag ik uw aandacht voor de rechtspositie van christenen en kerken in het Koerdische gebied in Syrië. Confiscatie van huizen en bezittingen van gevluchte christenen en Koerdische aanvallen op controleposten in christelijke wijken in de plaatsen al-Hakaseh en Qamishli vragen om een krachtige, afwijzende Europese reactie. Ik heb sympathie voor de Koerden, maar rechten zijn er voor iedereen. Het gaat niet om een Koerdificeringsproces in Syrië, dat lijdt al genoeg!

 
  
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  Pavel Telička, on behalf of the ALDE Group. Mr President, I would firstly, like to congratulate the Vice-President on Colombia. I will be happy to be here in a few months’ time, even at midnight, to congratulate her also on Syria. I do not want to be redundant because a lot of what she has said would be my conclusions having read through the rather large file in the last couple of days, but let me say a few words anyway.

Firstly, it is clear that the five bloody years of a very bloody war has had its influence, its impact. It has had its impact primarily, of course, on the Syrians, but it can be felt across the world. We can see the devastating consequences of the Daesh terrorist attacks on the French, the Russians, the Turks, the Lebanese and the Saudis, just to mention some of them.

I think that last year was a wake-up call for Europeans, in particular. The Syrian war is clearly reshaping politics across the continent, especially as the response to a surge of Syrian refugees has called even the European Union’s raison d’être into question. The November 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris have meant in reality that the threat is driving day-to-day concerns across the continent. I very much believe that we will make progress in Geneva. We cannot fail, but there are four points which I think are preconditions, and for the sake of time, I will exceptionally read them out.

Firstly, all sides, including the Assad regime, Russia and Iran, must abide by the UN Security Council resolution 2254: ‘fulfil its demand to immediately cease military attacks against civilians, and to allow humanitarian aid across Syria to help all people in need, including the besieged areas’. Of course, Madaya has to be mentioned among them. Any political situation is hardly imaginable without concrete humanitarian improvements for the people in Syria.

Secondly, that the talks have a clear agenda and deliver a real political transition towards non-sectarian inclusive governance without Assad. The EU must step up its efforts on the international scene and get all the other regional and global powers to respect the agreements made and to constructively back this process.

Finally, de-escalating the broader war in Syria: this is a prerequisite for any effective campaign against ISIS. No military strategy against a group that is detached from the wider Syrian dynamics will be effective, as many of the key actors needed to defeat ISIS have their own priorities. I wish you the best of luck, and of course I am happy that that the Czech Embassy in Syria, now being the last EU embassy, will be providing a helping hand on the humanitarian side, especially on the infrastructure we have in place.

 
  
  

PUHETTA JOHTI ANNELI JÄÄTTEENMÄKI
varapuhemies

 
  
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  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας GUE/NGL. Κυρία Πρόεδρε, δεν ξέρω πραγματικά αν υπάρχει κανείς σε αυτή την αίθουσα που μπορεί να πει κάτι ουσιαστικό, κάτι υλοποιήσιμο για τη Συρία. Αν υπάρχει κανείς τέτοιος ανάμεσά μας, ίσως πρέπει να αναζητηθεί ανάμεσα σε μια χούφτα ανθρώπων μέσα σε αυτή την αίθουσα, οι οποίοι, όταν όλοι μιλούσαν για Αραβική Άνοιξη, εμείς φωνάζαμε όσο πιο δυνατά μπορούσαμε πως, αντίθετα, έρχεται βαρύς παγωμένος Αραβικός Χειμώνας. Μας κοιτούσαν τότε κάποιοι με θυμηδία.

Σήμερα λοιπόν με τα εκατομμύρια των προσφύγων, με τις εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες των νεκρών, με τους πνιγμούς στο Αιγαίο, αν υπάρχει ακόμη λύση, ας την επιδιώξουν αυτοί οι ηγέτες της Ευρώπης και του κόσμου, φέρνοντας στο ίδιο τραπέζι τις αντιμαχόμενες πλευρές στη Συρία, φιλοκυβερνητικές και αντιπολιτευόμενες.

Οι κίνδυνοι μεγαλώνουν με την ένταση μεταξύ Σαουδικής Αραβίας και Ιράν, αλλά και με την πλήρη ανάπτυξη των πολεμικών μηχανών της Τουρκίας κατά των Κούρδων μέσα στην ίδια τη χώρα τους. Αλλά για να είμαστε δίκαιοι προς όλους, θέλω να σας απευθύνω μια έκκληση κυρία Mogherini, κάντε ένα τηλεφώνημα στον τέως πρόεδρο των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών, τον κ. Bush, και διηγηθείτε του τα καθέκαστα της πολιτικής του στην περιοχή. Τα καθέκαστα μία απρονοησίας και μιας πολιτικής - το λέω με ειρωνεία -οξυδέρκειας. Πέστε του «πέντε εκατομμύρια πρόσφυγες, τριακόσιες χιλιάδες νεκροί και χιλιάδες πνιγμένοι στη Μεσόγειο», απλά για να ξέρει ότι γνωρίζουμε.

 
  
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  Barbara Lochbihler, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrte Hohe Vertreterin! Die Wiener Gespräche im November hatten neue Hoffnungen auf Friedensverhandlungen in Syrien geweckt.

Inzwischen ist dieser Prozess bereits wieder ins Stocken geraten, und es ist fraglich, ob das diesen Monat in Genf geplante Treffen überhaupt stattfinden kann. Es ist abzusehen, dass die Verhandlungen so lange nicht vorankommen, wie es zu wesentlichen kritischen Punkten keine Einigung gibt. Zu den zentralen Vorbedingungen der syrischen Opposition zählt, dass die Regierungstruppen und ihre Verbündeten sowohl das Bombardement von Zivilisten als auch Hungerblockaden beenden.

Diese Forderungen bleiben bisher unerfüllt, wie es auch die grausamen Zustände im belagerten Madaya verdeutlicht haben. Die EU muss daher insbesondere Druck ausüben auf Syriens Verbündete Russland und Iran, damit dieser Krieg gegen Zivilisten ein Ende findet.

Des Weiteren muss bis zu einer nächsten Verhandlungsrunde geklärt werden, welche Akteure beteiligt werden. Insbesondere für eine Teilnahme der syrischen Kurden sollte sich die EU deutlich positionieren. Grundsätzlich gilt, für einen möglichst inklusiven Ansatz zu plädieren.

Ebenso ist von zentraler Bedeutung, sich für eine Verbesserung der humanitären Situation syrischer Zivilisten einzusetzen – auch in den Nachbarländern. Bei der für Februar in London angesetzten Geberkonferenz sollte die EU sicherstellen, dass ausreichende Mittel für humanitäre Hilfe in der Region zur Verfügung gestellt wird und dass diese rechtzeitig bei der leidenden Bevölkerung ankommt.

 
  
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  Mario Borghezio, a nome del gruppo ENF. Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sui colloqui intrasiriani previsti per il 25 gennaio vorrei sapere se anche all'Alto commissario risulti che in realtà lo stesso incontro potrebbe essere rinviato a causa di mancati accordi. Lo stesso De Mistura ha ammesso che non sa esattamente quali entità dell'opposizione dovrà partecipare ai dialoghi, quindi mi pare che siamo ancora piuttosto lontani. Certo, obiettivi ambiziosi, ma bisogna anche sapere per quale via raggiungerli.

Io credo che si debbano anche dire parole di verità sui responsabili della situazione umanitaria, non soltanto denunciarla, ma denunciare anche il ruolo, per esempio, dell'ala fondamentalista dell'opposizione siriana, della Turchia, lei non ci parla mai del ruolo della Turchia, eppure mi pare che sarebbe interessante sapere la posizione dell'Unione europea in merito al commercio clandestino di petrolio siriano e iracheno dall'Isis alla Turchia attraverso il territorio siriano, il sapere se sono veri o veridici i filmati russi. Noi dobbiamo sapere qual è la situazione, noi Europa, di quest'area attraverso le comunicazioni che ci arrivano da Mosca. E poi, lotta al Daesh e concludo: ma la lotta al Daesh la sta facendo la Russia, i bombardamenti russi. Questa è la verità. Altre cose non esistono. Questa è la verità!

 
  
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  Bruno Gollnisch (NI). Madame la Présidente, 200 000 victimes humaines, 300 trésors de l'humanité menacés, notamment, par le vandalisme islamiste, les malheureux chrétiens de Syrie chassés de chez eux, tués, égorgés, crucifiés, leurs enfants contraints d'assister, comme à Hassaké, à la décapitation des leurs. Il faut évidemment que cela cesse, mais pour que cela cesse, il y a un certain nombre de conditions à remplir.

La première est d'abord de discuter avec le gouvernement légal de ce pays, quoi que l'on en pense par ailleurs, qui est un interlocuteur que l'on ne peut pas contourner. La deuxième est qu'il faut que la Turquie, l'Arabie saoudite et le Qatar cessent leur aide au mouvement djihadiste. La troisième est qu'il faut associer tous les États intéressés, y compris l'Iran, la Russie et bien sûr les membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité. La quatrième est qu'il ne faut pas avoir la naïveté de croire que l'on va tout régler simplement par une majorité électorale se dégageant d'élections libres auxquelles participeraient même les réfugiés qui ont quitté le pays. Les djihadistes n'accepteront jamais aucun accord de ce type! Il faut donc − et c'est la cinquième condition − que la paix soit rétablie, au besoin par la force. Cette force doit être une force internationale fournie par des États musulmans qui ne soient pas partie à ce conflit et guidée par les membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies. Ce ne sont pas les bombardements occidentaux qui vont ramener la paix dans ce malheureux pays.

 
  
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  Jaromír Štětina (PPE). Paní předsedající, Islámský stát a režim prezidenta Asada jsou hlavními hráči občanské války. Asadův režim přitom stojí a padá se spoluprací se zahraničními spojenci. Rusko v září loňského roku vystoupilo vojensky na podporu Asadova režimu v okamžiku, kdy Asadovi oponenti získávali převahu. De facto Asadův režim zachránili, prodloužili válku a způsobili novou vlnu uprchlíků.

Bohužel se v poslední době ozývají v Evropské unii hlasy volající po spolupráci s Asadem a Ruskou federací. Například český president Miloš Zeman otevřeně vyzval k podpoře Asada. I u nás doma, v Evropském parlamentu, se čím dál tím častěji ozývají názory, že je třeba spolupracovat s Ruskem v boji proti teroru. Tuto situaci považuji za absurdní a schizofrenickou ze dvou důvodů. Za prvé, jsou to výzvy spolupracovat se zemí, která se sama dopouští státního teroru. Na jedné straně chceme Rusko sankcionovat, na druhé s ním spolupracovat? Za druhé, Asadův režim je pro průměrného Syřana mnohem nebezpečnější než Islámský stát.

Zatímco IS má za rok 2015 na svědomí zhruba 1 400 mrtvých civilistů, Asad zapříčinil za stejnou dobu smrt více než 12 000 Syřanů, včetně 2 600 dětí a 2 000 žen. Toto srovnání přináší Syrian Network for Human Rights, seriózní organizace pracující i pro OSN.

Přináší i počty Syřanů, kteří byli Asadovým režimem podrobeni mučení. Porušení lidských práv ze strany vládního režimu se vymyká i praktikám teroristů Islámského státu.

 
  
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  Josef Weidenholzer (S&D). Frau Präsidentin! Die Ereignisse in Syrien sind eine ungeheure Tragödie. Hunderttausende Tote, zerstörte Landschaften, die Hälfte der Bevölkerung hat ihre Lebensgrundlage verloren, fast fünf Millionen sind ins Ausland geflüchtet, wir kennen alle diese Zahlen. Die benachbarten Regionen stehen vor unvorstellbaren Belastungsproben, und die Flüchtlingswelle wird auch zur Zerreißprobe für die Europäische Union.

Ein rasches Ende des Syrienkriegs ist notwendiger denn je. Wir alle sehnen diesen Tag herbei. Die UN-Resolution ist für viele das berühmte Licht am Ende des Tunnels, weil sie zum ersten Mal alle Konfliktparteien an den Tisch bringt. Ich meine, dass die Hoffnung durchaus berechtigt ist, dass sich etwas bewegt. Ich möchte hier an dieser Stelle auch der Hohen Vertreterin ganz ausdrücklich für ihre Bemühungen danken, die sie oft auch jenseits des Lichts der Öffentlichkeit in dieser Richtung gemacht hat.

Während wir alle gespannt auf die nächsten Wochen schauen, geht der Krieg weiter. Menschen sterben, manche verhungern, Menschen fliehen vor den Bomben, die den Krieg beenden sollen, und vor den Fassbomben des Regimes. Und Da‘esh ist immer noch nicht besiegt.

Es reicht nicht, auf das große Wunder zu hoffen, sondern wir müssen parallel dazu endlich unsere Zusagen einhalten. Wir brauchen sichere Gebiete, wohin die Menschen zurückkehren können. Die meisten Menschen wollen das. Ich habe das selber in Kobane gesehen: Jeden Tag Tausende Menschen, die wieder zurück wollen, obwohl alles zerstört ist. Viele Menschen werden den Frieden nicht erleben, weil sie verhungern. Die humanitärste Art des Bombardements sind Rosinenbomber.

Es gibt noch viele politische Gefangene. Wir brauchen diese Menschen zum Aufbau der Demokratie, darunter etwa den Internetaktivisten Bassel Khartabil, einen Demokraten der ersten Stunde. Wir wissen nicht, ob er noch lebt. Und wir sollten auch überlegen, dass wir einen neuen Marschallplan für die Region auflegen. Dies ist die Basis, damit Menschen auch zurückkehren können.

 
  
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  Marietje Schaake (ALDE). Madam President, now the Iran deal has been implemented, I call on the High Representative to involve the Islamic Republic of Iran to stop the war in Syria and to cease its support for Assad. The images of starving children in Madaya remind us of the ongoing horrors that innocent people in Syria are suffering. It is 2016 and it seems as if we have forgotten that we pledged ‘never again’. They are still being bombed by Assad and Russian airstrikes alike, and we must do more. In fact the EU must do all it can. We should all ask more of ourselves in this incredibly dire situation.

We must show more leadership because, without it and without serious commitment to humanitarian aid that has to be ongoing, refugees will continue to flee from in and around Syria. It is unacceptable and also very unhelpful that we only start to consider Syria suffering a crisis when it impacts us through ISIS terror or through refugees coming to Europe. I think that has been the motive for too many Member States and it has to end. We need to do more.

 
  
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  Marie-Christine Arnautu (ENF). Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, dans quelques semaines, les Syriens connaîtront un bien triste anniversaire: cinq années de guerre. Le fameux printemps arabe promis s'est révélé en réalité un cauchemar pour les populations civiles. La Syrie est en proie au chaos, auquel les gouvernements occidentaux ont largement contribué par leur soutien à la rébellion syrienne, composée de djihadistes relativement modérés.

Le désastre des interventions américaines et françaises en Iraq et en Libye n'a pas servi de leçon. Aujourd'hui encore, l'ennemi numéro un est le régime syrien, accusé d'affamer les 40 000 habitants de Madaya. Mais on oublie de dire que cette ville est tenue par des islamistes du Front al-Nosra et les salafistes d'Ahrar al-Sham. J'ajoute que, selon les journaux locaux, ces derniers détournent l'aide internationale pour la revendre à prix d'or.

Permettez-moi aussi de rappeler la souffrance des habitants de Foua et Kefraya, qui sont assiégés par les rebelles islamistes en raison de leur loyauté au gouvernement syrien. À l'heure où l'État islamique recule en Iraq et en Syrie, mais repart à l'offensive en Libye et fait des émules dans le monde, il est urgent que nos nations normalisent leurs relations diplomatiques avec le gouvernement syrien, le dernier rapport de l'organisation pour l'interdiction des armes chimiques affirmant que les autorités syriennes ont entièrement détruit leurs stocks d'armes chimiques. Il devrait nous y inciter.

 
  
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  Afzal Khan (S&D). Madam President, recently we have seen harrowing images of starving children, women and elderly people in the Syrian town of Madaya. Starvation and siege is being used by the Syrian regime as a weapon of war and collective punishment. Food, water and medicine cannot be bargaining chips. Let us be clear: using starvation and siege as weapons is a war crime. Madaya is not the only Syrian city under siege: the UN estimates that 400,000 people are going hungry in 14 areas.

The EU should assist in ensuring that immediate access for the delivery of humanitarian assistance is possible. ISIS and its counterparts will continue to grow for as long as the international community continues to allow this starvation, torture and the massacre of millions. We must continue on the plan of action agreed on in the Vienna process. With the support of the international community, we can negotiate a political solution and a transition. Your decision, Madam High Representative, to give trade preferences to Jordan is a welcome move. I also welcome, in this respect, Saudi Arabia’s efforts in bringing all the oppositions together and forming a broad coalition of Muslim countries dedicated to fighting terrorism. We, the EU, are urging Iran and Saudi Arabia to find a way to work together to end the region’s worst humanitarian crisis. It is time to end the conflict and bring peace and prosperity to all the people of Syria.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  Jonathan Arnott (EFDD), blue-card question. Mr Khan, your leader Jeremy Corbyn has said that ISIS has its strong points. Do you agree with him, and if so, what are they?

 
  
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  Afzal Khan (S&D), blue-card answer. Well, all I know is that we need to deal with ISIS: they use the name of Islam in causing so much harm in the whole world, and I think the more we work together in order to eliminate ISIS the better.

 
  
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  Andrea Cozzolino (S&D). Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, al punto in cui siamo nella discussione di stasera, quello che possiamo aggiungere è sollecitare lei – oltre al lavoro importante che sta facendo in tutto lo scenario locale – a concentrare credo tutti gli sforzi per rendere credibile che le decisioni prese in sede ONU a dicembre, attraverso la risoluzione 2254, la roadmap che è stata definita il calendario, siano nelle prossime settimane e nei prossimi giorni davvero misure concrete. Quindi consegnarle questo atto di fiducia di tutto il Parlamento.

Lavorare perché davvero questa opportunità che si è aperta possa essere praticata e vinta sapendo che ci sono tanti ostacoli lungo la strada. C'è una tragedia umanitaria in corso. Io insisto, l'ho detto già l'altra volta quando ci siamo rincontrati in quest'Aula, c'è soprattutto la tragedia di una generazione di ragazzi e di ragazze siriani, soprattutto di bambini, su cui noi dovremmo concentrare uno sforzo, davvero un vero e proprio Piano Marshall educativo. E poi c'è la violenza crescente, la difficoltà di realizzare il cessate il fuoco. A me paiono due condizioni essenziali – finisco – superare e lavorare per superare le diffidenze che ci sono tra i vari gruppi che compongono lo schieramento anti daesh e poi soprattutto, credo, diffondere quel clima positivo che l'accordo sull'Iran ha gettato ...

(Il Presidente interrompe l'oratore)

 
  
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  Eugen Freund (S&D). Frau Präsidentin! Wir beklagen zu Recht immer wieder, dass unsere Beschlüsse oder auch die Absichtserklärungen der Staatengemeinschaft sehr langsam umgesetzt werden.

Der Friedensprozess um Syrien gehört leider auch in diese Kategorie. Weil Sie gerade von guten Nachrichten gesprochen haben, die Sie bekommen haben im Zusammenhang mit Kolumbien, habe ich jetzt schlechte Nachrichten. Es gibt nämlich Auseinandersetzungen darüber – schreibt jetzt die New York Times am Abend –, wer vonseiten der Opposition am Montag am Tisch sitzen soll und ob das Meeting überhaupt zustande kommen wird.

Dabei sterben jeden Tag Dutzende Syrer, weil wir zwar alle den Frieden wollen, aber den Weg dorthin nur im Kriechtempo gehen. Letztes trauriges Beispiel sind die jetzt schon mehrmals erwähnten Hilfsmaßnahmen für die Stadt Madaya. Gekommen sind sie erst, als die Menschen schon vor Hunger starben. Der Friedensprozess ist natürlich schwierig. Aber so wie bei den Atomverhandlungen mit dem Iran muss sich Europa hier noch stärker einbringen. Nicht nur wegen der Flüchtlinge, sondern auch wegen der Menschen, die dort noch, noch leben! Und ich fürchte –

We switch to Englich now:

Perhaps you should start working the phones and get all this people together right away

 
  
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  Νίκος Ανδρουλάκης (S&D). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, το δράμα του Συριακού λαού συνεχίζεται με χιλιάδες νεκρούς και εκατομμύρια εσωτερικούς και εξωτερικούς προσφυγές. Μια χαραμάδα ελπίδας άνοιξε μετά τις συναντήσεις της Βιέννης, όπου με τη συμμετοχή όλων των εμπλεκομένων καταλήξαμε σε μια καθαρή διαδικασία επίλυσης. Όμως παρά την χορήγηση ανθρωπιστικής βοήθειας, μόλις το προηγούμενο Σαββατοκύριακο είχαμε πέντε νεκρούς από ασιτία στην πόλη Madaya , ενώ το Daesh δολοφόνησε 135 αμάχους και απήγαγε περίπου τετρακόσους.

Πρέπει να αναλάβουμε πιο ενεργό ρόλο προκειμένου να εφαρμοστεί με συνέπεια το χρονοδιάγραμμα και προκειμένου να υπάρξει μια ενιαία και ειρηνική Συρία, μακριά από επικίνδυνα γεωστρατηγικά σενάρια που απειλούν τις χώρες της περιοχής.

Τέλος, θέλω να αναφερθώ στο θέμα της προσφυγικής κρίσης. Είναι προφανές ότι δεν είναι δυνατόν να υπάρξει αποκλιμάκωση χωρίς ομαλοποίηση στη Συρία. Είναι επίσης απαραίτητο να εφαρμόσουν οι Ευρωπαίοι ηγέτες τις αποφάσεις που έχουν ληφθεί και ιδίως αυτές που αφορούν την μετεγκατάσταση, και να μην επιστρέφουν στις χώρες τους μετά από κάθε σύνοδο αποφασισμένοι να υπονομεύσουν τη συμφωνία με την απραξία τους.

 
  
 

Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot

 
  
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  Marijana Petir (PPE). Gospođo predsjednice, smatram da je od presudne važnosti pronaći političko rješenje sukoba između svih zainteresiranih strana kako bi se situacija u Siriji počela nakon 5 godina rata postupno razrješavati i kako bi mirovni pregovori dali rezultate. Opasnost koju Daesh predstavlja suviše je ozbiljna te iziskuje zajedništvo i hitnu reakciju.

Prema dostupnim podacima Daesh je samo u veljači 2015. godine napao 35 kršćanskih sela, otimajući preko 250 ljudi te tjerajući njih 3000 iz vlastitih domova. Situacija danas još je gora. Izgladnjivanje, protjerivanje i ubijanje kršćana predstavlja težak gubitak za sve nas, a osobito za Siriju, čije društvo mora shvatiti kako je poštovanje ljudskih prava i vjerskih sloboda jedan od temelja svakog demokratskog razvoja. Mi moramo učiniti sve što je u našoj moći kako bismo potaknuli sve aktere na poduzimanje konkretnih akcija protiv Daesha te na postizanje toliko potrebnog mira.

 
  
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  Marju Lauristin (S&D). Madam President, I would first like to thank Ms Mogherini for all she is doing, but especially for this very, very cautious but nevertheless hopeful message which she brought here today concerning developments, concerning the window of opportunity. We have to use that, and in this sense I also want to say that maybe we have to start thinking more about the post-conflict future of Syria, giving a message also to the people of Syria, including people who are now here in refugee lines and camps.

You said very rightly that we should not repeat the mistakes made in Iraq and Afghanistan. One of those was that these countries were not provided by the West, by the democratic part of the world, with the human resources needed to build up a new democratic Iraq. What we can do really is give a message to the young people in these refugee lines that maybe their best future, the best realisation of their hopes, will be to prepare themselves to be trained and educated in order to go back to Syria, not only to improve their own lives, but also to give a future for Syria. That could be part of this Marshall Plan because really now we need a Marshall Plan for the future Syria.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η ήττα του Daesh εξαρτάται άμεσα από το πέρας του εμφυλίου πολέμου στη Συρία και τη δρομολόγηση της ειρηνευτικής διαδικασίας για την πολιτική επίλυση του Συριακού και για την δημοκρατική συγκρότηση του κράτους της Συρίας, με νέο Σύνταγμα και δημοκρατικές εκλογές. Ταυτόχρονα, πρέπει να απομονωθούν οι δυνάμεις που στηρίζουν και συνεργάζονται με τους τζιχαντιστές και αυτό αφορά πρωτίστως την Τουρκία, τη Σαουδική Αραβία και το Κατάρ, που υποθάλπουν και βοηθούν τους τζιχαντιστές.

Αντ' αυτού, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση όχι μόνο ανέχεται τα παιχνίδια της Άγκυρας αλλά επιπλέον της δίνει και προίκα 3 δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ για την εκ μέρους της Τουρκίας δήθεν βοήθεια στο προσφυγικό πρόβλημα. Στο προσφυγικό, όπου η Τουρκία βοηθά τα δουλεμπορικά κυκλώματα που μεταφέρουν κάθε μέρα χιλιάδες πρόσφυγες στα νησιά του Αιγαίου, τα οποία δεν αντέχουν άλλους πρόσφυγες και παράνομους μετανάστες. Αν θέλουμε να προσεγγίσουμε λοιπόν την κατάσταση με μεγαλύτερη ενεργητικότητα, αν επιθυμούμε να αντιμετωπίσουμε τα προβλήματα, τότε θα πρέπει τα hot spots να δημιουργηθούν εκεί που είναι οι πρόσφυγες, δηλαδή να γίνουν στην Τουρκία.

 
  
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  Javier Couso Permuy (GUE/NGL). Señora Presidenta, señora Alta Representante, yo discrepo en algunas cosas. Se dice que no hay avances en Siria. Evidentemente, no hay los que se desearía cuando tenemos amigos tan democráticos como Turquía o como Arabia Saudí, que están haciendo, no solo la vista gorda, sino incluso permitiendo el contrabando de petróleo, y que incluso ahora están bombardeando a su propia población en el Kurdistán. Lo que no vimos es avances de esa supuesta coalición que no se coordinaba con los Gobiernos.

Deberíamos cambiar, yo creo, la visión ─esa visión obsesiva que tienen los Estados Unidos─ y tener nuestra propia visión ─de la Unión Europea─ y seguir lo que nos ha marcado: que tenemos que hablar también con el Gobierno sirio. Sttafan de Mistura se estaba quejando de que posiblemente no se pueda dar el diálogo intrasirio. El futuro de Siria no lo tienen que marcar ni los Estados Unidos ni la Unión Europea, ni siquiera Rusia, lo tienen que marcar los propios sirios y las sirias con ese plan que avanza en Viena, en Nueva York y, posiblemente, en Ginebra.

 
  
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  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD). Signor presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dopo tante ambiguità da parte di molte delle potenze coinvolte, 400 mila morti, 6, 5 milioni di rifugiati, finalmente è partito quel tavolo negoziale che in tanti auspicavamo. Ci sarebbe molto da dire su requisiti degli interlocutori selezionati: duole ricordare che diverse organizzazioni incluse nella lista da parte dei sauditi presentano ambiguità quanto a estremismo e jihadismo.

Ma la vera domanda da porsi è: gli attori regionali più coinvolti vogliono davvero questa pace? Se dovessi giudicare la recente tensione alimentata dalla rabbia saudita dopo l'esecuzione di Nimr al-Nimr direi di no. Forse certe priorità dell'agenda politica sono più importanti, ne riparleremo dopo. E non parliamo della posizione turca. Il vero nodo politico che dobbiamo risolvere è il futuro di Assad, che è ben lungi dall'essere risolto. E su questo tema in tanti, Russia, Iran, USA, continuano a prendere tempo.

È innegabile comunque che il momento sia positivo per questa potenziale cooperazione e allora mi chiedo: qual è l'azione prioritaria che dobbiamo svolgere? Dobbiamo tagliare armi e soldi a Daesh. La legislazione di Qatar e Kuweit è ancora insufficiente per garantire questo obiettivo, i finanziamenti continuano ad arrivare. Ancora oggi raffinerie e pozzi lavorano in Siria e in Iraq, i traffici non sono interrotti per il commercio. Se li vogliamo sconfiggere la strada maestra è questa, anche se per perseguirla ci vogliono scelte difficili.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η γνώμη μου είναι ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση διστάζει και στην περίπτωση της Συρίας να εφαρμόσει την πολιτική εκείνη που εγγυάται την επίλυση του προβλήματος. Προτιμά απλώς να ασχολείται γενικά με το ζήτημα, σαν να επρόκειτο για φιλολογικής φύσεως ενασχόληση, χωρίς να λαμβάνει τα μέτρα εκείνα που μπορούν να επιλύσουν το πρόβλημα. Ο χρόνος πιέζει, η ανθρωπιστική κρίση στη χώρα επιδεινώνεται καθημερινά, πολλοί άμαχοι χάνουν τη ζωή τους είτε από τις συνεχιζόμενες μάχες, είτε από την εγκληματική δράση του Daesh αλλά η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση απλώς παρατηρεί απαθώς τα γεγονότα.

Είναι λίγες και πολύ απλές οι κινήσεις που πρέπει να γίνουν. Πρώτα απ' όλα, πρέπει να απομονωθούν οι χώρες εκείνες που ενισχύουν τους τζιχαντιστές, δηλαδή η Τουρκία, το Κατάρ, η Σαουδική Αραβία. Δεύτερον, πρέπει, υπό την αιγίδα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ενώσεως, να κληθούν άμεσα σε διαπραγματεύσεις η Ρωσία, ο πρόεδρος Άσαντ, οι Κούρδοι της Συρίας και η Συριακή αντιπολίτευση. Πρέπει να αποφασίσουν για τη μορφή που θα έχει η νέα διακυβέρνηση της χώρας και όλοι μαζί να στραφούν εναντίον του ISIS ώστε να τον εξουδετερώσουν και να λήξει αυτή η αιματοχυσία, η οποία δεν περιποιεί τιμή ούτε στην πολιτισμένη ανθρωπότητα ούτε στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

 
  
 

(Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot päättyvät)

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Madam President, let me first of all say that yes, I am trying to indicate some signs of hope because I am really convinced that if we do not identify the reasons for hope on the way ahead, it is very difficult to work on the change that is needed to get to a better place. But, indeed, the way is going to be difficult and long.

Please do not expect any dramatic turning point any time soon. What we have finally done is to be on the right track, but we are far from having a solution to the war or an end to the war. However it is true that if you look back one year ago to when we had no unity within the international community, no unity in the region and no path, no process, no roadmap, no calendar, then we are certainly in a much better place today, and this allows us to have a sense of direction and to create the conditions for the talks to start, for the roadmap to be implemented, the calendar to be fulfilled.

I believe this is our role as the European Union, coordinated with all our Member States, both those that are sitting at the table and those that are not sitting there. That is also why, for me, it is extremely important to constantly put the issue of the Syrian crisis on the agenda of the Foreign Affairs Council to make sure that all 28 are fully involved in the process and that, when we are sitting there, all the European Union is present and there is constant feedback both ways.

I am glad that we can do the same with Parliament because, as you know very well, Parliament is for me a very important actor in our external action. But this is, I believe, our role: not so much setting conditions or preconditions, but trying to create the conditions for the talks to start and to be productive, in strong cooperation with the United Nations.

Many of you asked questions about the composition of the opposition’s delegation, the time, the modalities, the formats of the talks, whether the talks will happen on Monday of next week or whether they will be delayed. We have obviously discussed all of that, not just with the Foreign Affairs Ministers yesterday but I also discussed these issues personally with Staffan de Mistura just before he debriefed the Security Council yesterday.

Let me also say that there is a specific role for the UN Special Envoy, supported by the Support Group, but we have, I believe, as the European Union, to preserve the role of the United Nations in trying to define the modalities and the time of negotiations that they are going to lead. Also to guarantee that all the different actors in the region, and internationally, feel comfortable enough with the fact that the leading role of the UN guarantees that all are on an equal footing.

What is important for us as Europeans and what we are making clear is, as I said at the beginning, that in one way or another – that is in the hands of the UN Special Envoy to define – but in one way or another, we manage to find ways of guaranteeing that the entire Syrian society, all the different Syrian groups – those that were in Riyadh at the Conference and those that were not, provided that they sign up to the political process and they fight against Daesh, al-Nusra and the terrorist groups that are concentrally defined as terrorist groups – all of them find their own way of getting into the process and feel ownership. Because, as many of you said, the key point is having the Syrians decide on the future of the country and also on the present of their country – the Syrians, all Syrians, meaning also as I stressed, those that are outside the country.

What is also important is something that our colleague Mr Cozzolino said: working on the generations. We are losing generations of Syrians. They are losing their lives, they are losing their education, they are losing hope and this is something that Syria and the region will pay for, not just for years but for decades to come.

This is also why we are investing a lot of our finance, our money, but also our work in education programmes because we have to guarantee that a country that had a very high level of education for the overall population manages to continue to invest in its own future, because when the time comes that we have to work on the reconstruction of the country, we will have to have generations of Syrians ready to engage in a very difficult process of material and non-material rebuilding of the country.

So the knowledge, the competences, the experience, the education of entire generations has to be taken care of now, because otherwise we will have serious problems in five, 10, 15, 20 years from now. Also in terms of radicalisation because the young generations that are experiencing today only war, conflict, starvation, and life in refugee camps in the best option might not necessarily be the best citizens of tomorrow. So this is clearly not only a humanitarian must, but also a clear interest that we have in investing too in our own security and stability for the future.

Let me finish by saying that many questions were raised relating to debates that we will have either later tonight – the tensions between Saudi Arabia and Iran and the regional developments linked to that – and the situation in Turkey, the situation of religious minorities beginning with Christians: all things on which we have debates today, tomorrow, the day after tomorrow.

Here let me stress again one thing that I have shared with you already in the past. I very much enjoy spending time with you and exchanging views and I find it extremely useful for my work both in the Commission or in the Council as European Union High Representative, but I would suggest as a former member of parliament, not the European Parliament but a national one, I would humbly suggest that you find a way of defining a calendar for foreign policy debates that manages to focus on some key issues, that manages also to communicate to the outside world that Parliament is focusing on foreign affairs priorities month after month. This is a humble suggestion that maybe we could find a way of organising our work in order not to repeat similar discussions over the two or three days that we spend together every month.

Let me finish with one point. Someone raised a very specific point on support to Jordan in relation to trade. Let me say that we discussed this at length yesterday with Nasser Judeh, the Foreign Minister of Jordan, in a bilateral meeting and with the Foreign Affairs Council. I had the honour and the pleasure to discuss this with Her Majesty the Queen of Jordan last week in Brussels. This is going to be a proposal that I will put forward to support Jordan not only through financial support, but also with some exceptional temporary and targeted measures to increase and facilitate their trade with the European Union.

They are developing in view of the London Conference a very creative and ambitious plan to create job opportunities together for Jordanians and Syrian refugees, which I believe is going to be extremely important to making integration of Syrian refugees in the host communities sustainable in the mid-term, in the long term, without creating a conflict in these host communities, because the perspective of hosting Syrians in large numbers for a long time in a country that is surrounded by crisis and is not rich in natural resources in any particular way might create social or economic conflicts that we need to prevent.

I hope we can count on the support of this Parliament to work in this direction as well; not only financial support, direct support, for the hosting of refugees and the protection of refugees in the case of Jordan, but also trade measures that can help Jordan in the mid-term to invest in job creation and economic investment.

I will finish here, thanking you very much for the input that is for me extremely precious for the way ahead, hoping that the way forward will be as encouraging as it has been in these last three to four months, and that we will manage, in partnership with our main friends and partners in the region and on a global level, to facilitate and move this very difficult process forward, but again, finally, I think on the right track.

 
  
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  PUHEMIES. – Keskustelu on päättynyt.

Kirjalliset lausumat (työjärjestyksen 162 artikla)

 
  
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  Νεοκλής Συλικιώτης (GUE/NGL), γραπτώς. Η κατάσταση στη Συρία βρίσκεται εκτός κάθε ελέγχου. Οι νέες φρικιαστικές ειδήσεις για εκτελέσεις 400 αμάχων από το ισλαμικό κράτος στο Ντεΐρ Εσσόρ, οι πέραν των 220000 νεκρών του πολέμου από το 2011 και οι 4 εκατομμύρια πρόσφυγες που δημιουργήθηκαν από τότε είναι ένα βαρύ τίμημα που πληρώνει ο Συριακός λαός. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση παίζει έναν υποκριτικό ρόλο στηρίζοντας τις ΗΠΑ στην ανάφλεξη του πολέμου και γυρίζοντας την πλάτη στους πρόσφυγες που αιτούνται ασύλου στα εδάφη της. Μέχρι στιγμής, πέραν των 310000 Σύριων έχουν ζητήσει άσυλο στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, και οι κυβερνήσεις ορισμένων κρατών μελών ανησυχούν κατά πόσο αυτοί οι άνθρωποι είναι Χριστιανοί ή τους γδύνουν από τα λίγα τιμαλφή που κατάφεραν να φέρουν μαζί τους για να επιχορηγήσουν δήθεν την στέγαση τους. Φτάνει η υποκρισία. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να σταματήσει άμεσα να γίνεται ουραγός της εξωτερικής πολιτικής της ΗΠΑ και πρέπει να στηρίξει έμπρακτα την ειρήνευση της περιοχής. Ως Αριστερά, βρισκόμαστε στο πλευρό των προσφύγων αλλά και του Συριακού λαού, στηριγμένοι στις αρχές μας της αλληλεγγύης των λαών.

 
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